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THE 


[39] 


HENRY    FROWDE 


OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS  WAREHOUSE 
AMEN  CORNER,  E.G. 


THE 


SACRED  BOOKS  OF  THE  EAST 


TRANSLATED 


BY  VARIOUS  ORIENTAL  SCHOLARS 


AND    EDITED    BY 


F.   MAX    MtJLLER 


VOL.    XXXIX  « 


AT     THE     CLARENDON     PRESS 
1891 

[All  rights  reserved '] 


f.. 


S3 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 


PREFACE xi 

INTRODUCTION. 

CHAP. 

I.  WAS  TAOISM  OLDER  THAN  LAo-jzE?  i 
Three  Religions  in  China.     Peculiarity  of  the  Tao  Teh  King. 

II.  THE  TEXTS  OF  THE  TAO  TEH  /TING  AND  A'WANG-JZE 

SHU,  AS  REGARDS  THEIR  AUTHENTICITY  AND  GENUINE- 
NESS, AND  THE  ARRANGEMENT  OF   THEM        ...          4 

i.  The  Tao  Teh  A'ing.  The  evidence  of  Sze-ma  A7rien,  the 
historian  ;  of  Lieh-^ze,  Han  Fei-jze,  and  other  Taoist  writers ; 
and  of  Pan  Ku.  The  Catalogue  of  the  Imperial  Library  of 
Han ;  and  that  of  the  Sui  dynasty.  The  Commentaries  of 
'the  old  man  of  the  Ho-side,'  and  of  Wang  Pi.  Division 
into  Parts  and  Chapters,  and  number  of  Characters  in  the  Text. 

ii.  The  Writings  of  A'wang-jze.  Importance  to  Taoism  of 
those  Writings.  The  division  of  the  Books  into  three  Parts. 
Their  general  Title  and  its  meaning. 

III.  WHAT  is  THE  MEANING  OF  THE  NAME  TAO?  AND  THE 

CHIEF  POINTS  OF  BELIEF   IN  TAOISM  .          .          .  .12 

Meaning  of  the  name.  Usage  of  the  term  Thien.  Peculiar 
usage  of  it  by  A"wang-gze.  Mr.  Giles's  view  that  the  name 
'  God '  is  the  equivalent  of  Thien.  Relation  of  the  Tao  to  the 
name  Ti.  No  idea  of  Creation-proper  in  Taoism.  Man  is 
composed  of  body  and  spirit.  That  the  cultivation  of  the 
Tao  promotes  longevity.  Startling  results  of  the  Tao;  and 
how  It  proceeds  by  contraries.  The  paradisiacal  state.  The 
decay  of  Taoism  before  the  growth  of  knowledge.  The  moral 
and  practical  teachings  of  Lao-gze.  Humility ;  his  three  Jewels  ; 
that  good  is  to  be  returned  for  evil. 

IV.  ACCOUNTS    OF    LAo-jZE   AND    A^VANG-JZE   GIVEN   BY 

SZE-MA  KHIW 33 

V.  ON  THE  TRACTATE  OF  ACTIONS  AND  THEIR  RETRIBUTIONS      38 

Peculiar  style  and  nature  of  the  Treatise.    Its  date.    Meaning 
of  the  Title.     Was  the  old  Taoism  a  Religion  ?    The 
family.     Influence  of  Buddhism  on  Taoism. 


X  CONTENTS. 


BOOK  pAGE 

XII.  v.     Thien  Ti,  or  Heaven  and  Earth 307 

XIII.  vi.  Thien  Tao,  or  the  Way  of  Heaven        .        .        .        .330 

XIV.  vii.  Thien  Yiin,  or  the  Revolution  of  Heaven      .        .        .345 
XV.  viii.  Kho  1,  or  Ingrained  Ideas 363 

XVI.  ix.  Shan  Hsing,  or  Correcting  the  Nature.        .        .        .368 

XVII.  x.  Khm  Shui,  or  the  Floods  of  Autumn    .        .        .        .374 


Transliteration  of  Oriental  Alphabets  adopted  for  the  Transla- 
tions of  the  Sacred  Books  of  the  East 393 


PREFACE. 

IN  the  Preface  to  the  third  volume  of  these  'Sacred 
Books  of  the  East'  (1879),  I  stated  that  I  proposed  giving 
in  due  course,  in  order  to  exhibit  the  System  of  Taoism, 
translations  of  the  Tao  Teh  King  by  Lao-jze  (sixth 
century  B.C.),  the  Writings  of  ATwang-jze  (between  the 
middle  of  the  fourth  and  third  centuries  B.C.),  and  the 
Treatise  of 'Actions  and  their  Retributions' (of  our 
eleventh  century) ;  and  perhaps  also  of  one  or  more  of  the 
other  characteristic  Productions  of  the  System. 

The  two  volumes  now  submitted  to  the  reader  are  a 
fulfilment  of  the  promise  made  so  long  ago.  They  contain 
versions  of  the  Three  Works  which  were  specified,  and,  in 
addition,  as  Appendixes,  four  other  shorter  Treatises  of 
Taoism  ;  Analyses  of  several  of  the  Books  of  ^Twang-jze  by 
Lin  Hsi-^ung  ;  a  list  of  the  stories  which  form  so  important 
a  part  of  those  Books ;  two  Essays  by  two  of  the  greatest 
Scholars  of  China,  written  the  one  in  A.D.  586  and  illus- 
trating the  Taoistic  beliefs  of  that  age,  and  the  other  in 
A.D.  1078  and  dealing  with  the  four  Books  of  ^wang-jze, 
whose  genuineness  is  frequently  called  in  question.  The 
concluding  Index  is  confined  very  much  to  Proper  Names. 
For  Subjects  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  Tables  of 
Contents,  the  Introduction  to  the  Books  of  TsTwang-jze 
(vol.  xxxix,  pp.  127-163),  and  the  Introductory  Notes  to 
the  various  Appendixes. 

The  Treatise  of  Actions  and  their  Retributions 
exhibits  to  us  the  Taoism  of  the  eleventh  century  in 
its  moral  or  ethical  aspects ;  in  the  two  earlier  Works 
we  see  it  rather  as  a  philosophical  speculation  than  as  a 
religion  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  that  term.  It  was  not 
till  after  the  introduction  of  Buddhism  into  China  in  our 
first  century  that  Taoism  began  to  organise  itself  as  a 


xii 


PREFACE. 


Religion,  having  its  monasteries  and  nunneries,  its  images 
and  rituals.  While  it  did  so,  it  maintained  the  super- 
stitions peculiar  to  itself: — some,  like  the  cultivation  of  the 
Tao  as  a  rule  of  life  favourable  to  longevity,  come  down 
from  the  earliest  times,  and  others  which  grew  up 
during  the  decay  of  the  A^au  dynasty,  and  subsequently 
blossomed; — now  in  Mystical  Speculation;  now  in  the 
pursuits  of  Alchemy;  now  in  the  search  for  the  pills  of 
Immortality  and  the  Elixir  vitae;  now  in  Astrological 
fancies ;  now  in  visions  of  Spirits  and  in  Magical  arts  to 
control  them  ;  and  finally  in  the  terrors  of  its  Purgatory 
and  everlasting  Hell.  Its  phases  have  been  continually 
changing,  and  at  present  it  attracts  our  notice  more  as  a 
degraded  adjunct  of  Buddhism  than  as  a  development  of 
the  speculations  of  Lao-jze  and  ^Twang-jze.  Up  to  its  con- 
tact with  Buddhism,  it  subsisted  as  an  opposition  to  the 
Confucian  system,  which,  while  admitting  the  existence  and 
rule  of  the  Supreme  Being,  bases  its  teachings  on  the  study 
of  man's  nature  and  the  enforcement  of  the  duties  binding 
on  all  men  from  the  moral  and  social  principles  of  their 
constitution. 

It  is  only  during  the  present  century  that  the  Texts 
of  Taoism  have  begun  to  receive  the  attention  which 
they  deserve.  Christianity  was  introduced  into  China 
by  Nestorian  missionaries  in  the  seventh  century ;  and 
from  the  Hsi-an  monument,  which  was  erected  by 
their  successors  in  781,  nearly  150  years  after  their  first 
entrance,  we  perceive  that  they  were  as  familiar  with  the 
books  of  Lao-$ze  and  TTwang-jze  as  with  the  Confucian 
literature  of  the  empire,  but  that  monument  is  the  only 
memorial  of  them  that  remains.  In  the  thirteenth  century 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church  sent  its  earliest  missionaries 
to  China,  but  we  hardly  know  anything  of  their  literary 
labours. 

The  great  Romish  missions  which  continue  to  the  present 
day  began  towards  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century ;  and 
there  exists  now  in  the  India  Office  a  translation  of  the 
Tao  Teh  King  m  Latin,  which  was  brought  to  England 


PREFACE.  Xlll 

by  a  Mr.  Matthew  Raper,  and  presented  by  him  to  the 
Royal  Society,  of  which  he  was  a  Fellow,  on  January  loth,  \j 
1788.  The  manuscript  is  in  excellent  preservation,  but  we 
do  not  know  by  whom  the  version  was  made.  It  was  pre- 
sented, as  stated  in  the  Introduction,  p.  12,  to  Mr.  Raper 
by  P.  de  Grammont, '  Missionarius  Apostolicus,  ex-Jesuita.' 
The  chief  object  of  the  translator  or  translators  was  to  ' 
show  that  'the  Mysteries  of  the  Most  Holy  Trinity  and 
of  the  Incarnate  God  were  anciently  known  to  the  Chinese 
nation.'  The  version  as  a  whole  is  of  little  value.  The 
reader  will  find,  on  pp.  115,  116,  its  explanation  of  Lao's 
seventy-second  chapter; — the  first  morsel  of  it  that  has 
appeared  in  print. 

Protestant  missions  to  China  commenced  in  1807  ;  but  it 
was  not  till  1868  that  the  Rev.  Dr.  Chalmers,  a  member  of 
one  of  them,  published  his  '  Speculations  on  Metaphysics, 
Polity,  and  Morality  of  "  The  Old  Philosopher,"  Lao-Tsze.' 
Meanwhile,  Abel  Remusat  had  aroused  the  curiosity  of 
scholars  throughout  Europe,  in  1823,  by  his  'Memoir  on  - 
the  Life  and  Opinions  of  Lao-Tseu,  a  Chinese  Philosopher 
of  the  sixth  century  before  our  era,  who  professed  the 
opinions  commonly  attributed  to  Pythagoras,  to  Plato,  and 
to  their  disciples.'  Remusat  was  followed  by  one  who  had 
received  from  him  his  first  lessons  in  Chinese,  and  had  be- 
come a  truly  great  Chinese  scholar, — the  late  Stanislas  Julien. 
He  published  in  1842  'a  complete  translation  for  the  first 
time  of  this  memorable  Work,  which  is  regarded  with 
reason  as  the  most  profound,  the  most  abstract,  and  the 
most  difficult  of  all  Chinese  Literature.'  Dr.  Chalmers's 
translation  was  also  complete,  but  his  comments,  whether 
original  or  from  Chinese  sources,  were  much  fewer  than 
those  supplied  by  Julien.  Two  years  later,  two  German  l 
versions  of  the  Treatise  were  published  at  Leipzig ; — by 
Reinhold  von  Planckner  and  Victor  von  Strauss,  differing 
much  from  each  other,  but  both  marked  by  originality  and 
ability. 

I  undertook  myself,  as  stated  above,  in  1879  to  translate 
for  '  The  Sacred  Books  of  the  East '  the  Texts  of  Taoism 


XIV  PREFACE. 

which  appear  in  these  volumes ;  and,  as  I  could  find  time 
from  my  labours  on  '  The  Texts  of  Confucianism,'  I  had 
written  out  more  than  one  version  of  Lao's  work  by  the  end 
of  1880.  Though  not  satisfied  with  the  result,  I  felt  justified 
in  exhibiting  my  general  views  of  it  in  an  article  in  the 
British  Quarterly  Review  of  July,  1883. 

In  1884  Mr.  F.  H.  Balfour  published  at  Shanghai  a  ver- 
sion of  '  Taoist  Texts,  Ethical,  Political,  and  Speculative.' 
His  Texts  were  ten  in  all,  the  Tao  Teh  /Ting  being  the 
first  and  longest  of  them.  His  version  of  this  differed  in 
many  points  from  all  previous  versions ;  and  Mr.  H.  A. 
Giles,  of  H.  M.'s  Consular  Service  in  China,  vehemently 
assailed  it  and  also  Dr.  Chalmers's  translation,  in  the 
China  Review  for  March  and  April,  1886.  Mr.  Giles, 
indeed,  occasionally  launched  a  shaft  also  at  Julien  and 
myself;  but  his  main  object  in  his  article  was  to  discredit 
the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the  Tao  Teh  A"ing 
itself.  '  The  work,'  he  says,  '  is  undoubtedly  a  forgery.  It 
contains,  indeed,  much  that  Lao  Tzu  did  say,  but  more 
that  he  did  not.'  I  replied,  so  far  as  was  necessary,  to 
Mr.  Giles  in  the  same  Review  for  January  and  February, 
1888  ;  and  a  brief  summary  of  my  reply  is  given  in  the 
second  chapter  of  the  Introduction  in  this  volume.  My 
confidence  has  never  been  shaken  for  a  moment  in  the 
Tao  Teh  ATing  as  a  genuine  relic  of  Lao-jze,  one  of  the 
most  original  minds  of  the  Chinese  race. 

In  preparing  the  version  now  published,  I  have  used : — 
First, '  The  Complete  Works  of  the  Ten  Philosophers  ; ' — 
a  Su-Mu  reprint  in  1804  of  the  best  editions  of  the  Philo- 
sophers, nearly  all  belonging  more  or  less  to  the  Taoist  school, 
included  in  it.  It  is  a  fine  specimen  of  Chinese  printing, 
clear  and  accurate.  The  Treatise  of  Lao-jze  of  course 
occupies  the  first  place,  as  edited  by  Kwei  Yu-kwang 
(better  known  as  Kwei  /sfan-shan)  of  the  Ming  dynasty. 
The  Text  and  Commentary  are  those  of  Ho-shang  Kung 
(Introd.,  p.  7),  along  with  the  division  of  the  whole  into 
Parts  and  eighty-one  chapters,  and  the  titles  of  the  several 
chapters,  all  attributed  to  him.  Along  the  top  of  the  page, 


PREFACE.  XV 

there  is  a  large  collection  of  notes  from  celebrated  com- 
mentators and  writers  down  to  the  editor  himself. 

Second,  the  Text  and  Commentary  of  Wang  Pi  (called 
also  Fu-sze),  who  died  A.D.  249,  at  the  early  age  of  twenty- 
four.  See  Introduction,  p.  8. 

Third,  'Helps  (lit.  Wings)  to  Lao-jze;'  by  ^lao  Hung 
(called  also  Zao-hau),  and  prefaced  by  him  in  1587.  This 
is  what  Julien  calls  '  the  most  extensive  and  most  important 
contribution  to  the  understanding  of  Lao-jze,  which  we  yet 
possess.'  Its  contents  are  selected  from  the  ablest  writings 
on  the  Treatise  from  Han  Fei  (Introd.,  p.  5)  downwards, 
closing  in  many  chapters  with  the  notes  made  by  the  com- 
piler himself  in  the  course  of  his  studies.  Altogether  the 
book  sets  before  us  the  substance  of  the  views  of  sixty-four 
writers  on  our  short  ^Ting.  Julien  took  the  trouble  to 
analyse  the  list  of  them,  and  found  it  composed  of  three 
emperors,  twenty  professed  Taoists,  seven  Buddhists,  and 
thirty-four  Confucianists  or  members  of  the  Literati.  He 
says,  '  These  last  constantly  explain  Lao-^ze  according  to 
the  ideas  peculiar  to  the  School  of  Confucius,  at  the  risk  of 
misrepresenting  him,  and  with  the  express  intention  of 
throttling  his  system ; '  then  adding,  '  The  commentaries 
written  in  such  a  spirit  have  no  interest  for  persons  who 
wish  to  enter  fully  into  the  thought  of  Lao-jze,  and  obtain 
a  just  idea  of  his  doctrine.  I  have  thought  it  useless, 
therefore,  to  specify  the  names  of  such  commentaries  and 
their  authors." 

I  have  quoted  these  sentences  of  Julien,  because  of  a 
charge  brought  by  Mr.  Balfour,  in  a  prefatory  note  to  his 
own  version  of  the  Tao  Teh  ^ing,  against  him  and  other 
translators.  '  One  prime  defect,'  he  says,  though  with  some 
hesitation,  '  lies  at  the  root  of  every  translation  that  has 
been  published  hitherto ;  and  this  is,  that  not  one  seems 
to  have  been  based  solely  and  entirely  on  commentaries 
furnished  by  members  of  the  Taoist  school.  The  Con- 
fucian element  enters  largely  into  all ;  and  here,  I  think,  an 
injustice  has  been  done  to  Lao-jze.  To  a  Confucianist  the 
Taoist  system  is  in  every  sense  of  the  word  a  heresy,  and 


XVI  PREFACE. 

a  commentator  holding  this  opinion  is  surely  not  the  best 
expositor.  It  is  as  a  Grammarian  rather  than  as  a  Philo- 
sopher that  a  member  of  the  Ju  Chia  deals  with  the  Tao 
Teh  King  ;  he  gives  the  sense  of  a  passage  according  to 
the  syntactical  construction  rather  than  according  to  the 
genius  of  the  philosophy  itself;  and  in  attempting  to  ex- 
plain the  text  by  his  own  canons,  instead  of  by  the  canons  of 
Taoism,  he  mistakes  the  superficial  and  apparently  obvious 
meaning  for  the  hidden  and  esoteric  interpretation.' 

Mr.  Balfour  will  hardly  repeat  his  charge  of  imperfect  or 
erroneous  interpretation  against  Julien  ;  and  I  believe  that  it 
is  equally  undeserved  by  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  other  trans- 
lators against  whom  it  is  directed.  He  himself  adopted  as 
his  guide  the  '  Explanations  of  the  Tao  Teh  ATing,'  current 
as  the  work  of  Lii  Yen  (called  also  Lii  3U5  Lii  Tung-pin,  and 
Lii  .Oiun-yang),  a  Taoist  of  the  eighth  century.  Through 
Mr.  Balfour' s  kindness  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of  ex- 
amining this  edition  of  Lao's  Treatise  ;  and  I  am  com- 
pelled to  agree  with  the  very  unfavourable  judgment  on  it 
pronounced  by  Mr.  Giles  as  both  '  spurious '  and  '  ridiculous.' 
All  that  we  are  told  of  Lii  Yen  is  very  suspicious  ;  much  of 
it  evidently  false.  The  editions  of  our  little  book  ascribed 
to  him  are  many.  I  have  feu*  more  than  twenty  years 
possessed  one  with  the  title  of  'The  Meaning  of  the  Tao 
Teh  King  Explained  by  the  TRUE  Man  of  AV/un-yang,' 
being  a  reprint  of  1690,  and  as  different  as  possible  from 
the  work  patronised  by  Mr.  Balfour. 

Fourth,  the  Thai  Shang  H  wun  Hsiian  Tao  Teh  ^Tan 
A'ing, — a  work  of  the  present  dynasty,  published  at  Shang- 
hai, but  when  produced  I  do  not  know.  It  is  certainly  of 
the  Lii  3"  type,  and  is  worth  purchasing  as  one  of  the 
finest  specimens  of  block-printing.  It  professes  to  be  the 
production  of  '  The  Immortals  of  the  Eight  Grottoes,'  each 
of  whom  is  styled  '  a  Divine  Ruler  (Ti  Kun).'  The  eighty- 
one  chapters  are  equally  divided  for  commentary  among 
them, excepting  that  'the  Divine  Ruler,  the  Universal  Refiner,' 
has  the  last  eleven  assigned  to  him.  The  Text  is  every- 
where broken  up  into  short  clauses,  which  are  explained  in 


PREFACE.  XVI 1 

a  very  few  characters  by  '  God,  the  True  Helper,'  the  same, 
I  suppose,  who  is  also  styled,  '  The  Divine  Ruler,  the  True 
Helper,'  and  comments  at  length  on  chapters  31  to  40. 
I  mention  these  particulars  as  an  illustration  of  how  the 
ancient  Taoism  has  become  polytheistic  and  absurd.  The 
name  '  God,  the  True  Helper,'  is  a  title,  I  imagine,  given  to 
Lii  3U-  With  all  this  nonsense,  the  composite  commentary  is 
a  good  one,  the  work,  evidently,  of  one  hand.  One  of  several 
recommendatory  Prefaces  is  ascribed  to  Wan  AT/zang,  the 
god  of  Literature  ;  and  he  specially  praises  the  work,  as 
'  explaining  the  meaning  by  examination  of  the  Text.' 

Fifth,  a  '  Collection  of  the  Most  Important  Treatises  of 
the  Taoist  Fathers  (Tao  3u  Kan  Kwan  K\  Yao).'  This 
was  reprinted  in  1877  at  AVzang-,£au  in  ATiang-su  ;  begin- 
ning with  the  Tao  Teh  ATing,  and  ending  with  the  Kan 
Ying  Phien.  Between  these  there  are  fourteen  other 
Treatises,  mostly  short,  five  of  them  being  among  Mr.  Bal- 
four's  '  Taoist  Texts.'  The  Collection  was  edited  by  a  Lu 
Yii ;  and  the  Commentary  selected  by  him,  in  all  but  the 
last  Treatise,  was  by  a  Li  Hsi-yueh,  who  appears  to  have 
been  a  recluse  in  a  monastery  on  a  mountain  in  the  depart- 
ment of  Pao-ning,  Sze-^wan,  if,  indeed,  what  is  said  of 
him  be  not  entirely  fabulous. 

Sixth,  the  Commentary  on  the  Tao  Teh  ./Ting,  by 
Wu  K/iang  (A.D.  1249-1333)  of  Lin  Kkwa.n.  This  has 
been  of  the  highest  service  to  me.  Wu  Kkfmg  was  the 
greatest  of  the  Yuan  scholars.  He  is  one  of  the  Literati 
quoted  from  occasionally  by  3iao  Hung  in  his  '  Wings ; ' 
but  by  no  means  so  extensively  as  Julien  supposes  (Obser- 
vations Detachees,  p.  xli).  My  own  copy  of  his  work  is  in 
the  1 2th  Section  of  the  large  Collection  of  the  'Yiieh-ya 
Hall,'  published  in  1853.  Writing  of  Wu  AT^ang  in  1865 
(Proleg.  to  the  Shu,  p.  36),  I  said  that  he  was  '  a  bold 
thinker  and  a  daring  critic,  handling  his  text  with  a  freedom 
which  I  had  not  seen  in  any  other  Chinese  scholar.'  The 
subsequent  study  of  his  writings  has  confirmed  me  in  this 
opinion  of  him.  Perhaps  he  might  be  characterised  as  an 
independent,  rather  than  as  a  bold,  thinker,  and  the  daring 
[39]  b 


XV111  PREFACE. 

of  his  criticism  must  not  be  supposed  to  be  without  caution. 
(See  Introd.,  p.  9.) 

The  Writings  of  /ifwang-jze  have  been  studied  by 
foreigners  still  less  than  the  Treatise  of  Lao-^ze.  When 
I  undertook  in  1879  to  translate  them,  no  version  of  them 
had  been  published.  In  1881,  however,  there  appeared  at 
Shanghai  Mr.  Balfour's  'The  Divine  Classic  of  Nan-hua 
(Introd.,  pp.  n,  12),  being  the  Works  of  Chuang  Tsze, 
Taoist  Philosopher.'  It  was  a  '  bold '  undertaking  in 
Mr.  Balfour  thus  to  commence  his  translations  of  Chinese 
Books  with  one  of  the  most  difficult  of  them.  I  fancy  that  he 
was  himself  convinced  of  this,  and  that  his  undertaking  had 
been  'too  bold,'  by  the  criticism  to  which  his  work  was 
subjected  in  the  China  Review  by  Mr.  Giles.  Never- 
theless, it  was  no  small  achievement  to  be  the  first  to 
endeavour  to  lift  up  the  veil  from  ATwang-jze.  Even  a  first 
translation,  though  imperfect,  is  not  without  benefit  to 
others  who  come  after,  and  are  able  to  do  better.  In 
preparing  the  draft  of  my  own  version,  which  draft  was 
finished  in  April,  1887,  I  made  frequent  reference  to  the 
volume  of  Mr.  Balfour. 

Having  exposed  the  errors  of  Mr.  Balfour,  Mr.  Giles 
proceeded  to  make  aversion  rf  his  own,  which  was  pub- 
lished last  year  in  London,  with  the  title  of  '  CHUANG  Tztr, 
Mystic,  Moralist,  and  Social  Reformer.'  It  was  not, 
however,  till  I  was  well  through  with  the  revision  of  my 
draft  version,  that  I  supplied  myself  with  a  copy  of  his 
volume.  I  did  not  doubt  that  Mr.  Giles's  translation 
would  be  well  and  tersely  done,  and  I  preferred  to  do 
my  own  work  independently  and  without  the  help  which 
he  would  have  afforded  me.  In  carrying  my  sheets  through 
the  press,  I  have  often  paused  over  my  rendering  of  a  passage 
to  compare  it  with  his  ;  and  I  have  pleasure  in  acknowledging 
the  merits  of  his  version.  The  careful  and  competent  reader 
will  see  and  form  his  own  judgment  on  passages  and  points 
where  we  differ. 

Before   describing  the  editions  of  ^Twang-jze  which  I 


PREFACE.  XIX 

have  consulted,  I  must  not  omit  to  mention  Professor 
Gabelentz's  '  Treatise  on  the  Speech  or  Style  of  -ATwang- jze,' 
as  'a  Contribution  to  Chinese  Grammar,'  published  at 
Leipzig  in  1888.  It  has  been  a  satisfaction  to  me  to  find 
myself  on  almost  every  point  of  usage  in  agreement  with 
the  views  of  so  able  a  Chinese  scholar. 

The  works  which  I  employed  in  preparing  my  version 
have  been:— 

First,  '  The  True  AHng  of  Nan-hwa,'  in  '  The  Complete 
Works  of  the  Ten  Philosophers,'  which  has  been  described 
above.  The  Commentary  which  it  supplies  is  that  of  Kwo 
Hsiang  (Introd.,  pp.  9, 10),  with  '  The  Sounds  and  Meanings 
of  the  Characters'  from  Lu  Teh  Ming's  'Explanations  of 
the  Terms  and  Phrases  of  the  Classics,'  of  our  seventh 
century.  As  in  the  case  of  the  Tao  Teh  King,  the  Ming 
editor  has  introduced  at  the  top  of  his  pages  a  selection  of 
comments  and  notes  from  a  great  variety  of  scholars  down 
to  his  own  time. 

Second,  '  Helps  (Wings)  to  A'wang-jze  by  3iao  Hung,' — 
a  kindred  work  to  the  one  with  a  similar  title  on  Lao-jze ; 
by  the  same  author,  and  prefaced  by  him  in  1588.  The 
two  works  are  constructed  on  the  same  lines.  3^°  draws 
his  materials  from  forty-eight  authorities,  from  Kwo  Hsiang 
to  himself.  He  divides  the  several  Books  also  into  para- 
graphs, more  or  fewer  according  to  their  length,  and  the 
variety  of  subjects  in  them  ;  and  my  version  follows  him 
in  this  lead  with  little  or  no  change.  He  has  two  con- 
cluding Books ;  the  one  containing  a  collation  of  various 
readings,  and  the  other  a  collection  of  articles  on  the 
history  and  genius  of  ^Twang-jze,  and  different  passages 
of  his  Text. 

Third,  the  A'wang-jze  Hsu  eh  or  '  .ATwang-jze  made 
like  Snow,'  equivalent  to  our  'ATwang-jze  Elucidated;'  by 
a  Lu  Shu-^ih  of  Canton  province,  written  in  1796.  The 
different  Books  are  preceded  by  a  short  summary  of  their 
subject-matter.  The  work  goes  far  to  fulfil  the  promise  of 
its  title. 

Fourth,  ATwang-jze  Yin,  meaning  'The  Train  of 

b  2 


XX  PREFACE. 

Thought  in  ^Twang-jze  Traced  in  its  Phraseology.'  My 
copy  is  a  reprint,  in  1880,  of  the  Commentary  of  Lin 
Hsi-^ung,  who  lived  from  the  Ming  into  the  present 
dynasty,  under  the  editorship  of  a  Lu  A"M-wang  of  ATiang- 
su  province.  The  style  is  clear  and  elegant,  but  rather 
more  concise  than  that  of  the  preceding  work.  It  leaves 
out  the  four  disputed  Books  (XXVIII  to  XXXI) ;  but  all 
the  others  are  followed  by  an  elaborate  discussion  of  their 
scope  and  plan. 

Fifth,  '  The  Nan-hwa  Classic  of  -S'wang-jze  Explained,' 
published  in  1621,  by  a  Hslian  Ying  or  3ung  (j|L  ^^» 
jit  JtfM  '  the  name  is  printed  throughout  the  book,  now 
in  one  of  these  ways,  now  in  the  other),  called  also 
Mau-kung.  The  commentary  is  carefully  executed  and 
ingenious ;  but  my  copy  of  the  book  is  so  incorrectly 
printed  that  it  can  only  be  used  with  caution.  Mr.  Balfour 
appears  to  have  made  his  version  mainly  from  the  same 
edition  of  the  work ;  and  some  of  his  grossest  errors 
pointed  out  by  Mr.  Giles  arose  from  his  accepting  without 
question  the  misprints  of  his  authority. 

Sixth,  '  Independent  Views  of  .ATwang-jze  (^£  -?•  J$j$ 
; ' — by  Hu  Wan-ying,  published  in  1 75 1 .  Occasionally, 
the  writer  pauses  over  a  passage,  which,  he  thinks,  has  defied 
all  preceding  students,  and  suggests  the  right  explanation 
of  it,  or  leaves  it  as  inexplicable. 

It  only  remains  for  me  to  refer  to  the  Repertories  of 
'  Elegant  Extracts,'  called  by  the  Chinese  Ku  Wan,  which 
abound  in  their  literature,  and  where  the  masterpieces  of 
composition  are  elucidated  with  more  or  less  of  critical 
detail  and  paraphrase.  I  have  consulted  nearly  a  dozen  of 
these  collections,  and  would  mention  my  indebtedness 
especially  to  that  called  Mei  A^wan,  which  discusses 
passages  from  twelve  of  ^Twang-^ze's  books. 

When  consulting  the  editions  of  Lin  Hsi-^ung  and  Lu 
Shu-^ih,  the  reader  is  surprised  by  the  frequency  with 
which  they  refer  to  the  '  old  explanations '  as  '  incomplete 
and  unsatisfactory,'  often  as  '  absurd,'  or  c  ridiculous,'  and  he 


PREFACE.  XXI 

finds  on  examination  that  they  do  not  so  express  themselves 
without  reason.  He  is  soon  convinced  that  the  transla- 
tion of  AVang-^ze  calls  for  the  exercise  of  one's  individual 
judgment,  and  the  employment  of  every  method  akin  to 
the  critical  processes  by  which  the  meaning  in  the  books  of 
other  languages  is  determined.  It  was  the  perception  of 
this  which  made  me  prepare  in  the  first  place  a  draft 
version  to  familiarise  myself  with  the  peculiar  style  and 
eccentric  thought  of  the  author. 

From  /Twang-jze  to  the  Tractate  of '  Actions  and  their 
Retributions '  the  transition  is  great.  Translation  in  the 
latter  case  is  as  easy  as  it  is  difficult  in  the  former.  It 
was  Remusat  who  in  1816  called  attention  to  the  Kan 
Ying  Phien  in  Europe,  as  he  did  to  the  Tao  Teh  King 
seven  years  later,  and  he  translated  the  Text  of  it  with 
a  few  Notes  and  Illustrative  Anecdotes.  In  1828  Klaproth 
published  a  translation  of  it  from  the  Man-ch.au  version  ; 
and  in  1830  a  translation  in  English  appeared  in  the 
Canton  Register,  a  newspaper  published  at  Macao.  In 
1828  Julien  published  what  has  since  been  the  standard 
version  of  it ;  with  an  immense  amount  of  additional 
matter  under  the  title — 'Le  Livre  Des  Recompenses 
et  Des  Peines,  en  Chinois  et  en  Fran9ais;  Ac- 
compagne  de  quatre  cent  Legendes,  Anecdotes 
et  Histoires,  qui  font  connaitre  les  Doctrines,  les 
Croyances  et  les  Mceurs  de  la  Secte  des  Tao-sse.' 

In  writing  out  my  own  version  I  have  had  before  me : — 

First,  'The  Thai  Shang  Kan  Ying  Phien,  with 
Plates  and  the  Description  of  them;'  a  popular 
edition,  as  profusely  furnished  with  anecdotes  and  stories 
as  Julien's  original,  and  all  pictorially  illustrated.  The 
notes,  comments,  and  corresponding  sentences  from  the 
Confucian  Classics  are  also  abundant. 

Second,  'The  Thai  Shang  Kan  Ying  Phien,  with 
explanations  collected  from  the  Classics  and  Histories  ; ' — 
a  Cantonese  reprint  of  an  edition  prepared  in  the  AVzien- 
lung  reign  by  a  Hsia  ATiu-hsia. 


XX11  PREFACE. 

Third,  the  edition  in  the  Collection  of  Taoist  Texts 
described  above  on  p.  xvii;  by  Hsu  Hsiu-teh.  It  is 
decidedly  Taoistic ;  but  without  stories  or  pictures. 

Fourth,  'The  Thai  Shang  Kan  Ying  Phien  AT  ft;'  by 
Hui  Tung,  of  the  present  dynasty.  The  Work  follows  the 
Commentary  of  Wu  K/tang  on  the  Tao  Teh  A^ ing  in  the 
Collection  of  the  Yiieh-ya  Hall.  The  preface  of  the  author 
is  dated  in  1749-  The  Commentary,  he  tells  us,  was  written 
in  consequence  of  a  vow,  when  his  mother  was  ill,  and  he 
was  praying  for  her  recovery.  It  contains  many  extracts 
I  from  Ko  Hung  (Introduction,  p.  5,  note),  to  whom  he 
always  refers  by  his  nom  de  plume  of  Pao-phoh  $ze, 
or  '  Maintainer  of  Simplicity.'  He  considers  indeed  this 
Tractate  to  have  originated  from  him. 

I  have  thus  set  forth  all  that  is  necessary  to  be  said  here  by 
way  of  preface.  For  various  information  about  the  Treatises 
comprised  in  the  Appendixes,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the 
preliminary  notes,  which  precede  the  translation  of  most  of 
them.  I  have  often  sorely  missed  the  presence  of  a  competent 
native  scholar  who  would  have  assisted  me  in  the  quest  of 
references,  and  in  talking  over  difficult  passages.  Such  a 
helper  would  have  saved  me  much  time ;  but  the  result, 
I  think,  would  scarcely  have  appeared  in  any  great  alteration 
of  my  versions. 

J.L. 
OXFORD, 

December  20,  1890. 


THE  TEXTS   OF   TAOISM. 


THE  TEXTS   OF  TAOISM. 


INTRODUCTION. 
CHAPTER  I. 

WAS  TAOISM   OLDER   THAN   LAO-3ZE? 

I.  In  writing  the  preface  to  the  third  volume  of  these  // 
Sacred  Books  of  the  East  in  1879,  I  referred  to  Lao-jze  as 
'  the  acknowledged  founder '  of  the  system  of  Taoism.    Pro- 
longed study  and  research,  however,  have  brought  me  to 
the  conclusion  that  there  was  a  Taoism  earlier  than  his ;  "' 
and  that  before  he  wrote  his  Tao  Teh  -/Hng,  the  princi- 
ples taught  in  it  had  been  promulgated,  and  the  ordering 
of  human  conduct   and   government   flowing  from   them 
inculcated. 

For  more  than  a  thousand  years  'the  Three  Religions' 
Three  Religions  has   been    a    stereotyped    phrase   in    China, 

in  China.  meaning  what  we  call  Confucianism,  Taoism,* 
and  Buddhism.  The  phrase  itself  simply  means  '  the 
Three  Teachings,'  or  systems  of  instruction,  leaving  the 
subject-matter  of  each  'Teaching'  to  be  learned  by  inquiry. 
Of  the  three,  Buddhism  is  of  course  the  most  recent,  having  ; 
been  introduced  into  China  only  in  the  first  century  of  our 
Christian  era.  Both  the  others  were  indigenous  to  the 
country,  and  are  traceable  to  a  much  greater  antiquity,  so 
that  it  is  a  question  to  which  the  earlier  origin  should  be 
assigned.  The  years  of  Confucius's  life  lay  between  B.C. 
551  and  478  ;  but  his  own  acknowledgment  that  he  was 
'  a  transmitter  and  not  a  maker,'  and  the  testimony  of  his 
grandson,  that  '  he  handed  down  the  doctrines  of  Yao  and 
Shun  (B.C.  2300),  and  elegantly  displayed  the  regulations 

[39]  B 


2  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  I. 

of  Wan  and  Wu  (B.  C.  1200),  taking  them  as  his  model,'  are 
well  known. 

2.  Lao-jze's  birth  is  said,  in  the  most  likely  account  of  it, 
to  have  taken  place  in  the  third  year  of  king  Ting  of  the 
.A"au  dynasty,  (B.  C.)  604.  He  was  thus  rather  more  than 
fifty  years  older  than  Confucius.  The  two  men  seem  to 
have  met  more  than  once,  and  I  am  inclined  to  think  that 
the  name  of  Lao-jze,  as  the  designation  of  the  other,  arose 
from  Confucius's  styling  him  to  his  disciples  'The  Old 
Philosopher.'  They  met  as  Heads  of  different  schools  or 
schemes  of  thought ;  but  did  not  touch,  so  far  as  we  know, 
on  the  comparative  antiquity  of  their  views.  It  is  a  pecu- 
liarity of  the  Tao  Teh  ATing  that  any  historical  element  in 

p  Y  • .  f  it  is  of  the  vaguest  nature  possible,  and  in  all 
the  Tao  Teh  its  chapters  there  is  not  a  single  proper  name. 
Yet  there  are  some  references  to  earlier  sages 
whose  words  the  author  was  copying  out,  and  to  '  sentence- 
makers  '  whose  maxims  he  was  introducing  to  illustrate  his 
own  sentiments 1.  In  the  most  distant  antiquity  he  saw  a 
happy  society  in  which  his  highest  ideas  of  the  Tao  were 
realised,  and  in  the  seventeenth  chapter  he  tells  us  that  in 
the  earliest  times  the  people  did  not  know  that  there  were 
their  rulers,  and  when  those  rulers  were  most  successful  in 
dealing  with  them,  simply  said,  '  We  are  what  we  are  of 
ourselves.'  Evidently,  men  existed  to  Lao-jze  at  first  in 
a  condition  of  happy  innocence, — in  what  we  must  call  a 
paradisiacal  state,  according  to  his  idea  of  what  such  a 
state  was  likely  to  be. 

When  we  turn  from  the  treatise  of  Lao-jze  to  the 
writings  of  ATwang-jze,  the  greatest  of  his  followers,  we  are 


1  The  sixth  chapter  of  Lao's  treatise,  that  about  'the  Spirit  of  the  Valley,' 
is  referred  to  in  Lieh-jze  (I,  ib),  as  being  from  Hwang  Ti,  from  which  the 
commentator  Tu  Tao-^ien  (about  A.  D.  1 300)  takes  occasion  to  say :  '  From 
which  we  know  that  Lao-jze  was  accustomed  to  quote  in  his  treatise  passages 
from  earlier  records, — as  when  he  refers  to  the  remarks  of  "  some  sage,"  of 
"  some  ancient,"  of  "  the  sentence-makers,"  and  of  "  some  writer  on  war."  In 
all  these  cases  he  is  clearly  introducing  the  words  of  earlier  wise  men.  The 
case  is  like  that  of  Confucius  when  he  said,  "I  am  a  transmitter  and  not  a 
maker,"  &c.'  Found  in  3iao  Hung,  in  loc. 


CH.  i.  INTRODUCTION. 


not  left  in  doubt  as  to  his  belief  in  an  early  state  of 
paradisiacal  Taoism.  Hwang  Ti,  the  first  year  of  whose 
reign  is  placed  in  B.C.  2697,  is  often  introduced  as  a  seeker 
of  the  Tao,  and  is  occasionally  condemned  as  having  been 
one  of  the  first  to  disturb  its  rule  in  men's  minds  and  break 
up  '  the  State  of  Perfect  Unity.'  He  mentions  several 
sovereigns  of  whom  we  can  hardly  find  a  trace  in  the 
records  of  history  as  having  ruled  in  the  primeval  period, 
and  gives  us  more  than  one  description  of  the  condition  of 
the  world  during  that  happy  time  \ 

I  do  not  think  that  A'wang-jze  had  any  historical 
evidence  for  the  statements  which  he  makes  about  those 
early  days,  the  men  who  flourished  in  them,  and  their 
ways.  His  narratives  are  for  the  most  part  fictions,  in 
which  the  names  and  incidents  are  of  his  own  devising. 
They  are  no  more  true  as  matters  of  fact  than  the  accounts 
of  the  characters  in  Bunyan's  Pilgrim's  Progress  are 
true,  with  reference  to  any  particular  individuals  ;  but  as 
these  last  are  grandly  true  of  myriads  of  minds  in  different 
ages,  so  may  we  read  in  ^Twang-jze's  stories  the  thoughts 
of  Taoistic  men  beyond  the  restrictions  of  place  and  time. 
He  believed  that  those  thoughts  were  as  old  as  the  men  to 
whom  he  attributed  them.  I  find  in  his  belief  a  ground  for 
believing  myself  that  to  Taoism,  as  well  as  to  Confucianism, 
we  ought  to  attribute  a  much  earlier  origin  than  the  famous 
men  whose  names  they  bear.  Perhaps  they  did  not  differ 
so  much  at  first  as  they  came  afterwards  to  do  in  the  hands 
of  Confucius  and  Lao-jze,  both  great  thinkers,  the  one 
more  of  a  moralist,  and  the  other  more  of  a  metaphysician. 
When  and  how,  if  they  were  ever  more  akin  than  they 
came  to  be,  their  divergence  took  place,  are  difficult  ques- 
tions on  which  it  may  be  well  to  make  some  remarks  after 
we  have  tried  to  set  forth  the  most  important  principles  of 
Taoism. 

Those  principles  have  to  be  learned  from  the  treatise  of 
Lao-jze  and  the  writings  of  -/Twang-jze.  We  can  hardly 

1  See  in  Books  IX,  X,  and  XII. 
B  2 


2  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  II. 

say  that  the  Taoism  taught  in  them  is  the  Taoism  now 
current  in  China,  or  that  has  been  current  in  it  for  many 
centuries ;  but  in  an  inquiry  into  the  nature  and  origin  of 
religions  these  are  the  authorities  that  must  be  consulted 
for  Taoism,  and  whose  evidence  must  be  accepted.  The 
treatise,  'Actions  and  the  Responses  to  them,'  will  show 
one  of  the  phases  of  it  at  a  much  later  period. 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE  TEXTS  OF  THE  TAG  TEH  KING  AND  KWAKG- 
£ZE  SHU,  AS  REGARDS  THEIR  AUTHENTICITY  AND 
GENUINENESS,  AND  THE  ARRANGEMENT  OF  THEM. 

I.I.I  will  now  state  briefly,  first,  the  grounds  on  which  I 
accept  the  Tao  Teh  /sfing  as  a  genuine  production  of  the 
age  to  which  it  has  been  assigned,  and  the  truth  of  its 
authorship  by  Lao-jze  to  whom  it  has  been  ascribed.  It 
would  not  have  been  necessary  a  few  years  ago  to  write  as 
if  these  points  could  be  called  in  question,  but  in  1886 
Mr.  Herbert  A.  Giles,  of  Her  Majesty's  Consular  Service 
in  China,  and  one  of  the  ablest  Chinese  scholars  living, 
vehemently  called  them  in  question  in  an  article  in  the 
China  Review  for  the  months  of  March  and  April.  His 
strictures  have  been  replied  to,  and  I  am  not  going  to 
revive  here  the  controversy  which  they  produced,  but  only 
to  state  a  portion  of  the  evidence  which  satisfies  my  own 
mind  on  the  two  points  just  mentioned. 

a.  It  has  been  said  above  that  the  year  B.  c.  604  was, 

probably,  that  of  Lao-jze's  birth.     The  year  of  his  death  is 

not  recorded.     Sze-ma  Khien,  the  first  great  Chinese  his- 

r  torian,  who  died  in  about  B.C.  8^,  commences 

The  evidence  of 

Sze-ma  Khiva.,  his  '  Biographies '  with  a  short  account  of  Lao- 

the  historian.    ^    Re  tells  us  that  the  philosopher  had  been  a 

curator  of  the  Royal  Library  of  Kau,  and  that,  mourning  over 

the  decadence  of  the  dynasty,  he  wished  to  withdraw  from 

the  world,  and  proceeded  to  the  pass  or  defile  of  Hsien-ku 1, 

1  In  the  present  district  of  Ling-pao,  Shan  J?a.u,  province  of  Ho-nan. 


CH.  II.  INTRODUCTION. 


leading  from  China  to  the  west.  There  he  was  recognised 
by  the  warden  of  the  pass,  Yin  Hsi  (often  called  Kwan 
Yin),  himself  a  well-known  Taoist,  who  insisted  on  his 
leaving  him  a  writing  before  he  went  into  seclusion. 
Lao-jze  then  wrote  his  views  on  '  The  Tao  and  its  Charac-  iX 
teristics,'  in  two  parts  or  sections,  containing  more  than 
5000  characters,  gave  the  manuscript  to  the  warden,  and 
went  his  way  l  ;  '  nor  is  it  known  where  he  died.'  This 
account  is  strange  enough,  and  we  need  not  wonder  that  it 
was  by  and  by  embellished  with  many  marvels.  It  con- 
tains, however,  the  definite  statements  that  Lao-jze  wrote 
the  Tao  Teh  King  in  two  parts,  and  consisting  of  more 
than  5000  characters.  And  that  Khizn.  was  himself  well 
acquainted  with  the  treatise  is  apparent  from  his  quotations 
from  it,  with,  in  almost  every  case,  the  specification  of  the 
author.  He  thus  adduces  part  of  the  first  chapter,  and 
a  large  portion  of  the  last  chapter  but  one.  His  brief 
references  also  to  Lao-jze  and  his  writings  are  numerous. 
3.  But  between  Lao-jze  and  Sze-ma  Khien.  there  were 
many  Taoist  writers  whose  works  remain.  I  may  specify 
of  them  Lieh-jze  (assuming  that  his  chapters, 


Fei-jze'and  though  not  composed  in  their  present  form  by 
other  Taoist  j1jmj  may  vet  fog  acCepted  as  fair  specimens 
of  his  teaching)  ;  A'wang-jze  (of  the  fourth 
century  B.C.  We  find  him  refusing  to  accept  high  office 
from  king  Wei  of  Khu,  B.C.  339-299)  ;  Han  Fei,  a  volumi- 
nous author,  who  died  by  his  own  hand  in  B.  C.  230  ;  and 
Liu  An,  a  scion  of  the  Imperial  House  of  Han,  king  of 
Hwai-nan,  and  better  known  to  us  as  Hwai-nan  3ze,  who 
also  died  by  his  own  hand  in  B.C.  122.  In  the  books  of  all 
these  men  we  find  quotations  of  many  passages  that  are  in 
our  treatise.  They  are  expressly  said  to  be,  many  of  them, 
quotations  from  Lao-jze  ;  Han  Fei  several  times  all  but 


1  In  an  ordinary  Student's  Manual  I  find  a  note  with  reference  to  this  incident 
to  which  it  may  be  worth  while  to  give  a  place  here  : — The  warden,  it  is  said,    , 
set  before  Lao-jze  a  dish  of  tea  ;  and  this  was  the  origin  of  the  custom  of  tea- 
drinking  between  host  and  guest   (see  the   ^77   fUji*  ;W   ffi.    30*   ^Jft, 
ch.  7,  on  Food  and  Drink). 


6  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  II. 

shows  the  book  beneath  his  eyes.  To  show  how  numerous 
the  quotations  by  Han  Fei  and  Liu  An  are,  let  it  be  borne 
in  mind  that  the  Tao  Teh  King  has  come  down  to  us  as 
divided  into  eighty-one  short  chapters  ;  and  that  the  whole 
of  it  is  shorter  than  the  shortest  of  our  Gospels.  Of  the 
eighty-one  chapters,  either  the  whole  or  portions  of  seventy- 
one  are  found  in  those  two  writers.  There  are  other  authors 
not  so  decidedly  Taoistic,  in  whom  we  find  quotations  from 
the  little  book.  These  quotations  are  in  general  wonderfully 
correct.  Various  readings  indeed  there  are ;  but  if  we  were 
sure  that  the  writers  did  trust  to  memory,  their  differences 
would  only  prove  that  copies  of  the  text  had  been  multiplied 
from  the  very  first. 

In  passing  on  from  quotations  to  the  complete  text,  I  will 
Evidence  of  Pan  clinch  the  assertion  that  A7/ien  was  well 
KCl-  acquainted  with  our  treatise,  by  a  passage 
from  the  History  of  the  Former  Han  Dynasty  (B.C.  206- 
A.D.  24),  which  was  begun  to  be  compiled  by  Pan  Ku,  who 
died  however  in  92,  and  left  a  portion  to  be  completed  by  his 
sister,  the  famous  Pan  Kao.  The  thirty-second  chapter  of 
his  Biographies  is  devoted  to  Sze-ma  AVzien,  and  towards 
the  end  it  is  said  that  '  on  the  subject  of  the  Great  Tao  he 
preferred  Hwang  and  Lao  to  the  six  ./{Ting.'  '  Hwang  and 
Lao '  must  there  be  the  writings  of  Hwang-Ti  and  Lao-jze. 
The  association  of  the  two  names  also  illustrates  the  anti- 
quity claimed  for  Taoism,  and  the  subject  of  note  i,  p.  2. 

4.  We  go  on  from  quotations  to  complete  texts,  and  turn, 
first,  to  the  catalogue  of  the  Imperial  Library  of  Han,  as 
compiled  by  Liu  Hsin,  not  later  than  the  commencement  of 
our  Christian  era.  There  are  entered  in  it  Taoist  works  by 
Catalogue  of  the  thirty-seven  different  authors,  containing  in  all 
Imperial  Library  993  chapters  or  sections  (phien).  1  Yin,  the 
premier  of  Ktia.ng  Thang  (B.C.  1766),  heads 
the  list  with  fifty-one  sections.  There  are  in  it  four  editions 
of  Lao-jze's  work  with  commentaries : — by  a  Mr.  Lin,  in 
four  sections ;  a  Mr.  Fu,  in  thirty-seven  sections  ;  a  Mr. 
Hsu,  in  six  sections ;  and  by  Liu  Hsiang,  Hsin's  own 
father,  in  four  sections.  All  these  four  works  have  since 
perished,  but  there  they  were  in  the  Imperial  Library  before 


CH.  II.  INTRODUCTION. 


our  era  began.  ^Twang-jze  is  in  the  same  list  in  fifty-two 
books  or  sections,  the  greater  part  of  which  have  happily 
escaped  the  devouring  tooth  of  time. 

We  turn  now  to  the  twentieth  chapter  of  KMens 
Biographies,  in  which  he  gives  an  account  of  Yo  I,  the 
scion  of  a  distinguished  family,  and  who  himself  played  a 
famous  part,  both  as  a  politician  and  military  leader,  and 
became  prince  of  Wang-^u  under  the  kingdom  of  A^o  in 
B.  c.  279.  Among  his  descendants  was  a  Yo  K/ia.n,  who 
learned  in  Kh\  '  the  words,'  that  is,  the  Taoistic  writings  '  of 
Hwang-Ti  and  Lao-jze  from  an  old  man  who  lived  on  the 
Ho-side.'  The  origin  of  this  old  man  was  not  known,  but 
Yo  K/ta.n  taught  what  he  learned  from  him  to  a  Mr.  Ko, 
who  again  became  preceptor  to  3ha°  3han,  the  chief 
minister  of  Kh\,  and  afterwards  of  the  new  dynasty  of  Han, 
dying  in  B.C.  190. 

5.  Referring  now  to  the  catalogue  of  the  Imperial 
Library  of  the  dynasty  of  Sui  (A.D.  589-618),  we  find  that 
The  catalogue  it  contained  many  editions  of  Lao's  treatise 
of  the  Sui  dynasty.  wjth  commentaries.  The  first  mentioned  is 
'The  Tao  Teh  King,'  with  the  commentary  of  the  old 
man  of  the  Ho-side,  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Wan  of  Han 
(B.C.  179-142).  It  is  added  in  a  note  that  the  dynasty  of 
Liang  (A.D.  502-556)  had  possessed  the  edition  of  '  the  old 
man  of  the  Ho-side,  of  the  time  of  the  Warring  States ; 
but  that  with  some  other  texts  and  commentaries  it  had 
disappeared.'  I  find  it  difficult  to  believe  that  there  had 
been  two  old  men  of  the  Ho-side  x,  both  teachers  of  Taoism 
and  commentators  on  our  ATing,  but  I  am  willing  to  con- 
tent myself  with  the  more  recent  work,  and  accept  the  copy 
that  has  been  current — say  from  B.C.  150,  when  Sze-ma 
Khi&n  could  have  been  little  more  than  a  boy.  Taoism  was 
a  favourite  study  with  many  of  the  Han  emperors  and 
their  ladies.  Hwai-nan  3ze,  of  whose  many  quotations  from 

1  The  earlier  old  man  of  the  Ho-side  is  styled  in  Chinese  3m     p  y^  yV» 
the  other    ^JjT     I"    ^L ;    but  the   designations  have  the    same    meaning. 

Some  critical  objections  to  the  genuineness  of  the  latter's  commentary  on  the 
ground  of  the  style  are  without  foundation. 


8  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  II. 

the  text  of  Lao  I  have  spoken,  was  an  uncle  of  the 
emperor  Wan.  To  the  emperor  K'mg  (B.C.  156-143),  the 
son  of  Wan,  there  is  attributed  the  designation  of  Lao's 
treatise  as  a  A"  ing,  a  work  of  standard  authority.  At  the 
beginning  of  his  reign,  we  are  told,  some  one  was  com- 
mending to  him  four  works,  among  which  were  those  of 
Lao-jze  and  .fifwang-jze.  Deeming  that  the  work  of 
Hwang-jze  and  Lao-jze  was  of  a  deeper  character  than  the 
others,  he  ordered  that  it  should  be  called  a  A"ing,  estab- 
lished a  board  for  the  study  of  Taoism,  and  issued  an  edict 
that  the  book  should  be  learned  and  recited  at  court,  and 
throughout  the  country1.  Thenceforth  it  was  so  styled. 
We  find  Hwang-fu  Mi  (A.D.  215-282)  referring  to  it  as  the 
Tao  Teh  .fifing. 

The  second  place  in  the  Sui  catalogue  is  given  to  the 
text  and  commentary  of  Wang  Pi  or  Wang  Fu-sze,  an 

The  work  of  extraordinary  scholar  who  died  in  A.  D.  249, 
Wang  Pi.  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-four.  This  work 
has  always  been  much  prized.  It  was  its  text  which  Lu 
Teh-ming  used  in  his  '  Explanation  of  the  Terms  and 
Phrases  of  the  Classics,'  in  the  seventh  century.  Among 
the  editions  of  it  which  I  possess  is  that  printed  in  1794 
with  the  imperial  moveable  metal  types. 

I  need  not  speak  of  editions  or  commentaries  subsequent 
to  Wang  Pi's.  They  soon  begin  to  be  many,  and  are  only 
not  so  numerous  as  those  of  the  Confucian  Classics. 

6.  All  the  editions  of  the  book  are  divided  into  two 
Divisions  into  parts,  the  former  called  Tao,  and  the  latter 
parts,  chapters;  Xeh.  meaning  the  Qualities  or  Characteristics 

and  number  of  °      ,  .       , 

characters  in  the  of  the  Tao,  but  this  distinction  of  subjects  is 

by  no  means  uniformly  adhered  to. 

I  referred  already  to  the  division  of  the  whole  into  eighty- 
one  short  chapters  (37+44),  which  is  by  common  tradition 
attributed  to  Ho-shang  Kung,  or  'The  old  man  of  the 
Ho-side.'  Another  very  early  commentator,  called  Yen 
3un  or  Yen  ^Tiin-phing,  made  a  division  into  seventy-two 
chapters  (404-32),  under  the  influence,  no  doubt,  of  some 

1  See  3&o  Hung's  Wings  or  Helps,  ch.  v,  p.  ir\ 


CH.  II.  INTRODUCTION. 


mystical  considerations.  His  predecessor,  perhaps,  had  no 
better  reason  for  his  eighty-one ;  but  the  names  of  his 
chapters  were,  for  the  most  part,  happily  chosen,  and  have 
been  preserved.  Wu  ATMng  arranged  the  two  parts  in 
sixty-seven  chapters  (31+36).  It  is  a  mistake,  however, 
to  suppose,  as  even  Mr.  Wylie  with  all  his  general  accuracy 
did 1,  that  Wu  '  curtails  the  ordinary  text  to  some  extent.' 
He  does  not  curtail,  but  only  re-arranges  according  to  his 
fashion,  uniting  some  of  Ho-shang  Kung's  chapters  in  one, 
and  sometimes  altering  the  order  of  their  clauses. 

Sze-ma  Khi&n  tells  us  that,  as  the  treatise  came  from 
Lao-jze,  it  contained  more  than  5000  characters  ;  that  is, 
as  one  critic  says,  '  more  than  5000  and  fewer  than  6000.' 
Ho-shang  Kung's  text  has  5350,  and  one  copy  5590  ; 
Wang  Pi's,  5683,  and  one  copy  5610.  Two  other  early 
texts  have  been  counted,  giving  5720  and  5635  characters 
respectively.  The  brevity  arises  from  the  terse  conciseness 
of  the  style,  owing  mainly  to  the  absence  of  the  embellish- 
ment of  particles,  which  forms  so  striking  a  peculiarity  in 
the  composition  of  Mencius  and  ATwang-jze. 

In  passing  on  to  speak,  secondly  and  more  briefly,  of  the 
far  more  voluminous  writings  of  ^Twang-jze,  I  may  say  that 
I  do  not  know  of  any  other  book  of  so  ancient  a  date  as 
the  Tao  Teh  King,  of  which  the  authenticity  of  the  origin 
and  genuineness  of  the  text  can  claim  to  be  so  well  sub- 
stantiated. 

II.  7.  In  the  catalogue  of  the  Han  Library  we  have  the 
entry  of  '-/Twang-^ze  in  fifty-two  books  or  sections.'  By 

The  Books  of   the  time  of  the  Sui  dynasty,  the  editions  of 

Awang-jze.  jjjg  work  amounted  to  nearly  a  score.  The 
earliest  commentary  that  has  come  down  to  us  goes  by  the 
name  of  Kwo  Hsiang's.  He  was  an  officer  and  scholar  of 
the  3in  dynasty,  who  died  about  the  year  312.  Another 
officer,  also  of  3in,  called  Hsiang  Hsiu,  of  rather  an  earlier 
date,  had  undertaken  the  same  task,  but  left  it  incom- 
plete ;  and.  his  manuscripts  coming  (not,  as  it  appears,  by 


1  Notes  on  Chinese  Literature,  p.  173. 


10  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  II. 

any  fraud)  into  Kvvo's  hands,  he  altered  and  completed 
them  as  suited  his  own  views,  and  then  gave  them  to  the 
public.  In  the  short  account  of  Kwo,  given  in  the  twentieth 
chapter  of  the  Biographies  of  the  3m  history,  it  is  said 
that  several  tens  of  commentators  had  laboured  unsatis- 
factorily on  A^wang's  writings  before  Hsiang  Hsiu  took 
them  in  hand.  As  the  joint  result  of  the  labours  of  the 
two  men,  however,  we  have  only  thirty-three  of  the  fifty- 
two  sections  mentioned  in  the  Han  catalogue.  It  is  in 
vain  that  I  have  tried  to  discover  how  and  when  the 
other  nineteen  sections  were  lost.  In  one  of  the  earliest 
commentaries  on  the  Tao  Teh  A!"ing,  that  by  Yen  3un,  we 
have  several  quotations  from  A'wang-jze  which  bear  evi- 
dently the  stamp  of  his  handiwork,  and  are  not  in  the 
current  Books ;  but  they  would  not  altogether  make  up  a 
single  section.  We  have  only  to  be  thankful  that  so  large 
a  proportion  of  the  original  work  has  been  preserved.  SO 
Shih  (3ze-£an,  and  Tung-pho),  it  is  well  known,  called  in 
question  the  genuineness  of  Books  28  to  31 1.  Books  15  and 
1 6  have  also  been  challenged,  and  a  paragraph  here  and 
there  in  one  or  other  of  the  Books.  The  various  readings, 
according  to  a  collation  given  by  3iao  Hung,  are  few. 

8.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Books  of  A'wang-jze 

were  hailed  by  all  the  friends  of  Taoism.      It  has  been 

mentioned  above  that  the  names  '  Hwang-Ti ' 

Taoisnfof  the    and  '  Lao-jze '  were   associated   together   as 

Books  of       denoting   the    masters   of   Taoism,   and    the 

Awang-jze.  t 

phrase,  '  the  words  of  Hwang-Ti  and  Lao-jze, 
came  to  be  no  more  than  a  name  for  the  Tao  Teh  AT  ing. 
Gradually  the  two  names  were  contracted  into  'Hwang 
Lao/  as  in  the  passage  quoted  on  p.  6  from  Pan  Kft. 
After  the  Han  dynasty,  the  name  Hwang  gave  place  to 
ATwang,  and  the  names  Lao  ATwang,  and,  sometimes  in- 
verted, Afwang  Lao,  were  employed  to  denote  the  system 
or  the  texts  of  Taoism.  In  the  account,  for  instance,  of  K\ 


1  A  brother  of  Shih,  Su  .ffeh  (3ze-yft  and  Ying-pin),  wrote  a  remarkable 
commentary  on  the  Tao  Teh  A"ing;  but  it  was  Shih  who  first  discredited  those 
four  Books,  in  his  Inscription  for  the  temple  of  Awang-jze,  prepared  in  1078. 


CH.  II.  INTRODUCTION.  I  I 

Khang,  in  the  nineteenth  chapter  of  the  Biographies  of  ^m, 
we  have  a  typical  Taoist  brought  before  us.  When  grown 
up,  '  he  loved  Lao  and  Kwang ; '  and  a  visitor,  to  produce 
the  most  favourable  impression  on  him,  says,  '  Ldo-jze  and 
./Twang  A'au  are  my  masters.' 

9.  The   thirty-three   Books   of  ATwang-jze  are   divided 
into  three  Parts,  called  Nei,  or  'the  Inner; '  Wai,  or  'the 
Outer  ;'  and  3  a,  '  the  Miscellaneous.'     The  first  Part  corn- 
Division  of  the    Prl'ses  seven  Books;  the  second,  fifteen;  and 

Books  into  three  the  third,  eleven.  '  Inner '  may  be  under- 
stood as  equivalent  to  esoteric  or  More  Im- 
portant. The  titles  of  the  several  Books  are  significant, 
and  each  expresses  the  subject  or  theme  of  its  Book. 
They  are  believed  to  have  been  prefixed  by  ATwang-jze 
himself,  and  that  no  alteration  could  be  made  in  the  com- 
position but  for  the  worse.  '  Outer '  is  understood  in  the 
sense  of  supplementary  or  subsidiary.  The  fifteen  Books 
so  called  are  '  Wings '  to  the  previous  seven.  Their  titles 
were  not  given  by  the  author,  and  are  not  significant  of 
the  Taoistic  truth  which  all  the  paragraphs  unite,  or  should 
unite,  in  illustrating  ;  they  are  merely  some  name  or  phrase 
taken  from  the  commencement  of  the  first  paragraph  in 
each  Book, — like  the  names  of  the  Books  of  the  Confucian 
Analects,  or  of  the  Hebrew  Pentateuch.  The  fixing  them 
originally  is  generally  supposed  to  have  been  the  work  of 
Kwo  Hsiang.  The  eleven  Miscellaneous  Books  are  also 
supplementary  to  those  of  the  first  Part,  and  it  is  not  easy 
to  see  why  a  difference  was  made  between  them  and  the 
fifteen  that  precede. 

10.  A'wang-jze's  writings  have  long  been  current  under 
the  name  of  Nan  Hwa  AT  an  King.     He  was  a  native  of 
The  general  title   t^ie  duchy  of  Sung,  born  in  what  was  then 

of  AVang-jze's  called  the  district  of  Mang,  and  belonged  to 
the  state  or  kingdom  of  Liang  or  Wei.  As 
he  grew  up,  he  filled  some  official  post  in  the  city  of  3hi- 
yiian, — the  site  of  which  it  is  not  easy  to  determine  with 
certainty.  In  A.D.  742,  the  name  of  his  birth-place  was 
changed  (but  only  for  a  time)  to  Nan-hwa,  and  an  im- 
perial order  was  issued  that  ATwang-jze  should  thence- 


1  2  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  III. 

forth  be  styled  'The  True  Man  of  Nan-hwa,'  and  his 
Book,  'The  True  Book  of  Nan-hwa1.'  To  be  'a  True 
Man'  is  the  highest  Taoistic  achievement  of  a  man,  and 
our  author  thus  canonised  communicates  his  glory  to  his 
Book. 

CHAPTER   III. 

WHAT  is  THE  MEANING  OF  THE  NAME  TAG?    AND 

THE  CHIEF  POINTS   OF   BELIEF  IN  TAOISM. 

i.  The  first  translation  of  the  Tao  Teh  A^ing  into  a 

Western  language  was  executed  in  Latin  by  some  of  the 

Meaning  of  the  Roman  Catholic  missionaries,  and  a  copy  of 

name  Tao.  jt  was  brought  to  England  by  a  Mr.  Matthew 
Raper,  F.  R.  S.,  and  presented  by  him  to  the  Society  at  a 
meeting  on  the  loth  January,  1788,  —  being  the  gift  to  him  of 
P.  Jos.  de  Grammont,  '  Missionarius  Apostolicus,  ex-Jesuita.' 
In  this  version  Tao  is  taken  in  the  sense  of  Ratio,  or  the 
Supreme  Reason  of  the  Divine  Being,  the  Creator  and 
Governor. 

M.  Abel  Remusat,  the  first  Professor  of  Chinese  in  Paris, 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  aware  of  the  existence  of  the 
above  version  in  London,  but  his  attention  was  attracted  to 
Lao's  treatise  about  1820,  and,  in  1823,  he  wrote  of  the 
character  Tao,  '  Ce  mot  me  semble  ne  pas  pouvoir  etre 
bien  traduit,  si  ce  n'est  par  le  mot  Aoyos  dans  le  triple  sens 
de  souverain  Etre,  de  raison,  et  de  parole.' 

Remusat's  successor  in  the  chair  of  Chinese,  the  late 
Stanislas  Julien,  published  in  1842  a  translation  of  the 
whole  treatise.  Having  concluded  from  an  examination  of 
it,  and  the  earliest  Taoist  writers,  such  as  ATwang-jze,  Ho- 
kwan  3ze,  and  Ho-shang  Kung,  that  the  Tao  was  devoid 
of  action,  of  thought,  of  judgment,  and  of  intelli- 
gence, he  concluded  that  it  was  impossible  to  understand 
by  it  'the  Primordial  Reason,  or  the  Sublime  Intelli- 
gence which  created,  and  which  governs  the  world,'  and  to 


1  See  the  Khang-hsi  Thesaurus  ,  under 


CH.  III.  INTRODUCTION.  1 3 

this  he  subjoined  the  following  note : — '  Quelque  etrange 
que  puisse  paraitre  cette  idee  de  Lao-^ze,  elle  n'est  pas  sans 
exemple  dans  1'histoire  de  la  philosophic.  Le  mot  nature 
n'a-t-il  pas  ete  employe  par  certains  philosophes,  que 
la  religion  et  la  raison  condamnent,  pour  designer  une 
cause  premiere,  egalement  depourvue  de  pensee  et  d'in- 
telligence?'  Julien  himself  did  not  doubt  that  Lao's  idea 
of  the  character  was  that  it  primarily  and  properly  meant 
'a  way,'  and  hence  he  translated  the  title  Tao  Teh 
./Ting  by  'Le  Livre  de  la  Voie  et  de  la  Vertu/ 
transferring  at  the  same  time  the  name  Tao  to  the  text 
of  his  version. 

The  first  English  writer  who  endeavoured  to  give  a  dis- 
tinct account  of  Taoism  was  the  late  Archdeacon  Hardwick, 
while  he  held  the  office  of  Christian  Advocate  in  the  Uni- 
versity of  Cambridge.  In  his  '  Christ  and  other  Masters ' 
(vol.  ii,  p.  67),  when  treating  of  the  religions  of  China,  he 
says, '  I  feel  disposed  to  argue  that  the  centre  of  the  system 
founded  by  Lao-jze  had  been  awarded  to  some  energy  or 
power  resembling  the  "Nature"  of  modern  speculators. 
The  indefinite  expression  Tao  was  adopted  to  denominate 
an  abstract  cause,  or  the.  initial  principle  of  life  and  order, 
to  which  worshippers  were  able  to  assign  the  attributes  of  ^ 
immateriality,  eternity,  immensity,  invisibility.' 

It  was,  probably,  Julien's  reference  in  his  note  to  the  use 
of  the  term  nature,  which  suggested  to  Hardwick  his 
analogy  between  Lao-jze's  Tao,  and  'the  Nature  of  modern 
speculation.'  Canon  Farrar  has  said,  'We  have  long  per- 
sonified under  the  name  of  Nature  the  sum  total  of  God's 
laws  as  observed  in  the  physical  world  ;  and  now  the  notion 
of  Nature  as  a  distinct,  living,  independent  entity  seems  to 
be  ineradicable  alike  from  our  literature  and  our  systems  of 
philosophy1.'  But  it  seems  to  me  that  this  metaphorical 
or  mythological  use  of  the  word  nature  for  the  Cause  and 
Ruler  of  it,  implies  the  previous  notion  of  Him,  that  is,  of 
God,  in  the  mind.  Does  not  this  clearly  appear  in  the 
words  of  Seneca? — 'Vis  ilium  (h.e.  Jovem  Deum)  naturam 

1  Language  and  Languages,  pp.  184, 185. 


14  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  III. 

vocare,  non  peccabis : — hie   est   ex  quo  nata  sunt  omnia, 
cujus  spiritu  vivimus1.' 

In  his  translation  of  the  Works  of  ^Twang-^ze  in  1881, 
Mr.  Balfour  adopted  Nature  as  the  ordinary  rendering  of 
the  Chinese  Tao.  He  says,  'When  the  word  is  translated 
Way,  it  means  the  Way  of  Nature, —  her  processes,  her 
methods,  and  her  laws ;  when  translated  Reason,  it  is  the 
same  as  li, — the  power  that  works  in  all  created  things, 
producing,  preserving,  and  life-giving, — the  intelligent  prin- 
ciple of  the  world  ;  when  translated  Doctrine,  it  refers  to 
the  True  doctrine  respecting  the  laws  and  mysteries  of 
Nature.'  He  calls  attention  also  to  the  point  that  'he  uses 
NATURE  in  the  sense  of  Natura  naturans,  while  the 
Chinese  expression  wan  wu  (=  all  things)  denotes  Natura 
naturata.'  But  this  really  comes  to  the  metaphorical  use 
of  nature  which  has  been  touched  upon  above.  It  can 
claim  as  its  patrons  great  names  like  those  of  Aquinas, 
Giordano  Bruno,  and  Spinoza,  but  I  have  never  been  able 
to  see  that  its  barbarous  phraseology  makes  it  more  than 
a  figure  of  speech2. 

The  term  Nature,  however,  is  so  handy,  and  often  fits 
so  appropriately  into  a  version,  that  if  Tao  had  ever  such 
a  signification  I  should  not  hesitate  to  employ  it  as  freely 
as  Mr.  Balfour  has  done ;  but  as  it  has  not  that  signifi- 
cation, to  try  to  put  a  non -natural  meaning  into  it,  only 
perplexes  the  mind,  and  obscures  the  idea  of  Ldo-^ze. 

Mr.  Balfour  himself  says  (p.  xviii),  '  The  primary  signifi- 
cation of  Tdo  is  simply  "road."'  Beyond  question  this 
meaning  underlies  the  use  of  it  by  the  great  master  of 
Taoism  and  by  ./Twang-jze 3.  Let  the  reader  refer  to  the 
version  of  the  twenty-fifth  chapter  of  Lao's  treatise,  and  to 


1  Natur.  Quaest.  lib.  II,  cap.  xlv. 

2  Martineau's  '  Types  of  Ethical  Theory,'  I,  p.  286,  and  his  whole '  Conjectural 
History  of  Spinoza's  Thought.' 

3  ^g  is  equivalent  to  the  Greek  17  656s,  the  way.     Where  this  name  for  the 

Christian  system  occurs  in  our  Revised  Version  of  the  New  Testament  in  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles,  the  literal  rendering  is  adhered  to,  Way  being  printed  with 
a  capital  W.  See  Acts  ix.  2 ;  xix.  9,  23 ;  xxii.  4  ;  xxiv.  14,  22. 


CH.  III.  INTRODUCTION.  15 

the  notes  subjoined  to  it.  There  Tao  appears  as  the  spon- 
taneously operating  cause  of  all  movement  in  the  pheno- 
mena of  the  universe  ;  and  the  nearest  the  writer  can  come 
to  a  name  for  it  is  '  the  Great  Tao.'  Having  established  this 
name,  he  subsequently  uses  it  repeatedly ;  see  chh.  xxxiv 
and  liii.  In  the  third  paragraph  of  his  twentieth  chapter, 
A"wang-jze  uses  a  synonymous  phrase  instead  of  Lao's 
'  Great  Tao,'  calling  it  the  'Great  Thu,'  about  which  there 
can  be  no  dispute,  as  meaning  '  the  Great  Path,'  '  Way,' 
or  '  Course  V  In  the  last  paragraph  of  his  twenty-fifth 
Book,  A'wang-^ze  again  sets  forth  the  metaphorical  origin 
of  the  name  Tao.  'Tao,'  he  says,  'cannot  be  regarded  as 
having  a  positive  existence  ;  existences  cannot  be  regarded 
as  non-existent.  The  name  Tao  is  a  metaphor  used  for 
the  purpose  of  description.  To  say  that  it  exercises  some 
causation,  or  that  it  does  nothing,  is  speaking  of  it  from  the 
phase  of  a  thing ; — how  can  such  language  serve  as  a  de- 
signation of  it  in  its  greatness  ?  If  words  were  sufficient 
for  the  purpose,  we  might  in  a  day's  time  exhaust  the  sub- 
ject of  the  Tao.  Words  not  being  sufficient,  we  may  talk 
about  it  the  whole  day,  and  the  subject  of  discourse  will 
only  have  been  a  thing.  Tao  is  the  extreme  to  which 
things  conduct  us.  Neither  speech  nor  silence  is  sufficient 
to  convey  the  notion  of  it.  When  we  neither  speak  nor 
refrain  from  speech,  our  speculations  about  it  reach  their 
highest  point.' 

The  Tao  therefore  is  a  phenomenon ;  not  a  positive 
being,  but  a  mode  of  being.  Lao's  idea  of  it  may  become 
plainer  as  we  proceed  to  other  points  of  his  system.  In 
the  meantime,  the  best  way  of  dealing  with  it  in  translating 
is  to  transfer  it  to  the  version,  instead  of  trying  to  introduce 
an  English  equivalent  for  it. 

2.  Next  in  importance  to  T  a  o  is  the  name  T  h  i  e  n,  mean-    "\  'r^u^ 
ing  at  first  the  vaulted  sky  or  the  open  firmament  of  heaven. 
In  the  Confucian  Classics,  and  in  the  speech  of  the  Chinese 

1  >"C  13U'  The  Khang-hsi  dictionary  defines  thft  by  Ifi,  road  or  way. 
Medhnrst  gives  '  road.'  Unfortunately,  both  Morrison  and  Williams  overlooked 
this  definition  of  the  character.  Giles  has  also  a  note  in  1  oc.,  showing  how  this 
synonym  settles  the  original  meaning  of  Tao  in  the  sense  of '  road.' 


1 6  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  III. 

people,  this  name  is  used  metaphorically  as  it  is  by  our- 
Usage  of  the  selves  for  the  Supreme  Being,  with  reference 
tennThien.  especially  to  His  will  and  rule.  So  it  was 
that  the  idea  of  God  arose  among  the  Chinese  fathers  ;  so 
it  was  that  they  proceeded  to  fashion  a  name  for  God, 
calling  Him  Ti,  and  Shang  Ti,  'the  Ruler,'  and  'the 
Supreme  Ruler.'  The  Taoist  fathers  found  this  amo^r 
their  people  ;  but  in  their  idea  of  the  Tao  they  had  already 
a  Supreme  Concept  which  superseded  the  necessity  of  any 
other.  The  name  Ti  for  God  only  occurs  once  in  the  Tao 
Teh  A'ing ;  in  the  well-known  passage  of  the  fourth  chapter, 
where,  speaking  of  the  Tao,  Lao-jze  says,  '  I  do  not  know  • 
whose  Son  it  is  ;  it  might  seem  to  be  before  God.' 

Nor  is  the  name  Thien  very  common.  We  have  the 
phrase,  '  Heaven  and  Earth,'  used  for  the  two  great  con- 
stituents of  the  kosmos,  owing  their  origin  to  the  Tao,  and 
also  for  a  sort  of  binomial  power,  acting  in  harmony  with 
the  Tao,  covering,  protecting,  nurturing,  and  maturing  all 
things.  Never  once  is  Thien  used  in  the  sense  of  God,  the 
Supreme  Being.  In  its  peculiarly  Taoistic  employment, 
it  is  more  an  adjective  than  a  noun.  '  The  Tao  of  Heaven ' 
means  the  Tao  that  is  Heavenly,  the  course  that  is  quiet 
and  undemonstrative,  that  is  free  from  motive  and  effort, 
such  as  is  seen  in  the  processes  of  nature,  grandly  pro- 
ceeding and  successful  without  any  striving  or  crying. 
The  Tao  of  man,  not  dominated  by  this  Tao,  is  contrary 
to  it,  and  shows  will,  purpose,  and  effort,  till,  submitting  to 
it,  it  becomes  '  the  Tao  or  Way  of  the  Sages,'  which  in  all 
its  action  has  no  striving. 

The  characteristics  both  of  Heaven  and  man  are  dealt 
with  more  fully  by  ATwang  than  by  Lao.  In  the  conclusion 
of  his  eleventh  Book,  for  instance,  he  says  : — c  What  do  we 
mean  by  Tao  ?  There  is  the  Tao  (or  Way)  of  Heaven,  and 
there  is  the  Tao  of  man.  Acting  without  action,  and  yet 
attracting  all  honour,  is  the  Way  of  Heaven.  Doing  and 
being  embarrassed  thereby  is  the  Way  of  man.  The  Way 
of  Heaven  should  play  the  part  of  lord  ;  the  Way  of  man, 
the  part  of  minister.  The  two  are  far  apart,  and  should  be 
distinguished  from  each  other.' 


CH.  ill.  INTRODUCTION.  1 7 

In  his  next  Book  (par.  2),  ^wang-jze  tells  us  what  he 
intends  by  '  Heaven  : ' — '  Acting  without  action, — this  is 
what  is  called  Heaven.'  Heaven  thus  takes  its  law  from 
the  Tao.  'The  oldest  sages  and  sovereigns  attained  to  do 
the  same,' — it  was  for  all  men  to  aim  at  the  same  achieve- 
ment. As  they  were  successful,  'vacancy,  stillness, 
p?  icidity,  tastelessness,  quietude,  silence,  and  non-action ' 
would  be  found  to  be  their  characteristics,  and  they  would 
go  on  to  the  perfection  of  the  Tao1. 

The  employment  of  Thien  by  the  Confucianists,  as  of 
Heaven  by  ourselves,  must  be  distinguished  therefore  from 
the  Taoistic  use  of  the  name  to  denote  the  quiet  but 
mighty  influence  of  the  impersonal  Tao  ;  and  to  translate 
it  by  '  God '  only  obscures  the  meaning  of  the  Taoist 
writers.  This  has  been  done  by  Mr.  Giles  in  his  version  of 
/Twang-jze,  which  is  otherwise  for  the  most  part  so  good. 
Everywhere  on  his  pages  there  appears  the  great  name 
'God ;' — a  blot  on  his  translation  more  painful  to  my  eyes 
and  ears  than  the  use  of  '  Nature'  for  Tao  by  Mr.  Balfour. 
I  know  that  Mr.  Giles's  plan  in  translating  is  to  use  strictly 
English  equivalents  for  all  kinds  of  Chinese  terms2.  The 
plan  is  good  where  there  are  in  the  two  languages  such 
strict  equivalents ;  but  in  the  case  before  us  there  is  no 
ground  for  its  application.  The  exact  English  equivalent 
for  the  Chinese  thien  is  our  heaven.  The  Confucianists 
often  used  thien  metaphorically  for  the  personal  Being 
whom  they  denominated  Ti  (God)  and  Shang  Ti  (the 
Supreme  God),  and  a  translator  may  occasionally,  in 
working  on  books  of  Confucian  literature,  employ  our  name 
God  for  it.  But  neither  Lao  nor  ^Twang  ever  attached 
anything  like  our  idea  of  God  to  it ;  and  when  one,  in 
working  on  books  of  early  Taoist  literature,  translates 
thien  by  God,  such  a  rendering  must  fail  to  produce  in 
an  English  reader  a  correct  apprehension  of  the  meaning. 

There  is  also  in  ^wang-jze  a  peculiar  usage  of  the  name 
Thien.  He  applies  it  to  the  Beings  whom  he  introduces  as 

1  The  Tao  Teh  A'ing,  ch.  25,  and  .ffwang-jze,  XIII,  par.  i. 

2  See  '  Strange  Stories  from  a  Chinese  Studio,'  vol.  i,  p.  i,  note  2. 

[39]  C 


1  8  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  III. 

Masters  of  the  Tao,  generally  with  mystical 

Peculiar  usage  .  .... 

of  Thien  in     appellations  m   order   to  set  forth   his   own 
vjewSj      TWO  instances   from   Book   XI   will 


suffice  in  illustration  of  this.  In  par.  4,  Hwang-Ti  does 
reverence  to  his  instructor  Kwang  .Oang-jze  \  saying,  '  In 
Kwang  AV^ang-jze  we  have  an  example  of  what  is  called 
Heaven,'  which  Mr.  Giles  renders  '  Kwang  K/iang  3ze  is 
surely  God.'  In  par.  5,  again,  the  mystical  Yun-^iang  is 
made  to  say  to  the  equally  fabulous  and  mystical  Hung- 
mung,  'O  Heaven,  have  you  forgotten  me?'  and,  farther 
on,  '  O  Heaven,  you  have  conferred  on  me  (the  knowledge 
of)  your  operation,  and  revealed  to  me  the  mystery  of  it  ;' 
in  both  which  passages  Mr.  Giles  renders  thien  by  'your 
Holiness.' 

But   Mr.   Giles   seems  to   agree  with  me  that  the   old 

Taoists  had  no  idea  of  a  personal  God,  when  they  wrote  of 

Thien  or  Heaven.     On  his  sixty-  eighth  page, 

Mr.  Giles  s  own  *  ° 

idea  of  the     near  the  beginning  of  Book  VI,  we  meet  with 
the  following  sentence,  having  every  appear- 


the  equivalent  of  ance  of  being  translated  from  the  Chinese 
text  :  —  '  God  is  a  principle  which  exists  by 
virtue  of  its  own  intrinsicality,  and  operates  without  self- 
manifestation/  By  an  inadvertence  he  has  introduced  his 
own  definition  of  '  God  '  as  if  it  were  AVang-^ze's  ;  and 
though  I  can  find  no  characters  in  the  text  of  which  I 
can  suppose  that  he  intends  it  to  be  the  translation,  it  is 
valuable  as  helping  us  to  understand  the  meaning  to  be 
attached  to  the  Great  Name  in  his  volume. 

I  have  referred  above  (p.  16)  to  the  only  passage  in  Lao's 
treatise,  where  he  uses  the  name  Ti  or  God  in  its  highest 

The  relation  of  sense,  saying  that  '  the  Tao-  might  seem  to 
the  Tao  to  Ti. 


so,  for  in  his  first  chapter  he  describes  the  Tao,  '  (conceived 
of  as)  having  no   name,  as  the  Originator  of  heaven  and 


1  Kwang  .Oang-gze  heads  the  list  of  characters  in  Ko  Hung's  '  History  of 
Spirit-like  Immortals  (jflffl  |ll|  rr-V  writlen  *n  our  fourth  century.  'He 
was,'  it  is  said,  '  an  Immortal  of  old,  who  lives  on  the  hill  of  M'ung-thung 
in  a  grotto  of  rocks.' 


CH.  in.  INTRODUCTION.  19 

earth,  and  (conceived  of  as)  having  a  name,  as  the  Mother 
of  all  things.'  The  reader  will  also  find  the  same  predicates 
of  the  Tao  at  greater  length  in  his  fifty-first  chapter. 

The  character  Ti  is  also  of  rare  occurrence  in  A^wang-jze, 
excepting  as  applied  to  the  five  ancient  Tis.  In  Bk.  Ill, 
par.  4,  and  in  one  other  place,  we  find  it  mdicating  the 
Supreme  Being,  but  the  usage  is  ascribed  to  the  ancients. 
In  Bk.  XV,  par.  3,  in  a  description  of  the  human  SPIRIT, 
its  name  is  said  to  be  '  Thung  Ti,'  which  Mr.  Giles  renders 
'  Of  God  ; '  Mr.  Balfour,  '  One  with  God;'  while  my  own 
version  is  'The  Divinity  in  Man.'  In  Bk.  XII,  par.  6,  we 
have  the  expression  '  the  place  of  God  ; '  in  Mr.  Giles,  '  the 
kingdom  of  God  ;'  in  Mr.  Balfour,  '  the  home  of  God.'  In 
this  and  the  former  instance,  the  character  seems  to  be  used 
with  the  ancient  meaning  which  had  entered  into  the  folk- 
lore of  the  people.  But  in  Bk.  VI,  par.  7,  there  is  a  passage 
which  shows  clearly  the  relative  position  of  Tao  and  Ti  in 
the  Taoistic  system  ;  and  having  called  attention  to  it,  I  will 
go  on  to  other  points.  Let  the  reader  mark  well  the  follow- 
ing predicates  of  the  Tao  : — '  Before  there  were  heaven  and 
earth,  from  of  old,  there  It  was,  securely  existing.  From  It 
came  the  mysterious  existence  of  spirits  ;  from  It  the 
mysterious  existence  of  Ti  (God).  It  produced  heaven, 
It  produced  earth  V  This  says  more  than  the  utterance  of 
Lao, — that  'the  Tao  seemed  to  be  before  God;' — does  it 
not  say  that  Tao  was  before  God,  and  that  He  was  what 
He  is  by  virtue  of  Its  operation  ? 

3.  Among  the  various  personal  names  given  to  the  Tao 

NoideaofCrea-  are  those  of  3ao  Hw a,  'Maker  and  Trans- 

tion  proper  in     former,'  and  3  a  o  W  u  K&, '  Maker  of  things.' 

Instances  of  both  these  names  are  found  in  Bk. 

VI,  parr.  9, 10.  'Creator'  and  'God'  have  both  been  employed 

for  them  ;  but  there  is  no  idea  of  Creation  in  Taoism. 

Again  and  again  ATwang-jze  entertains  the  question  of 

— 

1  For  this  sentence  we  find  in  Mr.  Balfour  : — '  Spirits  of  the  dead,  receiving 
It,  become  divine  ;  the  very  gods  themselves  owe  their  divinity  to  its  influence  ; 
and  by  it  both  Heaven  and  Earth  were  produced.'  The  version  of  it  by 
Mr.  Giles  is  too  condensed  : — '  Spiritual  beings  drew  their  spirituality  there- 
from, while  the  universe  became  what  we  see  it  now.' 

C  2 


20  THE    TEXTS    OF   TAOISM.  CH.  ill. 

how  it  was  at  the  first  beginning  of  things.  Different  views 
are  stated.  In  Bk.  II,  par.  4.  he  says: — 'Among  the  men 
of  old  their  knowledge  reached  the  extreme  point.  What 
was  that  extreme  point  ? 

'  Some  held  that  at  first  there  was  not  anything.  This 
is  the  extreme  point, — the  utmost  limit  to  which  nothing 
can  be  added. 

'A  second  class  held  that  there  was  something,  but  with- 
out any  responsive  recognition  of  it  (on  the  part  of  man). 

'A  third  class  held  that  there  was  such  recognition,  but 
there  had  not  begun  to  be  any  expression  of  different 
opinions  about  it.  It  was  through  the  definite  expression 
of  different  opinions  about  it  that  there  ensued  injury  to 
the  (doctrine  of  the)  Tao1.' 

The  first  of  these  three  views  was  that  which  A'wang-jze 
himself  preferred.  The  most  condensed  expression  of  it  is 
given  in  Bk.  XII,  par.  8  : — '  In  the  Grand  Beginning  of  all 
things  there  was  nothing  in  all  the  vacancy  of  space  ;  there 
was  nothing  that  could  be  named2.  It  was  in  this  state 
that  there  arose  the  first  existence ;  the  first  existence,  but 
still  without  bodily  shape.  From  this  things  could  be  pro- 
duced, (receiving)  what  we  call  their  several  characters. 
That  which  had  no  bodily  shape  was  divided,  and  then 
without  intermission  there  was  what  we  call  the  process  of 
conferring.  (The  two  processes)  continued  to  operate,  and 
things  were  produced.  As  they  were  completed,  there 
appeared  the  distinguishing  lines  of  each,  which  we  call  the 
bodily  shape.  That  shape  was  the  body  preserving  in  it 
the  spirit,  and  each  had  its  peculiar  manifestation  which 
we  call  its  nature.' 

Such  was  the  genesis  of  things  ;  the  formation  of  heaven 

1  Compare  also  Bk.  XXII,  parr.  7,  8,  and  XXIII,  par.  10. 

2  Mr.  Balfour  had  given  for  this  sentence : — '  In  the  beginning  of  all  things 
there  was  not  even  nothing.     There  were  no  names;  these  arose  afterwards.' 
In  his  critique  on  Mr.  Balfour's  version  in  1882,  Mr.  Giles  proposed  : — '  At  the 
beginning  of  all  things  there  was  nothing ;  but  this  nothing  had  no  name.'   He 
now  in  his  own  version  gives  for  it,  '  At  the  beginning  of  the  beginning,  even 
nothing  did  not  exist.     Then  came  the  period  of  the  nameless ; ' — an  improve- 
ment, certainly,  on  the  other ;  but  which  can  hardly  be  accepted  as  the  correct 
version  of  the  text. 


CH.  ill.  INTRODUCTION.  21 

and  earth  a*nd  all  that  in  them  is,  under  the  guidance  of 
the  Tao.  It  was  an  evolution  and  not  a  creation.  How 
the  Tao  itself  came, — I  do  not  say  into  existence,  but 
into  operation,— neither  Lao  nor  ATwang  ever  thought  of 
saying  anything  about.  We  have  seen  that  it  is  nothing 
material1.  It  acted  spontaneously  of  itself.  Its  sudden 
appearance  in  the  field  of  non-existence,  Producer,  Trans- 
former, Beautifier,  surpasses  my  comprehension.  To  Lao 
it  seemed  to  be  before  God.  I  am  compelled  to  accept 
the  existence  of  God,  as  the  ultimate  Fact,  bowing  before 
it  with  reverence,  and  not  attempting  to  explain  it,  the 
one  mystery,  the  sole  mystery  of  the  universe. 

4.  '  The  bodily  shape  was  the  body  preserving  in  it  the 
spirit,  and  each  had  its  peculiar  manifestation  which  we 
call  its  nature.'  So  it  is  said  in  the  passage  quoted  above 
from  ./sfwang-jze's  twelfth  Book,  and  the  language  shows 

,  how  Taoism,  in  a  loose  and  indefinite  way,  V 
Man  is  composed  J  ' 

of  body  and  considered  man  to  be  composed  of  body  and 
spirit,  associated  together,  yet  not  necessarily 
dependent  on  each  other.  Little  is  found  bearing  on  this 
tenet  in  the  Tao  Teh  King.  The  concluding  sentence 
of  ch.  33,  '  He  who  dies  and  yet  does  not  perish,  has  lon- 
gevity,' is  of  doubtful  acceptation.  More  pertinent  is  the 
description  of  life  as  'a  coming  forth,'  and  of  death  as  'an 
entering2;'  but  ATwang-jze  expounds  more  fully,  though 
after  all  unsatisfactorily,  the  teaching  of  their  system  on 
the  subject. 

At  the  conclusion  of  his  third  Book,  writing  of  the  death 
of  Lao-^ze,  he  says,  '  When  the  master  came,  it  was  at  the 
proper  time;  when  he,. went  away,  it  was  the  simple  se- 
quence (of  his  coming).  ^Quiet  acquiescence  in  what  happens 
at  its  proper  time,  and  quietly  submitting  (to  its  sequence), 
afford  no  occasion  for  grief  or  for  joy.  The  ancients  de- 
scribed (death)  as  the  loosening  of  the  cord  on  which  God 
suspended  (the  life).  What  we  can  point  to  are  the  faggots 
that  have  been  consumed  ;  but  the  fire  is  transmitted  else- 
where, and  we  know  not  that  it  is  over  and  ended.' 

1  The  Tao  Teh  A'ing,  ch.  14;  et  al.  a  Ch.  50. 


22  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  III. 

It  is,  however,  in  connexion  with  the  death  of  his  own 
wife,  as  related  in  the  eighteenth  Book,  that  his  views  most 
fully — I  do  not  say  'clearly' — appear.  We  are  told  that 
when  that  event  took  place,  his  friend  Hui-jze  went  to  con- 
dole with  him,  and  found  him  squatted  on  the  ground, 
drumming  on  the  vessel  (of  ice),  and  singing.  His  friend 
said  to  him,  'When  a  wife  has  lived  with  her  husband, 
brought  up  children,  and  then  dies  in  her  old  age,  not  to 
wail  for  her  is  enough.  When  you  go  on  to  drum  on  the 
vessel  and  sing,  is  it  not  an  excessive  (and  strange)  demon- 
stration?' TsTwang-jze  replied,  'It  is  not  so.  When  she 
first  died,  was  it  possible  for  me  to  be  singular,  and  not 
affected  by  the  event  ?  But  I  reflected  on  the  commence- 
ment of  her  being,  when  she  had  not  yet  been  born  to  life. 
Not  only  had  she  no  life,  but  she  had  no  bodily  form.  Not 
only  had  she  no  bodily  form,  but  she  had  no  breath. 
Suddenly  in  this  chaotic  condition  there  ensued  a  change, 
and  there  was  breath ;  another  change,  and  there  was  the 
bodily  form ;  a  further  change,  and  she  was  born  to  life ; 
a  change  now  again,  and  she  is  dead.  The  relation  be- 
tween those  changes  is  like  the  procession  of  the  four 
seasons, — spring,  autumn,  winter,  and  summer.  There  she 
lies  with  her  face  up,  sleeping  in  the  Great  Chamber1;  and 
if  I  were  to  fall  sobbing  and  going  on  to  wail  for  her, 
I  should  think  I  did  not  understand  what  was  appointed 
for  all.  I  therefore  restrained  myself.' 

The  next  paragraph  of  the  same  Book  contains  another 
story  about  two  ancient  men,  both  deformed,  who,  when 
looking  at  the  graves  on  Kwan-lun,  begin  to  feel  in  their 
own  frames  the  symptoms  of  approaching  dissolution.  One 
says  to  the  other,  '  Do  you  dread  it  ? '  and  gets  the  reply, 
'  No.  Why  should  I  dread  it  ?  Life  is  a  borrowed  thing. 
The  living  frame  thus  borrowed  is  but  so  much  dust.  Life 
and  death  are  like  day  and  night.' 

In  every  birth,  it  would  thus  appear,  there  is,  somehow, 
a  repetition  of  what  it  is  said,  as  we  have  seen,  took  place 
at  '  the  Grand  Beginning  of  all  things,'  when  out  of  the 

1  That  is,  between  heaven  and  earth. 


CH.  III.  INTRODUCTION.  23 

primal  nothingness,  the  Tao  somehow  appeared,  and  there 
was  developed  through  its  operation  the  world  of  things, — 
material  things  and  the  material  body  of  man,  which  en- 
shrines or  enshrouds  an  immaterial  spirit.  This  returns 
to  the  Tao  that  gave  it,  and  may  be  regarded  indeed  as 
that  Tao  operating  in  the  body  during  the  time  of  life,  and 
in  due  time  receives  a  new  embodiment. 

In  these  notions  of  Taoism  there  was  a  preparation  for 
the  appreciation  by  its  followers  of  the  Buddhistic  system 
when  it  came  to  be  introduced  into  the  country,  and  which 
forms  a  close  connexion  between  the  two  at  the  present 
day,  Taoism  itself  constantly  becoming  less  definite  and 
influential  on  the  minds  of  the  Chinese  people.  The  Book 
which  tells  us  of  the  death  of  ^Twang-jze's  wife  concludes 
with  a  narrative  about  Lieh-jze  and  an  old  bleached  skull1, 
and  to  this  is  appended  a  passage  about  the  metamorphoses 
of  things,  ending  with  the  statement  that  '  the  panther  pro- 
duces the  horse,  and  the  horse  the  man,  who  then  again 
enters  into  the  great  machinery  (of  evolution),  from  which 
all  things  come  forth  (at  birth)  and  into  which  they  re-enter 
(at  death).'  Such  representations  need  not  be  charac- 
terised. 

5.  Ku  Hsi, '  the  prince  of  Literature,'  described  the  main 

object  of  Taoism  to  be  '  the  preservation  of  the  breath  of 

„  life  ;'  and  Liu  Mi,  probably  of  our  thirteenth 

promotive  of  century 2,  in  his  '  Dispassionate  Comparison 
longevity.  of  the  Jhree  Religions;  declares  that  '  its 

chief  achievement  is  the  prolongation  of  longevity.'  Such 
is  the  account  of  Taoism  ordinarily  given  by  Confucian  and 
Buddhist  writers,  but  our  authorities,  Lao  and  ./Twang, 
hardly  bear  out  this  representation  of  it  as  true  of  their 
time.  There  are  chapters  of  the  Tao  Teh  ^Ting  which 


1  Quoted  in  the  Amplification  of  the  Sixteen  Precepts  or  Maxims  of  the 
second  emperor  of  the  present  dynasty  by  his  son.  The  words  are  from 
Dr.  Milne's  version  of  '  the  Sacred  Edict,'  p.  137. 

3  In  his  Index  to  the  Tripi/aka,  Mr.  Bunyio  Nanjio  (p.  359)  assigns  Lifi  Mt 
and  his  work  to  the  Yuan  dynasty.  In  a  copy  of  the  work  in  my  possession 
they  are  assigned  to  that  of  Sung.  The  author,  no  doubt,  lived  under  both 
dynasties, — from  the  Sung  into  the  Yuan. 


24  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  III. 

presuppose  a  peculiar  management  of  the  breath,  but  the 
treatise  is  singularly  free  from  anything  to  justify  what  Mr. 
Balfour  well  calls  '  the  antics  of  the  Kung-fu,  or  system  of 
mystic  and  recondite  calisthenics1.'  Lao  insists,  however, 
on  the  Tao  as  conducive  to  long  life,  and  in  A'wang-jze  we 
have  references  to  it  as  a  discipline  of  longevity,  though 
even  he  mentions  rather  with  disapproval  '  those  who  kept 
blowing  and  breathing  with  open  mouth,  inhaling  and 
exhaling  the  breath,  expelling  the  old  and  taking  in  new ; 
passing  their  time  like  the  (dormant)  bear,  and  stretching 
and  twisting  (their  necks)  like  birds.'  He  says  that  'all 
this  simply  shows  their  desire  for  longevity,  and  is  what 
the  scholars  who  manage  the  breath,  and  men  who  nourish 
the  body  and  wish  to  live  as  long  as  Phang-ju,  are  fond  of 
doing  V  My  own  opinion  is  that  the  methods  of  the  Tao 
were  first  cultivated  for  the  sake  of  the  longevity  which 
they  were  thought  to  promote,  and  that  Lao,  discoun- 
tenancing such  a  use  of  them,  endeavoured  to  give  the 
doctrine  a  higher  character ;  and  this  view  is  favoured  by 
passages  in  ATwang-^ze.  In  the  seventh  paragraph,  for 
instance,  of  his  Book  VI,  speaking  of  parties  who  had  ob- 
tained the  Tao,  he  begins  with  a  prehistoric  sovereign,  who 
'  got  it  and  by  it  adjusted  heaven  and  earth.'  Among  his 
other  instances  is  Phang-ju,  who  got  it  in  the  time  of  Shun, 
and  lived  on  to  the  time  of  the  five  leading  princes  of  A"au, 
— a  longevity  of  more  than  1800  years,  greater  than  that 
ascribed  to  Methuselah !  In  the  paragraph  that  follows 
there  appears  a  Nii  Yii,  who  is  addressed  by  another  famous 
Taoist  in  the  words,  'You  are  old,  Sir,  while  your  com- 
plexion is  like  that  of  a  child  ; — how  is  it  so  ? '  and  the 
reply  is,  '  I  became  acquainted  with  the  Tao.' 

I  will  adduce  only  one  more  passage  of  A'wang.  In  his 
eleventh  Book,  and  the  fourth  paragraph,  he  tells  us  of 
interviews  between  Hwang-Ti,  in  the  nineteenth  year  of  his 
reign,  which  would  be  B.  c.  2679,  and  his  instructor  Kwang 
ATMng-^ze.  The  Taoist  sage  is  not  readily  prevailed  on 


1  See  note  on  p.  187  of  his  .ffwang-jz 
a  See  Bk.  XV,  par.  I. 


CH.  in.  INTRODUCTION.  25 

to  unfold  the  treasures  of  his  knowledge  to  the  sovereign, 
but  at  last  his  reluctance  is  overcome,  and  he  says  to  him, 
'  Come,  and  I  will  tell  you  about  the  Perfect  Tao.  Its 
essence  is  surrounded  with  the  deepest  obscurity ;  its 
highest  reach  is  in  darkness  and  silence.  There  is  nothing 
to  be  seen,  nothing  to  be  heard.  When  it  holds  the  spirit 
in  its  arms  in  stillness,  then  the  bodily  form  will  of  itself 
become  correct.  You  must  be  still,  you  must  be  pure ; 
not  subjecting  your  body  to  toil,  not  agitating  your  vital 
force  : — then  you  may  live  for  long.  When  your  eyes  see 
nothing,  your  ears  hear  nothing,  and  your  mind  knows 
nothing,  your  spirit  will  keep  your  body,  and  the  body  will 
live  long.  Watch  over  what  is  within  you  ;  shut  up  the 
avenues  that  connect  you  with  what  is  external ; — much 
knowledge  is  pernicious.  I  will  proceed  with  you  to  the 
summit  of  the  Grand  Brilliance,  where  we  come  to  the 
bright  and  expanding  (element) ;  I  will  enter  with  you  the 
gate  of  the  dark  and  depressing  element.  There  heaven 
and  earth  have  their  Controllers;  there  the  Yin  and 
Yang  have  their  Repositories.  Watch  over  and  keep 
your  body,  and  all  things  will  of  themselves  give  it  vigour. 
I  maintain  the  (original)  unity  (of  these  elements).  In 
this  way  I  have  cultivated  myself  for  1200  years,  and 
my  bodily  form  knows  no  decay.'  Add  1200  to  2679, 
and  we  obtain  3879  as  the  year  B.C.  of  Kwang  K/tang- 
jze's  birth ! 

6.  Lao-^ze  describes  some  other  and  kindred  results  of 
cultivating  the  Tao  in  terms  which  are  sufficiently  startling, 
Startling  results  and  which  it  is  difficult  to  accept.  In  his 
of  the  Tao.  fiftieth  chapter  he  says, '  He  who  is  skilful  in 
managing  his  life  travels  on  land  without  having  to  shun 
rhinoceros  or  tiger,  and  enters  a  host  without  having  to 
avoid  buff  coat  or  sharp  weapon.  The  rhinoceros  finds  no 
place  in  him  into  which  to  thrust  its  horn,  nor  the  tiger  a 
place  in  which  to  fix  its  claws,  nor  the  weapon  a  place  to 
admit  its  point.  And  for  what  reason  ?  Because  there  is 
in  him  no  place  of  death.'  To  the  same  effect  he  says  in 
his  fifty-fifth  chapter,  '  He  who  has  in  himself  abundantly 
the  attributes  (of  the  Tao)  is  like  an  infant.  Poisonous 


26  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  III. 

insects  will  not  sting  him  ;  fierce  beasts  will  not  seize  him  ; 
birds  of  prey  will  not  strike  him.' 

Such  assertions  startle  us  by  their  contrariety  to  our 
observation  and  experience,  but  so  does  most  of  the  teaching 
of  Taoism.  What  can  seem  more  absurd  than  the  declara- 
tion that  'the  Tao  does  nothing,  and  so  there  is  nothing 
that  it  does  not  do  ? '  And  yet  this  is  one  of  the  fundamental 
axioms  of  the  system.  The  thirty-seventh  chapter,  which 
enunciates  it,  goes  on  to  say,  '  If  princes  and  kings  were 
able  to  maintain  (the  Tao),  all  things  would  of  themselves 
be  transformed  by  them.'  This  principle,  if  we  can  call  it 
so,  is  generalised  in  the  fortieth,  one  of  the  shortest  chapters, 
and  partly  in  rhyme  : — 

'The  movement  of  the  Tao 

By  contraries  proceeds; 
And  weakness  marks  the  course 
Of  Tao's  mighty  deeds. 

All  things  under  heaven  sprang  from  it  as  existing  (and 
named) ;  that  existence  sprang  from  it  as  non-existent 
(and  not  named).' 

Ho-shang  Kung,  or  whoever  gave  their  names  to  the 
chapters  of  the  Tao  Teh  ^Ting,  styles  this  fortieth  chapter 
'  Dispensing  with  the  use  (of  means).'  If  the  wish  to  use 
means  arise  in  the  mind,  the  nature  of  the  Tao  as  '  the 
Nameless  Simplicity '  has  been  vitiated ;  and  this  nature 
is  celebrated  in  lines  like  those  just  quoted  : — 

'  Simplicity  without  a  name 
Is  free  from  all  external  aim. 
With  no  desire,  at  rest  and  still, 
All  things  go  right,  as  of  their  will.' 

I  do  not  cull  any  passages  from  ^Twang-jze  to  illustrate 
these  points.  In  his  eleventh  Book  his  subject  is  Govern- 
ment by  'Let-a-be  and  the  exercise  of  Forbearance.' 

7.  This  Tao  ruled  men  at  first,  and  then  the  world  was 

in  a  paradisiacal  state.     Neither  of  our  authorities  tells  us 

The  paradisiacal  how  long  this  condition  lasted,  but  as  Lao 

state.  observes  in  his  eighteenth  chapter,  'the  Tao 

ceased   to   be   observed.'     A^wang-jze,  however,  gives   us 


CH.  III.  INTRODUCTION.  2J 

more  than  one  description  of  what  he  considered  the  para- 
disiacal state  was.  He  calls  it  'the  age  of  Perfect  Virtue.' 
In  the  thirteenth  paragraph  of  his  twelfth  Book  he  says, 
'  In  this  age,  they  attached  no  value  to  wisdom,  nor  employed 
men  of  ability.  Superiors  were  (but)  as  the  higher  branches 
of  a  tree ;  and  the  people  were  like  the  deer  of  the  wild. 
They  were  upright  and  correct,  without  knowing  that  to 
be  so  was  Righteousness ;  they  loved  one  another,  without 
knowing  that  to  do  so  was  Benevolence ;  they  were  honest 
and  leal-hearted,  without  knowing  that  it  was  Loyalty'; 
they  fulfilled  their  engagements,  without  knowing  that  to 
do  so  was  Good  Faith ;  in  their  movements  they  employed 
the  services  of  one  another,  without  thinking  that  they  were 
conferring  or  receiving  any  gift.  Therefore  their  actions 
left  no  trace,  and  there  was  no  record  of  their  affairs.' 

Again,  in  the  fourth  paragraph  of  his  tenth  Book,  address- 
ing an  imaginary  interlocutor,  he  says,  'Are  you,  Sir,  un- 
acquainted with  the  age  of  Perfect  Virtue  ? '  He  then  gives 
the  names  of  twelve  sovereigns  who  ruled  in  it,  of  the 
greater  number  of  whom  we  have  no  other  means  of  know- 
ing anything,  and  goes  on  : — 'In  their  times  the  people  used 
knotted  cords  in  carrying  on  their  business.  They  thought 
their  (simple)  food  pleasant,  and  their  (plain)  clothing 
beautiful.  They  were  happy  in  their  (simple)  manners, 
and  felt  at  rest  in  their  (poor)  dwellings.  (The  people  of) 
neighbouring  states  might  be  able  to  descry  one  another ; 
the  voices  of  their  cocks  and  dogs  might  be  heard  from 
one  to  the  other ;  they  might  not  die  till  they  were  old ; 
and  yet  all  their  life  they  would  have  no  communication 
together.  In  those  times  perfect  good  order  prevailed.' 

One  other  description  of  the  primeval  sta'fe  is  still  more 
interesting.  It  is  in  the  second  pafa'graph  of  Bk.  IX  :— 
'  The  people  had  their  regular  and  constant  nature  : — they 
wove  and  made  themselves  clothes  ;  they  tilled  the  ground 
and  got  food.  This  was  their  common  faculty.  They  were 
all  one  in  this,  and,,  did  not  form  themselves  into  separate 
classes;  so  were' they  constituted  and  left  to  their  natural 
tendencies.  Therefore  in  the  age  of  Perfect  Virtue  men 
walked  along  with  slow  and  grave  step,  and  with  their 


28  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  in. 

looks  steadily  directed  forwards.  On  the  hills  there  were 
no  footpaths  nor  excavated  passages ;  on  the  lakes  there 
were  no  boats  nor  dams.  All  creatures  lived  in  companies, 
and  their  places  of  settlement  were  made  near  to  one 
another.  Birds  and  beasts  multiplied  to  flocks  and  herds  ; 
the  grass  and  trees  grew  luxuriant  and  long.  The  birds 
and  beasts  might  be  led  about  without  feeling  the  con- 
straint ;  the  nest  of  the  magpie  might  be  climbed  to,  and 
peeped  into.  Yes,  in  the  age  of  Perfect  Virtue,  men  lived 
in  common  with  birds  and  beasts,  and  were  on  terms  of 
equality  with  all  creatures,  as  forming  one  family ; — how 
could  they  know  among  themselves  the  distinctions  of 
superior  men  and  small  men  ?  Equally  without  knowledge, 
they  did  not  leave  the  path  of  their  natural  virtue  ;  equally 
free  from  desires,  they  were  in  the  state  of  pure  simplicity. 
In  that  pure  simplicity,  their  nature  was  what  it  ought 
to  be.' 

Such  were  the  earliest  Chinese  of  whom  A^wang-jze 
could  venture  to  give  any  account.  If  ever  their  ancestors 
had  been  in  a  ruder  or  savage  condition,  it  must  have 
been  at  a  much  antecedent  time.  These  had  long  passed 
out  of  such  a  state ;  they  were  tillers  of  the  ground,  and 
acquainted  with  the  use  of  the  loom.  They  lived  in  happy 
relations  with  one  another,  and  in  kindly  harmony  with  the 
tribes  of  inferior  creatures.  But  there  is  not  the  slightest 
allusion  to  any  sentiment  of  piety  as  animating  them  indi- 
vidually, or  to  any  ceremony  of  religion  as  observed  by 
them  in  common.  This  surely  is  a  remarkable  feature  in 
their  condition.  I  call  attention  to  it,  but  I  do  not  dwell 
upon  it. 

8.  But  by  the  time  of  Lao  and  /sfwang  the  cultivation  of 

the  Tao  had  fallen  into  disuse.     The   simplicity  of  life 

which  it  demanded,  with  its  freedom  from 

TT!O  before  the6   a^  disturbing  speculation  and  action,  was  no 

growth  of       longer  to  be  found  in  individuals  or  in  govern- 

knowledge.  .     .  - 

ment.  It  was  the  general  decay  of  manners 
and  of  social  order  which  unsettled  the  mind  of  Lao,  made 
him  resign  his  position  as  a  curator  of  the  Royal  Library, 
and  determine  to  withdraw  from  China  and  hide  himself 


CH.  in.  INTRODUCTION.  29 

among  the  rude  peoples  beyond  it.  The  cause  of  the  de- 
terioration of  the  Tao  and  of  all  the  evils  of  the  nation 
was  attributed  to  the  ever-growing  pursuit  of  knowledge, 
and  of  what  we  call  the  arts  of  culture.  It  had  commenced 
very  long  before ; — in  the  time  of  Hwang-Ti,  ./Twang  says 
in  one  place1;  and  in  another  he  carries  it  still  higher  to 
Sui-zan  and  Fu-hsi2.  There  had  been  indeed,  all  along 
the  line  of  history,  a  groping  for  the  rules  of  life,  as  indi- 
cated by  the  constitution  of  man's  nature.  The  results 
were  embodied  in  the  ancient  literature  which  was  the  life- 
long study  of  Confucius.  He  had  gathered  up  that  litera- 
ture ;  he  recognised  the  nature  of  man  as  the  gift  of  Heaven 
or  God.  The  monitions  of  God  as  given  in  the  convictions 
of  man's  mind  supplied  him  with  a  Tao  or  Path  of  duty 
very  different  from  the  Tao  or  Mysterious  Way  of  Lao. 
All  this  was  gall  and  wormwood  to  the  dreaming  librarian 
or  brooding  recluse,  and  made  him  say,  '  If  we  could  re- 
nounce our  sageness  and  discard  our  wisdom,  it  would  be 
better  for  the  people  a  hundredfold.  If  we  could  renounce 
our  benevolence  and  discard  our  righteousness,  the  people 
would  again  become  filial  and  kindly.  If  we  could  re- 
nounce our  artful  contrivances  and  discard  our  (scheming 
for)  gain,  there  would  be  no  thieves  nor  robbers3.' 

We  can  laugh  at  this.  Taoism  was  wrong  in  its  opposi- 
tion to  the  increase  of  knowledge.  Man  exists  under  a  law 
of  progress.  In  pursuing  it  there  are  demanded  discretion 
and  justice.  Moral  ends  must  rule  over  material  ends,  and 
advance  in  virtue  be  ranked  higher  than  advance  in  science. 
So  have  good  and  evil,  truth  and  error,  to  fight  out  the 
battle  on  the  field  of  the  world,  and  in  all  the  range  of 
time ;  but  there  is  no  standing  still  for  the  individual  or 
for  society*  Even  Confucius  taught  his  countrymen  to  set 
too  high  a  value  on  the  examples  of  antiquity.  The  school 
of  Lao-jze  fixing  themselves  in  an  unknown  region  beyond 
antiquity, — a  prehistoric  time  between  '  the  Grand  Begin- 
ning of  all  things '  out  of  nothing,  and  the  unknown  com- 
mencement of  societies  of  men, — has  made  no  advance 

1  Bk.  XI,  par.  5.  a  Bk.  XVI,  par.  2. 

8  Tao  Teh  Xing,  ch.  19. 


3O  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  III. 

but  rather  retrograded,  and  is  represented  by  the  still  more 
degenerate  Taoism  of  the  present  day. 

There  is  a  short  parabolic  story  of  ^Twang-jze,  intended 
to  represent  the  antagonism  between  Taoism  and  know- 
ledge, which  has  always  struck  me  as  curious.  The  last 
paragraph  of  his  seventh  Book  is  this  : — '  The  Ruler  (or 
god  Ti)  of  the  Southern  Ocean  was  Shu  (that  is,  Heedless) ; 
the  Ruler  of  the  Northern  Ocean  was  H  u  (that  is,  Hasty) ; 
and  the  Ruler  of  the  Centre  was  Hwun-tun  (that  is, 
Chaos).  Shu  and  Hu  were  continually  meeting  in  the  land 
of  Hwun-tun,  who  treated  them  very  well.  They  con- 
sulted together  how  they  might  repay  his  kindness,  and 
said,  "Men  have  all  seven  orifices  for  the  purposes  of  seeing, 
hearing,  eating,  and  breathing,  while  this  (poor)  Ruler  alone 
has  not  one.  Let  us  try  and  make  them  for  him."  Ac- 
cordingly they  dug  one  orifice  in  him  every  day ;  and  at 
the  end  of  seven  days  Chaos  died.' 

So  it  was  that  Chaos  passed  away  before  Light.  So  did 
the  nameless  Simplicity  of  the  Tao  disappear  before  Know- 
ledge. But  it  was  better  that  the  Chaos  should  give  place 
to  the  Kosmos.  '  Heedless '  and  '  Hasty '  did  a  good  deed. 

9.  I  have  thus  set  forth  eight  characteristics  of  the  Tao- 

istic  system,  having  respect  mostly  to  what  is  peculiar  and 

mystical  in  it.     I  will  now  conclude  my  exhibition  of  it  by 

bringing  together  under  one  head  the  prac- 

The  practical 

lessons  of       tical  lessons  of  its  author  for  men  individually, 

and  for  the   administration   of  government. 

The  praise  of  whatever  excellence  these  possess  belongs  to 

Lao  himself:  ^Twang-jze  devotes   himself  mainly  to  the 

illustration  of  the  abstruse  and  difficult  points. 

First,  it  does  not  surprise  us  that  in  his  rules  for  individual 

man,  Lao  should  place  Humility  in  the  foremost  place.    A 

favourite  illustration  with  him  of  the  Tao  is  water.     In  his 

eighth  chapter  he  says  : — '  The  highest  excel- 

Humility. 

lence  is  like  that  of  water.  I  he  excellence 
of  water  appears  in  its  benefiting  all  things,  and  in  its 
occupying,  without  striving  to  the  contrary,  the  low  ground 
which  all  men  dislike.  Hence  (its  way)  is  near  to  that 
of  the  Tao.'  To  the  same  effect  in  the  seventy-eighth 


CH.  III.  INTRODUCTION.  31 

chapter : — '  There  is  nothing  in  the  world  more  soft  and 
weak  than  water,  and  yet  for  attacking  things  that  are 
firm  and  strong  there  is  nothing  that  can  take  precedence 
of  it.  Every  one  in  the  world  knows  that  the  soft  over- 
comes the  hard,  and  the  weak  the  strong ;  but  no  one  is 
able  to  carry  it  out  in  practice.' 

In  his  sixty-seventh  chapter  Lao  associates  with  Humility 
two  other  virtues,  and  calls  them  his  three  Precious  TJiings  or 

Lao's  three     Jewels.,.  They  are  Gentleness,  Economy,  and 

Jewels.         Shrinking  from  taking  precedence  of  others. 

'  With  that  Gentleness,'  he  says,  '  I  can  be  bold  ;  with  that 

Economy  I  can  be  liberal ;  Shrinking  from  taking  precedence 

of  others,  I  can  become  a  vessel  of  the  highest  honour.' 

And  in  his  sixty-third  chapter,  he  rises  to  a  still  loftier 
height  of  morality.  He  says,  '(It  is  the  way  of  the  Tao) 
to  act  without  (thinking  of)  acting,  to  conduct  affairs  with- 
out (feeling)  the  trouble  of  them ;  to  taste  without  discern- 
ing any  flavour,  to  consider  the  small  as  great, 

RenfoTevilg°0d   and  the  few  as  many,  and  to  recompense 
injury  with  kindness.' 

Hejre  is  the  grand  Christian  precept,  '  Render  to  no  man 
evil  for  evil.  If  thine  enemy  hunger,  feed  him  ;  if  he  thirst, 
give  him  drink.  Be  not  overcome  with  evil,  but  overcome 
evil  with  good.'  We  know  that  the  maxim  made  some 
noise  in  its  author's  lifetime  ;  that  the  disciples  of  Confucius 
consulted  him  about  it,  and  that  he  was  unable  to  receive 
it1.  It  comes  in  with  less  important  matters  by  virtue  of 
the  Taoistic  'rule  of  contraries.'  I  have  been  sur- 
prised to  find  what  little  reference  to  it  I  have  met  with  in 
the  course  of  my  Chinese  reading.  I  do  not  think  that 
^Twang-jze  takes  notice  of  it  to  illustrate  it  after  his  fashion. 
There,  however,  it  is  in  the  Tao  Teh  A'ing.  The  fruit  of 
it  has  yet  to  be  developed. 

Second,  Lao  laid  down  the  same  rule  for  the  policy  of  ' 
the  state  as  for  the  life  of  the  individual.     He  says  in  his 
sixty-first  chapter,  '  What  makes  a  state  great  is  its  being 
like  a  low-lying,  down-flowing   stream ; — it   becomes   the 

1  Confucian  Analects,  XIV,  36. 


32  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  III. 

centre  to  which  tend  all  (the  small  states)  under  heaven.' 
He  then  uses  an  illustration  which  will  produce  a  smile : — 
'Take  the  case  of  all  females.  The  female  always  over- 
comes the  male  by  her  stillness.  Stillness  may  be  con- 
sidered (a  sort  of)  abasement.'  Resuming  his  subject,  he 
adds, '  Thus  it  is  that  a  great  state,  by  condescending  to 
small  states,  gains  them  for  itself;  and  that  small  states, 
by  abasing  themselves  to  a  great  state,  win  it  over  to  them. 
In  the  one  case  the  abasement  tends  to  gaining  adherents  ; 
in  the  other  case,  to  procuring  favour.  The  great  state 
only  wishes  to  unite  men  together  and  nourish  them ;  a 
small  state  only  wishes  to  be  received  by,  and  to  serve, 
the  other.  Each  gets  what  it  desires,  but  the  great  state 
must  learn  to  abase  itself.' 

'  All  very  well  in  theory,'  some  one  will  exclaim,  '  but, 
the  world  has  not  seen  it  yet  reduced  to  practice.'  So  it  is. 
The  fact  is  deplorable.  No  one  saw  the  misery  arising 
from  it,  and  exposed  its  unreasonableness  more  unsparingly, 
than  ^Twang-iize.  But  it  was  all  in  vain  in  his  time,  as  it 
has  been  in  all  the  centuries  that  have  since  rolled  their 
course.  Philosophy,  philanthropy,  and  religion  have  still 
to  toil  on,  '  faint,  yet  pursuing,'  believing  that  the  time  will 
yet  come  when  humility  and  love  shall  secure  the  reign  of 
peace  and  good  will  among  the  nations  of  men. 

While  enjoining  humility,  Lao  protested  against  war. 
In  his  thirty-first  chapter  he  says,  '  Arms,  however  beau- 
tiful, are  instruments  of  evil  omen  ;  hateful,  it  may  be  said, 
to  all  creatures.  They  who  have  the  Tao  do  not  like  to 
employ  them.'  Perhaps  in  his  sixty-ninth  chapter  he  allows 
defensive  war,  but  he  adds,  'There  is  no  calamity  greater 
than  that  of  lightly  engaging  in  war.  To  do  that  is  near 
losing  the  gentleness  which  is  so  precious.  Thus  it  is  that 
when  weapons  are  (actually)  crossed,  he  who  deplores  the 
(situation)  conquers.' 

•  There  are  some  other  points  in  the  practical  lessons  of 
Taoism  to  which  I  should  like  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
reader,  but  I  must  refer  him  for  them  to  the  chapters  of 
the  Tao  Teh  King,  and  the  Books  of  ^Twang-^ze.  Its 
salient  features  have  been  set  forth  somewhat  fully.  Not- 


CH.  IV.  INTRODUCTION.  33 

withstanding  the  scorn  poured  so  freely  on  Confucius  by 
.ATwang-^ze  and  other  Taoist  writers,  he  proved  in  the 
course  of  time  too  strong  for  Lao  .as  the  teacher  of  their 
people.  The  entrance  of  Buddhism,  moreover,  into  the 
country  in  our  first  century,  was  very  injurious  to  Taoism, 
which  still  exists,  but  is  only  the  shadow  of  its  former  self. 
It  is  tolerated  by  the  government,  but  not  patronised  as  it 
was  when  emperors  and  empresses  seemed  to  think  more 
of  it  than  of  Confucianism.  It  is  by  the  spread  of  know- 
ledge, which  it  has  always  opposed,  that  its  overthrow  and 
disappearance  will  be  brought  about  ere  long. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
ACCOUNTS   OF   LAO-SZE  AND  ^TWANG-SZE   GIVEN 

BY     SZE-MA 


It  seems  desirable,  before  passing  from  Lao  and 
/Twang  in  this  Introduction,  to  give  a  place  in  it  to 
what  is  said  about  them  by  Sze-ma  KMen.  I  have 
said  that  not  a  single  proper  name  occurs  in  the  Tao 
Teh  A!"  ing.  There  is  hardly  an  historical  allusion  in  it. 
Only  one  chapter,  the  twentieth,  has  somewhat  of  an 
autobiographical  character.  It  tells  us,  however,  of  no 
incidents  of  his  life.  He  appears  alone  in  the  world  through 
his  cultivation  of  the  Tao,  melancholy  and  misunderstood, 
yet  binding  that  Tao  more  closely  to  his  bosom. 

The  Books  of  A'wang-jze  are  of  a  different  nature, 
abounding  in  pictures  of  Taoist  life,  in  anecdotes  and 
narratives,  graphic,  argumentative,  often  satirical.  But 
they  are  not  historical.  Confucius  and  many  of  his  dis- 
ciples, Lao  and  members  of  his  school,  heroes  and  sages 
of  antiquity,  and  men  of  his  own  day,  move  across  his 
pages  ;  but  the  incidents  in  connexion  with  which  they 
are  introduced  are  probably  fictitious,  and  devised  by  him 
'  to  point  his  moral  or  adorn  his  tale.'  His  names  of 
individuals  and  places  are  often  like  those  of  Bunyan  in 
his  Pilgrim's  Progress  or  his  Holy  War,  emblematic 
of  their  characters  and  the  doctrines  which  he  employs 

[39]  D 


34  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  IV. 

them  to  illustrate.  He  often  comes  on  the  stage  himself, 
and  there  is  an  air  of  verisimilitude  in  his  descriptions, 
possibly  also  a  certain  amount  of  fact  about  them  ;  but  we 
cannot  appeal  to  them  as  historical  testimony.  It  is  only 
to  Sze-ma  AVzien  that  we  can  go  for  this ;  he  always  writes 
in  the  spirit  of  an  historian ;  but  what  he  has  to  tell  us  of 
the  two  men  is  not  much. 

And  first,  as  to  his  account  of  Lao-^ze.  When  he 
wrote,  about  the  beginning  of  the  first  century  B.C.,  the 
Taoist  master  was  already  known  as  Lao-^ze.  K Men,  how- 
ever, tells  us  that  his  surname  was  Li,  and  his  name  R, 
meaning  'Ear,'  which  gave  place  after  his  death  to  Tan, 
meaning  '  Long-eared,'  from  which  we  may  conclude  that 
he  was  named  from  some  peculiarity  in  the  form  of  his 
ears.  He  was  a  native  of  the  state  of  Kk&,  which  had 
then  extended  far  beyond  its  original  limits,  and  his 
birth-place  was  in  the  present  province  of  Ho-nan  or  of 
An-hui.  He  was  a  curator  in  the  Royal  Library ;  and  when 
Confucius  visited  the  capital  in  the  year  B.C.  517,  the  two 
men  met.  AT/zien  says  that  Confucius's  visit  to  Lo-yang  was 
that  he  might  question  Lao  on  the  subject  of  ceremonies. 
He  might  have  other  objects  in  mind  as  well ;  but  however 
that  was,  the  two  met.  Li  said  to  Khung,  '  The  men  about 
whom  you  talk  are  dead,  and  their  bones  are  mouldered  to 
dust ;  only  their  words  are  left.  Moreover,  when  the  superior 
man  gets  his  opportunity,  he  mounts  aloft ;  but  when  the 
time  is  against  him,  he  is  carried  along  by  the  force  of 
circumstances  *.  I  have  heard  that  a  good  merchant, 
though  he  have  rich  treasures  safely  stored,  appears  as  if 
he  were  poor;  and  that  the  superior  man,  though  his 
virtue  be  complete,  is  yet  to  outward  seeming  stupid. 
Put  away  your  proud  air  and  many  desires,  your  in- 
sinuating habit  and  wild  will.  They  are  of  no  advantage 
to  you ; — this  is  all  I  have  to  tell  you.'  Confucius  is  made 
to  say  to  his  disciples  after  the  interview :  '  I  know  how 


1  Julian  translates  this  by  'il  erre  a  1'aventure.'  In  1861  I  rendered  it,  '  He 
moves  as  if  his  feet  were  entangled.'  To  one  critic  it  suggests  the  idea  of  a 
bundle  or  wisp  of  brushwood  rolled  about  over  the  ground  by  the  wind. 


CH.  IV.  INTRODUCTION.  35 

birds  can  fly,  fishes  swim,  and  animals  run.  But  the 
runner  may  be  snared,  the  swimmer  hooked,  and  the 
flyer  shot  by  the  arrow.  But  there  is  the  dragon: — I 
cannot  tell  how  he  mounts  on  the  wind  through  the  clouds, 
and  rises  to  heaven.  To-day  I  have  seen  Lao-jze,  and  can 
only  compare  him  to  the  dragon.' 

In  this  speech  of  Confucius  we  have,  I  believe,  the  origin 
of  the  name  Lao-jze,  as  applied  to  the  master  of  Taoism.  > 
Its  meaning  is  '  The  Old  Philosopher,'  or  '  The  Old  Gen- 
tleman1.' Confucius  might  well  so  style  Li  R.  At  the 
time  of  this  interview  he  was  himself  in  his  thirty-fifth 
year,  and  the  other  was  in  his  eighty-eighth.  KMen.  adds, 
'Lao-$ze  cultivated  the  Tao  and  its  attributes,  the  chief 
aim  of  his  studies  being  how  to  keep  himself  concealed 
and  remain  unknown.  He  continued  to  reside  at  (the 
capital  of)  Kau,  but  after  a  long  time,  seeing  the  decay 
of  the  dynasty,  he  left  it  and  went  away  to  the  barrier- 
gate,  leading  out  of  the  kingdom  on  the  north-west. 
Yin  Hsi,  the  warden  of  the  gate,  said  to  him,  "  You  are 
about  to  withdraw  yourself  out  of  sight.  Let  me  insist 
on  your  (first)  composing  for  me  a  book."  On  this,  Lao-jze 
wrote  a  book  in  two  parts,  setting  forth  his  views  on  the 
Tao  and  its  attributes,  in  more  than  5000  characters.  He 
then  went  away,  and  it  is  not  known  where  he  died.  He 
was  a  superior  man,  who  liked  to  keep  himself  unknown.' 

Kh'izn.  finally  traces  Lao's  descendants  down  to  the  first 
century  B.C.,  and  concludes  by  saying,  'Those  who  attach 
themselves  to  the  doctrine  of  Lao-$ze  condemn  that  of 
the  Literati,  and  the  Literati  on  their  part  condemn  Lao- 
$ze,  verifying  the  saying,  "  Parties  whose  principles  are 
different  cannot  take  counsel  together."  L!  R  taught  that 
by  doing  nothing  others  are  as  a  matter  of  course  trans- 

1  The  characters  may  mean  '  the  old  boy,'  and  so  understood  have  given  rise 
to  various  fabulous  legends ;  that  his  mother  had  carried  him  in  her  womb  for 
seventy-two  years  (some  say,  for  eighty-one),  and  that  when  born  the  child  had 
the  white  hair  of  an  old  man.  Julien  has  translated  the  fabuloi  legend  of 
Ko  Hung  of  our  fourth  century  about  him.  By  that  time  the  legends  of 
Buddhism  about  .Sakyamuni  had  become  current  in  China,  and  were  copied  and 
applied  to  Lao-jze  by  h  i  s  followers.  Looking  at  the  meaning  of  the  two  names, 
I  am  surprised  no  one  has  characterized  Lao-jze  as  the  Chinese  Seneca. 

D  2 


36  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  IV. 

formed,  and  that  rectification  in  the  same  way  ensues  from 
being  pure  and  still.' 

This  morsel  is  all  that  we  have  of  historical  narrative 
about  Lao-^ze.  The  account  of  the  writing  of  the  Tao 
Teh  King  at  the  request  of  the  warden  of  the  barrier-gate 
has  a  doubtful  and  legendary  appearance.  Otherwise,  the 
record  is  free  from  anything  to  raise  suspicion  about  it. 
It  says  nothing  about  previous  existences  of  Lao,  and 
nothing  of  his  travelling  to  the  west,  and  learning  there 
the  doctrines  which  are  embodied  in  his  work.  He  goes 
through  the  pass  out  of  the  domain  of  Tsfau,  and  died  no 
one  knowing  where. 

It  is  difficult,  however,  to  reconcile  this  last  statement 
with  a  narrative  in  .  the  end  of  ATwang-jze's  third  Book. 
There  we  see  Lao-$ze  dead,  and  a  crowd  of  mourners 
wailing  round  the  corpse,  and  giving  extraordinary  demon- 
strations of  grief,  which  offend  a  disciple  of  a  higher  order, 
who  has  gone  to  the  house  to  offer  his  condolences  on  the 
occasion.  But  for  the  peculiar  nature  of  most  of  Hwang's 
narratives,  we  should  say,  in  opposition  to  K/iien,  that  the 
place  and  time  of  Lao's  death  were  well  known.  Possibly, 
however,  A'wang-jze  may  have  invented  the  whole  story, 
to  give  him  the  opportunity  of  setting  forth  what,  according 
to  his  ideal  of  it,  the  life  of  a  Taoist  master  should  be,  and 
how  even  Lao-$ze  himself  fell  short  of  it. 

Second,  Khi&ris  account  of  A^wang-^ze  is  still  more  brief. 
He  was  a  native,  he  tells  us,  of  the  territory  of  Mang,  which 
belonged  to  the  kingdom  of  Liang  or  Wei,  and  held  an 
office,  he  does  not  say  what,  in  the  city  of  K/zi-yua.n. 
A"wang  was  thus  of  the  same  part  of  China  as  Lao-jze,  and 
probably  grew  up  familiar  with  all  his  speculations  and 
lessons.  He  lived  during  the  reigns  of  the  kings  Hui  of 
Liang,  Hsiian  of  Kh\,  and  Wei  of  Khu.  We  cannot  be 
wrong  therefore  in  assigning  his  period  to  the  latter  half  of 
the  third,  and  earlier  part  of  the  fourth  century  B.  c.  He 
was  thus  a  contemporary  of  Mencius.  They  visited  at  the 
same  courts,  and  yet  neither  ever  mentions  the  other.  They 
were  the  two  ablest  debaters  of  their  day,  and  fond  of 
exposing  what  they  deemed  heresy.  But  it  would  only  be 


CH.  iv.  INTRODUCTION.  37 

a  matter  of  useless  speculation  to  try  to  account  for  their 
never  having  come  into  argumentative  collision. 

K/iien  says  :  '  Kwang  had  made  himself  well  acquainted 
with  all  the  literature  of  his  time,  but  preferred  the  views 
of  Lao-,$ze,  and  ranked  himself  among  his  followers,  so  that 
of  the  more  than  ten  myriads  of  characters  contained  in  his 
published  writings  the  greater  part  are  occupied  with  meta- 
phorical illustrations  of  Lao's  doctrines.  He  made  "  The 
Old  Fisherman,"  "  The  Robber  ATih,"  and  "  The  Cutting 
open  Satchels,"  to  satirize  and  expose  the  disciples  of  Con- 
fucius, and  clearly  exhibit  the  sentiments  of  Lao.  Such 
names  and  characters  as  "  Wei-lei  Hsu  "  and  "  Khang-sang 
3ze  "  are  fictitious,  and  the  pieces  where  they  occur  are 
not  to  be  understood  as  narratives  of  real  events  l. 

1  But  ./Twang  was  an  admirable  writer  and  skilful  com- 
poser, and  by  his  instances  and  truthful  descriptions  hit 
and  exposed  the  Mohists  and  Literati.  The  ablest  scholars 
of  his  day  could  not  escape  his  satire  nor  reply  to  it,  while 
he  allowed  and  enjoyed  himself  with  his  sparkling,  dashing 
style  ;  and  thus  it  was  that  the  greatest  men,  even  kings 
and  princes,  could  not  use  him  for  their  purposes. 

'  King  Wei  of  K&u,  having  heard  of  the  ability  of  ./Twang 
ATau,  sent  messengers  with  large  gifts  to  bring  him  to  his 
court,  and  promising  also  that  he  would  make  him  his  chief 
minister.  jfifwang-$ze,  however,  only  laughed  and  said  to 
them,  "  A  thousand  ounces  of  silver  are  a  great  gain  to  me, 
and  to  be  a  high  noble  and  minister  is  a  most  honourable 
position.  But  have  you  not  seen  the  victim-ox  for  the 
border  sacrifice  ?  It  is  carefully  fed  for  several  years,  and 
robed  with  rich  embroidery  that  it  may  be  fit  to  enter  the 
Grand  Temple.  When  the  time  comes  for  it  to  do  so,  it 
would  prefer  to  be  a  little  pig,  but  it  cannot  get  to  be  so. 
Go  away  quickly,  and  do  not  soil  me  with  your  presence. 

1  Khang-sang  £ze  is  evidently  the  Kang-sang  fChvi  of  Hwang's  Book  XXIII. 
Wei-lei  Hsu  is  supposed  by  Sze-ma  ^ang  of  the  Thang  dynasty,  who  called 
himself  the  Lesser  Sze-ma,  to  be  the  name  of  a  Book ;  one,  in  that  case,  of  the 
lost  books  of  A'wang.  But  as  we  find  the  '  Hill  of  Wei-lei '  mentioned  in 
Bk.  XXIII  as  the  scene  of  Kang-sang  A"M's  Taoistic  labours  and  success,  I 
suppose  that  Alien's  reference  is  to  that.  The  names  are  quoted  by  him  from 
memory,  or  might  be  insisted  on  as  instances  of  different  readings.  » 


38  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  v. 

I  had  rather  amuse  and  enjoy  myself  in  the  midst  of  a 
filthy  ditch  than  be  subject  to  the  rules  and  restrictions  in 
the  court  of  a  sovereign.  I  have  determined  never  to  take 
office,  but  prefer  the  enjoyment  of  my  own  free  will." ' 

Khlen  concludes  his  account  of  A'wang-jze  with  the  above 
story,  condensed  by  him,  probably,  from  two  of  Hwang's 
own  narratives,  in  par.  IT  of  Bk.  XVII,  and  13  of  XXXII, 
to  the  injury  of  them  both.  Paragraph  14  of  XXXII  brings 
before  us  one  of  the  last  scenes  of  Kwang-^ze's  life,  and  we 
may  doubt  whether  it  should  be  received  as  from  his  own 
pencil.  It  is  interesting  in  itself,  however,  and  I  introduce 
it  here  :  '  When  ATwang-jze  was  about  to  die,  his  disciples 
signified  their  wish  to  give  him  a  grand  burial.  "  I  shall 
have  heaven  and  earth,"  he  said,  "  for  my  coffin  and  its 
shell ;  the  sun  and  moon  for  my  two  round  symbols  of  jade  ; 
the  stars  and  constellations  for  my  pearls  and  jewels ; — 
will  not  the  provisions  for  my  interment  be  complete  ? 
What  would  you  add  to  them  ? "  The  disciples  replied, 
"We  are  afraid  that  the  crows  and  kites  will  eat  our 
master."  jfifwang-jze  rejoined,  "Above,  the  crows  and  kites 
will  eat  me  ;  below,  the  mole-crickets  and  ants  will  eat  me  ; 
to  take  from  those  and  give  to  these  would  only  show 
your  partiality." ' 

Such  were  among  the  last  words  of  A"wang-jze.  His 
end  was  not  so  impressive  as  that  of  Confucius ;  but  it 
was  in  keeping  with  the  general  magniloquence  and  strong 
assertion  of  independence  that  marked  all  his  course. 


CHAPTER  V. 

ON  THE  TRACTATE  OF  ACTIONS  AND  THEIR 
RETRIBUTIONS. 

i.  The  contrast  is  great  between  the  style  of  the  Tao 

Teh  ATing  and  the  Books  of  ATwang-jze  and  that  of  the 

Peculiar  style   KanYingpnien>a  translation  of  which  is 

and  nature  of   now  submitted  as  a  specimen  of  the  Texts  of 

thC  Phinen.ing  Taoism.    The  works  of  Lao  and  A^wang  stand 

alone  in  the  literature  of  the  system.     What 


CH.v.  INTRODUCTION.  39 

it  was  before  Lao  cannot  be  ascertained,  and  in  his  chap- 
ters it  comes  before  us  not  as  a  religion,  but  as  a  subject 
of  philosophical  speculation,  together  with  some  practical 
applications  of  it  insisted  on  by  Lao  himself.  The  bril- 
liant pages  of  -A^wang-jze  contain  little  more  than  his  inge- 
nious defence  of  his  master's  speculations,  and  an  aggregate 
of  illustrative  narratives  sparkling  with  the  charms  of  his 
composition,  but  in  themselves  for  the  most  part  unbe- 
lievable, often  grotesque  and  absurd.  This  treatise,  on 
the  other  hand,  is  more  of  what  we  understand  by  a  sermon 
or  popular  tract.  It  eschews  all  difficult  discussion,  and 
sets  forth  a  variety  of  traits  of  character  and  actions  which 
are  good,  and  a  still  greater  variety  of  others  which  are  bad, 
exhorting  to  the  cultivation  and  performance  of  the  former, 
and  warning  against  the  latter.  It  describes  at  the  outset 
the  machinery  to  secure  the  record  of  men's  doings,  and 
the  infliction  of  the  certain  retribution,  and  concludes  with 
insisting  on  the  wisdom  of  repentance  and  reformation. 
At  the  same  time  it  does  not  carry  its  idea  of  retribution 
beyond  death,  but  declares  that  if  the  reward  or  punish- 
ment is  not  completed  in  the  present  life,  the  remainder 
will  be  received  by  the  posterity  of  the  good-doer  and  of 
the  offender. 

A  place  is  given  to  the  treatise  among  the  Texts  of 
Taoism  in  '  The  Sacred  Books  of  the  East,'  because  of  its 
popularity  in  China.  '  The  various  editions  of  it,'  as  ob- 
served by  Mr.  Wylie,  '  are  innumerable ;  it  has  appeared 
from  time  to  time  in  almost  every  conceivable  size,  shape, 
and  style  of  execution.  Many  commentaries  have  been 
written  upon  it,  and  it  is  frequently  published  with  a  collec- 
tion of  several  hundred  anecdotes,  along  with  pictorial  illus- 
trations, to  illustrate  every  paragraph  seriatim.  It  is  deemed 
a  great  act  of  merit  to  aid  by  voluntary  contribution  to- 
wards the  gratuitous  distribution  of  this  work1.' 

2.  The  author  of  the  treatise  is  not  known,  but,  as  Mr. 

Wylie  also  observes,  it  appears  to  have  been  written  during 

The  origin  of    tne  Sung  dynasty.     The  earliest  mention  of 

the  treatise,      ft  which  I  have  met  with  is  in  the  continua- 

1  Notes  on  Chinese  Literature,  p.  1 79. 


4O  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  V. 

tion  of  Ma-twan  Lin's  encyclopedic  work  by  Wang  Kh\, 
first  published  in  1586,  the  fourteenth  year  of  the  fourteenth 
emperor  of  the  Ming  dynasty.  In  Wang's  supplement  to 
his  predecessor's  account  of  Taoist  works,  the  sixth  notice 
is  of  'a  commentary  on  the  Thai  Shang  Kan  Ying 
Phien  by  a  Li  AVzang-ling,'  and  immediately  before  it  is 
a  commentary  on  the  short  but  well-known  Yin  Fusing 
by  a  Lu  Tien,  who  lived  1042-1102.  Immediately  after 
it  other  works  of  the  eleventh  century  are  mentioned.  To 
that  same  century  therefore  we  may  reasonably  refer  the 
origin  of  the  Kan  Ying  Phien. 

As  to  the  meaning  of  the  title,  the  only  difficulty  is  with 
the  two  commencing  characters  Thai  Shang.  Julien  left 
The  meaning  of  them  untranslated,  with  the  note,  however, 
the  title.  that  they  were  '  1'abreviation  de  Thai  Shang 
Lao  Kun,  expression  honorifique  par  laquelle  les  Tao-sze 
designent  Lao-jze,  le  fondateur  de  leur  secte  V  This  is 
the  interpretation  commonly  given  of  the  phrase,  and  it 
is  hardly  worth  while  to  indicate  any  doubt  of  its  correct- 
ness ;  but  if  the  characters  were  taken,  as  I  believe  they 
were,  from  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  chapter  of  the 
Tao  Teh  -AT  ing,  I  should  prefer  to  understand  them  of 
the  highest  and  oldest  form  of  the  Taoistic  teaching  2. 

3.  I  quoted  on  page  13  the  view  of  Hardwick,  the  Chris- 
tian Advocate  of  Cambridge,  that  '  the  indefinite  expression 


1  See  '  Le  Livre  des  Recompense  et  des  Peines  en  Chinois  et  en  Fra^ois ' 
(London,  1835). 

2  The  designation  of  Lao-gze  asThaiShangLao  A'iin  originated  probably 
in  the  Thang  dynasty.     It  is  on  record  that  in  666  Kao  3«ng,  the  third  em- 
peror, went  to  Lao-jze's  temple  at  Po  A^au  (the  place  of  Lao's  birth,  and  still 
called  by  the  same  name,  in  the  department  of  FSng-yang  in  An-hui),  and  con- 
ferred on  him  the  title  of  Thai  Shang  Yuan  Yuan  Hwang  Ti,  '  The  Great 
God,  the  Mysterious  Originator,  the  Most  High.'  '  Then,'  says  Mayers,  Manual, 
p.  113,  '  for  the  first  time  he  was  ranked  among  the  gods  as  "  Great  Supreme, 
the  Emperor  (or  Imperial  God)  of  the  Dark  First  Cause." '    The  whole  entry  is 

S  $  ffi  H  T&  M  *  ±  70  (»  £)  7G  M  f  • 

Later  on,  in  1014,  we  find  Aan  Bung,  the  fourth  Sung  emperor,  also  visiting 
Po  Km,  and  in  Lao's  temple,  which  has  by  this  time  become  '  the  Palace  of 
Grand  Purity,'  enlarging  his  title  to  Thai  Shang  Lao  A'iin  Hwun  Yiian 
ShangTeh  Hwang  T  i, '  The  Most  High,  the  Ruler  Lao,  the  Great  God  of 
Grand  Virtue  at  the  Chaotic  Origin.'  But  such  titles  are  not  easily  translated. 


CH.  v.  INTRODUCTION.  41 

Tao  was  adopted  to  denominate  an  abstract  Cause,  or 
Was  the  old  the  initial  principle  of  life  and  order,  to 
Taoism  a  religion?  which  worshippers  were  able  to  assign 
the  attributes  of  immateriality,  eternity,  immensity,  in- 
visibility.' His  selection  of  the  term  worshippers  in  this 
passage  was  unfortunate.  Neither  Lao  nor  ./Twang  says 
anything  about  the  worship  of  the  Tao,  about  priests  or  A 
monks,  about  temples  or  rituals.  How  could  they  do  so, 
seeing  that  Tao  was  not  to  them  the  name  of  a  personal 
Being,  nor  '  Heaven  '  a  metaphorical  term  equivalent  to  the 
Confucian  Ti,  'Ruler,'  or  Shang  Ti,  'Supreme  Ruler.' 
With  this  agnosticism  as  to  God,  and  their  belief  that  by 
a  certain  management  and  discipline  of  the  breath  life 
might  be  prolonged  indefinitely,  I  do  not  see  how  any- 
thing of  an  organised  religion  was  possible  for  the  old^ 
Taoists. 

The  Taoist  proclivities  of  the  founder  of  the  Kh'm  dyn- 
asty are  well  known.  If  his  life  had  been  prolonged,  and 
the  dynasty  become  consolidated,  there  might  have  arisen 
such  a  religion  in  connexion  with  Taoism,  for  we  have  a 
record  that  he,  as  head  of  the  Empire,  had  eight  spirits1 
to  which  he  offered  sacrifices.  Kk\r\,  however,  soon  passed 
away ;  what  remained  in  permanency  from  it  was  only  the 
abolition  of  the  feudal  kingdom. 

4.  We  cannot  here  attempt  to  relate  in  detail  the  rise 
and  growth  of  the  ^fang  family  in  which  the  headship  of 
Taoism  has  been  hereditary  since  our  first  Christian  cen- 
tury, with  the  exception  of  one  not  very  long  interruption. 
The  family  of    One  °f  the    earliest   members   of  it,  ./Tang 
•tfang.          Liang,  must  have  been  born  not  long  after 
the  death  of  ATwang-jze,  for  he  joined  the  party  of  Liu 

1  The  eight  spirits  were  : — I.  The  Lord  of  Heaven  ;  2.  The  Lord  of  Earth  ; 
3.  The  Lord  of  War ;  4.  The  Lord  of  the  Yang  operation  ;  5.  The  Lord  of  the 
Yin  operation;  6.  The  Lord  of  the  Moon;  7.  The  Lord  of  the  Sun;  and 
8.  The  Lord  of  the  Four  Seasons.  See  Mayers's  C.  R.  Manual,  pp.  327,  328. 
His  authority  is  the  sixth  of  Sze-ma  Alien's  monographs.  Kh\ca  seems  to  say 
that  the  worship  of  these  spirits  could  be  traced  to  Thai  Kung,  one  of  the 
principal  ministers  of  kings  Wan  and  Wu  at  the  rise  of  the  A"au  dynasty  in  the 
twelfth  century  B.C.,  and  to  whom  in  the  list  of  Taoist  writings  in  the  Imperial 
Library  of  Han,  no  fewer  than  237  phien  are  ascribed. 


42  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.  v. 

Pang,  the  founder  of  the  dynasty  of  Han,  in  B.  c.  208,  and 
by  his  wisdom  and  bravery  contributed  greatly  to  his  suc- 
cess over  the  adherents  of  A"^in,  and  other  contenders  for 
the  sovereignty  of  the  empire.  Abandoning  then  a  political 
career,  he  spent  the  latter  years  of  his  life  in  a  vain  quest 
for  the  elixir  of  life. 

Among  Liang's  descendants  in  our  first  century  was  a 
ATang  Tao-ling,  who,  eschewing  a  career  in  the  service  of 
the  state,  devoted  himself  to  the  pursuits  of  alchemy,  and 
at  last  succeeded  in  compounding  the  grand  elixir  or  pill, 
and  at  the  age  of  123  was  released  from  the  trammels  of 
the  mortal  body,  and  entered  on  the  enjoyment  of  immor- 
tality, leaving  to  his  descendants  his  books,  talismans  and 
charms,  his  sword,  mighty  against  spirits,  and  his  seal. 
Tao-ling  stands  out,  in  Taoist  accounts,  as  the  first  patri- 
arch of  the  system,  with  the  title  of  Thien  Shih,  'Master 
or  Preceptor  of  Heaven.'  Hsiian  3ung  of  the  Thang  dyn- 
asty in  748,  confirmed  the  dignity  and  title  in  the  family ; 
and  in  1016  the  Sung  emperor  A'an  3ung  invested  its  repre- 
sentative with  large  tracts  of  land  near  the  Lung-hu  moun- 
tain in  ATiang-hsl.  The  present  patriarch — for  I  suppose 
the  same  man  is  still  alive — made  a  journey  from  his  resi- 
dence not  many  years  ago,  and  was  interviewed  by  several 
foreigners  in  Shanghai.  The  succession  is  said  to  be  per- 
petuated by  the  transmigration  of  the  soul  of  ./Tang  Tao- 
ling  into  some  infant  or  youthful  member  of  the  family ; 
whose  heirship  is  supernaturally  revealed  as  soon  as  the 
miracle  is  effected1. 

This  superstitious  notion  shows  the  influence  of  Buddhism 
on  Taoism.  It  has  been  seen  from  the  eighteenth  of 
the  Books  of  -ATwang-jze  what  affinities  there  were  between 

Influence  of    Taoism  an^  tne  Indian  system  ;  and  there  can 

Buddhism  on    be  no  doubt  that  the  introduction  of  the  latter 

into  China  did  more  than  anything  else  to 

affect  the  development  of  the  Taoistic  system.     As  early 

as  the  time  of  Confucius  there  were  recluses  in  the  country, 

men  who  had  withdrawn  from  the  world,  disgusted  with  its 

1  See  Mayers's  C.  R.  Manual,  Part  I,  article  35. 


CH.  v.  INTRODUCTION. 


vanities  and  in  despair  from  its  disorders.  Lao  would 
appear  to  have  himself  contemplated  this  course.  When 
their  representatives  of  our  early  centuries  saw  the  Bud- 
dhists among  them  with  their  images,  monasteries,  and 
nunneries,  their  ritual  and  discipline,  they  proceeded  to 
organise  themselves  after  a  similar  fashion.  They  built 
monasteries  and  nunneries,  framed  images,  composed  litur- 
gies, and  adopted  a  peculiar  mode  of  tying  up  their  hair. 
The  '  Three  Precious  Ones '  of  Buddhism,  emblematic  to 
the  initiated  of  Intelligence  personified  in  Buddha,  the  Law, 
and  the  Community  or  Church,  but  to  the  mass  of  the 
worshippers  merely  three  great  idols,  styled  by  them 
Buddha  Past,  Present,  and  To  Come :  these  appeared  in 
Taoism  as  the  'Three  Pure  Ones,'  also  represented  by 
three  great  images,  each  of  which  receives  the  title  of 
'  His  Celestial  Eminence,'  and  is  styled  the  '  Most  High 
God  (Shang  Ti).'  The  first  of  them  is  a  deification  of 
Chaos,  the  second,  of  Lao-jze,  and  the  third  of  I  know  not 
whom  or  what ;  perhaps  of  the  Tao. 

But  those  Three  Pure  Ones  have  been  very  much  cast 
into  the  shade,  as  the  objects  of  popular  worship  and  vene- 
ration, by  Yii  Hwang  Ti  or  Yii  Hwang  Shang  Ti. 
This  personage  appears  to  have  been  a  member  of  the 
A'ang  clan,  held  to  be  a  magician  and  venerated  from  the 
time  of  the  Thang  dynasty,  but  deified  in  1116  by  the 
Sung  emperor  Hui  3ung  at  the  instigation  of  a  charlatan 
Lin  Ling-su,  a  renegade  Buddhist  monk.  He  is  the  god 
in  the  court  of  heaven  to  whom  the  spirits  of  the  body  and 
of  the  hearth  in  our  treatise  proceed  at  stated  times  to 
report  for  approval  or  condemnation  the  conduct  of  men. 

Since  the  first  publication  of  the  Kan  Ying  Phien, 
the  tenets  of  Buddhism  have  been  still  further  adopted 
by  the  teachers  of  Taoism,  and  shaped  to  suit  the  na- 
ture of  their  own  system.  I  have  observed  that  the  idea 
of  retribution  in  our  treatise  does  not  go  beyond  the 
present  life ;  but  the  manifestoes  of  Taoism  of  more 
recent  times  are  much  occupied  with  descriptions  of  the 
courts  of  purgatory  and  threatenings  of  the  everlasting 
misery  of  hell  to  those  whom  their  sufferings  in  those  courts 


44  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  CH.V. 

fail  to  wean  from  their  wickedness.  Those  manifestoes  are 
published  by  the  mercy  of  Yii  Hwang  Shang  Ti  that 
men  and  women  may  be  led  to  repent  of  their  faults  and 
make  atonement  for  their  crimes.  They  emanate  from  the 
temples  of  the  tutelary  deities1  which  are  found  throughout 
the  empire,  and  especially  in  the  walled  cities,  and  are 
under  the  charge  of  Taoist  monks.  A  visitor  to  one  of  the 
larger  of  these  temples  may  not  only  see  the  pictures  of 
the  purgatorial  courts  and  other  forms  of  the  modern 
superstitions,  but  he  will  find  also  astrologers,  diviners, 
geomancers,  physiognomists,  et  id  genus  omne,  plying 
their  trades  or  waiting  to  be  asked  to  do  so,  and  he  will 
wonder  how  it  has  been  possible  to  affiliate  such  things 
with  the  teachings  of  Lao-jze. 

Other  manifestoes  of  a  milder  form,  and  more  like  our 
tractate,  are  also  continually  being  issued  as  from  one  or 
other  of  what  are  called  the  state  gods,  whose  temples  are 
all  in  the  charge  of  the  same  monks.  In  the  approxima- 
tion which  has  thus  been  going  on  of  Taoism  to  Buddhism, 
the  requirement  of  celibacy  was  long  resisted  by  the  pro- 
fessors of  the  former  ;  but  recent  editions  of  the  Penal 
Code  2  contain  sundry  regulations  framed  to  enforce  celi- 
bacy, to  bind  the  monks  and  nuns  of  both  systems  to  the 
observance  of  the  Confucian  maxims  concerning  filial  piety, 
and  the  sacrificial  worship  of  the  dead  ;  and  also  to  restrict 
the  multiplication  of  monasteries  and  nunneries.  Neither 
Lao  nor  Kwang  was  a  celibate  or  recommended  celibacy. 
The  present  patriarch,  as  a  married  man,  would  seem  to  be 
able  still  to  resist  the  law. 


1  Called  JC&a.ng  Hwang  Miao,  'Wall  and  Moat  Temples,'  Palladia  of 
the  city. 

2  See  Dr.  Eitel's  third  edition  of  his  '  Three  Lectures  on  Buddhism,'  pp. 
36-45  (Hongkong:  Lane,  Crawford  &  Co.,  1884).     The  edition  of  the  Penal 
Code  to  which  he  refers  is  of  1879. 


THE  TAG   TEH    KING, 


OR 


THE   TAG 
AND    ITS   CHARACTERISTICS. 


THE   TAO    TEH    KING. 


PART    I. 

Ch.  1.  i.  The  Tao  that  can  be  trodden  is  not  the 
enduring  and  unchanging  Tao.  The  name  that  can 
be  named  is  not  the  enduring  and  unchanging  name. 

2.  (Conceived  of  as)   having  no  name,  it  is  the 
Originator  of  heaven  and  earth ;  (conceived  of  as) 
having  a  name,  it  is  the  Mother  of  all  things. 

3.  Always  without  desire  we  must  be  found, 
If  its  deep  mystery  we  would  sound ; 
But  if  desire  always  within  us  be, 

Its  outer  fringe  is  all  that  we  shall  see. 

4.  Under  these  two  aspects,  it  is  really  the  same  ; 
but  as  development  takes  place,  it  receives  the  dif- 
ferent names.     Together  we  call  them  the  Mystery. 
Where  the  Mystery  is  the  deepest  is  the  gate  of  all 
that  is  subtle  and  wonderful. 

its  ^M!'  'Embodying  the  Tao.'  The  author  sets  forth, 
as  well  as  the  difficulty  of  his  subject  would  allow  him,  the 
nature  of  the  Tao  in  itself,  and  its  manifestation.  To 
understand  the  Tao  one  must  be  partaker  of  its  nature. 

Par.  3  suggests  the  words  of  the  apostle  John,  '  He  that 
loveth  not  knoweth  not  God  ;  for  God  is  love.'  Both  the 
Tao,  Lao-jze's  ideal  in  the  absolute,  and  its  Teh,  or  opera- 
tion, are  comprehended  in  this  chapter,  the  latter  being  the 
Tao  with  the  name,  the  Mother  of  all  things.  See  pages  12, 
13  in  the  Introduction  on  the  translation  of  the  term  Tao. 

2.  i.  All  in  the  world  know  the  beauty  of  the 
beautiful,  and  in  doing  this  they  have  (the  idea  of) 


48  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  I. 

what  ugliness  is  ;  they  all  know  the  skill  of  the  skil- 
ful, and  in  doing  this  they  have  (the  idea  of)  what 
the  want  of  skill  is. 

2.  So  it  is  that  existence  and  non-existence  give 
birth  the  one  to  (the  idea  of)  the  other ;  that  diffi- 
culty and   ease  produce  the   one  (the  idea  of)  the 
other ;  that  length  and  shortness  fashion  out  the  one 
the  figure  of  the  other ;  that  (the  ideas  of)  height 
and  lowness  arise  from  the  contrast  of  the  one  with 
the  other ;  that  the  musical  notes  and  tones  become 
harmonious  through  the  relation  of  one  with  another; 
and  that  being  before  and  behind  give  the  idea  of 
one  following  another. 

3.  Therefore  the  sage   manages   affairs  without 
doing  anything,  and  conveys  his  instructions  without 
the  use  of  speech. 

4.  All   things  spring  up,  and   there    is  not  one 
which  declines  to  show  itself ;  they  grow,  and  there 
is   no   claim    made   for   their   ownership ;    they  go 
through  their  processes,  and  there  is  no  expecta- 
tion (of  a  reward  for  the  results).     The  work  is 
accomplished,  and  there  is  no  resting  in  it  (as  an 
achievement). 

The  work  is  done,  but  how  no  one  can  see  ; 
'Tis  this  that  makes  the  power  not  cease  to  be. 

3jjj-  Jfp,  '  The  Nourishment  of  the  Person.'  But  many  of 
Ho-shang  Kung's  titles  are  more  appropriate  than  this. 

The  chapter  starts  with  instances  of  the  antinomies, 
which  suggest  to  the  mind  each  of  them  the  existence  of  its 
corresponding  opposite  ;  and  the  author  finds  in  them  an 
analogy  to  the  '  contraries '  which  characterize  the  operation 
of  the  Tao,  as  stated  in  chapter  40.  He  then  proceeds  to 
describe  the  action  of  the  sage  in  par.  3  as  in  accordance 
with  this  law  of  contraries  ;  and,  in  par.  4,  that  of  heaven 


CH.  IV.  THE    TAG    TEH    SING.  49 

and  earth,  or  what  we  may  call  nature,  in  the  processes  of 
the  vegetable  world. 

Par.  2  should  be  rhymed,  but  I  could  not  succeed  to 
my  satisfaction  in  the  endeavour  to  rhyme  it.  Every  one 
who  can  read  Chinese  will  see  that  the  first  four  members 
rhyme.  The  last  two  rhyme  also,  the  concluding  |^ 
being  pronounced  so; — see  the  Khang-hsi  dictionary 
in  voc. 

3.  i.  Not  to  value  and  employ  men  of  superior 
ability  is  the  way  to  keep  the  people  from  rivalry 
among  themselves ;  not  to  prize  articles  which  are 
difficult  to  procure  is  the  way  to  keep  them  from 
becoming  thieves ;  not  to  show  them  what  is  likely 
to  excite  their  desires  is  the  way  to  keep  their  minds 
from  disorder. 

2.  Therefore   the    sage,    in   the   exercise   of  his 
government,  empties  their  minds,  fills  their  bellies, 
weakens  their  wills,  and  strengthens  their  bones. 

3.  He  constantly  (tries   to)    keep  them   without 
knowledge  and  without  desire,  and  where  there  are 
those  who  have  knowledge,  to  keep  them  from  pre- 
suming to  act  (on  it).    When  there  is  this  abstinence 
from  action,  good  order  is  universal. 

•^r  ^,  '  Keeping  the  People  at  Rest.'  The  object  of 
the  chapter  is  to  show  that  government  according  to  the 
Tao  is  unfavourable  to  the  spread  of  knowledge  among  the 
people,  and  would  keep  them  rather  in  the  state  of  primi- 
tive simplicity  and  ignorance,  thereby  securing  their  rest- 
fulness  and  universal  good  order.  Such  is  the  uniform 
teaching  of  Lao-^ze  and  his  great  follower  ^sTwang-jze,  and 
of  all  Taoist  writers. 

4.  i.  The  Tao  is  (like)  the  emptiness  of  a  vessel ; 
and  in  our  employment  of  it  we   must   be>e«  our 
guard  against   all    fulness.      How  deep   and   unfa- 

[39]  E 


50  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  I. 

thomable  it  is,  as  if  it  were  the  Honoured  Ancestor 
of  all  things ! 

2.  We  should  blunt  our  sharp  points,  and  unravel 
the  complications   of  things ;    we  should  attemper 
our  brightness,  and  bring  ourselves  into  agreement 
with  the  obscurity  of  others.     How  pure  and  still 
the  Tao  is,  as  if  it  would  ever  so  continue! 

3.  I   do   not  know  whose    son    it   is.      It   might 
appear  to  have  been  before  God. 

^ff.  Yjjji,  '  The  Fountainless.'  There  is  nothing  before 
the  Tao  ;  it  might  seem  to  have  been  before  God.  And 
yet  there  is  no  demonstration  by  it  of  its  presence  and 
operation.  It  is  like  the  emptiness  of  a  vessel.  The  second 
character  =  ^J3  =  jj^; — see  Khang-hsi  on  the  latter.  The 
practical  lesson  is,  that  in  following  the  Tao  we  must  try 
to  be  like  it. 

5.  i.  Heaven  and  earth  do  not  act  from  (the  im- 
pulse of)  any  wish  to  be  benevolent ;  they  deal  with 
all  things  as  the  dogs  of  grass  are  dealt  with.  The 
sages  do  not  act  from  (any  wish  to  be)  benevolent  ; 
they  deal  with  the  people  as  the  dogs  of  grass  are 
dealt  with. 

2.  May  not  the  space  between  heaven  and  earth 
be  compared  to  a  bellows  ? 

'Tis  emptied,  yet  it  loses  not  its  power ; 

'Tis  moved  again,  and  sends  forth  air  the  more. 

Much  speech  to  swift  exhaustion  lead  we  see  ; 

Your  inner  being  guard,  and  keep  it  free. 

jjf|  j^[,  '  The  Use  of  Emptiness.'  Quiet  and  unceasing 
is  the  operation  of  the  Tao,  and  effective  is  the  rule  of  the 
sage  in  accordance  with  it. 

The  grass-dogs  in  par.  i  were  made  of  straw  tied  up  in 
the  shape  of  dogs,  and  used  in  praying  for  rain  ;  and  after- 


CH.  vi.  THE   TAG    TEH   JHNG.  5 1 

wards,  when  the  sacrifice  was  over,  were  thrown  aside  and 
left  uncared  for.  Heaven  and  earth  and  the  sages  dealt  so 
with  all  things  and  with  the  people  ;  but  the  illustration 
does  not  seem  a  happy  one.  Both  Kwang-$ze  and  Hwai- 
nan  mention  the  grass- dogs.  See  especially  the  former, 
XIV,  25  a,  b.  In  that  Book  there  is  fully  developed  the 
meaning  of  this  chapter.  The  illustration  in  par.  2  is  better. 
The  Chinese  bellows  is  different  to  look  at  from  ours,  but 
the  principle  is  the  same  in  the  construction  of  both.  The 
par.  concludes  in  a  way  that  lends  some  countenance  to  the 
later  Taoism's  dealing  with  the  breath. 

6.  The  valley  spirit  dies  not,  aye  the  same ; 
The  female  mystery  thus  do  we  name. 
Its  gate,  from  which  at  first  they  issued  forth, 
Is  called    the   root  from  which  grew  heaven  and 

earth. 

Long  and  unbroken  does  its  power  remain, 
Used  gently,  and  without  the  touch  of  pain. 

J^JC  1Ji<J  'The  Completion  of  Material  Forms.'  This 
title  rightly  expresses  the  import  of  this  enigmatical 
chapter;  but  there  is  a  foundation  laid  in  it  for  the  de- 
velopment of  the  later  Taoism,  which  occupies  itself  with 
the  prolongation  of  life  by  the  management  of  the  breath 
(IH)  or  vital  force. 

'  The  valley '  is  used  metaphorically  as  a  symbol  of 
'  emptiness  '  or  'vacancy  ;'  and  '  the  spirit  of  the  valley'  is 
the  something  invisible,  yet  almost  personal,  belonging  to 
the  Tao,  which  constitutes  the  Teh  (f^)  in  the  name  of 
our  A"ing.  'The  spirit  of  the  valley'  has  come  to  be  a 
name  for  the  activity  of  the  Tao  in  all  the  realm  of  its 
operation.  'The  female  mystery'  is  the  Tao  with  a  name 
of  chapter  i,  which  is  '  the  Mother  of  all  things.'  All  living 
beings  have  a  father  and  mother.  The  processes  of  gene- 
ration and  production  can  hardly  be  imaged  by  us  but 
by  a  recognition  of  this  fact ;  and  so  Lao-jze  thought  of  the 
existing  realm  of  nature — of  life — as  coming  through  an 

E  2 


52  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  I. 

evolution  (not  a  creation)  from  the  primal  air  or  breath, 
dividing  into  two,  arid  thence  appearing  in  the  forms  of 
things,  material  and  immaterial.  The  chapter  is  found  in 
Lieh-jze  (I,  i  b)  quoted  by  him  from  a  book  of  Hwang-Ti ; 
and  here  Lao-jze  has  appropriated  it,  and  made  it  his  own. 
See  the  Introduction,  p.  2. 

7.  i.  Heaven  is  long-enduring  and  earth  continues 
long.     The  reason  why  heaven  and  earth  are  able 
to  endure  and  continue  thus  long  is  because  they  do 
not  live  of,  or  for,  themselves.    This  is  how  they  are 
able  to  continue  and  endure. 

2.  Therefore  the  sage  puts  his  own  person  last, 
and  yet  it  is  found  in  the  foremost  place ;  he  treats 
his  person  as  if  it  were  foreign  to  him,  and  yet  that 
person  is  preserved.  Is  it  not  because  he  has  no 
personal  and  private  ends,  that  therefore  such  ends 
are  realised  ? 

^@  3fc>  '  Sheathing  the  Light.'  The  chapter  teaches 
that  one's  best  good  is  realised  by  not  thinking  of  it,  or 
seeking  for  it.  Heaven  and  earth  afford  a  pattern  to  the 
sage,  and  the  sage  affords  a  pattern  to  all  men. 

8.  i.  The    highest   excellence   is   like   (that   of) 
water.    The  excellence  of  water  appears  in  its  bene- 
fiting all  things,  and  in  its  occupying,  without  striving 
(to  the  contrary),  the  low  place  which  all  men  dislike. 
Hence  (its  way)  is  near  to  (that  of)  the  Tao. 

2.  The  excellence  of  a  residence  is  in  (the  suita- 
bility of)  the  place ;  that  of  the  mind  is  in  abysmal 
stillness ;  that  of  associations  is  in  their  being  with 
the  virtuous ;  that  of  government  is  in  its  securing 
good  order ;  that  of  (the  conduct  of)  affairs  is  in  its 
ability;  and  that  of  (the  initiation  of)  any  movement 
is  in  its  timeliness. 


CH.  X.  THE    TAG    TEH   ZING.  53 

3.  And  when  (one  with  the  highest  excellence) 
does  not  wrangle  (about  his  low  position),  no  one 
finds  fault  with  him. 

Jj£  >gr,  'The  Placid  and  Contented  Nature.'  Water,  as 
an  illustration  of  the  way  of  the  Tao,  is  repeatedly  em- 
ployed by  Lao-jze. 

The  various  forms  of  what  is  excellent  in  par.  2  are 
brought  forward  to  set  forth  the  more,  by  contrast,  the 
excellence  of  the  humility  indicated  in  the  acceptance  of 
the  lower  place  without  striving  to  the  contrary. 

9.  i.  It  is  better  to  leave  a  vessel  unfilled,  than 
to  attempt  to  carry  it  when  it  is  full.  If  you  keep 
feeling  a  point  that  has  been  sharpened,  the  point 
cannot  long  preserve  its  sharpness. 

2.  When  gold  and  jade  fill  the  hall,  their  possessor 
cannot  keep  them  safe.  When  wealth  and  honours 
lead  to  arrogancy,  this  brings  its  evil  on  itself.  When 
the  work  is  done,  and  one's  name  is  becoming  dis- 
tinguished, to  withdraw  into  obscurity  is  the  way  of 
Heaven. 

j|H  ^  ;  but  I  cannot  give  a  satisfactory  rendering  of 
this  title.  The  teaching  of  the  chapter  is,  that  fulness  and 
complacency  in  success  are  contrary  to  the  Tao. 

The  first  clauses  of  the  two  sentences  in  par.  i,  ^  ffp 


are  instances  of  the  '  inverted  '  style  not  uncommon  in  the 
oldest  composition.  '  The  way  of  Heaven  '  =  '  the  Heavenly 
Tao'  exemplified  by  man. 

10.  i.  When  the  intelligent  and  animal  souls 
are  held  together  in  one  embrace,  they  can  be  kept 
from  separating.  When  one  gives  undivided  at- 
tention to  the  (vital)  breath,  and  brings  it  to  the 
utmost  degree  of  pliancy,  he  can  become  as  a  (tender) 


54  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  I. 

babe.  When  he  has  cleansed  away  the  most  mys- 
terious sights  (of  his  imagination),  he  can  become 
without  a  flaw. 

2.  In  loving  the  people  and  ruling  the  state,  can- 
not he  proceed  without  any  (purpose  of)  action  ?    In 
the  opening  and  shutting  of  his  gates  of  heaven, 
cannot  he  do  so  as  a  female  bird  ?    While  his  intelli- 
gence reaches  in  every  direction,  cannot  he  (appear 
to)  be  without  knowledge  ? 

3.  (The  Tao)  produces  (all  things)  and  nourishes 
them ;  it  produces  them  and  does  not  claim  them  as 
its  own ;  it  does  all,  and  yet  does  not  boast  of  it ;  it 
presides  over  all,  and  yet   does   not  control  them. 
This  is  what  is  called  '  The  mysterious  Quality'  (of 
the  Tao). 

ftli  ^>  '  Possibilities.'  This  chapter  is  one  of  the  most 
difficult  to  understand  and  translate  in  the  whole  work. 
Even  Ku  Hsi  was  not  able  to  explain  the  first  member 
satisfactorily.  The  text  of  that  member  seems  well  sup- 
ported ;  but  I  am  persuaded  the  first  clause  of  it  is  some- 
how corrupt. 

The  whole  seems  to  tell  what  can  be  accomplished  by 
one  who  is  possessed  of  the  Tao.  In  par.  3  he  appears 
free  from  all  self-consciousness  in  what  he  does,  and  of  all 
self-satisfaction  in  the  results  of  his  doing.  The  other  two 
paragraphs  seem  to  speak  of  what  he  can  do  under  the 
guidance  of  the  Tao  for  himself  and  for  others.  He  can 
by  his  management  of  his  vital  breath  bring  his  body  to 
the  state  of  Taoistic  perfection,  and  keep  his  intelligent 
and  animal  souls  from  being  separated,  and  he  can  rule 
men  without  purpose  and  effort.  '  The  gates  of  heaven ' 
in  par.  2  is  a  Taoistic  phrase  for  the  nostrils  as  the  organ 
of  the  breath  ; — see  the  commentary  of  Ho-shang  Kung. 

11.  The  thirty  spokes  unite  in  the  one  nave ;  but 
it  is  on  the  empty  space  (for  the  axle),  that  the 


CH.  xil.  THE    TAO    TEH    KING.  55 

use  of  the  wheel  depends.  Clay  is  fashioned  into 
vessels ;  but  it  is  on  their  empty  hollowness,  that 
their  use  depends.  The  door  and  windows  are  cut 
out  (from  the  walls)  to  form  an  apartment ;  but  it  is 
on  the  empty  space  (within),  that  its  use  depends. 
Therefore,  what  has  a  (positive)  existence  serves 
for  profitable  adaptation,  and  what  has  not  that  for 
(actual)  usefulness. 

|B£  J^J,  '  The  Use  of  what  has  no  Substantive  Existence.' 
The  three  illustrations  serve  to  set  forth  the  freedom  of  the 
Tao  from  all  pre-occupation  and  purpose,  and  the  use  of 
what  seems  useless. 

12.   i.  Colour's  five  hues  from  th'  eyes  their  sight 

will  take ; 

Music's  five  notes  the  ears  as  deaf  can  make ; 
The  flavours  five  deprive  the  mouth  of  taste ; 
The  chariot  course,  and  the  wild  hunting  waste 
Make  mad  the  mind  ;  and  objects  rare  and  strange, 
Sought  for,  men's  conduct  will  to  evil  change. 

2.  Therefore  the  sage  seeks  to  satisfy  (the  craving 
of)  the  belly,  and  not  the  (insatiable  longing  of  the) 
eyes.  He  puts  from  him  the  latter,  and  prefers  to 
seek  the  former. 

jtfpf  ^,  '  The  Repression  of  the  Desires.'  Government 
in  accordance  with  the  Tao  seeks  to  withdraw  men  from 
the  attractions  of  what  is  external  and  pleasant  to  the 
senses  and  imagination,  and  to  maintain  the  primitive 
simplicity  of  men's  ways  and  manners.  Compare  chap.  3. 
The  five  colours  are  Black,  Red,  Green  or  Blue,  White, 
and  Yellow ;  the  five  notes  are  those  of  the  imperfect 
Chinese  musical  scale,  our  G,  A,  B,  D,  E  ;  the  five  tastes 
are  Salt,  Bitter,  Sour,  Acrid,  and  Sweet. 

I  am  not  sure  that  Wang  Pi  has  caught  exactly  the 
author's  idea  in  the  contrast  between  satisfying  the  belly 


56  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  I. 

and  satisfying  the  eyes  ;  but  what  he  says  is  ingenious  : 
'  In  satisfying  the  belly  one  nourishes  himself;  in  gratifying 
the  eyes  he  makes  a  slave  of  himself.' 

13.  i.  Favour  and  disgrace  would  seem  equally 
to  be  feared ;  honour  and  great  calamity,  to  be  re- 
garded as  personal  conditions  (of  the  same  kind). 

2.  What  is  meant  by  speaking  thus  of  favour  and 
disgrace  ?      Disgrace    is    being    in    a   low   position 
(after  the  enjoyment  of  favour).     The  getting  that 
(favour)  leads  to  the  apprehension  (of  losing  it),  and 
the  losing  it  leads  to  the  fear  of  (still  greater  cala- 
mity) : — this  is  what  is  meant  by  saying  that  favour 
and  disgrace  would  seem  equally  to  be  feared. 

And  what  is  meant  by  saying  that  honour  and 
great  calamity  are  to  be  (similarly)  regarded  as  per- 
sonal conditions  ?  What  makes  me  liable  to  great 
calamity  is  my  having  the  body  (which  I  call  myself) ; 
if  I  had  not  the  body,  what  great  calamity  could 
come  to  me  ? 

3.  Therefore  he  who  would  administer  the  king- 
dom, honouring  it  as  he  honours  his  own  person, 
may  be  employed  to  govern  it,  and  he  who  would 
administer  it  with  the  love  which  he  bears  to  his 
own  person  may  be  entrusted  with  it. 

Jjjfc  Jji&,  'Loathing  Shame.'  The  chapter  is  difficult  to 
construe,  and  some  disciples  of  Ku  Hsi  had  to  ask  him  to 
explain  it  as  in  the  case  of  ch.  10.  His  remarks  on  it  are 
not  to  my  mind  satisfactory.  Its  object  seems  to  be  to 
show  that  the  cultivation  of  the  person  according  to  the 
Tao,  is  the  best  qualification  for  the  highest  offices,  even 
for  the  government  of  the  world.  Par.  3  is  found  in 
A'wang-jze  (XI,  i8b)  in  a  connexion  which  suggests  this 
view  of  the  chapter.  It  may  be  observed,  however,  that  in 
him  the  position  of  the  verbal  characters  in  the  two  clauses 


CH.  XIV.  THE    TAG    TEH   ZING.  57 

of  the  paragraph  is  the  reverse  of  that  in  the  text  of  Ho- 
shang  Kung,  so  that  we  can  hardly  accept  the  distinction 
of  meaning  of  the  two  characters  given  in  his  commentary, 
but  must  take  them  as  synonyms.  Professor  Gabelentz 
gives  the  following  version  of  ATwang-jze :  'Darum,  ge- 
braucht  er  seine  Person  achtsam  in  der  Verwaltung  des 
Reiches,  so  mag  man  ihm  die  Reichsgewalt  anvertrauen  ; 
.  .  .  liebend  (schonend)  .  .  .  ubertragen.' 

14.  i.  We  look  at  it,  and  we  do  not  see  it,  and 
we  name  it  '  the  Equable.'  We  listen  to  it,  and  we 
do  not  hear  it,  and  we  name  it  '  the  Inaudible.'  We 
try  to  grasp  it,  and  do  not  get  hold  of  it,  and  we 
name  it  '  the  Subtle.'  With  these  three  qualities,  it 
cannot  be  made  the  subject  of  description  ;  and  hence 
we  blend  them  together  and  obtain  The  One. 

2.  Its  upper  part  is  not  bright,  and  its  lower  part 
is  not  obscure.     Ceaseless  in  its  action,  it  yet  cannot 
be  named,  and  then  it  again  returns  and  becomes 
nothing.     This  is  called  the  Form  of  the  Formless, 
and  the  Semblance  of  the  Invisible  ;  this  is  called 
the  Fleeting  and  Indeterminable. 

3.  We  meet  it  and  do  not  see  its  Front ;  we  follow 
it,  and  do  not  see  its  Back.     When  we  can  lay  hold 
of  the  Tao  of  old  to  direct  the  things  of  the  present 
day,  and  are  able  to  know  it  as  it  was  of  old  in 
the  beginning,  this   is  called  (unwinding)   the  clue 
of  Tao. 

^f  "&»  '  The  Manifestation  of  the  Mystery.'  The  subject 
of  par.  i  is  the  Tao,  but  the  Tao  in  its  operation,  and  not 
the  primal  conception  of  it,  as  entirely  distinct  from  things, 
which  rises  before  the  mind  in  the  second  paragraph.  The 
Chinese  characters  which  I  have  translated  'the  Equable,' 
'  the  Inaudible,'  and  '  the  Subtle,'  are  now  pronounced  I, 
Ht,  and  Wei,  and  in  1823  Remusat  fancied  that  they  were 


58  THE    TEXTS    OF   TAOISM.  PT.  I. 


intended  to  give  the  Hebrew  tetragrammaton  niPP  which 
he  thought  had  come  to  Lao-jze  somehow  from  the  West, 
or  been  found  by  him  there.  It  was  a  mere  fancy  or 
dream  ;  and  still  more  so  is  the  recent  attempt  to  revive 
the  notion  by  Victor  von  Strauss  in  1870,  and  Dr.  Edkins 
in  1884.  The  idea  of  the  latter  is  specially  strange, 
maintaining,  as  he  does,  that  we  should  read  the  cha- 
racters according  to  their  old  sounds.  Lao-^ze  has  not 
in  the  chapter  a  personal  Being  before  his  mind,  but  the 
procedure  of  his  mysterious  Tao,  the  course  according  to 
which  the  visible  phenomena  take  place,  incognisable  by 
human  sense  and  capable  of  only  approximate  description 
by  terms  appropriate  to  what  is  within  the  domain  of  sense. 
See  the  Introduction,  pp.  14,  15. 

15.  i.  The  skilful  masters  (of  the  Tao)  in  old 
times,  with  a  subtle  and  exquisite  penetration,  com- 
prehended its  mysteries,  and  were  deep  (also)  so  as 
to  elude  men's  knowledge.  As  they  were  thus  beyond 
men's  knowledge,  I  will  make  an  effort  to  describe 
of  what  sort  they  appeared  to  be. 

2.  Shrinking  looked  they  like  those  who  wade 
through  a  stream  in  winter  ;  irresolute  like  those 
who  are  afraid  of  all  around  them  ;  grave  like  a 
guest  (in  awe  of  his  host)  ;  evanescent  like  ice  that 
is  melting  away  ;  unpretentious  like  wood  that  has 
not  been  fashioned  into  anything  ;  vacant  like  a 
valley,  and  dull  like  muddy  water. 

2*.  Who  can  (make)  the  muddy  water  (clear)  ? 
Let  it  be  still,  and  it  will  gradually  become  clear. 
Who  can  secure  the  condition  of  rest  ?  Let  move- 
ment go  on,  and  the  condition  of  rest  will  gradually 
arise. 

4.  They  who  preserve  this  method  of  the  Tao  do 
not  wish  to  be  full  (of  themselves).  It  is  through 
their  not  being  full  of  themselves  that  they  can 


CH.  xvi.  THE   TAG    TEH   SING.  59 

afford  to  seem  worn  and  not  appear  new  and 
complete. 

MS  f&i,  'The  Exhibition  of  the  Quality,'  that  is.  of  the 

Tffivs     LL**  -w  y  ? 

Tao,  which  has  been  set  forth  in  the  preceding  chapter. 
Its  practical  outcome  is  here  described  in  the  masters  of  it 
of  old,  who  in  their  own  weakness  were  yet  strong  in  it, 
and  in  their  humility  were  mighty  to  be  co-workers  with  it 
for  the  good  of  the  world. 

The  variety  of  the  readings  in  par.  4  is  considerable,  but 
not  so  as  to  affect  the  meaning.  This  par.  is  found  in  Hwai- 
nan  (XII,  23  a)  with  an  unimportant  variation.  From  the 
illustration  to  which  it  is  subjoined  he  understood  the 
fulness,  evidently  as  in  ch.  9,  as  being  that  of  a  vessel 
filled  to  overflowing.  Both  here  and  there  such  fulness  is 
used  metaphorically  of  a  man  overfull  of  himself;  and 
then  Lao-^ze  slides  into  another  metaphor,  that  of  a  worn- 
out  garment.  The  text  of  par.  3  has  been  variously 
tampered  with.  I  omit  the  ^  of  the  current  copies,  after 
the  example  of  the  editors  of  the  great  recension  of  the 
Yung-lo  period  (A.D.  1403-1424)  of  the  Ming  dynasty. 

16.  i.  The  (state  of)  vacancy  should  be  brought 
to  the  utmost  degree,  and  that  of  stillness  guarded 
with  unwearying  vigour.  All  things  alike  go  through 
their  processes  of  activity,  and  (then)  we  see  them 
return  (to  their  original  state).  When  things  (in 
the  vegetable  world)  have  displayed  their  luxuriant 
growth,  we  see  each  of  them  return  to  its  root.  This 
returning  to  their  root  is  what  we  call  the  state  of 
stillness  ;  and  that  stillness  may  be  called  a  reporting 
that  they  have  fulfilled  their  appointed  end. 

2.  The  report  of  that  fulfilment  is  the  regular,  un- 
changing rule.  To  know  that  unchanging  rule  is  to  be 
intelligent ;  not  to  know  it  leads  to  wild  movements 
and  evil  issues.  The  knowledge  of  that  unchanging 
rule  produces  a  (grand)  capacity  and  forbearance,  and 


6O  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  I. 

that  capacity  and  forbearance  lead  to  a  community 
(of  feeling  with  all  things).  From  this  community  of 
feeling  comes  a  kingliness  of  character  ;  and  he  who 
is  king-like  goes  on  to  be  heaven-like.  In  that  like- 
ness to  heaven  he  possesses  the  Tao.  Possessed 
of  the  Tao,  he  endures  long;  and  to  the  end  of  his 
bodily  life,  is  exempt  from  all  danger  of  decay. 

^  ;£J|,  '  Returning  to  the  Root.'  The  chapter  exhibits 
the  operation  of  the  Tao  in  nature,  in  man,  and  in  govern- 
ment ;  an  operation  silent,  but  all-powerful ;  unaccompanied 
with  any  demonstration  of  its  presence,  but  great  in  its 
results. 

An  officer  receives  a  charge  or  commission  from  his 
superior  (^  ^)  ;  when  he  reports  the  execution  of  it 
he  is  said  ;j^|  -^.  So  all  animate  things,  including  men, 
receive  their  charge  from  the  Tao  as  to  their  life,  and  when 
they  have  fulfilled  it  they  are  represented  as  reporting  that 
fulfilment ;  and  the  fulfilment  and  report  are  described  as 
their  unchanging  rule,  so  that  they  are  the  Tao's  impassive  in- 
struments, having  no  will  or  purpose  of  their  own, — -according 
to  Lao-^ze's  formula  of  'doing  nothing  and  yet  doing  all 
things  (fit  H  jffi  *  ^  fiX 

The  getting  to  possess  the  Tao,  or  to  be  an  embodiment 
of  it,  follows  the  becoming  Heaven  or  Heaven-like  ;  and  this 
is  in  accordance  with  the  saying  in  the  fourth  chapter  that 
'  the  Tao  might  seem  to  have  been  before  God.'  But,  in 
/fwang-jze  especially,  we  often  find  the  full  possessor  and 
displayer  of  the  Tao  spoken  of  as  '  Heaven.'  The  last  sen- 
tence, that  he  who  has  come  to  the  full  possession  of  the  Tao 
is  exempt  from  all  danger  of  decay,  is  generally  illustrated  by 
a  reference  to  the  utterances  in  ch.  50 ;  as  if  Lao-jze  did  indeed 
see  in  the  Tao  a  preservative  against  death. 

17.  i.  In  the  highest  antiquity,  (the  people)  did 
not  know  that  there  were  (their  rulers).  In  the 
next  age  they  loved  them  and  praised  them.  In  the 


CH.  XVIII. 


THE    TAG    TEH    ZING.  6 1 


next  they  feared  them  ;  in  the  next  they  despised 
them.  Thus  it  was  that  when  faith  (in  the  Tao) 
was  deficient  (in  the  rulers)  a  want  of  faith  in  them 
ensued  (in  the  people). 

2.  How  irresolute  did  those  (earliest  rulers) 
appear,  showing  (by  their  reticence)  the  importance 
which  they  set  upon  their  words  !  Their  work  was 
done  and  their  undertakings  were  successful,  while 
the  people  all  said,  'We  are  as  we  are,  of  ourselves ! ' 

i§-  JiL  'The  Unadulterated  Influence.'  The  influence 
is  that  of  the  Tao,  as  seen  in  the  earliest  and  paradisiacal 
times.  The  two  chapters  that  follow  are  closely  connected 
with  this,  showing  how  the  silent,  passionless  influence  of 
the  Tao  was  gradually  and  injuriously  superseded  by  '  the 
wisdom  of  the  world,'  in  the  conduct  of  government.  In 
the  first  sentence  there  is  a  small  various  reading  of  ~^\  for 
~|\,  but  it  does  not  affect  the  meaning  of  the  passage.  The 
first  clause  of  par.  2  gives  some  difficulty;  Jit  ji^  =^>  'they 
made  their  words  valuable  or  precious,'  i.  e.  '  they  seldom 
spake ; '  cp.  i  Sam.  iii.  i . 

18.  i.  When  the  Great  Tao  (Way  or  Method) 
ceased  to  be  observed,  benevolence  and  righteous- 
ness  came  into  vogue.  (Then)  appeared  wisdom 
and  shrewdness,  and  there  ensued  great  hypocrisy. 

2.  When  harmony  no  longer  prevailed  throughout 
the  six  kinships,  filial  sons  found  their  manifestation  ; 
when  the  states  and  clans  fell  into  disorder,  loyal 
ministers  appeared. 

-f£  fl|,  'The  Decay  of  Manners.'  A  sequel  to  the 
preceding  chapter,  and  showing  also  how  the  general  decay 
of  manners  afforded  opportunity  for  the  display  of  certain 
virtues  by  individuals.  Observe  'the  Great  Tao,'  oc- 
curring here  for  the  first  time  as  the  designation  of  'the 
Tao.' 


62  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  I. 

19.  i.   If  we  could    renounce    our  sageness  and 
discard  our  wisdom,  it  would  be  better  for  the  people 
a  hundredfold.     If  we  could  renounce  our  benevo- 
lence   and   discard   our   righteousness,    the   people 
would  again  become  filial  and  kindly.     If  we  could 
renounce  our  artful  contrivances   and   discard   our 
(scheming  for)  gain,  there  would  be  no  thieves  nor 
robbers. 

2.  Those  three  methods  (of  government) 
Thought  olden  ways  in  elegance  did  fail 
And  made  these  names  their  want  of  worth  to  veil ; 
But  simple  views,  and  courses  plain  and  true 
Would  selfish  ends  and  many  lusts  eschew. 

^  ^,  '  Returning  to  the  Unadulterated  Influence.' 
The  chapter  desires  a  return  to  the  simplicity  of  the  Tao, 
and  shows  how  superior  the  result  would  be  to  that  of  the 
more  developed  systems  of  morals  and  government  which 
had  superseded  it.  It  is  closely  connected  with  the  two 
chapters  that  precede.  Lao-jze's  call  for  the  renunciation 
of  the  methods  of  the  sages  and  rulers  in  lieu  of  his  fancied 
paradisiacal  state  is  repeated  ad  nauseam  by  ^Twang-jze. 

20.  i.  When  we  renounce  learning  we  have  no 
troubles. 

The  (ready)  '  yes,'  and  (flattering)  '  yea  ; ' — 

Small  is  the  difference  they  display. 

But  mark  their  issues,  good  and  ill  ;— 

What  space  the  gulf  between  shall  fill  ? 
WThat  all   men  fear  is  indeed  to  be   feared  ;    but 
how  wide  and  without  end  is  the  range  of  questions 
(asking  to  be  discussed) ! 

2.  The  multitude  of  men  look  satisfied  and 
pleased;  as  if  enjoying  a  full  banquet,  as  if  mounted 
on  a  tower  in  spring.  I  alone  seem  listless  and  still, 
my  desires  having  as  yet  given  no  indication  of  their 


CH.  XX.  THE    TAO    TEH    ZING.  63 

presence.  I  am  like  an  infant  which  has  not  yet 
smiled.  I  look  dejected  and  forlorn,  as  if  I  had  no 
home  to  go  to.  The  multitude  of  men*  all  have 
enough  and  to  spare.  I  alone  seem  to  have  lost 
everything.  My  mind  is  that  of  a  stupid  man ;  I 
am  in  a  state  of  chaos. 

Ordinary  men  look  bright  and  intelligent,  while  I 
alone  seem  to  be  benighted.  They  look  full  of 
discrimination,  while  I  alone  am  dull  and  confused. 
I  seem  to  be  carried  about  as  on  the  sea,  drifting  as 
if  I  had  nowhere  to  rest.  All  men  have  their  spheres 
of  action,  while  I  alone  seem  dull  and  incapable,  like 
a  rude  borderer.  (Thus)  I  alone  am  different  from 
other  men,  but  I  value  the  nursing-mother  (the 
Tao). 

^.  -^.,  '  Being  Different  from  Ordinary  Men.'  The  chap- 
ter sets  forth  the  difference  to  external  appearance  which  the 
pursuit  and  observance  of  the  Tao  produces  between  its 
votaries  and  others ;  and  Lao-^ze  speaks  in  it  as  himself  an 
example  of  the  former.  In  the  last  three  chapters  he  has 
been  advocating  the  cause  of  the  Tao  against  the  learning 
and  philosophy  of  the  other  school  of  thinkers  in  the  country. 
Here  he  appears  as  having  renounced  learning,  and  found 
an  end  to  the  troubles  and  anxieties  of  his  own  mind ;  but 
at  the  expense  of  being  misconceived  and  misrepresented 
by  others.  Hence  the  chapter  has  an  autobiographical 
character. 

Having  stated  the  fact  following  the  renunciation  of 
learning,  he  proceeds  to  dwell  upon  the  troubles  of  learning 
in  the  rest  of  par.  i.  Until  the  votary  of  learning  knows 
everything,  he  has  no  rest.  But  the  instances  which  he 
adduces  of  this  are  not  striking  nor  easily  understood.  I 
cannot  throw  any  light  on  the  four  lines  about  the  '  yes  '  and 
the  '  yea.' 

Confucius  (Ana.  XVI,  viii)  specifies  three  things  of  which 
the  superior  man  stands  in  awe ;  and  these  and  others  of 


64  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  px.  I. 

a  similar  nature  may  have  been  the  things  which  Lao-jze 
had  in  his  mind.  The  nursing-mother  at  the  end  is,  no 
doubt,  the  Tao  in  operation,  'with  a  name,'  as  in  ch.  i  ; 
'  the  mysterious  virtue '  of  chapters  51  and  52. 

21.  The  grandest  forms  of  active  force 
From  Tao  come,  their  only  source. 
Who  can  of  Tao  the  nature  tell  ? 
Our  sight  it  flies,  our  touch  as  well. 
Eluding  sight,  eluding  touch, 
The  forms  of  things  all  in  it  crouch  ; 
Eluding  touch,  eluding  sight, 
There  are  their  semblances,  all  right. 
Profound  it  is,  dark  and  obscure ; 
Things'  essences  all  there  endure. 
Those  essences  the  truth  enfold 
Of  what,  when  seen,  shall  then  be  told. 
Now  it  is  so  ;  'twas  so  of  old. 
Its  name — what  passes  not  away  ; 
So,  in  their  beautiful  array, 
Things  form  and  never  know  decay. 
How  know  I  that  it  is  so  with  all  the  beauties  of 
existing  things  ?     By  this  (nature  of  the  Tao). 

]g  j\^»,  'The  Empty  Heart'  But  I  fail  to  see  the 
applicability  of  the  title.  The  subject  of  the  chapter  is  the 
Tao  in  its  operation.  This  is  the  significance  of  the  |J|L 
in  the  first  clause  or  line,  and  to  render  it  by  '  virtue,'  as 
Julien  and  Chalmers  do,  only  serves  to  hide  the  meaning. 
Julien,  however,  says  that  'the  virtue  is  that  of  the  Tao; 
and  he  is  right  in  taking  ^^,  the  last  'character  of  the 
second  line,  as  having  the  sense  of  '  from,'  '  the  source 
from,'  and  not,  as  Chalmers  does,  in  the  sense  of '  following.' 

Lao-^ze's  mind  is  occupied  with  a  very  difficult  subject — 
to  describe  the  production  of  material  forms  by  the  Tao; 
how  or  from  what,  he  does  not  say.  What  I  have  rendered 
'semblances/  Julien  'les  images,'  and  Chalmers  'forms.' 


CH.  XXIII.  THE    TAG    TEH   KING.  65 

seems,  as  the  latter  says,  in  some  way  to  correspond  to 
the  'Eternal  Ideas'  of  Plato  in  the  Divine  Mind.  But 
Lao-^ze  had  no  idea  of  'personality'  in  the  Tao. 

22.  i.  The  partial  becomes  complete;  the  crooked, 
straight;  the  empty,  full;  the  worn  out,  new.     He 
whose  (desires)  are  few  gets  them  ;  he  whose  (desires) 
are  many  goes  astray. 

2.  Therefore  the  sage  holds  in  his  embrace  the 
one  thing  (of  humility),  and  manifests  it  to  all  the 
world.     He  is  free  from  self-display,  and  therefore 
he  shines ;  from  self-assertion,  and  therefore  he  is 
distinguished  ;  from  self-boasting,  and  therefore  his 
merit  is  acknowledged ;  from  self-complacency,  and 
therefore  he  acquires  superiority.     It  is  because  he 
is  thus  free  from  striving  that  therefore  no  one  in  the 
world  is  able  to  strive  with  him. 

3.  That  saying  of  the  ancients  that  '  the  partial 
becomes    complete '   was    not   vainly   spoken : — all 
real  completion  is  comprehended  under  it. 

^,  jHfj?,  '  The  Increase  granted  to  Humility.'  This  title 
rightly  expresses  the  subject-matter  of  the  chapter.  I  cannot 
translate  the  first  clause  otherwise  than  I  have  done.  It  was 
an  old  saying,  which  Lao-jze  found  and  adopted.  Whether 
it  was  intended  to  embrace  all  the  cases  which  are  men- 
tioned may  be  questioned,  but  he  employs  it  so  as  to  make 
it  do  so. 

'  The  emptiness '  which  becomes  full  is  literally  the 
hollowness  of  a  cavity  in  the  ground  which  is  sure  to  be 
filled  by  overflowing  water  ; — see  Mencius,  IV,  ii,  18.  '  The 
worn  out'  is  explained  by  the  withered  foliage  of  a  tree, 
which  comes  out  new  and  fresh  in  the  next  spring.  I  have 
taken  the  first  sentence  of  par.  2  as  Wu  AV/ang  does  ; — see 
his  commentary  in  loc. 

23.  i.  Abstaining  from  speech  marks  him  who  is 
obeying  the  spontaneity  of  his  nature.     A  violent 

[39]  F 


66  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  i. 

wind  does  not  last  for  a  whole  morning ;  a  sudden 
rain  does  not  last  for  the  whole  day.  To  whom  is 
it  that  these  (two)  things  are  owing  ?  To  Heaven 
and  Earth.  If  Heaven  and  Earth  cannot  make 
such  (spasmodic)  actings  last  long,  how  much  less 
can  man ! 

2.  Therefore  when  one  is  making  the  Tao  his 
business,  those  who  are  also  pursuing  it,  agree  with 
him  in  it,  and  those  who  are  making  the  manifestation 
of  its  course  their  object  agree  with  him  in  that ; 
while  even  those  who  are  failing  in  both  these  things 
agree  with  him  where  they  fail. 

3.  Hence,  those  with  whom  he  agrees  as  to  the 
Tao  have  the  happiness  of  attaining  to  it;  those 
with  whom  he  agrees  as  to  its  manifestation  have 
the  happiness  of  attaining  to  it ;  and  those  with  whom 
he  agrees  in  their  failure  have  also  the  happiness  of 
attaining   (to   the    Tao).     (But)  when  there  is  not 
faith  sufficient  (on  his  part),  a  want  of  faith"  (in  him) 
ensues  (on  the  part  of  the  others). 

jj^j!  iffi,  'Absolute  Vacancy.'  This,  I  think,  is  the  meaning 
of  the  title,  '  Emptiness  and  Nothingness,'  an  entire  con- 
formity to  the  Tao  in  him  who  professes  to  be  directed  by 
it.  Such  an  one  will  be  omnipotent  in  his  influence  in  all 
others.  The  Tao  in  him  will  restrain  all  (spasmodic) 
loquacity.  Those  who  are  described  in  par.  2  as  '  failing  ' 
are  not  to  be  thought  of  as  bad  men,  men  given  up,  as 
Julien  has  it,  au  crime.  They  are  simply  ordinary  men, 
who  have  failed  in  their  study  of  the  Tao  and  practice  of 
it,  but  are  won  to  truth  and  virtue  by  the  man  whom  the 
author  has  in  mind.  As  we  might  expect,  however,  the 
mention  of  such  men  has  much  embarrassed  the  com- 
mentators. 

Compare  the  concluding  sentence  with  the  one  at  the 
end  of  par.  i  in  ch.  17. 


CH.  XXV.  THE    TAO    TEH    ZING.  67 

24.  He  who  stands  on  his  tiptoes  does  not 
stand  firm  ;  he  who  stretches  his  legs  does  not  walk 
(easily).  (So),  he  who  displays  himself  does  not 
shine  ;  he  who  asserts  his  own  views  is  not  distin- 
guished ;  he  who  vaunts  himself  does  not  find  his 
merit  acknowledged  ;  he  who  is  self-conceited  has  no 
superiority  allowed  to  him.  Such  conditions,  viewed 
from  the  standpoint  of  the  Tao,  are  like  remnants 
of  food,  or  a  tumour  on  the  body,  which  all  dislike. 
Hence  those  who  pursue  (the  course)  of  the  Tao  do 
not  adopt  and  allow  them. 


Graciousness.'  The  chapter  should  be 
so  designated.  This  concludes  the  subject  of  the  two  pre- 
vious chapters,  —  pursuing  the  course,  the  course  of  the 
unemotional  Tao  without  vain  effort  or  display. 

The  remnants  of  food  were  not  used  as  sacrificial  offer- 
ings ;  —  see  the  Li  K\  (vol.  xxvii,  p.  83).  In  what  I  have 
rendered  by  '  a  tumour  attached  to  the  body,'  the  ^y  is 
probably,  by  a  mistake,  for  3|£  ;  —  see  a  quotation  by  Wu 
Ktiang  from  Sze-ma  AV/ien.  'Which  all  dislike'  is,  liter- 
ally, '  Things  are  likely  to  dislike  them,'  the  '  things  '  being 
'  spirits  and  men,'  as  Wu  explains  the  term. 

25.  i.  There  was  something  undefined  and  com- 
plete, coming  into  existence  before  Heaven  and 
Earth.  How  still  it  was  and  formless,  standing 
alone,  and  undergoing  no  change,  reaching  every- 
where and  in  no  danger  (of  being  exhausted)  !  It 
may  be  regarded  as  the  Mother  of  all  things. 

2.  I   do  not  know  its  name,  and  I  give  it  the 
designation   of    the    Tao   (the   Way   or    Course). 
Making  an  effort  (further)  to  give  it  a  name  I  call  it 
The  Great. 

3.  Great,  it  passes  on  (in  constant  flow).     Passing 

F  2 


68  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  I. 

on,  it  becomes  remote.  Having  become  remote,  it 
returns.  Therefore  the  Tao  is  great;  Heaven  is 
great ;  Earth  is  great ;  and  the  (sage)  king  is  also 
great.  In  the  universe  there  are  four  that  are  great, 
and  the  (sage)  king  is  ojie  of  them. 

4.  Man  takes  his  law  from  the  Earth ;  the  Earth 
takes  its  law  from  Heaven  ;  Heaven  takes  its  law 
from  the  Tao.  The  law  of  the  Tao  is  its  being 
what  it  is. 

^  jfe,  '  Representations  of  the  Mystery.'  In  this 
chapter  Lao  approaches  very  near  to  give  an  answer  to  the 
question  as  to  what  the  Tao  is,  and  yet  leaves  the  reader 
disappointed.  He  commences  by  calling  it  '  a  thing  ($fl) ', ' 
but  that  term  does  not  necessitate  our  regarding  it  as  '  mate- 
rial/ We  have  seen  in  the  preceding  chapter  that  it  is 
used  to  signify  'spirits  and  men.'  Nor  does  his  going  on 
to  speak  of  it  as  '  chaotic  (yj^  ^) '  necessarily  lead  us  to 
conceive  it  as  made  up  of  the  '  material  elements  of  things ; ' 
we  have  the  same  term  applied  in  ch.  14  to  the  three  im- 
material constituents  there  said  to  be  blended  in  the  idea 
of  it. 

'  He  does  not  know  its  name,'  and  he  designates  it  by  the 
term  denoting  a  course  or  way  (Tao,  ^),  and  indicating 
the  phenomenal  attribute,  the  method  in  which  all  pheno- 
mena come  before  our  observation,  in  their  development  or 
evolution.  And  to  distinguish  it  from  all  other  methods  of 
evolution,  he  would  call  it  '  the  Great  Method,'  and  so  he 
employs  that  combination  as  its  name  in  ch.  18  and  else- 
where ;  but  it  cannot  be  said  that  this  name  has  fully 
maintained  itself  in  the  writings  of  his  followers.  But 
understood  thus,  he  here  says,  as  in  ch.  i,  that  it  is  'the 
Mother  of  all  things.'  And  yet,  when  he  says  that  'it 
was  before  Heaven  and  Earth  were  produced,'  he  comes 
very  near  his  affirmations  in  chapters  i  and  4,  that  '  the 
nameless  Tao  was  the  beginning  (or  originating  cause)  of 
Heaven  and  Earth,'  and  '  might  seem  to  have  been  before 


CH.  XXVI.  THE    TAG    TEH    £ING.  69 

God.'  Was  he  groping  after  God  if  haply  he  might  find 
Him  ?  I  think  he  was,  and  he  gets  so  far  as  to  conceive  of 
Him  as  '  the  Uncaused  Cause/  but  comes  short  of  the  idea 
of  His  personality.  The  other  subordinate  causes  which 
he  mentions  all  get  their  force  or  power  from  the  Tao,  but 
after  all  the  Tao  is  simply  a  spontaneity,  evolving  from 
itself,  and  not  acting  from  a  personal  will,  consciously  in 
the  direction  of  its  own  wisdom  and  love.  '  Who  can  by 
searching  find  out  God  ?  Who  can  find  out  the  Almighty 
to  perfection  ?  ' 

The  predicate  of  the  Tao  in  the  chapter,  most  perplexing 
to  myself,  is  '  It  returns,'  in  par.  3.  '  It  flows  away,  far 
away,  and  comes  back  ;'  —  are  not  the  three  statements 
together  equal  to  '  It  is  everywhere  ?  ' 

26.  i.  Gravity  is  the  root  of  lightness;  stillness, 
the  ruler  of  movement. 

2.  Therefore  a  wise  prince,  marching  the  whole 
day,  does  not  go  far  from  his  baggage  waggons. 
Although  he  may  have  brilliant  prospects  to  look  at, 
he  quietly  remains  (in  his  proper  place),  indifferent 
to  them.  How  should  the  lord  of  a  myriad  chariots 
carry  himself  lightly  before  the  kingdom  ?  If  he 
do  act  lightly,  he  has  lost  his  root  (of  gravity)  ;  if 
he  proceed  to  active  movement,  he  will  lose  his 
throne. 


Quah'ty  °f  Gravity.'  Gravity  and  stillness 
are  both  attributes  of  the  Tao;  and  he  who  cultivates  it 
must  not  give  way  to  lightness  of  mind,  or  hasty  action. 

The  rule  for  a  leader  not  to  separate  from  his  baggage 
waggons  is  simply  the  necessity  of  adhering  to  gravity. 
I  have  adopted  from  Han  Fei  the  reading  of  'the  wise 
prince  '  for  '  the  sage,'  which  is  found  in  Ho-shang  Kung  ; 
and  later  on  the  reading  of  '  has  lost  his  root  '  for  his 
'  loses  his  ministers/  though  the  latter  is  found  also  in 
Han  Fei. 


70  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  I. 

27.  i.  The  skilful  traveller  leaves  no  traces  of  his 
wheels  or  footsteps  ;  the  skilful  speaker  says  nothing 
that  can  be  found  fault  with  or  blamed ;  the  skilful 
reckoner  uses  no  tallies ;  the  skilful  closer  needs  no 
bolts  or  bars,  while  to  open  what  he  has  shut  will  be 
impossible ;  the  skilful  binder  uses  no  strings  or 
knots,  while  to  unloose  what  he  has  bound  will  be 
impossible.  In  the  same  way  the  sage  is  always 
skilful  at  saving  men,  and  so  he  does  not  cast  away 
any  man ;  he  is  always  skilful  at  saving  things,  and 
so  he  does  not  cast  away  anything.  This  is  called 
'  Hiding  the  light  of  his  procedure.' 

2.  Therefore  the  man  of  skill  is  a  master  (to  be 
looked  up  to)  by  him  who  has  not  the  skill ;  and  he 
who  has  not  the  skill  is  the  helper  of  (the  reputation 
of)  him  who  has  the  skill.  If  the  one  did  not 
honour  his  master,  and  the  other  did  not  rejoice  in 
his  helper,  an  (observer),  though  intelligent,  might 
greatly  err  about  them.  This  is  called  '  The  utmost 
degree  of  mystery.' 

•^  j^'  '  Dextei"ity  in  Using,'  that  is,  in  the  application 
of  the  Tao.  This  is  the  substance  of  the  chapter,  cele- 
brating the  effective  but  invisible  operation  of  the  Tao, 
and  the  impartial  exercise  of  it  for  the  benefit  of  all  men 
and  all  things. 

I  have  given  the  most  natural  construction  of  the  two 
characters  at  the  end  of  par.  i,  the  only  possible  construc- 
tion of  them,  so  far  as  I  can  see,  suitable  to  the  context. 
The  action  of  the  Tao  (non-acting  and  yet  all-efficient)  and 
that  of  the  sage  in  accordance  with  it,  are  veiled  by  their 
nature  from  the  sight  of  ordinary  men. 

It  is  more  difficult  to  catch  the  scope  and  point  of  par.  2. 
If  there  were  not  the  conditions  described  in  it,  it  would  be 
hard  for  even  an  intelligent  onlooker  to  distinguish  between 
the  man  who  had  the  skill  and  the  man  without  it,  between 


CH.  xxix.  THE    TAO    TEH   tflNG.  71 

/ho  possessed  the  Tao,  and  him  who  had  it  not, 
| would  be  strange  indeed. 

•v 

i.  Who  knows  his  manhood's  strength, 
ret  still  his  female  feebleness  maintains ; 
As  to  one  channel  flow  the  many  drains, 
yr  All  come  to  him,  yea,  all  beneath  the  sky. 
vThus  he  the  constant  excellence  retains  ; — 
The  simple  child  again,  free  from  all  stains. 

Who  knows  how  white  attracts, 
Yet  always  keeps  himself  within  black's  shade, 
The  pattern  of  humility  displayed, 
Displayed  in  view  of  all  beneath  the  sky  ; 
He  in  the  unchanging  excellence  arrayed, 
Endless  return  to  man's  first  state  has  made. 

Who  knows  how  glory  shines, 
Yet  loves  disgrace,  nor  e'er  for  it  is  pale  ; 
Behold  his  presence  in  a  spacious  vale, 
To  which  men  come  from  all  beneath  the  sky. 
The  unchanging  excellence  completes  its  tale  ; 
The  simple  infant  man  in  him  we  hail. 
2.  The  unwrought   material,  when   divided   and 
distributed,  forms  vessels.      The  sage,  when    em- 
ployed, becomes  the   Head  of  all  the   Officers  (of 
government) ;   and  in  his   greatest   regulations   he 
employs  no  violent  measures. 

2j£  /|^|,  '  Returning  to  Simplicity.'  The  chapter  sets 
forth  humility  and  simplicity,  an  artless  freedom  from  all 
purpose,  as  characteristic  of  the  man  of  Tao,  such  as  he 
was  in  the  primeval  time.  '  The  sage '  in  par.  2  may  be 
'  the  Son  of  Heaven,' — the  Head  of  all  rule  in  the  kingdom, 
or  the  feudal  lord  in  a  state. 

29.  i.  If  any  one  should  wish  to  get  the  kingdom 
for  himself,  and  to  effect  this  by  what  he  does,  I  see 


72  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  I. 

that  he  will  not  succeed.  The  kingdom  is  a  spirit- 
like  thing,  and  cannot  be  got  by  active  doing.  He 
who  would  so  win  it  destroys  it ;  he  who  would  hold 
it  in  his  grasp  loses  it. 

2.  The  course  and  nature  of  things  is  such  that 

What  was  in  front  is  now  behind  ; 

What  warmed  anon  we  freezing  find. 

Strength  is  of  weakness  oft  the  spoil ; 

The  store  in  ruins  mocks  our  toil. 
Hence  the  sage  puts  away  excessive  effort,  extrava- 
gance, and  easy  indulgence. 

^BE  ^,  'Taking  no  Action.'  All  efforts  made  with  a 
purpose  are  sure  to  fail.  The  nature  of  the  Tao  necessi- 
tates their  doing  so,  and  the  uncertainty  of  things  and 
events  teaches  the  same  lesson. 

That  the  kingdom  or  throne  is  a  '  spirit-like  vessel '  has 
become  a  common  enough  saying  among  the  Chinese. 
Julien  has,  '  L' Empire  est  comme  un  vase  divin;'  but  I 
always  shrink  from  translating  jptff  by  '  divine.'  Its 
English  analogue  is  '  spirit,'  and  the  idea  in  the  text  is 
based  on  the  immunity  of  spirit  from  all  material  law,  and 
the  uncertain  issue  of  attempts  to  deal  with  it  according  to 
ordinary  methods.  Wu  K/ia.ng  takes  the  phrase  as  equiva- 
lent to  c  superintended  by  spirits,'  which  is  as  inadmissible 
as  Julien's  '  divin.'  The  Tao  forbids  action  with  a  personal 
purpose,  and  all  such  action  is  sure  to  fail  in  the  greatest 
things  as  well  as  in  the  least. 

30.  i.  He  who  would  assist  a  lord  of  men  in 
harmony  with  the  Tao  will  not  assert  his  mastery  in 
the  kingdom  by  force  of  arms.  Such  a  course  is 
sure  to  meet  with  its  proper  return. 

2.  Wherever  a  host  is  stationed,  briars  and  thorns 
spring  up.  In  the  sequence  of  great  armies  there 
are  sure  to  be  bad  years. 


CH.  xxxi.  THE    TAO    TEH   JHNG.  73 

3.  A  skilful  (commander)  strikes  a  decisive  blow, 
and  stops.     He  does  not  dare  (by  continuing  his 
operations)  to  assert  and  complete  his  mastery.    He 
will  strike  the  blow,  but  will  be  on  his  guard  against 
being  vain  or  boastful  or  arrogant  in  consequence  of 
it.     He  strikes  it  as  a  matter  of  necessity ;  he  strikes 
it,  but  not  from  a  wish  for  mastery. 

4.  When  things  have  attained  their  strong  matu- 
rity they  become  old.     This  may  be  said  to  be  not 
in  accordance  with  the  Tao  :    and  what  is  not  in 
accordance  with  it  soon  comes  to  an  end. 


'  A  Caveat  against  War.'  War  is  contrary  to 
the  spirit  of  the  Tao,  and,  as  being  so,  is  productive  of 
misery,  and  leads  to  early  ruin.  It  is  only  permissible  in 
a  case  of  necessity,  and  even  then  its  spirit  and  tendencies 
must  be  guarded  against. 

In  translating  J||  by  '  striking  a  decisive  blow/  I  have, 
no  doubt,  followed  Julien's  '  frapper  un  coup  decisif.'  The 
same  J||  occurs  six  times  in  par.  3,  followed  by  |jjj,  and 
3iao  Hung  says  that  in  all  but  the  first  instance  the  fjfjj 
should  be  taken  as  equivalent  to  ~J[fe,  so  that  we  should 
have  to  translate,  '  He  is  determined  against  being  vain,'  &c. 
But  there  is  no  necessity  for  such  a  construction  of  j^jj. 

'  Weakness '  and  not  '  strength '  is  the  character  of  the 
Tao  ;  hence  the  lesson  in  par.  4. 

31.  i.  Now  arms,  however  beautiful,  are  instru- 
ments of  evil  omen,  hateful,  it  may  be  said,  to  all 
creatures.  Therefore  they  who  have  the  Tao  do 
not  like  to  employ  them. 

2.  The  superior  man  ordinarily  considers  the  left 
hand  the  most  honourable  place,  but  in  time  of  war 
the  right  hand.  Those  sharp  weapons  are  instru- 
ments of  evil  omen,  and  not  the  instruments  of  the 


74  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  I. 

superior  man ; — he  uses  them  only  on  the  compul- 
sion of  necessity.  Calm  and  repose  are  what  he 
prizes  ;  victory  (by  force  of  arms)  is  to  him  undesir- 
able. To  consider  this  desirable  would  be  to  delight 
in  the  slaughter  of  men  ;  and  he  who  delights  in  the 
slaughter  of  men  cannot  get  his  will  in  the  kingdom. 
3.  On  occasions  of  festivity  to  be  on  the  left  hand 
is  the  prized  position  ;  on  occasions  of  mourning,  the 
right  hand.  The  second  in  command  of  the  army 
has  his  place  on  the  left ;  the  general  commanding 
in  chief  has  his  on  the  right ; — his  place,  that  is,  is 
assigned  to  him  as  in  the  rites  of  mourning.  He 
who  has  killed  multitudes  of  men  should  weep  for 
them  with  the  bitterest  grief ;  and  the  victor  in  battle 
has  his  place  (rightly)  according  to  those  rites. 

ilM  3f£> '  Stilling  War.'  The  chapter  continues  the  subject 
of  the  preceding.  The  imperially-appointed  editors  of 
Wang  Pi's  Text  and  Commentary  (1765)  say  that  from 
the  beginning  of  par.  2  to  the  end,  there  is  the  appearance 
of  text  and  commentary  being  mixed  together ;  but  they 
make  no  alteration  in  the  text  as  it  is  found  in  Ho-shang 
Kungj  and  in  all  other  ancient  copies. 

The  concluding  sentence  will  suggest  to  some  readers  the 
words  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  that  to  gain  a  battle  was 
the  saddest  thing  next  to  losing  it. 

32.  i.  The  Tao,  considered  as  unchanging,  has 
no  name. 

2.  Though  in  its  primordial  simplicity  it  may  be 
small,  the  whole,  world  dares  not  deal  with   (one 
embodying)  it  as  a  minister.     If  a  feudal  prince  or 
the  king  could  guard  and  hold  it,  all  would  sponta- 
neously submit  themselves  to  him. 

3.  Heaven  and  Earth  (under  its  guidance)  unite 
together  and  send  down  the  sweet  dew,  which,  with- 


CH.  xxxiir.  THE    TAG    TEH    ZING.  75 

out  the  directions  of  men,  reaches  equally  everywhere 
as  of  its  own  accord. 

4.  As  soon  as  it  proceeds  to  action,  it  has  a  name. 
When  it  once  has  that  name,  (men)  can  know  to 
rest  in  it.     When  they  know  to  rest  in  it,  they  can 
be  free  from  all  risk  of  failure  and  error. 

5.  The  relation  of  the  Tao  to  all  the  world  is  like 
that  of  the  great  rivers  and  seas  to  the  streams  from 
the  valleys. 

H|  |i|a.  Chalmers  translates  this  by  'sagely  virtue.' 
But  I  cannot  adopt  that  rendering,  and  find  it  difficult  to 
supply  a  better.  The  *  virtue '  is  evidently  the  Attribute  of 
the  Tao  come  out  from  the  condition  of  the  Absolute,  and 
capable  of  being  named.  In  the  former  state  it  has  no 
name ;  in  the  latter,  it  has.  Par.  i  and  the  commencement 
of  par.  4  must  both  be  explained  from  ch.  i. 

The  'primordial  simplicity'  in  par.  2  is  the  Tao  in  its 
simplest  conception,  alone,  and  by  itself,  and  the  ^  ^j|J 
in  par.  4  is  that  Tao  come  forth  into  operation  and  become 
Teh,  the  Teh  which  affords  a  law  for  men.  From  this  to 
the  end  of  the  paragraph  is  very  obscure.  I  have  trans- 
lated from  the  text  of  Wang  Pi.  The  text  of  Ho-shang 
Kung  is  different,  and  he  comments  upon  it  as  it  stands, 
but  to  me  it  is  inexplicable. 

33.   i.  He  who  knows  other  men  is  discerning; 
he  who  knows  himself  is  intelligent.     He  who  ov'er-i 
comes  others  is  strong ;  he  who  overcomes  himself 
is  mighty.     He  who  is  satisfied  with  his  lot  is  rich 
he  who  goes  on  acting  with  energy  has  a  (firm)  will.) 

2.   He  who  does  not  fail  in  the  requirements 
his  position,  continues  long ;    he  who  dies  and  yet 
does  not  perish,  has  longevity. 

^  ^,  'Discriminating  between  (different)  Attributes.' 
The  teaching  of  the  chapter  is  that  the  possession  of  the 


76  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  I. 

Tao  confers  the  various  attributes  which  are  here  most  dis- 
tinguished. It  has  been  objected  to  it  that  elsewhere  the 
Tao  is  represented  as  associated  with  dulness  and  not 
intelligence,  and  with  weakness  and  not  with  strength. 
But  these  seem  to  be  qualities  viewed  from  without,  and 
acting  on  what  is  beyond  itself.  Inwardly,  its  qualities 
are  the  very  opposite,  and  its  action  has  the  effect  of 
enlightening  what  is  dark,  and  overcoming  what  is  strong. 

More  interesting  are  the  predicates  in  par.  2.  3^°  Hung 
gives  the  comment  on  it  of  the  Indian  monk,  Kumara^iva, 
'  one  of  the  four  suns  of  Buddhism,'  and  who  went  to  China 
in  A.D.  401 :  'To  be  alive  and  yet  not  alive  may  well  be 
called  long ;  to  die  and  yet  not  be  dead  may  well  be 
called  longevity.'  He  also  gives  the  views  of  Lu  Nang- 
shih  (A.D.  1042-1102)  that  the  freedom  from  change  of 
Lieh-jze,  from  death  of  /Twang-jze,  and  from  extinction  of 
the  Buddhists,  have  all  the  same  meaning  as  the  concluding 
saying  of  Lao-jze  here ;  that  the  human  body  is  like  the 
covering  of  the  caterpillar  or  the  skin  of  the  snake ;  that 
we  occupy  it  but  for  a  passing  sojourn.  No  doubt,  Lao-jze 
believed  in  another  life  for  the  individual  after  the  present. 
Many  passages  in  ^Twang-jze  indicate  the  same  faith. 

34.   i.  All-pervading  is  the  Great  Tao!     It  may 
be  found  on  the  left  hand  and  on  the  right 

2.  All  things  depend  on  it  for  their  production, 
which  it  gives  to  them,  not  one  refusing  obedience 
to  .it.     When  its  work  is  accomplished,  it  does  not 
claim  the  name  of  having  done  it.      It  clothes  all 
things  as  with  a  garment,  and  makes  no  assumption 
of  being  their  lord  ; — it  may  be  named  in  the  smallest 
things.   All  things  return  (to  their  root  and  disap- 
pear), and  do  not  know  that  it  is  it  which  presides 
over   their   doing   so ; — it    may  be   named    in   the 
greatest  things. 

3.  Hence  the  sage  is  able  (in  the  same  way)  to 
accomplish  his  great  achievements.     It  is  through 


CH.  xxxv.  THE   TAG    TEH   ZING.  77 

his  not  making  himself  great  that  he  can  accom- 
plish them. 

1i£  j^C'  '  The  Task  of  Achievement.'  The  subject  is  the 
greatness  of  what  the  T  a  o,  called  here  by  Lao's  own  name 
for  it  in  ch.  25,  does ;  and  the  unconscious  simplicity  with 
which  it  does  it ;  and  then  the  achievements  of  the  sage 
who  is  permeated  by  the  Tao.  Par.  2  is  descriptive  of 
the  influence  of  the  Tao  in  the  vegetable  world.  The 
statements  and  expressions  are  much  akin  to  those  in  parts 
of  chapters  2, 10,  and  51?  and  for  Ho-shang  Kung's  difficult 
reading  of  ^\  ^  ^  some  copies  give  \ff)  ^  J^,  as  in 
chapter  a. 

35.  i.  To  him  who  holds  in  his  hands  the  Great 
Image  (of  the  invisible  Tao),  the  whole  world  re- 
pairs. Men  resort  to  him,  and  receive  no  hurt,  but 
(find)  rest,  peace,  and  the  feeling  of  ease. 

2.  Music  and  dainties  will  make  the  passing  guest 
stop  (for  a  time).  But  though  the  Tao  as  it  comes 
from  the  mouth,  seems  insipid  and  has  no  flavour, 
though  it  seems  not  worth  being  looked  at  or 
listened  to,  the  use  of  it  is  inexhaustible. 

£:  ||i,  'The  Attribute  of  Benevolence.'  But  there 
seems  little  appropriateness  in  this  title.  The  subject  of 
the  chapter  is  the  inexhaustible  efficacy  of  the  Tao  for  the 
good  of  the  world. 

The  Great  Image  (of  the  invisible  Tao)  is  a  name  for 
the  Tao  in  its  operation;  as  in  chapters  14  and  41.  He 
who  embodies  this  in  his  government  will  be  a  centre  of 
attraction  for  all  the  world.  Or  the  ^  "Jt  ^  may  be 
taken  as  a  predicate  of  the  holder  of  the  Great  Image : 
— '  If  he  go  all  under  heaven  teaching  the  T  a  o.'  Both 
constructions  are  maintained  by  commentators  of  note. 
In  par.  2  the  attraction  of  the  Tao  is  contrasted  with  that 
of  ordinary  pleasures  and  gratifications. 


78  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  I. 

36.  i.  When  one  is  about  to  take  an  inspiration, 
he  is  sure  to  make  a  (previous)  expiration  ;  when  he 
is  going  to  weaken  another,  he  will  first  strengthen 
him  ;  when  he  is  going  to  overthrow  another,  he  will 
first  have  raised  him  up  ;  when  he  is  going  to  despoil 
another,  he  will  first  have  made  gifts  to  him : — this 
is  called  '  Hiding  the  light  (of  his  procedure).' 

2.  The  soft  overcomes  the  hard ;  and  the  weak 
the  strong. 

3.  Fishes  should  not  be  taken  from  the  deep ; 
instruments  for  the  profit  of  a  state  should  not  be 
shown  to  the  people. 

tUfc  EJ^j,  'Minimising  the  Light;'  equivalent,  as  Wu 
AVzang  has  pointed  out,  to  the  ]|f|  ^  of  ch.  27. 

The  gist  of  the  chapter  is  to  be  sought  in  the  second 
paragraph,  where  we  have  two  instances  of  the  action  of 
the  Tao  by  contraries,  supposed  always  to  be  for  good. 

But  there  is  a  difficulty  in  seeing  the  applicability  to 
this  of  the  cases  mentioned  in  par.  i.  The  first  case, 
indeed,  is  merely  a  natural  phenomenon,  having  no  moral 
character ;  but  the  others,  as  they  have  been  illustrated  from 
historical  incidents,  by  Han  Fei  and  others  at  least,  belong  to 
schemes  of  selfish  and  unprincipled  ambitious  strategy,  which 
it  would  be  injurious  to  Lao-^ze  to  suppose  that  he  intended. 

Par.  3  is  the  most  frequently  quoted  of  all  the  passages 
in  our  ATing,  unless  it  be  the  first  part  of  ch.  i.  Fishes 
taken  from  the  deep,  and  brought  into  shallow  water,  can 
be  easily  taken  or  killed  ;  that  is  plain  enough.  '  The  sharp 
instruments  of  a  state '  are  not  its  '  weapons  of  war,'  nor 
its  '  treasures,'  nor  its  '  instruments  of  government,'  that  is, 
its  rewards  and  punishments,  though  this  last  is  the  inter- 
pretation often  put  on  them,  and  sustained  by  a  foolish 
reference  to  an  incident,  real  or  coined,  in  the  history  of  the 
dukedom  of  Sung.  The  li  kh\  are  '  contrivances  for  gain,' 
machines,  and  other  methods  to  increase  the  wealth  of 
a  state,  but,  according  to  the  principles  of  Lao-jze,  really 
injurious  to  it.  These  should  not  be  shown  to  the  people, 


CH.  xxxvil.  THE    TAG    TEH    ZING.  79 

whom  the  Taoistic  system  would  keep  in  a  state  of 
primitive  simplicity  and  ignorance.  This  interpretation  is 
in  accordance  with  the  meaning  of  the  characters,  and  with 
the  general  teaching  of  Taoism.  In  no  other  way  can 
I  explain  the  paragraph  so  as  to  justify  the  place  un- 
doubtedly belonging  to  it  in  the  system. 

37.  I .  The  Tao  in  its  regular  course  does  nothing 
(for  the  sake  of  doing  it),  and  so  there  is  nothing 
which  it  does  not  do. 

2.  If  princes  and  kings  were  able  to  maintain  it, 
.all  things  would  of  themselves  be  transformed  by 
them.' 

3.  If  this  transformation  became  to  me  an  object 
of  desire,  I  would  express  the  desire  by  the  nameless 
simplicity. 

Simplicity  without  a  name 
Is  free  from  all  external  aim. 
With  no  desire,  at  rest  and  still, 
All  things  go  right  as  of  their  will. 

•^  )^j  '  The  Exercise  of  Government.'  This  exercise 
should  be  according  to  the  Tao,  doing  without  doing, 
governing  without  government. 

The  subject  of  the  third  paragraph  is  a  feudal  prince  or 
the  king,  and  he  is  spoken  of  in  the  first  person,  to  give 
more  vividness  to  the  style,  unless  the  ^Z., '  I/  may,  possibly, 
be  understood  of  Lao-jze  himself  personating  one  of  them. 


80  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 


PART    II. 

38.  i.  (Those  who)  possessed  in  highest  degree 
the  attributes  (of  the  Tao)  did  not  (seek)  to  show 
them,  and  therefore  they  possessed  them  (in  fullest 
measure).  (Those  who)  possessed  in  a  lower  de- 
gree those  attributes  (sought  how)  not  to  lose  them, 
and  therefore  they  did  not  possess  them  (in  fullest 
measure). 

2.  (Those  who)  possessed  in  the  highest  degree 
those  attributes  did  nothing  (with  a  purpose),  and 
had  no  need  to  do  anything.     (Those  who)  possessed 
them  in  a  lower  degree  were  (always)  doing,  and  had 
need  to  be  so  doing. 

3.  (Those  who)  possessed  the  highest  benevolence 
were  (always  seeking)  to  carry  it  out,  and  had  no 
need  to  be  doing  so.     (Those  who)  possessed  the 
highest  righteousness  were  (always  seeking)  to  carry 
it  out,  and  had  need  to  be  so  doing. 

4.  (Those  who)  possessed  the  highest  (sense  of) 
propriety  were  (always  seeking)  to  show  it,  and  when 
men  did  not  respond  to  it,  they  bared  the  arm  and 
marched  up  to  them. 

5.  Thus  it  was  that  when  the  Tao  was  lost,  its 
attributes  appeared ;  when  its  attributes  were  lost, 
benevolence  appeared ;  when  benevolence  was  lost, 
righteousness   appeared;    and   when   righteousness 
was  lost,  the  proprieties  appeared. 

6.  Now  propriety  is  the  attenuated  form  of  leal- 
heartedness  and  good  faith,  and  is  also  the  com- 
mencement   of    disorder ;     swift    apprehension    is 


CH.  XXXVIII. 


THE    TAG    TEH    #1NG.  8 1 


(only)  a  flower  of  the  Tao,  and  is  the  beginning  of 
stupidity. 

7.  Thus  it  is  that  the  Great  man  abides  by  what 
is  solid,  and  eschews  what  is  flimsy  ;  dwells  with  the 
fruit  and  not  with  the  flower.  It  is  thus  that  he 
puts  away  the  one  and  makes  choice  of  the  other. 

|^  |J|L,  'About  the  Attributes;'  of  Tao,  that  is.  It  is 
not  easy  to  render  teh  here  by  any  other  English  term 
than  '  virtue,'  and  yet  there  would  be  a  danger  of  its  thus 
misleading  us  in  the  interpretation  of  the  chapter. 

The  'virtue'  is  the  activity  or  operation  of  the  Tao, 
which  is  supposed  to  have  come  out  of  its  absoluteness. 
Even  Han  Fei  so  defines  it  here, — 'Teh  is  the  meritorious 
work  of  the  Tao.' 

In  par.  5  we  evidently  have  a  resume*  of  the  preceding 
paragraphs,  and,  as  it  is  historical,  I  translate  them  in  the 
past  tense ;  though  what  took  place  on  the  early  stage  of 
the  world  may  also  be  said  to  go  on  taking  place  in  the 
experience  of  every  individual.  With  'some  considerable 
hesitation  I  have  given  the  subjects  in  those  paragraphs  in 
the  concrete,  in  deference  to  the  authority  of  Ho-shang 
Kung  and  most  other  commentators.  The  former  says, 
'By  "the  highest  teh"  is  to  be  understood  the  rulers  of 
the  greatest  antiquity,  without  name  or  designation,  whose 
virtue  was  great,  and  could  not  be  surpassed.'  Most 
ingenious,  and  in  accordance  with  the  Taoistic  system, 
is  the  manner  in  which  Wii  K/iang  construes  the  passage, 
and  I  am  surprised  that  it  has  not  been  generally  accepted. 
By  'the  higher  teh'  he  understands  'the  Tao,'  that  which 
is  prior  to  and  above  the  Teh  (  I-1  :?rfa  :&  ^P  $M  's*  V" 

\     I  .    \t\±i\      PJ  >      f-L.    \l\>t\   'V^^   _!_.' 

1JL  "tlL)  '  ky  'the  lower  teh,'  benevolence,  that  which  is 
after  and  below  the  Teh;  by  'the  higher  benevolence,' 
the  Teh  which  is  above  benevolence;  by  'the  higher 
righteousness,'  the  benevolence  which  is  above  righteous- 
ness ;  and  by  '  the  higher  propriety,'  the  righteouspess 
which  is  above  propriety.  Certainly  in  the  summation 
of  these  four  paragraphs  which  we  have  in  the  fifth,  the 
[39]  G 


82  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

subjects  of  them  would  appear  to  have  been  in  the  mind 
of  Lao-jze  as  thus  defined  by  Wu. 

In  the  remainder  of  the  chapter  he  goes  on  to  speak 
depreciatingly  of  ceremonies  and  knowledge,  so  that  the 
whole  chapter  must  be  understood  as  descriptive  of  the 
process  of  decay  and  deterioration  from  the  early  time  in 
which  the  Tao  and  its  attributes  swayed  the  societies 
of  men. 

39.  i.  The  things  which  from  of  old  have  got 
the  One  (the  Tao)  are — 

Heaven  which  by  it  is  bright  and  pure ; 
'  Earth  rendered  thereby  firm  and  sure ; 

Spirits  with  powers  by  it  supplied ; 

Valleys  kept  full  throughout  their  void  ; 

All  creatures  which  through  it  do  live  ; 

Princes  and  kings  who  from  it  get 

The  model  which  to  all  they  give. 
All  these  are  the  results  of  the  One  (Tao). 

2.  If  heaven  were  not  thus  pure,  it  soon  would 
rend  ; 

If  earth  were   not  thus   sure,  'twould   break   and 

bend ; 

Without  these  powers,  the  spirits  soon  would  fail ; 
If  not  so  filled,  the  drought  would  parch  each  vale  ; 
Without  that  life,  creatures  would  pass  away  ; 
Princes  and  kings,  without  that  moral  sway, 
However  grand  and  high,  would  all  decay. 

3.  Thus  it  is  that  dignity  finds  its  (firm)  root  in 
its  (previous)  meanness,  and  what  is  lofty  finds  its 
stability  in  the  lowness  (from  which  it  rises).     Hence 
princes  and  kings  call  themselves  '  Orphans,'  '  Men 
of  small  virtue,'  and  as  '  Carnages  without  a  nave.' 
Is  not  this  an  acknowledgment  that  in  their  con- 
sidering themselves  mean  they  see  the  foundation  of 


CH.  XL.  THE    TAG    TEH    ZING.  83 

their  dignity  ?  So  it  is  that  in  the  enumeration  of 
the  different  parts  of  a  carriage  we  do  not  come  on 
what  makes  it  answer  the  ends  of  a  carriage.  They 
do  not  wish  to  show  themselves  elegant-looking  as 
jade,  but  (prefer)  to  be  coarse-looking  as  an  (ordinary) 
stone. 


)  '  The  Origin  of  the  Law.'  In  this  title  there  is 
a  reference  to  the  Law  given  to  all  things  by  the  Tao,  as 
described  in  the  conclusion  of  chapter  25.  And  the  Tao 
affords  that  law  by  its  passionless,  undemonstrative  nature, 
through  which  in  its  spontaneity,  doing  nothing  for  the  sake 
of  doing,  it  yet  does  all  things. 

The  difficulty  of  translation  is  in  the  third  paragraph. 
The  way  in  which  princes  and  kings  speak  depreciatingly 
of  themselves  is  adduced  as  illustrating  how  they  have  in- 
deed got  the  spirit  x>f  the  Tao;  and  I  accept  the  last 
epithet  as  given  by  Ho-shang  Kung,  'naveless'  (l^), 
instead  of  ^J  (  =  'the  unworthy'),  which  is  found  in  Wang 
Pi,  and  has  been  adopted  by  nearly  all  subsequent  editors. 
To  see  its  appropriateness  here,  we  have  only  to  refer  back 
to  chapter  n,  where  the  thirty  spokes,  and  the  nave,  empty 
to  receive  the  axle,  are  spoken  of,  and  it  is  shown  how  the 
usefulness  of  the  carriage  is  derived  from  that  emptiness  of 
the  nave.  This  also  enables  us  to  give  a  fair  and  consistent 
explanation  of  the  difficult  clause  which  follows,  in  which 
also  I  have  followed  the  text  of  Ho-shang  Kung.  For  his 
||t.,  Wang  Pi  has  |j|L  ,  which  also  is  found  in  a  quotation  of 
it  by  Hwai-nan  $ze  ;  but  this  need  not  affect  the  meaning. 
In  the  translation  of  the  clause  we  are  assisted  by  a  some- 
what similar  illustration  about  a  horse  in  the  twenty-fifth 
of  TTwang-jze's  Books,  par.  10. 

40.   i.  The  movement  of  the  Tao 

By  contraries  proceeds  ; 
And  weakness  marks  the  course 
Of  Tao's  mighty  deeds. 
G  2 


84  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  FT.  II. 

2.  All  things  under  heaven  sprang  from  It  as 
existing  (and  named)  ;  that  existence  sprang  from  It 
as  non-existent  (and  not  named). 


,  '  Dispensing  with  the  Use  (of  Means);'  —  with  their 
use,  that  is,  as  it  appears  to  us.  The  subject  of  the  brief 
chapter  is  the  action  of  the  Tao  by  contraries,  leading  to  a 
result  the  opposite  of  what  existed  previously,  and  by 
means  which  might  seem  calculated  to  produce  a  contrary 
result. 

In  translating  par.  2  I  have  followed  3'ia.o  Hung,  who 
finds  the  key  to  it  in  ch.  i.  Having  a  name,  the  Tao  is 
'  the  Mother  of  all  things  ;'  having  no  name,  it  is  '  the  Ori- 
ginator of  Heaven  and  Earth.'  But  here  is  the  teaching  of 
Lao-^ze  :  —  'If  Tao  seems  to  be  before  God,'  Tao  itself 
sprang  from  nothing. 

41.  i.  Scholars  of  the  highest  class,  when  they 
hear  about  the  Tao,  earnestly  carry  it  into  practice. 
Scholars  of  the  middle  class,  when  they  have  heard 
about  it,  seem  now  to  keep  it  and  now  to  lose  it. 
Scholars  of  the  lowest  class,  when  they  have  heard 
about  it,  laugh  greatly  at  it.  If  it  were  not  (thus) 
laughed  at,  it  would  not  be  fit  to  be  the  Tao. 

2.  Therefore  the  sentence-makers  have  thus  ex- 
pressed themselves  :  — 
'  The  Tao,  when  brightest  seen,  seems  light  to  lack  ; 

Who  progress  in  it  makes,  seems  drawing  back  ; 

Its  even  way  is  like  a  rugged  track. 

Its  highest  virtue  from  the  vale  doth  rise  ; 

Its  greatest  beauty  seems  to  offend  the  eyes  ; 

And  he  has  most  whose  lot  the  least  supplies. 

Its  firmest  virtue  seems  but  poor  and  low; 

Its  solid  truth  seems  change  to  undergo  ; 

Its  largest  square  doth  yet  no  corner  show  ; 

A  vessel  great,  it  is  the  slowest  made  ; 


CH.  XLII.  THE    TAG    TEH    KING.  85 

Loud  is  its  sound,  but  never  word  it  said  ; 
A  semblance  great,  the  shadow  of  a  shade.' 
3.  The  Tao  is  hidden,  and  has  no  name  ;  but  it 
is  the  Tao  which  is  skilful  at  imparting  (to  all  things 
what  they  need)  and  making  them  complete. 

|^|  ^,  '  Sameness  and  Difference.'  The  chapter  is  a 
sequel  of  the  preceding,  and  may  be  taken  as  an  illustra- 
tion of  the  Tao's  proceeding  by  contraries. 

Who  the  sentence-makers  were  whose  sayings  are  quoted 
we  cannot  tell,  but  it  would  have  been  strange  if  Lao-jze 
had  not  had  a  large  store  of  such  sentences  at  his  command. 
The  fifth  and  sixth  of  those  employed  by  him  here  are 
found  in  Lieh-jze  (II,  15  a),  spoken  by  Lao  in  reproving 
Yang  Ku,  and  in  VII,  3  a,  that  heretic  appears  quoting  an 
utterance  of  the  same  kind,  with  the  words,  '  according  to  an 
old  saying 


42.  i.  The  Tao  produced  One;  One  produced  Two; 
Two  produced  Three  ;  Three  produced  All  things. 
All  things  leave  behind  them  the  Obscurity  (out  of 
which  they  have  come),  and  go  forward  to  embrace 
the  Brightness  (into  which  they  have  emerged), 
while  they  are  harmonised  by  the  Breath  of 
Vacancy. 

2.  What  men  dislike  is  to  be  orphans,  to  have 
little  virtue,  to  be  as  carriages  without  naves  ;  and 
yet   these   are   the    designations    which    kings    and 
princes  use    for   themselves.     So    it    is   that   some 
things  are  increased  by  being  diminished,  and  others 
are  diminished  by  being  increased. 

3.  What   other  men  (thus)  teach,    I    also   teach. 
The  violent  and  strong  do   not  die   their  natural 
death.     I  will  make  this  the  basis  of  my  teaching. 

''  '  Tlie  Transformations  of  the  Tao.'    In  par.  2  we 


86  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

have  the  case  of  the  depreciating  epithets  given  to  them- 
selves by  kings  and  princes,  which  we  found  before  in 
ch.  39,  and  a  similar  lesson  is  drawn  from  it.  Such  depre- 
ciation leads  to  exaltation,  and  the  contrary  course  of  self- 
exaltation  leads  to  abasement.  This  latter  case  is  stated 
emphatically  in  par.  3,  and  Lao-jze  says  that  it  was  the 
basis  of  his  teaching.  So  far  therefore  we  have  in  this 
chapter  a  repetition  of  the  lesson  that  '  the  movement  of 
the  Tao  is  by  contraries,'  and  that  its  weakness  is  the  sure 
precursor  of  strength.  But  the  connexion  between  this 
lesson  and  what  he  says  in  par.  i  it  is  difficult  to  trace.  Up 
to  this  time  at  least  it  has  baffled  myself.  The  passage 
seems  to  give  us  a  cosmogony.  '  The  Tao  produced  One.' 
We  have  already  seen  that  the  Tao  is  '  The  One.'  Are  we 
to  understand  here  that  the  Tao  and  the  One  were  one  and 
the  same  ?  In  this  case  what  would  be  the  significance  of 
the  ZJ£  ('produced')? — that  the  Tao  which  had  been  pre- 
viously '  non-existent '  now  became  '  existent,'  or  capable  of 
being  named  ?  This  seems  to  be  the  view  of  Sze-ma 
Kwang  (A.  D.  1009-1086). 

The  most  singular  form  which  this  view  assumes  is  in 
one  of  the  treatises  on  our  King,  attributed  to  the  Taoist 
patriarch  Lii  (g  fl§.  }H  f^  @  $$),  that  'the  One  is 
Heaven,  which  was  formed  by  the  congealing  of  the  Tao.' 
According  to  another  treatise,  also  assigned  to  the  same  Lii 

(|M!  fjul  JR  ^a?  o  $?)'  *^e  One  was  'the  primordial  ether;' 
the  Two, 'the  separation  of  that  into  its  Yin  and  Yang 
constituents ; '  and  the  Three,  '  the  production  of  heaven, 
earth,  and  man  by  these.'  In  quoting  the  paragraph  Hwai- 
nan  ^ze  omits  *j^  ^£  — •,  and  commences  with  — •  Zfc  """.. 
and  his  glossarist,  Kao  Yu,  makes  out  the  One  to  be  the 
Tao,  the  Two  to  be  Spiritual  Intelligences  (jjj|jj  fjj^j),  and 
the  Three  to  be  the  Harmonising  Breath.  From  the 
mention  of  the  Yin  and  Yang  that  follows,  I  believe  that 
Lao-jze  intended  by  the  Two  these  two  qualities  or  ele- 
ments in  the  primordial  ether,  which  would  be  '  the  One.' 
I  dare  not  hazard  a  guess  as  to  what  '  the  Three '  were. 


CH.  XLIV.  THE    TAG-  TEH    ZING.  87 

43.  i.  The  softest  thing  in  the  world  dashes 
against  and  overcomes  the  hardest  ;  that  which  has 
no  (substantial)  existence  enters  where  there  is  no 
crevice.  I  know  hereby  what  advantage  belongs  to 
doing  nothing  (with  a  purpose). 

2.  There  are  few  in  the  world  who  attain  to  the 
teaching  without  words,  and  the  advantage  arising 
from  non-action. 


Universal  Use  (of  the  action  in  weakness 
of  the  Tao).'  The  chapter  takes  us  back  to  the  lines  of 
ch.  40,  that 

'Weakness  marks  the  course 
Of  Tao's  mighty  deeds.' 

By  '  the  softest  thing  in  the  world  '  it  is  agreed  that  we  are 
to  understand  'water,'  which  will  wear  away  the  hardest 
rocks.  'Dashing  against  and  overcoming'  is  a  metaphor 
taken  from  hunting.  Ho-shang  Kung  says  that  '  what  has 
no  existence  '  is  the  Tao  ;  it  is  better  to  understand  by  it 
the  unsubstantial  air  (|fQ  which  penetrates  everywhere, 
we  cannot  see  how. 

Compare  par.  2  with  ch.  2,  par.  3. 

44.   i.  Or  fame  or  life, 

Which  do  you  hold  more  dear  ? 
Or  life  or  wealth, 

To  which  would  you  adhere  ? 
Keep  life  and  lose  those  other  things  ; 
Keep  them  and  lose  your  life:  —  which 

brings 
Sorrow  and  pain  more  near  ? 

2.  Thus  we  may  see, 

Who  cleaves  to  fame 
Rejects  what  is  more  great  ; 
Who  loves  large  stores 
Gives  up  the  richer  state. 


88  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

,     3.  Who  is  content 

Needs  fear  no  shame. 
Who  knows  to  stop 
Incurs  no  blame. 
From  danger  free 
Long  live  shall  he. 

JJL  |7$C, '  Cautions.'  The  chapter  warns  men  to  let  nothing 
come  into  competition  with  the  value  which  they  set  on  the 
Tao.  The  Tao  is  not  named,  indeed,  but  the  idea  of  it 
was  evidently  in  the  writer's  mind. 

The  whole  chapter  rhymes  after  a  somewhat  peculiar 
fashion  ;  familiar  enough,  however,  to  one  who  is  acquainted 
with  the  old  rhymes  of  the  Book  of  Poetry. 

45.  i.  Who  thinks  his  great  achievements  poor 
Shall  find  his  vigour  long  endure. 

Of  greatest  fulness,  deemed  a  void, 
Exhaustion  ne'er  shall  stem  the  tide. 
Do  thou  what's  straight  still  crooked  deem ; 
Thy  greatest  art  still  stupid  seem, 
And  eloquence  a  stammering  scream. 
2.   Constant  action  overcomes  cold ;    being   still 
x      overcomes   heat.      Purity    and    stillness    give    the 
correct  law  to  all  under  heaven. 

^  f^'  '  Great  or  Overflowing  Virtue.'  The  chapter  is 
another  illustration  of  the  working  of  the  Tao  by  contraries. 

According  to  Wu  AY^ang,  the  action  which  overcomes 
cold  is  that  of  the  Yang  element  in  the  developing  primor- 
dial ether ;  and  the  stillness  which  overcomes  heat  is  that 
of  the  contrary  Yin  element.  These  may  have  been  in 
Lao-jze's  mind,  but  the  statements  are  so  simple  as  hardly 
to  need  any  comment.  Wu  further  says  that  the  purity 
and  stillness  are  descriptive  of  the  condition  of  non-action. 

46.  i.  When  the  Tao  prevails  in  the  world,  they 
send  back  their  swift  horses  to  (draw)  the  dung-carts. 


CH.  XLVII.  THE    TAG    TEH    JiTING.  89 

When  the  Tao  is  disregarded  in  the  world,  the  war- 
horses  breed  in  the  border  lands. 

2.  There  is  no  guilt  greater  than  to  sanction 
ambition ;  no  calamity  greater  than  to  be  discon- 
tented with  one's  lot ;  no  fault  greater  than  the 
wish  to  be  getting.  Therefore  the  sufficiency  of 
contentment  is  an  enduring  and  unchanging  suffi- 
ciency. 

ifjjt  $C>  '  The  Moderating  of  Desire  or  Ambition.'  The 
chapter  shows  how  the  practice  of  the  Tao  must  conduce 
to  contentment  and  happiness. 

In  translating  par.  i  I  have,  after  Wu  K/iang,  admitted  a 
fa.  after  the  S^  his  chief  authority  for  doing  so  being  that 
it  is  so  found  in  a  poetical  piece  by  Ka.ng  Hang  (A.  D.  78- 
139).  K\\  Hsi  also  adopted  this  reading  (^  -jr  ^  •&, 
XVIII,  7  a).  In  par.  a  Han  Ying  has  a  tempting  variation 
°f  ^>  $C  f°r  ^T  ffi>  kut  I  nave  not  adopted  it  because  the 
same  phrase  occurs  elsewhere. 

47.  i.  Without  going  outside  his  door,  one  under- 
stands (all  that  takes  place)  under  the  sky ;  without 
looking  out  from  his  window,  one  sees  the  Tao  of 
Heaven.  The  farjjj^f  that  one  goes  out  (from 
himself),  the  less  he  knows. 

2.  Therefore  the  sages  got  their  knowledge  with- 
out  travelling;  gave  their  (right)  names  to  things 
without  seeing  them  ;  and  accomplished  their  ends 
without  any  purpose  of  doing  so. 

Hi  xH'  '  Surveying  what  is  Far-off.'  The  chapter  is  av 
lesson  to  men  to  judge  of  things  according  to  their  internal 
conviction  of  similar  things  in  their  own  experience.  Short 
as  the  chapter  is,  it  is  somewhat  mystical.  The  phrase, 
'  The  Tao'  or  way  of  Heaven,  occurs  in  it  for  the  first  time  ; 
and  it  is  difficult  to  lay  down  its  precise  meaning.  Lao-jze 
would  seem  to  teach  that  man  is  a  microcosm  ;  and  that,  if 


9O  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

he  understand  the  movements  of  his  own  mind,  he  can 
understand  the  movements  of  all  other  minds.  There  are 
various  readings,  of  which  it  is  not  necessary  to  speak. 

I  have  translated  par.  2  in  the  past  tense,  and  perhaps 
the  first  should  also  be  translated  so.  Most  of  it  is  found 
in  Han  Ying,  preceded  by  '  formerly  '  or  '  anciently.' 

48.  i.  He  who  devotes  himself  to  learning  (seeks) 
from  day  to  day  to  increase  (his  knowledge) ;  he  who 
devotes  himself  to  the  Tao  (seeks)  from  day  to  day 
to  diminish  (his  doing). 

2.  He  diminishes  it  and  again  diminishes  it,  till 
he  arrives  at  doing  nothing  (on  purpose).     Having 
arrived  at  this  point  of  non-action,  there  is  nothing 
which  he  does  not  do. 

3.  He  who  gets  as  his  own  all  under  heaven  does 
so  by  giving  himself  no  trouble  (with  that  end).     If 
one  take  trouble  (with  that  end),  he  is  not  equal  to 
getting  as  his  own  all  under  heaven. 

(~]&\  ^ff5 '  Forgetting  Knowledge  ; ' — the  contrast  between 
Learning  and  the  Tao.  It  is  only  by  the  Tao  that  the 
world  can  be  won. 

3iao  Hung  commences  his  quotations  of  commentary  on 
this  chapter  with  the  following  from  Kumara^iva  on  the 
second  par.: — ;  He  carries  on  the  process  of  diminishing 
till  there  is  nothing  coarse  about  him  which  is  not  put 
iway.  He  puts  it  away  till  he  has  forgotten  all  that  was  bad 
in  it.  He  then  puts  away  all  that  is  fine  about  him.  He 
does  so  till  he  has  forgotten  all  that  was  good  in  it  But 
the  bad  was  wrong,  and  the  good  is  right.  Having  dimi- 
nished the  wrong,  and  also  diminished  the  right,  the  process 
is  carried  on  till  they  are  both  forgotten.  Passion  and 
desire  are  both  cut  off;  and  his  virtue  and  the  Tao  are  in 
such  union  that  he  does  nothing ;  but  though  he  does 
nothing,  he  allows  all  things  to  do  their  own  doing,  and  all 
things  are  done.'  Such  is  a  Buddhistic  view  of  the  passage, 
not  very  intelligible,  and  which  I  do  not  endorse. 


CH.  XLIX.  THE    TAG    TEH    XING.  9  1 

In  a  passage  in  the  'Narratives  of  the  School'  (Bk.  IX, 
Art.  2),  we  have  a  Confucian  view  of  the  passage  :  —  '  Let 
perspicacity,  intelligence,  shrewdness,  and  wisdom  be 
guarded  by  stupidity,  and  the  service  of  the  possessor  will 
affect  the  whole  world  ;  let  them  be  guarded  by  com- 
plaisance, and  his  daring  and  strength  will  shake  the  age  ; 
let  them  be  guarded  by  timidity,  and  his  wealth  will  be  all 
within  the  four  seas  ;  let  them  be  guarded  by  humility,  and 
there  will  be  what  we  call  the  method  of  "  diminishing  it, 
and  diminishing  it  again."  '  But  neither  do  I  endorse  this. 

My  own  view  of  the  scope  of  the  chapter  has  been  given 
above  in  a  few  words.  The  greater  part  of  it  is  found  in 
A'wang-jze. 

49.  i.  The  sage  has  no  invariable  mind  of  his 
own  ;  he  makes  the  mincl  of  the  people  his  mind. 

2.  To  those  who  are  good  (to  me),  I  am  good  ; 
and  to  those  who  are  not  good  (to  me),  I  am  also 
good  ;  —  and   thus   (all)  get  to  be  good.     To  those 
who  are  sincere  (with    me),  I  am  sincere  ;    and  to 
those  who  are   not  sincere  (with   me),    I   am    also 
sincere  ;  —  and  thus  (all)  get  to  be  sincere. 

3.  The  sage  has  in  the  world  an  appearance  of 
indecision,  and  keeps  his  mind  in  a  state  of  indiffer- 
ence to  all.     The  people  all  keep  their  eyes  and  ears 
directed  to  him,  and  he  deals  with  them  all  as  his 
children. 


L,  '  The  Quality  of  Indulgence.'  The  chapter  shows 
how  that  quality  enters  largely  into  the  dealing  of  the  sage 
with  other  men,  and  exercises  over  them  a  transforming 
influence,  dominated  as  it  is  in  him  by  the  Tao. 

My  version  of  par.  i  is  taken  from  Dr.  Chalmers.  A  good 
commentary  on  it  was  given  by  the  last  emperor  but  one  of 
the  earlier  of  the  two  great  Sung  dynasties,  in  the  period 
A.  D.  i  ii  1-1  117  :  —  '  The  mind  of  the  sage  is  free  from  pre- 
occupation and  able  to  receive  ;  still,  and  able  to  respond.' 

In  par.  2  I  adopt  the  reading  of        ('  to  get  !)  instead  of 


92  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

the  more  common  ||sL  ('  virtue'  or  'quality').  There  is 
a  passage  in  Han  Ying  (IX,  $b,  4 a),  the  style  of  which, 
most  readers  will  probably  agree  with  me  in  thinking,  was 
moulded  on  the  text  before  us,  though  nothing  is  said  of 
any  connexion  between  it  and  the  saying  of  Lao-jze. 
I  must  regard  it  as  a  sequel  to  the  conversation  between 
Confucius  and  some  of  his  disciples  about  the  principle 
(Lao's  principle)  that  '  Injury  should  be  recompensed  with 
Kindness,'  as  recorded  in  the  Con.  Ana.,  XIV,  36.  We 
read  : — '  3ze-lu  said,  "  When  men  are  good  to  me,  I  will  also 
be  good  to  them  ;  when  they  are  not  good  to  me,  I  will 
also  be  not  good  to  them."  3ze~l<ung  said,  "When  men 
are  good  to  me,  I  will  also  be  good  to  them  ;  when  they 
are  not  good  to  me,  I  will  simply  lead  them  on,  forwards 
it  may  be  or  backwards."  Yen  Hui  said,  "  When  men  are 
good  to  me,  I  will  also  be  good  to  them  ;  when  they  are 
not  good  to  me,  I  will  still  be  good  to  them."  The  views 
of  the  three  disciples  being  thus  different,  they  referred  the 
point  to  the  Master,  who  said,  "  The  words  of  3ze-lu  are 
such  as  might  be  expected  among  the  (wild  tribes  of)  the 
Man  and  the  Mo  ;  those  of  3ze-kung,  such  as  might  be 
expected  among  friends  ;  those  of  Hui,  such  as  might  be 
expected  among  relatives  and  near  connexions."  '  This  is 
all.  The  Master  was  still  far  from  Lao-^ze's  standpoint, 
and  that  of  his  own  favourite  disciple,  Yen  Hui. 

50.   i.  Men  come  forth  and  live  ;  they  enter  (again) 
and  die. 

2.  Of  every  ten  three  are  ministers  of  life  (to  them- 
selves) ;  and  three  are  ministers  of  death. 

3.  There  are  also  three  in  every  ten  whose  aim  is 
to  live,  but  whose  movements  tend  to  the  land  (or 
place)  of  death.     And  for  what  reason  ?     Because 
of  their  excessive  endeavours  to  perpetuate  life. 

4.  But   I    have  heard   that  he  who   is  skilful   in 
managing  the  life  entrusted  to  him  fora  time  travels 
on  the  land  without  having  to  shun   rhinoceros  or 


CH.  LI.  THE    TAG    TEH    ZING.  93 

tiger,  and  enters  a  host  without  having  to  avoid 
buff  coat  or  sharp  weapon.  The  rhinoceros  finds  no 
place  in  him  into  which  to  thrust  its  horn,  nor  the 
tiger  a  place  in  which  to  fix  its  claws,  nor  the  weapon 
a  place  to  admit  its  point.  And  for  what  reason  ? 
Because  there  is  in  him  no  place  of  death. 

•|tf*  B^,  '  The  Value  set  on  Life.'  The  chapter  sets  forth 
the  Tao  as  an  antidote  against  decay  and  death. 

In  par.  i  life  is  presented  to  us  as  intermediate  between 
two  non-existences.  The  words  will  suggest  to  many 
readers  those  in  Job  i.  21. 

In  pars.  2  and  3  I  translate  the  characters  -j-*  ."^EJ  — 
by  '  three  in  ten/  instead  of  by  '  thirteen,'  as  Julien  and 
other  translators  have  done.  The  characters  are  suscep- 
tible of  either  translation  according  to  the  tone  in  which 
we  read  the  ^Ef.  They  were  construed  as  I  have  done 
by  Wang  Pi ;  and  many  of  the  best  commentators  have 
followed  in  his  wake.  '  The  ministers  of  life  to  them- 
selves '  would  be  those  who  eschewed  all  things,  both  in- 
ternal and  external,  tending  to  injure  health  ;  '  the  ministers 
of  death,'  those  who  pursued  courses  likely  to  cause  disease 
and  shorten  life ;  the  third  three  would  be  those  who 
thought  that  by  mysterious  and  abnormal  courses  they 
could  prolong  life,  but  only  injured  it.  Those  three  classes 
being  thus  disposed  of,  there  remains  only  one  in  ten  rightly  : 
using  the  Tao,  and  he  is  spoken  of  in  the  next  paragraph. 

This  par.  4  is  easy  of  translation,  and  the  various  read-  J 
ings  in  it  are  unimportant,  differing  in  this  respect  from 
those  in  par.  3.  But  the  aim  of  the  author  in  it  is  not  clear. 
In  ascribing  such  effects  to  the  possession  of  the  Tao,  is  he 
'  trifling,'  as  Dr.  Chalmers  thinks  ?  or  indulging  the  play  of 
his  poetical  fancy?  or  simply  saying  that  the  Taoist  will 
keep  himself  out  of  danger  ? 

51.  i.  All  things  are  produced  by  the  Tao,  and 
nourished  by  its  outflowing  operation.  They  receive 
their  forms  according  to  the  nature  of  each,  and  are 


94  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

completed  according  to  the  circumstances  of  their 
condition.  Therefore  all  things  without  exception 
honour  the  Tao,  and  exalt  its  outflowing  operation. 

2.  This  honouring  of  the  Tao  and  exalting  of  its 
operation  is  not  the  result  of  any  ordination,  but 
always  a  spontaneous  tribute. 

3.  Thus  it  is  that  the  Tao  produces  (all  things), 
nourishes  them,  brings  them  to   their  full  growth, 
nurses  them,  completes  them,  matures  them,  main- 
tains them,  and  overspreads  them. 

4.  It  produces  them  and  makes  no  claim  to  the 
possession  of  them  ;   it  carries  them  through  their 
processes  and  does  not  vaunt  its  ability  in  doing  so ; 
it  brings  them  to  maturity  and  exercises  no  control 
over  them  ; — this  is  called  its  mysterious  operation. 

^  |j|i,  '  The  Operation  (of  the  Tao)  in  Nourishing 
Things.'  The  subject  of  the  chapter  is  the  quiet  passionless 
operation  of  the  Tao  in  nature,  in  the  production  and 
nourishing  of  things  throughout  the  seasons  of  the  year  ; — 
a  theme  dwelt  on  by  Lao-jze,  in  II,  4,  X,  3,  and  other 
places. 

The  Tao  is  the  subject  of  all  the  predicates  in  par.  i,and 
what  seem  the  subjects  in  all  but  the  first  member  should 
be  construed  adverbially. 

On  par.  2  Wu  AV/ang  says  that  the  honour  of  the  Son  of 
Heaven  is  derived  from  his  appointment  by  God,  and  that 
then  the  nobility  of  the  feudal  princes  is  derived  from  him  ; 
but  in  the  honour  given  to  the  Tao  and  the  nobility  ascribed 
to  its  operation,  we  are  not  to  think  of  any  external  ordina- 
tion. There  is  a  strange  reading  of  two  of  the  members  of 
par.  3  in  Wang  Pi,  viz.  ^^^^  for  >$C  £  Sfe  £• 
This  is  quoted  and  predicated  of  '  Heaven/  in  the  Nes- 
torian  Monument  of  Hsi-an  in  the  eighth  century. 

52.  i.  (The  Tao)  which  originated  all  under  the 
sky  is  to  be  considered  as  the  mother  of  them  all. 


CH.LII.  THE    TAG    TEH    ZING.  95 

2.  When  the  mother  is  found,  we  know  what  her 
children  should  be.     When  one  knows  that  he  is  his 
mother's  child,  and  proceeds  to  guard  (the  qualities 
of)  the  mother  that  belong  to  him,  to  the  end  of  his 
life  he  will  be  free  from  all  peril. 

3.  Let  him  keep  his  mouth  closed,  and  shut  up 
the  portals  (of  his  nostrils),  and  all  his  life  he  will  be 
exempt  from  laborious  exertion.     Let  him  keep  his 
mouth  open,  and  (spend  his  breath)  in  the  promotion 
of  his  affairs,  and  all  his  life  there  will  be  no  safety 
for  him. 

4.  The  perception  of  what  is  small  is  (the  secret 
of)  clear-sightedness  ;   the  guarding  of  what  is  soft 
and  tender  is  (the  secret  of)  strength. 

5.  Who  uses  well  his  light, 
Reverting  to  its  (source  so)  bright, 
Will  from  his  body  ward  all  blight, 

And  hides  the  unchanging  from  men's  sight. 

JJH  yrj,  '  Returning  to  the  Source.'  The  meaning  of  the 
chapter  is  obscure,  and  the  commentators  give  little  help  in 
determining  it.  As  in  the  preceding  chapter,  Lao-jze 
treats  of  the  operation  of  the  Tao  on  material  things,  he 
seems  in  this  to  go  on  to  the  operation  of  it  in  man,  or  how 
he,  with  his  higher  nature,  should  ever  be  maintaining  it 
in  himself. 

For  the  understanding  of  paragraph  i  we  must  refer  to 
the  first  chapter  of  the  treatise,  where  the  Tao,  'having  no 
name,'  appears  as  '  the  Beginning '  or  '  First  Cause  '  of  the 
world,  and  then,  '  having  a  name,'  as  its  '  Mother.'  It  is 
the  same  thing  or  concept  in  both  of  its  phases,  the  ideal 
or  absolute,  and  the  manifestation  of  it  in  its  passionless 
doings.  The  old  Jesuit  translators  render  this  par.  by 
'  Mundus  principium  et  causam  suam  habet  in  Divino  ^EJ , 
seu  actione  Divinae  sapientiae  quae  dici  potest  ejus  mater.' 
So  far  I  may  assume  that  they  agreed  with  me  in  under- 
standing that  the  subject  of  the  par.  was  the  Tao. 


96  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

Par.  2  lays  down  the  law  of  life  for  man  thus  derived 
from  the  Tao.  The  last  clause  of  it  is  given  by  the  same 
translators  as  equivalent  to  '  Unde  fit  ut  post  mortem  nihil 
ei  timendum  sit,' — a  meaning  which  the  characters  will  not 
bear.  But  from  that  clause,  and  the  next  par.,  I  am  obliged 
to  conclude  that  even  in  Lao-jze's  mind  there  was  the  germ 
of  the  sublimation  of  the  material  frame  which  issued  in  the 
asceticism  and  life-preserving  arts  of  the  later  Taoism. 

Par.  3  seems  to  indicate  the  method  of  'guarding  the 
mother  in  man/  by  watching  over  the  breath,  the  proto- 
plastic '  one '  of  ch.  42,  the  ethereal  matter  out  of  which  all 
material  things  were  formed.  The  organs  of  this  breath  in 
man  are  the  mouth  and  nostrils  (nothing  else  should  be 
understood  here  by  ^^  and  P^  ; — see  the  explanations  of 
the  former  in  the  last  par.  of  the  fifth  of  the  appendixes  to 
the  Yi  in  vol.  xvi,  p.  432) ;  and  the  management  of  the  breath 
is  the  mystery  of  the  esoteric  Buddhism  and  Taoism. 

In  par.  4  '  The  guarding  what  is  soft '  is  derived  from  the 
use  of '  the  soft  lips '  in  hiding  and  preserving  the  hard  and 
strong  teeth. 

Par.  5  gives  the  gist  of  the  chapter : — Man's  always  keeping 
before  him  the  ideal  of  the  Tao,  and,  without  purpose, 
simply  doing  whatever  he  finds  to  do;  Tao-like  and 
powerful  in  all  his  sphere  of  action. 

I  have  followed  the  reading  of  the  last  character  but  one, 
which  is  given  by  3iao  Hung  instead  of  that  found  in  Ho- 
shang  Kung  and  Wang  Pi. 

53.  i.  If  I  were  suddenly  to  become  known,  and 
(put  into  a  position  to)  conduct  (a  government) 
according  to  the  Great  Tao,  what  I  should  be  most 
afraid  of  would  be  a  boastful  display. 

2.  The  great  Tao  (or  way)  is  very  level  and  easy  ; 
but  people  love  the  by-ways. 

3.  Their  court(-yards  and  buildings)  shall  be  well 
kept,  but  their  fields  shall  be  ill-cultivated,  and  their 
granaries  very  empty.     They  shall  wear  elegant  and 


CH.  Liv.  THE    TAO   TEH   KING.  97 

ornamented  robes,  carry  a  sharp  sword  at  their  girdle, 
pamper  themselves  in  eating  and  drinking,  and  have 
a  superabundance  of  property  and  wealth  ; — such 
(princes)  may  be  called  robbers  and  boasters.  This 
is  contrary  to  the  Tao  surely! 

^^  pib  '  Increase  of  Evidence.'  The  chapter  contrasts 
government  by  the  Tao  with  that  conducted  in  a  spirit  of 
ostentation  and  by  oppression. 

In  the  T'  of  paragraph  i  does  Lao-jze  speak  of  himself? 
I  think  he  does.  Wu  A^ang  understands  it  of 'any  man,'  i.e. 
any  one  in  the  exercise  of  government ; — which  is  possible. 
What  is  peculiar  to  my  version  is  the  pregnant  meaning 
given  to  ^EJ  ^P,  common  enough  in  the  mouth  of  Confu- 
cius. I  have  adopted  it  here  because  of  a  passage  in  Liu 
Hsiang's  Shwo-wan  (XX,  T3b),  where  Lao-jze  is  made  to 
say  '  Excessive  is  the  difficulty  of  practising  the  Tao  at  the 
present  time,'  adding  that  the  princes  of  his  age  would  not 
receive  it  from  him.  On  the  '  Great  Tao,'  see  chapters  25, 
34,  et  al.  From  the  twentieth  book  of  Han  Fei  (12  b  and 
13  a)  I  conclude  that  he  had  the  whole  of  this  chapter  in 
his  copy  of  our  ^Ting,  but  he  broke  it  up,  after  his  fashion, 
into  fragmentary  utterances,  confused  and  confounding.  He 
gives  also  some  remarkable  various  readings,  one  of  which 
(^,  instead  of  Ho-shang  Rung  and  Wang  Pi's  ^*, 
character  48)  is  now  generally  adopted.  The  passage  is 

quoted  in  the  Khang-hsi  dictionary  under  t=£.  with  this 
reading. 

54.   i.  What  (Tao's)  skilful  planter  plants 

Can  never  be  uptorn  ; 
What  his  skilful  arms  enfold, 

From  him  can  ne'er  be  borne. 
Sons  shall  bring  in  lengthening  line, 
Sacrifices  to  his  shrine. 
2.  Tao  when  nursed  within  one's  self, 

His  vigour  will  make  true  ; 
[39]  H 


98  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

And  where  the  family  it  rules 

What  riches  will  accrue  ! 
The  neighbourhood  where  it  prevails 

In  thriving  will  abound  ; 
And  when  'tis  seen  throughout  the  state, 

Good  fortune  will  be  found. 
Employ  it  the  kingdom  o'er, 

And  men  thrive  all  around. 

3.  In  this  way  the  effect  will  be  seen  in  the  person, 
by  the  observation  of  different  cases  ;  in  the  family  ; 
in   the   neighbourhood  ;    in   the  state  ;    and  in  the 
kingdom. 

4.  How  do  I  know  that   this   effect  is   sure  to 
hold  thus  all  under  the  sky  ?     By  this  (method  of 
observation). 


Cultivation  (of  the  Tao),  and  the  Observa- 
tion (of  its  Effects).'  The  sentiment  of  the  first  paragraph 
is  found  in  the  twenty-seventh  and  other  previous  chap- 
ters, —  that  the  noiseless  and  imperceptible  acting  of  the 
T  a  o  is  irresistible  in  its  influence  ;  and  this  runs  through 
to  the  end  of  the  chapter  with  the  additional  appeal  to  the 
influence  of  its  effects.  The  introduction  of  the  subject  of 
sacrifices,  a  religious  rite,  though  not  presented  to  the 
Highest  Object,  will  strike  the  reader  as  peculiar  in  our 
King. 

The  Teh  mentioned  five  times  in  par.  a  is  the  'virtue' 
of  the  Tao  embodied  in  the  individual,  and  extending  from 
him  in  all  the  spheres  of  his  occupation,  and  is  explained 
differently  by  Han  Fei  according  to  its  application  ;  and 
his  example  I  have  to  some  extent  followed. 

The  force  of  pars.  3  and  4  is  well  given  by  Ho-shang 
Kung.  On  the  first  clause  he  says,  '  Take  the  person  of 
one  who  cultivates  the  Tao,  and  compare  it  with  that  of 
one  who  does  not  cultivate  it  ;  —  which  is  in  a  state  of  decay  ? 
and  which  is  in  a  state  of  preservation  ?  ' 


CH.  LV.  THE    TAG    TEH   ZING.  99 

55.  i.  He  who  has  in  himself  abundantly  the 
attributes  (of  the  Tao)  is  like  an  infant.  Poison- 
ous insects  will  not  sting  him ;  fierce  beasts  will  not 
seize  him  ;  birds  of  prey  will  not  strike  him. 

2.  (The  infant's)  bones  are  weak  and  its  sinews 
soft,  but  yet  its  grasp  is  firm.     It  knows  not  yet  the 
union  of  male  and  female,  and  yet  its  virile  member 
may   be   excited ; — showing   the    perfection    of    its 
physical  essence.     All  day  long  it  will  cry  without 
its  throat  becoming  hoarse  ; — showing  the  harmony 
(in  its  constitution). 

3.  To  him  by  whom  this  harmony  is  known, 
(The  secret  of)  the  unchanging  (Tao)  is  shown, 
And  in  the  knowledge -wisdom  finds  its  throne. 
All  life-increasing  arts  to  evil  turn ; 

Where  the  mind  makes  the  vital  breath  to  burn, 
(False)  is    the   strength,   (and   o'er   it  we   should 
mourn.) 

4.  When  things  have  become  strong,  they  (then) 
become  old,  which  may  be  said  to  be  contrary  to 
the  Tao.     Whatever  is  contrary  to  the  Tao  soon 
ends. 

jfe  ^Jp>  '  The  Mysterious  Charm  ; '  meaning,  apparently, 
the  entire  passivity  of  the  Tao. 

With  pars,  i  and  2,  compare  what  is  said  about  the  in- 
fant in  chapters  10  and  20,  and  about  the  immunity  from 
dangers  such  as  here  described  of  the  disciple  of  the  Tao 
in  ch.  50.  My  '  evil'  in  the  second  triplet  of  par.  3  has  been 
translated  by  '  felicity  ;'  but  a  reference  to  the  Khang-hsi 
dictionary  will  show  that  the  meaning  which  I  give  to  jffi. 
is  well  authorised.  It  is  the  only  meaning  allowable  here. 
The  third  and  fourth  j^J  in  this  par.  appear  in  Ho-shang 

Kung's  text  as  £J ,  and  he  comments  on  the  clauses  accord- 

H  2 


IOO  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

'ingly  ;  but  ^  is  now  the  received  reading.  Some  light 
is  thrown  on  this  paragraph  and  the  next  by  an  apocryphal 
conversation  attributed  to  Lao-jze  in  Liu  Hsiang's  Shwo- 
wan,  X,  4  a. 

56.  i.  He  who  knows  (the  Tao)  does  not  (care 
to)  speak  (about  it) ;  he  who  is  (ever  ready  to)  speak 
about  it  does  not  know  it. 

2.  He  (who  knows  it)  will  keep  his  mouth  shut 
and  close   the  portals   (of  his    nostrils).      He    will 
blunt  his  sharp  points  and  unravel  the  complications 
of  things  ;  he  will  attemper  his  brightness,  and  bring 
himself  into  agreement  with  the  obscurity  (of  others). 
This  is  called  '  the  Mysterious  Agreement.' 

3.  (Such  an  one)  cannot  be  treated  familiarly  or 
distantly  ;  he  is  beyond  all  consideration  of  profit  or 
injury;  of  nobility  or  meanness  : — he  is  the  noblest 
man  under  heaven. 

j?  fj|i>  '  The  Mysterious  Excellence.'  The  chapter  gives 
us  a  picture  of  the  man  of  Tao,  humble  and  retiring,  obli- 
vious of  himself  and  of  other  men,  the  noblest  man  under 
heaven. 

Par.  i  is  found  in  ^Twang-jze  (XIII,  20  b),  not  expressly 
mentioned,  as  taken  from  Lao-jze,  but  at  the  end  of  a  string 
of  sentiments,  ascribed  to  '  the  Master/  some  of  them,  like 
the  two  clauses  here,  no  doubt  belonging  to  him,  and  the 
others,  probably  A^wang-jze's  own. 

Par.  2  is  all  found  in  chapters  4  and  52,  excepting  the 
short  clause  in  the  conclusion. 

57.  i.  A   state   may  be  ruled  by  (measures   of) 
correction  ;  weapons  of  war  may  be  used  with  crafty 
dexterity ;    (but)   the  kingdom  is  made  one's   own 
(only)  by  freedom  from  action  and  purpose. 

2.  How  do   I   know  that  it   is   so  ?      By   these 


CH.  Lvin.  THE    TAG    TEH    ZING.  IOI 

facts  : — In  the  kingdom  the  multiplication  of  prohibi- 
tive enactments  increases  the  poverty  of  the  people  ; 
the  more  implements  to  add  to  their  profit  that  the 
people  have,  the  greater  disorder  is  there  in  the 
state  and  clan ;  the  more  acts  of  crafty  dexterity 
that  men  possess,  the  more  do  strange  contrivances 
appear;  the  more  display  there  is  of  legislation, 
the  more  thieves  and  robbers  there  are. 

3.  Therefore  a  sage  has  said,  '  I  will  do  nothing 
(of  purpose),  and  the  people  will  be  transformed  of 
themselves ;  I  will  be  fond  of  keeping  still,  and  the 
people  will  of  themselves  become  correct.  I  will 
take  no  trouble  about  it,  and  the  people  will  of 
themselves  become  rich  ;  I  will  manifest  no  ambi- 
tion, and  the  people  will  of  themselves  attain  to  the 
primitive  simplicity.' 

{y  Jll>  '  The  Genuine  Influence.'  The  chapter  shows 
how  government  by  the  Tao  is  alone  effective,  and  of  uni- 
versal application  ;  contrasting  it  with  the  failure  of  other 
methods. 

After  the  'weapons  of  war'  in  par.  I,  one  is  tempted  to 
take  '  the  sharp  implements'  in  par.  2  as  such  weapons,  but 
the  meaning  which  I  finally  adopted,  especially  after  studying 
chapters  36  and  80,  seems  more  consonant  with  Lao-^ze's 
scheme  of  thought.  In  the  last  member  of  the  same  par., 
Ho-shang  Kung  has  the  strange  reading  of  ^  tfy,  and  uses 
it  in  his  commentary  ;  but  the  better  text  of  ^  ^  is  found 
both  in  Hwai-nan  and  Sze-ma  K/tien,  and  in  Wang  Pi. 

We  do  not  know  if  the  writer  were  quoting  any  par- 
ticular sage  in  par.  3,  or  referring  generally  to  the  sages  of 
the  past ; — men  like  the  '  sentence-makers  '  of  ch.  41. 

58.   i.  The  government  that  seems  the  most  un- 
wise, 
Oft  goodness  to  the  people  best  supplies  ; 


IO2  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

That  which  is  meddling,  touching  everything, 
Will  work  but  ill,  and  disappointment  bring. 

Misery ! — happiness    is    to   be   found   by    its    side ! 

Happiness  ! — misery  lurks  beneath  it !     Who  knows 

what  either  will  come  to  in  the  end  ? 

2.  Shall  we  then  dispense  with  correction  ?     The 
(method  of)  correction  shall  by  a  turn  become  dis- 
tortion, and  the  good  in  it  shall  by  a  turn  become 
evil.     The  delusion  of  the  people  (on  this  point)  has 
indeed  subsisted  for  a  long  time. 

3.  Therefore  the  sage  is  (like)  a  square  which  cuts 
no  one  (with  its  angles) ;  (like)  a  corner  which  injures 
no  one  (with  its  sharpness).     He  is  straightforward, 
but  allows  himself  no  license  ;  he  is  bright,  but  does 
not  dazzle. 

j||f  ^,  'Transformation  according  to  Circumstances;' 
but  this  title  does  not  throw  light  on  the  meaning  of  the 
chapter ;  nor  are  we  helped  to  an  understanding  of  it  by 
Han  Fei,  with  his  additions  and  comments  (XI,  3  b,  4  b), 
nor  by  Hwai-nan  with  his  illustrations  (XII,  21  a,  b).  The 
difficulty  of  it  is  increased  by  its  being  separated  from  the 
preceding  chapter  of  which  it  is  really  the  sequel.  It  con- 
trasts still  further  government  by  the  Tdo,  with  that  by 
the  method  of  correction.  The  sage  is  the  same  in  both 
chapters,  his  character  and  government  both  marked  by 
the  opposites  or  contraries  which  distinguish  the  procedure 
of  the  T£o,  as  stated  in  ch.  40. 

59.  i.  For  regulating  the  human  (in  our  consti- 
tution) and  rendering  the  (proper)  service  to  the 
heavenly,  there  is  nothing  like  moderation. 

2.  It  is  only  by  this  moderation  that  there  is 
effected  an  early  return  (to  man's  normal  state). 
That  early  return  is  what  I  call  the  repeated  accumu- 
lation of  the  attributes  (of  the  Tao).  With  that 


CH.  LX.  THE    TAG    TEH    ATING.  IO3 

repeated  accumulation  of  those  attributes,  there 
comes  the  subjugation  (of  every  obstacle  to  such 
return).  Of  this  subjugation  we  know  not  what 
shall  be  the  limit ;  and  when  one  knows  not  what 
the  limit  shall  be,  he  may  be  the  ruler  of  a  state. 

3.  He  who  possesses  the  mother  of  the  state  may 
continue  long.  His  case  is  like  that  (of  the  plant) 
of  which  we  say  that  its  roots  are  deep  and  its  flower 
stalks  firm  : — this  is  the  way  to  secure  that  its  endur- 
ing life  shall  long  be  seen. 

Tjp  j||,  'Guarding  the  Tao.'  The  chapter  shows  how 
it  is  the  guarding  of  the  Tao  that  ensures  a  continuance 
of  long  life,  with  vigour  and  success.  The  abuse  of  it  and 
other  passages  in  our  ^Ting  helped  on,  I  must  believe,  the 
later  Taoist  dreams  about  the  elixir  vitae  and  life-pre- 
serving pills.  The  whole  of  it,  with  one  or  two  various 
readings,  is  found  in  Han  Fei  (VI,  4  b-6  a),  who  speaks 
twice  in  his  comments  of  '  The  Book.' 

Par.  i  has  been  translated,  'In  governing  men  and  in 
serving  Heaven,  there  is  nothing  like  moderation.'  But  by 
'  Heaven '  there  is  not  intended  '  the  blue  sky '  above  us, 
nor  any  personal  Power  above  it,  but  the  Tao  embodied 
in  our  constitution,  the  Heavenly  element  in  our  nature. 
The  '  moderation '  is  the  opposite  of  what  we  call  '  living 
fast,'  '  burning  the  candle  at  both  ends.' 

In  par.   2   I  must  read   ^|f,  instead  of  the  more  com- 

1^^ 

mon  JJjfc.  I  find  it  in  Lu  Teh-ming,  and  that  it  is  not  a 
misprint  in  him  appears  from  his  subjoining  that  it  is  pro- 
nounced like  Jjj|.  Its  meaning  is  the  same  as  in  ^  ^ 
rffi  E|H  in  ch.  52,  par.  5.  Teh  is  not '  virtue '  in  our  common 
meaning  of  the  term,  but  'the  attributes  of  the  Tao,'  as 
almost  always  with  Lao-jze. 

In  par.  3  'the  mother  of  the  state'  is  the  Tao  as  in 
ch.  -i,  and  especially  in  ch.  52,  par.  i. 

60.  i.  Governing  a  great  state  is  like  cooking 
small  fish. 


IO4  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

2.  Let  the  kingdom  be  governed  according  to  the 
Tao,  and  the  manes  of  the  departed  will  not  mani- 
fest their  spiritual   energy.       It  is   not  that  those 
manes  have  not  that  spiritual  energy,  but  it  will  not 
be  employed  to  hurt  men.     It  is  not  that  it  could  not 
hurt  men,  but  neither  does  the  ruling  sage  hurt  them. 

3.  When  these  two  do  not  injuriously  affect  each 
other,  their  good  influences  converge  in  the  virtue 
(of  the  Tao). 

JtJjf  ^,  '  Occupying  the  Throne ; '  occupying  it,  that  is, 
according  to  the  Tao,  noiselessly  and  purposelessly,  so 
that  the  people  enjoy  their  lives,  free  from  all  molestation 
seen  and  unseen. 

Par.  i .  That  is,  in  the  most  quiet  and  easy  manner.  The 
whole  of  the  chapter  is  given  and  commented  on  by  Han 
Fei  (VI,  6a~7b);  but  very  unsatisfactorily. 

The  more  one  thinks  and  reads  about  the  rest  of  the 
chapter,  the  more  does  he  agree  with  the  words  of  Julien : — 
'  It  presents  the  frequent  recurrence  of  the  same  characters, 
and  appears  as  insignificant  as  it  is  unintelligible,  if  we  give 
to  the  Chinese  characters  their  ordinary  meaning.' — The 
reader  will  observe  that  we  have  here  the  second  mention 
of  spirits  (the  manes;  Chalmers,  'the  ghosts;'  Julien,  les 
demons).  See  ch.  39. 

Whatever  Lao-jze  meant  to  teach  in  par.  2,  he  laid  in  it 
a  foundation  for  the  superstition  of  the  later  and  present 
Taoism  about  the  spirits  of  the  dead ; — such  as  appeared 
a  few  years  ago  in  the  'tail-cutting'  scare. 

61.  i.  What  makes  a  great  state  is  its  being  (like) 
a  low-lying,  down-flowing  (stream)  ; — it  becomes  the 
centre  to  which  tend  (all  the  small  states)  under 
heaven. 

2.  (To  illustrate  from)  the  case  of  all  females  : — the 
female  always  overcomes  the  male  by  her  stillness. 
Stillness  may  be  considered  (a  sort  of)  abasement. 


CH.  I.XH.  THE    TAG    TEH   KING.  TO5 

3.  Thus  it  is  that  a  great  state,  by  condescending 
to    small    states,  gains  them    for   itself;    and   that 
small    states,    by    abasing  themselves  to    a    great 
state,  win  it  over  to  them.     In  the  one  case  the 
abasement  leads  to  gaining  adherents,  in  the  other 
case  to  procuring  favour. 

4.  The  great  state  only  wishes  to  unite  men  to- 
gether and  nourish  them ;  a  small  state  only  wishes 
to  be  received  by,  and  to  serve,  the  other.     Each 
gets  what  it  desires,  but  the  great  state  must  learn 
to  abase  itself. 

Ult^H'  'The  Attribute  of  Humility;' — a  favourite  theme 
with  Lao-^ze ;  and  the  illustration  of  it  from  the  low-lying 
stream  to  which  smaller  streams  flow  is  also  a  favourite 
subject  with  him.  The  language  can  hardly  but  recall  the 
words  of  a  greater  than  Lao-jze: — '  He  that  humbleth  him- 
self shall  be  exalted.' 

62.  i.  Tao  has  of  all  things  the  most  honoured 

place. 

No  treasures  give  good  men  so  rich  a  grace; 
Bad  men  it  guards,  and  doth  their  ill  efface. 

2.  (Its)   admirable  words   can  purchase  honour; 
(its)  admirable  deeds  can  raise  their  performer  above 
others.     Even  men  who  are  not  good  are  not  aban- 
doned by  it. 

3.  Therefore   when   the    sovereign    occupies  his 
place  as  the  Son  of  Heaven,  and  he  has  appointed 
his  three  ducal  ministers,  though  (a  prince)  were  to 
send  in  a  round  symbol-of-rank  large  enough  to  fill 
both  the  hands,  and  that  as  the  precursor  of  the  team 
of  horses  (in  the  court-yard),  such  an  offering  would 
not  be  equal  to  (a  lesson  of)  this  Tao,  which  one 
might  present  on  his  knees. 

4.  Why  was  it  that  the  ancients  prized  this  Tao 


IO6  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

so  much  ?  Was  it  not  because  it  could  be  got  by 
seeking  for  it,  and  the  guilty  could  escape  (from  the 
stain  of  their  guilt)  by  it  ?  This  is  the  reason  why 
all  under  heaven  consider  it  the  most  valuable  thing. 

"@  3i>  'Practising  the  T  a  o.'  jt|  ^jj,'  The  value  set 
on  the  Tao,'  would  have  been  a  more  appropriate  title. 
The  chapter  sets  forth  that  value  in  various  manifestations 
of  it. 

Par.  i.  For  the  meaning  of  Jpl,  see  Confucian  Analects, 
III,  ch.  13. 

Par.  2.  I  am  obliged  to  adopt  the  reading  of  the  first 
sentence  of  this  paragraph  given  by  Hwai-nan,  =f^  =2"  "p-J* 

J#  ifr  Jit,  Jltf^r^ABA  '— see  especially  his 
quotation  of  it  in  XVIII,  loa,  as  from  a  superior  man, 
I  have  not  found  his  reading  anywhere  else. 

Par.  3  is  not  easily  translated,  or  explained.  See  the 
rules  on  presenting  offerings  at  the  court  of  a  ruler  or  the 
king,  in  vol.  xxvii  of  the  '  Sacred  Books  of  the  East,'  p.  84, 
note  3,  and  also  a  narrative  in  the  3°  -^wan  under  the 
thirty-third  year  of  duke  Hsi. 

63.  i.  (It  is  the  way  of  the  Tao)  to  act  without 
(thinking  of)  acting  ;  to  conduct  affairs  without  (feel- 
ing the)  trouble  of  them  ;  to  taste  without  discerning 
any  flavour ;  to  consider  what  is  small  as  great,  and 
a  few  as  many ;  and  to  recompense  injury  with 
kindness. 

2.  (The  master  of  it)  anticipates  things  that  are 
difficult  while  they  are  easy,  and  does  things  that 
would  become  great  while  they  are  small.  All  diffi- 
cult things  in  the  world  are  sure  to  arise  from  a 
previous  state  in  which  they  were  easy,  and  all 
great  things  from  one  in  which  they  were  small. 
Therefore  the  sage,  while  he  never  does  what  is 
great,  is  able'  on  that  account  to  accomplish  the 
greatest  things. 


CH.  LXIV.  THE    TAO    TEH    .KING.  1 07 

3.  He  who  lightly  promises  is  sure  to  keep  but 
little  faith ;  he  who  is  continually  thinking  things 
easy  is  sure  to  find  them  difficult.  Therefore  the 
sage  sees  difficulty  even  in  what  seems  easy,  and  so 
never  has  any  difficulties. 

J@»  $p? >  'Thinking  in  the  Beginning.'  The  former  of 
these  two  characters  is  commonly  misprinted  JBj[,  and  this 
has  led  Chalmers  to  mistranslate  them  by  '  The  Beginning 
of  Grace.'  The  chapter  sets  forth  the  passionless  method 
of  the  Tao,  and  how  the  sage  accordingly  accomplishes  his 
objects  easily  by  forestalling  in  his  measures  all  difficulties. 
In  par.  i  the  clauses  are  indicative,  and  not  imperative, 
and  therefore  we  have  to  supplement  the  text  in  translat- 
ing in  some  such  way,  as  I  have  done.  They  give  us  a 
cluster  of  aphorisms  illustrating  the  procedure  of  the  Tao 
'  by  contraries,'  and  conclude  with  one,  which  is  the  chief 
glory  of  Lao-jze's  teaching,  though  I  must  think  that  its 
value  is  somewhat  diminished  by  the  method  in  which  he 
reaches  it.  It  has  not  the  prominence  in  the  later  teaching 
of  Taoist  writers  which  we  should  expect,  nor  is  it  found 
(so  far  as  I  know)  in  ATwang-jze,  Han  Fei,  or  Hwai-nan. 
It  is  quoted,  however,  twice  by  Liu  Hsiang ; — see  my  note 
on  par.  2,  of  ch.  49. 

It  follows  from  the  whole  chapter  that  the  Taoistic 
'  doing  nothing '  was  not  an  absolute  quiescence  and  inac- 
tion, but  had  a  method  in  it. 

64.  i.  That  which  is  at  rest  is  easily  kept  hold  of; 
before  a  thing  has  given  indications  of  its  presence, 
it  is  easy  to  take  measures  against  it ;  that  which  is 
brittle  is  easily  broken  ;  that  which  is  very  small  is 
easily  dispersed.  Action  should  be  taken  before  a 
thing  has  made  its  appearance ;  order  should  be 
secured  before  disorder  has  begun. 

2.  The  tree  which  fills  the  arms  grew  from  the 
tiniest  sprout;  the  tower  of  nine  storeys  rose  from  a 


108  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  n. 

(small)  heap  of  earth ;  the  journey  of  a  thousand  li 
commenced  with  a  single  step. 

3.  He  who  acts  (with  an  ulterior  purpose)  does 
harm ;   he  who  takes  hold  of  a  thing  (in  the  same 
way)  loses  his  hold.    The  sage  does  not  act  (so),  and 
therefore  does  no  harm  ;  he  does  not  lay  hold  (so), 
and  therefore  does  not  lose  his  hold.     (But)  people 
in  their  conduct  of  affairs  are  constantly  ruining  them 
when  they  are  on  the  eve  of  success.     If  they  were 
careful  at  the  end,  as  (they  should  be)  at  the  begin- 
ning, they  would  not  so  ruin  them. 

4.  Therefore  the  sage  desires  what  (other  men) 
do  not  desire,  and  does  not  prize  things  difficult  to 
get ;  he  learns  what  (other  men)  do  not  learn,  and 
turns    back   to   what  the    multitude  of   men   have 
passed  by.     Thus  he  helps  the  natural  development 
of  all  things,  and  does  not  dare  to  act  (with    an 
ulterior  purpose  of  his  own). 

^p  fljfc,  {  Guarding  the  Minute.'  The  chapter  is  a  con- 
tinuation and  enlargement  of  the  last.  Wu  Khang,  indeed, 
unites  the  two,  blending  them  together  with  some  ingenious 
transpositions  and  omissions,  which  it  is  not  necessary  to 
discuss.  Compare  the  first  part  of  par.  3  with  the  last  part 
of  par.  i,  ch.  29. 

65.  i.  The  ancients  who  showed  their  skill  in  prac- 
tising the  Tao  did  so,  not  to  enlighten  the  people, 
but  rather  to  make  them  simple  and  ignorant. 

2.  The  difficulty  in  governing  the  people  arises 
from  their  having  much  knowledge.     He  who  (tries 
to)  govern  a  state  by  his  wisdom  is  a  scourge  to  it ; 
while  he  who  does  not  (try  to)  do  so  is  a  blessing. 

3.  He  who  knows  these  two  things  finds  in  them 
also  his  model   and   rule.      Ability   to   know   this 


CH.  LXVI.  THE    TAG    TEH    KING. 


model  and  rule  constitutes  what  we  call  the  myste- 
rious excellence  (of  a  governor).  Deep  and  far- 
reaching  is  such  mysterious  excellence,  showing 
indeed  its  possessor  as  opposite  to  others,  but  lead- 
ing them  to  a  great  conformity  to  him. 

^  4&L,  '  Pure,  unmixed  Excellence.'  The  chapter  shows 
the  powerful  and  beneficent  influence  of  theTao  in  govern- 
ment, in  contrast  with  the  applications  and  contrivances  of 
human  wisdom.  Compare  ch.  19.  My  'simple  and  igno- 
rant '  is  taken  from  Julien.  More  literally  the  translation 
would  be  '  to  make  them  stupid.'  My  '  scourge  '  in  par.  2 
is  also  after  Julien's  'fleau.' 

66.  i.  That  whereby  the  rivers  and  seas  are  able 
to  receive  the  homage  and  tribute  of  all  the  valley 
streams,  is  their  skill  in  being  lower  than  they  ;  —  it  is 
thus  that  they  are  the  kings  of  them  all.  So  it  is 
that  the  sage  (ruler),  wishing  to  be  above  men,  puts 
himself  by  his  words  below  them,  and,  wishing  to  be 
before  them,  places  his  person  behind  them. 

2.  In  this  way  though  he  has  his  place  above 
them,  men  do  not  feel  his  weight,  nor  though  he  has 
his  place  before  them,  do  they  feel  it  an  injury  to 
them. 

3.  Therefore  all  in  the  world  delight  to  exalt  him 
and  do  not  weary  of  him.     Because  he  does  not 
strive,  no  one  finds  it  possible  to  strive  with  him. 

^  2*,  'Putting  one's  self  Last.'  The  subject  is  the 
power  of  the  Tao,  by  its  display  of  humility  in  attracting 
men.  The  subject  and  the  way  in  which  it  is  illustrated 
are  frequent  themes  in  the  A"  ing.  See  chapters  8,  22,  39, 
42,  61,  et  al. 

The  last  sentence  of  par.  3  is  found  also  in  ch.  22.  There 
seem  to  be  no  quotations  from  the  chapter  in  Han  Fei  or 
Hwai-nan  ;  but  Wu  ATMng  quotes  passages  from  Tung 


IIO  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

Kung-shu  (of  the  second  century  B.  c.),  and  Yang  Hsiung 
(B.C.  53-A.D.  1 8),  which  seem  to  show  that  the  phraseology 
of  it  was  familiar  to  them.  The  former  says : — '  When  one 
places  himself  in  his  qualities  below  others,  his  person  is 
above  them ;  when  he  places  them  behind  those  of  others, 
his  person  is  before  them  ;'  the  other,  '  Men  exalt  him  who 
humbles  himself  below  them  ;  and  give  the  precedence  to 
him  who  puts  himself  behind  them.' 

67.  i.  All  the  world  says  that,  while  my  Tao  is 
great,  it  yet  appears  to  be  inferior  (to  other  systems 
of  teaching).  Now  it  is  just  its  greatness  that  makes 
it  seem  to  be  inferior.  If  it  were  like  any  other 
(system),  for  long  would  its  smallness  have  been 
known  ! 

2.  But  I  have  three  precious  things  which  I  prize 
and  hold  fast.    The  first  is  gentleness ;  the  second  is 
economy ;    and  the  third  is  shrinking  from  taking 
precedence  of  others. 

3.  With  that  gentleness  I  can  be  bold ;  with  that 
economy  I   can  be  liberal ;   shrinking  from  taking 
precedence  of  others,  I  can  become  a  vessel  of  the 
highest  honour.    Now-a-days  they  give  up  gentleness 
and  are  all  for  being  bold ;  economy,  and  are  all  for 
being  liberal ;  the  hindmost  place,  and  seek  only  to 
be  foremost; — (of  all  which  the  end  is)  death. 

4.  Gentleness   is  sure  to   be  victorious    even  in 
battle,  and  firmly  to  maintain  its  ground.     Heaven 
will  save  its  possessor,  by  his  (very)  gentleness  pro- 
tecting him. 

—  =||r, '  The  Three  Precious  Things.'  This  title  is  taken 
from  par.  2,  and  suggests  to  us  how  the  early  framer  of 
these  titles  intended  to  express  by  them  the  subject-matter 
of  their  several  chapters.  The  three  things  are  the  three 
distinguishing  qualities  of  the  possessor  of  the  Tao,  the 


CH.  LXVIII.  THE   TAG    TEH   KING.  1 1  I 

three  great  moral  qualities  appearing  in  its  followers,  the 
qualities,  we  may  venture  to  say,  of  the  Tao  itself.  The 
same  phrase  is  now  the  common  designation  of  Buddhism 
in  China, — the  Tri-ratna  or  Ratna-traya,  'the  Precious 
Buddha,'  '  the  Precious  Law,'  and  '  the  Precious  Priesthood 
(or  rather  Monkhood)  or  Church;'  appearing  also  in  the 
'  Tri-.$ara#a,'  or  '  formula  of  the  Three  Refuges,'  what  Dr. 
Eitel  calls  'the  most  primitive  formula  fidei  of  the  early 
Buddhists,  introduced  before  Southern  and  Northern  Bud- 
dhism separated.'  I  will  not  introduce  the  question  of 
whether  Buddhism  borrowed  this  designation  from  Taoism, 
after  its  entrance  into  China.  It  is  in  Buddhism  the  formula 
of  a  peculiar  Church  or  Religion ;  in  Taoism  a  rule  for  the 
character,  or  the  conduct  which  the  Tao  demands  from  all 
men.  '  My  Tao '  in  par.  i  is  the  reading  of  Wang  Pi ; 
Ho-shang  Kung's  text  is  simply  ^.  Wang  Pi's  reading 
is  now  generally  adopted. 

The  concluding  sentiment  of  the  chapter  is  equivalent  to 
the  saying  of  Mencius  (VII,  ii,  IV,  2),  '  If  the  ruler  of  a 
state  love  benevolence,  he  will  have  no  enemy  under  heaven.' 
'  Heaven '  is  equivalent  to  '  the  Tao,'  the  course  of  events, — 
Providence,  as  we  should  say. 

68.    He  who  in  (Tao's)  wars  has  skill 

Assumes  no  martial  port ; 
He  who  fights  with  most  good  will 

To  rage  makes  no  resort. 
He  who  vanquishes  yet  still 

Keeps  from  his  foes  apart; 
He  whose  bests  men  most  fulfil 

Yet  humbly  plies  his  art. 

Thus  we  say,  '  He  ne'er  contends, 

And  therein  is  his  might.' 
Thus  we  say,  '  Men's  wills  he  bends, 

That  they  with  him  unite/ 
Thus  we  say,  '  Like  Heaven's  his  ends, 

No  sage  of  old  more  bright.' 


I  1.2  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 


,  '  Matching  Heaven.'  The  chapter  describes  the 
work  of  the  practiser  of  the  Tao  as  accomplished  like  that 
of  Heaven,  without  striving  or  crying.  He  appears  under 
the  figure  of  a  mailed  warrior  (  j")  of  the  ancient  chariot. 
The  chapter  is  a  sequel  of  the  preceding,  and  is  joined  on 
to  it  by  Wu  Kfiang.  as  is  also  the  next. 

69.  i  .  A  master  of  the  art  of  war  has  said,  '  I  do 
not  dare  to  be  the  host  (to  commence  the  war)  ;  I 
prefer  to  be  the  guest  (to  act  on  the  defensive). 
I  do  not  dare  to  advance  an  inch  ;  I  prefer  to  retire 
a  foot.'     This  is  called  marshalling  the  ranks  where 
there  are  no  ranks  ;  baring  the  arms  (to  fight)  where 
there  are  no  arms  to  bare;    grasping  the  weapon 
where  there  is  no  weapon  to  grasp  ;  advancing  against 
the  enemy  where  there  is  no  enemy. 

2.  There  is  no  calamity  greater  than  lightly 
engaging  in  war.  To  do  that  is  near  losing  (the 
gentleness)  which  is  so  precious.  Thus  it  is  that 
when  opposing  weapons  are  (actually)  crossed,  he 
who  deplores  (the  situation)  conquers. 

&  fft,  'The  Use  of  the  Mysterious  (Tdo).'  Such 
seems  to  be  the  meaning  of  the  title.  The  chapter 
teaches  that,  if  war  were  carried  on,  or  rather  avoided, 
according  to  the  Tao,  the  result  would  be  success.  Lao- 
i$ze's  own  statements  appear  as  so  many  paradoxes.  They 
are  examples  of  the  procedure  of  the  Tao  by  'contraries,' 
or  opposites. 

We  do  not  know  who  the  master  of  the  military  art 
referred  to  was.  Perhaps  the  author  only  adopted  the 
style  of  quotation  to  express  his  own  sentiments. 

70.  i.  My  words  are  very  easy  to  know,  and  very 
easy  to  practise  ;  but  there  is  no  one  in  the  world 
who  is  able  to  know  and  able  to  practise  them. 

2.  There  is  an  originating  and  all-comprehending 


CH.  LXXI.  THE    TAG    TEH   ZING.  113 

(principle)  in  my  words,  and  an  authoritative  law  for 
the  things  (which  I  enforce).  It  is  because  they  do 
not  know  these,  that  men  do  not  know  me. 

3.  They  who  know  me  are  few,  and  I  am  on  that 
account  (the  more)  to  be  prized.  It  is  thus  that  the 
sage  wears  (a  poor  garb  of)  hair  cloth,  while  he 
carries  his  (signet  of)  jade  in  his  bosom. 

tffl  HI,  '  The  Difficulty  of  being  (rightly)  Known.'  The 
Tao  comprehends  and  rules  all  Lao-jze's  teaching,  as  the 
members  of  a  clan  were  all  in  the  loins  of  their  first  father 
(TJ?)>  and  continue  to  look  up  to  him  ;  and  the  people  of 
a  state  are  all  under  the  direction  of  their  ruler ;  yet  the 
philosopher  had  to  complain  of  not  being  known.  Lao-jze's 
principle  and  rule  or  ruler  was  the  Tao.  His  utterance 
here  is  very  important.  Compare  the  words  of  Confucius 
in  the  Analects,  XIV,  ch.  37,  et  al. 

Par.  2  is  twice  quoted  by  Hwai-nan,  though  his  text  is 
not  quite  the  same  in  both  cases. 

71.  i.  To  know  and  yet  (think)  we  do  not  know 
is  the  highest  (attainment)  ;  not  to  know  (and  yet 
think)  we  do  know  is  a  disease. 

2.  It  is  simply  by  being  pained  at  (the  thought  of) 
having  this  disease  that  we  are  preserved  from  it. 
The  sage  has  not  the  disease.  He  knows  the  pain 
that  would  be  inseparable  from  it,  and  therefore  he 
does  not  nave  it. 

^$!  ^,  'The  Disease  of  Knowing.'  Here,  again,  we 
have  the  Tao  working  'by  contraries,' — in  the  matter  of 
knowledge.  Compare  par.  i  with  Confucius's  account  of 
what  knowledge  is  in  the  Analects,  II,  ch.  17.  The  par.  i 
is  found  in  one  place  in  Hwai-nan,  lengthened  out  by  the 
addition  of  particles ;  but  the  variation  is  unimportant. 
In  another  place,  however,  he  seems  to  have  had  the 
correct  text  before  him. 

Par.  2,  is  in  Han  Fei  also  lengthened  out,  but  with  an 

[39]  I 


114  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 


important  variation  (^  for  ),  and   I   cannot 

construe   his   text.     His    ^   is   probably  a   transcriber's 
error. 

72.  i.  When  the  people  do  not  fear  what  they 
ought  to  fear,  that  which  is  their  great  dread  will 
come  on  them. 

2.  Let  them  not  thoughtlessly  indulge  themselves 
in  their  ordinary  life  ;  let  them  not  act  as  if  weary 
of  what  that  life  depends  on. 

3.  It  is  by  avoiding  such   indulgence  that  such 
weariness  does  not  arise. 

4.  Therefore  the   sage    knows   (these  things)   of 
himself,  but  does  not  parade  (his  knowledge)  ;  loves, 
but  does  not  (appear  to  set  a)  value  on,   himself. 
And  thus  he  puts  the  latter  alternative  away  and 
makes  choice  of  the  former. 

^  £Jj,  '  Loving  one's  Self  This  title  is  taken  from  the 
expression  in  par.  4  ;  and  the  object  of  the  chapter  seems 
to  be  to  show  how  such  loving  should  be  manifested,  and 
to  enforce  the  lesson  by  the  example  of  the  '  sage,'  the  true 
master  of  the  Tao. 

In  par.  i  '  the  great  dread  '  is  death,  and  the  things 
which  ought  to  be  feared  and  may  be  feared,  are  the 
indulgences  of  the  appetites  and  passions,  which,  if  not 
eschewed,  tend  to  shorten  life  and  accelerate  the  approach 
of  death. 

Pars.  2  and  3  are  supplementary  to  i.  For  ^,  the 
second  character  of  Ho-shang  Kung's  text  in  par.  2,  Wang 
Pi  reads  ^ffJJ,  which  has  the  same  name  as  the  other  ;  and 
according  to  the  Khang-hsi  dictionary,  the  two  characters 
are  interchangeable.  I  have  also  followed  Wu  J£/iang  in 
adopting  ^ffjJ  for  the  former  of  the  two  Jfp  in  par.  3.  Wu 
adopted  this  reading  from  a  commentator  Liu  of  Lii-ling. 
It  gives  a  good  meaning,  and  is  supported  by  the  structure 
of  other  sentences  made  on  similar  lines. 


CH.  LXXII.  THE    TAG    TEH   .KING.  115 

In  par.  4  'the  sage'  must  be  'the  ruler  who  is  a  sage,' 
a  master  of  the  Tao,  'the  king'  of  ch.  25.  He  'loves 
himself/  i.e.  his  life,  and  takes  the  right  measures  to 
prolong  his  life,  but  without  any  demonstration  that  he 
is  doing  so. 

The  above  is,  I  conceive,  the  correct  explanation  of  the 
chapter ;  but  as  to  the  Chinese  critics  and  foreign  trans- 
lators of  it,  it  may  be  said,  'Quot  homines,  tot  sen- 
tentiae.'  In  illustration  of  this  I  venture  to  subjoin  what 
is  found  on  it  in  the  old  version  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries, 
which  has  not  been  previously  printed  : — 

Prima  explicatio  juxta  interpretes. 

1.  Populus,  ubi  jam  principis  iram  non  timet,  nihil  non 
audet  ut  jugum  excutiat,  resque  communis  ad  extremum 
discrimen  adducitur. 

2.  Ambitio  principis  non  faciat  terram  angustiorem,  et 
vectigalium    magnitudine    alendo    populo    insufficientem ; 
numquam  populus  patriae  pertaesus  alias  terras  quaeret. 

3.  Vitae  si  non  taedet,  neque  patrii  soli  taedebit. 

4.  Quare  sanctus  sibi  semper  attentns  potentiam  suam 
non  ostentat. 

5.  Quia  vere  se  amat,  non  se  pretiosum  facit ;  vel  quia 
sibi  recte  consulit  non   se  talem  aestimat  cujus  felicitati 
et  honori  infelices  populi  unice  servire  debeant,  immo  potius 
eum  se  reputat  qui  populorum  felicitati  totum  se  debeat 
impendere. 

6.  Ergo  illud  resecat,  istud  amplectitur. 

Alia  explicatio. 

1.  Populus  si  non  ita  timet  principis  majestatem,  sed 
facile   ad  eum  accedit,   majestas  non  minuitur,  immo  ad 
summum  pervenit. 

2.  Vectigalibus   terra   si   non   opprimitur,   sua   quisque 
contentus  alias  terras  non  quaeret,  si  se  non  vexari  populus 
experitur. 

3.  Vitae  si  non  taedet,  nee  patrii  soli  taedebit. 

4.  Quare  sanctus  majestatis  fastum  non  affectat,  immo 
similem  se  caeteris  ostendit. 

I  2 


Il6  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  n. 

5.  Sibi  recte  consulens,  populorum  amans,  non  se  pre- 
tiosum  et  inaccessibilem  facit. 

6.  Quidquid  ergo  timorem  incutere  potest,  hoc  evitat ; 
quod   amorem    conciliat   et  benignitatem,   se   demonstrat 
hoc  eligi  et  ultro  amplectitur. 

73.  i.  He  whose  boldness  appears  in  his  daring 
(to  do  wrong,  in  defiance  of  the  laws)  is  put  to  death  ; 
he  whose  boldness  appears  in  his  not  daring  (to  do 
so)  lives  on.  Of  these  two  cases  the  one  appears 
to  be  advantageous,  and  the  other  to  be  injurious. 
But 

When  Heaven's  anger  smites  a  man, 
Who  the  cause  shall  truly  scan  ? 
On  this  account  the  sage  feels  a  difficulty   (as  to 
what  to  do  in  the  former  case). 

2.  It  is  the  way  of  Heaven  not  to  strive,  and  yet 
it  skilfully  overcomes ;  not  to  speak,  and  yet  it  is 
skilful  in  (obtaining)  a  reply  ;  does  not  call,  and  yet 
men  come  to  it  of  themselves.  Its  demonstrations 
are  quiet,  and  yet  its  plans  are  skilful  and  effective. 
The  meshes  of  the  net  of  Heaven  are  large  ;  far 
apart,  but  letting  nothing  escape. 

ff£  -^,  'Allowing  Men  to  take  their  Course.'  The 
chapter  teaches  that  rulers  should  not  be  hasty  to  punish, 
especially  by  the  infliction  of  death.  Though  they  may 
seem  to  err  in  leniency,  yet.Heaven  does  not  allow  offenders 
to  escape. 

While  Heaven  hates  the  ill-doer,  yet  we  must  not  always 
conclude  from  Its  judgments  that  every  one  who  suffers  from 
them  is  an  ill-doer ;  and  the  two  lines  which  rhyme,  and 
illustrate  this  point,  are  equivalent  to  the  sentiment  in  our 
Old  Book,  '  Clouds  and  darkness  are  round  about  Him.' 
They  are  ascribed  to  Lao-^ze  by  Lieh-^ze  (VI,  7  a) ;  but, 
it  has  been  said,  that  they  are  quoted  by  him  '  in  an 
entirely  different  connexion.'  But  the  same  text  in  two 


CH.LXXV.  THE   TAG    TEH   ZING.  117 

different  sermons  may  be  said  to  be  in  different  connexions. 
In  Lieh-jze  and  our  ^Ting  the  lines  have  the  same  meaning, 
and  substantially  the  same  application.  Indeed  Kang  Kan, 
of  our  fourth  century,  the  commentator  of  Lieh-jze,  quotes 
the  comment  of  Wang  Pi  on  this  passage,  condensing  it 
into,  'Who  can  know  the  mind  of  Heaven?  Only  the  sage 
can  do  so.' 

74.  i.  The  people  do  not  fear  death  ;    to  what 
purpose  is  it  to  (try  to)  frighten  them  with  death  ? 
If  the  people  were  always  in  awe  of  death,  and  I 
could  always  seize  those  who  do  wrong,  and   put 
them  to  death,  who  would  dare  to  do  wrong  ? 

2.  There  is  always  One  who  presides  over  the  in- 
fliction of  death.  He  who  would  inflict  death  in  the 
room  of  him  who  so  presides  over  it  may  be  de- 
scribed as  hewing  wood  instead  of  a  great  carpenter. 
Seldom  is  it  that  he  who  undertakes  the  hewing, 
instead  of  the  great  carpenter,  does  not  cut  his  own 
hands ! 

•^jlj  l£ ,  '  Restraining  Delusion.'  The  chapter  sets  forth 
the  inefficiency  of  capital  punishment,  and  warns  rulers 
against  the  infliction  of  it.  Who  is  it  that  superintends 
the  infliction  of  death?  The  answer  of  Ho-shang  Kung 
is  very  clear : — '  It  is  Heaven,  which,  dwelling  on  high 
and  ruling  all  beneath,  takes  note  of  the  transgressions 
of  men.'  There  is  a  slight  variation  in  the  readings  of  the 
second  sentence  of  par.  2  in  the  texts  of  Ho-shang  Kung 
and  Wang  Pi,  and  the  reading  adopted  by  Qiao  Hung 
differs  a  little  from  them  both ;  but  the  meaning  is  the 
same  in  them  all. 

This  chapter  and  the  next  are  rightly  joined  on  to  the 
preceding  by  Wu  Khang. 

75.  i.  The  people  suffer  from  famine  because  of 
the  multitude  of  taxes  consumed  by  their  superiors. 
It  is  through  this  that  they  suffer  famine. 


Il8  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

2.  The  people  are  difficult  to  govern  because  of 
the  (excessive)  agency  of  their  superiors  (in  govern- 
ing them).      It  is  through  this  that  they  are  difficult 
to  govern. 

3.  The  people  make  light  of  dying  because  of  the 
greatness  of  their  labours  in  seeking  for  the  means 
of  living.     It  is  this  which  makes  them  think  light 
of  dying.     Thus  it  is  that  to  leave  the  subject  of 
living  altogether  out  of  view  is  better  than  to  set  a 
high  value  on  it. 

•^  ;Hi,  'How  Greediness  Injures.'      The  want  of  the 

-*^4       V\ 

nothing-doing  T  a  o  leads  to  the  multiplication  of  exactions 
by  the  government,  and  to  the  misery  of  the  people,  so  as 
to  make  them  think  lightly  of  death.  The  chapter  is 
a  warning  for  both  rulers  and  people. 

It  is  not  easy  to  determine  whether  rulers,  or  people,  or 
both,  are  intended  in  the  concluding  sentence  of  par.  2. 

76.  i.  Man  at  his  birth  is  supple  and  weak;  at 
his  death,  firm  and  strong.  (So  it  is  with)  all  things. 
Trees  and  plants,  in  their  early  growth,  are  soft  and 
brittle  ;  at  their  death,  dry  and  withered. 

2.  Thus  it  is  that  firmness  and  strength  are  the 
concomitants  of  death  ;  softness  and  weakness,  the 
concomitants  of  life. 

3.  Hence  he  who  (relies  on)  the  strength  of  his 
forces  does  not  conquer  ;  and  a  tree  which  is  strong 
will  fill  the  out-stretched  arms,  (and  thereby  invites 
the  feller.) 

4f.  Therefore  the  place  of  what  is  firm  and  strong 
is  below,  and  that  of  what  is  soft  and  weak  is  above. 

J$^  jjtjj ,  '  A  Warning  against  (trusting  in)  Strength.'  To 
trust  in  one's  force  is  contrary  to  the  Tao,  whose  strength 
is  more  in  weakness  and  humility. 

In  par.  i  the  two  characters  which  I  have  rendered  by 


CH.  LXXVII.  THE    TAG    TEH    .KING.  IIQ 

'  (so  it  is  with)  all  things '  are  found  in  the  texts  of  both 
Ho-shang  Kung  and  Wang  Pi,  but  Wu  A^ang  and  3'ao 
Hung  both  reject  them.  I  should  also  have  neglected 
them,  but  they  are  also  found  in  Liu  Hsiang's  Shwo  Wan 
(X,  4  a),  with  all  the  rest  of  pars,  i  and  2,  as  from  Lao-jze. 
They  are  an  anakoluthon,  such  as  is  elsewhere  found  in 

our  King;  e.g.  ^  ~\\  £  4fc  in  ch-  2I>  Par<  2' 

The  '  above '  and  '  below '  in  par.  4  seem  to  be  merely 
a  play  on  the  words,  as  capable  of  meaning  '  more  and  less 
honourable.' 

77.  i.  May  not  the  Way  (or  Tao)  of  Heaven  be 
compared  to  the  (method  of)  bending  a  bow  ?  The 
(part  of  the  bow)  which  was  high  is  brought  low, 
and  what  was  low  is  raised  up.  (So  Heaven)  dimin- 
ishes where  there  is  superabundance,  and  supple- 
ments where  there  is  deficiency. 

2.  It  is  the  Way  of  Heaven  to  diminish  super- 
abundance, and  to  supplement  deficiency.     It  is  not 
so  with  the  way  of  man.     He  takes  away  from  those 
who  have   not  enough   to  add  to   his   own   super- 
abundance. 

3.  Who  can  take  his  own   superabundance  and 
therewith  serve  all  under  heaven  ?     Only  he  who  is 
in  possession  of  the  Tao  ! 

4.  Therefore  the  (ruling)  sage  acts  without  claim- 
ing the  results  as  his ;   he  achieves  his  merit  and 
does  not  rest  (arrogantly)  in  it : — he  does  not  wish 
to  display  his  superiority. 

-fc  £|jf , '  The  Way  of  Heaven  ;'  but  the  chapter  contrasts 
that  way,  unselfish  and  magnanimous,  with  the  way  of 
man,  selfish  and  contracted,  and  illustrates  the  point  by  the 
method  of  stringing  a  bow.  This  must  be  seen  as  it  is 
done  in  China  fully  to  understand  the  illustration.  I  have 
known  great  athletes  in  this  country  tasked  to  the  utmost 


I  2O  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  FT.  n. 

of  their  strength  to  adjust  and  bend  a  large  Chinese  bow 
from  Peking. 

The  ' sage '  of  par.  4  is  the  '  King '  of  ch.  25.  Compare 
what  is  said  of  him  with  ch.  2,  par.  4,  et  al. 

78.  i.  There  is  nothing  in  the  world  more  soft 
and  weak  than  water,  and  yet  for  attacking  things 
that  are  firm  and  strong  there  is  nothing  that  can 
take  precedence  of  it ; — for  there  is  nothing  (so 
effectual)  for  which  it  can  be  changed. 

2.  Every  one  in  the  world  knows  that  the  soft 
overcomes  the  hard,  and  the  weak  the  strong,  but 
no  one  is  able  to  carry  it  out  in  practice. 

3.  Therefore  a  sage  has  said, 

'  He  who  accepts  his  state's  reproach, 
Is  hailed  therefore  its  altars'  lord  ; 
To  him  who  bears  men's  direful  woes 
They  all  the  name  of  King  accord.' 

4.  Words  that  are  strictly  true  seem  to  be  para- 
doxical. 

ff£  ^=2,  '  Things  to  be  Believed.'  It  is  difficult  to  give 
a  short  and  appropriate  translation  of  this  title.  The 
chapter  shows  how  the  most  unlikely  results  follow  from 
action  according  to  the  Tao. 

Par.  i.  Water  was  Lao-jze's  favourite  emblem  of  the 
Tao.  Compare  chapters  8,  66,  et  al. 

Par.  2.  Compare  ch.  36,  par.  2. 

Par.  3.  Of  course  we  do  not  know  who  the  sage  was 
from  whom  Lao-jze  got  the  lines  of  this  paragraph.  They 
may  suggest  to  some  readers  the  lines  of  Burns,  as  they 
have  done  to  me  : — 

'  The  honest  man,  though  e'er  so  poor, 
Is  king  o'  men  for  a'  that.' 

But  the  Taoist  of  Lao-jze  is  a  higher  ideal  than  Burns's 
honest  man. 


CH.  LXXIX.  THE   TAG   TEH   iTING.  121 

Par.  4  is  separated  from  this  chapter,  and  made  to  begin 
the  next  by  Wu  K/iang. 

79.  i.  When  a  reconciliation  is  effected  (between 
two  parties)  after  a  great  animosity,  there  is  sure  to 
be  a  grudge  remaining  (in  the  mind  of  the  one  who 
was  wrong).  And  how  can  this  be  beneficial  (to  the 
other)  ? 

2.  Therefore   (to   guard   against   this),   the   sage 
keeps  the  left-hand  portion   of  the  record  of  the 
engagement,  and  does   not  insist  on  the  (speedy) 
fulfilment  of  it  by  the  other  party.     (So),  he  who 
has  the  attributes  (of  the  Tao)  regards  (only)  the 
conditions  of  the  engagement,  while  he  who  has  not 
those  attributes  regards  only  the  conditions  favour- 
able to  himself. 

3.  In  the  Way  of  Heaven,  there  is  no  partiality  of 
love  ;  it  is  always  on  the  side  of  the  good  man. 

ff£  ^,  'Adherence  to  Bond  or  Covenant/  The  chapter 
shows,  but  by  no  means  clearly,  how  he  who  holds  fast  to  the 
Tao  will  be  better  off  in  the  end  than  he  who  will  rather 
try  to  secure  his  own  interests. 

Par.  i  presents  us  with  a  case  which  the  statements  of 
the  chapter  are  intended  to  meet : — two  disputants,  one 
good,  and  the  other  bad ;  the  latter,  though  apparently 
reconciled,  still  retaining  a  grudge,  and  ready  to  wreak 
his  dissatisfaction,  when  he  has  an  opportunity.  The  ^ 
='  for,'  '  for  the  good  of.' 

Par.  2  is  intended  to  solve  the  question.  The  terms  of 
a  contract  or  agreement  were  inscribed  on  a  slip  of  wood, 
which  was  then  divided  into  two ;  each  party  having  one 
half  of  it.  At  the  settlement,  if  the  halves  perfectly  fitted 
to  each  other,  it  was  carried  through.  The  one  who  had 
the  right  in  the  dispute  has  his  part  of  the  agreement,  but 
does  not  insist  on  it,  and  is  forbearing ;  the  other  insists  on 
the  conditions  being  even  now  altered  in  his  favour.  The 


122  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

characters  by  which  this  last  case  is  expressed,  are  very 
enigmatical,  having  reference  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
government  dues  of  Lao-jze's  time, — a  subject  into  which 
it  would  take  much  space  to  go. 

Par.  3  decides  the  question  by  the  action  of  Heaven, 
which  is  only  another  name  for  the  course  of  the  Tao. 

80.  i.  In  a  little  state  with  a  small  population,  I 
would  so  order  it,  that,  though  there  were  individuals 
with  the  abilities  of  ten  or  a  hundred  men,  there 
should  be  no  employment  of  them  ;  I  would  make 
the  people,  while  looking  on  death  as  a  grievous 
thing,  yet  not  remove  elsewhere  (to  avoid  it). 

2.  Though  they  had   boats   and  carriages,  they 
should  have  no  occasion  to  ride   in  them ;  though 
they  had  buff  coats  and  sharp  weapons,  they  should 
have  no  occasion  to  don  or  use  them. 

3.  I  would  make  the  people  return  to  the  use  of 
knotted  cords  (instead  of  the  written  characters). 

4.  They  should  think  their  (coarse)  food  sweet ; 
their  (plain)  clothes  beautiful ;  their  (poor)  dwellings 
places   of  rest ;    and  their  common    (simple)   ways 
sources  of  enjoyment. 

5.  There  should  be  a  neighbouring  state  within 
sight,  and  the  voices  of  the  fowls  and  dogs  should  be 
heard  all  the  way  from  it  to  us,  but  I  would  make 
the  people  to  old  age,  even  to  death,  not  have  any 
intercourse  with  it. 

yfj|j  jjT,  '  Standing  Alone.'  The  chapter  sets  forth  what 
Lao-^ze  conceived  the  ancient  government  of  simplicity 
was,  and  what  he  would  have  government  in  all  time  to 
be.  He  does  not  use  the  personal  pronoun  '  I '  as  the 
subject  of  the  thrice-recurring  ff|l,  but  it  is  most  natural 
to  suppose  that  he  is  himself  that  subject ;  and  he  modestly 
supposes  himself  in  charge  of  a  little  state  and  a  small 


CH.  LXXXI.  THE    TAG    TEH   KING.  123 

population.  The  reader  can  judge  for  himself  of  the  con- 
summation that  would  be  arrived  at ;  —  a  people  rude 
and  uninstructed,  using  quippos,  abstaining  from  war  and 
all  travelling,  kept  aloof  from  intercourse  even  with  their 
neighbours,  and  without  the  appliances  of  what  we  call 
civilisation. 

The  text  is  nearly  all  found  in  Sze-ma  AV/ien  and 
A'wang-jze.  The  first  member  of  par.  i,  however,  is  very 
puzzling.  The  old  Jesuit  translators,  Julien,  Chalmers, 
and  V.  von  Strauss,  all  differ  in  their  views  of  it.  Wu 
ATMng  and  3&°  Hung  take  what  I  have  now  rendered  by 
'  abilities,'  as  meaning  '  implements  of  agriculture,'  but  their 
view  is  based  on  a  custom  of  the  Han  dynasty,  which  is  not 
remote  enough  for  the  purpose,  and  on  the  suppression, 
after  Wang  Pi,  of  a  ^  in  Ho-shang  Kung's  text. 

81.  i.  Sincere  words  are  not  fine ;  fine  words  are 
not  sincere.  Those  who  are  skilled  (in  the  Tao) 
do  not  dispute  (about  it) ;  the  disputatious  are  not 
skilled  in  it.  Those  who  know  (the  Tao)  are  not 
extensively  learned  ;  the  extensively  learned  do  not 
know  it. 

2.  The  sage  does  not  accumulate  (for  himself). 
The  more  that  he  expends  for  others,  the  more  does 
he  possess  of  his  own  ;  the  more  that  he  gives  to 
others,  the  more  does  he  have  himself. 

3.  With  all  the  sharpness  of  the  Way  of  Heaven, 
it  injures  not ;  with  all  the  doing  in  the  way  of  the 
sage  he  does  not  strive. 

UK  Jf>  '  The  Manifestation  of  Simplicity.'  The  chapter 
shows  how  quietly  and  effectively  the  Tao  proceeds,  and 
by  contraries  in  a  way  that  only  the  master  of  it  can 
understand.  The  author,  says  Wu  AfMng,  '  sums  up  in 
this  the  subject-matter  of  the  two  Parts  of  his  Treatise, 
showing  that  in  all  its  five  thousand  characters,  there  is 
nothing  beyond  what  is  here  said.' 


I  24  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  PT.  II. 

Par.  2  suggests  to  Dr.  Chalmers  the  well-known  lines  of 
Bunyan  as  an  analogue  of  it : — 

'A  man  there  was,  though  some  did  count  him  mad, 
The  more  he  gave  away,  the  more  he  had.' 

Wu  K/iang  brings  together  two  sentences  from  ATwang-jze 
(XXXIII,  21  b,  22  a),  written  evidently  with  the  characters 
of  this  text  in  mind,  which,  as  from  a  Taoist  mint,  are 
a  still  better  analogue,  and  I  venture  to  put  them  into 
rhyme : —  „ 

'  Amassing  but  to  him  a  sense  of  need  betrays  ; 
He  hoards  not,  and  thereby  his  affluence  displays.' 

I  have  paused  long  over  the  first  pair  of  contraries  in 
par.  3  (^)J  and  ^)-  Those  two  characters  primarily 
mean  '  sharpness '  and  '  wounding  by  cutting  ; '  they  are 
also  often  used  in  the  sense  of  'being  beneficial,'  and 
'being  injurious;'  —  'contraries,'  both  of  them.  Which 
'  contrary '  had  Lao-^ze  in  mind  ?  I  must  think  the  former, 
though  differing  in  this  from  all  previous  translators.  The 
Jesuit  version  is,  'Celestis  Tao  natura  ditat  omnes, 
nemini  nocet ; '  Julien's,  '  II  est  utile  aux  etres,  et  ne 
leur  nuit  point;'  Chalmers's,  'Benefits  and  does  not 
injure;'  and  V.  von  Strauss's,  'Des  Himmels  Weise 
1st  wolthun  und  nicht  beschadigen/ 


THE 

WRITINGS  OFA'WANG-SZE. 


THE 

WRITINGS  OF  ATWANG-3ZE. 


INTRODUCTION. 

BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS. 
BOOK  I.    HSIAO-YAO  Yu. 

The  three  characters  which  form  the  title  of  this  Book 
have  all  of  them  the  ideagram  ^L  (Ko),  which  gives  the 
idea,  as  the  Shwo  Wan  explains  it,  of  'now  walking,  now 
halting.'  We  might  render  the  title  by  '  Sauntering  or 
Rambling  at  Ease ; '  but  it  is  the  untroubled  enjoyment  of 
the  mind  which  the  author  has  in  view.  And  this  enjoy- 
ment is  secured  by  the  Tao,  though  that  character  does 
not  once  occur  in  the  Book,  ^fwang-jze  illustrates  his 
thesis  first  by  the  cases  of  creatures,  the  largest  and  the 
smallest,  showing  that  however  different  they  may  be  in 
size,  they  should  not  pass  judgment  on  one  another,  but 
may  equally  find  their  happiness  in  the  Tao.  From  this 
he  advances  to  men,  and  from  the  cases  of  Yung-jze  and 
Lieh-jze  proceeds  to  that  of  one  who  finds  his  enjoyment 
in  himself,  independent  of  every  other  being  or  instru- 
mentality; and  we  have  the  three  important  definitions 
of  the  accomplished  Taoist,  as  'the  Perfect  Man,'  'the 
Spirit-like  Man,'  and  '  the  Sagely  Man.'  Those  definitions 
are  then  illustrated  ; — the  third  in  Yao  and  Hsu  Yu,  and  the 
second  in  the  conversation  between  A"ien  Wu  and  Lien  Shu. 
The  description  given  in  this  conversation  of  the  spirit- 
like  man  is  very  startling,  and  contains  statements  that  are 
true  only  of  Him  who  is  a  '  Spirit,'  '  the  Blessed  and  only 
Potentate,'  '  Who  covereth  Himself  with  light  as  with 
a  garment,  Who  stretcheth  out  the  heavens  as  a  curtain, 


128  THE    TEXTS    OF   TAOISM.  BK.  II. 

Who  layeth  the  beams  of  His  chambers  in  the  waters,  Who 
maketh  the  clouds  His  chariot,  Who  walketh  on  the  wings 
of  the  wind,'  '  Who  rideth  on  a  cherub,'  '  Who  inhabiteth 
eternity.'  The  most  imaginative  and  metaphorical  ex- 
pressions in  the  Tao  Teh  -AT  ing  about  the  power  of  the 
possessor  of  the  Tao  are  tame,  compared  with  the  language 
of  our  author.  I  call  attention  to  it  here,  as  he  often  uses 
the  same  extravagant  style.  There  follows  an  illustration 
of  'the  Perfect  Man,'  which  is  comparatively  feeble,  and 
part  of  it,  so  far  as  I  can  see,  inappropriate,  though  Lin 
Hsi-^ung  says  that  all  other  interpretations  of  the  sen- 
tences are  ridiculous. 

In  the  seventh  and  last  paragraph  we  have  two  illus- 
trations that  nothing  is  really  useless,  if  only  used  Tao- 
istically;  'to  the  same  effect,'  says  3\ao  Hung,  'as 
Confucius  in  the  Analects,  XVII,  ii.'  They  hang  loosely, 
however,  from  what  precedes. 

An  old  view  of  the  Book  was  that  ^Twang-jze  intended 
himself  by  the  great  phang,  'which,'  says  Lu  Shu-/£ih, 
'  is  wide  of  the  mark.' 

BOOK  II.    Knl  Wu  LUN. 

Mr.  Balfour  has  translated  this  title  by  '  Essay  on  the 
Uniformity  of  All  Things ; '  and,  the  subject  of  the  Book 
being  thus  misconceived,  his  translation  of  it  could  not 
fail  to  be  very  incorrect.  The  Chinese  critics,  I  may  say 
without  exception,  construe  the  title  as  I  have  done.  The 
.second  and  third  characters,  Wu  Lun,  are  taken  together, 
and  mean  '  Discussions  about  Things,'  equivalent  to  our 
'  Controversies.'  They  are  under  the  government  of  the 
first  character  Kh\,  used  as  a  verb,  with  the  signification 
of  'Harmonising,'  or  'Adjusting.'  Let  me  illustrate  this 
by  condensing  a  passage  from  the  '  Supplementary  Com- 
mentary of  a  Mr.  ./Tang,  a  sub-secretary  of  the  Imperial 
Chancery,'  of  the  Ming  dynasty  (jjr||  £jk  -\^  ^jjj  g^).  He 
says,  '  What  ATwang-jze  calls  "  Discussions  about  Things  " 
has  reference  to  the  various  branches  of  the  numerous 
schools,  each  of  which  has  its  own  views,  conflicting  with 


BK.  It.       BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.       I  29 

the  views  of  the  others.'  He  goes  on  to  show  that  if  they 
would  only  adopt  the  method  pointed  out  by  ./ifwang-jze, 
'  their  controversies  would  be  adjusted  (ftfy  =-fa  5^)''  now 
using  the  first  Kh\  in  the  passive  voice. 

This  then  was  the  theme  of  our  author  in  this  Book.  It 
must  be  left  for  the  reader  to  discover  from  the  translation 
how  he  pursues  it.  I  pointed  out  a  peculiarity  in  the 
former  Book,  that  though  the  idea  of  the  Tao  underlies 
it  all,  the  term  itself  is  never  allowed  to  appear.  Not  only 
does  the  same  idea  underlie  this  Book,  but  the  name  is 
frequently  employed.  The  Tao  is  the  panacea  for  the 
evils  of  controversy,  the  solvent  through  the  use  of  which 
the  different  views  of  men  may  be  made  to  disappear. 

That  the  Tao  is  not  a  Personal  name  in  the  conception 
of  Kwang-^ze  is  seen  in  several  passages.  We  have  not  to 
go  beyond  the  phenomena  of  nature  to  discover  the  reason 
of  their  being  what  they  are ;  nor  have  we  to  go  beyond 
the  bigoted  egoism  and  vaingloriousness  of  controversialists 
to  find  the  explanation  of  their  discussions,  various  as  these 
are,  and  confounding  like  the  sounds  of  the  wind  among 
the  trees  of  a  forest.  To  man,  neither  in  nature  nor  in  the 
sphere  of  knowledge,  is  there  any  other  '  Heaven '  but 
what  belongs  to  his  own  mind.  That  is  his  only  'True 
Ruler.'  If  there  be  any  other,  we  do  not  see  His  form,  nor 
any  traces  of  His  acting.  Things  come  about  in  their 
proper  course.  We  cannot  advance  any  proof  of  Creation. 
Whether  we  assume  that  there  was  something  '  in  the 
beginning'  or  nothing,  we  are  equally  landed  in  contra- 
diction and  absurdity.  Let  us  stop  at  the  limit  of  what 
we  know,  and  not  try  to  advance  a  step  beyond  it. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  Book  our  author's  agnosticism 
seems  to  reach  its  farthest  point.  All  human  experience 
is  spoken  of  as  a  dream  or  as  'illusion.'  He  who  calls 
another  a  dreamer  does  not  know  that  he  is  not  dreaming 
himself.  One  and  another  commentator  discover  in  such 
utterances  something  very  like  the  Buddhist  doctrine  that 
all  life  is  but  so  much  illusion  (J^)-  This  notion  has  its 
consummation  in  the  story  with  which  the  Book  concludes. 
[39]  K 


1 30  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  III. 

Kwang-^ze  had  dreamt  that  he  was  a  butterfly.  When  he 
awoke,  and  was  himself  again,  he  did  not  know  whether  he, 
/Twang  Kau,  had  been  dreaming  that  he  was  a  butterfly, 
or  was  now  a  butterfly  dreaming  that  it  was  ./Twang  Kau. 
And  yet  he  adds  that  there  must  be  a  difference  between 
Ka\\  and  a  butterfly,  but  he  does  not  say  what  that 
difference  is.  But  had  he  ever  dreamt  that  he  was  a 
butterfly,  so  as  to  lose  the  consciousness  of  his  personal 
identity  as  /Twang  /Tau?  I  do  not  think  so.  One  may, 
perhaps,  lose  that  consciousness  in  the  state  of  insanity  ; 
but  the  language  of  Young  is  not  sufficiently  guarded  when 
he  writes  of 

'  Dreams,  where  thought,  in  fancy's  maze,  runs  mad.' 

When  dreaming,  our  thoughts  are  not  conditioned  by  the 
categories  of  time  and  space ;  but  the  conviction  of  our 
identity  is  never  lost. 

BOOK  III.    YANG  SHANG  ATu. 

'  The  Lord  of  Life '  is  the  Tao.  It  is  to  this  that  we  are 
indebted  for  the  origin  of  life  and  for  the  preservation  of  it. 
Though  not  a  Personal  Being,  it  is  here  spoken  of  as 
if  it  were, — 'the  Lord  of  Life;'  just  as  in  the  preceding 
Book  it  is  made  to  appear  as  'a  True  Governor,'  and 
'a  True  Ruler.'  But  how  can  we  nourish  the  Tdo?  The 
reply  is,  By  avoiding  all  striving  to  do  so  ;  by  a  passionless, 
unstraining  performance  of  what  we  have  to  do  in  our 
position  in  life;  simply  allowing  the  Tao  to  guide  and 
nourish  us,  without  doing  anything  to  please  ourselves 
or  to  counteract  the  tendency  of  our  being  to  decay  and 
death. 

Par.  i  exhibits  the  injury  arising  from  not  thus  nourishing 
the  life,  and  sets  forth  the  rule  we  are  to  pursue. 

Par.  a  illustrates  the  observance  of  the  rule  by  the  perfect 
skill  with  which  the  cook  of  the  ruler  Wan-hui  of  Wei  cut 
up  the  oxen  for  his  employer  without  trouble  to  himself,  or 
injury  to  his  knife. 


BK.  IV.       BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.      131 

Par.  3  illustrates  the  result  of  a  neglect  of  one  of  the 
cautions  in  par.  i  to  a  certain  master  of  the  Left,  who  had 
brought  on  himself  dismemberment  in  the  loss  of  one  of 
his  feet. 

Par.  4  shows  how  even  Lao-gze  had  failed  in  nourishing 
'  the  Lord  of  Life '  by  neglecting  the  other  caution,  and 
allowing  in  his  good-doing  an  admixture  of  human  feeling, 
which  produced  in  his  disciples  a  regard  for  him  that  was 
inconsistent  with  the  nature  of  the  Tao,  and  made  them 
wail  for  him  excessively  on  his  death.  This  is  the  most 
remarkable  portion  of  the  Book,  and  it  is  followed  by 
a  sentence  which  implies  that  the  existence  of  man's 
spirit  continues  after  death  has  taken  place.  His  body 
is  intended  by  the  '  faggots '  that  are  consumed  by  the  fire. 
That  fire  represents  the  spirit  which  may  be  transferred 
elsewhere. 

Some  commentators  dwell  on  the  analogy  between  this 
and  the  Buddhistic  transrotation  of  births ;  which  latter 
teaching,  however,  they  do  not  seem  to  understand.  Others 
say  that  '  the  nourishment  of  the  Lord  of  Life '  is  simply 
acting  as  Yti  did  when  he  conveyed  away  the  flooded 
waters  '  by  doing  that  which  gave  him  no  trouble  ; ' — see 
Mencius,  IV,  ii,  26. 

In  ./Twang-jze  there  are  various  other  stories  of  the  same 
character  as  that  about  king  Wan-hui's  cook, — e.  g.  XIX, 
3  and  XXII,  9.  They  are  instances  of  the  dexterity 
acquired  by  habit,  and  should  hardly  be  pressed  into  the 
service  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Tao. 


BOOK  IV.    ZAN  A^IEN  SHIH. 

A  man  has  his  place  among  other  men  in  the  world  ;  he 
is  a  member,  while  he  lives,  of  the  body  of  humanity. 
And  as  he  has  his  place  in  society,  so  also  he  has  his 
special  duties  to  discharge,  according  to  his  position,  and 
his  relation  to  others.  Taoist  writers  refer  to  this  Book 
as  a  proof  of  the  practical  character  of  the  writings  of 
A'wang-jze. 

K  2 


132  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  IV. 

They  are  right  to  a  certain  extent  in  doing  so ;  but  the 
cases  of  relationship  which  are  exhibited  and  prescribed  for 
are  of  so  peculiar  a  character,  that  the  Book  is  of  little 
value  as  a  directory  of  human  conduct  and  duty.  In  the 
first  two  paragraphs  we  have  the  case  of  Yen  Hui,  who 
wishes  to  go  to  Wei,  and  try  to  reform  the  character  and 
government  of  its  oppressive  ruler  ;  in  the  third  and  fourth, 
that  of  the  duke  of  Sheh,  who  has  been  entrusted  by  the 
king  of  K/iu  with  a  difficult  mission  to  the  court  of  KM, 
which  is  occasioning  him  much  anxiety  and  apprehension ; 
and  in  the  fifth,  that  of  a  Yen  Ho,  who  is  about  to  undertake 
the  office  of  teacher  to  the  son  of  duke  Ling  of  Wei,  a 
young  man  with  a  very  bad  natural  disposition.  The 
other  four  paragraphs  do  not  seem  to  come  in  naturally 
after  these  three  cases,  being  occupied  with  two  immense 
and  wonderful  trees,  the  case  of  a  poor  deformed  cripple, 
and  the  lecture  for  the  benefit  of  Confucius  by  '  the  madman 
of  AV/u.'  In  all  these  last  paragraphs,  the  theme  is  the 
usefulness,  to  the  party  himself  at  least,  of  being  of  no  use. 

Confucius  is  the  principal  speaker  in  the  first  four  para- 
graphs. In  what  he  says  to  Yen  Hui  and  the  duke  of 
Sheh  there  is  much  that  is  shrewd  and  good  ;  but  we  prefer 
the  practical  style  of  his  teachings,  as  related  by  his  own 
disciples  in  the  Confucian  Analects.  Possibly,  it  was  the 
object  of  -^fwang-jze  to  exhibit  his  teaching,  as  containing, 
without  his  being  aware  of  it,  much  of  the  mystical  char- 
acter of  the  Taoistic  system.  His  conversation  with  the 
duke  of  Sheh,  however,  is  less  obnoxious  to  this  charge 
than  what  he  is  made  to  say  to  Yen  Hui.  The  adviser  of 
Yen  Ho  is  a  Ku  Po-yii,  a  disciple  of  Confucius,  who  still 
has  a  place  in  the  sage's  temples. 

In  the  conclusion,  the  Taoism  of  our  author  comes  out  in 
contrast  with  the  methods  of  Confucius.  His  object  in  the 
whole  treatise,  perhaps,  was  to  show  how  '  the  doing 
nothing,  and  yet  thereby  doing  everything,'  was  the  method 
to  be  pursued  in  all  the  intercourses  of  society. 


BK.  V.        BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.       133 


BOOK  V.    TEH  KHUXG  Fu. 


The  f  u  (>J7jp)  consisted  in  the  earliest  times  of  two  slips 
of  bamboo  made  with  certain  marks,  so  as  to  fit  to  each 
other  exactly,  and  held  by  the  two  parties  to  any  agree- 
ment or  covenant.  By  the  production  and  comparison  of 
the  slips,  the  parties  verified  their  mutual  relation  ;  and 
the  claim  of  the  one  and  the  obligation  of  the  other  were 
sufficiently  established.  '  Seal '  seems  the  best  translation 
of  the  character  in  this  title. 

By  'virtue'  ($M)  we  must  understand  the  characteristics 

\   IvUi*/ 

of  the  Tao.  Where  those  existed  in  their  full  proportions 
in  any  individual,  there  was  sure  to  be  the  evidence  or 
proof  of  them  in  the  influence  which  he  exerted  in  all  his 
intercourse  with  other  men  ;  and  the  illustration  of  this  is 
the  subject  of  this  Book,  in  all  its  five  paragraphs.  That 
influence  is  the  '  Seal '  set  on  him,  proving  him  to  be  a  true 
child  of  the  Tao. 

The  heroes,  as  I  may  call  them,  of  the  first  three  para- 
graphs are  all  men  who  had  lost  their  feet,  having  been 
reduced  to  that  condition  as  a  punishment,  just  or  unjust, 
of  certain  offences ;  and  those  of  the  last  two  are  distin- 
guished by  their  extraordinary  ugliness  or  disgusting  de- 
formity. But  neither  the  loss  of  their  feet  nor  their 
deformities  trouble  the  serenity  of  their  own  minds,  or 
interfere  with  the  effects  of  their  teaching  and  character 
upon  others;  so  superior  is  their  virtue  to  the  deficiencies  in 
their  outward  appearance. 

Various  brief  descriptions  of  the  Tao  are  interspersed  in 
the  Book.  The  most  remarkable  of  them  are  those  in 
par.  i,  where  it  appears  as  'that  in  which  there  is  no 
element  of  falsehood,'  and  as  '  the  author  of  all  the  Changes 
or  Transformations'  in  the  world.  The  sentences  where 
these  occur  are  thus  translated  by  Mr.  Balfour : — '  He 
seeks  to  know  Him  in  whom  is  nothing  false.  He  would 
not  be  affected  by  the  instability  of  creation  ;  even  if  his 
life  were  involved  in  the  general  destruction,  he  would  yet 
hold  firmly  to  his  faith  (in  God).'  And  he  observes  in  a 


134  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  vi. 

note,  that  the  first  short  sentence  '  is  explained  by  the 
commentators  as  referring  to  ./Tan  3a*  (1H1  -&),  the  term 
used  by  the  Taoist  school  for  God.'  But  we  met  with 
that  name  and  synonyms  of  it  in  Book  II,  par.  2,  as  appel- 
lations of  the  Tao,  coupled  with  the  denial  of  its  per- 
sonality. Kan  3^i,  'the  True  Governor  or  Lord,'  may 
be  used  as  a  designation  for  god  or  God,  but  the  Taoist 
school  denies  the  existence  of  a  Personal  Being,  to  whom 
we  are  accustomed  to  apply  that  name. 

Hui-^ze,  the  sophist  and  friend  of  ^Twang-jze,  is  intro- 
duced in  the  conclusion  as  disputing  with  him  the  propriety 
of  his  representing  the  Master  of  the  Tao  as  being  still  '  a 
man  ;'  and  is  beaten  down  by  him  with  a  repetition  of  his 
assertions,  and  a  reference  to  some  of  Hui-jze's  well-known 
peculiarities.  What  would  ATwang-jze  have  said,  if  his 
opponent  had  affirmed  that  his  instances  were  all  imaginary, 
and  that  no  man  had  ever  appeared  who  could  appeal  to 
his  possession  of  such  a  '  seal '  to  his  virtues  and  influence 
as  he  described  ? 

Lu  Fang-wang  compares  with  the  tenor  of  this  Book 
what  we  find  in  Mencius,  VII,  i,  21,  about  the  nature  of 
the  superior  man.  The  analogy  between  them,  however,  is 
very  faint  and  incomplete. 

BOOK  VI.    TA  SUNG  SHIH. 

So  I  translate  the  title  of  this  Book,  taking  3ung  as  a 
verb,  and  3ung  Shih  as='  The  Master  who  is  Honoured.' 
Some  critics  take  3ung  m  the  sense  of  'Originator,'  in 
which  it  is  employed  in  the  Tao  Teh  A^ing,  Ixx,  2.  Which- 
ever rendering  be  adopted,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  title 
is  intended  to  be  a  designation  of  the  Tao  ;  and  no  one  of 
our  author's  Books  is  more  important  for  the  understanding 
of  his  system  of  thought. 

The  key  to  it  is  found  in  the  first  of  its  fifteen  para- 
graphs. There  are  in  man  two  elements  ; — the  Heavenly 
or  Taoistic,  and  the  human.  The  disciple  of  the  Tao, 
recognising  them  both,  cultivates  what  he  knows  as  a  man 


BK.VI.        BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.       135 

so  as  to  become  entirely  conformed  to  the  action  of  the 
Tao,  and  submissive  in  all  the  most  painful  experiences 
in  his  lot,  which  is  entirely  ordered  by  it.  A  seal  will  be 
set  on  the  wisdom  of  this  course  hereafter,  when  he  has 
completed  the  period  of  his  existence  on  earth,  and  re- 
turns to  the  state  of  non-existence,  from  which  the  Tao 
called  him  to  be  bora  as  a  man.  In  the  meantime  he  may 
attain  to  be  the  True  man  possessing  the  True  knowledge. 

Our  author  then  proceeds  to  give  his  readers  in  five 
paragraphs  his  idea  of  the  True  Man.  Mr.  Balfour  says 
that  this  name  is  to  be  understood  '  in  the  esoteric  sense, 
the  partaking  of  the  essence  of  divinity,'  and  he  translates 
it  by  '  the  Divine  Man.'  But  we  have  no  right  to  intro- 
duce here  the  terms  '  divine '  and  '  divinity.'  Nan-hwai 
(VII,  5  b)  gives  a  short  definition  of  the  name  which  is 
more  to  the  point: — 'What  we  call  "the  True  Man  "is 
one  whose  nature  is  in  agreement  with  the  Tao  (ffi  j|||  jjil 
A.  ^f"  '[4  &  ~f  $jj[  fy  5 '  and  the  commentator  adds  in  a 
note,  'Such  men  as  Fu-hsi,  Hwang-Ti,  and  Lao  Tan.'  The 
Khang-hsi  dictionary  commences  its  account  of  the  character 
jgl  or  'True'  by  a  definition  of  the  True  Man  taken  from 
the  ShwoWan  as  a  'jjij  ^,  'a  recluse  of  the  mountain, 
whose  bodily  form  has  been  changed,  and  who  ascends  to 
heaven;'  but  when  that  earliest  dictionary  was  made, 
Taoism  had  entered  into  a  new  phase,  different  from  what 
it  had  in  the  time  of  our  author.  The  most  prominent 
characteristic  of  the  True  Man  is  that  he  is  free  from  all 
exercise  of  thought  and  purpose,  a  being  entirely  passive  in 
the  hands  of  the  Tao.  In  par.  3  seven  men  are  mentioned, 
good  and  worthy  men,  but  inferior  to  the  True. 

Having  said  what  he  had  to  say  of  the  True  Man, 
A'wang-jze  comes  in  the  seventh  paragraph  to  speak  directly 
of  the  Tao  itself,  and  describes  it  with  many  wonderful  pre- 
dicates which  exalt  it  above  our  idea  of  God  ; — a  concept 
and  not  a  personality.  He  concludes  by  mentioning  a 
number  of  ajicient  personages  who  had  got  the  Tao,  and  by- 
it  wrought  wonders,  beginning  with  a  Shih-wei,  who  pre- 
ceded Fu-hsi,  and  ending  with  Fu  Yiieh,  the  minister  of 


I  36  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  VII. 

Wu-ting,  in  the  fourteenth  century  B.C.,  and  who  finally  be- 
came a  star  in  the  eastern  portion  of  the  zodiac.  Phang  3U 
is  also  mentioned  as  living,  through  his  possession  of  the  Tao, 
from  the  twenty-third  century  B.C.  to  the  seventh  or  later. 
The  sun  and  moon  and  the  constellation  of  the  Great  Bear 
are  also  mentioned  as  its  possessors,  and  the  fabulous  Being 
called  the  Mother  of  the  Western  King.  The  whole  passage 
is  perplexing  to  the  reader  to  the  last  degree. 

The  remaining  paragraphs  are  mostly  occupied  with 
instances  of  learning  the  Tao,  and  of  its  effects  in  making 
men  superior  to  the  infirmities  of  age  and  the  most  ter- 
rible deformities  of  person  and  calamities  of  penury ;  as 
'Tranquillity'  under  all  that  might  seem  most  calculated  to 
disturb  it.  Very  strange  is  the  attempt  at  the  conclusion  of 
par.  8  apparently  to  trace  the  genesis  of  the  knowledge  of 
the  Tao.  Confucius  is  introduced  repeatedly  as  the  ex- 
pounder of  Taoism,  and  made  to  praise  it  as  the  ne  plus 
ultra  of  human  attainment. 

BOOK  VII.    YING  Ti  WANG. 

The  first  of  the  three  characters  in  this  title  renders  the 
translation  of  it  somewhat  perplexing.  Ying  has  different 
meanings  according  as  it  is  read  in  the  first  tone  or  in  the 
third.  In  the  first  tone  it  is  the  symbol  of  what  is  right, 
or  should  be  ;  in  the  third  tone  of  answering  or  responding 
to.  I  prefer  to  take  it  here  in  the  first  tone.  As  Kwo 
Hsiang  says,  '  One  who  is  free  from  mind  or  purpose  of  his 
own,  and  loves  men  to  become  transformed  of  themselves, 
is  fit  to  be  a  Ruler  or  a  King,'  and  as  3nui  -^Twan,  another 
early  commentator,  says,  '  He  whose  teaching  is  that  which 
is  without  words,  and  makes  men  in  the  world  act  as  if 
they  were  oxen  or  horses,  is  fit  to  be  a  Ruler  or  a  King.' 
This  then  is  the  object  of  the  Book — to  describe  that 
government  which  exhibits  the  Tao  equally  in  the  rulers 
and  the  ruled,  the  world  of  men  all  happy  and  good 
without  purpose  or  effort. 

It  consists  of  seven  paragraphs.  The  first  shows  us  the 
model  ruler  in  him  of  the  line  of  Thai,  whom  I  have  not 


BK.V1I.      BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.       137 

succeeded  in  identifying.  The  second  shows  us  men  under 
such  a  rule,  uncontrolled  and  safe  like  the  bird  that  flies 
high  beyond  the  reach  of  the  archer,  and  the  mouse  secure 
in  its  deep  hole  from  its  pursuers.  The  teacher  in  this 
portion  is  K/iieh-yu,  known  in  the  Confucian  school  as  '  the 
madman  of  K/iu,'  and  he  delivers  his  lesson  in  opposition 
to  the  heresy  of  a  .Z'ah-^ung  Shih,  or  'Noon  Beginning.' 
In  the  third  paragraph  the  speakers  are  '  a  nameless  man,' 
and  a  Thien  Kan,  or  '  Heaven  Root.'  In  the  fourth  para- 
graph Lao-jze  himself  appears  upon  the  stage,  and  lectures 
a  Yang  3ze-£ii,  the  Yang  Ku  of  Mencius.  He  concludes  by 
saying  that  '  where  the  intelligent  kings  took  their  stand 
could  not  be  fathomed,  and  they  found  their  enjoyment  in 
(the  realm  of)  nonentity.' 

The  fifth  paragraph  is  longer,  and  tells  us  of  the  defeat 
of  a  wizard,  a  physiognomist  in  ^ang,  by  Hu-jze,  the 
master  of  the  philosopher  Lieh-^ze,  who  is  thereby  delivered 
from  the  glamour  which  the  cheat  was  throwing  round  him. 
I  confess  to  not  being  able  to  understand  the  various  pro- 
cesses by  which  Hu-^ze  foils  the  wizard  and  makes  him  run 
away.  The  whole  story  is  told,  and  at  greater  length,  in 
the  second  book  of  the  collection  ascribed  to  Lieh-jze,  and 
the  curious  student  may  like  to  look  at  the  translation  of 
that  work  by  Mr.  Ernst  Faber  (Der  Naturalismus  bei 
den  alten  Chinesen  sowohl  nach  der  Seite  des  Panthe- 
ismus  als  des  Sensualismus,  oder  die  Sammtlichen  Werke 
des  Philosophen  Licius,  1877).  The  effect  of  the  wizard's 
defeat  on  Lieh-^ze  was  great.  He  returned  in  great  humi- 
lity to  his  house,  and  did  not  go  out  of  it  for  three  years. 
He  did  the  cooking  for  his  wife,  and  fed  the  pigs  as  if  he 
were  feeding  men.  He  returned  to  pure  simplicity,  and 
therein  continued  to  the  end  of  his  life.  But  I  do  not  see 
the  connexion  between  this  narrative  and  the  government 
of  the  Rulers  and  Kings. 

The  sixth  paragraph  is  a  homily  by  our  author  himself 
on  '  non-action.'  It  contains  a  good  simile,  comparing  the 
mind  of  the  perfect  man  to  a  mirror,  which  reflects  faith- 
fully what  comes  before  it,  but  does  not  retain  any  image 
of  it,  when  the  mind  is  gone. 


I  38  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  vm. 

The  last  paragraph  is  an  ingenious  and  interesting  alle- 
gory relating  how  the  gods  of  the  southern  and  northern 
seas  brought  Chaos  to  an  end  by  boring  holes  in  him. 
Thereby  they  destroyed  the  primal  simplicity,  and  ac- 
cording to  Taoism  did  Chaos  an  injury !  On  the  whole 
I  do  not  think  that  this  Book,  with  which  the  more  finished 
essays  of  /fwang-jze  come  to  an  end,  is  so  successful  as 
those  that  precede  it. 

BOOK  VIII.    PHIEN  MAu. 

This  Book  brings  us  to  the  Second  Part  of  the  writings 
of  our  author,  embracing  in  all  fifteen  Books.  Of  the  most 
important  difference  between  the  Books  of  the  First  and  the 
other  Parts  some  account  has  been  given  in  the  Introduc- 
tory Chapter.  We  have  here  to  do  only  with  the  different 
character  of  their  titles.  Those  of  the  seven  preceding 
Books  are  so  many  theses,  and  are  believed  to  have  been 
prefixed  to  them  by  A^wang-^ze  himself;  those  of  this  Book 
and  the  others  that  follow  are  believed  to  have  been  pre- 
fixed by  Kwo  Hsiang,  and  consist  of  two  or  three  charac- 
ters taken  from  the  beginning,  or  near  the  beginning  of 
the  several  Books,  after  the  fashion  of  the  names  of  the 
Books  in  the  Confucian  Analects,  in  the  works  of  Mencius, 
and  in  our  Hebrew  Scriptures.  Books  VIII  to  XIII  are 
considered  to  be  supplementary  to  VII  by  Au-yang  Hsiu. 

The  title  of  this  eighth  Book,  Phien  Mau,  has  been  ren- 
dered by  Mr.  Balfour,  after  Dr.  Williams,  '  Double  Thumbs.' 
But  the  Mau,  which  may  mean  either  the  Thumb  or  the 
Great  Toe,  must  be  taken  in  the  latter  sense,  being  distin- 
guished in  this  paragraph  and  elsewhere  from  Kih, '  a  finger,' 
and  expressly  specified  also  as  belonging  to  the  foot.  The 
character  phi  en,  as  used  here,  is  defined  in  the  Khang-hsi 
dictionary  as  '  anything  additional  growing  out  as  an  ap- 
pendage or  excrescence,  a  growing  out  at  the  side.'  This 
would  seem  to  justify  the  translation  of  it  by  '  double.' 
But  in  paragraph  3,  while  the  extra  finger  increases  the 
number  of  the  fingers,  this  growth  on  the  foot  is  represented 
as  diminishing  the  number  of  the  toes.  I  must  consider 


BK.VIII.     BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.      139 

the  phien  therefore  as  descriptive  of  an  appendage  by 
which  the  great  toe  was  united  to  one  or  all  of  the  other 
toes,  and  can  think  of  no  better  rendering  of  the  title  than 
what  I  have  given.  It  is  told  in  the  3o  A" wan  (twenty-third 
3'ear  of  duke  Hsi)  that  the  famous  duke  Wan  of  $'m  had 
phien  hsieh,  that  is,  that  his  ribs  presented  the  appear- 
ance of  forming  one  bone.  So  much  for  the  title. 

The  subject-matter  of  the  Book  seems  strange  to  us  ; — 
that,  according  to  the  Tao,  benevolence  and  righteousness 
are  not  natural  growths  of  humanity,  but  excrescences  on 
it,  like  the  extra  finger  on  the  hand,  and  the  membranous 
web  of  the  toes.  The  weakness  of  the  Taoistic  system 
begins  to  appear.  ATwang-jze's  arguments  in  support  of 
his  position  must  be  pronounced  very  feeble.  The  ancient 
Shun  is  introduced  as  the  first  who  called  in  the  two  great 
virtues  to  distort  and  vex  the  world,  keeping  society  for 
more  than  a  thousand  years  in  a  state  of  uneasy  excite- 
ment. Of  course  he  assumes  that  prior  to  Shun,  he  does 
not  say  for  how  long  a  time  (and  in  other  places  he  makes 
decay  to  have  begun  earlier),  the  world  had  been  in  a  state  of 
paradisiacal  innocence  and  simplicity,  under  the  guidance  of 
the  Tao,  untroubled  by  any  consideration  of  what  was  right 
and  what  was  wrong,  men  passively  allowing  their  nature 
to  have  its  quiet  development,  and  happy  in  that  condition. 
All  culture  of  art  or  music  is  wrong,  and  so  it  is  wrong  and 
injurious  to  be  striving  to  manifest  benevolence  and  to 
maintain  righteousness. 

He  especially  singles  out  two  men,  one  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury B.C.,  the  famous  Po-i,  who  died  of  hunger  rather  than 
acknowledge  the  dynasty  of  ATau  ;  and  one  of  a  more 
recent  age,  the  robber  Shih,  a  great  leader  of  brigands,  who 
brought  himself  by  his  deeds  to  an  untimely  end  ;  and  he 
sees  nothing  to  choose  between  them.  We  must  give  our 
judgment  for  the  teaching  of  Confucianism  in  preference  to 
that  of  Taoism,  if  our  author  can  be  regarded  as  a  fair 
expositor  of  the  latter.  He  is  ingenious  in  his  statements 
and  illustrations,  but  he  was,  like  his  master  Lao-jze,  only 
a  dreamer. 


I4O  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  ix, 


BOOK  IX.    MA  Tnl. 

'  Horses  '  and  '  Hoofs '  are  the  first  two  characters  of  the 
Text,  standing  there  in  the  relation  of  regent  and  regimen. 
The  account  of  the  teaching  of  the  Book  given  by  Lin  Hsi- 
£ung  is  so  concise  that  I  will  avail  myself  of  it.  He  says  : — 

'  Governing  men  is  like  governing  horses.  They  may 
be  governed  in  such  a  way  as  shall  be  injurious  to  them, 
just  as  Po-lao  governed  the  horse; — contrary  to  its  true 
nature.  His  method  was  not  different  from  that  of 
the  (first)  potter  and  carpenter  in  dealing  with  clay  and 
wood  ; — contrary  to  the  nature  of  those  substances.  Not- 
withstanding this,  one  age  after  another  has  celebrated 
the  skill  of  those  parties ;  —  not  knowing  what  it  is 
that  constitutes  the  good  and  skilful  government  of 
men.  Such  government  simply  requires  that  men  be 
made  to  fulfil  their  regular  constant  nature, — the  quali- 
ties which  they  all  possess  in  common,  with  which  they 
are  constituted  by  Heaven,  and  then  be  left  to  themselves. 
It  was  this  which  constituted  the  age  of  perfect  virtue  ; 
but  when  the  sages  insisted  on  the  practice  of  benevo- 
lence, righteousness,  ceremonies,  and  music,  then  the 
people  began  to  be  without  that  perfect  virtue.  Not  that 
they  were  in  themselves  different  from  what  they  had  been, 
but  those  practices  do  not  really  belong  to  their  regular 
nature  ;  they  arose  from  their  neglecting  the  characteristics 
of  the  Tao,  and  abandoning  their  natural  constitution  ; — 
it  was  the  case  of  the  skilful  artisan  cutting  and  hacking 
his  raw  materials  in  order  to  form  vessels  from  them. 
There  is  no  ground  for  doubting  that  Po-lao's  management 
of  horses  gave  them  that  knowledge  with  which  they  went 
on  to  play  the  part  of  thieves,  or  that  it  was  the  sages' 
government  of  the  people  which  made  them  devote  them- 
selves to  the  pursuit  of  gain  ; — it  is  impossible  to  deny  the 
error  of  those  sages. 

'  There  is  but  one  idea  in  the  Book  from  the  beginning 
to  the  end  ; — it  is  an  amplification  of  the  expression  in  the 
preceding  Book  that  "  all  men  have  their  regular  and  con- 


BK.  X.       BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.       141 

stant  constitution,"  and  is  the  most  easily  construed  of  all 
ATwang-jze's  compositions.  In  consequence,  however,  of 
the  wonderful  touches  of  his  pencil  in  describing  the  sym- 
pathy between  men  and  other  creatures  in  their  primal 
state,  some  have  imagined  that  there  is  a  waste  and  em- 
bellishment of  language,  and  doubted  whether  the  Book  is 
really  his  own,  but  thought  it  was  written  by  some  one  in 
imitation  of  his  style.  I  apprehend  that  no  other  hand 
would  easily  have  attained  to  such  a  mastery  of  that  style.' 
There  is  no  possibility  of  adjudicating  definitely  on  the 
suspicion  of  the  genuineness  of  the  Book  thus  expressed  in 
Hsi-^ung's  concluding  remarks.  The  same  suspicion  arose 
in  my  own  mind  in  the  process  of  translation.  My  surprise 
continues  that  our  author  did  not  perceive  the  absurdity  of 
his  notions  of  the  primal  state  of  men,  and  of  his  condem- 
nation of  the  sages. 

BOOK  X.    KHV  KIIIEK. 

It  is  observed  by  the  commentator  Kwei  -ATan-^/zuan 
that  one  idea  runs  through  this  Book : — that  the  most  sage 
and  wise  men  have  ministered  to  theft  and  robbery,  and 
that,  if  there  were  an  end  of  sageness  and  wisdom,  the  world 
would  be  at  rest.  Between  it  and  the  previous  Book  there 
is  a  general  agreement  in  argument  and  object,  but  in  this 
the  author  expresses  himself  with  greater  vehemence,  and 
almost  goes  to  excess  in  his  denunciation  of  the  institu- 
tions of  the  sages. 

The  reader  will  agree  with  these  accounts  of  the  Book. 
A^wang-jze  at  times  becomes  weak  in  his  attempts  to  estab- 
lish his  points.  To  my  mind  the  most  interesting  portions 
of  this  Book  and  the  last  one  are  the  full  statements  which 
we  have  in  them  of  the  happy  state  of  men  when  the  Tao 
maintained  its  undisputed  sway  in  the  world,  and  the 
names  of  many  of  the  early  Taoistic  sovereigns.  How  can 
we  suppose  that  anything  would  be  gained  by  a  return  to 
the  condition  of  primitive  innocence  and  simplicity  ?  The 
antagonism  between  Taoism  and  Confucianism  comes  out 
in  this  Book  very  decidedly. 


142  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XI. 

The  title  of  the  Book  is  taken  from  two  characters  in  the 
first  clause  of  the  first  paragraph. 

BOOK  XL    SAI  Yu. 

The  two  characters  of  the  title  are  taken  from  the  first 
sentence  of  the  Text,  but  they  express  the  subject  of  the 
Book  more  fully  than  the  other  titles  in  this  Part  do,  and 
almost  entitle  it  to  a  place  in  Part  I.  It  is  not  easy  to 
translate  them,  and  Mr.  Balfour  renders  them  by  '  Leniency 
towards  Faults,'  probably  construing  3ai  as  equivalent  to 
our  preposition  '  in,'  which  it  often  is.  But  /sfwang-jze  uses 
both  3ai  and  Yu  as  verbs,  or  blends  them  together,  the 
chief  force  of  the  binomial  compound  being  derived  from 
the  significance  of  the  3ai.  3ai  is  defined  by  3nun  (^f*)> 
which  gives  the  idea  of  '  preserving '  or  '  keeping  intact,' 
and  Yu  by  Khwan  (j^), '  being  indulgent '  or  '  forbearing.' 
The  two  characters  are  afterwards  exchanged  for  other 
two,  wu  wei  (fit  ^),  'doing  nothing,'  'inaction,'  a 
grand  characteristic  of  the  Tao. 

The  following  summary  of  the  Book  is  taken  from  Hsiian 
Ying's  explanations  of  our  author: — 'The  two  characters  3 a i 
Yu  express  the  subject-matter  of  the  Book,  and  "govern- 
ing" points  out  the  opposite  error  as  the  disease  into  which 
men  are  prone  to  fall.  Let  men  be,  and  the  tendencies  of 
their  nature  will  be  at  rest,  and  there  will  be  no  necessity 
for  governing  the  world.  Try  to  govern  it,  and  the 
world  will  be  full  of  trouble ;  and  men  will  not  be  able  to 
rest  in  the  tendencies  of  their  nature.  These  are  the  sub- 
jects of  the  first  two  paragraphs. 

'  In  the  third  paragraph  we  have  the  erroneous  view  of 
3hui  Khti.  that  by  government  it  was  possible  to  make 
men's  minds  good.  He  did  not  know  that  governing  was 
a  disturbing  meddling  with  the  minds  of  men ;  and  how 
Lao-^ze  set  forth  the  evil  of  such  government,  going  on 
till  it  be  irretrievable.  This  long  paragraph  vigorously 
attacks  the  injury  done  by  governing. 

'  In  the   fourth  paragraph,  when    Hwang-T!   questions 


BK.  XII.     BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.       143 

Kwang  K/ta.ng-]ze,  the  latter  sets  aside  his  inquiry  about 
the  government  of  the  world,  and  tells  him  about  the 
government  of  himself;  and  in  the  fifth,  when  Yiin  Kiang 
asks  Hung  Mung  about  governing  men,  the  latter  tells  him 
about  the  nourishing  of  the  heart.  These  two  great  para- 
graphs set  forth  clearly  the  subtlest  points  in  the  policy  of 
Let-a-be.  Truly  it  is  not  an  empty  name. 

'  In  the  two  last  paragraphs,  Kwang  in  his  own  words 
and  way  sets  forth,  now  by  affirmation,  and  now  by  nega- 
tion, the  meaning  of  all  that  precedes.' 

This  summary  of  the  Book  will  assist  the  reader  in 
understanding  it.  For  other  remarks  that  will  be  helpful, 
I  must  refer  him  to  the  notes  appended  to  the  Text.  The 
Book  is  not  easy  to  understand  or  to  translate  ;  and  a 
remark  found  in  the  A'ia-^ing  edition  of  '  the  Ten 
Philosophers,'  by  Lu  Hsiu-fu,  who  died  in  1279,  was  wel- 
come to  me, '  If  you  cannot  understand  one  or  two  sentences 
of  A'wang-jze,  it  does  not  matter.' 


BOOK  XII.    THIEN  Tl. 

The  first  two  characters  of  the  Book  are  adopted  as  its 
name; — Thien  Ti,  'Heaven  and  Earth.'  These  are  em- 
ployed, not  so  much  as  the  two  greatest  material  forms  in 
the  universe,  but  as  the  Great  Powers  whose  influences 
extend  to  all  below  and  upon  them.  Silently  and  effec- 
tively, with  entire  spontaneity,  their  influence  goes  forth, 
and  a  rule  and  pattern  is  thus  given  to  those  on  whom  the 
business  of  the  government  of  the  world  devolves.  The 
one  character  '  Heaven  '  'is  employed  throughout  the  Book 
as  the  denomination  of  this  purposeless  spontaneity  which 
yet  is  so  powerful. 

Lu  Shu-^ih  says : — '  This  Book  also  sets  forth  clearly 
how  the  rulers  of  the  world  ought  simply  to  act  in  accord- 
ance with  the  spontaneity  of  the  virtue  of  Heaven  ;  abjuring 
sageness  and  putting  away  knowledge ;  and  doing  nothing : 
— in  this  way  the  Tao  or  proper  Method  of  Government 
will  be  attained  to.  As  to  the  coercive  methods  of  Mo  Ti 


144  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xm. 

and  Hui-jze,  they  only  serve  to  distress  those  who  follow 
them.' 

This  object  of  the  Book  appears,  more  or  less  distinctly, 
in  most  of  the  illustrative  paragraphs  ;  though,  as  has  been 
pointed  out  in  the  notes  upon  it,  several  of  them  must  be 
Considered  to  be  spurious.  Paragraphs  6,  7,  and  u  are 
thus  called  in  question,  and,  as  most  readers  will  feel,  with 
reason.  From  13 -to  the  end,  the  paragraphs  are  held  to  be 
one  long  paragraph  where  /Twang-jze  introduces  his  own 
reflections  in  an  unusual  style  ;  but  the  genuineness  of  the 
whole,  so  far  as  I  have  observed,  has  not  been  called  in 
question. 

BOOK  XIII.    THIEN  TAG. 

'Thien  Tao,'  the  first  two  characters  of  the  first 
paragraph,  and  prefixed  to  the  Book  as  the  name  of  it,  are 
best  translated  by  '  The  Way  of  Heaven,'  meaning  the 
noiseless  spontaneity,  which  characterises  all  the  operations 
of  nature,  proceeding  silently,  yet  '  perfecting  all  things.' 
As  the  rulers  of  the  world  attain  to  this  same  way  in  their 
government,  and  the  sages  among  men  attain  to  it  in  their 
teachings,  both  government  and  doctrine  arrive  at  a  corre- 
sponding perfection.  '  The  joy  of  Heaven  '  and  '  the  joy  of 
Men '  are  both  realised.  There  ought  to  be  no  purpose  or 
will  in  the  universe.  '  Vacancy,  stillness,  placidity,  tasteless- 
ness,  quietude,  silence,  and  non-action  ;  this  is  the  perfection 
of  the  Tao  and  its  characteristics.' 

Our  author  dwells  especially  on  doing-nothing  or  non- 
action  as  the  subject-matter  of  the  Book.  But  as  the  world 
is  full  of  doing,  he  endeavours  to  make  a  distinction  between 
the  Ruling  Powers  and  those  subordinate  to  and  employed 
by  them,  to  whom  doing  or  action  and  purpose,  though 
still  without  the  thought  of  self,  are  necessary ;  and  by 
this  distinction  he  seems  to  me  to  give  up  the  peculiarity 
of  his  system,  so  that  some  of  the  critics,  especially  Au- 
yang  Hsiu,  are  obliged  to  confess  that  these  portions  of 
the  Book  are  unlike  the  writing  of  ATwang-^ze.  Still  the 
antagonism  of  Taoism  to  Confucianism  is  very  apparent 


BK.  XIV.     BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.      145 

throughout.  Of  the  illustrative  paragraphs,  the'  seventh, 
relating  the  churlish  behaviour  of  Lao-^ze  to  Confucius, 
and  the  way  in  which  he  subsequently  argues  with  him 
and  snubs  him,  is  very  amusing.  The  eighth  paragraph, 
relating  the  interview  between  Lao  and  Shih-^ang  Kk\,  is 
very  strange.  The  allusions  in  it  to  certain  incidents  and 
peculiarities  in  Lao's  domestic  life  make  us  wish  that  we 
had  fuller  accounts  of  his  history ;  and  the  way  in  which 
he  rates  his  disciple  shows  him  as  a  master  of  the  language 
of  abuse. 

The  concluding  paragraph  about  duke  Hwan  of  Kh\  is 
interesting,  but  I  can  only  dimly  perceive  its  bearing  on 
the  argument  of  the  Book. 

BOOK  XIV.    THIEN  YUN. 

The  contrast  between  the  movement  of  the  heavens 
(^,  ^|),  and  the  resting  of  the  earth  (i-fjj  J||),  requires 
the  translation  of  the  characters  of  the  title  by  'The 
Revolution  of  Heaven.'  But  that  idea  does  not  enter 
largely  into  the  subject-matter  of  the  Book.  'The  whole,' 
says  Hsiian  Ying,  'consists  of  eight  paragraphs,  the  first 
three  of  which  show  that  under  the  sky  there  is  nothing 
which  is  not  dominated  by  the  Tao,  with  which  the 
Tis  and  the  Kings  have  only  to  act  in  accordance ;  while 
the  last  five  set  forth  how  the  Tao  is  not  to  be  found  in 
the  material  forms  and  changes  of  things,  but  in  a  spirit- 
like  energy  working  imperceptibly,  developing  and  con- 
trolling all  phenomena.' 

I  have  endeavoured  in  the  notes  on  the  former  three 
paragraphs  to  make  their  meaning  less  obscure  and  uncon- 
nected than  it  is  on  a  first  perusal.  The  five  illustrative 
paragraphs  are,  we  may  assume,  all  of  them  factitious,  and 
can  hardly  be  received  as  genuine  productions  of  ATwang- 
jze.  In  the  sixth  paragraph,  or  at  least  a  part  of  it,  Lin 
Hsi-^ung  acknowledges  the  hand  of  the  forger,  and  not 
less  unworthy  of  credence  are  in  my  opinion  the  rest  of  it 
and  much  of  the  other  four  paragraphs.  If  they  may  be 

[39]  L 


146  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XV. 

taken  as 'from  the  hand  of  our  author  himself,  he  was  too 
much  devoted  to  his  own  system  to  hold  the  balance  of 
judgment  evenly  between  Lao  and  Khung. 

BOOK  XV.    KHO  1. 

I  can  think  of  no  better  translation  for  ^jf|J  j|f ,  the  two 
first  characters  of  the  Book,  and  which  appear  as  its  title, 
than  our  '  Ingrained  Ideas ; '  notions,  that  is,  held  as  firmly 
as  if  they  were  cut  into  the  substance  of  the  mind.  They 
do  not  belong  to  the  whole  Book,  however,  but  only  to 
the  first  member  of  the  first  paragraph.  That  paragraph 
describes  six  classes  of  men,  only  the  last  of  which  are  the 
right  followers  of  the  Tao  ; — the  Sages,  from  the  Taoistic 
point  of  view,  who  again  are  in  the  last  sentence  of  the  last 
paragraph  identified  with  '  the  True  Men '  described  at 
length  in  the  sixth  Book.  The  fifth  member  of  this  first 
paragraph  is  interesting  as  showing  how  there  was  a  class 
of  Taoists  who  cultivated  the  system  with  a  view  to  obtain 
longevity  by  their  practices  in  the  management  of  the 
breath  ;  yet  our  author  does  not  accord  to  them  his  full 
approbation,  while  at  the  same  time  the  higher  Taoism  ap- 
pears in  the  last  paragraph,  as  promoting  longevity  without 
the  management  of  the  breath.  Kh&  Po-hsiu,  in  his  com- 
mentary on  ^Twang-jze,  which  was  published  in  1210,  gives 
Po-i  and  Shu-Mi  as  instances  of  the  first  class  spoken 
of  here  ;  Confucius  and  Mencius,  of  the  second  ;  t  Yin  and 
Fu  Yiieh,  of  the  third ;  K/tao  Fft  and  Hsii  Yu,  as  instances 
of  the  fourth.  Of  the  fifth  class  he  gives  no  example,  but 
that  of  Phang  3u  mentioned  in  it. 

That  which  distinguishes  the  genuine  sage,  the  True 
Man  of  Taoism,  is  his  pure  simplicity  in  pursuing  the  Way, 
as  it  is  seen  in  the  operation  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  and 
nourishing  his  spirit  accordingly,  till  there  ensues  an 
ethereal  amalgamation  between  his  Way  and  the  orderly 
operation  of  Heaven.  This  subject  is  pursued  to  the  end  of 
the  Book.  The  most  remarkable  predicate  of  the  spirit  so 
trained  is  that  in  the  third  paragraph, — that '  Its  name  is  the 


BK.  XVI.     BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.      147 

same  as  Ti  or  God ;.'  on  which  none  of  the  critics  has  been 
able  to  throw  any  satisfactory  light.  Balfour's  version 
is  : — ( Its  name  is  called  "  One  with  God  ; "  '  Giles's,  '  Its 
name  is  then  "  Of  God," '  the  '  then '  being  in  conse- 
quence of  his  view  that  the  subject  is  '  man's  spiritual 
existence  before  he  is  born  into  the  world  of  mortals.'  My 
own  view  of  the  meaning  appears  in  my  version. 

Lin  Hsi-^ung,  however,  calls  the  genuineness  of  the 
whole  Book  into  question,  and  thinks  it  may  have  proceeded 
from  the  same  hand  as  Book  XIII.  They  have  certainly 
one  peculiarity  in  common  ; — many  references  to  sayings 
which  cannot  be  traced,  but  are  introduced  by  the  formula 
of  quotation,  '  Therefore,  it  is  said.' 


BOOK  XVI.    SHAN  HSING. 

'  Rectifying  or  Correcting  the  Nature '  is  the  meaning  of 
the  title,  and  expresses  sufficiently  well  the  subject-matter 
of  the  Book.  It  was  written  to  expose  the  '  vulgar  '  learn- 
ing of  the  time  as  contrary  to  the  principles  of  the  true 
Taoism,  that  learning  being,  according  to  Lu  Shu-^ih, 
'  the  teachings  of  Hui-jze  and  Kung-sun  Lung.'  It  is  to  be 
wished  that  we  had  fuller  accounts  of  these.  But  see  in 
Book  XXXIII. 

Many  of  the  critics  are  fond  of  comparing  the  Book 
with  the  2ist  chapter  of  the  7th  Book  of  Mencius,  part  i, — 
where  that  philosopher  sets  forth  '  Man's  own  nature  as  the 
most  important  thing  to  him,  and  the  source  of  his  true 
enjoyment,'  which  no  one  can  read  without  admiration. 
But  we  have  more  sympathy  with  Mencius's  fundamental 
views  about  our  human  nature,  than  with  those  of  ATwang- 
jze  and  his  Tioism.  Lin  Hsi-/£ung  is  rather  inclined  to 
doubt  the  genuineness  of  the  Book.  Though  he  admires  its 
composition,  and  admits  the  close  and  compact  sequence  of 
its  sentences,  there  is  yet  something  about  it  that  does  not 
smack  of  ATwang-jze's  style.  Rather  there  seems  to  me  to 
underlie  it  the  antagonism  of  Lao  and  ./Twang  to  the 
learning  of  the  Confucian  school.  The  only  characteristic 

L  2 


148  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XVII. 

of  our  author  which  I  miss,  is  the  illustrative  stories  of 
which  he  is  generally  so  profuse.  In  this  the  Book  agrees 
with  the  preceding. 

BOOK  XVII.    Kmti  SHUI. 

K/iiu  Shui,  or  'Autumn  Waters,'  the  first  two  characters 
of  the  first  paragraph  of  this  Book,  are  adopted  as  its  title. 
Its  subject,  in  that  paragraph,  however,  is  not  so  much  the 
waters  of  autumn,  as  the  greatness  of  the  Tao  in  its  spon- 
taneity, when  it  has  obtained  complete  dominion  over  man. 
No  illustration  of  the  Tao  is  so  great  a  favourite  with 
Lao-jze  as  water,  but  he  loved  to  set  it  forth  in  its  quiet, 
onward  movement,  always  seeking  the  lowest  place,  and 
always  exercising  a  beneficent  influence.  But  water  is  here 
before  Kwang-^ze  in  its  mightiest  volume, — the  inundated 
Ho  and  the  all  but  boundless  magnitude  of  the  ocean  ;  and 
as  he  takes  occasion  from  those  phenomena  to  deliver  his 
lessons,  I  translate  the  title  by  '  The  Floods  of  Autumn.' 

To  adopt  the  account  of  the  Book  given  by  Lu  Shu- 
k'\\\  : — '  This  Book,'  he  says,  '  shows  how  its  spontaneity 
is  the  greatest  characteristic  of  the  Tao,  and  the  chief 
thing  inculcated  in  it  is  that  we  must  not  allow  the  human 
element  to  extinguish  in  our  constitution  the  Heavenly. 

'  First,  using  the  illustrations  of  the  Ho  and  the  Sea,  our 
author  gives  us  to  see  the  Five  Tis  and  the  Kings  of  the 
Three  dynasties  as  only  exhibiting  the  Tao  in  a  small  de- 
gree, while  its  great  development  is  not  to  be  found  in  out- 
ward form  and  appliances  so  that  it  cannot  be  described  in 
words,  and  it  is  difficult  to  find  its  point  of  commencement, 
which  indeed  appears  to  be  impracticable,  while  still  by  doing 
nothing  the  human  may  be  united  with  the  Heavenly,  and 
men  may  bring  back  their  True  condition.  By  means  of 
the  conversations  between  the  guardian  spirit  of  the  Ho  and 
Zo  (the  god)  of  the  Sea  this  subject  is  exhaustively  treated. 

'Next  (in  paragraph  8),  the  khwei,  the  millepede,  and 
other  subjects  illustrate  how  the  mind  is  spirit-like  in  its 
spontaneity  and  doing  nothing.  The  case  of  Confucius  (in 
par.  9)  shows  the  same  spontaneity,  transforming  violence. 


BK.  XVIII.   BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.     149 

Kung-sun  Lung  (in  par.  10),  refusing  to  comply  with  that 
spontaneity,  and  seeking  victory  by  his  sophistical  reason- 
ings, shows  his  wisdom  to  be  only  like  the  folly  of  the  frog 
in  the  well.  The  remaining  three  paragraphs  bring  before 
us  7ifwang-$ze  by  the  spontaneity  of  his  Tao,  now  superior 
to  the  allurements  of  rank  ;  then,  like  the  phoenix  flying 
aloft,  as  enjoying  himself  in  perfect  ease ;  and  finally,  as 
like  the  fishes,  in  the  happiness  of  his  self-possession.'  Such 
is  a  brief  outline  of  this  interesting  chapter.  Many  of  the 
critics  would  expunge  the  ninth  and  tenth  paragraphs  as 
unworthy  of  A^wang-jze,  the  former  as  misrepresenting 
Confucius,  the  latter  as  extolling  himself.  I  think  they 
may  both  be  allowed  to  stand  as  from  his  pencil. 

BOOK  XVIII.    Km  Lo. 

The  title  of  this  Book,  Ki\\  Lo,  or  '  Perfect  Enjoyment,' 
may  also  be  received  as  describing  the  subject-matter  of  it. 
But  the  author  does  not  tell  us  distinctly  what  he  means  by 
'  Perfect  Enjoyment.'  It  seems  to  involve  two  elements, — 
freedom  from  trouble  and  distress,  and  freedom  from  the 
fear  of  death.  What  men  seek  for  as  their  chief  good 
would  only  be  to  him  burdens.  He  does  not  indeed  alto- 
gether condemn  them,  but  his  own  quest  is  the  better  and 
more  excellent  way.  His  own  enjoyment  is  to  be  obtained 
by  means  of  doing  nothing ;  that  is,  by  the  Tao  ;  of  which 
passionless  and  purposeless  action  is  a  chief  characteristic  ; 
and  is  at  the  same  time  the  most  effective  action,  as  is  illus- 
trated in  the  operation  of  heaven  and  earth. 

Such  is  the  substance  of  the  first  paragraph.  The  second 
is  interesting  as  showing  how  his  principle  controlled 
./Twang-^ze  on  the  death  of  his  wife.  Paragraph  3  shows 
us  two  professors  of  Taoism  delivered  by  it  from  the  fear 
of  their  own  death.  Paragraph  4  brings  our  author  be- 
fore us  talking  to  a  skull,  and  then  the  skull's  appearance 
to  him  in  a  dream  and  telling  him  of  the  happiness  of 
the  state  after  death.  Paragraph  5  is  occupied  with  Con- 
fucius and  his  favourite  disciple  Yen  Hui.  It  stands  by 
itself,  unconnected  with  the  rest  of  the  Book,  and  its 


I5O  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xix. 

genuineness  is  denied  by  some  commentators.  The  last 
paragraph,  found  in  an  enlarged  form  in  the  Books  ascribed 
to  Lieh-jze,  has  as  little  to  do  as  the  fifth  with  the  general 
theme  of  the  Book,  and  is  a  strange  anticipation  in  China 
of  the  transrotation  or  transformation  system  of  Buddhism. 
Indeed,  after  reading  this  Book,  we  cease  to  wonder  that 
Taoism  and  Buddhism  should  in  many  practices  come  so 
near  each  other. 

BOOK  XIX.    TA  SHANG. 

I  have  been  inclined  to  translate  the  title  of  this  Book 
by  '  The  Fuller  Understanding  of  Life,'  with  reference  to 
what  is  said  in  the  second  Book  on  '  The  Nourishment  of 
the  Lord  of  Life.'  There  the  Life  before  the  mind  of  the 
writer  is  that  of  the  Body  ;  here  he  extends  his  view  also 
to  the  Life  of  the  Spirit.  The  one  subject  is  not  kept, 
however,  with  sufficient  distinctness  apart  from  the  other, 
and  the  profusion  of  illustrations,  taken,  most  of  them,  from 
the  works  of  Lieh-jze,  is  perplexing. 

To  use  the  words  of  Lu  Shu-^ih : — '  This  Book  shows 
how  he  who  would  skilfully  nourish  his  life,  must  maintain 
his  spirit  complete,  and  become  one  with  Heaven.  These 
two  ideas  preside  in  it  throughout.  In  par.  2,  the  words  of 
the  Warden  Yin  show  that  the  spirit  kept  complete  is 
beyond  the  reach  of  harm.  In  3,  the  illustration  of  the 
hunchback  shows  how  the  will  must  be  maintained  free 
from  all  confusion.  In  4,  that  of  the  ferryman  shows  that 
to  the  completeness  of  the  spirit  there  is  required  the  dis- 
regard of  life  or  death.  In  5  and  6,  the  words  of  Thien 
Khai->^ih  convey  a  warning  against  injuring  the  life  by  the 
indulgence  of  sensual  desires.  In  7,  the  sight  of  a  sprite  by 
duke  Hwan  unsettles  his  spirit.  In  8,  the  gamecock  is 
trained  so  as  to  preserve  the  spirit  unagitated.  In  9,  we 
see  the  man  in  the  water  of  the  cataract  resting  calmly  in 
his  appointed  lot.  In  10,  we  have  the  maker  of  the  bell- 
stand  completing  his  work  as  he  did  in  accordance  with 
the  mind  of  Heaven.  All  these  instances  show  how  the 


BK.  xxi.    BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.      151 

spirit  is  nourished.  The  reckless  charioteering  of  Tung  Ye 
in  par.  u,  not  stopping  when  the  strength  of  his  horses  was 
exhausted,  and  the  false  pretext  of  Sun  Hsiu,  clear  as  at 
noon-day,  are  instances  of  a  different  kind  ;  while  in  the 
skilful  Shui,  hardly  needing  the  application  of  his  mind,  and 
fully  enjoying  himself  in  all  things,  his  movements  testify  of 
his  harmony  with  Heaven,  and  his  spiritual  completeness.' 


BOOK  XX.    SHAN  Mu. 

It  requires  a  little  effort  to  perceive  that  Shan  M  u,  the 
title  of  this  Book,  does  not  belong  to  it  as  a  whole,  but 
only  to  the  first  of  its  nine  paragraphs.  That  speaks  of  a 
large  tree  which  our  author  once  saw  on  a  mountain.  The 
other  paragraphs  have  nothing  to  do  with  mountain  trees, 
large  or  small.  As  the  last  Book  might  be  considered  to 
be  supplementary  to  '  the  Nourishment  of  Life,'  discussed 
in  Book  III,  so  this  is  taken  as  having  the  same  relation 
to  Book  IV,  which  treats  of '  Man  in  the  World,  associated 
with  other  men.'  It  shows  by  its  various  narratives,  some 
of  which  are  full  of  interest,  how  by  a  strict  observance  of 
the  principles  and  lessons  of  the  Tao  a  man  may  preserve 
his  life  and  be  happy,  may  do  the  right  thing  and  enjoy 
himself  and  obtain  the  approbation  of  others  in  the  various 
circumstances  in  which  he  may  be  placed.  The  themes 
both  of  Books  I  and  IV  blend  together  in  it.  Paragraph 
8  has  more  the  character  of  an  apologue  than  most  of 
ATwang-jze's  stories. 


BOOK  XXI.    THIEN 

Thien  ^ze-fang  is  merely  the  name  of  one  of  the  men 
who  appear  in  the  first  paragraph.  That  he  was  a  his- 
torical character  is  learned  from  the  '  Plans  of  the  Warring 
States,'  XIV,  art.  6,  where  we  find  him  at  the  court  of  the 
marquis  Wan  of  Wei  (B.  C.  424-387),  acting  as  counsellor  to 
that  ruler.  Thien  was  his  surname ;  3ze-fang  his  designa- 


152  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xxil. 

tion,  and  Wu-£ai  his  name.     He  has  nothing  to  do  with 
any  of  the  paragraphs  but  the  first. 

It  is  not  easy  to  reduce  all  the  narratives  or  stories  in  the 
Book  to  one  category.  The  fifth,  seventh,  and  eighth,  indeed, 
are  generally  rejected  as  spurious,  or  unworthy  of  our 
author ;  and  the  sixth  and  ninth  are  trivial,  though  the 
ninth  bears  all  the  marks  of  his  graphic  style.  Paragraphs 
3  and  4  are  both  long  and  important.  A  common  idea  in 
them  and  in  i,  2,  and  10  seems  to  be  that  the  presence  and 
power  of  the  Tao  cannot  be  communicated  by  words,  and 
are  independent  of  outward  condition  and  circumstances. 


BOOK  XXII.    Km  PEI  Yft. 

With  this  Book  the  Second  Part  of  ^Twang-jze's  Essays 
or  Treatises  ends.  '  All  the  Books  in  it/  says  Lu  Shu-^ih, 
'  show  the  opposition  of  Taoism  to  the  pursuit  of  know- 
ledge as  enjoined  in  the  Confucian  and  other  schools ;  and 
this  Book  may  be  regarded  as  the  deepest,  most  vehement, 
and  clearest  of  them  all.'  The  concluding  sentences  of 
the  last  paragraph  and  Lao-^ze's  advice  to  Confucius  in 
par.  5,  to  '  sternly  repress  his  knowledge,'  may  be  referred 
to  as  illustrating  the  correctness  of  Lu's  remark. 

Book  seventeenth  is  commonly  considered  to  be  the  most 
eloquent  of  ^Twang-jze's  Treatises,  but  this  twenty-second 
Book  is  not  inferior  to  it  in  eloquence,  and  it  is  more  charac- 
teristic of  his  method  of  argument.  The  way  in  which  he 
runs  riot  in  the  names  with  which  he  personifies  the  attri- 
butes of  the  Tao,  is  a  remarkable  instance  of  the  subtle 
manner  in  which  he  often  brings  out  his  ideas ;  and  in  no 
other  Book  does  he  set  forth  more  emphatically  what  his 
own  idea  of  the  Tao  was,  though  the  student  often  fails  to 
be  certain  that  he  has  exactly  caught  the  meaning. 

The  title,  let  it  be  observed,  belongs  only  to  the  first 
paragraph.  The  Ki\\  in  it  must  be  taken  in  the  sense  of 
'  knowledge,'  and  not  of '  wisdom.' 


BK.  XXIV.    BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.     153 


BOOK  XXIII.    KANG-SANG 

It  is  not  at  all  certain  that  there  ever  was  such  a  per- 
sonage as  Kang-sang.Ou,  who  gives  its  name  to  the  Book. 
In  his  brief  memoir  of  .fifwang-^ze,  Sze-ma  AVzien  spells,  as 
we  should  say,  the  first  character  of  the  surname  differently, 
and  for  the  Rang  (J^£),  employs  Khang  (jr^),  adding  his 
own  opinion,  that  there  was  nothing  in  reality  corresponding 
to  the  account  given  of  the  characters  in  this  and  some 
other  Books.  They  would  be  therefore  the  inventions  of 
^wang-^ze,  devised  by  him  to  serve  his  purpose  in  setting 
forth  the  teaching  of  Lao-jze.  It  may  have  been  so,  but 
the  value  of  the  Book  would  hardly  be  thereby  affected. 

Lu  Shii-£ih  gives  the  following  very  brief  account  of  the 
contents.  Borrowing  the  language  of  Mencius  concerning 
Yen  Hui  and  two  other  disciples  of  Confucius  as  compared 
with  the  sage,  he  says,  '  Kang-sang  Kh\a  had  all  the  mem- 
bers of  Lao-jze,  but  in  small  proportions.  To  outward 
appearance  he  was  above  such  as  abjure  sagehood  and  put 
knowledge  away,  but  still  he  was  unable  to  transform  Nan- 
yung  Khu,  whom  therefore  he  sent  to  Lao-jze ;  and  he 
announced  to  him  the  doctrine  of  the  Tao  that  everything 
was  done  by  doing  nothing.' 

The  reader  will  see  that  this  is  a  very  incomplete  sum- 
mary of  the  contents  of  the  Book.  We  find  in  it  the 
Taoistic  ideal  of  the  '  Perfect  Man,'  and  the  discipline  both 
of  body  and  mind  through  the  depths  of  the  system  by 
means  of  which  it  is  possible  for  a  disciple  to  become  such. 

BOOK  XXIV.    Hsu  WU-KWEI. 

This  Book  is  named  from  the  first  three  characters  in  it, 
the  surname  and  name  of  Hsu  Wu-kwei,  who  plays  the 
most  important  part  in  the  first  two  paragraphs,  and  does 
not  further  appear.  He  comes  before  us  as  a  well-known 
recluse  of  Wei,  who  visits  the  court  to  offer  his  counsels  to 
the  marquis  of  the  state.  But  whether  there  ever  was  such 


1 54  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XXV. 

a  man,  or  whether  he  was  only  a  creation  of  ATwang-jze,  we 
cannot,  so  far  as  I  know,  tell. 

Scattered  throughout  the  Book  are  the  lessons  so  common 
with  our  author  against  sagehood  and  knowledge,  and  on 
the  quality  of  doing  nothing  and  thereby  securing  the  doing 
of  everything.  The  concluding  chapter  is  one  of  the  finest 
descriptions  in  the  whole  Work  of  the  Tao  and  of  the 
Taoistic  idea  of  Heaven.  '  There  are  in  the  Book,'  says 
Lu  Fang,  '  many  dark  and  mysterious  expressions.  It  is 
not  to  be  read  hastily ;  but  the  more  it  is  studied,  the  more 
flavour  will  there  be  found  in  it.' 


BOOK   XXV.      3EH-YANG. 

This  Book  is  named  from  the  first  two  characters  in  it, — 
'Beh-yang,'  which  again  are  the  designation  of  a  gentle- 
man of  Lu,  called  Phang  Yang,  who  comes  before  us  in 
Khu,  seeking  for  an  introduction  to  the  king  of  that  state, 
with  the  view,  we  may  suppose,  of  giving  him  good  counsel. 
Whether  he  ever  got  the  introduction  which  he  desired  we  do 
not  know.  The  mention  of  him  only  serves  to  bring  in  three 
other  individuals,  all  belonging  to  Khu,  and  the  characters 
of  two  of  them ;  but  we  hear  no  more  of  3eh-yang.  The 
second  and  third  paragraphs  are,  probably,  sequels  to  the 
first,  but  his  name  does  not  appear. 

The  paragraphs  from  4  to  9  have  more  or  less  interest  in 
themselves  ;  but  it  is  not  easy  to  trace  in  them  any  sequence 
of  thought.  The  tenth  and  eleventh  are  more  important. 
The  former  deals  with  '  the  Talk  of  the  Hamlets  and  Vil- 
lages,' the  common  sentiments  of  men,  which,  correct  and 
just  in  themselves,  are  not  to  be  accepted  as  a  sufficient 
expression  of  the  Tao ;  the  latter  sets  forth  how  the  name 
Tao  itself  is  only  a  metaphorical  term,  used  for  the  pur- 
pose of  description  ;  as  if  the  Tao  were  a  thing,  and  not 
capable,  therefore,  from  its  material  derivation  of  giving 
adequate  expression  to  our  highest  notion  of  what  it  is. 

'  The  Book,'  says  Lu  Shu-/£ih,  '  illustrates  how  the  Great 
Tao  cannot  be  described  by  any  name  ;  that  men  ought  to 


BK.  xxvii.  BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.   155 

stop  where  they  do  not  really  know,  and  not  try  to  find  it 
in  any  phenomenon,  or  in  any  event  or  thing.  They  must 
forget  both  speech  and  silence,  and  then  they  may  approxi- 
mate to  the  idea  of  the  Great  Tao.' 

BOOK  XXVI.    WAI  Wu. 

The  first  two  characters  of  the  first  paragraph  are  again 
adopted  as  the  title  of  the  Book, — Wai  Wu,  'External 
Things ;'  and  the  lesson  supposed  to  be  taught  in  it  is  that 
expressed  in  the  first  sentence,  that  the  influence  of  external 
things  on  character  and  condition  cannot  be  determined 
beforehand.  It  may  be  good,  it  may  be  evil.  Mr.  Balfour 
has  translated  the  two  characters  by  '  External  Advantages.' 
Hu  Wan-ying  interprets  them  of  '  External  Disadvantages.' 
The  things  may  in  fact  be  either  of  these.  What  seems 
useless  may  be  productive  of  the  greatest  services  ;  and 
what  men  deem  most  advantageous  may  turn  out  to  be 
most  hurtful  to  them. 

What  really  belongs  to  man  is  the  Tao.  That  is  his 
own,  sufficient  for  his  happiness,  and  cannot  be  taken  from 
him,  if  he  prize  it  and  cultivate  it.  But  if  he  neglect  it,  and 
yield  to  external  influences  unfavourable  to  it,  he  may 
become  bad,  and  suffer  all  that  is  most  hateful  to  him  and 
injurious. 

Readers  must  judge  for  themselves  of  the  way  in  which 
the  subject  is  illustrated  in  the  various  paragraphs.  Some 
of  the  stories  are  pertinent  enough  ;  others  are  wide  of  the 
mark.  The  second,  third,  and  fourth  paragraphs  are  gene- 
rally held  to  be  spurious,  '  poor  in  composition,  and  not  at 
all  to  the  point.'  If  my  note  on  the  '  six  faculties  of  percep- 
tion '  in  par.  9  be  correct,  we  must  admit  in  it  a  Buddhistic 
hand,  modifying  the  conceptions  of  A^wang-jze  after  he 
had  passed  away. 

BOOK  XXVII.    Yu  YEN. 

Yii  Yen,  '  Metaphorical  Words,'  stand  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  Book,  and  have  been  adopted  as  its  name. 


156  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XXVIII. 

They  might  be  employed  to  denote  its  first  paragraph,  but 
are  not  applicable  to  the  Book  as  a  whole.  Nor  let  the 
reader  expect  to  find  even  here  any  disquisition  on  the 
nature  of  the  metaphor  as  a  figure  of  speech.  Translated 
literally,  'YiiYen'  are  'Lodged  Words,'  that  is,  Ideas 
that  receive  their  meaning  or  character  from  their  environ- 
ment, the  narrative  or  description  in  which  they  are 
deposited. 

ATwang-jze  wished,  I  suppose,  to  give  some  description 
of  the  style  in  which  he  himself  wrote  : — now  metaphorical, 
now  abounding  in  quotations,  and  throughout  moulded  by 
his  Taoistic  views.  This  last  seems  to  be  the  meaning 
of  his  A'ih  Yen, — literally, '  Cup,  or  Goblet,  Words,'  that  is, 
words,  common  as  the  water  constantly  supplied  in  the 
cup,  but  all  moulded  by  the  Taoist  principle,  the  element 
of  and  from  Heaven  blended  in  man's  constitution  and  that 
should  direct  and  guide  his  conduct.  The  best  help  in  the 
interpretation  of  the  paragraph  is  derived  from  a  study  of 
the  difficult  second  Book,  as  suggested  in  the  notes. 

Of  the  five  paragraphs  that  follow  the  first,  the  second 
relates  to  the  change  of  views,  which,  it  is  said,  took  place 
in  Confucius  ;  the  third,  to  the  change  of  feeling  in  3ang-jze 
in  his  poverty  and  prosperity ;  the  fourth,  to  changes  of 
character  produced  in  his  disciple  by  the  teachings  of  Tung- 
kwo  3)ze-khi ;  the  fifth,  to  the  changes  in  the  appearance  of 
the  shadow  produced  by  the  ever-changing  substance ; 
and  the  sixth,  to  the  change  of  spirit  and  manner  produced 
in  Yang  Ku  by  the  stern  lesson  of  Lao-^ze. 

Various  other  lessons,  more  or  less  appropriate  and  im- 
portant, are  interspersed. 

Some  critics  argue  that  this  Book  must  have  originally 
been  one  with  the  thirty-second,  which  was  made  into  two 
by  the  insertion  between  its  Parts  of  the  four  spurious 
intervening  Books,  but  this  is  uncertain  and  unlikely. 


BOOK  XXVIII.    ZANG  WANG. 
ZangWang,  explaining  the  characters  as  I  have  done, 


BK.  XXIX.    BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.  157 

fairly  indicates  the  subject-matter  of  the  Book.  Not  that 
we  have  a  king  in  every  illustration,  but  the  personages 
adduced  are  always  men  of  worth,  who  decline  the  throne, 
or  gift,  or  distinction  of  whatever  nature,  proffered  to  them, 
and  feel  that  they  have  something  better  to  live  for. 

A  persuasion,  however,  is  widely  spread,  that  this  Book 
and  the  three  that  follow  are  all  spurious.  The  first  critic 
of  note  to  challenge  their  genuineness  was  Su  Shih  (better 
known  as  Su  Tung-pho,  A.  D.  1036-1101);  and  now,  some 
of  the  best  editors,  such  as  Lin  Hsi-^ung,  do  not  admit 
them  into  their  texts,  while  others  who  are  not  bold  enough 
to  exclude  them  altogether,  do  not  think  it  worth  their 
while  to  discuss  them  seriously.  Hu  Wan-ying,  for  in- 
stance, says,  '  Their  style  is  poor  and  mean,  and  they  are, 
without  doubt,  forgeries.  I  will  not  therefore  trouble 
myself  with  comments  of  praise  or  blame  upon  them.  The 
reader  may  accept  or  reject  them  at  his  pleasure.' 

But  something  may  be  said  for  them.  Sze-ma  Kh\Q\\ 
seems  to  have  been  acquainted  with  them  all.  In  his 
short  biographical  notice  of  ATwang-jze,  he  says,  '  He  made 
the  Old  Fisherman,  the  Robber  Kih,  and  the  Cutting 
Open  Satchels,  to  defame  and  calumniate  the  disciples  of 
Confucius.'  KMen  does  not  indeed  mention  our  present 
Book  along  with  XXX  and  XXXI,  but  it  is  less  open  to 
objection  on  the  ground  he  mentions  than  they  are.  I  think 
if  it  had  stood  alone,  it  would  not  have  been  condemned. 


BOOK  XXIX.    TAG  Km. 

It  has  been  seen  above  that  Sze-ma  A7aen  expressly 
ascribes  the  Book  called  '  the  Robber  K\h  '  to  K\va.ng- 
jze.  -Oien  refers  also  in  another  place  to  Ki\\,  adducing 
the  facts  of  his  history  in  contrast  with  those  about 
Confucius'  favourite  disciple  Yen  Hui  as  inexplicable  on 
the  supposition  of  a  just  and  wise  Providence.  We  must 
conclude  therefore  that  the  Book  existed  in  KMeris 
time,  and  that  he  had  read  it.  On  the  other  hand  it  has 
been  shown  that  Confucius  could  not  have  been  on  terms 


158  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XXX. 

of  friendship  with  Liu-hsia  Ki,  and  all  that  is  related  of  his 
brother  the  robber  wants  substantiation.  That  such  a  man 
ever  existed  appears  to  me  very  doubtful.  Are  we  to  put 
down  the  whole  of  the  first  paragraph  then  as  a  jeu 
d' esprit  on  the  part  of  A"wang-^ze,  intended  to  throw 
ridicule  on  Confucius  and  what  our  author  considered  his 
pedantic  ways  ?  It  certainly  does  so,  and  we  are  amused 
to  hear  the  sage  outcrowed  by  the  robber. 

In  the  other  two  paragraphs  we  have  good  instances  of 
A"wang-^ze's  'metaphorical  expressions,'  his  coinage  of 
names  for  his  personages,  more  or  less  ingeniously  indi- 
cating their  characters  ;  but  in  such  cases  the  element  of 
time  or  chronology  does  not  enter  ;  and  it  is  the  anachro- 
nism of  the  first  paragraph  which  constitutes  its  chief 
difficulty. 

The  name  of  '  Robber  Kih '  may  be  said  to  be  a  coinage ; 
and  that  a  famous  robber  was  popularly  indicated  by  the 
name  appears  from  its  use  by  Mencius  (III,  ii,  ch.  10,  3),  to 
explain  which  the  commentators  have  invented  the  story  of 
a  robber  so-called  in  the  time  of  Hwang-Ti,  in  the  twenty- 
seventh  century  B.  C. !  Was  there  really  such  a  legend  ? 
and  did  ^wang-^ze  take  advantage  of  it  to  apply  the  name 
to  a  notorious  and  disreputable  brother  of  Liu-hsia  Kit 
Still  there  remain  the  anachronisms  in  the  paragraph  which 
have  been  pointed  out.  On  the  whole  we  must  come  to 
a  conclusion  rather  unfavourable  to  the  genuineness  of  the 
Book.  But  it  must  have  been  forged  at  a  very  early  time, 
and  we  have  no  idea  by  whom. 

BOOK  XXX.     YUEH  ^IEN. 

We  need  not  suppose  that  anything  ever  occurred  in 
TTwang-jze's  experience  such  as  is  described  here.  The 
whole  narrative  is  metaphorical;  and  that  he  himself  is 
made  to  play  the  part  in  it  which  he  describes,  only  shows 
how  the  style  of  writing  in  which  he  indulged  was  ingrained 
into  the  texture  of  his  mind.  We  do  not  know  that  there 
ever  was  a  ruler  of  Kao  who  indulged  in  the  love  of  the 


BK.  XXXI.    BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.    159 

sword-fight,  and  kept  about  him  a  crowd  of  vulgar  bravoes 
such  as  the  story  describes.  We  may  be  assured  that  our 
author  never  wore  the  bravo's  dress  or  girt  on  him  the 
bravo's  sword.  The  whole  is  a  metaphorical  representation 
of  the  way  in  which  a  besotted  ruler  might  be  brought  to 
a  feeling  of  his  degradation,  and  recalled  to  a  sense  of  his 
duty  and  the  way  in  which  he  might  fulfil  it.  The  narrative 
is  full  of  interest  and  force.  I  do  not  feel  any  great  difficulty 
in  accepting  it  as  the  genuine  composition  of  ATwang-^ze. 
Who  but  himself  could  have  composed  it  ?  Was  it  a  good- 
humoured  caricature  of  him  by  an  able  Confucian  writer  to 
repay  him  for  the  ridicule  he  was  fond  of  casting  on  the 
sage? 

BOOK  XXXI.     Yu-Fft. 

'  The  Old  Fisherman '  is  the  fourth  of  the  Books  in  the 
collection  of  the  writings  of  -^Twang-^ze  to  which,  since  the 
time  of  Su  Shin,  the  epithet  of  '  spurious '  has  been  attached 
by  many.  My  own  opinion,  however,  has  been  already 
intimated  that  the  suspicions  of  the  genuineness  of  those 
Books  have  been  entertained  on  insufficient  grounds ;  and 
so  far  as  'the  Old  Fisherman'  is  concerned,  I  am  glad  that  it 
has  come  down  to  us,  spurious  or  genuine.  There  may  be 
a  certain  coarseness  in  '  the  Robber  ATih,'  which  makes  us 
despise  Confucius  or  laugh  at  him ;  but  the  satire  in  this 
Book  is  delicate,  and  we  do  not  like  the  sage  the  less  when 
he  walks  up  the  bank  from  the  stream  where  he  has  been 
lectured  by  the  fisherman.  The  pictures  of  him  and  his 
disciples  in  the  forest,  reading  and  singing  on  the  Apricot 
Terrace,  and  of  the  old  man  slowly  impelling  his  skiff  to 
the  land  and  then  as  quietly  impelling  it  away  till  it  is  lost 
among  the  reeds,  are  delicious ;  there  is  nothing  finer  of  its 
kind  in  the  volume.  What  hand  but  that  of  ATwang-jze, 
so  light  in  its  touch  and  yet  so  strong,  both  incisive  and 
decisive,  could  have  delineated  them  ? 


l6o  THE  TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xxxn. 


BOOK  XXXII.     LIEH  YU-KHAU. 

Lieh  Yu-khau,  the  surname  and  name  of  Lieh-^ze,  with 
which  the  first  paragraph  commences,  have  become  current 
as  the  name  of  the  Book,  though  they  have  nothing  to  do 
with  any  but  that  one  paragraph,  which  is  found  also  in  the 
second  Book  of  the  writings  ascribed  to  Lieh-jze.  There 
are  some  variations  in  the  two  Texts,  but  they  are  so  slight 
that  we  cannot  look  on  them  as  proofs  that  the  two  passages 
are  narratives  of  independent  origin. 

Various  difficulties  surround  the  questions  of  the  existence 
of  Lieh-^ze,  and  of  the  work  which  bears  his  name.  They 
will  be  found  distinctly  and  dispassionately  stated  and 
discussed  in  the  I46th  chapter  of  the  Catalogue  of  the 
AVnen-lung  Imperial  Library.  The  writers  seem  to  me  to 
make  it  out  that  there  was  such  a  man,  but  they  do  not 
make  it  clear  when  he  lived,  or  how  his  writings  assumed 
their  present  form.  There  is  a  statement  of  Liu  Hsiang 
that  he  lived  in  the  time  of  duke  Mu  of  Kang  (B.C.  637- 
606) ;  but  in  that  case  he  must  have  been  earlier  than 
Lao-jze  himself,  whom  he  very  frequently  quotes.  The 
writers  think  that  Liu's  '  Mil  of  A'ang '  should  be  Mu  of  Lu 
(B.C.  409-377),  which  would  make  him  not  much  anterior 
to  Mencius  and  ^wang-^ze  ;  but  this  is  merely  an  ingenious 
conjecture.  As  to  the  composition  of  his  chapters,  they  are 
evidently  not  at  first  hand  from  Lieh,  but  by  some  one  of 
his  disciples ;  whether  they  were  current  in  ATwang-jze's 
days,  and  he  made  use  of  various  passages  from  them,  or 
those  passages  were  -/Twang-jze's  originally,  and  taken  from 
him  by  the  followers  of  Lieh-jze  and  added  to  what  frag- 
ments they  had  of  their  master's  teaching  ; — these  are  points 
which  must  be  left  undetermined. 

Whether  the  narrative  about  Lieh  be  from  TTwang-jze 
or  not,  its  bearing  on  his  character  is  not  readily  appre- 
hended ;  but,  as  we  study  it,  we  seem  to  understand  that 
his  master  Wu-^an  condemned  him  as  not  having  fully 
attained  to  the  Tao,  but  owing  his  influence  with  others 


BK.  XXXii.    BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.     l6l 

mainly  to  the  manifestation  of  his  merely  human  qualities. 
And  this  is  the  lesson  which  our  author  keeps  before  him, 
more  or  less  distinctly,  in  all  his  paragraphs.  As  Lu 
Shu-/£ih  says : — 

'This  Book  also  sets  forth  Doing  Nothing  as  the 
essential  condition  of  the  Tao.  Lieh-jze,  frightened  at  the 
respect  shown  to  him  by  the  soup-vendors,  and  yet  by  his 
human  doings  drawing  men  to  him,  disowns  the  rule  of  the 
heavenly ;  Hwan  of  Kang,  thinking  himself  different  from 
other  men,  does  not  know  that  Heaven  recompenses  men 
according  to  their  employment  of  the  heavenly  in  them  ; 
the  resting  of  the  sages  in  their  proper  rest  shows  how  the 
ancients  pursued  the  heavenly  and  not  the  human  ;  the 
one  who  learned  to  slay  the  Dragon,  but  afterwards  did  not 
exercise  his  skill,  begins  with  the  human,  but  afterwards 
goes  on  to  the  heavenly ;  in  those  who  do  not  rest  in  the 
heavenly,  and  perish  by  the  inward  war,  we  see  how  the 
small  men  do  not  know  the  secret  of  the  Great  Repose; 
3hao  Shang,  glorying  in  the  carriages  which  he  had  ac- 
quired, is  still  farther  removed  from  the  heavenly;  when 
Yen  Ho  shows  that  the  sage,  in  imparting  his  instructions, 
did  not  follow  the  example  of  Heaven  in  diffusing  its 
benefits,  we  learn  that  it  is  only  the  Doing  Nothing  of 
the  True  Man  which  is  in  agreement  with  Heaven ;  the 
difficulty  of  knowing  the  mind  of  man,  and  the  various 
methods  required  to  test  it,  show  the  readiness  with  which, 
when  not  under  the  rule  of  Heaven,  it  seems  to  go  after 
what  is  right,  and  the  greater  readiness  with  which  it  again 
revolts  from  it ;  in  Khao-fu,  the  Correct,  we  have  one 
indifferent  to  the  distinctions  of  rank,  and  from  him  we 
advance  to  the  man  who  understands  the  great  condition 
appointed  for  him,  and  is  a  follower  of  Heaven  ;  then 
comes  he  who  plays  the  thief  under  the  chin  of  the  Black 
Dragon,  running  the  greatest  risks  on  a  mere  peradventure 
of  success,  a  resolute  opponent  of  Heaven  ;  and  finally  we 
have  ATwang-^ze  despising  the  ornaments  of  the  sacrificial 
ox,  looking  in  the  same  way  at  the  worms  beneath  and  the 
kites  overhead,  and  regarding  himself  as  quite  independent 
[39]  M 


1 62  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XXXTII. 

of  them,  thus  giving  us  an  example  of  the  embodiment  of 
the  spiritual,  and  of  harmony  with  Heaven.' 

So  does  this  ingenious  commentator  endeavour  to  ex- 
hibit the  one  idea  in  the  Book,  and  show  the  unity  of  its 
different  paragraphs. 

BOOK  XXXIII.    THIEN  HSIA. 

TheThien  Hsia  with  which  this  Book  commences  is  in 
regimen,  and  cannot  be  translated,  so  as  to  give  an  adequate 
idea  of  the  scope  of  the  Book,  or  even  of  the  first  paragraph 
to  which  it  belongs.  The  phrase  itself  means  literally '  under 
heaven  or  the  sky,'  and  is  used  as  a  denomination  of  '  the 
kingdom,'  and,  even  more  widely,  of '  the  world '  or '  all  men.' 
'Historical  Phases  of  Taoist  Teaching'  would  be  nearly 
descriptive  of  the  subject-matter  of  the  Book ;  but  may  be  ob- 
jected to  on  two  grounds: — first,  that  a  chronological  method 
is  not  observed,  and  next,  that  the  concluding  paragraph  can 
hardly  be  said  to  relate  to  Taoism  at  all,  but  to  the  sophisti- 
cal teachers,  which  abounded  in  the  age  of  ^Twang-jze. 

Par.  i  sketches  with  a  light  hand  the  nature  of  Taoism 
and  the  forms  which  it  assumed  from  the  earliest  times  to 
the  era  of  Confucius,  as  imperfectly  represented  by  him  and 
his  school. 

Par.  2  introduces  us  to  the  system  of  Mo  Ti  and  his 
school  as  an  erroneous  form  of  Taoism,  and  departing,  as  it 
continued,  farther  and  farther  from  the  old  model. 

Par.  3  deals  with  a  modification  of  Mohism,  advocated 
by  scholars  who  are  hardly  heard  of  elsewhere. 

Par.  4  treats  of  a  further  modification  of  this  modified 
Mohism,  held  by  scholars  'whose  Tao  was  not  the  true 
T  a  o,  and  whose  "  right "  was  really  "  wrong." ' 

Par.  5  goes  back  to  the  era  of  Lao-jze,  and  mentions  him 
and  Kwan  Yin,  as  the  men  who  gave  to  the  system  of  Tao 
a  grand  development. 

Par.  6  sets  forth  ATwang-^ze  as  following  in  their  steps 
and  going  beyond  them,  the  brightest  luminary  of  the 
system. 


BK.  xxxin.   BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  BOOKS.  163 

Par.  7  leaves  Taoism,  and  brings  up  Hui  Shih  and  other 
sophists. 

Whether  the  Book  should  be  received  as  from  ATwang-jze 
himself  or  from  some  early  editor  of  his  writings  is  '  a  vexed 
question.'  If  it  did  come  from  his  pencil,  he  certainly  had 
a  good  opinion  of  himself.  It  is  hard  for  a  foreign  student 
at  this  distant  time  to  be  called  on  for  an  opinion  on  the 
one  side  or  the  other. 


M  2 


THE 

WRITINGS  OF  7TVVANG-3ZE. 


BOOK  I. 
PART  I.    SECTION  I. 

Hsiao-yao  Yu,  or  'Enjoyment  in  Untroubled 

Ease  V 

i.  In  the  Northern  Ocean  there  is  a  fish,  the  name 
of  which  is  Khwan2, — I  do  not  know  how  many  li 
in  size.  It  changes  into  a  bird  with  the  name  of 
Phang,  the  back  of  which  is  (also) — I  do  not  know 
how  many  li  in  extent.  When  this  bird  rouses  itself 
and  flies,  its  wings  are  like  clouds  all  round  the  sky. 
When  the  sea  is  moved  (so  as  to  bear  it  along),  it 
prepares  to  remove  to  the  Southern  Ocean.  The 
Southern  Ocean  is  the  Pool  of  Heaven. 

1  See  notice  on  pp.  127,  128,  on  the  Title  and  Subject-matter 
of  the  Book. 

2  The  khwan  and  the  phang  are  both  fabulous  creatures,  far 
transcending  in  size  the  dimensions  ascribed  by  the  wildest  fancy 
of  the  West  to  the  kraken  and  the  roc.     AVang-jze  represents 
them  as  so  huge  by  way  of  contrast  to  the  small  creatures  which 
he  is  intending  to  introduce ; — to  show  that  size  has  nothing  to  do 
with  the  Tao,  and  the  perfect  enjoyment  which  the  possession  of 
it   affords.     The  passage  is  a  good  specimen   of  the  Yu  Yen 
(3|D  ^jf),  metaphorical  or  parabolical  narratives  or  stories,  which 
are  the  chief  characteristic  of  our  author's  writings ;  but  the  reader 
must  keep  in  mind  that  the  idea  or  lesson  in  its  '  lodging '  is  gene- 
rally of  a  Taoistic  nature. 


PT.  i.  SECT.I.      THE    WRITINGS    OF   7HVANG-3ZE.  165 

There  is  the  (book  called)  Khi  Hsieh  l,  —  a  record 
of  marvels.  We  have  in  it  these  words  :  —  '  When 
the  phang  is  removing  to  the  Southern  Ocean  it 
flaps  (its  wings)  on  the  water  for  3000  li.  Then  it 
ascends  on  a  whirlwind  90,000  11,  and  it  rests  only 
at  the  end  of  six  months.'  (But  similar  to  this  is  the 
movement  of  the  breezes  which  we  call)  the  horses 
of  the  fields,  of  the  dust  (which  quivers  in  the  sun- 
beams), and  of  living  things  as  they  are  blown 
against  one  another  by  the  air2.  Is  its  azure  the 
proper  colour  of  the  sky  ?  Or  is  it  occasioned  by  its 
distance  and  illimitable  extent  ?  If  one  were  looking 
down  (from  above),  the  very  same  appearance  would 
just  meet  his  view. 

2.  And  moreover,  (to  speak  of)  the  accumulation 
of  water  ;  —  if  it  be  not  great,  it  will  not  have  strength 
to  support  a  large  boat.  Upset  a  cup  of  water  in  a 
cavity,  and  a  straw  will  float  on  it  as  if  it  were  a 
boat.  Place  a  cup  in  it,  and  it  will  stick  fast  ;  —  the 
water  is  shallow  and  the  boat  is  large.  (So  it  is 
with)  the  accumulation  of  wind  ;  if  it  be  not  great, 
it  will  not  have  strength  to  support  great  wings. 
Therefore  (the  phang  ascended  to)  the  height  of 
90,000  li,  and  there  was  such  a  mass  of  wind  be- 
neath it  ;  thenceforth  the  accumulation  of  wind  was 
sufficient.  As  it  seemed  to  bear  the  blue  sky  on  its 
back,  and  there  was  nothing  to  obstruct  or  arrest  its 
course,  it  could  pursue  its  way  to  the  South. 


1  There  may  have  been  a  book  with  this  title,  to  which 

appeals,  as  if  feeling  that  what  he  had  said  needed  to  be  substantiated. 

2  This  seems  to  be  interjected  as  an  afterthought,  suggesting  to 
the  reader  that  the  phang,  soaring  along  at  such  a  height,  was 
only  an  exaggerated  form  of  the  common  phenomena  with  which 
he  was  familiar. 


1 66  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  I. 

A  cicada  and  a  little  dove  laughed  at  it,  saying, 
'  We  make  an  effort  and  fly  towards  an  elm  or  sapan- 
wood  tree  ;  and  sometimes  before  we  reach  it,  we  can 
do  no  more  but  drop  to  the  ground.  Of  what  use 
is  it  for  this  (creature)  to  rise  90,000  11,  and  make 
for  the  South  ? '  He  who  goes  to  the  grassy  suburbs l, 
returning  to  the  third  meal  (of  the  day),  will  have 
his  belly  as  full  as  when  he  set  out ;  he  who  goes  to 
a  distance  of  100  11  will  have  to  pound  his  grain 
where  he  stops  for  the  night ;  he  who  goes  a  thou- 
sand 11,  will  have  to  carry  with  him  provisions  for 
three  months.  What  should  these  two  small  crea- 
tures know  about  the  matter  ?  The  knowledge  of 
that  which  is  small  does  not  reach  to  that  which  is 
great ;  (the  experience  of)  a  few  years  does  not  reach 
to  that  of  many.  How  do  we  know  that  it  is  so  ? 
The  mushroom  of  a  morning  does  not  know  (what 
takes  place  between)  the  beginning  and  end  of  a 
month  ;  the  short-lived  cicada  does  not  know  (what 
takes  place  between)  the  spring  and  autumn.  These 
are  instances  of  a  short  term  of  life.  In  the  south 
of  A7m2  there  is  the  (tree)  called  Ming-ling3, 
whose  spring  is  500  years,  and  its  autumn  the  same  ; 
in  high  antiquity  there  was  that  called  Ta-/£/&un4, 

1  In  Chinese,  Mang  3  hang;  but  this  is  not  the  name  of  any 
particular  place.     The  phrase  denotes  the  grassy  suburbs  (from 
their  green  colour),  not  far  from  any  city  or  town. 

2  The  great  state  of  the  South,  having  its  capital  Ying  in  the 
present  Hu-pei,  and  afterwards  the  chief  competitor  with  Khm  for 
the  sovereignty  of  the  kingdom. 

3  Taken  by  some  as  the  name  of  a  tortoise. 

4  This  and  the  Ming- ling  tree,  as  well  as  the  mushroom  men- 
tioned  above,   together   with   the   khwan   and   phang,   are   all 
mentioned  in  the  fifth  Book  of  the  writings  of  Lieh-jze,  referred  to 
in  the  next  paragraph. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  I.       THE    WRITINGS    OF    tfWANG-3ZE.  167 

whose  spring  was  8000  years,  and  its  autumn  the 
same.  And  Phang  3ul  is  the  one  man  renowned 
to  the  present  day  for  his  length  of  life  : — if  all  men 
were  (to  wish)  to  match  him,  would  they  not  be 
miserable  ? 

3.  In  the  questions  put  byThang2  to  Ki  we  have 
similar  statements  : — '  In  the  bare  and  barren  north 
there  is  the  dark  and  vast  ocean, —  the  Pool  of 
Heaven.  In  it  there  is  a  fish,  several  thousand  li 
in  breadth,  while  no  one  knows  its  length.  Its  name 
is  the  khwan.  There  is  (also)  a  bird  named  the 
phang;  its  back  is  like  the  Thai  mountain,  while 
its  wings  are  like  clouds  all  round  the  sky.  On  a 
whirlwind  it  mounts  upwards  as  on  the  whorls  of 
a  goat's  horn  for  90,000  li,  till,  far  removed  from  the 
cloudy  vapours,  it  bears  on  its  back  the  blue  sky, 
and  then  it  shapes  its  course  for  the  South,  and  pro- 
ceeds to  the  ocean  there.'  A  quail  by  the  side  of  a 
marsh  laughed  at  it,  and  said, '  Where  is  it  going  to  ? 
I  spring  up  with  a  bound,  and  come  down  again 
when  I  have  reached  but  a  few  fathoms,  and  then 
fly  about  among  the  brushwood  and  bushes ;  and 


1  Or  'the  patriarch  Phang.'     Confucius  compared    himself  to 
him  (Analects,  VII,  i) ; — '  our  old  Phang ; '  and  Ku  Hsi  thinks  he 
was  a  worthy  officer  of  the  Shang  dynasty.     Whoever  he  was,  the 
legends  about  him  are  a  mass  of  Taoistic  fables.     At  the  end  of 
the  Shang  dynasty  (B.C.  1123)  he  was  more  than  767  years  old, 
and  still  in  unabated  vigour.     We  read  of  his  losing  49  wives  and 
54  sons ;  and  that  he  still  left  two  sons,  Wu  and  I,  who  died  in 
Fu-^ien,  and  gave  their  names  to  the  Wu-1,  or  Bu-i  hills,  from 
which  we  get  our  Bohea  tea !     See  Mayers'  '  Chinese  Reader's 
Manual/  p.  175. 

2  The  founder  of  the  Shang   dynasty   (B.C.  1766-1754).     In 
Lieh-^ze  his  interlocutor  is  called  Hsia  Ko,  and  %ze-ki. 


168  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  I. 

this  is  the  perfection  of  flying.  Where  is  that  crea- 
ture going  to  ?  '  This  shows  the  difference  between 
the  small  and  the  great. 

Thus  it  is  that  men,  whose  wisdom  is  sufficient 
for  the  duties  of  some  one  office,  or  whose  conduct 
will  secure  harmony  in  some  one  district,  or  whose 
virtue  is  befitting  a  ruler  so  that  they  could  efficiently 
govern  some  one  state,  are  sure  to  look  on  them- 
selves in  this  manner  (like  the  quail),  and  yet  Yung- 
$ze l  of  Sung l  would  have  smiled  and  laughed  at 
them.  (This  Yung-jze),  though  the  whole  world 
should  have  praised  him,  would  not  for  that  have 
stimulated  himself  to  greater  endeavour,  and  though 
the  whole  world  should  have  condemned  him,  would 
not  have  exercised  any  more  repression  of  his 
course ;  so  fixed  was  he  in  the  difference  between 
the  internal  (judgment  of  himself)  and  the  external 
(judgment  of  others),  so  distinctly  had  he  marked 
out  the  bounding  limit  of  glory  and  disgrace.  Here, 
however,  he  stopped.  His  place  in  the  world  indeed 
had  become  indifferent  to  him,  but  still  he  had  not 
planted  himself  firmly  (in  the  right  position). 

There  was  Lieh-^ze  2,  who  rode  on  the  wind  and 
pursued  his  way,  with  an  admirable  indifference  (to 

1  We  can  hardly  tell  who   this  Yung-jze  was.     Sung  was  a 
duchy,  comprehending  portions  of  the  present  provinces  of  Ho- 
nan,  An-hui,  and  .fflang-su. 

2  See  note  on  the  title  of  Book  XXXII.     Whether  there  ever 
was  a  personage  called  Lieh-$ze  or  Lieh  Yii-khau,  and  what  is  the 
real  character  of  the  writings  that  go  under  his  name,  are  questions 
that  cannot  be  more  than  thus  alluded  to  in  a  note.     He  is  often 
introduced  by  ^wang-gze,  and  many  narratives  are  common  to 
their  books.     Here  he  comes  before  us,  not  as  a  thinker  and  writer, 
but  as  a  semi-supernatural  being,  who  has  only  not  yet  attained  to 
the  highest  consummations  of  the  T  a  o. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  I.        THE    WRITINGS    OF    #WAXG-3ZE.  169 

all  external  things),  returning,  however,  after  fifteen 
days,  (to  his  place).  In  regard  to  the  things  that 
(are  supposed  to)  contribute  to  happiness,  he  was 
free  from  all  endeavours  to  obtain  them ;  but  though 
he  had  not  to  walk,  there  was  still  something  for 
which  he  had  to  wait.  But  suppose  one  who  mounts 
on  (the  ether  of)  heaven  and  earth  in  its  normal 
operation,  and  drives  along  the  six  elemental  ener- 
gies of  the  changing  (seasons),  thus  enjoying  himself 
in  the  illimitable, — what  has  he  to  wait  for1  ?  There- 
fore it  is  said,  '  The  Perfect  man  has  no  (thought  of) 
self;  the  Spirit-like  man,  none  of  merit ;  the  Sagely- 
minded  man,  none  of  fame  V 

4.  Yao 2,  proposing  to  resign  the  throne  to  Hsti 
Yu 3,  said,  '  When  the  sun  and  moon  have  come 
forth,  if  the  torches  have  not  been  put  out,  would  it 
not  be  difficult  for  them  to  give  light  ?  When  the 
seasonal  rains  are  coming  down,  if  we  still  keep 
watering  the  ground,  will  not  our  toil  be  labour  lost 
for  all  the  good  it  will  do  ?  Do  you,  Master,  stand 
forth  (as  sovereign),  and  the  kingdom  will  (at  once) 
be  well  governed.  If  I  still  (continue  to)  preside 
over  it,  I  must  look  on  myself  as  vainly  occupying 
the  place  ; — I  beg  to  resign  the  throne  to  you.'  Hsu 

1  The  description  of  a  master  of  the  Tao,  exalted  by  it,  unless 
the  predicates  about  him  be  nothing  but  the  ravings  of  a  wild  ex- 
travagance, above  mere  mortal  man.     In  the  conclusion,  however, 
he  is  presented  under  three  different  phrases,  which   the  reader 
will  do  well  to  keep  in  mind. 

2  The  great  sovereign  with  whom  the  documents  of  the   Shft 
Amg  commence: — B.C.  2357-2257. 

8  A  counsellor  of  Yao,  who  is  once  mentioned  by  Sze-ma  Khien. 
in  his  account  of  Po-i,— in  the  first  Book  of  his  Biographies 
ffi\]  ^).  Hsu  Yfi  is  here  the  instance  of  'the  Sagely  man,' 
with  whom  the  desire  of  a  name  or  fame  has  no  influence. 


I  70  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  I. 

Yu  said,  '  You,  Sir,  govern  the  kingdom,  and  the 
kingdom  is  well  governed.  If  I  in  these  circum- 
stances take  your  place,  shall  I  not  be  doing  so  for 
the  sake  of  the  name  ?  But  the  name  is  but  the 
guest  of  the  reality; — shall  I  be  playing  the  part  of 
the  guest  ?  The  tailor-bird  makes  its  nest  in  the 
deep  forest,  but  only  uses  a  single  branch  ;  the  mole l 
drinks  from  the  Ho,  but  only  takes  what  fills  its 
belly.  Return  and  rest  in  being  ruler, — I  will  have 
nothing  to  do  with  the  throne.  Though  the  cook 
were  not  attending  to  his  kitchen,  the  representative 
of  the  dead  and  the  officer  of  prayer  would  not  leave 
their  cups  and  stands  to  take  his  place.' 

5.  A^ien  Wu2  asked  Lien  Shu2,  saying,  '  I  heard 
A^ieh-yii 3  talking  words  which  were  great,  but  had 
nothing  corresponding  to  them  (in  reality) ; — once 
gone,  they  could  not  be  brought  back.  I  was  fright- 
ened by  them ; — they  were  like  the  Milky  Way 4 
which  cannot  be  traced  to  its  beginning  or  end. 
They  had  no  connexion  with  one  another,  and  were 
not  akin  to  the  experiences  of  men.'  '  What  were 
his  words  ? '  asked  Lien  Shu,  and  the  other  replied, 
(He  said)  that  '  Far  away  on  the  hill  of  Kto-shihj^ 
there  dwelt  a  Spirit-like  man  whose  flesh  and  skin 


1  Some  say  the  tapir. 

2  Known  to  us  only  through  .XVang-jze. 

3  '  The  madman  of  Khvi'  of  the  Analects,  XVIII,  5,  who  eschews 
intercourse  with  Confucius.     See  Hwang-fu  Mi's  account  of  him, 
under  the  surname  and  name  of  Lu  Thung,  in  his  Notices  of  Emi- 
nent Taoists,  I,  25. 

4  Literally,  'the  Ho  and  the  Han;'  but   the   name   of  those 
rivers  combined  was  used  to  denote  '  the  Milky  Way/ 

5  See  the  Khang-hsi  Thesaurus  under  the  character  fffi.     All 
which  is  said  about  the  hill  is  that  it  was  '  in  the  North  Sea.' 


PT.  I.  SECT.  I.       THE    WRITINGS    OF   £WANG-3ZE.  Ijl 

were  (smooth)  as  ice  and  (white)  as  snow ;  that  his 
manner  was  elegant  and  delicate  as  that  of  a  virgin ; 
that  he  did  not  eat  any  of  the  five  grains,  but  in- 
haled the  wind  and  drank  the  dew ;  that  he  mounted 
on  the  clouds,  drove  along  the  flying  dragons,  ram- 
bling and  enjoying  himself  beyond  the  four  seas ; 
that  by  the  concentration  of  his  spirit-like  powers  he 
could  save  men  from  disease  and  pestilence,  and 
secure  every  year  a  plentiful  harvest.'  These  words 
appeared  to  me  wild  and  incoherent  and  I  did  not 
believe  them.  'So  it  is,'  said  Lien  Shu.  '  The  blind 
have  no  perception  of  the  beauty  of  elegant  figures, 
nor  the  deaf  of  the  sound  of  bells  and  drums.  But 
is  it  only  the  bodily  senses  of  which  deafness  and 
blindness  can  be  predicated  ?  There  is  also  a  simi- 
lar defect  in  the  intelligence  ;  and  of  this  your  words 
supply  an  illustration  in  yourself.  That  man,  with 
those  attributes,  though  all  things  were  one  mass  of 
confusion,  and  he  heard  in  that  condition  the  whole 
world  crying  out  to  him  to  be  rectified,  would  not 
have  to  address  himself  laboriously  to  the  task,  as 
if  it  were  his  business  to  rectify  the  world.  Nothing 
could  hurt  that  man ;  the  greatest  floods,  reaching 
to  the  sky,  could  not  drown  him,  nor  would  he  feel 
the  fervour  of  the  greatest  heats  melting  metals  and 
stones  till  they  flowed,  and  scorching  all  the  ground 
and  hills.  From  the  dust  and  chaff  of  himself,  he 
could  still  mould  and  fashion  Yaos  and  Shuns l ;  — 
how  should  he  be  willing  to  occupy  himself  with 
things2?' 

1  Shun  was  the  successor  of  Yao  in  the  ancient  kingdom. 

2  All  this  description  is  to  give  us  an  idea  of  the  '  Spirit-like 
man.'     We  have  in  it  the  results  of  the  Tao  in  its  fullest  em- 
bodiment. 


172  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  i. 

6.  A  man  of  Sung,  who  dealt  in  the  ceremonial 
caps  (of  Yin)1,  went  with  them  to  Yiieh2,  the  people 
of  which  cut  off  their  hair  and  tattooed  their  bodies, 
so  that  they  had  no  use  for  them.     Yao  ruled  the 
people  of  the   kingdom,  and  maintained  a  perfect 
government  within  the  four  seas.     Having  gone  to 
see  the  four  (Perfect)  Ones 3  on  the  distant  hill  of 
Ku-shih,  when  (he  returned  to  his  capital)  on  the 
south  of  the  Fan  water4,  his  throne  appeared  no 
more  to  his  deep-sunk  oblivious  eyes 5. 

7.  Hui-^ze6  told  AVang-jze,  saying,  'The  king  of 
Wei 7  sent  me  some  seeds  of  a  large  calabash,  which 
I  sowed.     The  fruit,  when  fully  grown,  could  contain 
five  piculs  (of  anything).     I  used  it  to  contain  water, 

1  See  the  Li  K\,  IX,  iii,  3. 

2  A  state,  part  of  the  present  province  of  ^ieh-^iang. 

3  Said  to  have   been   Hsu   Yu   mentioned   above,  with   Nieh 
JfMeh,  Wang  1,  and  Phi-i,  who  will  by  and  by  come  before  us. 

4  A  river  in  Shan-hsi,  on  which  was  the  capital  of  Yao  ; — a  tribu- 
tary of  the  Ho. 

5  This  paragraph  is  intended  to  give  us  an  idea  of '  the  Perfect 
man,'  who  has  no  thought  of  himself.     The  description,  however, 
is  brief  and  tame,  compared  with  the  accounts  of  Hsu  Yu  and  of 
'  the  Spirit-like  man.' 

6  Or  Hui  Shih,  the  chief  minister  of  '  king  Hui  of  Liang  (or 
Wei),  (B.C.  370-333),'  with  an  interview  between  whom  and  Men- 
cius  the  works  of  that  philosopher  commence.     He  was  a  friend 
of  ^wang-jze,  and  an  eccentric  thinker;  and  in  Book  XXXIII 
there  is  a  long  account  of  several  of  his  views.     I  do  not  think 
that  the  conversations  about  '  the  great  calabash '  and  '  the  great 
tree '  really  took  place ;  Awang-jze  probably  invented  them,  to 
illustrate  his  point  that  size  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  T&o,  and 
that  things  which  seemed  useless  were  not  really  so  when  rightly 
used. 

7  Called  also  Liang  from  the  name  of  its  capital.     Wei  was  one 
of  the  three  states  (subsequently  kingdoms),  into  which  the  great 
fief  of  3in  was  divided  about  B.  c.  400. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  I.       THE   WRITINGS    OF   JTWANG-3ZE.  173 

but  it  was  so  heavy  that  I  could  not  lift  it  by  myself. 
I  cut  it  in  two   to  make  the  parts   into  drinking 
vessels ;    but  the   dried  shells  were  too  wide  and 
unstable  and  would  not  hold  (the  liquor) ;  nothing 
but  large  useless  things  !     Because  of  their  useless- 
ness  I  knocked  them  to  pieces.'    AVang-^ze  replied, 
1  You  were  indeed  stupid,  my  master,  in  the  use  of 
what  was  large.     There  was  a  man  of  Sung  who 
was  skilful  at  making  a  salve  which  kept  the  hands 
from  getting  chapped ;  and  (his  family)  for  genera- 
tions had  made  the  bleaching  of  cocoon-silk  their 
business.     A  stranger  heard  of  it,  and  proposed  to 
buy  the  art  of  the  preparation  for  a  hundred  ounces 
of  silver.     The  kindred  all  came  together,  and  con- 
sidered the  proposal.     "  We  have,"  said  they,  "  been 
bleaching  cocoon-silk  for  generations,  and  have  only 
gained  a  little  money.     Now  in  one  morning  we  can 
sell  to  this  man  our  art  for  a  hundred  ounces ; — let 
him  have  4t."     The  stranger  accordingly  got  it  and 
went  away  with  it  to  give  counsel  to  the  king  of 
Wu1,  who  was  then  engaged  in  hostilities  with  Ylieh. 
The  king  gave  him  the  command  of  his  fleet,  and 
in  the  winter  he  had  an  engagement  with  that  of 
Yiieh,  on  which  he  inflicted  a  great  defeat 2,  and  was 
invested  with  a  portion  of  territory  taken  from  Yiieh. 
The  keeping  the  hands  from  getting  chapped  was 
the  same  in  both  cases;  but  in  the  one  case  it  led  to 
the  investiture  (of  the  possessor  of  the  salve),  and 


1  A  great  and  ancient  state  on  the  sea-board,  north  of  Yiieh. 
The  name  remains  in  the  district  of  Wu-^iang  in  the  prefecture  of 
Su-^au. 

2  The  salve  gave  the  troops  of  Wu  a  great  advantage  in  a  war 
on  the  ^Tiang,  especially  in  winter. 


I  74  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  I. 

in  the  other  it  had  only  enabled  its  owners  to  con- 
tinue their  bleaching.  The  difference  of  result  was 
owing  to  the  different  use  made  of  the  art.  Now 
you,  Sir,  had  calabashes  large  enough  to  hold  five 
piculs ; — why  did  you  not  think  of  making  large 
bottle-gourds  of  them,  by  means  of  which  you  could 
have  floated  over  rivers  and  lakes,  instead  of  giving 
yourself  the  sorrow  of  finding  that  they  were  useless 
for  holding  anything.  Your  mind,  my  master,  would 
seem  to  have  been  closed  against  all  intelligence !' 

Hui-^ze  said  to  AVang-jze,  '  I  have  a  large  tree, 
which  men  call  the  Ailantus  *.  Its  trunk  swells  out 
to  a  large  size,  but  is  not  fit  for  a  carpenter  to  apply 
his  line  to  it ;  its  smaller  branches  are  knotted  and 
crooked,  so  that  the  disk  and  square  cannot  be  used 
on  them.  Though  planted  on  the  wayside,  a  builder 
would  not  turn  his  head  to  look  at  it.  Now  your 
words,  Sir,  are  great,  but  of  no  use ; — all  unite  in 
putting  them  away  from  them.'  A^wang-jze  replied, 
'  Have  you  never  seen  a  wild  cat  or  a  weasel  ?  There 
it  lies,  crouching  and  low,  till  the  wanderer  ap- 
proaches ;  east  and  west  it  leaps  about,  avoiding 
neither  what  is  high  nor  what  is  low,  till  it  is  caught 
in  a  trap,  or  dies  in  a  net.  Again  there  is  the  Yak 2, 
so  large  that  it  is  like  a  cloud  hanging  in  the  sky. 
It  is  large  indeed,  but  it  cannot  catch  mice.  You, 
Sir,  have  a  large  tree  and  are  troubled  because  it  is 
of  no  use ; — why  do  you  not  plant  it  in  a  tract  where 
there  is  nothing  else,  or  in  a  wide  and  barren  wild  ? 


1  The  Ailantus  glandulosa,  common  in  the  north  of  China, 
called  '  the  fetid  tree/  from  the  odour  of  its  leaves. 

2  The  bos  grunniens  of  Thibet,  the  long  tail  of  which  is  in 
great  demand  for  making  standards  and  chowries. 


PT.  i.  SECT.  I.       THE    WRITINGS    OF   XWANG-3ZE.  175 

There  you  might  saunter  idly  by  its  side,  or  in 
the  enjoyment  of  untroubled  ease  sleep  beneath  it. 
Neither  bill  nor  axe  would  shorten  its  existence ; 
there  would  be  nothing  to  injure  it.  What  is  there 
in  its  uselessness  to  cause  you  distress  ?' 


I  76  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  II. 


BOOK    II. 

PART  I.     SECTION  II. 

Khi  Wu  Lun,  or  '  The  Adjustment  of 
Controversies 1.' 

i.  Nan-kwo  Qze-fiM 2  was  seated,  leaning  for- 
ward on  his  stool.  He  was  looking  up  to  heaven 
and  breathed  gently,  seeming  to  be  in  a  trance,  and 
to  have  lost  all  consciousness  of  any  companion. 
(His  disciple),  Yen  A'Mng  3ze~yu  3>  wn°  was  m 
attendance  and  standing  before  him,  said,  '  What  is 
this  ?  Can  the  body  be  made  to  become  thus  like  a 
withered  tree,  and  the  mind  to  become  like  slaked 
lime  ?  His  appearance  as  he  leans  forward  on  the 
stool  to-day  is  such  as  I  never  saw  him  have  before 
in  the  same  position.'  >$ze-Mi  said,  'Yen,  you  do 
well  to  ask  such  a  question,  I  had  just  now  lost 
myself4;  but  how  should  you  understand  it?  You 


1  See  pp.  128-130. 

2  Nan-kwo,   'the    southern    suburb,'   had   probably   been  the 
quarter  where  %zQ-kh1  had  resided,  and  is  used  as  his  surname. 
He  is  introduced  several  times  by  -ffwang-^ze  in  his  writings : — 
Books  IV,  7  ;  XXVII,  4,  and  perhaps  elsewhere. 

3  We  have  the  surname  of  this  disciple,  Ye  n  (j^f) ;  his  name, 
Yen  ('f|i£) ;  his  honorary  or  posthumous  epithet  (A^ang);  and 
his  ordinary  appellation,  3ze~yu-     The  use  of  the  epithet  shows 
that  he  and  his  master  had  lived  before  our  author. 

4  '  He  had  lost  himself ; '  that  is,  he  had  become  unconscious  of 
all  around  him,  and  even  of  himself,  as  if  he  were  about  to  enter 


PT.  I.  SECT.  II.       THE    WRITINGS    OF    ZWANG-3ZE.  177 

may  have  heard  the  notes  l  of  Man,  but  have  not 
heard  those  of  Earth  ;  you  may  have  heard  the  notes 
of  Earth,  but  have  not  heard  those  of  Heaven.' 

3ze-yu  said,  '  I  venture  to  ask  from  you  a  descrip- 
tion of  all  these.'  The  reply  was,  'When  the  breath 
of  the  Great  Mass  (of  nature)  comes  strongly,  it  is 
called  Wind.  Sometimes  it  does  not  come  so;  but 
when  it  does,  then  from  a  myriad  apertures  there 
issues  its  excited  noise  ; — have  you  not  heard  it  in 
a  prolonged  gale  ?  Take  the  projecting  bluff  of  a 
mountain  forest ; — in  the  great  trees,  a  hundred 
spans  round,  the  apertures  and  cavities  are  like  the 
nostrils,  or  the  mouth,  or  the  ears ;  now  square,  now 
round  like  a  cup  or  a  mortar ;  here  like  a  wet  foot- 
print, and  there  like  a  large  puddle.  (The  sounds 
issuing  from  them  are  like)  those  of  fretted  water,  of 
the  arrowy  whizz,  of  the  stern  command,  of  the  in- 
haling of  the  breath,  of  the  shout,  of  the  gruff  note, 
of  the  deep  wail,  of  the  sad  and  piping  note.  The 
first  notes  are  slight,  and  those  that  follow  deeper, 
but  in  harmony  with  them.  Gentle  winds  produce 
a  small  response  ;  violent  winds  a  great  one.  When 
the  fierce  gusts  have  passed  away,  all  the  apertures 


into  the  state  of  '  an  Immortal/  a  mild  form  of  the  Buddhistic 
samadhi.  But  his  attitude  and  appearance  were  intended  by 
^Twang-jze  to  indicate  what  should  be  the  mental  condition  in 
reference  to  the  inquiry  pursued  in  the  Book; — a  condition,  it 
appears  to  me,  of  agnosticism.  See  the  account  of  Lao-jze  in 
a  similar  trance  in  Book  XXI,  par.  4. 

1  The  Chinese  term  here  (lai)  denotes  a  reed  or  pipe,  with  three 
holes,  by  a  combination  of  which  there  was  formed  the  rudimentary 
or  reed  organ.  Our  author  uses  it  for  the  sounds  or  notes  heard  in 
nature,  various  as  the  various  opinions  of  men  in  their  discussions 
about  things. 

[39]  N 


I  78  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  II. 

are  empty  (and  still) ; — have  you  not  seen  this  in  the 
bending  and  quivering  of  the  branches  and  leaves  ?  ' 
3ze-yu  said,  '  The  notes  of  Earth  then  are  simply 
those  which  come  from  its  myriad  apertures  ;  and 
the  notes  of  Man  may  just  be  compared  to  those 
which  (are  brought  from  the  tubes  of)  bamboo  ; — 
allow  me  to  ask  about  the  notes  of  Heaven  V  3ze~ 
kh\  replied,  '  When  (the  wind)  blows,  (the  sounds 
from)  the  myriad  apertures  are  different,  and  (its 
cessation)  makes  them  stop  of  themselves.  Both  of 
these  things  arise  from  (the  wind  and  the  apertures) 
themselves  : — should  there  be  any  other  agency 
that  excites  them  ?' 

2.  Great  knowledge  is  wide  and  comprehensive  ; 
small  knowledge  is  partial  and  restricted.  Great 
speech  is  exact  and  complete ;  small  speech  is 
(merely)  so  much  talk  2.  When  we  sleep,  the  soul 
communicates  with  (what  is  external  to  us) ;  when 
we  awake,  the  body  is  set  free.  Our  intercourse 
with  others  then  leads  to  various  activity,  and  daily 
there  is  the  striving  of  mind  with  mind.  There  are 
hesitancies ;  deep  difficulties  ;  reservations  ;  small 
apprehensions  causing  restless  distress,  and  great 


1  The  sounds  of  Earth  have  been  described  fully  and  graphic- 
ally.    Of  the  sounds  of  Man  very  little  is  said,  but  they  form  the 
subject  of  the  next  paragraph.     Nothing  is  said  in  answer  to  the 
disciple's  inquiry  about  the  notes  of  Heaven.     It  is  intimated,  how- 
ever, that  there  is  no  necessity  to  introduce  any  foreign  Influence 
or  Power  like  Heaven  in  connexion  with  the  notes  of  Earth.     The 
term  Heaven,  indeed,  is  about  to  pass  with  our  author  into  a  mere 
synonym  ofjTao,  the  natural  'course'  of  the  phenomena  of  men 
and  things. 

2  Words  are  the  '  sounds '  of  Man ;  and  knowledge  is  the  '  wind' 
by  which  they  are  excited. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  II.      THE   WRITINGS    OF   KWANG-3ZE.  179 

apprehensions  producing  endless  fears.  Where  their 
utterances  are  like  arrows  from  a  bow,  we  have 
those  who  feel  it  their  charge  to  pronounce  what  is 
right  and  what  is  wrong  ;  where  they  are  given  out 
like  the  conditions  of  a  covenant,  we  have  those  who 
maintain  their  views,  determined  to  overcome.  (The 
weakness  of  their  arguments),  like  the  decay  (of 
things)  in  autumn  and  winter,  shows  the  failing  (of 
the  minds  of  some)  from  day  to  day ;  or  it  is  like 
their  water  which,  once  voided,  cannot  be  gathered 
up  again.  Then  their  ideas  seem  as  if  fast  bound  with 
cords,  showing  that  the  mind  is  become  like  an  old 
and  dry  moat,  and  that  it  is  nigh  to  death,  and 
cannot  be  restored  to  vigour  and  brightness. 

Joy  and  anger,  sadness  and  pleasure,  anticipation 
and  regret,  fickleness  and  fixedness,  vehemence  and 
indolence,  eagerness  and  tardiness ; — (all  these 
moods),  like  music  from  an  empty  tube,  or  mush- 
rooms from  the  warm  moisture,  day  and  night 
succeed  to  one  another  and  come  before  us,  and  we 
do  not  know  whence  they  sprout.  Let  us  stop  !  Let 
us  stop !  Can  we  expect  to  find  out  suddenly  how 
they  are  produced  ? 

If  there  were  not  (the  views  of)  another,  I  should 
not  have  mine  ;  if  there  were  not  I  (with  my  views), 
his  would  be  uncalled  for  : — this  is  nearly  a  true  state- 
ment of  the  case,  but  we  do  not  know  what  it  is  that 
makes  it  be  so.  It  might  seem  as  if  there  would  be 
a  true  Governor l  concerned  in  it,  but  we  do  not  find 

1  '  A  true  Governor '  would  be  a  good  enough  translation  for 
'  the  true  God.'  But  ^wang-^ze  did  not  admit  any  supernatural 
Power  or  Being  as  working  in  man.  His  true  Governor  was  the 
Tao;  and  this  will  be  increasingly  evident  as  we  proceed  with  the 
study  of  his  Books. 

N  2 


l8o  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  II. 

any  trace  (of  his  presence  and  acting).  That  such 
an  One  could  act  so  I  believe ;  but  we  do  not  see 
His  form.  He  has  affections,  but  He  has  no  form. 

Given  the  body,  with  its  hundred  parts,  its  nine 
openings,  and  its  six  viscera,  all  complete  in  their 
places,  which  do  I  love  the  most  ?  Do  you  love 
them  all  equally  ?  or  do  you  love  some  more  than 
others  ?  Is  it  not  the  case  that  they  all  perform  the 
part  of  your  servants  and  waiting  women  ?  All  of 
them  being  such,  are  they  not  incompetent  to  rule 
one  another  ?  or  do  they  take  it  in  turns  to  be  now 
ruler  and  now  servants  ?  There  must  be  a  true 
Ruler  (among  them) *  whether  by  searching  you  can 
find  out  His  character  or  not,  there  is  neither  advan- 
tage nor  hurt,  so  far  as  the  truth  of  His  operation 
is  concerned.  When  once  we  have  received  the 
bodily  form  complete,  its  parts  do  not  fail  to  perform 
their  functions  till  the  end  comes.  In  conflict  with 
things  or  in  harmony  with  them,  they  pursue  their 
course  to  the  end,  with  the  speed  of  a  galloping 
horse  which  cannot  be  stopped ; — is  it  not  sad  ?  To 
be  constantly  toiling  all  one's  lifetime,  without  see- 
ing the  fruit  of  one's  labour,  and  to  be  weary  and 
worn  out  with  his  labour,  without  knowing  where  he 
is  going  to : — is  it  not  a  deplorable  case  ?  Men 
may  say,  '  But  it  is  not  death ; '  yet  of  what  advan- 
tage is  this  ?  When  the  body  is  decomposed,  the 
mind  will  be  the  same  along  with  it : — must  not  the 
case  be  pronounced  very  deplorable  2  ?  Is  the  life 

1  The  name  '  Ruler '  is  different  from  '  Governor '  above ;  but 
they  both  indicate  the  same  concept  in  the  author's  mind. 

2  The  proper  reply  to  this  would  be  that  the  mind  is  not  dis- 
solved with  the  body;   and  .A'wang-j-ze's  real  opinion,  as  we  shall 
find,  was  that  life  and  death  were  but  phases  in  the  phenomenal 


PT.  I.  SECT.  II.       THE    WRITINGS    OF   A'WANG-3ZE.  l8l 

of  man  indeed  enveloped  in  such  darkness  ?  Is  it  I 
alone  to  whom  it  appears  so  ?  And  does  it  not 
appear  to  be  so  to  other  men  ? 

3.  If  we  were  to  follow  the  judgments  of  the  pre- 
determined mind,  who  would  be  left  alone  and  without 
a  teacher 1  ?  Not  only  would  it  be  so  with  those  who 
know  the  sequences  (of  knowledge  and  feeling)  and 
make  their  own  selection  among  them,  but  it  would 
be  so  as  well  with  the  stupid  and  unthinking.  For 
one  who  has  not  this  determined  mind,  to  have  his 
affirmations  and  negations  is  like  the  case  described 
in  the  saying, '  He  went  to  Ytieh  to-day,  and  arrived 
at  it  yesterday 2.'  It  would  be  making  what  was  not 
a  fact  to  be  a  fact.  But  even  the  spirit-like  Yti 3 
could  not  have  known  how  to  do  this,  and  how  should 
one  like  me  be  able  to  do  it  ? 

But  speech  is  not  like  the  blowing  (of  the  wind)  ; 
the  speaker  has  (a  meaning  in)  his  words.  If,  how- 
ever, what  he  says,  be  indeterminate  (as  from  a 
mind  not  made  up),  does  he  then  really  speak  or 
not  ?  He  thinks  that  his  words  are  different  from  the 
chirpings  of  fledgelings  ;  but  is  there  any  distinction 
between  them  or  not  ?  But  how  can  the  T  a  o  be 
so  obscured,  that  there  should  be  '  a  True '  and  '  a 
False '  in  it  ?  How  can  speech  be  so  obscured  that 
there  should  be  '  the  Right'  and  '  the  Wrong'  about 
them  ?  Where  shall  the  Tao  go  to  that  it  will  not 

development.  But  the  course  of  his  argument  suggests  to  us  the 
question  here,  '  Is  life  worth  living  ? ' 

1  This  'teacher'  is  'the  Tao.' 

2  Expressing  the  absurdity  of  the  case.     This  is  one  of  the 
sayings  of  Hui-jze ; — see  Book  XXXIII,  par.  7. 

3  The  successor  and  counsellor  of  Shun,  who  coped  with  and 
remedied  the  flood  of  Yao. 


l82  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  II. 

be  found  ?  Where  shall  speech  be  found  that  it 
will  be  inappropriate?  Tao  becomes  obscured 
through  the  small  comprehension  (of  the  mind),  and 
speech  comes  to  be  obscure  through  the  vain-glori- 
ousness  (of  the  speaker).  So  it  is  that  we  have  the 
contentions  between  the  Literati1  and  the  Mohists  2, 
the  one  side  affirming  what  the  other  denies,  and 
vice  versa.  If  we  would  decide  on  their  several 
affirmations  and  denials,  no  plan  is  like  bringing  the 
(proper)  light  (of  the  mind) 3  to  bear  on  them. 

All  subjects  may  be  looked  at  from  (two  points  of 
view), — from  that  and  from  this.  If  I  look  at  a 
thing  from  another's  point  of  view,  I  do  not  see  it ; 
only  as  I  know  it  myself,  do  I  know  it.  Hence  it  is 
said,  '  That  view  comes  from  this ;  and  this  view  is 
a  consequence  of  that ; ' — which  is  the  theory  that 
that  view  and  this — (the  opposite  views) — produce 
each  the  other  4.  Although  it  be  so,  there  is  affirmed 
now  life  and  now  death ;  now  death  and  now  life ; 
now  the  admissibility  of  a  thing  and  now  its  inadmis- 
sibility ;  now  its  inadmissibility  and  now  its  admis- 
sibility. (The  disputants)  now  affirm  and  now  deny; 
now  deny  and  now  affirm.  Therefore  the  sagely 
man  does  not  pursue  this  method,  but  views  things 
in  the  light  of  (his)  Heaven5  (-ly  nature),  and  hence 
forms  his  judgment  of  what  is  right. 

1  The  followers  of  Confucius. 

2  The  disciples  of  Mih-jze,  or  Mih  Tt,  the  heresiarch,  whom 
Mencius  attacked  so  fiercely; — see  Mencius,  V,  i,  5,et  al.    His  era 
must  be  assigned  between  Confucius  and  Mencius. 

3  That  is,  the  perfect  mind,  the  principle  of  the  Tao. 

4  As  taught  by  Hui-$ze ;— see  XXXIII,  7 ;  but  it  is  doubtful  if 
the  quotation  from  Hui's  teaching  be  complete. 

5  Equivalent   to   the    Tao.     See  on  the  use  in   Lao-jze   and 
AVang-jze  of  the  term  '  Heaven/  in  the  Introduction,  pp.  16-18. 


PT.I.  SECT.  II.       THE    WRITINGS    OF   JTWANG-3ZE.  183 

This  view  is  the  same  as  that,  and  that  view  is 
the  same  as  this.  But  that  view  involves  both  a 
right  and  a  wrong  ;  and  this  view  involves  also  a 
right  and  a  wrong : — are  there  indeed,  or  are  there 
not  the  two  views,  that  and  this  ?  They  have  not 
found  their  point  of  correspondency  which  is  called 
the  pivot  of  the  Tao.  As  soon  as  one  finds  this 
pivot,  he  stands  in  the  centre  of  the  ring  (of  thought), 
where  he  can  respond  without  end  to  the  changing 
views  ; — without  end  to  those  affirming,  and  without 
end  to  those  denying.  Therefore  I  said,  '  There  is 
nothing  like  the  proper  light  (of  the  mind).' 

4.  By  means  of  a  finger  (of  my  own)  to  illustrate 
that  the  finger  (of  another)  is  not  a  finger  is  not  so 
good  a  plan  as  to  illustrate  that  it  is' not  so  by  means 
of  what  is  (acknowledged  to  be)  (not  a  finger ;  and 
by  means  of  (what  I  call)  a  horse  to  illustrate  that 
(what  another  calls)  a  horse  is  not  so,  is  not  so  good 
a  plan  as  to  illustrate  that  it  is  not  a  horse,  by 
means  of  what  is  (acknowledged  to  be)  not  a  horse l. 
(All  things  in)  heaven  and  earth  may  be  (dealt  with 
as)  a  finger ;  (each  of)  their  myriads  may  be  (dealt 
with  as)  a  horse.  Does  a  thing  seem  so  to  me  ?  (I  say 
that)  it  is  so.  Does  it  seem  not  so  to  me  ?  (I  say 
that)  it  is  not  so.  A  path  is  formed  by  (constant) 


1  The  language  of  our  author  here  is  understood  to  have  refer- 
ence to  the  views  of  Kung-sun  Lung,  a  contemporary  of  Hui-jze, 
and  a  sophist  like  him.  One  of  his  treatises  or  arguments  had  the 
title  of  '  The  White  Horse,'  and  another  that  of  '  Pointing  to 
Things.'  If  these  had  been  preserved,  we  might  have  seen  more 
clearly  the  appropriateness  of  the  text  here.  But  the  illustration 
of  the  monkeys  and  their  actions  shows  us  the  scope  of  the  whole 
paragraph  to  be  that  controversialists,  whose  views  are  substantially 
the  same,  may  yet  differ,  and  that  with  heat,  in  words. 


184  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  II. 

treading  on  the  ground.  A  thing  is  called  by  its 
name  through  the  (constant)  application  of  the  name 
to  it.  How  is  it  so  ?  It  is  so  because  it  is  so.  How 
is  it  not  so  ?  It  is  not  so,  because  it  is  not  so. 
Everything  has  its  inherent  character  and  its  proper 
capability.  There  is  nothing  which  has  not  these. 
Therefore,  this  being  so,  if  we  take  a  stalk  of  grain 1 
and  a  (large)  pillar,  a  loathsome  (leper)  and  (a  beauty 
like)  Hsi  Shih  2,  things  large  and  things  insecure, 
things  crafty  and  things  strange  ; — they  may  in  the 
light  of  the  Tao  all  be  reduced  to  the  same  category 
(of  opinion  about  them). 

It  was  separation  that  led  to  completion ;  from 
completion  ensued  dissolution.  But  all  things,  with- 
out regard  to  their  completion  and  dissolution,  may 
again  be  comprehended  in  their  unity; — it  is  only  the 
far  reaching  in  thought  who  know  how  to  comprehend 
them  in  this  unity.  This  being  so,  let  us  give  up 
our  devotion  to  our  own  views,  and  occupy  ourselves 
with  the  ordinary  views.  These  ordinary  views  are 
grounded  on  the  use  of  things.  (The  study  of  that) 
use  leads  to  the  comprehensive  judgment,  and  that 
judgment  secures  the  success  (of  the  inquiry).  That 
success  gained,  we  are  near  (to  the  object  of  our 
search),  and  there  we  stop.  When  we  stop,  and  yet 
we  do  not  know  how  it  is  so,  we  have  what  is  called 
the  Tao. 

When  we  toil  our  spirits  and  intelligence,  obstin- 


1  The  character  in  the  text  means  both  '  a  stalk  of  grain '  and 
'  a  horizontal  beam.'     Each  meaning  has  its  advocates  here. 

2  A  famous  beauty,  a  courtezan  presented  by  the  king  of  Yiieh 
to  his  enemy,  the  king  of  Wu,  and  who  hastened  on  his  progress 
to  ruin  and  death,  she  herself  perishing  at  the  same  time. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  II.       THE    WRITINGS    OF   £WANG-3ZE.  185 

ately  determined  (to  establish  our  own  view),  and  do 
not  know  the  agreement  (which  underlies  it  and  the 
views  of  others),  we  have  what  is  called  '  In  the 
morning  three.'  What  is  meant  by  that  '  In  the 
morning  three  ? '  A  keeper  of  monkeys,  in  giving 
them  out  their  acorns,  (once)  said,  '  In  the  morning 
I  will  give  you  three  (measures)  and  in  the  evening 
four.'  This  made  them  all  angry,  and  he  said,  'Very 
well.  In  the  morning  I  will  give  you  four  and  in 
the  evening  three.'  His  two  proposals  were  substan- 
tially the  same,  but  the  result  of  the  one  was  to  make 
the  creatures  angry,  and  of  the  other  to  make  them 
pleased  : — an  illustration  of  the  point  I  am  insisting 
on.  Therefore  the  sagely  man  brings  together  a 
dispute  in  its  affirmations  and  denials,  and  rests  in 
the  equal  fashioning  of  Heaven 1.  Both  sides  of  the 
question  are  admissible. 

5.  Among  the  men  of  old  their  knowledge  reached 
the  extreme  point.  What  was  that  extreme  point  ? 
Some  held  that  at  first  there  was  not  anything. 
This  is  the  extreme  point,  the  utmost  point  to  which 
nothing  can  be  added  2.  A  second  class  held  that 
there  was  something,  but  without  any  responsive 
recognition  3  of  it  (on  the  part  of  men). 

A  third  class  held  that  there  was  such  recognition, 
but  there  had  not  begun  to  be  any  expression  of 
different  opinions  about  it. 

1  Literally,  '  the  Heaven-Mould  or  Moulder,' — another  name  for 
the  Tao,  by  which  all  things  are  fashioned. 

2  See  the  same  passage  in  Book  XXIII,  par.  10. 

3  The  ordinary  reading  here  is  fang  (^jj'),  'a  boundary'  or  'dis- 
tinctive limit.'     Lin  Hsi-^ung  adopts  the  reading  ^sp  '  a  response,' 
and  I  have  followed  him. 


1 86  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  II. 

It  was  through  the  definite  expression  of  different 
opinions  about  it  that  there  ensued  injury  to  (the 
doctrine  of)  the  Tao.  It  was  this  injury  to  the 
(doctrine  of  the)  Tao  which  led  to  the  formation  of 
(partial)  preferences.  Was  it  indeed  after  such  pre- 
ferences were  formed  that  the  injury  came  ?  or  did 
the  injury  precede  the  rise  of  such  preferences  ?  If 
the  injury  arose  after  their  formation,  A^ao's  method 
of  playing  on  the  lute  was  natural.  If  the  injury 
arose  before  their  formation,  there  would  have  been 
no  such  playing  on  the  lute  as  A'ao's1. 

K&o  Wan's  playing  on  the  lute,  Shih  Kwang's 
indicating  time  with  his  staff,  and  Hui-jze's  (giving 
his  views),  while  leaning  against  a  dryandra  tree 
(were  all  extraordinary).  The  knowledge  of  the 
three  men  (in  their  several  arts)  was  nearly  perfect, 
and  therefore  they  practised  them  to  the  end  of  their 
lives.  They  loved  them  because  they  were  different 
from  those  of  others.  They  loved  them  and  wished 
to  make  them  known  to  others.  But  as  they  could 
not  be  made  clear,  though  they  tried  to  make 
them  so,  they  ended  with  the  obscure  (discussions) 
about  '  the  hard '  and  '  the  white.'  And  their  sons 2, 
moreover,  with  all  the  threads  of  their  fathers'  com- 
positions, yet  to  the  end  of  their  lives  accomplished 
nothing.  If  they,  proceeding  in  this  way,  could  be 
said  to  have  succeeded,  then  am  I  also  successful ; 

1  J£a.o  Wan  and  Shih  Kwang  were  both  musicians  of  the  state 
of  Qin.    Shih,  which  appears  as  Kwang's  surname,  was  his  denomi- 
nation as  '  music-master.'     It  is  difficult  to  understand  the  reason 
why  .ATwang-jze  introduces  these  men  and  their  ways,  or  how  it 
helps  his  argument. 

2  Perhaps  we  should  read  here  '  son,'  with  special  reference  to 
the  son  of  Hui-jze. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  II.      THE    WRITINGS    OF    £WANG-3ZE.  1 87 

if  they  cannot  be  pronounced  successful,  neither  I 
nor  any  other  can  succeed. 

Therefore  the  scintillations  of  light  from  the  midst 
of  confusion  and  perplexity  are  indeed  valued  by 
the  sagely  man  ;  but  not  to  use  one's  own  views  and 
to  take  his  position  on  the  ordinary  views  is  what  is 
called  using  the  (proper)  light. 

6.  But  here  now  are  some  other  sayings l : — I  do 
not  know  whether  they  are  of  the  same  character  as 
those  which  I  have  already  given,  or  of  a  different 
character.  Whether  they  be  of  the  same  character 
or  not  when  looked  at  along  with  them,  they  have  a 
character  of  their  own,  which  cannot  be  distinguished 
from  the  others.  But  though  this  be  the  case,  let 
me  try  to  explain  myself. 

There  was  a  beginning.  There  was  a  beginning 
before  that  beginning 2.  There  was  a  beginning 
previous  to  that  beginning  before  there  was  the 
beginning. 

There  was  existence  ;  there  had  been  no  existence. 
There  was  no  existence  before  the  beginning  of  that 
no  existence  2.  There  was  no  existence  previous  to 
the  no  existence  before  there  was  the  beginning 
of  the  no  existence.  If  suddenly  there  was  non- 
existence,  we  do  not  know  whether  it  was  really 
anything  existing,  or  really  not  existing.  Now 
I  have  said  what  I  have  said,  but  I  do  not  know 
whether  what  I  have  said  be  really  anything  to  the 
point  or  not. 


1  Referring,  I  think,  to  those  below  commencing  '  There  was  a 
beginning/ 

2  That  is,  looking  at  things  from  the  standpoint  of  an  original 
non-existence,  and  discarding  all  considerations  of  space  and  time. 


1 88  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  II. 

Under  heaven  there  is  nothing  greater  than  the 
tip  of  an  autumn  down,  and  the  Thai  mountain  is 
small.  There  is  no  one  more  long-lived  than  a  child 
which  dies  prematurely,  and  Phang  3U  did  not  live 
out  his  time.  Heaven,  Earth,  and  I  were  produced 
together,  and  all  things  and  I  are  one.  Since  they 
are  one,  can  there  be  speech  about  them  ?  But 
since  they  are  spoken  of  as  one,  must  there  not  be 
room  for  speech  ?  One  and  Speech  are  two  ;  two 
and  one  are  three.  Going  on  from  this  (in  our 
enumeration),  the  most  skilful  reckoner  cannot 
reach  (the  end  of  the  necessary  numbers),  and  how 
much  less  can  ordinary  people  do  so !  Therefore 
from  non-existence  we  proceed  to  existence  till  we 
arrive  at  three ;  proceeding  from  existence  to  exist- 
ence, to  how  many  should  we  reach  ?  Let  us 
abjure  such  procedure,  and  simply  rest  here1. 

7.  The  Tao  at  first  met  with  no  responsive  recog- 
nition. Speech  at  first  had  no  constant  forms  of 
expression.  Because  of  this  there  came  the  demar- 
cations (of  different  views).  Let  me  describe  those 
demarcations  : — they  are  the  Left  and  the  Right 2 ; 
the  Relations  and  their  Obligations3;  Classifications4 

1  On  this  concluding  clause,  3iao  Hung  says  : — 'Avoiding  such 
procedure,  there  will  be  no  affirmations  and  denials  (no  contraries). 
The  phrase  jjj  ^j^   ^  occurs  in  the  Book  several  times,  and  in- 
terpreters have  missed  its  meaning  from  not  observing  that  ^^  Q 
serve  merely  as  a  final  particle,  and  often  have  the  jjj  added  to 
them,  without  affecting  its  meaning.'     See  also  Wang  Yin  on  the 
usages  of  |^j  in  the  J=|  ^  ^  jffi,  ch.  1208,  art.  6. 

2  That  is,  direct  opposites. 

3  Literally, '  righteousnesses ; '  the  proper  way  of  dealing  with  the 
relations. 

4  Literally,  'separations.' 


PT.  I.  SECT.  II.       THE    WRITINGS    OF   JTWANG-3ZE.  189 

and  their  Distinctions  ;  Emulations  and  Contentions. 
These  are  what  are  called  '  the  Eight  Qualities.' 
Outside  the  limits  of  the  world  of  men1,  the  sage 
occupies  his  thoughts,  but  does  not  discuss  about 
anything ;  inside  those  limits  he  occupies  his 
thoughts,  but  does  not  pass  any  judgments.  In  the 
A^un  Kklu 2,  which  embraces  the  history  of  the 
former  kings,  the  sage  indicates  his  judgments,  but 
does  not  argue  (in  vindication  of  them).  Thus  it  is 
that  he  separates  his  characters  from  one  another 
without  appearing  to  do  so,  and  argues  without  the 
form  of  argument.  How  does  he  do  so  ?  The  sage 
cherishes  his  views  in  his  own  breast,  while  men 
generally  state  theirs  argumentatively,  to  show  them 
to  others.  Hence  we  have  the  saying,  '  Disputation 
is  a  proof  of  not  seeing  clearly.' 

The  Great  Tao  3  does  not  admit  of  being  praised. 
The  Great  Argument  does  not  require  words. 
Great  Benevolence  is  not  (officiously)  benevolent. 
Great  Disinterestedness  does  not  vaunt  its  humility. 
Great  Courage  is  not  seen  in  stubborn  bravery. 

The  Tao  that  is  displayed  is  not  the  Tao.  Words 
that  are  argumentative  do  not  reach  the  point. 
Benevolence  that  is  constantly  exercised  does  not 
accomplish  its  object.  Disinterestedness  that  vaunts 
its  purity  is  not  genuine.  Courage  that  is  most  stub- 


1  Literally,  '.the  six  conjunctions/  meaning  the  four  cardinal 
points  of  space,  with  the  zenith  and  nadir ;  sometimes  a  name  for 
the  universe  of  space.     Here  we  must  restrict  the  meaning  as  I 
have  done. 

2  '  The  Spring  and  Autumn;' — Confucius's  Annals  of  Lu,  here 
complimented  by  A'wang-jze.     See  in  Mencius,  IV,  ii,  21. 

3  Compare  the  Tao  Teh  -A'ing,  ch.  25,  et  al. 


THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  II. 


born  is  ineffectual.  These  five  seem  to  be  round 
(and  complete),  but  they  tend  to  become  square  (and 
immovable)  l.  Therefore  the  knowledge,  that  stops 
at  what  it  does  not  know  is  the  greatest.  Who 
knows  the  argument  that  needs  no  words,  and  the 
Way  that  is  not  to  be  trodden  2  ? 

He  who  is  able  to  know  this  has  what  is  called 
'The  Heavenly  Treasure-house3.'  He  may  pour 
into  it  without  its  being  filled  ;  he  may  pour  from  it 
without  its  being  exhausted  ;  and  all  the  while  he 
does  not  know  whence  (the  supply)  comes.  This  is 
what  is  called  '  The  Store  of  Light  V 

Therefore  of  old  Yao  asked  Shun,  saying,  '  I  wish 
to  smite  (the  rulers  of)  3ung>  Kwei,  and  Hsii-ao4. 
Even  when  standing  in  my  court,  I  cannot  get  them 
out  of  my  mind.  How  is  it  so?'  Shun  replied, 
'  Those  three  rulers  live  (in  their  little  states)  as  if 
they  were  among  the  mugwort  and  other  brushwood; 
—  how  is  it  that  you  cannot  get  them  out  of  your 
mind  ?  Formerly,  ten  suns  came  out  together,  and 
all  things  were  illuminated  by  them  ;  —  how  much 
should  (your)  virtue  exceed  (all)  suns  !  ' 

8.  Nieh  A^iieh5  asked  Wang  I5,  saying,  '  Do  you 
know,  Sir,  what  all  creatures  agree  in  approving  and 


1  Compare  the  use  of  ~jj  in  the  Shfi  ^ing,  I,  iii,  n. 

2  The  classic  of  Lao,  in  chaps,  i,  2. 

3  Names  for  the  Tao. 

4  Three  small  states.     Is  Yao's  wish  to  smite  an  instance  of  the 
'  quality'  of  '  emulation '  or  jealousy? 

6  Both  Taoistic  worthies  of  the  time  of  Yao,  supposed  to  have 
been  two  of  the  Perfect  Ones  whom  Yao  visited  on  the  distant  hill 
of  Ku-shih  (I,  par.  6).  According  to  Hwang  Mi,  Wang  1  was 
the  teacher  of  Nieh  .ATMeh,  and  he  again  of  Hsu  Yu. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  II.       THE    WRITINGS    OF   ZWANG-3ZE.  IQI 

affirming  ?'  '  How  should  I  know  it  ? '  was  the  reply. 
'  Do  you  know  what  it  is  that  you  do  not  know  ? ' 
asked  the  other  again,  and  he  got  the  same  reply. 
He  asked  a  third  time, — '  Then  are  all  creatures  thus 
without  knowledge  ?'  and  Wang  I  answered  as  before, 
(adding  however),  '  Notwithstanding,  I  will  try  and 
explain  my  meaning.  How  do  you  know  that  when 
I  say  "  I  know  it,"  I  really  (am  showing  that)  I  do 
not  know  it,  and  that  when  I  say  "  I  do  not  know 
it,"  I  really  am  showing  that  I  do  know  it  V  And 
let  me  ask  you  some  questions  : — '  If  a  man  sleep  in 
a  damp  place,  he  will  have  a  pain  in  his  loins,  and 
half  his  body  will  be  as  if  it  were  dead ;  but  will  it 
be  so  with  an  eel  ?  If  he  be  living  in  a  tree,  he  will 
be  frightened  and  all  in  a  tremble ;  but  will  it  be  so 
with  a  monkey  ?  And  does  any  one  of  the  three 
know  his  right  place  ?  Men  eat  animals  that  have 
been  fed  on  grain  and  grass  ;  deer  feed  on  the  thick- 
set grass ;  centipedes  enjoy  small  snakes ;  owls  and 
crows  delight  in  mice  ;  but  does  any  one  of  the  four 
know  the  right  taste  ?  The  dog-headed  monkey 
finds  its  mate  in  the  female  gibbon ;  the  elk  and  the 
axis  deer  cohabit ;  and  the  eel  enjoys  itself  with 
other  fishes.  Mao  3m'ang2  and  Li  AX2, were  ac- 
counted by  men  to  be  most  beautiful,  but  when 
fishes  saw  them,  they  dived  deep  in  the  water  from 
them ;  when  birds,  they  flew  from  them  aloft ;  and 

1  Compare  par.  i  of  Book  XXII. 

2  Two  famous  beauties;  —  the  former,  a  contemporary  of  Hsi 
Shih  (par.  4,  note  2),  and  like  her  also,  of  the  state  of  Yiieh  ;  the 
latter,  the  daughter  of  a  barbarian  chief  among  the  Western  Jung. 
She  was  captured  by  duke  Hsien  of  3m>  m  B-  c.  672.     He  subse- 
quently made  her  his  wife, — to  the  great  injury   of  his   family 
and  state. 


THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  II. 


when  deer  saw  them,  they  separated  and  fled  away l. 
But  did  any  of  these  four  know  which  in  the  world 
is  the  right  female  attraction  ?  As  I  look  at  the 
matter,  the  first  principles  of  benevolence  and  right- 
eousness and  the  paths  of  approval  and  disapproval 
are  inextricably  mixed  and  confused  together  : — how 
is  it  possible  that  I  should  know  how  to  discriminate 
among  them  ?' 

Nieh  A^ueh  said  (further),  '  Since  you,  Sir,  do  not 
know  what  is  advantageous  and  what  is  hurtful,  is 
the  Perfect  man  also  in  the  same  way  without  the 
knowledge  of  them  ?'  Wang  I  replied,  '  The  Perfect 
man  is  spirit-like.  Great  lakes  might  be  boiling 
about  him,  and  he  would  not  feel  their  heat ;  the 
Ho  and  the  Han  might  be  frozen  up,  and  he  would 
not  feel  the  cold ;  the  hurrying  thunderbolts  might 
split  the  mountains,  and  the  wind  shake  the  ocean, 
without  being  able  to  make  him  afraid.  Being  such, 
he  mounts  on  the  clouds  of  the  air,  rides  on  the  sun 
and  moon,  and  rambles  at  ease  beyond  the  four 
seas.  Neither  death  nor  life  makes  any  change  in 
him,  and  how  much  less  should  the  considerations 
of  advantage  and  injury  do  so 2 ! ' 

9.  Kim.  3hiao-jze 3  asked  .Oang-wu  3ze  3>  saying, 


1  Not  thinking  them  beautiful,  as  men  did,  but  frightened  and 
repelled  by  them. 

2  Compare  Book  I,  pars.  3  and  5. 

3  We  know  nothing  of  the  former  of  these  men,  but  what  is 
mentioned  here ;  the  other  appears  also  in  Book  XXV,  6,  q.  v.    If 
1  the  master '  that  immediately  follows  be  Confucius  they  must  have 
been  contemporary  with  him.     The  ^iu  in   A^ang-wu's  reply 
would  seem  to  make  it  certain  '  the  master '  was  Confucius,  but. 
the  oldest  critics,  and  some  modern  ones  as  well,  think  that  Khzng- 
wu's  name  was  also  J£/nu.     But  this  view  is  attended  with  more 


PT.  I.  SECT.  II.       THE    WRITINGS    OF   JTWANG-3ZE.  193 

'  I  heard  the  Master  (speaking  of  such  language  as 
the  following)  : — "  The  sagely  man  does  not  occupy 
himself  with  worldly  affairs.  He  does  not  put  him- 
self in  the  way  of  what  is  profitable,  nor  try  to  avoid 
what  is  hurtful ;  he  has  no  pleasure  in  seeking  (for 
anything  from  any  one) ;  he  does  not  care  to  be  found 
in  (any  established)  Way ;  he  speaks  without  speak- 
ing ;  he  does  not  speak  when  he  speaks  ;  thus  finding 
his  enjoyment  outside  the  dust  and  dirt  (of  the 
world)."  The  Master  considered  all  this  to  be  a 
shoreless  flow  of  mere  words,  and  I  consider  it  to 
describe  the  course  of  the  Mysterious  Way. — What 
do  you,  Sir,  think  of  it  ? '  A^ang-wu  3ze  replied, 
'  The  hearing  of  such  words  would  have  perplexed 
even  Hwang-Tl,  and  how  should  Kh\.i\  be  competent 
to  understand  them  ?  And  you,  moreover,  are  too 
hasty  in  forming  your  estimate  (of  their  meaning). 
You  see  the  egg,  and  (immediately)  look  out  for  the 
cock  (that  is  to  be  hatched  from  it) ;  you  see  the 
bow,  and  (immediately)  look  out  for  the  dove  (that  is 
to  be  brought  down  by  it)  being  roasted.  I  will  try 
to  explain  the  thing  to  you  in  a  rough  way ;  do  you 
in  the  same  way  listen  to  me. 

'  How  could  any  one  stand  by  the  side  of  the  sun 
and  moon,  and  hold  under  his  arm  all  space  and  all 
time  ?  (Such  language  only  means  that  the  sagely 
man)  keeps  his  mouth  shut,  and  puts  aside  questions 
that  are  uncertain  and  dark ;  making  his  inferior 
capacities  unite  with  him  in  honouring  (the  One 
Lord).  Men  in  general  bustle  about  and  toil ;  the 

difficulties  than  the  other.  By  the  clause  interjected  in  the  trans- 
lation after  the  first  'Master/  I  have  avoided  the  incongruity  of 
ascribing  the  long  description  of  Taoism  to  Confucius. 

[39]  O 


I  94  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  II. 

sagely  man  seems  stupid  and  to  know  nothing1.  He 
blends  ten  thousand  years  together  in  the  one  (con- 
ception of  time) ;  the  myriad  things  all  pursue  their 
spontaneous  course,  and  they  are  all  before  him  as 
doing  so. 

'  How  do  I  know  that  the  love  of  life  is  not  a 
delusion  ?  and  that  the  dislike  of  death  is  not  like 
a  young  person's  losing  his  way,  and  not  knowing 
that  he  is  (really)  going  home  ?  Li  Ki*  was  a  daugh- 
ter of  the  border  Warden  of  Ai.  When  (the  ruler 
of)  the  state  of  3'm  first  got  possession  of  her,  she 
wept  till  the  tears  wetted  all  the  front  of  her  dress. 
But  when  she  came  to  the  place  of  the  king3,  shared 
with  him  his  luxurious  couch,  and  ate  his  grain-and- 
grass-fed  meat,  then  she  regretted  that  she  had  wept. 
How  do  I  know  that  the  dead  do  not  repent  of  their 
former  craving  for  life  ? 

'  Those  who  dream  of  (the  pleasures  of)  drinking 
may  in  the  morning  wail  and  weep  ;  those  who  dream 
of  wailing  and  weeping  may  in  the  morning  be  going 
out  to  hunt.  When  they  were  dreaming  they  did 
not  know  it  was  a  dream ;  in  their  dream  they 
may  even  have  tried  to  interpret  it 4 ;  but  when 
they  awoke  they  knew  that  it  was  a  dream.  And 

1  Compare  Lao-jze's  account  of  himself  in  his  Work,  ch.  20. 

2  See  note  2  on  page  191.     The   lady  is  there  said  to  have 
been  the  daughter  of  a  barbarian  chief ;  here  she  appears  as  the 
child  of  the  border  Warden  of  Ai.     But  her  maiden  surname  of 


K\  ("wff)  shows  her  father  must  have  been  a  scion  of  the  royal 
family  of  A'au.  Had  he  forsaken  his  wardenship,  and  joined  one 
of  the  Ti  tribes,  which  had  adopted  him  as  its  chief  ? 

3  3m  was  only  a  marquisate.     How  does  ^Twang-jze  speak  of  its 
ruler  as  '  a  king  ? ' 

4  This  could  not  be;  a  man  does  not  come  to  himself  in  his 
dream,  and  in  that  state  try  to  interpret  it. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  II.       THE   WRITINGS    OF   ZWANG-3ZE.  1 95 

there  is  the  great  awaking,  after  which  we  shall 
know  that  this  life  was  a  great  dream  *.  All  the 
while,  the  stupid  think  they  are  awake,  and  with  nice 
discrimination  insist  on  their  knowledge ;  now  play- 
ing the  part  of  rulers,  and  now  of  grooms.  Bigoted 
was  that  A^iu  !  He  and  you  are  both  dreaming.  I 
who  say  that  you  are  dreaming  am  dreaming  myself. 
These  words  seem  very  strange ;  but  if  after  ten 
thousand  ages  we  once  meet  with  a  great  sage  who 
knows  how  to  explain  them,  it  will  be  as  if  we  met 
him  (unexpectedly)  some  morning  or  evening. 

10.  '  Since  you  made  me  enter  into  this  discussion 
with  you,  if  you  have  got  the  better  of  me  and  not  I 
of  you,  are  you  indeed  right,  and  I  indeed  wrong  ? 
If  I  have  got  the  better  of  you  and  not  you  of  me, 
am  I  indeed  right  and  you  indeed  wrong  ?  Is  the 
one  of  us  right  and  the  other  wrong  ?  are  we  both 
right  or  both  wrong  ?  Since  we  cannot  come  to  a 
mutual  and  common  understanding,  men  will  cer- 
tainly continue  in  darkness  on  the  subject 

'  Whom  shall  I  employ  to  adjudicate  in  the  matter? 
If  I  employ  one  who  agrees  with  you,  how  can  he, 
agreeing  with  you,  do  so  correctly  ?  And  the  same 
may  be  said,  if  I  employ  one  who  agrees  with  me. 
It  will  be  the  same  if  I  employ  one  who  differs  from 
us  both  or  one  who  agrees  with  us  both.  In  this 
way  I  and  you  and  those  others  would  all  not 
be  able  to  come  to  a  mutual  understanding;  and 
shall  we  then  wait  for  that  (great  sage)  ?  (We  need 
not  do  so.)  To  wait  on  others  to  learn  how  con- 
flicting opinions  are  changed  is  simply  like  not  so 

1  Compare  XVIII,  par.  4. 
O  2 


196  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  II. 

waiting  at  all.  The  harmonising  of  them  is  to  be 
found  in  the  invisible  operation  of  Heaven,  and  by 
following  this  on  into  the  unlimited  past.  It  is  by 
this  method  that  we  can  complete  our  years  (without 
our  minds  being  disturbed) l. 

'What  is  meant  by  harmonising  (conflicting  opi- 
nions) in  the  invisible  operation  of  Heaven  ?  There 
is  the  affirmation  and  the  denial  of  it ;  and  there  is 
the  assertion  of  an  opinion  and  the  rejection  of  it. 
If  the  affirmation  be  according  to  the  reality  of  the 
fact,  it  is  certainly  different  from  the  denial  of  it  :— 
there  can  be  no  dispute  about  that.  If  the  assertion 
of  an  opinion  be  correct,  it  is  certainly  different  from 
its  rejection: — neither  can  there  be  any  dispute  about 
that.  Let  us  forget  the  lapse  of  time  ;  let  us  forget 
the  conflict  of  opinions.  Let  us  make  our  appeal  to 
the  Infinite,  and  take  up  our  position  there2.' 

ii.  The  Penumbra  asked  the  Shadow3,  saying, 
'  Formerly  you  were  walking  on,  and  now  you  have 
stopped ;  formerly  you  were  sitting,  and  now  you 
have  risen  up : — how  is  it  that  you  are  so  without 
stability  ? '  The  Shadow  replied,  '  I  wait  for  the 
movements  of  something  else  to  do  what  I  do,  and 
that  something  else  on  which  I  wait  waits  further 

1  See  this  passage  again  in  Book  XXVII,  par.  i,  where  the  phrase 
which  I  have  called  here  '  the  invisible  operation  of  Heaven,'  is 
said  to  be  the  same  as  '  the  Heavenly  Mould  or  Moulder/  that  is, 
the  Heavenly  Fashioner,  one  of  the  Taoistic  names  for  the  Tao. 

2  That  is,  all  things  being  traced  up  to  the  unity  of  the  Tao,  we 
have  found  the  pivot  to  which  all  conflicting  opinions,  all  affirma- 
tions, all  denials,  all  positions  and  negatives  converge,  and  bring  to 
bear  on  them  the  proper  light  of  the  mind.    Compare  paragraph  3. 

3  A  story  to  the  same  effect  as  this  here,  with  some  textual  varia- 
tions, occurs  in  Book  XXVII,  immediately  after  par.  i  referred  to 
above. 


PT.  i.  SECT.  II.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  £WANG-3ZE.  197 

on  another  to  do  as  it  does  \  My  waiting, — is  it  for 
the  scales  of  a  snake,  or  the  wings  of  a  cicada2? 
How  should  I  know  why  I  do  one  thing,  or  do  not 
do  another 3  ? 

'  Formerly,  I,  AVang  A'au,  dreamt  that  I  was  a 
butterfly,  a  butterfly  flying  about,  feeling  that  it 
was  enjoying  itself.  I  did  not  know  that  it  was  A'au. 
Suddenly  I  awoke,  and  was  myself  again,  the  veri- 
table .A"au.  I  did  not  know  whether  it  had  formerly 
been  K§.\\  dreaming  that  he  was  a  butterfly,  or  it 
was  now  a  butterfly  dreaming  that  it  was  K&u.  But 
between  TTau  and  a  butterfly  there  must  be  a  differ- 
ence 4.  This  is  a  case  of  what  is  called  the  Trans- 
formation of  Things4.' 

1  The  mind  cannot  rest  in  second  causes,  and  the  first  cause,  if 
there  be  one,  is  inscrutable. 

2  Even  these  must  wait  for  the  will  of  the  creature ;  but  the  case 
of  the  shadow  is  still  more  remarkable. 

8  I  have  put  this  interrogatively,  as  being  more  graphic,  and 
because  of  the  particle  Jjjj,  which  is  generally,  though  not  neces- 
sarily, interrogative. 

4  Hsiian  Ying,  in  his  remarks  on  these  two  sentences,  brings 
out  the  force  of  the  story  very  successfully : — '  Looking  at  them  in 
their  ordinary  appearance,  there  was  necessarily  a  difference  between 
them,  but  in  the  delusion  of  the  dream  each  of  them  appeared  the 
other,  and  they  could  not  distinguish  themselves !  A'au  could  be  a 
butterfly,  and  the  butterfly  could  be  -#au ; — we  may  see  that  in  the 
world  all  traces  of  that  and  this  may  pass  away,  as  they  come  under 
the  influence  of  transformations.'  For  the  phrase, '  the  transforma- 
tion of  things,'  see  in  Book  XI,  par.  5,  et  al.  But  the  Taoism  here 
can  hardly  be  distinguished  from  the  Buddhism  that  holds  that  all 
human  experience  is  merely  so  much  may  a  or  illusion. 


198  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  III. 


BOOK    III. 

PART  I.   SECTION  III. 

Yang  Shang  Kb,  or  '  Nourishing  the  Lord  of  Life1.' 

1.  There  is  a  limit  to  our  life,  but  to  knowledge 
there  is  no  limit.     With  what  is  limited  to  pursue 
after  what  is  unlimited  is  a  perilous  thing ;  and  when, 
knowing  this,  we  still  seek  the  increase  of  our  know- 
ledge, the  peril  cannot  be  averted 2.     There  should 
not   be   the    practice   of  what   is   good   with    any 
thought  of  the  fame  (which   it  will  bring),  nor  of 
what  is  evil  with  any  approximation  to  the  punish- 
ment (which  it  will  incur) 3 : — an  accordance  with  the 
Central  Element  (of  our  nature) 4  is  the  regular  way 
to  preserve  the  body,  to  maintain  the  life,  to  nourish 
our  parents,  and  to  complete  our  term  of  years. 

2.  His  cook5  was  cutting  up  an  ox  for  the  ruler 
Wan-hui 6.     Whenever  he  applied  his  hand,  leaned 
forward  with  his  shoulder,  planted  his  foot,  and  em- 

1  See  pp.  130, 131. 

2  Under  what   is   said   about   knowledge   here   there    lies   the 
objection  of  Taoists  to  the  Confucian  pursuit  of  knowledge  as 
the  means   for  the   right   conduct   of  life,  instead   of  the   quiet 
simplicity  and  self-suppression  of  their  own  system. 

3  This  is  the  key  to  the  three  paragraphs  that  follow.     But  the 
text  of  it  is  not  easily  construed.     The  '  doing  good '  and  the 
'  doing  evil '  are  to  be  lightly  understood. 

4  A  name  for  the  Tao. 

8  '  The  ruler  Wan-hui '  is  understood  to  be  '  king  Hui  of  Liang 
(or  Wei)/  with  the  account  of  an  interview  between  whom  and 
Mencius  the  works  of  that  philosopher  commence. 


PT.I.  SECT.  in.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  1TWANG-3ZE.  199 

ployed  the  pressure  of  his  knee,  in  the  audible  rip- 
ping off  of  the  skin,  and  slicing  operation  of  the 
knife,  the  sounds  were  all  in  regular  cadence.  Move- 
ments and  sounds  proceeded  as  in  the  dance  of '  the 
Mulberry  Forest l '  and  the  blended  notes  of  '  the 
Alng  ShauV  The  ruler  said,  '  Ah  !  Admirable! 
That  your  art  should  have  become  so  perfect ! ' 
(Having  finished  his  operation),  the  cook  laid  down 
his  knife,  and  replied  to  the  remark,  '  What  your 
servant  loves  is  the  method  of  the  Tao,  something 
in  advance  of  any  art.  When  I  first  began  to  cut 
up  an  ox,  I  saw  nothing  but  the  (entire)  carcase. 
After  three  years  I  ceased  to  see  it  as  a  whole.  Now 
I  deal  with  it  in  a  spirit-like  manner,  and  do  not  look 
at  it  with  my  eyes.  The  use  of  my  senses  is  dis- 
carded, and  my  spirit  acts  as  it  wills.  Observing  the 
natural  lines,  (my  knife)  slips  through  the  great 
crevices  and  slides  through  the  great  cavities,  taking 
advantage  of  the  facilities  thus  presented.  My  art 
avoids  the  membranous  ligatures,  and  much  more 
the  great  bones. 

'A  good  cook  changes  his  knife  every  year; — (it 
may  have  been  injured)  in  cutting  ;  an  ordinary  cook 
changes  his  every  month ; — (it  may  have  been) 
broken.  Now  my  knife  has  been  in  use  for  nine- 
teen years  ;  it  has  cut  up  several  thousand  oxen,  and 
yet  its  edge  is  as  sharp  as  if  it  had  newly  come  from 
the  whetstone.  There  are  the  interstices  of  the 
joints,  and  the  edge  of  the  knife  has  no  (appreciable) 
thickness ;  when  that  which  is  so  thin  enters  where 
the  interstice  is,  how  easily  it  moves  along !  The 


1  Two  pieces  of  music,  ascribed  to  .Oang  Thang  and  Hwang- 
Ti. 


2OO  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  III. 

blade  has  more  than  room  enough.  Nevertheless, 
whenever  I  come  to  a  complicated  joint,  and  see  that 
there  will  be  some  difficulty,  I  proceed  anxiously  and 
with  caution,  not  allowing  my  eyes  to  wander  from 
the  place,  and  moving  my  hand  slowly.  Then  by  a 
very  slight  movement  of  the  knife,  the  part  is  quickly 
separated,  and  drops  like  (a  clod  of)  earth  to  the 
ground.  Then  standing  up  with  the  knife  in  my 
hand,  I  look  all  round,  and  in  a  leisurely  manner, 
with  an  air  of  satisfaction,  wipe  it  clean,  and  put  it 
in  its  sheath.'  The  ruler  Wan-hui  said,  '  Excellent ! 
I  have  heard  the  words  of  my  cook,  and  learned 
from  them  the  nourishment  of  (our)  life.' 

3.  When  Rung- wan  Hsien1  saw  the  Master  of  the 
Left,  he  was  startled,  and  said,  '  What  sort  of  man 
is  this  ?  How  is  it  he  has  but  one  foot  ?  Is  it  from 
Heaven  ?  or  from  Man  ? '  Then  he  added 2,  'It 
must  be  from  Heaven,  and  not  from  Man.  Heaven's 
making  of  this  man  caused  him  to  have  but  one  foot. 
In  the  person  of  man,  each  foot  has  its  marrow. 
By  this  I  know  that  his  peculiarity  is  from  Heaven, 
and  not  from  Man.  A  pheasant  of  the  marshes  has 
to  take  ten  steps  to  pick  up  a  mouthful  of  food,  and 
thirty  steps  to  get  a  drink,  but  it  does  not  seek  to  be 
nourished  in  a  coop.  Though  its  spirit  would  (there) 
enjoy  a  royal  abundance,  it  does  not  think  (such 
confinement)  good.' 

1  There  was  a  family  in  Wei  with  the  double  surname  Rung-wan. 
This  would  be  a  scion  of  it. 

2  This  is  Hsien  still  speaking.     We  have  to  understand   his 
reasoning   ad   sensum   and   not   ad  verbum.     The   master  of 
the   Left   had    done  'evil/   so  as  to  incur  the  punishment  from 
which   he   suffered;    and   had   shown  himself  less   wise   than   a 
pheasant. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  ill.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  £WANG-3ZE.  2OI 

4.  When  Lao  Tan  died 1,  Kkm  Shih 2  went  to  con- 
dole (with  his  son),  but  after  crying  out  three  times, 
he  came  out.  The  disciples 3  said  to  him,  '  Were 
you  not  a  friend  of  the  Master  ? '  'I  was/  he  re- 
plied, and  they  said,  '  Is  it  proper  then  to  offer  your 
condolences  merely  as  you  have  done?'  He  said, 
'  It  is.  At  first  I  thought  he  was  the  man  of  men, 
and  now  I  do  not  think  so.  When  I  entered  a  little 
ago  and  expressed  my  condolences,  there  were 
the  old  men  wailing  as  if  they  had  lost  a  son,  and 
the  young  men  wailing  as  if  they  had  lost  their 
mother.  In  his  attracting  and  uniting  them  to  him- 
self in  such  a  way  there  must  have  been  that  which 
made  them  involuntarily  express  their  words  (of 
condolence),  and  involuntarily  wail,  as  they  were 
doing.  And  this  was  a  hiding  from  himself  of  his 
Heaven  (-nature),  and  an  excessive  indulgence  of  his 
(human)  feelings ; — a  forgetting  of  what  he  had  re- 
ceived (in  being  born) ;  what  the  ancients  called  the 
punishment  due  to  neglecting  the  Heaven  (-nature) 4. 
When  the  Master  came 5,  it  was  at  the  proper  time  ; 
when  he  went  away,  it  was  the  simple  sequence  (of 
his  coming).  Quiet  acquiescence  in  what  happens 
at  its  proper  time,  and  quietly  submitting  (to  its 
ceasing)  afford  no  occasion  for  grief  or  for  joy 6.  The 
ancients  described  (death)  as  the  loosening  of  the 

1  Then  the   account   that   Lao-^ze  went  westwards,   and   that 
nothing  is  known  as  to  where  he  died,  must  be  without  foundation. 

2  Nothing  more  is  known  of  this  person. 

3  Probably  the  disciples  of  Lao-jze. 

*  Lao  had  gone  to  an  excess  in  his  '  doing  good,'  as  if  he  were 
seeking  reputation. 

5  Into  the  world. 

6  See  Awang-jze's  remarks  and  demeanour  on  the  death  of  his 
wife,  in  Book  XVIII. 


2O2  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  III. 

cord  on  which  God  suspended  (the  life) l.  What  we 
can  point  to  are  the  faggots  that  have  been  con- 
sumed ;  but  the  fire  is  transmitted  (elsewhere),  and 
we  know  not  that  it  is  over  and  ended 2. 

1  This  short  sentence  is  remarkable  by  the  use  of  the  character  T  i 
C^1)'  '  God/  in  it,  a  usage  here  ascribed  to  the  ancients. 

2  The  concluding  sentence  might  stand  as  a  short  paragraph 
by  itself.    The  '  faggots '  are  understood  to  represent  the  body,  and 
the  '  fire '  the  animating  spirit.     The  body  perishes  at  death  as  the 
faggots  are  consumed  by  the  fire.     But  the  fire  may  be  transmitted 
to  other  faggots,  and  so  the  spirit  may  migrate,  and  be  existing 
elsewhere. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  iv.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  JTWANG-3ZE.  203 


BOOK  IV. 
PART  I.    SECTION  IV. 

Zan  A'ien  Shih,  or  '  Man  in  the  World,  Associated 
with  other  Men  V 

i.  Yen  Hui2  went  to  see  A"ung-nl3,  and  asked 
leave  to  take  his  departure.  '  Where  are  you  going 
to  ? '  asked  the  Master.  '  I  will  go  to  Wei 4 '  was  the 
reply.  '  And  with  what  object  ?  '  'I  have  heard 
that  the  ruler  of  Wei 5  is  in  the  vigour  of  his  years, 
and  consults  none  but  himself  as  to  his  course. 
He  deals  with  his  state  as  if  it  were  a  light  matter, 
and  has  no  perception  of  his  errors.  He  thinks 
lightly  of  his  people's  dying ;  the  dead  are  lying 
all  over  the  country  as  if  no  smaller  space  could 
contain  them ;  on  the  plains 6  and  about  the 
marshes,  they  are  as  thick  as  heaps  of  fuel.  The 
people  know  not  where  to  turn  to.  I  have  heard 
you,  Master,  say,  "  Leave  the  state  that  is  well 

1  See  pp.  131,  132. 

2  The  favourite  disciple  of  Confucius,  styled  also  3ze-yiian. 

3  Of  course,  Confucius ; — his  designation  or  married  name. 

4  A  feudal  state,  embracing  portions  of  the  present  provinces  of 
Ho-nan,  Aah-lf,  and  Shan-tung.     There  was  another  state,  which 
we  must  also  call  Wei  in  English,  though  the  Chinese  characters  of 
them  are  different; — one  of  the  fragments  of  the  great  state  of  $in, 
more  to  the  west. 

5  At  this  time  the  marquis  Yuan,  known  to  us  by  his  post- 
humous title  of  duke  Ling; — see  Book  XXV,  9. 

6  Adopting  Lin's  reading  of  ^T£  instead  of  the  common  5&. 


2O4  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  IV. 

governed  ;  go  to  the  state  where  disorder  prevails  V 
At  the  door  of  a  physician  there  are  many  who  are 
ill.  I  wish  through  what  I  have  heard  (from  you) 
to  think  out  some  methods  (of  dealing  with  Wei),  if 
peradventure  the  evils  of  the  state  may  be  cured.' 

Jfung-ni  said,  'Alas!  The  risk  is  that  you  will 
go  only  to  suffer  in  the  punishment  (of  yourself) ! 
The  right  method  (in  such  a  case)  will  not  admit 
of  any  admixture.  With  such  admixture,  the  one 
method  will  become  many  methods.  .  Their  multi- 
plication will  embarrass  you.  That  embarrassment 
will  make  you  anxious.  However  anxious  you  may 
be,  you  will  not  save  (yourself).  -The  perfect  men 
of  old  first  had  (what  they  wanted  to  do)  in  them- 
selves, and  ^afterwards  they  found  (the  response  to 
it)  in  others.  If  what  they  wanted  in  themselves 
was  not  fixed,  what  leisure  had  they  to  go  and 
interfere  with  the  proceedings  of  any  tyrannous 
man  ? 

'  Moreover,  do  you  know  how  virtue  is  liable  to 
be  dissipated,  and  how  wisdom  proceeds  to  display 
itself?  Virtue  is  dissipated  in  (the  pursuit  of)  the 
name  for  it,  and  wisdom  seeks  to  display  itself  in  the 
striving  with  others.  In  the  pursuit  of  the  name 
men  overthrow  one  another ;  wisdom  becomes 
a  weapon  of  contention.  Both  these  things  are 
instruments  of  evil,  and  should  not  be  allowed  to 
have  free  course  in  one's  conduct.  Supposing  one's 
virtue  to  be  great  and  his  sincerity  firm,  if  he  do 
not  comprehend  the  spirit  of  those  (whom  he  wishes 
to  influence) ;  and  supposing  he  is  free  from  the 

1  Compare  in  the  Analects,  VIII,  xiii,  2,  where  •  a  different 
lesson  is  given ;  but  Confucius  may  at  another  time  have  spoken 
as  Hui  says. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  £WANG-3ZE.  2O5 

disposition  to  strive  for  reputation,  if  he  do  not 
comprehend  their  minds ; — when  in  such  a  case  he 
forcibly  insists  on  benevolence  and  righteousness, 
setting  them  forth  in  the  strongest  and  most  direct 
language,  before  the  tyrant,  then  he,  hating  (his 
reprover's)  possession  of  those  excellences,  will  put 
him  down  as  doing  him  injury.  He  who  injures 
others  is  sure  to  be  injured  by  them  in  return. 
You  indeed  will  hardly  escape  being  injured  by  the 
man  (to  whom  you  go) ! 

'Further,  if  perchance  he  takes  pleasure  in  men 
of  worth  and  hates  those  of  an  opposite  character, 
what  is  the  use  of  your  seeking  to  make  yourself 
out  to  be  different  (from  such  men  about  him)  ? 
Before  you  have  begun  to  announce  (your  views), 
he,  as  king  and  ruler,  will  take  advantage  of  you, 
and  immediately  contend  with  you  for  victory. 
Your  eyes  will  be  dazed  and  full  of  perplexity ; 
you  will  try  to  look  pleased  with  him ;  you  will 
frame  your  words  with  care ;  your  demeanour  will 
be  conformed  to  his ;  you  will  confirm  him  in  his 
views.  In  this  way  you  will  be  adding  fire  to  fire, 
and  water  to  water,  increasing,  as  we  may  express 
it,  the  evils  (which  you  deplore).  To  these  signs 
of  deferring  to  him  at  the  first  there  will  be  no  end. 
You  will  be  in  danger,  seeing  he  does  not  believe 
you,  of  making  your  words  more  strong,  and  you 
are  sure  to  die  at  the  hands  of  such  a  tyrant. 

'And  formerly  A'ieh1  killed  Kwan  Lung-fang2, 
and  ATau3  killed  the  prince  Pl-kan4.  Both  of 

1  The  tyrant  with  whom  the  dynasty  of  Hsia  ended. 

2  A  worthy  minister  of  JTieh. 

8  The  tyrant  with  whom  the  dynasty  of  Shang  or  Yin  ended. 
4  A  half-brother  of  -ATau,  the  tyrant  of  the  Yin  dynasty, 


2O6  THE   TEXTS    OF   TAOISM.  BK.  iv. 

these  cultivated  their  persons,  bending  down  in 
sympathy  with  the  lower  people  to  comfort  them 
suffering  (as  they  did)  from  their  oppressors,  and  on 
their  account  opposing  their  superiors.  On  this 
account,  because  they  so  ordered  their  conduct, 
their  rulers  compassed  their  destruction  :  —  such 
regard  had  they  for  their  own  fame.  (Again),  Yao 
anciently  attacked  (the  states  of)  3nung-^ih  l  and 
Hsii-ao  l,  and  Yii  attacked  the  ruler  of  Hu  l.  Those 
states  were  left  empty,  and  with  no  one  to  continue 
their  population,  the  people  being  exterminated. 
They  had  engaged  in  war  without  ceasing  ;  their 
craving  for  whatever  they  could  get  was  insatiable. 
And  this  (ruler  of  Wei)  is,  like  them,  one  who 
craves  after  fame  and  greater  substance  ;  —  have  you 
not  heard  it  ?  Those  sages  were  not  able  to  over- 
come the  thirst  for  fame  and  substance  ;  —  how  much 
less  will  you  be  able  to  do  so  !  Nevertheless  you 
must  have  some  ground  (for  the  course  which  you 
wish  to  take)  ;  pray  try  and  tell  it  to  me.' 

Yen  Hui  said,  '  May  I  go,  doing  so  in  uprightness 
and  humility,  using  also  every  endeavour  to  be 
uniform  (in  my  plans  of  operation)  ?  '  '  No,  indeed  !  ' 
was  the  reply.  '  How  can  you  do  so  ?  This  man 
makes  a  display2  of  being  filled  to  overflowing  (with 
virtue),  and  has  great  self-conceit.  His  feelings 
are  not  to  be  determined  from  his  countenance. 
Ordinary  men  do  not  (venture  to)  oppose  him,  and 
he  proceeds  from  the  way  in  which  he  affects  them 


1  See  in  par.  7,  Book  II,  where  Hsii-ao  is  mentioned,  though  not 
3hung-£ih.     See  the  Shfi,  III,  ii. 

2  I  take  jjiir  here  as  =  ^j  ;  —  a  meaning  given  in  the  Khang-hsi 
dictionary. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ^WANG-SZE.  2O7 

to  seek  still  more  the  satisfaction  of  his  own  mind. 
He  may  be  described  as  unaffected  by  the  (small 
lessons  of)  virtue  brought  to  bear  on  him  from  day 
to  day ;  and  how  much  less  will  he  be  so  by  your 
great  lessons  ?  He  will  be  obstinate,  and  refuse 
to  be  converted.  He  may  outwardly  agree  with 
you,  but  inwardly  there  will  be  no  self-condemna- 
tion ; — how  can  you  (go  to  him  in  this  way  and  be 
successful)  ? ' 

(Yen  Hui)  rejoined,  'Well  then;  while  inwardly 
maintaining  my  straightforward  intention,  I  will 
outwardly  seem  to  bend  to  him.  I  will  deliver  (my 
lessons),  and  substantiate  them  by  appealing  to 
antiquity.  Inwardly  maintaining  my  straightforward 
intention,  I  shall  be  a  co-worker  with  Heaven. 
When  I  thus  speak  of  being  a  co-worker  with 
Heaven,  it.  is  because  I  know  that  (the  sovereign, 
whom  we  style)  the  son  of  Heaven,  and  myself,  are 
equally  regarded  by  Heaven  as  Its  sons.  And 
should  I  then,  as  if  my  words  were  only  my  own, 
be  seeking  to  find  whether  men  approved  of  them, 
or  disapproved  of  them  ?  In  this  way  men  will 
pronounce  me  a  (sincere  and  simple 1)  boy.  This 
is  what  is  called  being  a  co-worker  with  Heaven. 

'  Outwardly  bending  (to  the  ruler),  I  shall  be  a 
co-worker  with  other  men.  To  carry  (the  memo- 
randum tablet  to  court) 2,  to  kneel,  and  to  bend  the 
body  reverentially : — these  are  the  observances  of 
ministers.  They  all  employ  them,  and  should  I 
presume  not  to  do  so  ?  Doing  what  other  men  do, 
they  would  have  no  occasion  to  blame  me.  This 


1  Entirely  unsophisticated,  governed  by  the  Tao. 

2  See  the  Li  K\,  XI,  ii,  16,  17. 


2O8  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  iv. 

is  what  is  called  being  a  fellow-worker  with  other 
men. 

'  Fully  declaring  my  sentiments  and  substantiat- 
ing them  by  appealing  to  antiquity,  I  shall  be  a 
co-worker  with  the  ancients.  Although  the  words 
in  which  I  convey  my  lessons  may  really  be  con- 
demnatory (of  the  ruler),  they  will  be  those  of 
antiquity,  and  not  my  own.  In  this  way,  though 
straightforward,  I  shall  be  free  from  blame.  This 
is  what  is  called  being  a  co-worker  with  antiquity. 
May  I  go  to  Wei  in  this  way,  and  be  successful  ? ' 
'  No  indeed ! '  said  A"ung-ni.  '  How  can  you  do  so  ? 
You  have  too  many  plans  of  proceeding,  and  have 
not  spied  out  (the  ruler's  character).  Though  you 
firmly  adhere  to  your  plans,  you  may  be  held  free 
from  transgression,  but  this  will  be  all  the  result. 
How  can  you  (in  this  way)  produce  the  trans- 
formation (which  you  desire)  ?  All  this  only  shows 
(in  you)  the  mind  of  a  teacher ! ' 

2.  Yen  Hui  said,  '  I  can  go  no  farther ;  I  venture 
to  ask  the  method  from  you.'  A\mg-ni  replied,  '  It 
is  fasting1,  (as)  I  will  tell  you.  (But)  when  you 
have  the  method,  will  you  find  it  easy  to  practise 
it  ?  He  who  thinks  it  easy  will  be  disapproved 
of  by  the  bright  Heaven.'  Hui  said,  '  My  family 
is  poor.  For  months  together  we  have  no  spirituous 
drink,  nor  do  we  taste  the  proscribed  food  or  any 
strong-smelling  vegetables 2 ; — can  this  be  regarded 
as  fasting  ? '  The  reply  was,  'It  is  the  fasting 
appropriate  to  sacrificing,  but  it  is  not  the  fasting 

1  The  term  is  emphatic,  as  Confucius  goes  on  to  explain. 

2  Such  as  onions  and  garlic,  with  horse,  dog,  cow,  goose,  and 
pigeon. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  #WANO3ZE.  2OQ 

of  the  mind.'  '  I  venture  to  ask  what  that  fasting 
of  the  mind  is,'  said  Hui,  and  A\mg-nl  answered, 
'  Maintain  a  perfect  unity  in  every  movement  of 
your  will.  You  will  not  wait  for  the  hearing  of 
your  ears  about  it,  but  for  the  hearing  of  your 
mind.  You  will  not  wait  even  for  the  hearing  of 
your  mind,  but  for  the  hearing  of  the  spirit1.  Let 
the  hearing  (of  the  ears)  rest  with  the  ears.  Let  the 
mind  rest  in  the  verification  (of  the  Tightness  of 
what  is  in  the  will).  But  the  spirit  is  free  from  all 
pre-occupation  and  so  waits  for  (the  appearance  of) 
things.  Where  the  (proper)  course  is 2,  there  is 
freedom  from  all  pre-occupation ; — such  freedom  is 
the  fasting  of  the  mind.'  Hui  said  3,  '  Before  it  was 
possible  for  me  to  employ  (this  method),  there  I 
was,  the  Hui  that  I  am ;  now,  that  I  can  employ  it, 
the  Hui  that  I  was  has  passed  away.  Can  I  be  said 
to  have  obtained  this  freedom  from  pre-occupation  ?' 
The  Master  replied,  '  Entirely.  I  tell  you  that  you 
can  enter  and  be  at  ease  in  the  enclosure  (where  he 
is),  and  not  come  into  collision  with  the  reputation 
(which  belongs  to  him).  If  he  listen  to  your 
counsels,  let  him  hear  your  notes ;  if  he  will  not 
listen,  be  silent.  Open  no  (other)  door ;  employ  no 
other  medicine ;  dwell  with  him  (as  with  a  friend) 
in  the  same  apartment,  and  as  if  you  had  no  other 
option,  and  you  will  not  be  far  from  success  in  your 
object.  Not  to  move  a  step  is  easy ;  to  walk 
without  treading  on  the  ground  is  difficult.  In 
acting  after  the  manner  of  men,  it  is  easy  to  fall 

1  The  character  in  the  text  for  '  spirit '  here  is  jjj^,  '  the  breath.' 

2  The  Tao. 

3  '  Said ; '  probably,  after  having  made  trial  of  this  fasting. 

[39]  P 


2  TO  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  iv. 

into  hypocrisy ;  in  acting  after  the  manner  of 
Heaven,  it  is  difficult  to  play  the  hypocrite.  I  have 
heard  of  flying  with  wings ;  I  have  not  heard  of 
flying  without  them.  I  have  heard  of  the  know- 
ledge of  the  wise ;  I  have  not  heard  of  the 
knowledge  of  the  -unwise.  Look  at  that  aperture 
(left  in  the  wall) ; — the  empty  apartment  is  filled 
with  light  through  it.  Felicitous  influences  rest  (in 
the  mind  thus  emblemed),  as  in  their  proper  resting 
place.  Even  when  they  do  not  so  rest,  we  have 
what  is  called  (the  body)  seated  and  (the  mind) 
galloping  abroad.  The  information  that  comes 
through  the  ears  and  eyes  is  comprehended  in- 
ternally, and  the  knowledge  of  the  mind  becomes 
something  external : — (when  this  is  the  case),  the 
spiritual  intelligences  will  come,  and  take  up  their 
dwelling  with  us,  and  how  much  more  will  other 
men  do  so !  All  things  thus  undergo  a  trans- 
forming influence.  This  was  the  hinge  on  which 
Yti  and  Shun  moved ;  it  was  this  which  Fu-hsl l 
and  K\-kh\\. 2  practised  all  their  lives :  how  much 
more  should  other  men  follow  the  same  rule ! ' 

3.  3ze-kao 3,  duke  of  Sheh,  being  about  to  proceed 
on  a  mission  to  KM,  asked  A*img-nl,  saying,  '  The 
king  is  sending  me,  A"u-liang3,  on  a  mission  which 


1  Often  spoken  of  as  Fo-hi,  the  founder  of  the  Chinese  kingdom. 
His  place  in  chronology  should  be  assigned  to  him  more  than 
B.C.  3000  rather  than  under  that  date. 

2  A  predecessor  of  Fu-hsi,  a  sovereign  of  the  ancient  para- 
disiacal time. 

3  The  name  of  Sheh  remains  in  Sheh-hsien,  a  district  of  the 
department  Nan-yang,  Ho-nan.     Its  governor,  who  is  the  subject 
of  this  narrative,  was  a  Shan  A!u-liang,  styled  3ze-kao.     He  was 


PT.  I.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  JPWANG-3ZE.  2  I  I 

is  very  important.  Kh\  will  probably  treat  me  as  his 
commissioner  with  great  respect,  but  it  will  not  be 
in  a  hurry  (to  attend  to  the  business).  Even  an 
ordinary  man  cannot  be  readily  moved  (to  action), 
and  how  much  less  the  prince  of  a  state !  I  am 
very  full  of  apprehension.  You,  Sir,  once  said  to 
me  that  of  all  things,  great  or  small,  there  were 
few  which,  if  not  conducted  in  the  proper  way l, 
could  be  brought  to  a  happy  conclusion ;  that,  if 
the  thing  were  not  successful,  there  was  sure  to  be 
the  evil  of  being  dealt  with  after  the  manner  of 
men 2 ;  that,  if  it  were  successful,  there  was  sure 
to  be  the  evil  of  constant  anxiety 3 ;  and  that, 
whether  it  succeeded  or  not,  it  was  only  the 
virtuous  man  who  could  secure  its  not  being  fol- 
lowed by  evil.  In  my  diet  I  take  what  is  coarse, 
and  do  not  seek  delicacies, — a  man  whose  cookery 
does  not  require  him  to  be  using  cooling  drinks. 
This  morning  I  received  my  charge,  and  in  the 
evening  I  am  drinking  iced  wrater; — am  I  not 
feeling  the  internal  heat  (and  discomfort)  ?  Such  is 
my  state  before  I  have  actually  engaged  in  the 
affair; — I  am  already  suffering  from  conflicting 
anxieties.  And  if  the  thing  do  not  succeed,  (the 
king)  is  sure  to  deal  with  me  after  the  manner 
of  men.  The  evil  is  twofold ;  as  a  minister,  I  am 
not  able  to  bear  the  burden  (of  the  mission).  Can 


not  a  duke,  but  as  the  counts  of  Khh.  had  usurped  the  name  of 
king,  they  gave  high-sounding  names  to  all  their  ministers  and 
officers. 

1  Or,  'according  to  the  Tao.' 

2  As  a  criminal ;  punished  by  his  sovereign. 

3  Anxiety  'night  and  day,'  or  'cold  and  hot'  fits  of  trouble; — a 
peculiar  usage  of  Yin  Yang. 

P  2 


212  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  IV. 

you,  Sir,  tell  me  something  (to  help  me  in  the 
case) ? ' 

A"ung-nt  replied,  'In  all  things  under  heaven  there 
are  two  great  cautionary  considerations  : — the  one 
is  the  requirement  implanted  (in  the  nature)1  ;  the 
other  is  the  conviction  of  what  is  right.  The  love 
of  a  son  for  his  parents  is  the  implanted  require- 
ment, and  can  never  be  separated  from  his  heart ; 
the  service  of  his  ruler  by  a  minister  is  what  is 
right,  and  from  its  obligation  there  is  no  escaping 
anywhere  between  heaven  and  earth.  These  are 
what  are  called  the  great  cautionary  considerations. 
Therefore  a  son  finds  his  rest  in  serving  his 
parents  without  reference  to  or  choice  of  place  ;  and 
this  is  the  height  of  filial  duty.  In  the  same  way 
a  subject  finds  his  rest  in  serving  his  ruler,  without 
reference  to  or  choice  of  the  business ;  and  this 
is  the  fullest  discharge  of  loyalty.  When  men  are 
simply  obeying  (the  dictates  of)  their  hearts,  the 
considerations  of  grief  and  joy  are  not  readily  set 
before  them.  They  know  that  there  is  no  alterna- 
tive to  their  acting  as  they  do,  and  rest  in  it  as 
what  is  appointed ;  and  this  is  the  highest  achieve- 
ment of  virtue.  He  who  is  in  the  position  of  a 
minister  or  of  a  son  has  indeed  to  do  what  he 
cannot  but  do.  Occupied  with  the  details  of  the 
business  (in  hand),  and  forgetful  of  his  own  person, 
what  leisure  has  he  to  think  of  his  pleasure  in  living 
or  his  dislike  of  death  ?  You,  my  master,  may  well 
proceed  on  your  mission. 

'But  let  me  repeat  to  you  what  I  have  heard  : — In 

1  The  Ming  of  the  text  here  is  that  in  the  first  sentence  of  the 
-ATung  Yung. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  -5TWANG-3ZE.  2  I  3 

all  intercourse  (between  states),  if  they  are  near  to 
each  other,  there  should  be  mutual  friendliness,  veri- 
fied by  deeds  ;  if  they  are  far  apart,  there  must  be 
sincere  adherence  to  truth  in  their  messages.  Those 
messages  will  be  transmitted  by  internuncios.  But 
to  convey  messages  which  express  the  complacence 
or  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  two  parties  is  the  most 
difficult  thing  in  the  world.  If  they  be  those  of 
mutual  complacence,  there  is  sure  to  be  an  overflow 
of  expressions  of  satisfaction  ;  if  of  mutual  dissatis- 
faction, an  overflow  of  expressions  of  dislike.  But 
all  extravagance  leads  to  reckless  language,  and 
such  language  fails  to  command  belief.  When  this 
distrust  arises,  woe  to  the  internuncio !  Hence  the 
Rules  for  Speech1  say,  "Transmit  the  message  exactly 
as  it  stands ;  do  not  transmit  it  with  any  overflow  of 
language  ;  so  is  (the  internuncio)  likely  to  keep  him- 
self whole." 

4.  '  Moreover,  skilful  wrestlers  begin  with  open 
trials  of  strength,  but  always  end  with  masked 
attempts  (to  gain  the  victory)  ;  as  their  excitement 
grows  excessive,  they  display  much  wonderful  dex- 
terity. Parties  drinking  according  to  the  rules  at 
first  observe  good  order,  but  always  end  with  dis- 
order ;  as  their  excitement  grows  excessive,  their  fun 
becomes  uproarious 2.  In  all  things  it  is  so.  People 
are  at  first  sincere,  but  always  end  with  becoming  rude ; 
at  the  commencement  things  are  treated  as  trivial, 


1  Probably  a  Collection  of  Directions  current  at  the  time ;   and 
which  led  to  the  name  of  Yang  Hsiung's  Treatise  with  the  same 
name  in  our  first  century. 

2  See  the  Shih,  II,  vii,  6. 


214  THE    TEXTS   OF    TAOISM.  BK.  IV. 

but  as  the  end  draws  near,  they  assume  great  pro- 
portions. Words  are  (like)  the  waves  acted  on  by 
the  wind  ;  the  real  point  of  the  matters  (discussed  by 
them)  is  lost.  The  wind  and  waves  are  easily  set  in 
motion  ;  the  success  of  the  matter  of  which  the  real 
point  is  lost  is  easily  put  in  peril.  Hence  quarrels 
are  occasioned  by  nothing  so  much  as  by  artful  words 
and  one-sided  speeches.  The  breath  comes  angrily, 
as  when  a  beast,  driven  to  death,  wildly  bellows  forth 
its  rage.  On  this  animosities  arise  on  both  sides. 
Hasty  examination  (of  the  case)  eagerly  proceeds, 
and  revengeful  thoughts  arise  in  their  minds  ; — they 
do  not  know  how.  Since  they  do  not  know  how 
such  thoughts  arise,  who  knows  how  they  will  end  ? 
Hence  the  Rules  for  Speech  l  say,  "  Let  not  an  irt- 
ternuncius  depart  from  his  instructions.  Let  him 
not  urge  on  a  settlement.  If  he  go  beyond  the 
regular  rules,  he  will  complicate  matters.  Departing 
'  from  his  instructions  and  urging  on  a  settlement  im- 
perils negotiations.  A  good  settlement  is  proved  by 
its  lasting  long,  and  a  bad  settlement  cannot  be 
altered ; — ought  he  not  to  be  careful  ?  " 

'  Further  still,  let  your  mind  find  its  enjoyment  in 
the  circumstances  of  your  position  ;  nourish  the  cen- 
tral course  which  you  pursue,  by  a  reference  to  your 
unavoidable  obligations.  This  is  the  highest  object 
for  you  to  pursue  ;  what  else  can  you  do  to  fulfil  the 
charge  (of  your  father  and  ruler)2.  The  best  thing 
you  can  do  is  to  be  prepared  to  sacrifice  your  life ; 
and  this  is  the  most  difficult  thing  to  do.' 


1  See  above,  on  preceding  page. 

2  Not  meaning  the  king  of  Kh&\  but  the  Tao,  whose  will  was 
to  be  found  in  his  nature  and  the  conditions  of  his  lot. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ATWANG-3ZE.  215 

5.  Yen  Ho l,  being  about  to  undertake  the  office  of 
Teacher  of  the  eldest  son  of  duke  Ling  of  Wei,  con- 
sulted Ku  Po-yii2.  '  Here/  said  he,  'is  this  (young) 
man,  whose  natural  disposition  is  as  bad  as  it  could 
be.  If  I  allow  him  to  proceed  in  a  bad  way,  it  will 
be  at  the  peril  of  our  state  ;  if  I  insist  on  his  proceed- 
ing in  a  right  way,  it  will  be  at  the  peril  of  my  own 
person.  His  wisdom  is  just  sufficient  to  know  the 
errors  of  other  men,  but  he  does  not  know  how 
he  errs  himself.  What  am  I  to  do  in  such  a 
case  ? '  Ku  Po-yii  replied,  'Good  indeed  is  your  ques- 
tion !  Be  on  your  guard ;  be  careful ;  see  that  you 
keep  yourself  correct!  Your  best  plan  will  be,  with 
your  person  to  seek  association  with  him,  and  with 
your  mind  to  try  to  be  in  harmony  with  him  ;  and 
yet  there  are  dangers  connected  with  both  of  these 
things.  While  seeking  to  keep  near  to  him,  do  not 
enter  into  his  pursuits  ;  while  cultivating  a  harmony 
of  mind  with  him,  do  not  show  how  superior  you  are 
to  him.  If  in  your  personal  association  you  enter 
into  his  pursuits,  you  will  fall  with  him  and  be  ruined, 
you  will  tumble  down  with  a  crash.  If  in  maintaining 
a  harmony  with  his  mind,  you  show  how  different 
you  are  from  him,  he  will  think  you  do  so  for  the 
reputation  and  the  name,  and  regard  you  as  a 
creature  of  evil  omen 3.  If  you  find  him  to  be  a  mere 
boy,  be  you  with  him  as  another  boy  ;  if  you  find 
him  one  of  those  who  will  not  have  their  ground 
marked  out  in  the  ordinary  way,  do  you  humour 


1  A  member  of  the  Yen  family  of  Lu.     We  shall  meet  with  him 
again  in  Books  XIX,  XXVIII,  and  XXXII. 

2  A  minister  of  Wei ;  a  friend  and  favourite  of  Confucius. 

3  Compare  in  the  A'ung  Yung,  ii,  ch.  24. 


2l6  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  IV. 

him  in  this  characteristic 1 ;  if  you  find  him  to  be  free 
from  lofty  airs,  show  yourself  to  be  the  same  ; — 
(ever)  leading  him  on  so  as  to  keep  him  free  from 
faults. 

'  Do  you  not  know  (the  fate  of)  the  praying 
mantis  ?  It  angrily  stretches  out  its  arms,  to  arrest 
the  progress  of  the  carriage,  unconscious  of  its  in- 
ability for  such  a  task,  but  showing  how  much  it 
thinks  of  its  own  powers.  Be  on  your  guard ;  be 
careful.  If  you  cherish  a  boastful  confidence  in 
your  own  excellence,  and  place  yourself  in  collision 
with  him,  you  are  likely  to  incur  the  fate  (of  the 
mantis).. 

1  Do  you  not  know  how  those  who  keep  tigers 
proceed  ?  They  do  not  dare  to  supply  them  with 
living  creatures,  because  of  the  rage  which  their 
killing  of  them  will  excite.  They  do  not  (even)  dare 
to  give  them  their  food  whole,  because  of  the  rage 
which  their  rending  of  it  will  excite.  They  watch 
till  their  hunger  is  appeased,  (dealing  with  them) 
from  their  knowledge  of  their  natural  ferocity.  Tigers 
are  different  from  men,  but  they  fawn  on  those  who 
feed  them,  and  do  so  in  accordance  with  their  nature. 
When  any  of  these  are  killed  by  them,  it  is  because 
they  have  gone  against  that  nature. 

4  Those  again  who  are  fond  of  horses  preserve 
their  dung  in  baskets,  and  their  urine  in  jars.  If 
musquitoes  and  gadflies  light  on  them,  and  the 
grooms  brush  them  suddenly  away,  the  horses 
break  their  bits,  injure  (the  ornaments  on)  their 
heads,  and  smash  those  on  their  breasts.  The  more 
care  that  is  taken  of  them,  the  more  does  their  fond- 

1  Equivalent  to  '  Do  not  cross  him  in  his  peculiarities.' 


PT.  I.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  1TWANG-3ZE.  2  I  7 

ness  (for  their  attendants)  disappear.  Ought  not 
caution  to  be  exercised  (in  the  management  of 
them)?' 

6.  A  (master)  mechanic,  called  Shih,  on  his  way  to 
Khi,  came  to  A^U-yiian l,  where  he  saw  an  oak-tree, 
which  was  used  as  the  altar  for  the  spirits  of  the 
land.  It  was  so  large  that  an  ox  standing  behind 
it  could  not  be  seen.  It  measured  a  hundred  spans 
round,  and  rose  up  eighty  cubits  on  the  hill  before  it 
threw  out  any  branches,  after  which  there  were  ten 
or  so,  from  each  of  which  a  boat  could  be  hollowed 
out.  People  came  to  see  it  in  crowds  as  in  a  market 
place,  but  the  mechanic  did  not  look  round  at  it,  but 
held  on  his  way  without  stopping.  One  of  his  work- 
men, however,  looked  long  and  admiringly  at  it,  and 
then  ran  on  to  his  master,  and  said  to  him,  '  Since  I 
followed  you  with  my  axe  and  bill,  I  have  never 
seen  such  a  beautiful  mass  of  timber  as  this.  Why 
would  you,  Sir,  not  look  round  at  it,  but  went  on 
without  stopping  ? '  '  Have  done,'  said  Mr.  Shih, 
'  and  do  not  speak  about  it.  It  is  quite  useless.  A 
boat  made  from  its  wood  would  sink ;  a  coffin  or 
shell  would  quickly  rot  ;  an  article  of  furniture 
would  soon  go  to  pieces ;  a  door  would  be 
covered  with  the  exuding  sap ;  a  pillar  would  be 
riddled  by  insects;  the  material  of  it  is  good  for 
nothing,  and  hence  it  is  that  it  has  attained  to  so 
great  an  age  V 


1  The  name  of  a  place ;   of  a  road ;   of  a  bend  in  the  road ;  of 
a  hill.     All  these  accounts  of  the  name  are  found  in  different 
editions  of  our  author,  showing  that  the  locality  had  not  been 
identified. 

2  No  one  has  thought  it  worth  cutting  down. 


2l8  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  IV. 

When  Mr.  Shih  was  returning,  the  altar-oak 
appeared  to  him  in  a  dream,  and  said,  '  What  other 
tree  will  you  compare  with  me  ?  Will  you  compare 
me  to  one  of  your  ornamental  trees  ?  There  are 
hawthorns,  pear-trees,  orange-trees,  pummelo-trees, 
gourds  and  other  low  fruit-bearing  plants.  When 
their  fruits  are  ripe,  they  are  knocked  down  from 
them,  and  thrown  among  the  dirt l.  The  large 
branches  are  broken,  and  the  smaller  are  torn  away. 
So  it  is  that  their  productive  ability  makes  their 
lives  bitter  to  them  ;  they  do  not  complete  their 
natural  term  of  existence,  but  come  to  a  premature 
end  in  the  middle  of  their  time,  bringing  on  them- 
selves the  destructive  treatment  which  they  ordin- 
arily receive.  It  is  so  with  all  things.  I  have 
sought  to  discover  how  it  was  that  I  was  so  useless ; 
— I  had  long  done  so,  till  (the  effort)  nearly  caused 
my  death  ;  and  now  I  have  learned  it : — it  has  been 
of  the  greatest  use  to  me.  Suppose  that  I  had 
possessed  useful  properties,  should  I  have  become  of 
the  great  size  that  I  am  ?  And  moreover  you  and  I 
are  both  things ; — how  should  one  thing  thus  pass 
its  judgment  on  another  ?  how  is  it  that  you  a  use- 
less man  know  all  this  about  me  a  useless  tree  ? ' 
When  Mr.  Shih  awoke,  he  kept  thinking  about  his 
dream,  but  the  workman  said,  '  Being  so  taken  with 
its  uselessness,  how  is  it  that  it  yet  acts  here  as  the 
altar  for  the  spirits  of  the  land  ? '  'Be  still/  was  the 
master's  reply,  '  and  do  not  say  a  word.  It  simply 
happened  to  grow  here ;  and  thus  those  who  do  not 
know  it  do  not  speak  ill  of  it  as  an  evil  thing.  If  it 
were  not  used  as  the  altar,  would  it  be  in  danger  of 

1  This  is  the  indignity  intended. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  A'WANG-3ZE.  2  I  Q 

being  cut  down  ?  Moreover,  the  reason  of  its  being 
preserved  is  different  from  that  of  the  preservation 
of  things  generally ;  is  not  your  explaining  it  from 
the  sentiment  which  you  have  expressed  wide  of  the 
mark  ? ' 

7.  Nan-po  $ze-£M  l  in  rambling  about  the  Heights 
of  Shang 2,  saw  a  large  and  extraordinary  tree.  The 
teams  of  a  thousand  chariots  might  be  sheltered 
under  it,  and  its  shade  would  cover  them  all !  3ze~ 
khi  said, '  What  a  tree  is  this  !  It  must  contain  an 
extraordinary  amount  of  timber  !  When  he  looked 
up,  however,  at  its  smaller  branches,  they  were  so 
twisted  and  crooked  that  they  could  not  be  made 
into  rafters  and  beams  ;  when  he  looked  down  to  its 
root,  its  stem  was  divided  into  so  many  rounded  por- 
tions that  neither  coffin  nor  shell  could  be  made  from 
them.  He  licked  one  of  its  leaves,  and  his  mouth 
felt  torn  and  wounded.  The  smell  of  it  would  make 
a  man  frantic,  as  if  intoxicated,  for  more  than  three 
whole  days  together.  '  This,  indeed,'  said  he,  '  is  a 
tree  good  for  nothing,  and  it  is  thus  that  it  has 
attained  to  such  a  size.  Ah  !  and  spirit-like  men 
acknowledge  this  worthlessness  (and  its  result)  V 

In  Sung  there  is  the  district  of  Alng-shih 4,  in 
which  catalpae,  cypresses,  and  mulberry  trees  grow 
well.  Those  of  them  which  are  a  span  or  two  or 
rather  more  in  circumference 5  are  cut  down  by  per- 
sons who  want  to  make  posts  to  which  to  tie  their 

1  Probably  the  Nan-kwo  %zz-khi  at  the  beginning  of  the  second 
Book. 

-  In  the  present  department  of  Kwei-teh,  Ho-nan. 

3  A  difficult  sentence  to  construe. 

4  In  what  part  of  the  duchy  we  do  not  know. 

5  See  Mencius,  VI,  i,  13. 


22O  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  iv. 

monkeys ;  those  which  are  three  or  four  spans 
round  are  cut  down  by  persons  who  want  beams  for 
their  lofty  and  famous  houses  ;  and  those  of  seven 
or  eight  spans  are  cut  down  by  noblemen  and  rich 
merchants  who  want  single  planks  for  the  sides  of 
their  coffins.  The  trees  in  consequence  do  not 
complete  their  natural  term  of  life,  and  come  to  a 
premature  end  in  the  middle  of  their  growth  under 
the  axe  and  bill ; — this  is  the  evil  that  befalls  them 
from  their  supplying  good  timber. 

In  the  same  way  the  A'ieh 1  (book)  specifies  oxen 
that  have  white  foreheads,  pigs  that  have  turned-up 
snouts,  and  men  that  are  suffering  from  piles,  and 
forbids  their  being  sacrificed  to  the  Ho.  The 
wizards  know  them  by  these  peculiarities  and  con- 
sider them  to  be  inauspicious,  but  spirit-like  men 
consider  them  on  this  account  to  be  very  fortunate. 

8.  There  was  the  deformed  object  Shu8.  His  chin 
seemed  to  hide  his  navel ;  his  shoulders  were  higher 
than  the  crown  of  his  head ;  the  knot  of  his  hair 
pointed  to  the  sky ;  his  five  viscera  were  all  com- 
pressed into  the  upper  part  of  his  body,  and  his  two 
thigh  bones  were  like  ribs.  By  sharpening  needles 
and  washing  clothes  he  was  able  to  make  a  living. 
By  sifting  rice  and  cleaning  it,  he  was  able  to  support 
ten  individuals.  When  the  government  was  calling 
out  soldiers,  this  poor  Shu  would  bare  his  arms 
among  the  others  ;  when  it  had  any  great  service 
to  be  undertaken,  because  of  his  constant  ailments, 
none  of  the  work  was  assigned  to  him  ;  when  it  was 

1  Probably  the  name  of  an  old  work  on  sacrifices.  But  was  there 
ever  a  time  in  China  when  human  sacrifices  were  offered  to  the  Ho, 
or  on  any  altar  ? 

3  One  of  ATwang-jze's  creations. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  .STWANG-3ZE.  221 

giving  out  grain  to  the  sick,  he  received  three  /£ung, 
and  ten  bundles  of  firewood.  If  this  poor  man,  so 
deformed  in  body,  was  still  able  to  support  him- 
self, and  complete  his  term  of  life,  how  much  more 
may  they  do  so,  whose  deformity  is  that  of  their 
faculties1 ! 

9.  When  Confucius  went  to  A^u2,  A^ieh-yu,  the 
madman  of  AVzu3,  as  he  was  wandering  about,  passed 
by  his  door,  and  said,  '  O  Phoenix,  O  Phoenix,  how 
is  your  virtue  degenerated !  The  future  is  not  to 
be  waited  for ;  the  past  is  not  to  be  sought  again  ! 
When  good  order  prevails  in  the  world,  the  sage 
tries  to  accomplish  all  his  service  ;  when  disorder 
prevails,  he  may  preserve  his  life ;  at  the  present 
time,  it  is  enough  if  he  simply  escape  being  punished. 
Happiness  is  lighter  than  a  feather,  but  no  one  knows 
how  to  support  it ;  calamity  is  heavier  than  the  earth, 
and  yet  no  one  knows  how  to  avoid  it.  Give  over ! 
give  over  approaching  men  with  the  lessons  of  your 
virtue  !  You  are  in  peril !  you  are  in  peril,  hurrying 
on  where  you  have  marked  out  the  ground  against 
your  advance  !  I  avoid  publicity,  I  avoid  publicity, 
that  my  path  may  not  be  injured.  I  pursue  my 
course,  now  going  backwards,  now  crookedly,  that 
my  feet  may  not  be  hurt 4. 


1  The  deficiency  of  their  faculties— here  mental  faculties — would 
assimilate  them  to  the  useless  trees  in  the  last  two  paragraphs, 
whose  uselessness  only  proved  useful  to  them. 

2  The  great  state  of  the  south,  having  its  capital  in  the  present 
Hu-pei. 

3  See  the  Analects,  XVIII,  v. 

4  The  madman  would  seem  to  contrast  his  own  course  with  that 
of  Confucius;   but  the  meaning  is  very  uncertain,  and  the  text 
cannot  be  discussed  fully  in  these  short  notes.     There  is  a  jingle 


222  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  IV. 

'  The  mountain  by  its  trees  weakens  itself l. 
The  grease  which  ministers  to  the  fire  fries  itself. 
The  cinnamon  tree  can  be  eaten,  and  therefore  it  is 
cut  down.  The  varnish  tree  is  useful,  and  therefore 
incisions  are  made  in  it.  All  men  know  the  advan- 
tage of  being  useful,  but  no  one  knows  the  advantage 
of  being  useless.' 

of  rhyme  also  in  the  sentence,  and  some  critics  find  something  like 
this  in  them : 

'Ye  ferns,  ye  thorny  ferns,  O  injure  not  my  way! 
To  save  my  feet,  I  backward  turn,  or  winding  stray ! ' 

1  Literally,  '  robs  itself; ' — exhausts  its  moisture  or  productive 
strength. 


PT.  T.  SECT.  v.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  iTWANG-3ZE.  22 


BOOK   V. 
PART  I.    SECTION  V. 


Teh  jKtiung  Fu,  or  'The  Seal  of  Virtue 
Complete1.' 

i.  In  Lu2  there  was  a  Wang  Thai3  who  had  lost 
both  his  feet  4  ;  while  his  disciples  who  followed  and 
went  about  with  him  were  as  numerous  as  those  of 
A\mg-nl.  A^ang  K\  5  asked  A'ung-nl  about  him, 
saying,  '  Though  Wang  Thai  is  a  cripple,  the  dis- 
ciples who  follow  him  about  divide  Lu  equally  with 
you,  Master.  When  he  stands,  he  does  not  teach 
them  ;  when  he  sits,  he  does  not  discourse  to  them. 
But  they  go  to  him  empty,  and  come  back  full.  Is 
there  indeed  such  a  thing  as  instruction  without 
words6  ?  and  while  the  body  is  imperfect,  may  the 
mind  be  complete  ?  What  sort  of  man  is  he  ?  ' 

ATung-nl  replied,  '  This  master  is  a  sage.     I  have 

1  See  pp.  133,  134. 

2  The  native  state  of  Confucius,  part  of  the  present  Shan-tung. 

3  A  Taoist  of  complete  virtue  ;  but  probably  there  was  not  really 
such  a  person.     Our  author  fabricates  him  according  to  his  fashion. 

4  The  character  uh  (J^)  does  not  say  that  he  had  lost  both  his 
feet,  but  I  suppose  that  such  is  the  meaning,  because  of  what  is 
said  of  Toeless  below  that  '  he  walked  on  his  heels  to  see  Confucius.' 
The  feet  must  have  been  amputated,  or  mutilated  rather  (justly  or 
unjustly),  as  a  punishment  ;  but  ^Twang-jze  wished  to  say  nothing 
on  that  point. 

5  Perhaps  a  disciple  of  Confucius  ;  —  not  elsewhere  mentioned  as 
such. 

6  See  the  Tao  Teh  A'ing,  ch.  2. 


224  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  V. 

only  been  too  late  in  going  to  him.  I  will  make 
him  my  teacher ;  and  how  much  more  should  those 
do  so  who  are  not  equal  to  me !  Why  should 
only  the  state  of  Lu  follow  him  ?  I  will  lead  on  all 
under  heaven  with  me  to  do  so.'  A^ang  Ki  re- 
joined, '  He  is  a  man  who  has  lost  his  feet,  and  yet 
he  is  known  as  the  venerable  Wang 1 ; — he  must  be 
very  different  from  ordinary  men.  What  is  the 
peculiar  way  in  which  he  employs  his  mind  ? '  The 
reply  was,  '  Death  and  life  are  great  considerations, 
but  they  could  work  no  change  in  him.  Though 
heaven  and  earth  were  to  be  overturned  and  fall, 
they  would  occasion  him  no  loss.  His  judgment  is 
fixed  regarding  that  in  which  there  is  no  element 
of  falsehood 2 ;  and,  while  other  things  change,  he 
changes  not.  The  transformations  of  things  are  to 
him  the  developments  prescribed  for  them,  and  he 
keeps  fast  hold  of  the  author  of  them  V 

uOang  Ki  said,  '  What  do  you  mean  ? '  '  When 
we  look  at  things,'  said  ATung-nl,  '  as  they  differ,  we 
see  them  to  be  different,  (as  for  instance)  the  liver 
and  the  gall,  or  Kk\\  and  Yiieh  ;  when  we  look  at 
them,  as  they  agree,  we  see  them  all  to  be  a  unity. 
So  it  is  with  this  (Wang  Thai).  He  takes  no  know- 
ledge of  the  things  for  which  his  ears  and  eyes  are 
the  appropriate  organs,  but  his  mind  delights  itself 
in  the  harmony  of  (all  excellent)  qualities.  He  looks 
at  the  unity  which  belongs  to  things,  and  does  not 
perceive  where  they  have  suffered  loss.  He  looks 

1  Literally,  '  the  Senior ; '  often  rendered  '  Teacher.' 

2  'That  in  which  there  is  no  element  of  falsehood'  is  the  T&o, 
which  also  is  the  'Author'  of  all  the  changes  that  take  place  in 
time  and  space.     See  the  Introductory  Note  on  the  title  and  subject 
of  the  Book. 


PT.  I.  SECT.V.       THE  WRITINGS    OF   J5TWANG-3ZE.  225 

on  the  loss  of  his  feet  as  only  the  loss  of  so  much 
earth.' 

A^ang  K\  said,  '  He  is  entirely  occupied  with  his 
(proper)  self1.  By  his  knowledge  he  has  discovered 
(the  nature  of)  his  mind,  and  to  that  he  holds  as 
what  is  unchangeable  * ;  but  how  is  it  that  men  make 
so  much  of  him?'  The  reply  was,  'Men  do  not 
look  into  running  water  as  a  mirror,  but  into  still 
water ; — it  is  only  the  still  water  that  can  arrest 
them  all,  and  keep  them  (in  the  contemplation  of 
their  real  selves).  Of  things  which  are  what  they 
are  by  the  influence  of  the  earth,  it  is  only  the  pine 
and  cypress  which  are  the  best  instances  ; — in  winter 
as  in  summer  brightly  green  2.-  Of  those  which  were 
what  they  were  by  the  influence  of  Heaven3,  the 
most  correct  examples  were  Yao  and  Shun ;  for- 
tunate in  (thus)  maintaining  their  own  life  correct, 
and  so  as  to  correct  the  lives  of  others. 

'  As  a  verification  of  the  (power  of)  the  original 
endowment,  when  it  has  been  preserved,  take  the 
result  of  fearlessness, — how  the  heroic  spirit  of  a 
single  brave  soldier  has  been  thrown  into  an  army 
of  nine  hosts 4.  If  a  man  only  seeking  for  fame  and 
able  in  this  way  to  secure  it  can  produce  such  an 
effect,  how  much  more  (may  we  look  for  a  greater 

1  Wang  Thai  saw  all  things  in  the  Tao,  and  the  Tao  in  all 
things.  Comp.  Book  XI,  par.  7,  et  al. 

*  Notwithstanding  his  being  a  cripple.  He  forgets  that  circum- 
stance himself,  and  all  others  forget  it,  constrained  and  won  by 
his  embodiment  of  the  Tao.  What  follows  is  an  illustration  of 
this,  exaggerated  indeed,  but  not  so  extravagantly  as  in  many 
other  passages. 

3  In  the  Taoistic  meaning  of  the  term. 

4  The  royal  army  consisted  of  six  hosts ;   that  of  a  great  feudal 
prince  of  three.     '  Nine  hosts '  =  a  very  great  army. 

[39]  Q 


226  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  V. 

result)  from  one  whose  rule  is  over  heaven  and 
earth,  and  holds  all  things  in  his  treasury,  who 
simply  has  his  lodging  in  the  six  members  l  of  his 
body,  whom  his  ears  and  eyes  serve  but  as  convey- 
ing emblematic  images  of  things,  who  comprehends 
all  his  knowledge  in  a  unity,  and  whose  mind  never 
dies  !  If  such  a  man  were  to  choose  a  day  on  which 
he  would  ascend  far  on  high,  men  would  (seek  to) 
follow  him  there.  But  how  should  he  be  willing  to 
occupy  himself  with  other  men  ?  ' 

2.  Shan-thu  Ala2  was  (another)  man  who  had  lost 
his  feet.  Along  with  3ze-/£Mn3  of  Aang3  he  studied 
under  the  master  Po-hwan  Wu-zan  4.  3ze'^an  said 
to  him  (one  day),  '  If  I  go  out  first,  do  you  remain 
behind;  and  if  you  go  out  first,  I  will  remain  be- 
hind.' Next  day  they  were  again  sitting  together 
on  the  same  mat  in  the  hall,  when  3ze-^an  spoke 
the  same  words  to  him,  adding, '  Now  I  am  about  to 
go  out ;  will  you  stay  behind  or  not  ?  Moreover, 
when  you  see  one  of  official  rank  (like  myself),  you 
do  not  try  to  get  out  of  his  way; — do  you  consider 
yourself  equal  to  one  of  official  rank  ? '  Shan-thu 
K\2i  replied,  '  In  our  Master's  school  is  there  indeed 
such  recognition  required  of  official  rank  ?  You  are 
one,  Sir,  whose  pleasure  is  in  your  official  rank,  and 
would  therefore  take  precedence  of  other  men.  I 

1  The  arms,  legs,  head,  and  trunk. 

2  Another  cripple  introduced  by  our  author  to  serve  his  purpose. 

3  Kung-sun  Jffaao;    a  good  and  able  minister  of  Jfang,  an 
earldom  forming  part  of  the  present  Ho-nan.     He  was  a  con- 
temporary of  Confucius,  who  wept  when  he  heard  of  his  death  in 
B.C.  522.     He  was  a  scion  of  the  ruling  house,  which  again  was 
a  branch  of  the  royal  family  of  ^Tau. 

4  A  Taoist  teacher.     See  XXI,  par.  9;  XXXII,  par.  i. 


PT.  I.  SECT.v.       THE  WRITINGS    OF   JTWANG-3ZE.  227 

have  heard  that  when  a  mirror  is  bright,  the  dust 
does  not  rest  on  it ;  when  dust  rests  on  it  the  mirror 
is  not  bright.  When  one  dwells  long  with  a  man  of 
ability  and  virtue,  he  comes  to  be  without  error. 
There  now  is  our  teacher  whom  you  have  chosen  to 
make  you  greater  than  you  are ;  and  when  you  still 
talk  in  this  way,  are  you  not  in  error  ? '  3ze~^an 
rejoined,  'A  (shattered)  object  as  you  are,  you  would 
still  strive  to  make  yourself  out  as  good  as  Yao  !  If 
I  may  form  an  estimate  of  your  virtue,  might  it  not  be 
sufficient  to  lead  you  to  the  examination  of  yourself  ?' 
The  other  said, 'Most  criminals,  in  describing  their 
offences,  would  make  it  out  that  they  ought  not  to 
have  lost  (their  feet)  for  them ;  few  would  describe 
them  so  as  to  make  it  appear  that  they  should  not 
have  preserved  their  feet.  They  are  only  the  virtuous 
who  know  that  such  a  calamity  was  unavoidable,  and 
therefore  rest  in  it  as  what  was  appointed  for  them. 
When  men  stand  before  (an  archer  like)  I *  with  his 
bent  bow,  if  they  are  in  the  middle  of  his  field,  that 
is  the  place  where  they  should  be  hit ;  and  if  they 
be  not  hit,  that  also  was  appointed.  There  are 
many  with  their  feet  entire  who  laugh  at  me  be- 
cause I  have  lost  my  feet,  which  makes  me  feel 
vexed  and  angry.  But  when  I  go  to  our  teacher, 
I  throw  off  that  feeling,  and  return  (to  a  better 
mood) ; — he  has  washed,  without  my  knowing  it,  the 
other  from  me  by  (his  instructions  in)  what  is  good. 
I  have  attended  him  now  for  nineteen  years,  and 
have  not  known  that  I  am  without  my  feet.  Now, 
you,  Sir,  and  I  have  for  the  object  of  our  study  the 

1  A  famous  archer  of  antiquity  in  the  twenty-second  century 
B.C.,  or  perhaps  earlier. 

Q  2 


228  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  v. 

(virtue)  which  is  internal,  and  not  an  adjunct  of  the 
body,  and  yet  you  are  continually  directing  your 
attention  to  my  external  body; — are  you  not  wrong 
in  this  ? '  3ze'^<m  felt  uneasy,  altered  his  manner 
and  looks,  and  said,  '  You  need  not,  Sir,  say  any- 
thing more  about  it.' 

3.  In  Lu  there  was  a  cripple,  called  Shu-shan  the 
Toeless1,  who  came  on  his  heels  to  see  A"ung-nt. 
A^ung-ni  said  to  him,  '  By  your  want  of  circumspec- 
tion in  the  past,  Sir,  you  have  incurred  such  a  cala- 
mity;— of  what  use  is  your  coming  to  me  now?' 
Toeless  said,  '  Through  my  ignorance  of  my  proper 
business  and  taking  too  little  care  of  my  body,  I 
came  to  lose  my  feet.  But  now  I  am  come  to  you, 
still  possessing  what  is  more  honourable  than  my 
feet,  and  which  therefore  I  am  anxious  to  preserve 
entire.  There  is  nothing  which  Heaven  does  not 
cover,  and  nothing  which  Earth  does  not  sustain  ; 
you,  Master,  were  regarded  by  me  as  doing  the  part 
of  Heaven  and  Earth; — how  could  I  know  that  you 
would  receive  me  in  such  a  way  ? '  Confucius  re- 
joined, '  I  am  but  a  poor  creature.  But  why,  my 
master,  do  you  not  come  inside,  where  I  will  try  to 
tell  you  what  I  have  learned  ? '  When  Toeless  had 
gone  out,  Confucius  said,  '  Be  stimulated  to  effort, 
my  disciples.  This  toeless  cripple  is  still  anxious  to 
learn  to  make  up  for  the  evil  of  his  former  conduct ; 
— how  much  more  should  those  be  so  whose  conduct 
has  been  unchallenged  ! ' 

Mr.  Toeless,  however,  told  Lao  Tan  (of  the  inter- 


1  '  Toeless '  is  a  sort  of  nickname.     Shft-shan  or  Shft  hill  was, 
probably,  where  he  dwelt : — '  Toeless  of  Shft  hill.' 


PT.  I.  SECT.  V.       THE    WRITINGS    OF   #WANG-3ZE.  22Q 

view),  saying,  '  Khung  Kh\\a,  I  apprehend,  has  not 
yet  attained  to  be  a  Perfect  man.  What  has  he  to  do 
with  keeping  a  crowd  of  disciples  around  him  ?  He 
is  seeking  to  have  the  reputation  of  being  an  extra- 
ordinary and  marvellous  man,  and  does  not  know  that 
the  Perfect  man  considers  this  to  be  as  handcuffs 
and  fetters  to  him.'  Lao  Tan  said,  'Why  did  you  not 
simply  lead  him  to  see  the  unity  of  life  and  death, 
and  that  the  admissible  and  inadmissible  belong  to 
one  category,  so  freeing  him  from  his  fetters  ? 
Would  this  be  possible?'  Toeless  said,  '  It  is  the 
punishment  inflicted  on  him  by  Heaven  l.  How  can 
he  be  freed  from  it  ? ' 

4.  Duke  Ai  of  Lu2  asked  Aung-ni,  saying, '  There 
was  an  ugly  man  in  Wei,  called  Ai-thai  Tho  3.  His 
father-in-law,  who  lived  with  him,  thought  so  much  of 
him  that  he  could  not  be  away  from  him.  His  wife, 
when  she  saw  him  (ugly  as  he  was),  represented  to 
her  parents,  saying,  "  I  had  more  than  ten  times 
rather  be  his  concubine  than  the  wife  of  any  other 
man  V  He  was  never  heard  to  take  the  lead  in  dis- 
cussion, but  always  seemed  to  be  of  the  same  opinion 
with  others.  He  had  not  the  position  of  a  ruler,  so 
as  to  be  able  to  save  men  from  death.  He  had  no 
revenues,  so  as  to  be  able  to  satisfy  men's  craving 
for  food.  He  was  ugly  enough,  moreover,  to  scare 

1  'Heaven'  here  is  a  synonym  of  Tao.     Perhaps  the  meaning 
is  '  unavoidable ; '  it  is  so  in  the  Taoistic  order  of  things. 

2  It  was  in  the  sixteenth  year  of  duke  Ai  that  Confucius  died. 
Ai  was  marquis  of  Lu  from  B.C.  494  to  468. 

3  The  account  of  Ai-thai  Tho  is  of  course  ^Twang-jze's  own 
fabrication.     Ai-thai  is  understood  to  be  descriptive  of  his  ugliness, 
and  Tho  to  be  his  name. 

4  Perhaps  this  was  spoken  by  his  wife  before  their  marriage. 


230  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.V. 

the  whole  world.  He  agreed  with  men  instead  of 
trying  to  lead  them  to  adopt  his  views ;  his  know- 
ledge did  not  go  beyond  his  immediate  neighbour- 
hood \  And  yet  his  father-in-law  and  his  wife  were 
of  one  mind  about  him  in  his  presence  (as  I  have 
said) ; — he  must  have  been  different  from  other  men. 
I  called  him,  and  saw  him.  Certainly  he  was  ugly 
enough  to  scare  the  whole  world.  He  had  not  lived 
with  me,  however,  for  many  months,  when  I  was 
drawn  to  the  man  ;  and  before  he  had  been  with 
me  a  full  year,  I  had  confidence  in  him.  The  state 
being  without  a  chief  minister,  I  (was  minded)  to 
commit  the  government  to  him.  He  responded  to 
my  proposal  sorrowfully,  and  looked  undecided  as  if 
he  would  fain  have  declined  it.  I  was  ashamed  of 
myself  (as  inferior  to  him),  but  finally  gave  the 
government  into  his  hands.  In  a  little  time,  how- 
ever, he  left  me  and  went  away.  I  was  sorry  and 
felt  that  I  had  sustained  a  loss,  and  as  if  there  were 
no  other  to  share  the  pleasures  of  the  kingdom  with 
me.  What  sort  of  man  was  he  ?  ' 

A\mg-ni  said, '  Once  when  I  was  sent  on  a  mission 
to  Khu,  I  saw  some  pigs  sucking  at  their  dead  mother. 
After  a  little  they  looked  with  rapid  glances,  when 
they  all  left  her,  and  ran  away.  They  felt  that  she 
did  not  see  them,  and  that  she  was  no  longer  like 
themselves.  What  they  had  loved  in  their  mother 
was  not  her  bodily  figure,  but  what  had  given  anima- 
tion to  her  figure.  When  a  man  dies  in  battle,  they 
do  not  at  his  interment  employ  the  usual  appendages 

1  One  sees  dimly  the  applicability  of  this  illustration  to  the  case 
in  hand.  What  made  Ai-thai  Tho  so  much  esteemed  was  his  mental 
power,  quite  independent  of  his  ugly  person. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  v.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ZWANG-3ZE.  23! 

of  plumes  1 :  as  to  supplying  shoes  to  one  who  has 
lost  his  feet,  there  is  no  reason  why  he  should  care 
for  them  ; — in  neither  case  is  there  the  proper  reason 
for  their  use  l.  The  members  of  the  royal  harem 
do  not  pare  their  nails  nor  pierce  their  ears  2 ;  when 
a  man  is  newly  married,  he  remains  (for  a  time) 
absent  from  his  official  duties,  and  unoccupied  with 
them 2.  That  their  bodies  might  be  perfect  was 
sufficient  to  make  them  thus  dealt  with ; — how 
much  greater  results  should  be  expected  from  men 
whose  mental  gifts  are  perfect !  This  Ai-thai  Tho 
was  believed  by  men,  though  he  did  not  speak  a 
word ;  and  was  loved  by  them,  though  he  did  no 
special  service  for  them.  He  made  men  appoint 
him  to  the  government  of  their  states,  afraid  only 
that  he  would  not  accept  the  appointment.  He 
must  have  been  a  man  whose  powers  3  were  perfect, 
though  his  realisation  of  them  3  was  not  manifested 
in  his  person.' 

Duke  Ai  said, '  What  is  meant  by  saying  that  his 
powers  were  complete  ? '  ATung-nl  replied,  '  Death 
and  life,  preservation  and  ruin,  failure  and  success, 
poverty  and  wealth,  superiority  and  inferiority, 
blame  and  praise,  hunger  and  thirst,  cold  and  heat ; — 
these  are  the  changes  of  circumstances,  the  operation 
of  our  appointed  lot.  Day  and  night  they  succeed 
to  one  another  before  us,  but  there  is  no  wisdom 


1  See  the  Li  Ki,  VIII,  i,  7  ;   but  the  applicability  of  these  two 
illustrations  is  not  so  clear. 

2  These  two  have  force  as  in  '  reasoning  from  the  less  to  the 
greater.'    With  the  latter  of  the  two  compare  the  mosaical  provision 
in  Deuteronomy  xxiv.  5. 

3  '  Powers'  are  the  capacities  of  the  nature, — the  gift  of  the  Tao. 
'  Virtue '  is  the  realisation  or  carrying  out  of  those  capacities. 


232  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  V. 

able  to  discover  to  what  they  owe  their  origination. 
They  are  not  sufficient  therefore  to  disturb  the  har- 
mony (of  the  nature),  and  are  not  allowed  to  enter  into 
the  treasury  of  intelligence.  To  cause  this  harmony 
and  satisfaction  ever  to  be  diffused,  while  the  feeling 
of  pleasure  is  not  lost  from  the  mind ;  to  allow  no 
break  to  arise  -in  this  state  day  or  night,  so  that  it  is 
always  spring-time1  in  his  relations  with  external 
things ;  in  all  his  experiences  to  realise  in  his  mind 
what  is  appropriate  to  each  season  (of  the  year)2:— 
these  are  the  characteristics  of  him  whose  powers 
are  perfect.' 

'  And  what  do  you  mean  by  the  realisation  of 
these  powers  not  being  manifested  in  the  person?' 
(pursued  further  the  duke).  The  reply  was,  '  There 
is  nothing  so  level  as  the  surface  of  a  pool  of  still 
water.  It  may  serve  as  an  example  of  what  I  mean. 
All  within  its  circuit  is  preserved  (in  peace),  and  there 
comes  to  it  no  agitation  from  without.  The  virtuous 
efficacy  is  the  perfect  cultivation  of  the  harmony 
(of  the  nature).  Though  the  realisation  of  this  be 
not  manifested  in  the  person,  things  cannot  separate 
themselves  (from  its  influence)/ 

Some  days  afterwards  duke  Ai  told  this  conversa- 
tion to  Min-jze3,  saying,  '  Formerly  it  seemed  to  me 
the  work  of  the  sovereign  to  stand  in  court  with  his 
face  to  the  south,  to  rule  the  kingdom,  and  to  pay 
good  heed  to  the  accounts  of  the  people  concerned, 
lest  any  should  come  to  a  (miserable)  death ; — this 


1  Specially  the  season  of  complacent  enjoyment. 

2  So,  in  Lin  Hsi-^ung ;  but  the  meaning  has  to  be  forced  out 
of  the  text. 

3  The  disciple  Min  Sun  or  Min  % 


PT.  I.  SECT.  v.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ZWANG-3ZE.  233 

I  considered  to  be  the  sum  (of  his  duty).  Now  that 
I  have  heard  that  description  of  the  Perfect  man,  I 
fear  that  my  idea  is  not  the  real  one,  and  that,  by 
employing  myself  too  lightly,  I  may  cause  the  ruin 
of  my  state.  I  and  Khung  A^iu  are  not  on  the 
footing  of  ruler  and  subject,  but  on  that  of  a  virtuous 
friendship.' 

5.  A  person  who  had  no  lips,  whose  legs  were 
bent  so  that  he  could  only  walk  on  his  toes,  and  who 
was  (otherwise)  deformed  *,  addressed  his  counsels  to 
duke  Ling  of  Wei,  who  was  so  pleased  with  him, 
that  he  looked  on  a  perfectly  formed  man  as  having 
a  lean  and  small  neck  in  comparison  with  him. 
Another  who  had  a  large  goitre  like  an  earthenware 
jar l  addressed  his  counsels  to  duke  Hwan  of  Kki 2, 
who  was  so  pleased  with  him  that  he  looked  on  a 
perfectly  formed  man  as  having  a  neck  lean  and 
small  in  comparison  with  him  3.  So  it  is  that  when 
one's  virtue  is  extraordinary,  (any  deficiency  in)  his 
bodily  form  may  be  forgott  m.  When  men  do  not 
forget  what  is  (easily)  forgotten,  and  forget  what  is 
not  (easily)  forgotten,  we  have  a  case  of  real  oblivion. 
Therefore  the  sagely  man  has  that  in  which  his  mind 
finds  its  enjoyment,  and  (looks  on)  wisdom  as  (but) 
the  shoots  from  an  old  stump ;  agreements  with 
others  are  to  him  but  so  much  glue  ;  kindnesses  are 

1  These  two   men  are  undoubtedly  inventions  of  ^vvang-jze. 
They  are  brought  before  us,  not  by  surnames  and  names,  but 
by  their  several  deformities. 

2  The  first  of  the  five  presiding  chiefs;   marquis  of  Kh\  from 
B.C.  685  to  643. 

3  Lin  Hsi-/(amg  wonders  whether  the  story  of  the  man  who  was 
so  taken  with  the  charms  of  a  one-eyed  courtesan,  that  he  thought 
other  women  all  had  an  eye  too  many,  was  taken  from  this ! 


234  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  V. 

(but  the  arts  of)  intercourse ;  and  great  skill  is  (but 
as)  merchants'  wares.  The  sagely  man  lays  no 
plans  ; — of  what  use  would  wisdom  be  to  him  ?  He 
has  no  cutting  and  hacking  to  do ; — of  what  use 
would  glue  be  to  him  ?  He  has  lost  nothing  ;— 
of  what  use  would  arts  of  intercourse  be  to  him  ? 
He  has  no  goods  to  dispose  of; — what  need  has  he 
to  play  the  merchant  ?  (The  want  of)  these  four 
things  are  the  nourishment  of  (his)  Heavenly  (nature) ; 
that  nourishment  is  its  Heavenly  food.  Since  he 
receives  this  food  from  Heaven,  what  need  has  he 
for  anything  of  man's  (devising)  ?  He  has  the  bodily 
form  of  man,  but  not  the  passions  and  desires  of 
(other)  men.  He  has  the  form  of  man,  and  therefore 
he  is  a  man.  Being  without  the  passions  and  desires 
of  men,  their  approvings  and  disapprovings  are  not 
to  be  found  in  him.  How  insignificant  and  small  is 
(the  body)  by  which  he  belongs  to  humanity  !  How 
grand  and  great  is  he  in  the  unique  perfection  of  his 
Heavenly  (nature) ! 

Hui-jze  said  to  A^wang-jze,  '  Can  a  man  indeed 
be  without  desires  and  passions  ? '  The  reply  was, 
'  He  can.'  '  But  on  what  grounds  do  you  call  him  a 
man,  who  is  thus  without  passions  and  desires  ? ' 
A'wang-jze  said,  '  The  Tao1  gives  him  his  personal 
appearance  (and  powers) ;  Heaven  2  gives  him  his 
bodily  form ;  how  should  we  not  call  him  a  man  ?' 
Hui-jze  rejoined,  '  Since  you  call  him  a  man,  how 

1  Lu  Shu-£h  maintains  here  that  'the  T^o'  and  '  Heaven'  have 
the  same  meaning;    nor  does  he  make  any  distinction  between 
mao  (^jO)  'the  personal  appearance/  and  hsing  (ffi>\  'the 
figure,'  or  '  bodily  form.' 

2  Compare  in  the  Tao  Teh  -ATing  expressions  in  li,  2,  and 
lv,  5- 


PT.  I.  SECT.  v.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  tfWANG-3ZE.  235 

can  he  be  without  passions  and  desires  ? '  The 
reply  was,  '  You  are  misunderstanding  what  I  mean 
by  passions  and  desires.  What  I  mean  when  I  say 
that  he  is  without  these  is,  that  this  man  does  not  by 
his  likings  and  dislikings  do  any  inward  harm  to  his 
body  ; — he  always  pursues  his  course  without  effort, 
and  does  not  (try  to)  increase  his  (store  of)  life.' 
Hui-jze  rejoined,  '  If  there  were  not  that  increasing 
of  (the  amount)  of  life,  how  would  he  get  his  body1?' 
A^wang-jze  said,  '  The  Tao  gives  him  his  personal 
appearance  (and  powers)  ;  Heaven  gives  him  his 
bodily  form  ;  and  he  does  not  by  his  likings  and  dis- 
likings do  any  internal  harm  to  his  body.  But  now 
you,  Sir,  deal  with  your  spirit  as  if  it  were  something 
external  to  you,  and  subject  your  vital  powers  to  toil. 
You  sing  (your  ditties),  leaning  against  a  tree ;  you 
go  to  sleep,  grasping  the  stump  of  a  rotten  dryandra 
tree.  Heaven  selected  for  you  the  bodily  form  (of 
a  man),  and  you  babble  about  what  is  strong  and 
what  is  white 2.' 

1  Apparently  a  gross  meaning  attached  by  Hui-gze  to  ^Twang-jze's 
words. 

2  ^Twang-jze  beats  down   his   opponent,  and  contemptuously 
refers  to  some  of  his  well-known  peculiarities; — as  in  II,  par.  5, 
XXXIII,  par.  7,  and  elsewhere. 


236  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  VI. 


BOOK  VI. 
PART  I.     SECTION  VI. 

Td  3ung  Shih,  or  'The  Great  and  Most 
Honoured  Master1.' 

i.  He  who  knows  the  part  which  the  Heavenly2 
(in  him)  plays,  and  knows  (also)  that  which  the  Human2 
(in  him  ought  to)  play,  has  reached  the  perfection 
(of  knowledge).  He  who  knows  the  part  which  the 
Heavenly  plays  (knows)  that  it  is  naturally  born 
with  him  ;  he  who  knows  the  part  which  the  Human 
ought  to  play  (proceeds)  with  the  knowledge  which 
he  possesses  to  nourish  it  in  the  direction  of  what 
he  does  not  (yet)  know3: — to  complete  one's  natural 
term  of  years  and  not  come  to  an  untimely  end  in 
the  middle  of  his  course  is  the  fulness  of  knowledge. 
Although  it  be  so,  there  is  an  evil  (attending  this 
condition).  Such  knowledge  still  awaits  the  con- 
firmation of  it  as  correct ;  it  does  so  because  it  is 
not  yet  determined  4.  How  do  we  know  that  what 

1  See  pp.  134-136. 

2  Both  '  Heaven '  and  '  Man '  here  are  used  in  the  Taoistic 
sense ; — the  meaning  which  the  terms  commonly  have  both  with 
Lao  and  ^Twang. 

3  The  middle  member  of  this  sentence  is  said  to  be  the  practical 
outcome  of  all  that  is  said  in  the  Book ;  conducting  the  student  of 
the  Tao  to  an  unquestioning  submission  to  the  experiences  in  his- 
lot,  which  are  beyond  his  comprehension,  and  approaching  nearly 
to  what  we  understand  by  the  Christian  virtue  of  Faith. 

4  That  is,  there  may  be  the  conflict,  to  the  end  of  life,  between 


PT.  I.  SECT.  vi.        THE  WRITINGS  OF  tfWANG-SZE.  237 

we  call  the  Heavenly  (in  us)  is  not  the  Human  ?  and 
that  what  we  call  the  Human  is  not  the  Heavenly  ? 
There  must  be  the  True  man1,  and  then  there  is 
the  True  knowledge. 

2.  What  is  meant  by  'the  True  Man2?'  The 
True  men  of  old  did  not  reject  (the  views  of)  the 
few ;  they  did  not  seek  to  accomplish  (their  ends) 
like  heroes  (before  others) ;  they  did.  not  lay  plans 
to  attain  those  ends 3.  Being  such,  though  they 
might  make  mistakes,  they  had  no  occasion  for 
repentance ;  though  they  might  succeed,  they  had 
no  self-complacency.  Being  such,  they  could  ascend 
the  loftiest  heights  without  fear ;  they  could  pass 
through  water  without  being  made  wet  by  it ;  they 
could  go  into  fire  without  being  burnt ;  so  it  was 

faith  and  fact,  so  graphically  exhibited  in  the  Book  of  Job,  and  com- 
pendiously described  in  the  seventy-third  Psalm. 

1  Here  we  meet  with  the  True  Man,  a  Master  of  the  Tao. 
He  is  the  same  as  the  Perfect  Man,  the  Spirit-like  Man,  and 
the  Sagely  Man  (see  pp.  127,  128),  and  the  designation  is  some- 
limes  interchanged  in  the  five  paragraphs  that  follow  with  '  the 
Sagely  Man.'    Mr.  Balfour  says  here  that  this  name  '  is  used  in  the 
esoteric  sense, — "partaking  of  the  essence  of  divinity;"'  and  he 
accordingly  translates  jfil    A^  by  '  the  divine  man.'    But  he  might 
as  well  translate  any  one  of  the  other  three  names  in  the  same  way. 
The  Shwo  Wan  dictionary  defines  the  name  by  ^\    h^t  '  a  recluse 
of  the  mountain,  whose  bodily  form  has  been  changed,  and  who 
ascends  to  heaven  ; '  but  when  this  account  was  made,  Taoism  had 
entered  into  a  new  phase,  different  from  what  it  had  in  the  time  of 
our  author. 

2  In  this  description  of  'the  True  Man,'  and  in  what  follows, 
there  is  what   is   grotesque  and  what  is  exaggerated  (see   note 
on  the  title  of  the  first  Book,  p.  127).    The  most  prominent  charac- 
teristic of  him  was  his  perfect  comprehension  of  the  Tao  and 
participation  of  it 

-p*  has  here  the  sense  of  3J.. 


238  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  VI. 

that  by  their  knowledge  they  ascended  to  and 
reached  the  T  a  o l. 

The  True  men  of  old  did  not  dream  when  they 
slept,  had  no  anxiety  when  they  awoke,  and  did 
not  care  that  their  food  should  be  pleasant.  Their 
breathing  came  deep  and  silently.  The  breathing 
of  the  true  man  comes  (even)  from  his  heels,  while 
men  generally  breathe  (only)  from  their  throats. 
When  men  are  defeated  in  argument,  their  words 
come  from  their  gullets  as  if  they  were  vomiting. 
Where  lusts  and  desires  are  deep,  the  springs  of  the 
Heavenly  are  shallow. 

The  True  men  of  old  knew  nothing  of  the  love 
of  life  or  of  the  hatred  of  death.  Entrance  into  life 
occasioned  them  no  joy ;  the  exit  from  it  awakened 
no  resistance.  Composedly  they  went  and  came. 
They  did  not  forget  what  their  beginning  had  been, 
and  they  did  not  inquire  into  what  their  end  would 
be.  They  accepted  (their  life)  and  rejoiced  in  it ; 
they  forgot  (all  fear  of  death),  and  returned  (to  their 
state  before  life) l.  Thus  there  was  in  them  what  is 
called  the  want  of  any  mind  to  resist  the  Tao,  and 
of  all  attempts  by  means  of  the  Human  to  assist 
the  Heavenly.  Such  were  they  who  are  called  the 
True  men. 

3.  Being  such,  their  minds  were  free  from  all 
thought 2 ;  their  demeanour  was  still  and  unmoved ; 


1  Was  not  this  the  state  of  non-existence  ?   "We  cannot  say  of 
Pantaoism.     However  we  may  describe  that,  the  Tao  operates 
in  nature,  but  is  not  identical  with  it. 

2  ^  7\!!?\  aPPears  m  trie  common  editions  as  j\^»  ^,  which 
must  have  got  into  the  text  at  a  very  early  time.     '  The  mind 
forgetting/  or  '  free  from  all  thought  and  purpose/  appears  every- 


PT.  I.  SECT. VI.        THE  WRITINGS  OF  1TWANG-3ZE.  239 

their  foreheads  beamed  simplicity.  Whatever  cold- 
ness came  from  them  was  like  that  of  autumn ; 
whatever  warmth  came  from  them  was  like  that 
of  spring.  Their  joy  and  anger  assimilated  to  what 
we  see  in  the  four  seasons.  They  did  in  regard  to 
all  things  what  was  suitable,  and  no  one  could  know 
how  far  their  action  would  go.  Therefore  the  sagely 
man  might,  in  his  conduct  of  war,  destroy  a  state 
without  losing  the  hearts  of  the  people  l ;  his  benefits 
and  favours  might  extend  to  a  myriad  generations 
without  his  being  a  lover  of  men.  Hence  he  who 
tries  to  share  his  joys  with  others  is  not  a  sagely 
man  ;  he  who  manifests  affection  is  not  benevolent ; 
he  who  observes  times  and  seasons  (to  regulate  his 
conduct)  is  not  a  man  of  wisdom  ;  he  to  whom  profit 
and  injury  are  not  the  same  is  not  a  superior  man ; 
he  who  acts  for  the  sake  of  the  name  of  doing  so, 
and  loses  his  (proper)  self  is  not  the  (right)  scholar ; 
and  he  who  throws  away  his  person  in  a  way  which 
is  not  the  true  (way)  cannot  command  the  service  of 
others.  Such  men  as  Hu  Pu-^ieh,  Wu  Kwang, 
Po-t,  Shu-^t,  the  count  of  Ki,  Hsii-yii,  Ki  Tha,  and 
Shan-thu  Ti,  all  did  service  for  other  men,  and 
sought  to  secure  for  them  what  they  desired,  -not 
seeking  their  own  pleasure 2. 

where  in  the  Book  as  a  characteristic  of  the  True  Man.  Not  a  few 
critics  contend  that  it  was  this,  and  not  the  Tao  of  which  it  is  a 
quality,  that  ^wang-jze  intended  by  the  '  Master '  in  the  title. 

1  Such  antithetic  statements  are  startling,  but  they  are  common 
with  both  Lao-flze  and  our  author. 

2  The  seven  men  mentioned  here  are  all  adduced,  I  must  sup- 
pose, as  instances  of  good  and  worthy  men,  but  still  inferior  to  the 
True  Man.     Of  Hu  Pu-/£ieh  all  that  we  are  told  is  that  he  was  '  an 
ancient  worthy.'     One  account  of  Wu  Kwang  is  that  he  was  of  the 
time  of  Hwang-Ti,  with  ears  seven  inches  long ;  another,  that  he 


240  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  vi. 

4.  The  True  men  of  old  presented  the  aspect  of 
judging  others  aright,  but  without  being  partisans ; 
of  feeling  their  own  insufficiency,  but  being  without 
flattery  or  cringing.  Their  peculiarities  were  natural 
to  them,  but  they  were  not  obstinately  attached  to 
them ;  their  humility  was  evident,  but  there  was 
nothing  of  unreality  or  display  about  it.  TJbeir 
placidity  and  satisfaction  had  the  appearance  of  joy; 
their  every  movement  seemed  to  be  a  necessity  to 
them.  Their  accumulated  attractiveness  drew  men's 
looks  to  them;  their  blandness  fixed  men's  attach- 
ment to  their  virtue.  They  seemed  to  accommodate 
themselves  to  the  (manners  of  their  age),  but  with  a 
certain  severity ;  their  haughty  indifference  was  be- 
yond its  control.  Unceasing  seemed  their  endea- 
vours to  keep  (their  mouths)  shut ;  when  they  looked 
down,  they  had  forgotten  what  they  wished  to  say. 

They  considered  punishments  to  be  the  substance 
(of  government,  and  they  never  incurred  it) ;  cere- 
monies to  be  its  supporting  wings  (and  they  always 
observed  them) ;  wisdom  (to  indicate)  the  time  (for 
action,  and  they  always  selected  it) ;  and  virtue  to  be 
accordance  (with  others),  and  they  were  all-accordant. 
Considering  punishments  to  be  the  substance  (of 
government),  yet  their  generosity  appeared  in  the 
(manner  of  their)  infliction  of  death.  Considering 
ceremonies  to  be  its  supporting  wings,  they  pursued 

was  of  the  time  of  Thang,  of  the  Shang  dynasty.  Po-i  and  Shu- 
kh\  are  known  to  us  from  the  Analects ;  and  also  the  count  of 
Khi,  whose  name,  it  is  said,  was  Hsu-yti.  I  can  find  nothing 
about  K\  Tha ; — his  name  in  3iao  Hung's  text  is  &P  <(&  y^. 
Shan-thu  Ti  was  of  the  Yin  dynasty,  a  contemporary  of  Thang. 
He  drowned  himself  in  the  Ho.  Most  of  these  are  referred  to  in 
other  places. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  VI.         THE  WRITINGS  OF  2TWANG-3ZE. 


by  means  of  them  their  course  in  the  world.  Con- 
sidering wisdom  to  indicate  the  time  (for  action), 
they  felt  it  necessary  to  employ  it  in  (the  direction 
of)  affairs.  Considering  virtue  to  be  accordance 
(with  others),  they  sought  to  ascend  its  height  along 
with  all  who  had  feet  (to  climb  it).  (Such  were  they), 
and  yet  men  really  thought  that  they  did  what  they 
did  by  earnest  effort  1. 

5.  In  this  way  they  were  one  and  the  same  in  all 
their  likings  and  dislikings.  Where  they  liked,  they 
were  the  same  ;  where  they  did  not  like,  they  were 
the  same.  In  the  former  case  where  they  liked,  they 
were  fellow-workers  with  the  Heavenly  (in  them)  ; 
in  the  latter  where  they  disliked,  they  were  co- 
workers  with  the  Human  in  them.  The  one  of 
these  elements  (in  their  nature)  did  not  overcome 
the  other.  Such  were  those  who  are  called  the 
True  men. 

Death  and  life  are  ordained,  just  as  we  have  the 
constant  succession  of  night  and  day  ;  —  in  both  cases 
from  Heaven.  Men  have  no  power  to  do  anything 
in  reference  to  them  ;  —  such  is  the  constitution  of 
things2.  There  are  those  who  specially  regard 
Heaven3  as  their  father,  and  they  still  love  It 
(distant  as  It  is)  3;  —  how  much  more  should  they  love 


1  All  this  paragraph  is  taken  as  illustrative  of  the  True  man's 
freedom  from  thought  or  purpose  in  his  course. 

2  See  note  3  on  par.  i,  p.  236. 

3  Love  is  due  to  a  parent,  and  so  such  persons  should  love 
Heaven.     There  is  in  the  text  here,  I  think,  an  unconscious  refer- 
ence to  the  earliest  time,  before  the  views  of  the  earliest  Chinese 

^f^ 

diverged   to  Theism  and  Taoism.     We  cannot  translate  the  ^ 
here. 

[39]  R 


242  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  vi. 

That  which  stands  out  (Superior  and  Alone)1!  Some 
specially  regard  their  ruler  as  superior  to  them- 
selves, and  will  give  their  bodies  to  die  for  him ; — 
how  much  more  should  they  do  so  for  That  which 
is  their  true  (Ruler)  l !  When  the  springs  are  dried 
up,  the  fishes  collect  together  on  the  land.  Than 
that  they  should  moisten  one  another  there  by  the 
damp  about  them,  and  keep  one  another  wet  by  their 
slime,  it  would  be  better  for  them  to  forget  one 
another  in  the  rivers  and  lakes  2.  And  when  men 
praise  Yao  and  condemn  A'ieh,  it  would  be  better 
to  forget  them  both,  and  seek  the  renovation  of 
the  Tao. 

6.  There  is  the  great  Mass  (of  nature) ; — I  find  the 
support  of  my  body  on  it ;  my  life  is  spent  in  toil  on 
it ;  my  old  age  seeks  ease  on  it ;  at  death  I  find  rest 
in  it ; — what  makes  my  life  a  good  makes  my  death 
also  a  good  3.  If  you  hide  away  a  boat  in  the  ravine 
of  a  hill,  and  hide  away  the  hill  in  a  lake,  you  will 
say  that  (the  boat)  is  secure ;  but  at  midnight  there 
shall  come  a  strong  man  and  carry  it  off  on  his  back, 
while  you  in  the  dark  know  nothing  about  it.  You 
may  hide  away  anything,  whether  small  or  great,  in 
the  most  suitable  place,  and  yet  it  shall  disappear 
from  it.  But  if  you  could  hide  the  world  in  the 
world  4,  so  that  there  was  nowhere  to  which  it  could 
be  removed,  this  would  be  the  grand  reality  of  the 

1  The  great  and  most  honoured  Master, — the  Tao. 

2  This  sentence  contrasts  the  cramping  effect  on  the  mind  of 
Confucianism  with  the  freedom  given  by  the  doctrine  of  the  Tio. 

3  The  Tao  does  this.     The  whole  paragraph  is  an  amplification 
of  the  view  given  in  the  preceding  note. 

4  The  Tao  cannot  be  taken  away.     It  is  with  its  possessor,  an 
'  ever-during  thing.' 


PT.I.  SECT.  vi.        THE  WRITINGS  OF  ATWANG-3ZE.  243 

ever-during  Thing l.  When  the  body  of  man  comes 
from  its  special  mould 2,  there  is  even  then  occasion 
for  joy ;  but  this  body  undergoes  a  myriad  trans- 
formations, and  does  not  immediately  reach  its  per- 
fection ; — does  it  not  thus  afford  occasion  for  joys 
incalculable  ?  Therefore  the  sagely  man  enjoys 
himself  in  that  from  which  there  is  no  possibility 
of  separation,  and  by  which  all  things  are  preserved. 
He  considers  early  death  or  old  age,  his  beginning 
and  his  ending,  all  to  be  good,  and  in  this  other  men 
imitate  him ; — how  much  more  will  they  do  so  in 
regard  to  That  Itself  on  which  all  things  depend, 
and  from  which  every  transformation  arises ! 

7.  This  is  the  Tao; — there  is  in  It  emotion  and 
sincerity,  but  It  does  nothing  and  has  no  bodily 
form3.  It  may  be  handed  down  (by  the  teacher), 
but  may  not  be  received  (by  his  scholars).  It  may 
be  apprehended  (by  the  mind),  but  It  cannot  be 
seen.  It  has  Its  root  and  ground  (of  existence)  in 
Itself.  Before  there  were  heaven  and  earth,  from 
of  old,  there  It  was,  securely  existing.  From  It 
came  the  mysterious  existences  of  spirits,  from  It  the 
mysterious  existence  of  God 4.  It  produced  heaven  ; 
It  produced  earth.  It  was  before  the  Thai--£i 5,  and 

1  See  p.  242,  note  4. 

2  Adopting  the  reading  of  jSff  for  ^{^  supplied  by  Hwai-nan  3ze. 

3  Our  author  has  done  with  '  the  True  Man,'  and  now  brings  in 
the  Tao  itself  as  his  subject.     Compare  the  predicates  of  It  here 
with  Bk.  II,  par.   2.     But  there  are   other,   and  perhaps  higher, 
things  said  of  it  here. 

4  Men  at  a  very  early  time  came  to  believe  in  the  existence  of 
their  spirits  after  death,  and  in  the  existence  of  a  Supreme  Ruler  or 
God.     It  was  to  the  Tao  that  those  concepts  were  owing. 

5  The  primal  ether  out  of  which  all  things  were  fashioned  by  the 
interaction  of  the  Yin  and  Yang.     This  was  something  like  the 

R  2 


244  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  VI. 

yet  could  not  be  considered  high  x ;  It  was  below  all 
space,  and  yet  could  not  be  considered  deep1.  It 
was  produced  before  heaven  and  earth,  and  yet 
could  not  be  considered  to  have  existed  long l ;  It 
was  older  than  the  highest  antiquity,  and  yet  could 
not  be  considered  old l. 

Shih-wei  got  It2,  and  by  It  adjusted  heaven  and 
earth.  Fu-hsl  got  It,  and  by  It  penetrated  to  the 
mystery  of  the  maternity  of  the  primary  matter.  The 
Wei-tau3  got  It,  and  from  all  antiquity  has  made  no 
eccentric  movement.  The  Sun  and  Moon  got  It,  and 
from  all  antiquity  have  not  intermitted  (their  bright 
shining).  Khan-pei  got  It,  and  by  It  became  lord 
of  Khwan-lun  4.  Fang-1 5  got  It,  and  by  It  enjoyed 
himself  in  the  Great  River.  A'ien  Wu 6  got  It,  and 
by  It  dwelt  on  mount  Thai.  Hwang-Ti7  got  It, 
and  by  It  ascended  the  cloudy  sky.  A"wan-hsii 8 

current  idea  of  protoplasm;  but  while  protoplasm  lies  down  in 
the  lower  parts  of  the  earth,  the  Thai-^i  was  imagined  to  be  in 
the  higher  regions  of  space. 

1  The  Tao  is  independent  both  of  space  and  time. 

2  A  prehistoric  sovereign. 

3  A  name  for  the  constellation  of  the  Great  Bear. 

4  Name  of  the  spirit  of  the  Khwan-lun  mountains  in  Thibet,  the 
fairy-land  of  Taoist  writers,  very  much  in  Taoism  what  mount 
Sumeru  is  in  Buddhism. 

5  The  spirit  presiding  over  the  Yellow   River ; — see   Mayers' s 
Manual,  pp.  54,  55. 

6  Appears  here  as  the  spirit  of  mount  Thai,  the  great  eastern 
mountain  ;  we  met  with  him  in  I,  5,  but  simply  as  one  of  .A!wang- 
}ze's  fictitious  personages. 

7  Appears  before  in  Bk.  II;  the  first  of  Sze-ma  .Alien's  'Five 
Tis; '  no  doubt  a  very  early  sovereign,  to  whom  many  important 
discoveries  and  inventions  are  ascribed ;  is  placed  by  many  at  the 
head  of  Taoism  itself. 

8  The  second  of  the  'Five  T is;'  a  grandson  of  Hwang-Ti.    I  do 
not  know  what  to  say  of  his  '  Dark  Palace.' 


PT.  I.  SECT.  VI.        THE  WRITINGS  OF  J5TWANG-3ZE.  245 

got  It,  and  by  It  dwelt  in  the  Dark  Palace. 
Yti-y^iang1  got  It,  and  by  It  was  set  on  the  North 
Pole.  Hsi  Wang-mu2  got  It,  and  by  It  had  her  seat 
in  (the  palace  of)  Shao-kwang.  No  one  knows  Its 
beginning  ;  no  one  knows  Its  end.  Phang  3U  got 
It,  and  lived  on  from  the  time  of  the  lord  of  Yti 
to  that  of  the  Five  Chiefs  3.  Fu  Ylieh  4  got  It,  and 
by  It  became  chief  minister  to  Wu-ting4,  (who  thus) 
in  a  trice  became  master  of  the  kingdom.  (After 
his  death),  Fu  Ytteh  mounted  to  the  eastern  portion 
of  the  Milky  Way,  where,  riding  on  Sagittarius  and 
Scorpio,  -he  took  his  place  among  the  stars. 

8.  Nan-po  >$ze-khwei 5  asked  Nil  Yti 6,  saying, 
'  You  are  old,  Sir,  while  your  complexion  is  like 
that  of  a  child  ; — how  is  it  so  ? '  The  reply  was, 
'  I  have  become  acquainted  with  the  Tao.'  The 
other  said,  'Can  I  learn  the  Tao  ?'  Nti  Yti  said, 
'  No.  How  can  you  ?  You,  Sir,  are  not  the  man 
to  do  so.  There  was  Pu-liang  1 7  who  had  the 
abilities  of  a  sagely  man,  but  not  the  Tao,  while 
I  had  the  Tao,  but  not  the  abilities.  I  wished, 
however,  to  teach  him,  if,  peradventure,  he  might 

1  The  Spirit  of  the  Northern  regions,  with  a  man's  face,  and  a 
bird's  body,  &c. 

2  A  queen  of  the  Genii  on  mount  Khwan-lun.     See  Mayers's 
Manual,  pp.  178,  179. 

3  Phang  3u  has  been  before  us  in  Bk.  I.     Shun  is  intended  by 
'  the  Lord  of  Yu.'     The  five  Chiefs  ; — see  Mencius,  VI,  ii,  7. 

4  See  the  Shu,  IV,  viii ;  but  we  have  nothing  there  of  course 
about   the   Milky  Way  and    the   stars. — This  passage   certainly 
lessens  our  confidence  in  ^Twang-jze's  statements. 

5  Perhaps  the  same  as  Nan-po  %ze-kh\  in  Bk.  IV,  par.  7. 

6  Must  have  been  a  great  Ta"oist.     Nothing  more  can  be  said 
of  him  or  her. 

7  Only  mentioned  here. 


246  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  VI. 

become  the  sagely  man  indeed.  If  he  should  not 
do  so,  it  was  easy  (I  thought)  for  one  possessing 
the  Tao  of  the  sagely  man  to  communicate  it  to 
another  possessing  his  abilities.  Accordingly,  I 
proceeded  to  do  so,  but  with  deliberation1.  After 
three  days,  he  was  able  to  banish  from  his  mind 
all  worldly  (matters).  This  accomplished,  I  continued 
my  intercourse  with  him  in  the  same  way;  and  in 
seven  days  he  was  able  to  banish  from  his  mind 
all  thought  of  men  and  things.  This  accomplished, 
and  my  instructions  continued,  after  nine  days,  he 
was  able  to  count  his  life  as  foreign  to  himself. 
This  accomplished,  his  mind  was  afterwards  clear 
as  the  morning ;  and  after  this  he  was  able  to  see 
his  own  individuality 2.  That  individuality  per- 
ceived, he  was  able  to  banish  all  thought  of  Past 
or  Present.  Freed  from  this,  he  was  able  to  pene- 
trate to  (the  truth  that  there  is  no  difference  be- 
tween) life  and  death  ; — (how)  the  destruction  of 
life  is  not  dying,  and  the  communication  of  other 
life  is  not  living.  (The  Tao)  is  a  thing  which 
accompanies  all  other  things  and  meets  them,  which 
is  present  when  they  are  overthrown  and  when 
they  obtain  their  completion.  Its  name  is  Tran- 
quillity amid  all  Disturbances,  meaning  that 
such  Disturbances  lead  to  Its  Perfection  V 

'  And  how  did  you,  being  alone  (without  any 
teacher),  learn  all  this  ? '  'I  learned  it,'  was  the 
reply,  '  from  the  son  of  Fu-mo  4  ;  he  learned  it  from 

1  So  the  ^H^  is  explained. 

2  Standing  by  himself,  as  it  were  face  to  face  with  the  Tao. 

3  Amid  all  changes,  in  life  and  death,  the  possessor  of  the  Tao 
has  peace. 

4  Meaning  writings  ;  literally,  '  the  son  of  the  assisting  pigment.' 


PT.  I.  SECT.vr.        THE  WRITINGS  OF  ZWANG-3ZE.  247 

the  grandson  of  Lo-sung  ;  he  learned  it  from  Shan- 
ming  ;  he  learned  it  from  Nieh-hsii  ;  he,  from 
Hsti-yi  ;  he,  from  Wu-ao  ;  he,  from  Hsiian-ming  ; 
he,  from  3ha-n-liao  ;  and  he  learned  it  from  I-shih.' 

9.  3ze'szel>  3ze~yu1,  3ze~li  \  and  3ze'lai  l)  these 
four  men,  were  talking  together,  when  some  one 
said,  'Who  can  suppose  the  head  to  be  made  from 
nothing,  the  spine  from  life,  and  the  rump-bone 
from  death  ?  Who  knows  how  death  and  birth, 
living  on  and  disappearing,  compose  the  one  body  ? 
—  I  would  be  friends  with  him2.'  The  four  men 
looked  at  one  another  and  laughed,  but  no  one 
seized  with  his  mind  the  drift  of  the  questions. 
All,  however,  were  friends  together. 

Not  long  after  3ze-yu  fell  ill,  and  3ze-sze  went  to 
inquire  for  him.  '  How  great,'  said  (the  sufferer), 
'is  the  Creator3!  That  He  should  have  made  me 
the  deformed  object  that  I  am  !  '  He  was  a  crooked 
hunchback  ;  his  five  viscera  were  squeezed  into  the 

We  are  not  to  suppose  that  by  this  and  the  other  names  that 
follow  individuals  are  intended.  ^Twang-^ze  seems  to  have  wished 
to  give,  in  his  own  fashion,  some  notion  of  the  genesis  of  the  idea 
of  the  Tao  from  the  first  speculations  about  the  origin  of  things. 

1  We  need  not  suppose  that  these  are  the  names  of  real  men. 
They  are  brought  on  the  stage  by  our  author  to  serve  his  purpose. 
Hwai-nan  makes  the  name  of  the  first  to  have  been  3ze-snui 


2  Compare   the    same   representation   in   Bk.  XXIII,  par.  10. 
A"u  Teh-^ih  says  on  it  here,  '  The  head,  the  spine,  the  rump-bone 
mean  simply  the  head  and  tail,  the  beginning  and  end.     All  things 
begin  from  nothing  and  end  in  nothing.     Their  birth  and  their 
death  are  only  the  creations  of  our  thought,  the  going  and  coming 
of  the  primary  ether.     When  we  have  penetrated  to  the  non-reality 
of  life  and  death,  what  remains  of  the  body  of  so  many  feet  ?  ' 

3  The  '  Creator'  or  'Maker'  is  the  Tao. 


248  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  VI. 

upper  part  of  his  body;  his  chin  bent  over  his 
navel ;  his  shoulder  was  higher  than  his  crown ; 
on  his  crown  was  an  ulcer  pointing  to  the  sky ; 
his  breath  came  and  went  in  gasps l : — yet  he  was 
easy  in  his  mind,  and  made  no  trouble  of  his  con- 
dition. He  limped  to  a  well,  looked  at  himself 
in  it,  and  said,  'Alas  that  the  Creator  should  have 
made  me  the  deformed  object  that  I  am!'  3ze 
said,  '  Do  you  dislike  your  condition  ?  '  He  replied, 
'  No,  why  should  I  dislike  it  ?  If  He  were  to 
transform  my  left  arm  into  a  cock,  I  should  be 
watching  with  it  the  time  of  the  night ;  if  He  were 
to  transform  my  right  arm  into  a  cross-bow,  I 
should  then  be  looking  for  a  hsiao  to  (bring  down 
and)  roast;  if  He  were  to  transform  my  rump-bone 
into  a  wheel,  and  my  spirit  into  a  horse,  I  should 
then  be  mounting  it,  and  would  not  change  it  for 
another  steed.  Moreover,  when  we  have  got  (what 
we  are  to  do),  there  is  the  time  (of  life)  in  which 
to  do  it ;  when  we  lose  that  (at  death),  submission 
(is  what  is  required).  When  we  rest  in  what  the 
time  requires,  and  manifest  that  submission,  neither 
joy  nor  sorrow  can  find  entrance  (to  the  mind)2. 
This  would  be  what  the  ancients  called  loosing  the 
cord  by  which  (the  life)  is  suspended.  But  one 
hung  up  cannot  loose  himself; — he  is  held  fast  by 
his  bonds 3.  And  that  creatures  cannot  overcome 


1  Compare  this  description  of  3ze-yu's  deformity  with  that  of 
the  poor  Shu,  in  IV,  8. 

2  Such  is  the  submission  to  one's  lot  produced  by  the  teaching 
of  Taoism. 

3  Compare  the  same  phraseology  in  III,  par.  4,  near  the  end.    In 
correcting  Mr.  Balfour's  mistranslation  of  the  text,  Mr.  Giles  him- 
self falls  into  a  mistranslation  through  not  observing  that  the  fi^ 


PT.  I.  SECT.  vi.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ZWANG-SZE.  249 

Heaven    (the    inevitable)    is    a    long-acknowledged 
fact ; — why  should  I  hate  my  condition  ? ' 

10.  Before  long  3ze-lai  fell  ill,  and  lay  gasping 
at  the  point  of  death,  while  his  wife  and  children 
stood  around  him  wailing l.  3ze~^  went  to  ask  for 
him,  and  said  to  them,  '  Hush !  Get  out  of  the 
way!  Do  not  disturb  him  as  he  is  passing  through 
his  change.'  Then,  leaning  against  the  door,  he 
said  (to  the  dying  man),  '  Great  indeed  is  the 
Creator!  What  will  He  now  make  you  to  become  ? 
Where  will  He  take  you  to  ?  Will  He  make  you 
the  liver  of  a  rat,  or  the  arm  of  an  insect 2  ? ' 
3ze-lai  replied,  '  Wherever  a  parent  tells  a  son  to 
go,  east,  west,  south,  or  north,  he  simply  follows 
the  command.  The  Yin  and  Yang  are  more  to 
a  man  than  his  parents  are.  If  they  are  hastening 
my  death,  and  I  do  not  quietly  submit  to  them, 
I  shall  be  obstinate  and  rebellious.  There  is  the 
great  Mass  (of  nature) ; — I  find  the  support  of  my 
body  in  it;  my  life  is  spent  in  toil  on  it;  my  old 
age  seeks  ease  on  it ;  at  death  I  find  rest  on  it : — • 
what  has  made  my  life  a  good  will  make  my  death 
also  a  good. 

'  Here  now  is  a  great  founder,  casting  his  metal. 
If  the  metal  were  to  leap  up  (in  the  pot),  and  say, 
"  I  must  be  made  into  a  (sword  like  the)  Mo-yeh  3," 


is  passive,  having  the  jjjjj:  that  precedes  as  its  subject  (observe  the 
force  of  the  -Q^  after  jf^j:  in  the  best  editions),  and  not  active,  or 
governing  the  ^  that  follows. 

1  Compare  the  account  of  the  scene  at  Lao-jze's  death,  in  III, 
par.  4. 

2  Here  comes  in  the  belief  in  transformation. 

3  The  name  of  a  famous  sword,  made  for  Ho-lii,  the  king  of 


250  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  VI. 

the  great  founder  would  be  sure  to  regard  it  as 
uncanny.  So,  again,  when  a  form  is  being  fashioned 
in  the  mould  of  the  womb,  if  it  were  to  say,  "  I 
must  become  a  man;  I  must  become  a  man,"  the 
Creator  would  be  sure  to  regard  it  as  uncanny. 
When  we  once  understand  that  heaven  and  earth 
are  a  great  melting-pot,  and  the  Creator  a  great 
founder,  where  can  we  have  to  go  to  that  shall 
not  be  right  for  us  ?  We  are  born  as  from  a  quiet 
sleep,  and  we  die  to  a  calm  awaking/ 

ii.  3ze~sang  Hu1,  Mang  $ze-fa.nl,  and  >$ze-&/iin 
A^ang 1,  these  three  men,  were  friends  together. 
(One  of  them  said),  '  Who  can  associate  together 
without  any  (thought  of)  such  association,  or  act 
together  without  any  (evidence  of)  such  co-opera- 
tion ?  -  Who  can  mount  up  into  the  sky  and  enjoy 
himself  amidst  the  mists,  disporting  beyond  the 
utmost  limits  (of  things) 2,  and  forgetting  all  others 
as  if  this  were  living,  and  would  have  no  end  ? ! 
The  three  men  looked  at  one  another  and  laughed, 
not  perceiving  the  drift  of  the  questions ;  and  they 
continued  to  associate  together  as  friends. 

Suddenly,  after  a  time3,  3ze-sang  Hu  died.  Before 
he  was  buried,  Confucius  heard  of  the  event,  and 

Wu  (B.  c.  514-494).  See  the  account  of  the  forging  of  it  in  the 
3|C  ^  ^'J  H  w»  cn<  74-  The  mention  of  it  would  seem  to 
indicate  that  3ze-lai  and  the  other  three  men  were  of  the  time  of 
Confucius. 

1  These  three  men  were  undoubtedly  of  the  time  of  Confucius, 
and  some  would  identify  them  with  the  3ze'san&  Po-jze  of  Ana. 
VI,  i,  Mang  ./Tib-fan  of  VI,  13,  and  the  Lao  of  IX,  vi,  4.     This 
is  very  unlikely.     They  were  Taoists. 

2  Or,  '  without  end/ 

3  Or,  '  Some  time  went  by  silently,  and.' 


PT.  I.  SECT.  vi.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  -6TWANG-3ZE.  251 

sent  3ze~kung  to  go  and  see  if  he  could  render 
any  assistance.  One  of  the  survivors  had  com- 
posed a  ditty,  and  the  other  was  playing  on  his 
lute.  Then  they  sang  together  in  unison, 

'Ah!  come,  Sang  Hu !    ah!  come,  Sang  Hu! 
Your  being  true  you've  got  again, 
While  we,  as  men,  still  here  remain 

Ohone l ! ' 

3ze-kung  hastened  forward  to  them,  and  said, 
'  I  venture  to  ask  whether  it  be  according  to  the 
rules  to  be  singing  thus  in  the  presence  of  the 
corpse  ? '  The  two  men  looked  at  each  other,  and 
laughed,  saying,  '  What  does  this  man  know  about 
the  idea  that  underlies  (our)  rules  ? '  3ze~kung 
returned  to  Confucius,  and  reported  to  him,  saying, 
'  What  sort  of  men  are  those  ?  They  had  made 
none  of  the  usual  preparations 2,  and  treated  the 
body  as  a  thing  foreign  to  them.  They  were 
singing  in  the  presence  of  the  corpse,  and  there  was 
no  change  in  their  countenances.  I  cannot  describe 
them  ; — what  sort  of  men  are  they  ?  '  Confucius 
replied,  '  Those  men  occupy  and  enjoy  themselves 
in  what  is  outside  the  (common)  ways  (of  the  world), 
while  I  occupy  and  enjoy  myself  in  what  lies  within 
those  ways.  There  is  no  common  ground  for  those 
of  such  different  ways ;  and  when  I  sent  you  to 
condole  with  those  men,  I  was  acting  stupidly. 
They,  moreover,  make  man  to  be  the  fellow  of  the 


1  In  accordance  with  the  ancient  and  modern  practice  in  China 
of  calling  the  dead  back.     But  these  were  doing  so  in  a  song  to 
the  lute. 

2  Or,  '  they  do  not  regulate  their  doings  (in  the  usual  way).' 


252  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  VI. 

Creator,  and  seek  their  enjoyment  in  the  formless 
condition  of  heaven  and  earth.  They  consider 
life  to  be  an  appendage  attached,  an  excrescence 
annexed  to  them,  and  death  to  be  a  separation  of 
the  appendage  and  a  dispersion  of  the  contents 
of  the  excrescence.  With  these  views,  how  should 
they  know  wherein  death  and  life  are  to  be  found, 
or  what  is  first  and  what  is  last  ?  They  borrow 
different  substances,  and  pretend  that  the  common 
form  of  the  body  is  composed  of  them 1.  They 
dismiss  the  thought  of  (its  inward  constituents  like) 
the  liver  and  gall,  and  (its  outward  constituents), 
the  ears  and  eyes.  Again  and  again  they  end 
and  they  begin,  having  no  knowledge  of  first 
principles.  They  occupy  themselves  ignorantly  and 
vaguely  with  what  (they  say)  lies  outside  the  dust 
and  dirt  (of  the  world),  and  seek  their  enjoyment 
in  the  business  of  doing  nothing.  How  should 
they  confusedly  address  themselves  to  the  cere- 
monies practised  by  the  common  people,  and 
exhibit  themselves  as  doing  so  to  the  ears  and  eyes 
of  the  multitude  ?  ' 

3ze-kung  said,  '  Yes,  but  why  do  you,  Master, 
act  according  to  the  (common)  ways  (of  the  world)  ?  ' 
The  reply  was,  '  I  am  in  this  under  the  condemning 
sentence  of  Heaven 2.  Nevertheless,  I  will  share 

1  The  idea  that  the  body  is  composed  of  the  elements  of  earth, 
wind  or  air,  fire,  and  water. 

2  A  strange  description  of  himself  by  the  sage.     Literally,  '  I  am 
(one  of)  the  people  killed  and  exposed  to  public  view  by  Heaven ; ' 
referring,  perhaps,  to  the  description  of  a  living  man  as  '  suspended 
by   a   string  from  God.'     Confucius   was  content  to  accept  his 
life,  and  used  it  in  pursuing  the  path  of  duty,  according  to  his  con- 
ception of  it,  without  aiming  at  the  transcendental  method  of  the 
Taoists.     I  can  attach  no  other  or  better  meaning  to  the  expression. 


PT.  I.  SECT.VI.        THE  WRITINGS  OF  £WANG-3ZE.  253 

with  you  (what  I  have  attained  to).'  3ze~kung  re- 
joined, '  I  venture  to  ask  the  method  which  you 
pursue  ;'  and  Confucius  said,  'Fishes  breed  and  grow 
in  the  water;  man  developes  in  the  Tao.  Growing 
in  the  water,  the  fishes  cleave  the  pools,  and  their 
nourishment  is  supplied  to  them.  Developing  in 
the  Tao,  men  do  nothing,  and  the  enjoyment  of 
their  life  is  secured.  Hence  it  is  said,  "  Fishes  for- 
get one  another  in  the  rivers  and  lakes ;  men  forget 
one  another  in  the  arts  of  the  Tao." 

3ze-kung  said,  '  I  venture  to  ask  about  the  man 
who  stands  aloof  from  others  V  The  reply  was, 
'  He  stands  aloof  from  other  men,  but  he  is  in  accord 
with  Heaven !  Hence  it  is  said,  "  The  small  man 
of  Heaven  is  the  superior  man  among  men  ;  the 
superior  man  among  men  is  the  small  man  of 
Heaven2!"' 

12.  Yen  Hui  asked  A'ung-ni,  saying,  'When  the 
mother  of  Mang-sun  3hai 3  died,  in  all  his  wailing  for 
her  he  did  not  shed  a  tear ;  in  the  core  of  his  heart 
he  felt  no  distress ;  during  all  the  mourning  rites,  he 
exhibited  no  sorrow.  Without  these  three  things, 
he  (was  considered  to  have)  discharged  his  mourn- 
ing well ; — is  it  that  in  the  state  of  Lu  one  who  has 
not  the  reality  may  yet  get  the  reputation  of  having 
it  ?  I  think  the  matter  very  strange.'  A"ung-ni 


1  Misled  by  the  text  of  Hsiiang  Ying,  Mr.  Balfour  here  reads 
|lj§-  instead  of  BjJ. 

2  Here,  however,  he  aptly  compares  with  the  language  of  Christ 
in  Matthew  vii.  28. — .ATwang-jze  seems  to  make  Confucius  praise 
the  system  of  Taoism  as  better  than  his  own ! 

8  Must  have  been  a  member  of  the  Mang  or  Mang-sun  family 
of  Lu;  to  a  branch  of  which  Mencius  belonged. 


254  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  vi. 

said,  '  That  Mang-sun  carried  out  (his  views)  to  the 
utmost.  He  was  advanced  in  knowledge ;  but  (in 
this  case)  it  was  not  possible  for  him  to  appear  to  be 
negligent  (in  his  ceremonial  observances)1,  but  he 
succeeded  in  being  really  so  to  himself.  Mang-sun 
does  not  know  either  what  purposes  life  serves,  or 
what  death  serves  ;  he  does  not  know  which  should 
be  first  sought,  and  which  last 2.  If  he  is  to  be  trans- 
formed into  something  else,  he  will  simply  await  the 
transformation  which  he  does  not  yet  know.  This 
is  all  he  does.  And  moreover,  when  one  is  about 
to  undergo  his  change,  how  does  he  know  that  it  has 
not  taken  place  ?  And  when  he  is  not  about  to  un- 
dergo his  change,  how  does  he  know  that  it  has 
taken  place  3  ?  Take  the  case  of  me  and  you  : — are 
we  in  a  dream  from  which  we  have  not  begun  to 
awake  4  ? 

'  Moreover,  Mang-sun  presented  in  his  body  the 
appearance  of  being  agitated,  but  in  his  mind  he  was 
conscious  of  no  loss.  The  death  was  to  him  like  the 
issuing  from  one's  dwelling  at  dawn,  and  no  (more 
terrible)  reality.  He  was  more  awake  than  others 
were.  When  they  wailed,  he  also  wailed,  having  in 
himself  the  reason  why  he  did  so.  And  we  all  have 
our  individuality  which  makes  us  what  we  are  as 
compared  together ;  but  how  do  we  know  that  we 

1  The  people  set  such  store  by  the  mourning  rites,  that  Mang- 
sun  felt  he  must  present  the  appearance  of  observing  them.     This 
would  seem  to  show  that  Taoism  arose  after  the  earlier  views  of 
the  Chinese. 

2  I  adopt  here,  with  many  of  the  critics,  the  reading  of  *jj>h 
instead  of  the  more  common  Jj£. 

3  This  is  to  me  very  obscure. 

4  Are  such  dreams  possible  ?    See  what  I  have  said  on  II,  par.  9. 


FT.  I.  SECT. VI.        THE  WRITINGS  OF  KWANG-3ZE.  255 

determine  in  any  case  correctly  that  individuality  ? 
Moreover  you  dream  that  you  are  a  bird,  and  seem 
to  be  soaring  to  the  sky ;  or  that  you  are  a  fish,  and 
seem  to  be  diving  in  the  deep.  But  you  do  not 
know  whether  we  that  are  now  speaking  are  awake 
or  in  a  dream1.  It  is  not  the  meeting  with  what  is 
pleasurable  that  produces  the  smile ;  it  is  not  the 
smile  suddenly  produced  that  produces  the  arrange- 
ment (of  the  person).  When  one  rests  in  what  has 
been  arranged,  and  puts  away  all  thought  of  the 
transformation,  he  is  in  unity  with  the  mysterious 
Heaven.' 

J3-  ^'r  3ze2  having  gone  to  see  Hsu  Yu,  the  latter 
said  to  him, '  What  benefit  have  you  received  from 
Yao  ? '  The  reply  was,  '  Yao  says  to  me,  You 
must  yourself  labour  at  benevolence  and  righteous- 
ness, and  be  able  to  tell  clearly  which  is  right  and 
which  wrong  (in  conflicting  statements).'  Hsu  Yu 
rejoined,  '  Why  then  have  you  come  to  me  ?  Since 
Yao  has  put  on  you  the  brand  of  his  benevolence 
and  righteousness,  and  cut  off  your  nose  with  his 
right  and  wrong 3,  how  will  you  be  able  to  wander 
in  the  way  of  aimless  enjoyment,  of  unregulated 
contemplation,  and  the  ever-changing  forms  (of  dis- 
pute) ?  '  l-r  3ze  said,  '  That  may  be  ;  but  I  should 


1  This  also  is  obscure ;  but  Confucius  is  again  made  to  praise 
the  Taoistic  system. 

2  1-r  is  said  by  Li  I  to  have  been  '  a  worthy  scholar ;'  but  I-r  is 
an  old  name  for  the  swallow,  and  there  is  a  legend  of  a  being  of 
this  name  appearing  to   king  Mu,   and   then  flying  away  as  a 
swallow; — see   the  Khang-hsi   Thesaurus  under   j^j.     The  per- 
sonage is  entirely  fabulous. 

3  Dismembered  or  disfigured  you. 


256  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  VI. 

like  to  skirt  along  its  hedges.'  '  But,'  said  the  other, 
'  it  cannot  be.  Eyes  without  pupils  can  see  nothing 
of  the  beauty  of  the  eyebrows,  eyes,  and  other 
features ;  the  blind  have  nothing  to  do  with  the 
green,  yellow,  and  variegated  colours  of  the  sacri- 
ficial robes.'  l-r  3ze  rejoined,  '  Yet,  when  Wu- 
/£wanga  lost  his  beauty,  A'ii-liang1  his  strength, 
and  Hwang-Ti  his  wisdom,  they  all  (recovered 
them) 2  under  the  moulding  (of  your  system) ; — how 
do  you  know  that  the  Maker  will  not  obliterate  the 
marks  of  my  branding,  and  supply  my  dismember- 
ment, so  that,  again  perfect  in  my  form,  I  may  follow 
you  as  my  teacher  ?  '  Hsu  Yu  said,  '  Ah  !  that  can- 
not yet  be  known.  I  will  tell  you  the  rudiments. 
O  my  Master!  O  my  Master!  He  gives  to  all 
things  their  blended  qualities,  and  does  not  count  it 
any  righteousness ;  His  favours  reach  to  all  genera- 
tions, and  He  does  not  count  it  any  benevolence ; 
He  is  more  ancient  than  the  highest  antiquity,  and 
does  not  count  Himself  old  ;  He  overspreads  heaven 
and  supports  the  earth ;  He  carves  and  fashions  all 
bodily  forms,  and  does  not  consider  it  any  act  of 
skill ; — this  is  He  in  whom  I  find  my  enjoyment.' 

14.  Yen  Hui  said, '  I  am  making  progress.'  Ifung- 
ni  replied,  '  What  do  you  mean  ? '  'I  have  ceased 
to  think  of  benevolence  and  righteousness,'  was  the 
reply.  '  Very  well ;  but  that  is  not  enough.' 

Another  day,  Hui  again  saw  A"ung-nt,  and  said, 
'  I  am  making  progress.'  '  What  do  you  mean  ? ' 


1  Names  of  parties,  of  whom  we  know  nothing.     It  is  implied, 
we  must  suppose,  that  they  had  suffered  as  is  said  by  their  own 
inadvertence. 

2  We  must  suppose  that  they  had  done  so. 


PT.  I.  SECT.  vi.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  .KWANG-3ZE.  257 

'  I  have  lost  all  thought  of  ceremonies  and  music.' 
'  Very  well,  but  that  is  not  enough.' 

A  third  day,  Hui  again  saw  (the  Master),  and 
said, '  I  am  making  progress.'  'What  do  you  mean  ?' 
'  I  sit  and  forget  everything  V  A'ung-nt  changed 
countenance,  and  said,  '  What  do  you  mean  by  say- 
ing that  you  sit  and  forget  (everything)  ? '  Yen  Hui 
replied,  '  My  connexion  with  the  body  and  its  parts 
is  dissolved ;  my  perceptive  organs  are  discarded. 
Thus  leaving  my  material  form,  and  bidding  fare- 
well to  my  knowledge,  I  am  become  one  with  the 
Great  Pervader 2.  This  I  call  sitting  and  forgetting 
all  things.'  A'ung-nl  said,  '  One  (with  that  Pervader), 
you  are  free  from  all  likings ;  so  transformed,  you 
are  become  impermanent.  You  have,  indeed,  be- 
come superior  to  me  !  I  must  ask  leave  to  follow 
in  your  steps3.' 

15.  3ze~yu 4  and  3ze-sang  4  were  friends.  (Once), 
when  it  had  rained  continuously  for  ten  days,  ^zQ-yil 
said,  '  I  fear  that  3ze'sang  may  be  in  distress.'  So 
he  wrapped  up  some  rice,  and  went  to  give  it  to  him 
to  eat.  When  he  came  to  3ze~sang's  door,  there 
issued  from  it  sounds  between  singing  and  wailing ; 


1  'I  sit  and  forget;' — generally  thus  supplemented  (iffi  6/r  >J\ 

Hui  proceeds  to  set  forth  the  meaning  he  himself  attached 
to  the  phrase. 

2  Another  denomination,  I  think,  of  the  Tao.     The  ^  ^ 
is  also  explained  as  meaning,  '  the  great  void  in  which  there  is  no 
obstruction  Hr*  t£t  3>  M  $jf).' 

VVV  7MK.  **^    ,n\    r\f/' 

3  Here  is  another  testimony,  adduced  by  our  author,  of  Confu- 
cius's  appreciation  of  Taoism  ;  to  which  the  sage  would,  no  doubt, 
have  taken  exception. 

4  Two  of  the  men  in  pars.  9,  10. 

[39]  S 


258  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  vi. 

a  lute  was  struck,  and  there  came  the  words,  '  O 
Father !  O  Mother  !  O  Heaven !  O  Men ! '  The 
voice  could  not  sustain  itself,  and  the  line  was  hur- 
riedly pronounced.  3ze"Yu  entered  and  said,  '  Why 
are  you  singing,  Sir,  this  line  of  poetry  in  such  a 
way?'  The  other  replied,  '  I  was  thinking,  and  think- 
ing in  vain,  how  it  was  that  I  was  brought  to  such 
extremity.  Would  my  parents  have  wished  me  to  be 
so  poor  ?  Heaven  overspreads  all  without  any  par- 
tial feeling,  and  so  does  Earth  sustain  all ; — would 
Heaven  and  Earth  make  me  so  poor  with  any  un- 
kindly feeling  ?  I  was  trying  to  find  out  who  had 
done  it,  and  I  could  not  do  so.  But  here  I  am  in  this 
extremity! — it  is  what  was  appointed  for  me1!' 

1  Here  is  the  highest  issue  of  Taoism  ; — unquestioning  sub- 
mission to  what  is  beyond  our  knowledge  and  control. 


PT.  i.  SECT.  vii.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  JTWANG-3ZE.  259 


BOOK  VII. 
PART  I.     SECTION  VII. 

Ying  Ti  Wang1,  or  'The  Normal  Course  for 
Rulers  and  Kings1.' 

i.  Nieh  A^iieh2  put  four  questions  to  Wang  1 2, 
not  one  of  which  did  he  know  (how  to  answer).  On 
this  Nieh  .Oiieh  leaped  up,  and  in  great  delight 
walked  away  and  informed  Phu-1-jze 3  of  it,  who  said 
to  him, '  Do  you  (only)  now  know  it  ?'  He  of  the  line 
of  Yii 4  was  not  equal  to  him  of  the  line  of  Thai 5. 
He  of  Yii  still  kept  in  himself  (the  idea  of)  bene- 
volence by  which  to  constrain  (the  submission  of) 
men  ;  and  he  did  win  men,  but  he  had  not  begun  to 
proceed  by  what  did  not  belong  to  him  as  a  man. 
He  of  the  line  of  Thai  would  sleep  tranquilly,  and 
awake  in  contented  simplicity.  He  would  consider 
himself  now  (merely)  as  a  horse,  and  now  (merely) 
as  an  ox  6.  His  knowledge  was  real  and  untroubled 

1  See  pp.  136-138. 

2  See  p.  190,  note  5. 

3  An  ancient  TSoist,  of  the  time  of  Shun.     So,  Hwang-fu  Mi, 
who  adds  that  Shun  served  hjjn  as  his  master  when  he  was  eight 
years  old.    I  suppose  the  name  indicates  that  his  clothes  were  made 
of  rushes. 

4  Shun.     See  p.  245,  note  3. 

5  An  ancient  sovereign,  earlier,  no   doubt,   than  FA-hsi ;  but 
nothing  is  known  of  him. 

6  He  thought  nothing  about  his  being,  as  a  man,  superior  to  the 
lower  creatures.     Shun  in  governing  employed  his  acquired  know- 
ledge ;  Thai  had  not  begun  to  do  so. 

S  2 


26O  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.VII. 

by  doubts ;  and  his  virtue  was  very  true  : — he  had 
not  begun  to  proceed  by  what  belonged  to  him  as 
a  man. 

2.  .A^ien  Wu1  went   to   see   the   mad   (recluse), 
A^ieh-yii 2,  who  said  to  him,  '  What  did  Zah-£ung 
Shih3  tell  you  ?'     The  reply  was,  '  He  told  me  that 
when  rulers  gave  forth  their  regulations  according  to 
their  own  views  and  enacted  righteous  measures,  no 
one  would  venture  not  to  obey  them,  and  all  would 
be  transformed.'     A^ieh-yii  said,  '  That  is  but  the 
hypocrisy  of  virtue.     For  the  right  'ordering  of  the 
world  it  would  be  like  trying  to  wade  through  the 
sea  and  dig  through  the  Ho,  or  employing  a  mus- 
quito  to  carry  a  mountain  on  its  back.     And  when 
a  sage   is  governing,   does  he   govern  men's   out- 
ward actions  ?     He  is  (himself)  correct,  and  so  (his 
government)  goes  on  ; — this  is  the  simple  and  certain 
way  by  which  he  secures  the  success  of  his  affairs. 
Think  of  the  bird  which  flies  high,  to  avoid  being  hurt 
by  the  dart  on  the  string  of  the  archer,  and  the  little 
mouse   which    makes   its    hole    deep   under   Shan- 
Miu  4  to  avoid  the  danger  of  being  smoked  or  dug 
out ; — are  (rulers)  less  knowing  than  these  two  little 
creatures  ?' 

3.  Thien  Kan5,  rambling  on  the  south  of  (mount) 
Yin6,  came  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Liao-water. 

1  See  p.  1*70,  note  2. 

2  See  p.  170,  note  3. 

3  A  name  ; — '  a  worthy/  it  is  said. 

4  Name  of  some  hill,  or  height. 

5  A  name  ('  Root  of  the  sky'),  but  probably  mythical.     There  is 
a  star  so  called. 

6  Probably  the  name  of  a  mountain,  though  this  meaning  of 
Yin  is  not  given  in  the  dictionary. 


PT.  i.  SECT.  vn.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  JTWANG-3ZE.  26 1 

Happening  there  to  meet  with  the  man  whose  name  is 
not  known1,  he  put  a  question  to  him,  saying, '  I  beg  to 
ask  what  should  be  done 2  in  order  to  (carry  on)  the 
government  of  the  world.'  The  nameless  man  said, 
'  Go  away;  you  are  a  rude  borderer.  Why  do  you 
put  to  me  a  question  for  which  you  are  unprepared 3  ? 
I  would  simply  play  the  part  of  the  Maker  of  (all) 
things4.  When  wearied,  I  would  mount  on  the  bird 
of  the  light  and  empty  air,  proceed  beyond  the  six 
cardinal  points,  and  wander  in  the  region  of  non- 
entity, to  dwell  in  the  wilderness  of  desert  space. 
What  method  have  you,  moreover,  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  world  that  you  (thus)  agitate  my  mind  ? ' 
(Thien  Kan),  however,  again  asked  the  question, 
and  the  nameless  man  said,  '  Let  your  mind  find  its 
enjoyment  in  pure  simplicity;  blend  yourself  with 
(the  primary)  ether  in  idle  indifference ;  allow  all 
things  to  take  their  natural  course ;  and  admit  no 
personal  or  selfish  consideration : — do  this  and  the 
world  will  be  governed.' 

4.  Yang  3ze-/£ii5,  having  an  interview  with  Lao 
Tan,  said  to  him, '  Here  is  a  man,  alert  and  vigorous 


1  Or,  'a  nameless  man.'     We  cannot  tell  whether 
had  any  particular  Being,  so  named,  in  view  or  not. 

2  The  objectionable  point  in  the  question  is  the  supposition  that 
'doing  '  was  necessary  in  the  case. 

3  Or,   'I  am   unprepared.'     But   as   Thien   Kan   repeats   the 
question,  it  seems  better  to  supply  the  second  pronoun.     He  had 
.thought  on  the  subject. 

4  See  the  same  phraseology  in  VI,  par.  n.     What  follows  is 
merely  our    author's  way  of  describing  the   non-action   of  the 
Tao. 

5  The  Yang  J£u,  whom  Mencius  attacked  so  fiercely.     He  was, 
perhaps,  a  contemporary  and  disciple  of  Lao-jze. 


262  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  VII. 

in  responding  to  all  matters 1,  clearsighted  and 
widely  intelligent,  and  an  unwearied  student  of  the 
Tao  ; — can  he  be  compared  to  one  of  the  intelligent 
kings  ? '  The  reply  was,  '  Such  a  man  is  to  one  of 
the  intelligent  kings  but  as  the  bustling  underling  of 
a  court  who  toils  his  body  and  distresses  his  mind 
with  his  various  contrivances2.  And  moreover,  it  is 
the  beauty  of  the  skins  of  the  tiger  and  leopard 
which  makes  men  hunt  them  ;  the  agility  of  the 
monkey,  or  (the  sagacity  of)  the  dog  that  catches 
the  yak,  which  make  men  lead  them  in  strings ; 
but  can  one  similarly  endowed  be  compared  to  the 
intelligent  kings  ? ' 

Yang  3ze-^u  looked  discomposed  and  said,  '  I 
venture  to  ask  you  what  the  government  of  the 
intelligent  kings  is.'  Lio  Tan  replied,  '  In  the 
governing  of  the  intelligent  kings,  their  services 
overspread  all  under  the  sky,  but  they  did  not  seem 
to  consider  it  as  proceeding  from  themselves ;  their 
transforming  influence  reached  to  all  things,  but  the 
people  did  not  refer  it  to  them  with  hope.  No  one 
could  tell  the  name  of  their  agency,  but  they  made 
men  and  things  be  joyful  in  themselves.  Where 
they  took  their  stand  could  not  be  fathomed,  and 
they  found  their  enjoyment  in  (the  realm  of) 
nonentity.' 

5.   In  A'ang  there  was  a  mysterious  wizard3  called 

1  The  |H!  may  be  taken  as  =  |pj] ,   in  which  case   we   must 
understand  a  ^  as  its  object;  or  as  =  ^,  '  an  echo/  indicating 
the  quickness  of  the  man's  response  to  things. 

2  Compare  the  language  of  Lao  Tan,  in  Bk.  XII,  par.  8,  near 
the  beginning. 

3  XJA  is  generally  feminine,  meaning  '  a  witch.'     We  must  take 


PT.  r.  SECT.  vir.       THE    WRITINGS   OF   ZWANG-3ZE.  263 

.AH-hsien.  He  knew  all  about  the  deaths  and  births 
of  men,  their  preservation  and  ruin,  their  misery  and 
happiness,  and  whether  their  lives  would  be  long  or 
short,  foretelling  the  year,  the  month,  the  decade 
and  the  day  like  a  spirit.  When  the  people  of  A'ang 
saw  him,  they  all  ran  out  of  his  way.  Lieh-jze  went 
to  see  him,  and  was  fascinated1  by  him.  Returning, 
he  told  Hu-jze  of  his  interview,  and  said,  '  I  con- 
sidered your  doctrine,  my  master,  to  be  perfect,  but 
I  have  found  another  which  is  superior  to  it.'  Hu-jze2 
replied,  '  I  have  communicated  to  you  but  the  out- 
ward letter  of  my  doctrine,  and  have  not  communi- 
cated its  reality  and  spirit  ;  and  do  you  think  that 
you  are  in  possession  of  it  ?  However  many  hens 
there  be,  if  there  be  not  the  cock  among  them, 
how  should  they  lay  (real)  eggs3?  When  you  con- 
front the  world  with  your  doctrine,  you  are  sure 
to  show  in  your  countenance  (all  that  is  in  your 
mind)  4,  and  so  enable  (this)  man  to  succeed  in  inter- 
preting your  physiognomy.  Try  and  come  to  me 
with  him,  that  I  may  show  myself  to  him.' 

On  the  morrow,  accordingly,  Lieh-jze  came  with 
the  man  and  saw  Hu-jze.     When  they  went  out,  the 


it  here  as  masculine  =3j.  The  general  meaning  of  the  cha- 
racter is  '  magical,'  the  antics  of  such  performers  to  bring  down  the 
spirits. 

1  Literally,  'intoxicated.' 

2  The  teacher  in  Taoism  of  Lieh-jze,  called  also  Hu  Khih,  with 
the  name  Lin  (/fyjt).     See  the  remarks  on  the  whole  paragraph  in 
the  Introductory  Notice  of  the  Book. 

3  '  The  hens  '  signify  the  letter  of  the  doctrine  ;  '  the  cock,'  its 
spirit  ;  '  the  eggs,'  a  real  knowledge  of  it. 

4  'fpj  is  here  in  the  first  tone,  and  read  as  -jfe,  meaning  '  to 
stretch/  '  to  set  forth.' 


264  THE   TEXTS   OF   TAOISM.  BK.  vn. 

wizard  said,  '  Alas  !  your  master  is  a  dead  man.  He 
will  not  live  ; — not  for  ten  days  more !  I  saw  some- 
thing strange  about  him ; — I  saw  the  ashes  (of  his 
life)  all  slaked  with  water ! '  When  Lieh-jze  re- 
entered,  he  wept  till  the  front  of  his  jacket  was  wet 
with  his  tears,  and  told  Hu-jze  what  the  man  had 
said.  Hu-jze  said, '  I  showed  myself  to  him  with  the 
forms  of  (vegetation  beneath)  the  earth.  There  were 
the  sprouts  indeed,  but  without  (any  appearance  of) 
growth  or  regularity: — he  seemed  to  see  me  with 
the  springs  of  my  (vital)  power  closed  up.  Try  and 
come  to  me  with  him  again.' 

Next  day,  accordingly,  Lieh-jze  brought  the  man 
again  and  saw  Hu-jze.  When  they  went  out,  the 
man  said, '  It  is  a  fortunate  thing  for  your  master 
that  he  met  with  me.  He  will  get  better ;  he  has 
all  the  signs  of  living !  I  saw  the  balance  (of  the 
springs  of  life)  that  had  been  stopped  (inclining  in 
his  favour).'  Lieh-jze  went  in,  and  reported  these 
words  to  his  master,  who  said,  '  I  showed  myself  to 
him  after  the  pattern  of  the  earth  (beneath  the)  sky. 
Neither  semblance  nor  reality  entered  (into  my  ex- 
hibition), but  the  springs  (of  life)  were  issuing  from 
beneath  my  feet ; — he  seemed  to  see  me  with  the 
springs  of  vigorous  action  in  full  play.  Try  and 
come  with  him  again.' 

Next  day  Lieh-jze  came  with  the  man  again, 
and  again  saw  Hu-jze  with  him.  When  they  went 
out,  the  wizard  said,  '  Your  master  is  never  the 
same.  I  cannot  understand  his  physiognomy.  Let 
him  try  to  steady  himself,  and  I  will  again  view  him.' 
Lieh-jze  went  in  and  reported  this  to  Hu-jze,  who 
said,  '  This  time  I  showed  myself  to  him  after  the 
pattern  of  the  grand  harmony  (of  the  two  elemental 


PT.  i.  SECT.  vii.     THE  WRITINGS  OF  S-WANG-BZE.  265 

forces),  with  the  superiority  inclining  to  neither. 
He  seemed  to  see  me  with  the  springs  of  (vital) 
power  in  equal  balance.  Where  the  water  wrheels 
about  from  (the  movements  of)  a  dugong l,  there  is 
an  abyss  ;  where  it  does  so  from  the  arresting  (of  its 
course),  there  is  an  abyss ;  where  it  does  so,  and  the 
water  keeps  flowing  on,  there  is  an  abyss.  There 
are  nine  abysses  with  their  several  names,  and  I 
have  only  exhibited  three  of  them.  Try  and  come 
with  him  again.' 

Next  day  they  came,  and  they  again  saw  Hu-^ze. 
But  before  he  had  settled  himself  in  his  position, 
the  wizard  lost  himself  and  ran  away.  '  Pursue 
him,'  said  Hu-jze,  and  Lieh-jze  did  so,  but  could 
not  come  up  with  him.  He  returned,  and  told 
Hu-jze,  saying,  '  There  is  an  end  of  him ;  he  is 
lost ;  I  could  not  find  him.'  Hu-jze  rejoined,  '  I  was 
showing  him  myself  after  the  pattern  of  what  was 
before  I  began  to  come  from  my  author.  I  con- 
fronted him  with  pure  vacancy,  and  an  easy  in- 
difference. He  did  not  know  what  I  meant  to 
represent.  Now  he  thought  it  was  the  idea  of  ex- 
hausted strength,  and  now  that  of  an  onward  flow, 
and  therefore  he  ran  away.' 

After  this,  Lieh-jze  considered  that  he  had  not 
yet  begun  to  learn  (his  master's  doctrine).  He 
returned  to  his  house,  and  for  three  years  did  not 
go  out.  He  did  the  cooking  for  his  wife.  He  fed 
the  pigs  as  if  he  were  feeding  men.  He  took  no  part 


1  One  of  the  dugong.  It  has  various  names  in  Chinese,  one  being 
^  Jif,  'the  Man-Fish,'  from  a  fancied  resemblance  of  its  head 
and  face  to  a  human  being ; — the  origin  perhaps  of  the  idea  of  the 
mermaid. 


266  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  vil. 

or  interest  in  occurring  affairs.  He  put  away  the 
carving  and  sculpture  about  him,  and  returned  to 
pure  simplicity.  Like  a  clod  of  earth  he  stood  there 
in  his  bodily  presence.  Amid  all  distractions  he 
was  (silent)  and  shut  up  in  himself.  And  in  this 
way  he  continued  to  the  end  of  his  life. 

6.  Non-action  (makes   its  exemplifier)  the  lord  of 
all  fame ;  non-action  (serves  him  as)  the  treasury  of 
all  plans ;    non-action  (fits   him    for)   the  burden  of 
all  offices ;    non-action  (makes  him)  the  lord  of  all 
wisdom 1.     The  range  of  his  action  is  inexhaustible, 
but  there  is  nowhere  any  trace  of  his  presence.     He 
fulfils  all  that  he  has  received  from  Heaven2,  but 
he  does  not  see  that  he  was  the  recipient  of  anything. 
A  pure  vacancy  (of  all  purpose)  is  what  characterises 
him.     When  the  perfect  man  employs  his  mind,  it  is 
a  mirror.     It  conducts  nothing  and  anticipates  no- 
thing ;  it  responds  to  (what  is  before  it),  but  does 
not  retain  it.     Thus  he  is  able  to  deal  successfully 
with  all  things,  and  injures  none. 

7.  The  Ruler3  of  the  Southern  Ocean  was  Shu4,  the 

1  The  four  members  of  this  sentence  occasion  the  translator  no 
small  trouble.     They  are  constructed  on  the  same  lines,  and  seem 
to  me  to  be  indicative  and  not  imperative.     Lin  Hsi-^ung  observes 
that  all  the  explanations  that  had  been  offered  of  them  were  inap- 
propriate.    My  own  version  is  substantially  in  accordance  with  his 
interpretations.      The  chief  difficulty   is   with   the    first   member, 
which  seems  anti-Taoistic ;  but  our  author  is  not  speaking  of  the 
purpose  of  any  actor,  but  of  the  result  of  his  non-action.     J-* 
is  to  be  taken  in  the  sense  of^^f  'lord,'  'exercising  lordship.' 
The  "ffi  in  the  third  sentence  indicates  a  person  or  persons  in  the 
author's  mind  in  what  precedes. 

2  =  the  Heavenly  or  self-determining  nature. 

3  Perhaps  '  god  '  would  be  a  better  translation. 
*  Meaning  '  Heedless.' 


PT.  I.  SECT.  VII.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  £WANG-3ZE.  267 

Ruler  of  the  Northern  Ocean  was  Hu1,  and  the  Ruler 
of  the  Centre  was  Chaos.  Shu  and  Hu  were  continu- 
ally meeting  in  the  land  of  Chaos,  who  treated  them 
very  well.  They  consulted  together  how  they  might 
repay  his  kindness,  and  said,  '  Men  all  have  seven 
orifices  for  the  purpose  of  seeing,  hearing,  eating, 
and  breathing,  while  this  (poor)  Ruler  alone  has  not 
one.  Let  us  try  and  make  them  for  him.'  Accord- 
ingly they  dug  one  orifice  in  him  every  day ;  and 
at  the  end  of  seven  days  Chaos  died 2. 

1  Meaning  '  Sudden.' 

2  The  little  allegory  is  ingenious  and  amusing.     '  It  indicates/ 
says  Lin,  'how  action  (the  opposite  of  non-inaction)  injures  the 
first  condition  of  things.'     More  especially  it  is  in  harmony  with 
the  Taoistic  opposition  to  the  use  of  knowledge  in  government. 
One  critic  says  that  an  '  alas ! '  might  well  follow  the  concluding 
'  died/     But  surely  it  was  better  that  Chaos  should  give  place  to 
another  state.     '  Heedless '  and  '  Sudden'  did  not  do  a  bad  work. 


268  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  VIII. 


BOOK  VIII. 

PART  II.     SECTION  I. 

Phien  Mau,  or  'Webbed  Toes1.' 

1.  A  ligament  uniting  the  big  toe  with  the  other 
toes  and  an  extra  finger  may  be  natural 2  growths, 
but  they  are  more  than  is  good  for  use.     Excres- 
cences   on    the   person   and   hanging   tumours   are 
growths   from    the   body,    but   they   are   unnatural 
additions  to  it.     There  are  many  arts  of  benevolence 
and  righteousness,  and  the  exercise  of  them  is  dis- 
tributed among  the  five  viscera 3 ;  but  this  is  not  the 
correct  method  according  to  the  characteristics  of  the 
Tao.     Thus  it  is  that  the  addition  to  the  foot  is  but 
the  attachment  to  it  of  so  much  useless  flesh,  and 
the  addition  to  the  hand  is  but  the  planting  on  it  of 
a  useless  finger.     (So  it  is  that)  the  connecting  (the 
virtues)  with  the  five  viscera  renders,  by  excess  or 
restraint,  the  action  of  benevolence  and  righteous- 
ness bad,  and  leads  to  many  arts  as  in  the  employ- 
ment of  (great)  powers  of  hearing  or  of  vision. 

2.  Therefore   an  extraordinary  power  of  vision 


1  See  pp.  138,  139. 

2  '  Come  out  from  the  nature,'  but  '  nature '  must  be  taken  here 
as  in  the  translation.     The  character  is  not  Tao. 

3  The  five  viscera  are  the  heart,  the  liver,  the  stomach,  the  lungs, 
and  the  kidneys.     To  the  liver  are  assigned  the  element  '  wood,' 
and  the  virtue  of  benevolence ;  to  the  lungs,  the  element  '  metal/ 
and  the  virtue  of  righteousness. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  I.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ATWANG-3ZE.  269 

leads  to  the  confusion  of  the  five  colours  l  and  an 
excessive  use  of  ornament.  (Its  possessor),  in  the 
resplendence  of  his  green  and  yellow,  white  and 
black,  black  and  green,  will  not  stop  till  he  has  be- 
come a  Li  A"u  2.  An  extraordinary  power  of  hear- 
ing leads  to  a  confusion  of  the  five  notes 3,  and  an 
excessive  use  of  the  six  musical  accords 4.  (Its 
possessor),  in  bringing  out  the  tones  from  the  instru- 
ments of  metal,  stone,  silk,  and  bamboo,  aided  by 
the  Hwang-/£ung4  and  Ta-lii4  (tubes),  will  not 
stop  till  he  has  become  a  Shih  Khwang 5.  (So), 
excessive  benevolence  eagerly  brings  out  virtues 
and  restrains  its  (proper)  nature,  that  (its  possessor) 
may  acquire  a  famous  reputation,  and  cause  all  the 
organs  and  drums  in  the  world  to  celebrate  an  un- 
attainable condition ;  and  he  will  not  stop  till  he  has 
become  a  Sang  (Shan)6  or  a  Shih  (3hiu)7.  An  ex- 

1  Black,  red,  azure  (green,  blue,  or  black),  white,  and  yellow. 

2  The  same  as  the  Li  Lau  of  Mencius  (IV,  i,  i), — of  the  time  of 
Hwang-Ti.     It  is  not  easy  to  construe  the  text  here,  and  in  the 
analogous  sentences  below.     Hsiian  Ying,  having  read  on  to  the 
^j=j.  ^|l  as  the  uninterrupted  predicate  of  the  sharp  seer,  says,  '  Is 
not  this  a  proof  of  the  extraordinary  gift  ? '     What  follows  would 
be,  '  But  it  was  exemplified  in  Li  J£u.'     The  meaning  that  is  given 
in  the  version  was  the  first  that  occurred  to  myself. 

3  The  five  notes  of  the  Chinese  musical  scale. 

4  There  are  twelve  of  these  musical  notes,  determined  by  the 
twelve  regulating  tubes;    six,  represented  here  by  Hwang-^ung, 
the  name  of  the  first  tube,  giving  the  sharp  notes ;  and  six,  repre- 
sented by  Ta-lii,  giving  the  flat  notes. 

5  See  in  II,  par.  5. 

6  The  famous  3ang-jze,  or  3ang  Shan,  one  of  Confucius's  ablest 
disciples. 

7  An  officer  of  Wei  in  the  sixth  century  B.  c.     He  belonged  to  a 
family  of  historiographers,   and  hence  the  surname  Shih  (£f*j. 
Confucius  mentions  him  in  the  most  honourable  terms  in  the 


270  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.VIII. 

traordinary  faculty  in  debating  leads  to  the  piling  up 
of  arguments  like  a  builder  with  his  bricks,  or  a  net- 
maker  with  his  string.  (Its  possessor)  cunningly 
contrives  his  sentences  and  enjoys  himself  in  dis- 
cussing what  hardness  is  and  what  whiteness  is, 
where  views  agree  and  where  they  differ,  and  pressing 
on,  though  weary,  with  short  steps,  with  (a  multitude 
of)  useless  words  to  make  good  his  opinion  ;  nor  will 
he  stop  till  he  has  become  a  Yang  (A^u)1  or  Mo  (Ti)1. 
But  in  all  these  cases  the  parties,  with  their  re- 
dundant and  divergent  methods,  do  not  proceed  by 
that  which  is  the  correct  path  for  all  under  the 
sky.  That  which  is  the  perfectly  correct  path  is  not 
to  lose  the  real  character  of  the  nature  with  which 
we  are  endowed.  Hence  the  union  (of  parts)  should 
not  be  considered  redundance,  nor  their  divergence 
superfluity ;  what  is  long  should  not  be  considered 
too  long,  nor  what  is  short  too  short.  A  duck's  legs, 
for  instance,  are  short,  but  if  we  try  to  lengthen 
them,  it  occasions  pain ;  and  a  crane's  legs  are  long, 
but  if  we  try  to  cut  off  a  portion  of  them,  it  produces 
grief.  Where  a  part  is  by  nature  long,  we  are  not  to 
amputate,  or  where  it  is  by  nature  short,  we  are  not 
to  lengthen  it.  There  is  no  occasion  to  try  to 
remove  any  trouble  that  it  may  cause. 

3.  The  presumption  is  that  benevolence  and  right- 
eousness are  not  constituents  of  humanity ;  for  to 
how  much  anxiety  does  the  exercise  of  them  give 
rise !  Moreover  when  another  toe  is  united  to  the 


Analect  XV,  vi,  by  the  name   Shih  Yii.      '  Righteousness '  was 
his  great  attribute. 

1  The  two  heresiarchs  so  much  denounced  by  Mencius.     Both 
have  appeared  in  previous  Books. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  I.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ZWANG-3ZE.  271 

great  toe,  to  divide  the  membrane  makes  you 
weep ;  and  when  there  is  an  extra  finger,  to  gnaw  it 
off  makes  you  cry  out.  In  the  one  case  there  is  a 
member  too  many,  and  in  the  other  a  member  too 
few ;  but  the  anxiety  and  pain  which  they  cause  is 
the  same.  The  benevolent  men  of  the  present  age 
look  at  the  evils  of  the  world,  as  with  eyes  full  of 
dust,  and  are  filled  with  sorrow  by  them,  while  those 
who  are  not  benevolent,  having  violently  altered  the 
character  of  their  proper  nature,  greedily  pursue 
after  riches  and  honours.  The  presumption  there- 
fore is  that  benevolence  and  righteousness  are  con- 
trary to  the  nature  of  man  : — how  full  of  trouble  and 
contention  has  the  world  been  ever  since  the  three 
dynasties  l  began  ! 

And  moreover,  in  employing  the  hook  and  line, 
the  compass  and  square,  to  give  things  their  correct 
form  you  must  cut  away  portions  of  what  naturally 
belongs  to  them ;  in  employing  strings  and  fasten- 
ings, glue  and  varnish  to  make  things  firm,  you  must 
violently  interfere  with  their  qualities.  The  bendings 
and  stoppings  in  ceremonies  and  music,  and  the  fac- 
titious expression  in  the  countenance  of  benevolence 
and  righteousness,  in  order  to  comfort  the  minds  of 
men  : — these  all  show  a  failure  in  observing  the 
regular  principles  (of  the  human  constitution).  All 
men  are  furnished  with  such  regular  principles ;  and 
according  to  them  what  is  bent  is  not  made  so  by 
the  hook,  nor  what  is  straight  by  the  line,  nor  what 
is  round  by  the  compass,  nor  what  is  square  by  the 
carpenter's  square.  Nor  is  adhesion  effected  by 

1  Those  of  Hsia,  Shang,  and  A'au;— from  the  twenty- third 
century  B.  c.  to  our  author's  own  time. 


272  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  vm. 

the  use  of  glue  and  varnish,  nor  are  things  bound 
together  by  means  of  strings  and  bands.  Thus  it 
is  that  all  in  the  world  are  produced  what  they  are 
by  a  certain  guidance,  while  they  do  not  know  how 
they  are  produced  so ;  and  they  equally  attain  their 
several  ends  while  they  do  not  know  how  it  is  that 
they  do  so.  Anciently  it  was  so,  and  it  is  so  now ; 
and  this  constitution  of  things  should  not  be  made 
of  none  effect.  Why  then  should  benevolence  and 
righteousness  be  employed  as  connecting  (links),  or 
as  glue  and  varnish,  strings  and  bands,  and  the 
enjoyment  arising  from  the  Tao  and  its  character- 
istics be  attributed  to  them  ? — it  is  a  deception  prac- 
tised upon  the  world.  Where  the  deception  is  small, 
there  will  be  a  change  in  the  direction  (of  the  objects 
pursued) ;  where  it  is  great,  there  will  be  a  change  of 
the  nature  itself.  How  do  I  know  that  it  is  so  ? 
Since  he  of  the  line  of  Yii  called  in  his  benevolence 
and  righteousness  to  distort  and  vex  the  world,  the 
world  has  not  ceased  to  hurry  about  to  execute 
their  commands  ; — has  not  this  been  by  means  of 
benevolence  and  righteousness  to  change  (men's 
views)  of  their  nature  ? 

4.  I  will  therefore  try  and  discuss  this  matter. 
From  the  commencement  of  the  three  dynasties 
downwards,  nowhere  has  there  been  a  man  who 
has  not  under  (the  influence  of  external)  things 
altered  (the  course  of)  his  nature.  Small  men  for 
the  sake  of  gain  have  sacrificed  their  persons ; 
scholars  for  the  sake  of  fame  have  done  so ;  great 
officers,  for  the  sake  of  their  families;  and  sagely 
men,  for  the  sake  of  the  kingdom.  These  several 
classes,  with  different  occupations,  and  different  repu- 


PT.  II.  SECT.  I.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  .KWANG-3ZE.  273 

tations,  have  agreed  in  doing  injury  to  their  nature 
and  sacrificing  their  persons.  Take  the  case  of  a 
male  and  female  slave  l  ;  —  they  have  to  feed  the  sheep 
together,  but  they  both  lose  their  sheep.  Ask  the 
one  what  he  was  doing,  and  you  will  find  that  he 
was  holding  his  bamboo  tablets  and  reading.  Ask 
the  other,  and  you  will  find  that  she  was  amusing 
herself  with  some  game  2.  They  were  differently 
occupied,  but  they  equally  lose  their  sheep.  (So), 
Po-i  3  died  at  the  foot  of  Shau-yang  4  to  maintain  his 
fame,  and  the  robber  A^ih5  died  on  the  top  of  Tung- 
ling  6  in  his  eagerness  for  gain.  Their  deaths  were 
occasioned  by  different  causes,  but  they  equally 
shortened  their  lives  and  did  violence  to  their 
nature  ;  —  why  must  we  approve  of  Po-i,  and  condemn 
the  robber  A"ih  ?  In  cases  of  such  sacrifice  all  over 
the  world,  when  one  makes  it  for  the  sake  of  bene- 
volence and  righteousness,  the  common  people  style 
him  '  a  superior  man,'  but  when  another  does  it  for 
the  sake  of  goods  and  riches,  they  style  him  '  a  small 
man.'  The  action  of  sacrificing  is  the  same,  and  yet 
we  have  '  the  superior  man  '  and  '  the  small  man  !  ' 
In  the  matter  of  destroying  his  life,  and  doing  injury 
to  his  nature,  the  robber  A^ih  simply  did  the  same  as 
Po-i  ;  —  why  must  we  make  the  distinction  of  '  superior 
man  '  and  '  small  man  '  between  them  ? 


1  See  the  Khang-hsi  dictionary  under  the  character  ^pp£. 

2  Playing  at  some  game  with  dice.  3  See  VI,  par.  3. 

4  A  mountain  in  the  present  Shan-hsi,  probably  in  the  depart- 
ment of  Phu-^au. 

5  A  strange  character,  but  not  historical,  represented  as  a  brother 
of  Liu-hsia  Hui.     See  Bk.  XXIX. 

6  '  The  Eastern  Height/  =  the  Thai  mountain  in  the  present 
Shan-tung. 

[39]  T 


274  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM,  BK.VIII. 

5.  Moreover,  those  who  devote  their  nature  to 
(the  pursuit)  of  benevolence  and  righteousness, 
though  they  should  attain  to  be  like  3^ng  (Shan) 
and  Shih  (3hiu),  I  do  not  pronounce  to  be  good ; 
those  who  devote  it  to  (the  study  of)  the  five 
flavours,  though  they  attain  to  be  like  Shu-r  1,  I  do 
not  pronounce  to  be  good  ;  those  who  devote  it  to 
the  (discrimination  of  the)  five  notes,  though  they 
attain  to  be  like  Shih  Khwang,  I  do  not  pronounce 
to  be  quick  of  hearing  ;  those  who  devote  it  to 
the  (appreciation  of  the)  five  colours,  though  they 
attain  to  be  like  Li  Ku,  I  do  not  pronounce  to  be 
clear  of  vision.  When  I  pronounce  men  to  be  good, 
I  am  not  speaking  of  their  benevolence  and  right- 
eousness ; — the  goodness  is  simply  (their  possession 
of)  the  qualities  (of  the  Tao).  When  I  pronounce 
them  to  be  good,  I  am  not  speaking  of  what  are 
called  benevolence  and  righteousness  ;  but  simply 
of  their  allowing  the  nature  with  which  they  are 
endowed  to  have  its  free  course.  When  I  pronounce 
men  to  be  quick  of  hearing,  I  do  not  mean  that  they 
hearken  to  anything  else,  but  that  they  hearken  to 
themselves  ;  when  I  pronounce  them  to  be  clear  of 
vision,  I  do  not  mean  that  they  look  to  anything 
else,  but  that  they  look  to  themselves.  Now  those 
who  do  not  see  themselves  but  see  other  things, 
who  do  not  get  possession  of  themselves  but  get 
possession  of  other  things,  get  possession  of  what 
belongs  to  others,  and  not  of  what  is  their  own  ;  and 
they  reach  forth  to  what  attracts  others,  and  not  to 
that  in  themselves  which  should  attract  them.  But 

1  Different  from  Yih-ya,  the  famous  cook  of  duke  Hwan  of  Kh\. 
This  is  said  to  have  been  of  the  time  of  Hwang-Ti.  But  there  are 
different  readings  of  the  name. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  I.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  JTWANO3ZE.  275 

thus  reaching  forth  to  what  attracts  others  and  not 
to  what  should  attract  them  in  themselves,  be  they 
like  the  robber  A'ih  or  like  Po-i,  they  equally  err  in 
the  way  of  excess  or  of  perversity.  What  I  am 
ashamed  of  is  erring  in  the  characteristics  of  the 
Tao,  and  therefore,  in  the  higher  sphere,  I  do  not 
dare  to  insist  on  the  practice  of  benevolence  and 
righteousness,  and,  in  the  lower,  I  do  not  dare 
to  allow  myself  either  in  the  exercise  of  excess  or 
perversity. 


T  2 


276  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  IX. 


BOOK  IX. 
PART  II.     SECTION  II. 

Ma  Thi,  or  'Horses's  Hoofs1/ 

i.  Horses  can  with  their  hoofs  tread  on  the  hoar- 
frost and  snow,  and  with  their  hair  withstand  the 
wind  and  cold  ;  they  feed  on  the  grass  and  drink 
water ;  they  prance  with  their  legs  and  leap  : — this 
is  the  true  nature  of  horses.  Though  there  were 
made  for  them  grand  towers  2  and  large  dormitories, 
they  would  prefer  not  to  use  them.  But  when  Po- 
lao 3  (arose  and)  said,  '  I  know  well  how  to  manage 
horses,'  (men  proceeded)  4  to  singe  and  mark  them, 
to  clip  their  hair,  to  pare  their  hoofs,  to  halter  their 
heads,  to  bridle  them  and  hobble  them,  and  to  con- 
fine them  in  stables  and  corrals.  (When  subjected 
to  this  treatment),  two  or  three  in  every  ten  of  them 
died.  (Men  proceeded  further)  to  subject  them  to 
hunger  and  thirst,  to  gallop  them  and  race  them, 

1  See  pp.  140,  141. 

2  Literally,  'righteous  towers;'  but  igl  is  very  variously  applied, 
and  there  are  other  readings.     Compare  the  name  of  ling  thai, 
given  by  the  people  to  the  tower  built  by  king  Wan  ;  Shih,  III,  i,  8. 

8  A  mythical  being,  the  first  tamer  of  horses.  The  name  is 
given  to  a  star,  where  he  is  supposed  to  have  his  seat  as  superin- 
tendent of  the  horses  of  heaven.  It  became  a  designation  of  Sun 
Yang,  a  famous  charioteer  of  the  later  period  of  the  -ffau  dynasty, 
but  it  could  not  be  he  whom  ^Twang-jze  had  in  view. 

4  Po-lao  set  the  example  of  dealing  with  horses  as  now  de- 
scribed ;  but  the  supplement  which  I  have  introduced  seems  to 
bring  out  better  our  author's  meaning. 


PT.II.  SECT.  II.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ZWANG-3ZE.  277 

and  to  make  them  go  together  in  regular  order.  In 
front  were  the  evils  of  the  bit  and  ornamented  breast- 
bands,  and  behind  were  the  terrors  of  the  whip  and 
switch.  (When  so  treated),  more  than  half  of  them 
died. 

The  (first)  potter  said,  '  I  know  well  how  to  deal 
with  clay ; '  and  (men  proceeded)  to  mould  it  into 
circles  as  exact  as  if  made  by  the  compass,  and  into 
squares  as  exact  as  if  formed  by  the  measuring 
square.  The  (first)  carpenter  said,  '  I  know  well 
how  to  deal  with  wood ; '  and  (men  proceeded)  to 
make  it  bent  as  if  by  the  application  of  the  hook,  and 
straight  as  if  by  the  application  of  the  plumb-line. 
But  is  it  the  nature  of  clay  and  wood  to  require  the 
application  of  the  compass  and  square,  of  the  hook 
and  line  ?  And  yet  age  after  age  men  have  praised 
Po-lao,  saying,  '  He  knew  well  how  to  manage 
horses,'  and  also  the  (first)  potter  and  carpenter, 
saying,  '  They  knew  well  how  to  deal  with  clay  and 
wood.'  This  is  just  the  error  committed  by  the 
governors  of  the  world. 

2.  According  to  my  idea,  those  who  know  well  to 
govern  mankind  would  not  act  so.  The  people  had 
their  regular  and  constant  nature  x : — they  wove  and 
made  themselves  clothes  ;  they  tilled  the  ground  and 
got  food  2.  This  was  their  common  faculty.  They 
were  all  one  in  this,  and  did  not  form  themselves 
into -separate  classes;  so  were  they  constituted  and 
left  to  their  natural  tendencies 3.  Therefore  in  the 


1  Compare  the  same  language  in  the  previous  Book,  par.  3. 

2  But  the  weaver's  or  agriculturist's  art  has  no  more  title  to  be 
called  primitive  than  the  potter's  or  carpenter's. 

3  A  difficult  expression ;  but  the  translation,  probably,  gives  its 


278  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  IX. 

age  of  perfect  virtue  men  walked  along  with  slow 
and  grave  step,  and  with  their  looks  steadily  directed 
forwards.  At  that  time,  on  the  hills  there  were  no 
foot-paths,  nor  excavated  passages  ;  on  the  lakes 
there  were  no  boats  nor  dams  ;  all  creatures  lived  in 
companies  ;  and  the  places  of  their  settlement  were 
made  close  to  one  another.  Birds  and  beasts  multi- 
plied to  flocks  and  herds  ;  the  grass  and  trees  grew 
luxuriant  and  long.  In  this  condition  the  birds  and 
beasts  might  be  led  about  without  feeling  the  con- 
straint ;  the  nest  of  the  magpie  might  be  climbed  to, 
and  peeped  into.  Yes,  in  the  age  of  perfect  virtue, 
men  lived  in  common  with  birds  and  beasts,  and 
were  on  terms  of  equality  with  all  creatures,  as 
forming  one  family  ; — how  could  they  know  among 
themselves  the  distinctions  of  superior  men  and 
small  men  ?  Equally  without  knowledge,  they  did 
not  leave  (the  path  of)  their  natural  virtue ;  equally 
free  from  desires,  they  were  in  the  state  of  pure 
simplicity.  In  that  state  of  pure  simplicity,  the 
nature  of  the  people  was  what  it  ought  to  be.  But 
when  the  sagely  men  appeared,  limping  and  wheeling 
about  in  (the  exercise  of)  benevolence,  pressing 
along  and  standing  on  tiptoe  in  the  doing  of  right- 
eousness, then  men  universally  began  to  be  per- 
plexed. (Those  sages  also)  went  to  excess  in  their 
performances  of  music,  and  in  their  gesticulations  in 
the  practice  of  ceremonies,  and  then  men  began  to 
be  separated  from  one  another.  If  the  raw  materials 

true  significance.  '  Heaven'  here  is  synonymous  with  'the  Tao  ;' 
but  its  use  shows  how  readily  the  minds,  even  of  Lao  and  .ffwang, 
had  recourse  to  the  earliest  term  by  which  the  Chinese  fathers  had 
expressed  their  recognition  of  a  Supreme  and  Controlling  Power 
and  Government. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  II.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  J2AVANG-3ZE. 


had  not  been  cut  and  hacked,  who  could  have  made 
a  sacrificial  vase  from  them  ?  If  the  natural  jade 
had  not  been  broken  and  injured,  who  could  have 
made  the  handles  for  the  libation-cups  from  it  ?  If 
the  attributes  of  the  Tao  had  not  been  disallowed, 
how  should  they  have  preferred  benevolence  and 
righteousness  ?  If  the  instincts  of  the  nature  had 
not  been  departed  from,  how  should  ceremonies  and 
music  have  come  into  use  ?  If  the  five  colours  had 
not  been  confused,  how  should  the  ornamental  figures 
have  been  formed  ?  If  the  five  notes  had  not  been 
confused,  how  should  they  have  supplemented 
them  by  the  musical  accords  ?  The  cutting  and 
hacking  of  the  raw  materials  to  form  vessels  was  the 
crime  of  the  skilful  workman  ;  the  injury  done  to  the 
characteristics  of  the  Tao  in  order  to  the  practice  of 
benevolence  and  righteousness  was  the  error  of  the 
sagely  men. 

3.  Horses,  when  living  in  the  open  country,  eat 
the  grass,  and  drink  water  ;  when  pleased,  they 
intertwine  their  necks  and  rub  one  another  ;  when 
enraged,  they  turn  back  to  back  and  kick  one 
another  ;  —  this  is  all  that  they  know  to  do.  But 
if  we  put  the  yoke  on  their  necks,  with  the  moon- 
like  frontlet  displayed  on  all  their  foreheads,  then 
they  know  to  look  slily  askance,  to  curve  their  necks, 
to  rush  viciously,  trying  to  get  the  bit  out  of  their 
mouths,  and  to  filch  the  reins  (from  their  driver)  ;  — 
this  knowledge  of  the  horse  and  its  ability  thus  to 
act  the  part  of  a  thief  is  the  crime  of  Po-lao.  In 
the  time  of  (the  Ti)  Ho-hsti  1,  the  people  occupied 

1  An  ancient  sovereign  ;  but  nothing  more  definite  can  be  said 
about  him.  Most  of  the  critics  identify  him  with  Shan-nang,  the 


28O  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  IX. 

their  dwellings  without  knowing  what  they  were 
doing,  and  walked  out  without  knowing  where  they 
were  going.  They  filled  their  mouths  with  food 
and  were  glad ;  they  slapped  their  stomachs  to  ex- 
press their  satisfaction.  This  was  all  the  ability 
which  they  possessed.  But  when  the  sagely  men 
appeared,  with  their  bendings  and  stoppings  in  cere- 
monies and  music  to  adjust  the  persons  of  all,  and 
hanging  up  their  benevolence  and  righteousness  to 
excite  the  endeavours  of  all  to  reach  them,  in  order 
to  comfort  their  minds,  then  the  people  began  to 
stump  and  limp  about  in  their  love  of  knowledge, 
and  strove  with  one  another  in  their  pursuit  of  gain, 
so  that  there  was  no  stopping  them : — this  was  the 
error  of  those  sagely  men. 

Father  of  Husbandry,  who  occupies  the  place  in  chronological 
tables  after  Fu-hsi,  between  him  and  Hwang-Ti.  In  the  Tables 
of  the  Dynastic  Histories,  published  in  1817,  he  is  placed  seventh 
in  the  list  of  fifteen  reigns,  which  are  placed  without  any  specifica- 
tion of  their  length  between  Fu-hsi  and  Shan-nang.  The  name 
is  written  as  •&  JJi  and  ™|  'if. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  in.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  JsTWANG-3ZE.  28  I 


BOOK  X. 

PART  II.     SECTION  III. 
u  AVneh,  or  '  Cutting  open  Satchels1.' 

i.  In  taking  precautions  against  thieves  who  cut 
open  satchels,  search  bags,  and  break  open  boxes, 
people  are  sure  to  cord  and  fasten  them  well,  and  to 
employ  strong  bonds  and  clasps ;  and  in  this  they 
are  ordinarily  said  to  show  their  wisdom.  When  a 
great  thief  comes,  however,  he  shoulders  the  box, 
lifts  up  the  satchel,  carries  off  the  bag,  and  runs 
away  with  them,  afraid  only  that  the  cords,  bonds, 
and  clasps  may  not  be  secure ;  and  in  this  case  what 
was  called  the  wisdom  (of  the  owners)  proves  to  be 
nothing  but  a  collecting  of  the  things  for  the  great 
thief.  Let  me  try  and  set  this  matter  forth.  Do 
not  those  who  are  vulgarly  called  wise  prove  to  be 
collectors  for  the  great  thieves  ?  And  do  not  those 
who  are  called  sages  prove  to  be  but  guardians  in 
the  interest  of  the  great  thieves  ? 

How  do  I  know  that  the  case  is  so  ?  Formerly, 
in  the  state  of  Khi,  the  neighbouring  towns  could  see 
one  another ;  their  cocks  and  dogs  never  ceased  to 
answer  the  crowing  and  barking  of  other  cocks  and 
dogs  (between  them).  The  nets  were  set  (in  the 
water  and  on  the  land) ;  and  the  ploughs  and  hoes 
were  employed  over  more  than  a  space  of  two  thou- 
sand H  square.  All  within  its  four  boundaries,  the 

1  See  pp.  141,  142. 


282  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  X. 

establishment  of  the  ancestral  temples  and  of  the 
altars  of  the  land  and  grain,  and  the  ordering  of  the 
hamlets  and  houses,  and  of  every  corner  in  the 
districts,  large,  medium,  and  small,  were  in  all  parti- 
culars according  to  the  rules  of  the  sages1.  So  it 
was  ;  but  yet  one  morning,  Thien  A'Mng-jze  2  killed 
the  ruler  of  KM,  and  stole  his  state.  And  was  it 
only  the  state  that  he  stole  ?  Along  with  it  he  stole 
also  the  regulations  of  the  sages  and  wise  men 
(observed  in  it).  And  so,  though  he  got  the  name 
of  being  a  thief  and  a  robber,  yet  he  himself  con- 
tinued to  live  as  securely  as  Yao  and  Shun  had  done. 
Small  states  did  not  dare  to  find  fault  with  him ; 
great  states  did  not  dare  to  take  him  off;  for  twelve 
generations  (his  descendants)  have  possessed  the 
state  of  Khi 3.  Thus  do  we  not  have  a  case  in 
which  not  only  did  (the  party)  steal  the  state  of  Khi, 

1  The  meaning  is  plain ;  but  to  introduce  the  various  geograph- 
ical terms  would  make  the  translation  cumbrous.     The  concluding 
[j|j  is  perplexing. 

2  This  event  is  mentioned  in  the  Analects,  XIV,  xxii,  where  the 
perpetrator  of  the  murder  is  called  A^an  .Oang-jze,  and  Khan. 
Hang.     Hang  was  his  name,  and  A^ang  the  honorary  title  given  to 
him  after  his  death.     The  family  to  which  he  belonged  had  origin- 
ally taken  refuge  in  Kh\  from  the  state  of  Khan,  in  B.  c.  672.     Why 
and  when  its  chiefs  adopted  the  surname  Thien  instead  of  Khw\  is 
not  well  known.     The  murder  took  place  in  482.     Hang  did  not 
immediately  usurp  the  marquisate ;  but  he  and  his  successors  dis- 
posed of  it  at  their  pleasure  among  the  representatives  of  the  old 
House  till  386,  when  Thien  Ho  was  recognised  by  the  king  of 
Aau  as  the  marquis ;  and  his  next  successor  but  one  took  the  title 
of  king. 

3  The  kingdom  of  Kh\  came  to  an  end  in  B.C.  221,  the  first 
year   of  the  dynasty  of  .Oin,  after   it  had   lasted    through   five 
reigns.     How  ./Twang-jze  made  out  his  '  twelve  generations '  we 
cannot  tell.     There  may  be  an  interpolation  in  his  text  made  in 
the  time  of  Khm,  or  subsequently. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  in.      THE  WRITINGS  OF  ZWANG-3ZE.  283 

but  at  the  same  time  the  regulations  of  its  sages  and 
wise  men,  which  thereby  served  to  guard  the  person 
of  him,  thief  and  robber  as  he  was  ? 

2.  Let  me  try  to  set  forth  this  subject  (still  fur- 
ther). Have  not  there  been  among  those  vulgarly 
styled  the  wisest,  such  as  have  collected  (their 
wealth)  for  the  great  chief?  and  among  those  styled 
the  most  sage  such  as  have  guarded  it  for  him  ? 
How  do  I  know  that  it  has  been  so  ?  Formerly, 
Lung-fang 1  was  beheaded ;  Pi-kan  2  had  his  heart 
torn  out;  JOang  Hung3  was  ripped  open ;  and  3ze- 
hsti 4  was  reduced  to  pulp  (in  the  Alang).  Worthy 
as  those  four  men  were,  they  did  not  escape  such 
dreadful  deaths.  The  followers  of  the  robber 
Ki\\ 5  asked  him,  saying,  '  Has  the  robber  also  any 
method  or  principle  (in  his  proceedings)  ? '  He 
replied,  '  What  profession  is  there  which  has  not  its 
principles  ?  That  the  robber  in  his  recklessness 
comes  to  the  conclusion  that  there  are  valuable  de- 
posits in  an  apartment  shows  his  sageness ;  that  he 
is  the  first  to  enter  it  shows  his  bravery ;  that  he  is 
the  last  to  quit  it  shows  his  righteousness ;  that  he 
knows  whether  (the  robbery)  may  be  attempted  or 
not  shows  his  wisdom  ;  and  that  he  makes  an  equal 


1  See  on  Book  IV,  par.  i. 

2  See  on  Book  IV,  par.  i. 

3  A  historiographer  of  A'au,  with  whom   Confucius  is  said  to 
have  studied  music.     He  was  weakly  and  unjustly  put  to  death,  as 
here  described  by  king  -£ang,  in  B.  c.  492. 

4  Wu  3ze-hsii,  the  hero  of  revenge,  who  fled  from  Khh.  to  Wu, 
which  he  long  served.     He  was  driven  at  last  to  commit  suicide, 
and  his  body  was  then  put  into  a  leathern  wine-sack,  and  thrown 
into  the  ^Tiang  near  the  present  Su-Mu  ; — about  B.  c.  475. 

6  See  on  Book  VIII,  par.  4. 


284  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  X. 

division  of  the  plunder  shows  his  benevolence.  With- 
out all  these  five  qualities  no  one  in  the  world  has 
ever  attained  to  become  a  great  robber.'  Looking 
at  the  subject  in  this  way,  we  see  that  good  men  do 
not  arise  without  having  the  principles  of  the  sages, 
and  that  K'ti\  could  not  have  pursued  his  course 
without  the  same  principles.  But  the  good  men  in 
the  world  are  few,  and  those  who  are  not  good  are 
many ; — it  follows  that  the  sages  benefit  the  world 
in  a  few  instances  and  injure  it  in  many.  Hence  it  is 
that  we  have  the  sayings,  '  When  the  lips  are  gone 
the  teeth  are  cold1 ;'  'The  poor  wine  of  Lu  gave  occa- 
sion to  the  siege  of  Han-tan2;'  '  When  sages  are  born 
great  robbers  arise 3.'  When  the  stream  is  dried, 
the  valley  is  empty;  when  the  mound  is  levelled, 
the  deep  pool  (beside  it)  is  filled  up.  When  the 
sages  have  died,  the  great  robbers  will  not  arise ; 
the  world  would  be  at  peace,  and  there  would  be  no 
more  troubles.  While  the  sagely  men  have  not 
died,  great  robbers  will  not  cease  to  appear.  The 
more  right  that  is  attached  to  (the  views  of)  the 
sagely  men  for  the  government  of  the  world,  the 

fj        J  ^> 

more  advantage  will  accrue  to  (such  men  as)  the 
robber  A'ih.  If  we  make  for  men  pecks  and  bushels 

1  This  is  an  instance  of  cause  and  effect  naturally  happening. 

2  At  a  meeting  of  the  princes,  presided  over  by  king  Hsiian  of 
Kh&  (B.  c.  369-340),  the  ruler  of  Lu  brought  very  poor  wine  for 
the  king,  which  was  presented  to  him  as  wine  of  Ka.o,  in  conse- 
quence of  a  grudge  against  that  kingdom  by  his  officer  of  wines. 
In  consequence  of  this  king  Hsiian  ordered  siege  to  be  laid  to 
Han-tan,  the  capital  of  J£ao.     This  is  an  instance  of  cause  and 
effect  occurring  irregularly. 

3  There  seems  to  be  no  connexion  of  cause  and  effect  here ; 
but  .ATwang-jze  goes  on  in  his  own  way  to  make  out  that  there  is 
such  a  connexion. 


PT.  ii.  SECT.  in.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  JHVANG-3ZE.  285 

to  measure  (their  wares),  even  by  means  of  those 
pecks  and  bushels  should  we  be  teaching  them  to 
steal l ;  if  we  make  for  them  weights  and  steelyards 
to  weigh  (their  wares),  even  by  means  of  those 
weights  and  steelyards  shall  we  be  teaching  them 
to  steal.  If  we  make  for  them  tallies  and  seals  to 
secure  their  good  faith,  even  by  means  of  those 
tallies  and  seals  shall  we  be  teaching  them  to  steal. 
If  we  make  for  them  benevolence  and  righteousness 
to  make  their  doings  correct,  even  by  means  of  bene- 
volence and  righteousness  shall  we  be  teaching  them 
to  steal.  How  do  I  know  that  it  is  so  ?  Here  is 
one  who  steals  a  hook  (for  his  girdle)  ; — he  is  put  to 
death  for  it :  here  is  another  who  steals  a  state ; — he 
becomes  its  prince.  But  it  is  at  the  gates  of  the 
princes  that  we  find  benevolence  and  righteousness 
(most  strongly)  professed  ; — is  not  this  stealing  bene- 
volence and  righteousness,  sageness  and  wisdom  ? 
Thus  they  hasten  to  become  great  robbers,  carry 
off  princedoms,  and  steal  benevolence  and  righteous- 
ness, with  all  the  gains  springing  from  the  use  of 
pecks  and  bushels,  weights  and  steelyards,  tallies 
and  seals : — even  the  rewards  of  carriages  and 
coronets  have  no  power  to  influence  (to  a  different 
course),  and  the  terrors  of  the  axe  have  no  power  to 
restrain  in  such  cases.  The  giving  of  so  great  gain 
to  robbers  (like)  A"ih,  and  making  it  impossible  to 
restrain  them ; — this  is  the  error  committed  by  the 
sages. 

3.  In  accordance  with  this  it  is  said,  'Fish  should 


1  The  verb  '  to  steal '  is  here   used   transitively,   and   with   a 
hiphil  force. 


286  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  X. 

not  be  taken  from  (the  protection  of)  the  deep 
waters ;  the  agencies  for  the  profit  of  a  state  should 
not  be  shown  to  men  V  But  those  sages  (and  their 
teachings)  are  the  agencies  for  the  profit  of  the 
world,  and  should  not  be  exhibited  to  it.  Therefore 
if  an  end  were  put  to  sageness  and  wisdom  put  away, 
the  great  robbers  would  cease  to  arise.  If  jade  were 
put  away  and  pearls  broken  to  bits,  the  small  thieves 
would  not  appear.  If  tallies  were  burned  and  seals 
broken  in  pieces,  the  people  would  become  simple 
and  unsophisticated.  If  pecks  were  destroyed  and 
steelyards  snapped  in  two,  the  people  would  have  no 
wrangling.  If  the  rules  of  the  sages  were  entirely 
set  aside  in  the  world,  a  beginning  might  be  made 
of  reasoning  with  the  people.  If  the  six  musical 
accords  were  reduced  to  a  state  of  utter  confusion, 
organs  and  lutes  all  burned,  and  the  ears  of  the 
(musicians  like  the)  blind  Khwang 2  stopped  up,  all 
men  would  begin  to  possess  and  employ  their 
(natural)  power  of  hearing.  If  elegant  ornaments 
were  abolished,  the  five  embellishing  colours  disused, 
and  the  eyes  of  (men  like)  LI  A'u3  glued  up,  all 
men  would  begin  to  possess  and  employ  their 
(natural)  power  of  vision.  If  the  hook  and  line  were 
destroyed,  the  compass  and  square  thrown  away,  and 
the  fingers  of  men  (like)  the  artful  Kkm  *  smashed, 
all  men  would  begin  to  possess  and  employ  their 
(natural)  skill ; — as  it  is  said,  '  The  greatest  art  is 


1  See  the  Tao  Teh  King,  ch.  36.     Our  author's  use  of  it 
throws  light  on  its  meaning. 

2  Note  i,  p.  186. 

3  Note  2,  p.  269. 

4  A  skilful  maker  of  arrows  of  the  time  of  Yao, — the  Kung- 
kung  of  the  Shu,  II,  i,  21 ;  V,  xxii,  19. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  in.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ZWANG-3ZE.  287 


like  stupidity1.'  If  conduct  such  as  that  of 
(Shan)2  and  Shih  (A^iu)3  were  discarded,  the  mouths 
of  Yang  (ATu)  4  and  Mo  (Tl)  gagged,  and  bene- 
volence and  righteousness  seized  and  thrown  aside, 
the  virtue  of  all  men  would  begin  to  display  its 
mysterious  excellence.  When  men  possessed  and 
employed  their  (natural)  power  of  vision,  there  would 
be  no  distortion  in  the  world.  When  they  possessed 
and  employed  their  (natural)  power  of  hearing,  there 
would  be  no  distractions  in  the  world.  When  they 
possessed  and  employed  their  (natural)  faculty  of 
knowledge,  there  would  be  no  delusions  in  the  world. 
When  they  possessed  and  employed  their  (natural) 
virtue,  there  would  be  no  depravity  in  the  world. 
Men  like  Bang  (Shan),  Shih  (Avfciu),  Yang  (Au),  Mo 
(Tl),  Shih  Khwang  (the  musician),  the  artist  Khu\, 
and  Ll_j&3a,  all  display  their  qualities  outwardly,  and 
set  the  world  in  a  blaze  (of  admiration)  and  confound 
it  ;  —  a  method  which  is  of  no  use  ! 

4.  Are  you,  Sir,  unacquainted  with  the  age  of 
perfect  virtue  ?  Anciently  there  were  Yung-/£Mng, 
Ta-thing,  Po-hwang,  A'ang-yang,  Li-lu,  Li-^u, 
Hsien-yiian,  Ho-hsii,  3un~lu>  ATu-yung,  Fu-hsl, 
and  Shan-nang  5.  In  their  times  the  people  made 


1  The  Tao  Teh  King,  ch.  45. 

2  Note  6,  p.  269. 

3  Note  7,  p.  269. 

4  Note  5,  p.  261. 

5  Of  the  twelve  names  mentioned  here  the  reader  is  probably 
familiar  with  those  of  Fu-hsi  and  Shan-nang,  the  first  and  second 
of  the  Ti  in  chronology.    Hsien-yiian  is  another  name  for  Hwang- 
Ti,  the  third  of  them.    .ATu-yung  was,  perhaps,  a  minister  of  Hwang- 
Ti.    Ho-hsii  has  occurred  before  in  Book  IV.    Of  the  other  seven, 
five  occur  among  the  fifteen  sovereigns  placed  in  the  '  Compendium 


288  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  X. 

knots  on  cords  in  carrying  on  their  affairs.  They 
thought  their  (simple)  food  pleasant,  and  their 
(plain)  clothing  beautiful.  They  were  happy  in 
their  (simple)  manners,  and  felt  at  rest  in  their 
(poor)  dwellings.  (The  people  of)  neighbouring 
states  might  be  able  to  descry  one  another ;  the 
voices  of  their  cocks  and  dogs  might  be  heard  (all 
the  way)  from  one  to  the  other ;  they  might  not  die 
till  they  were  old  ;  and  yet  all  their  life  they  would 
have  no  communication  together  *.  In  those  times 
perfect  good  order  prevailed. 

Now-a-days,  however,  such  is  the  state  of  things 
that  you  shall  see  the  people  stretching  out  their 
necks,  and  standing  on  tiptoe,  while  they  say,  '  In 
such  and  such  a  place  there  is  a  wise  and  able 
man.'  Then  they  carry  with  them  whatever  dry 
provisions  they  may  have  left,  and  hurry  towards 
it,  abandoning  their  parents  in  their  homes,  and 
neglecting  the  service  of  their  rulers  abroad.  Their 
footsteps  may  be  traced  in  lines  from  one  state 
to  another,  and  the  ruts  of  their  chariot-wheels  also 
for  more  than  a  thousand  li.  This  is  owing  to  the 
error  of  their  superiors  in  their  (inordinate)  fondness 
for  knowledge.  When  those  superiors  do  really  love 
knowledge,  but  do  not  follow  the  (proper)  course, 
the  whole  world  is  thrown  into  great  confusion. 

How  do  I  know  that  the  case  is  so  ?  The  know- 
ledge shown  in  the  (making  of)  bows,  cross-bows, 
hand-nets,  stringed  arrows,  and  contrivances  with 
springs  is  great,  but  the  birds  are  troubled  by  them 


of  History'  between  Fu-hsi  and  Shan-nang.   'The  remaining  two 
may  be  found,  I  suppose,  in  the  Lu  Shih  of  Lo  Pi. 
1  See  the  eightieth  chapter  of  the  Tao  Teh  .ATing. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  in.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ZWANG-3ZE.  289 

above ;  the  knowledge  shown  in  the  hooks,  baits, 
various  kinds  of  nets,  and  bamboo  traps  is  great, 
but  the  fishes  are  disturbed  by  them  in  the  waters ; 
the  knowledge  shown  in  the  arrangements  for 
setting  nets,  and  the  nets  and  snares  themselves, 
is  great,  but  the  animals  are  disturbed  by  them  in 
the  marshy  grounds.  (So),  the  versatility  shown 
in  artful  deceptions  becoming  more  and  more 
pernicious,  in  ingenious  discussions  as  to  what  is 
hard  and  what  is  white,  and  in  attempts  to  disperse 
the  dust  and  reconcile  different  views,  is  great,  but 
the  common  people  are  perplexed  by  all  the  sophistry. 
Hence  there  is  great  disorder  continually  in  the 
world,  and  the  guilt  of  it  is  due  to  that  fondness 
for  knowledge.  Thus  it  is  that  all  men  know  to 
seek  for  the  knowledge  that  they  have  not  attained 
to ;  and  do  not  know  to  seek  for  that  which  they 
already  have  (in  themselves) ;  and  that  they  know 
to  condemn  what  they  do  not  approve  (in  others), 
and  do  not  know  to  condemn  what  they  have 
allowed  in  themselves ; — it  is  this  which  occasions 
the  great  confusion  and  disorder.  It  is  just  as  if, 
above,  the  brightness  of  the  sun  and  moon  were 
darkened ;  as  if,  beneath,  the  productive  vigour  of 
the  hills  and  streams  were  dried  up ;  and  as  if, 
between,  the  operation  of  the  four  seasons  were 
brought  to  an  end : — in  which  case  there  would  not 
be  a  single  weak  and  wriggling  insect,  nor  any  plant 
that  grows  up,  which  would  not  lose  its  proper 
nature.  Great  indeed  is  the  disorder  produced  in 
the  world  by  the  love  of  knowledge.  From  the 
time  of  the  three  dynasties  downwards  it  has  been  so. 
The  plain  and  honest-minded  people  are  neglected, 
and  the  plausible  representations  of  restless  spirits 
[39]  u 


2QO  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  X. 

received  with  pleasure ;  the  quiet  and  unexciting 
method  of  non-action  is  put  away,  and  pleasure 
taken  in  ideas  garrulously  expressed.  It  is  this 
garrulity  of  speech  which  puts  the  world  in  dis- 
order. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  tfWANG-BZE.  2QI 


BOOK  XI. 
PART  II.     SECTION  IV. 

3ai  Yu,  or  'Letting  Be,  and  Exercising  For- 
bearance V 

i.  I  have  heard  of  letting  the  world  be,  and 
exercising  forbearance  ;  I  have  not  heard  of  govern- 
ing the  world.  Letting  be  is  from  the  fear  that 
men,  (when  interfered  with),  will  carry  their  nature 
beyond  its  normal  condition ;  exercising  forbearance 
is  from  the  fear  that  men,  (when  not  so  dealt  with), 
will  alter  the  characteristics  of  their  nature.  When 
all  men  do  not  carry  their  nature  beyond  its  normal 
condition,  nor  alter  its  characteristics,  the  good 
government  of  the  world  is  secured. 

Formerly,  Yao's  government  of  the  world  made 
men  look  joyful ;  but  when  they  have  this  joy  in 
their  nature,  there  is  a  want  of  its  (proper) 
placidity.  The  government  of  the  world  by  A'ieh, 
(on  the  contrary),  made  men  look  distressed ;  but 
when  their  nature  shows  the  symptoms  of  distress, 
there  is  a  want  of  its  (proper)  contentment.  The 
want  of  placidity  and  the  want  of  contentment  are 
contrary  to  the  character  (of  the  nature) ;  and  where 
this  obtains,  it  is  impossible  that  any  man  or  state 
should  anywhere  abide  long.  Are  men  exceedingly 
joyful  ? — the  Yang  or  element  of  expansion  in  them 
is  too  much  developed.  Are  they  exceedingly 

1  See  pp.  142,  143. 
u  2 


THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XI. 


irritated?  —  the  Yin  or  opposite  element  is  too 
much  developed.  When  those  elements  thus  pre- 
dominate in  men,  (it  is  as  if1)  the  four  seasons 
were  not  to  come  (at  their  proper  times),  and  the 
harmony  of  cold  and  heat  were  not  to  be  main- 
tained; —  would  there  not  result  injury  to  the  bodies 
of  men  ?  Men's  joy  and  dissatisfaction  are  made  to 
arise  where  they  ought  not  to  do  so  ;  their  move- 
ments are  all  uncertain  ;  they  lose  the  mastery  of 
their  thoughts  ;  they  stop  short  midway,  and  do  not 
finish  what  they  have  begun.  In  this  state  of 
things  the  world  begins  to  have  lofty  aims,  and 
jealous  dislikes,  ambitious  courses,  and  fierce  ani- 
mosities, and  then  we  have  actions  like  those  of  the 
robber  A"ih,  or  of  3&ng  (Shan)  and  Shih  (3hiu)2. 
If  now  the  whole  world  were  taken  to  reward  the 
"good  it  would  not  suffice,  nor  would  it  be  possible 
with  it  to  punish  the  bad.  Thus  the  world,  great 
as  it  is,  not  sufficing  for  rewards  and  punishments, 
from  the  time  of  the  three  dynasties  downwards, 
there  has  been  nothing  but  bustle  and  excitement. 
Always  occupied  with  rewards  and  punishments, 
what  leisure  have  men  had  to  rest  in  the  instincts 
of  the  nature  with  which  they  are  endowed  ? 

2.  Moreover,  delight  in  the  power  of  vision  leads 


1  I  supply  the  '  it  is  as  if/  after  the  example  of  the  critic  Lti  Shu- 
£ih,  who  here  introduces  a  3j|fj  in  his  commentary  (^||  jjtj   fli 

^  ^l  ^fe  -iP:  JT*  "?T  "Zr)'  What  the  text  seems  to  state  as  a 
fact  is  only  an  illustration.  Compare  the  concluding  paragraphs 
in  all  the  Sections  and  Parts  of  the  fourth  Book  of  the  Li  K\. 

2  Our  moral  instincts  protest  against  Taoism  which  thus  places 
in  the  same  category  such  sovereigns  as  Yao  and  JTieh,  and  such 
men  as  the  brigand  K\\\  and  3&ng  and  Shih. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ZWANG-3ZE.  293 

to  excess  in  the  pursuit  of  (ornamental)  colours ; 
delight  in  the  power  of  hearing,  to  excess  in  seeking 
(the  pleasures  of)  sound ;  delight  in  benevolence 
tends  to  disorder  that  virtue  (as  proper  to  the 
nature) ;  delight  in  righteousness  sets  the  man  in 
opposition  to  what  is  right  in  reason  ;  delight  in  (the 
practice  of)  ceremonies  is  helpful  to  artful  forms ; 
delight  in  music  leads  to  voluptuous  airs ;  delight 
in  sageness  is  helpful  to  ingenious  contrivances  ; 
delight  in  knowledge  contributes  to  fault-finding. 
If  all  men  were  to  rest  in  the  instincts  of  their 
nature,  to  keep  or  to  extinguish  these  eight  delights 
might  be  a  matter  of  indifference ;  but  if  they  will 
not  rest  in  those  instincts,  then  those  eight  delights 
begin  to  be  imperfectly  and  unevenly  developed  or 
violently  suppressed,  and  the  world  is  thrown  into 
disorder.  But  when  men  begin  to  honour  them, 
and  to  long  for  them,  how  great  is  the  deception 
practised  on  the  world!  And  not  only,  when  (a 
performance  of  them)  is  once  over,  do  they  not 
have  done  with  them,  but  they  prepare  themselves 
(as)  with  fasting  to  describe  them,  they  seem  to 
kneel  reverentially  when  they  bring  them  forward, 
and  they  go  through  them  with  the  excitements  of 
music  and  singing;  and  then  what  can  be  done 
(to  remedy  the  evil  of  them)  ?  Therefore  the 
superior  man,  who  feels  himself  constrained  to  en- 
gage in  the  administration  of  the  world  will  find  it 
his  best  way  to  do  nothing1.  In  (that  policy  of) 
doing  nothing,  he  can  rest  in  the  instincts  of  the 
nature  with  which  he  is  endowed.  Hence  he  who 
will  administer  (the  government  of)  the  world 

1  Here  is  the  Taoistic  meaning  of  the  title  of  this  Book. 


294  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xi. 

honouring  it  as  he  honours  his  own  person,  may 
have  that  government  committed  to  him,  and  he 
who  will  administer  it  loving  it  as  he  loves  his  own 
person,  may  have  it  entrusted  to  him  \  Therefore, 
if  the  superior  man  will  keep  (the  faculties  lodged 
in)  his  five  viscera  unemployed,  and  not  display  his 
powers  of  seeing  and  hearing,  while  he  is  motionless 
as  a  representative  of  the  dead,  his  dragon-like 
presence  will  be  seen ;  while  he  is  profoundly  silent, 
the  thunder  (of  his  words)  will  resound ;  while  his 
movements  are  (unseen)  like  those  of  a  spirit,  all 
heavenly  influences  will  follow  them ;  while  he  is 
(thus)  unconcerned  and  does  nothing,  his  genial 
influence  will  attract  and  gather  all  things  round 
him  : — what  leisure  has  he  to  do  anything  more  for 
the  government  of  the  world  ? 

3.  3nm'  Kh\)i 2  asked  Lao  Tan,  saying,  '  If  you  do 
not  govern  the  world,  how  can  you  make  men's 
minds  good  ? '  The  reply  was,  '  Take  care  how  you 
meddle  with  and  disturb  men's  minds.  The  mind, 
if  pushed  about,  gets  depressed ;  if  helped  forward, 
it  gets  exalted.  Now  exalted,  now  depressed,  here 
it  appears  as  a  prisoner,  and  there  as  a  wrathful  fury. 
(At  one  time)  it  becomes  pliable  and  soft,  yielding 
to  what  is  hard  and  strong ;  (at  another),  it  is  sharp 
as  the  sharpest  corner,  fit  to  carve  or  chisel  (stone 
or  jade).  Now  it  is  hot  as  a  scorching  fire,  and  anon 
it  is  cold  as  ice.  It  is  so  swift  that  while  one  is 
bending  down  and  lifting  up  his  head,  it  shall  twice 


1  A  quotation,  but  without  any  indication  that  it  is  so,  from  the 
Tao  Teh  King,  ch.  13. 

2  Probably  an  imaginary  personage. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  KTVANG-3ZE.  295 

have  put  forth  a  soothing  hand  beyond  the  four  seas. 
Resting,  it  is  still  as  a  deep  abyss ;  moving,  it  is  like 
one  of  the  bodies  in  the  sky ;  in  its  resolute  haughti- 
ness, it  refuses  to  be  bound ; — such  is  the  mind  of 
man  l !' 

Anciently,  Hwang-Ti  was  the  first  to  meddle  with 
and  disturb  the  mind  of  man  with  his  benevolence 
and  righteousness  2.  After  him,  Yao  and  Shun  wore 
their  thighs  bare  and  the  hair  off  the  calves  of  their 
legs,  in  their  labours  to  nourish  the  bodies  of  the 
people.  They  toiled  painfully  with  all  the  powers 
in  their  five  viscera  at  the  practice  of  their  benevo- 
lence and  righteousness  ;  they  tasked  their  blood 
and  breath  to  make  out  a  code  of  laws  ; — and  after 
all  they  were  unsuccessful.  On  this  Yao  sent  away 
Hwan  Tau  to  A^ung  hill,  and  (the  Chiefs  of)  the 
Three  Miao  to  San-wei,  and  banished  the  Minister  of 
Works  to  the  Dark  Capital ;  so  unequal  had  they 
been  to  cope  with  the  world  3.  Then  we  are  carried 
on  to  the  kings  of  the  Three  (dynasties),  when  the 
world  was  in  a  state  of  great  distraction.  Of  the 
lowest  type  of  character  there  were  A'ieh  and  Alh  ; 
of  a  higher  type  there  were  3^ng  (Shan)  and  Shih 
(3hiu).  At  the  same  time  there  arose  the  classes  of 

1  I  must  suppose  that  the  words  of  Lao-jze  stop  here,  and  that 
what  follows  is  from  Awang-jze  himself,  down  to  the  end  of  the 
paragraph.     We  cannot  have  Lao-^ze  referring  to  men  later  than 
himself,  and  quoting  from  his  own  Book. 

2  Hitherto  Yao  and  Shun  have  appeared  as  the  first  disturbers 
of  the  rule  of  the  Tao  by  their  benevolence  and  righteousness. 
Here  that  innovation  is  carried  further  back  to  Hwang-Ti. 

3  See  these  parties,  and  the  way  they  were  dealt  with,  in  the  Shft 
King,  Part  II,  Book  I,   3.     The  punishment  of  them  is  there 
ascribed  to  Shun ;  but  Yao  was  still  alive,  and  Shun  was  acting  as 
his  viceroy. 


296  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xi. 

the  Literati  and  the  Mohists.  Hereupon,  compla- 
cency in,  and  hatred  of,  one  another  produced  mutual 
suspicions ;  the  stupid  and  the  wise  imposed  on  one 
another ;  the  good  and  the  bad  condemned  one 
another;  the  boastful  and  the  sincere  interchanged 
their  recriminations  ; — and  the  world  fell  into  decay. 
Views  as  to  what  was  greatly  virtuous  did  not  agree, 
and  the  nature  with  its  endowments  became  as  if 
shrivelled  by  fire  or  carried  away  by  a  flood.  All  were 
eager  for  knowledge,  and  the  people  were  exhausted 
with  their  searchings  (after  what  was  good).  On 
this  the  axe  and  the  saw  were  brought  into  play ; 
guilt  was  determined  as  by  the  plumb-line  and  death 
inflicted ;  the  hammer  and  gouge  did  their  work. 
The  world  fell  into  great  disorder,  and  presented  the 
appearance  of  a  jagged  mountain  ridge.  The  crime 
to  which  all  was  due  was  the  meddling  with  and 
disturbing  men's  minds.  The  effect  was  that  men 
of  ability  and  worth  lay  concealed  at  the  foot  of  the 
crags  of  mount  Thai,  and  princes  of  ten  thousand 
chariots  were  anxious  and  terrified  in  their  ancestral 
temples.  In  the  present  age  those  who  have  been 
put  to  death  in  various  ways  lie  thick  as  if  pillowed  on 
each  other ;  those  who  are  wearing  the  cangue  press 
on  each  other  (on  the  roads) ;  those  who  are  suffer- 
ing the  bastinado  can  see  each  other  (all  over  the 
land).  And  now  the  Literati  and  the  Mohists  begin 
to  stand,  on  tiptoe  and  with  bare  arms,  among  the 
fettered  and  manacled  crowd  !  Ah  !  extreme  is  their 
shamelessness,  and  their  failure  to  see  the  disgrace ! 
Strange  that  we  should  be  slow  to  recognise  their 
sageness  and  wisdom  in  the  bars  of  the  cangue,  and 
their  benevolence  and  righteousness  in  the  rivets  of 
the  fetters  and  handcuffs  !  How  do  we  know  that 


PT.  II.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  JPWANG-3ZE.  297 

3ang  and  Shih  are  not  the  whizzing  arrows  of  Aleh 
and  K'\\\  l  ?  Therefore  it  is  said,  '  Abolish  sageness 
and  cast  away  knowledge,  and  the  world  will  be 
brought  to  a  state  of  great  order  V 

4.  Hwang-Tl  had  been  on  the  throne  for  nineteen 
years3,  and  his  ordinances  were  in  operation  all 
through  the  kingdom,  when  he  heard  that  Kwang 
A^ang-jze 4  was  living  on  the  summit  of  Khung- 
thung 5,  and  went  to  see  him.  '  I  have  heard,'  he 
said,  'that  you,  Sir,  are  well  acquainted  with  the 
perfect  Tao.  I  venture  to  ask  you  what  is  the 
essential  thing  in  it.  I  wish  to  take  the  subtlest 
influences  of  heaven  and  earth,  and  assist  with  them 
the  (growth  of  the)  five  cereals  for  the  (better) 
nourishment  of  the  people.  I  also  wish  to  direct 
the  (operation  of  the)  Yin  and  Yang,  so  as  to 
secure  the  comfort  of  all  living  beings.  How  shall 
I  proceed  to  accomplish  those  objects  ? '  Kwang 
jOang-jze  replied,  '  What  you  wish  to  ask  about 
is  the  original  substance  of  all  things 6 ;  what  you 

1  Compare  this  picture  of  the  times  after  Yao  and  Shun  with 
that  given  by  Mencius  in  III,  ii,  ch.  9  et  al.     But  the  conclusions 
arrived  at  as  to  the  causes  and  cure  of  their  evils  by  him  and  our 
author  are  very  different. 

2  A  quotation,  with  the  regular  formula,  from  the  Tao  Teh 
^ing,  ch.  19,  with  some  variation  of  the  text. 

8  ?  in  B.C.  2678. 

4  Another  imaginary  personage ;  apparently,  a  personification  of 
the  Tao.     Some  say  he  was  Lao-jze, — in  one  of  his  early  states 
of  existence;   others  that  he  was  'a  True  Man,'  the  teacher  of 
Hwang-Ti.     See  Ko  Hung's  '  Immortals,'  I,  i. 

5  Equally   imaginary   is   the   mountain   Khung-thung.      Some 
critics  find  a  place  for  it  in  the  province  of  Ho-nan  ;  the  majority 
say  it  is  the  highest  point  in  the  constellation  of  the  Great  Bear. 

6  The  original  ether,  undivided,  out  of  which  all  things  were 
formed. 


298  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XI. 

wish  to  have  the  direction  of  is  that  substance  as  it 
was  shattered  and  divided l.  According  to  your 
government  of  the  world,  the  vapours  of  the  clouds, 
before  they  were  collected,  would  descend  in  rain ; 
the  herbs  and  trees  would  shed  their  leaves  before 
they  became  yellow ;  and  the  light  of  the  sun  and 
moon  would  hasten  to  extinction.  Your  mind  is 
that  of  a  flatterer  with  his  plausible  words  ; — it  is 
not  fit  that  I  should  tell  you  the  perfect  Tao.' 

Hwang-Ti  withdrew,  gave  up  (his  government  of) 
the  kingdom,  built  himself  a  solitary  apartment, 
spread  in  it  a  mat  of  the  white  mao  grass,  dwelt  in  it 
unoccupied  for  three  months,  and  then  went  again  to 
seek  an  interview  with  (the  recluse).  Kwang  A'Mng- 
$ze  was  then  lying  down  with  his  head  to  the  south. 
Hwang-Tl,  with  an  air  of  deferential  submission, 
went  forward  on  his  knees,  twice  bowed  low  with  his 
face  to  the  ground,  and  asked  him,  saying,  '  I  have 
heard  that  you,  Sir,  are  well  acquainted  with  the 
perfect  Tao ; — I  venture  to  ask  how  I  should  rule 
my  body,  in  order  that  it  may  continue  for  a  long 
time.'  Kwang  A^ang-jze  hastily  rose,  and  said,  *  A 
good  question  !  Come  and  I  will  tell  you  the  per- 
fect Tao.  Its  essence  is  (surrounded  with)  the 
deepest  obscurity;  its  highest  reach  is  in  darkness 
and  silence.  There  is  nothing  to  be  seen  ;  nothing 
to  be  heard.  When  it  holds  the  spirit  in  its  arms 
in  stillness,  then  the  bodily  form  of  itself  will  become 
correct.  You  must  be  still ;  you  must  be  pure  ; 
not  subjecting  your  body  to  toil,  not  agitating  your 
vital  force ; — then  you  may  live  for  long.  When 

1  The  same  ether,  now  in  motion,  now  at  rest,  divided  into  the 
Yin  and  Yang. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  JTWANG-3ZE.  299 

your  eyes  see  nothing,  your  ears  hear  nothing,  and 
your  mind  knows  nothing,  your  spirit  will  keep  your 
body,  and  the  body  will  live  long.  Watch  over  what 
is  within  you,  shut  up  the  avenues  that  connect  you 
with  what  is  external ; — much  knowledge  is  perni- 
cious. I  (will)  proceed  with  you  to  the  summit  of 
the  Grand  Brilliance,  where  we  come  to  the  source 
of  the  bright  and  expanding  (element) ;  I  will  enter 
with  you  the  gate  of  the  Deepest  Obscurity,  where 
we  come  to  the  source  of  the  dark  and  repressing 
(element).  There  heaven  and  earth  have  their  con- 
trollers ;  there  the  Yin  and  Yang  have  their  Reposi- 
tories. Watch  over  and  keep  your  body,  and  all 
things  will  of  themselves  give  it  vigour.  I  maintain 
the  (original)  unity  (of  these  elements),  and  dwell  in 
the  harmony  of  them.  In  this  way  I  have  cultivated 
myself  for  one  thousand  and  two  hundred  years,  and 
my  bodily  form  has  undergone  no  decay  V 

Hwang-Tl  twice  bowed  low  with  his  head  to  the 
ground,  and  said,  '  In  Kwang  A^ang-jze  we  have  an 
example  of  what  is  called  Heaven  V  The  other  said, 
'  Come,  and  I  will  tell  you : — (The  perfect  Tao)  is 
something  inexhaustible,  and  yet  men  all  think  it 
has  an  end ;  it  is  something  unfathomable,  and  yet 
men  all  think  its  extreme  limit  can  be  reached.  He 
who  attains  to  my  Tao,  if  he  be  in  a  high  position, 
will  be  one  of  the  August  ones,  and  in  a  low  posi- 
tion, will  be  a  king.  He  who  fails  in  attaining  it, 
in  his  highest  attainment  will  see  the  light,  but  will 

1  It  seems  very  clear  here  that  the  earliest  Taoism  taught  that 
the  cultivation  of  the  T So  tended  to  prolong  and  preserve  the  bodily 
life. 

2  A  remarkable,  but  not  a  singular,  instance  of  ^Twang-jze's  appli- 
cation of  the  name  '  Heaven.' 


3<X>  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XT. 

descend  and  be  of  the  Earth.  At  present  all  things 
are  produced  from  the  Earth  and  return  to  the  Earth. 
Therefore  I  will  leave  you,  and  enter  the  gate  of  the 
Unending,  to  enjoy  myself  in  the  fields  of  the  Illi- 
mitable. I  will  blend  my  light  with  that  of  the  sun 
and  moon,  and  will  endure  while  heaven  and  earth 
endure.  If  men  agree  with  my  views,  I  will  be 
unconscious  of  it ;  if  they  keep  far  apart  from  them, 
I  will  be  unconscious  of  it ;  they  may  all  die,  and  I 
will  abide  alone l ! ' 

5.  Yiin  A^iang2,  rambling  to  the  east,  having  been 
borne  along  on  a  gentle  breeze 3,  suddenly  encoun- 
tered Hung  Mung  2,  who  was  rambling  about,  slap- 
ping his  buttocks 4  and  hopping  like  a  bird.  Amazed 
at  the  sight,  Ytin  Alang  stood  reverentially,  and 
said  to  the  other,  '  Venerable  Sir,  who  are  you  ?  and 
why  are  you  doing  this  ? '  Hung  Mung  went  on 
slapping  his  buttocks  and  hopping  like  a  bird,  but 
replied,  '  I  am  enjoying  myself.'  Ytin  ^sfiang  said, '  I 


1  A  very  difficult  sentence,  in  interpreting  which  there  are  great 
differences  among  the  critics. 

2  I  have  preferred  to  retain  Yiin  ^Tiang  and  Hung  Mung  as  if 
they  were  the  surnames  and  names  of  two  personages  here  intro- 
duced.    Mr.  Balfour  renders  them  by  '  The  Spirit  of  the  Clouds/ 
and  '  Mists  of  Chaos.'     The  Spirits  of  heaven  or  the  sky  have  still 
their  place   in  the  Sacrificial   Canon  of  China,    as   'the   Cloud- 
Master,  the  Rain-Master,  the  Baron  of  the  Winds,  and  the  Thunder 
Master.'     Hung  Mung,  again,  is  a  name  for  '  the  Great  Ether/  or, 
as  Dr.  Medhurst  calls  it,  '  the  Primitive  Chaos.' 

3  Literally,  'passing  by  a  branch  of  Fu-yao; '  but  we  find  fft- 
yao  in  Book  I,  meaning  'a  whirlwind.'     The  term  'branch'  has 
made  some  critics  explain  it  here  as  '  the  name  of  a  tree,'  which  is 
inadmissible.     I   have   translated   according  to   the  view  of  Lu 
Shu-&h. 

4  Or  '  stomach/ — according  to  another  reading. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  JTVVANG-SZE.  30 1 

wish  to  ask  you  a  question.'  Hung  Mung  lifted  up 
his  head,  looked  at  the  stranger,  and  said,  '  Pooh  ! ' 
Ylin  ATiang,  however,  continued,  '  The  breath  of 
heaven  is  out  of  harmony;  the  breath  of  earth  is 
bound  up ;  the  six  elemental  influences 1  do  not  act 
in  concord ;  the  four  seasons  do  not  observe  their 
proper  times.  Now  I  wish  to  blend  together  the 
essential  qualities  of  those  six  influences  in  order  to 
nourish  all  living  things  ; — how  shall  I  go  about  it  ? ' 
Hung  Mung  slapped  his  buttocks,  hopped  about,  and 
shook  his  head,  saying,  '  I  do  not  know ;  I  do  not 
know ! ' 

Yiin  Alang  could  not  pursue  his  question;  but  three 
years  afterwards,  when  (again)  rambling  in  the  east, 
as  he  was  passing  by  the  wild  of  Sung,  he  happened 
to  meet  Hung  Mung.  Delighted  with  the  ren- 
contre, he  hastened  to  him,  and  said,  '  Have  you 
forgotten  me,  O  Heaven  ?  Have  you  forgotten  me, 

0  Heaven2?'     At  the  same  time,  he  bowed  twice 
with  his  head  to  the  ground,  wishing  to  receive  his 
instructions.    Hung  Mung  said,  'Wandering  listlessly 
about,  I  know  not  what  I  seek  ;  carried  on  by  a  wild 
impulse,  I  know  not  where  I  am  going.     I  wander 
about  in  the  strange  manner  (which  you  have  seen), 
and  see  that  nothing  proceeds  without  method  and 
order 3 ; — what  more  should  I  know  ? '     Ylin  A'iang 
replied,  '  I  also  seem  carried  on  by  an  aimless  influ- 
ence, and  yet  the  people  follow  me  wherever  I  go. 

1  cannot  help  their  doing  so.     But  now  as  they  thus 


1  Probably,  they  in,  the  yang,  wind,  rain,  darkness,  and  light; — 
see  Mayers,  p.  323. 

2  See  Introduction,  pp.  17,  18. 

8  Compare  in  Book  XXIII,  par.  i. 


3O2  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XI. 

imitate  me,  I  wish  to  hear  a  word  from  you  (in  the 
case).'  The  other  said,  '  What  disturbs  the  regular 
method  of  Heaven,  comes  into  collision  with  the 
nature  of  things,  prevents  the  accomplishment  of 
the  mysterious  (operation  of)  Heaven,  scatters  the 
herds  of  animals,  makes  the  birds  all  sing  at  night, 
is  calamitous  to  vegetation,  and  disastrous  to  all 
insects ; — all  this  is  owing,  I  conceive,  to  the  error 
of  governing  men.'  '  What  then,'  said  Yiin  .AHang, 
'shall  I  do?'  'Ah,'  said  the  other,  'you  will  only 
injure  them !  I  will  leave  you  in  my  dancing  way, 
and  return  to  my  place.'  Yiin  A^iang  rejoined,  '  It 
has  been  a  difficult  thing  to  get  this  meeting  with 
you,  O  Heaven !  I  should  like  to  hear  from  you  a 
word  (more).'  Hung  Mung  said,  '  Ah !  your  mind 
(needs  to  be)  nourished.  Do  you  only  take  the 
position  of  doing  nothing,  and  things  will  of  them- 
selves become  transformed.  Neglect  your  body ; 
cast  out  from  you  your  power  of  hearing  and  sight ; 
forget  what  you  have  in  common  with  things ;  cul- 
tivate a  grand  similarity  with  the  chaos  of  the  plastic 
ether ;  unloose  your  mind ;  set  your  spirit  free ;  be 
still  as  if  you  had  no  soul.  Of  all  the  multitude  of 
things  every  one  returns  to  its  root.  Every  one  re- 
turns to  its  root,  and  does  not  know  (that  it  is  doing 
so).  They  all  are  as  in  the  state  of  chaos,  and 
during  all  their  existence  they  do  not  leave  it 1.  If 

1  They  never  show  any  will  of  their  own. — On  the  names  Yiin 
Alang  and  Hung  Mung,  Lu  Shu-^ih  makes  the  following  re- 
marks : — '  These  were  not  men,  and  yet  they  are  introduced  here 
as  questioning  and  answering  each  other;  showing  us  that  our 
author  frames  and  employs  his  surnames  and  names  to  serve  his 
own  purpose.  Those  names  and  the  speeches  made  by  the  parties 
are  all  from  him.  We  must  believe  that  he  introduces  Confucius, 
Yao,  and  Shun  just  in  the  same  way.' 


PT.  II.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  JsTWANG-BZE.  303 

they  knew  (that  they  were  returning  to  their  root), 
they  would  be  (consciously)  leaving  it.  They  do 
not  ask  its  name ;  they  do  not  seek  to  spy  out  their 
nature ;  and  thus  it  is  that  things  come  to  life  of 
themselves.' 

Vim  ATiang  said,  '  Heaven,  you  have  conferred  on 
me  (the  knowledge  of)  your  operation,  and  revealed 
to  me  the  mystery  of  it.  All  my  life  I  had  been 
seeking  for  it,  and  now  I  have  obtained  it.'  He 
then  bowed  twice,  with  his  head  to  the  ground,  arose, 
took  his  leave,  and  walked  away. 

6.  The  ordinary  men  of  the  world J  all  rejoice  in 
men's  agreeing  with  themselves,  and  dislike  men's 
being  different  from  themselves.  This  rejoicing  and 
this  dislike  arise  from  their  being  bent  on  making 
themselves  distinguished  above  all  others.  But 
have  they  who  have  this  object  at  heart  so  risen  out 
above  all  others  ?  They  depend  on  them  to  rest 
quietly  (in  the  position  which  they  desire),  and  their 
knowledge  is  not  equal  to  the  multitude  of  the  arts 
of  all  those  others 2 !  When  they  wish  again  to  ad- 
minister a  state  for  its  ruler,  they  proceed  to  employ 
all  the  methods  which  the  kings  of  the  three  dynasties 
considered  profitable  without  seeing  the  evils  of  such 
a  course.  This  is  to  make  the  state  depend  on  the 
peradventure  of  their  luck.  But  how  seldom  it  is 
that  that  peradventure  does  not  issue  in  the  ruin  of 
the  state !  Not  once  in  ten  thousand  instances  will 
such  men  preserve  a  state.  Not  once  will  they  suc- 
ceed, and  in  more  than  ten  thousand  cases  will  they 

1  Meaning  eccentric  thinkers  not  T&oists,  like  Hui-jze,  Kung- 
sun  Lung,  and  others. 

2  The  construing  and  connexion  of  this  sentence  are  puzzling. 


304  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XI. 

ruin  it.  Alas  that  the  possessors  of  territory, — (the 
rulers  of  states), — should  not  know  the  danger  (of 
employing  such  men) !  Now  the  possessors  of  terri- 
tory possess  the  greatest  of  (all)  things.  Possessing 
the  greatest  of  all  things, — (possessing,  that  is,  men), 
— they  should  not  try  to  deal  with  them  as  (simply) 
things.  And  it  is  he  who  is  not  a  thing  (himself) 
that  is  therefore  able  to  deal  with  (all)  things  as 
they  severally  require.  When  (a  ruler)  clearly  under- 
stands that  he  who  should  so  deal  with  all  things  is 
not  a  thing  himself,  will  he  only  rule  the  kingdom  ? 
He  will  go  out  and  in  throughout  the  universe  (at 
his  pleasure) ;  he  will  roam  over  the  nine  regions  *, 
alone  in  going,  alone  in  coming.  Him  we  call  the 
sole  possessor  (of  this  ability) ;  and  the  sole  possessor 
(of  this  ability)  is  what  is  called  the  noblest  of  all. 

The  teaching  of  (this)  great  man  goes  forth  as  the 
shadow  from  the  substance,  as  the  echo  responds  to 
the  sound.  When  questioned,  he  responds,  ex- 
hausting (from  his  own  stores)  all  that  is  in  the 
(enquirer's)  mind,  as  if  front  to  front  with  all  under 
heaven.  His  resting-place  gives  forth  no  sound ; 
his  sphere  of  activity  has  no  restriction  of  place. 
He  conducts  every  one  to  his  proper  goal,  proceed- 
ing to  it  and  bringing  him  back  to  it  as  by  his  own 
movement.  His  movements  have  no  trace ;  his 
going  forth  and  his  re-enterings  have  no  deviation ; 
his  course  is  like  that  of  the  sun  without  beginning 
(or  ending). 

1  '  The  nine  regions '  generally  means  the  nine  provinces  into 
which  the  Great  Yti  divided  the  kingdom.  As  our  author  is  here 
describing  the  grand  Taoist  ruler  after  his  fashion  in  his  relation  to 
the  universe,  we  must  give  the  phrase  a  wider  meaning;  but  I  have 
not  met  with  any  attempt  to  define  it. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  IV.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ZWANG-3ZE.  305 

If  you  would  praise  or  discourse  about  his  per- 
sonality, he  is  united  with  the  great  community  of 
existences.  He  belongs  to  that  great  community, 
and  has  no  individual  self.  Having  no  individual' 
self,  how  should  he  have  anything  that  can  be  called 
his  ?  If  you  look  at  those  who  have  what  they  call 
their  own,  they  are  the  superior  men  of  former  times  ; 
if  you  look  at  him  who  has  nothing  of  the  kind,  he 
is  the  friend  of  heaven  and  earth. 

7.  Mean,  and  yet  demanding  to  be  allowed  their 
free  course  ; — such  are  Things.  Low,  and  yet  re- 
quiring to  be  relied  on ; — such  are  the  People. 
Hidden  (as  to  their  issues),  and  yet  requiring  to  be 
done  ; — such  are  Affairs.  Coarse,  and  yet  necessary 
to  be  set  forth  ; — such  are  Laws.  Remote,  and  yet 
necessary  to  have  dwelling  (in  one's  self) ; — such  is 
Righteousness.  Near,  and  yet  necessary  to  be 
widely  extended  ; — such  is  Benevolence.  Restrictive, 
and  yet  necessary  to  be  multiplied ; — such  are  Cere- 
monies. Lodged  in  the  centre,  and  yet  requiring  to 
be  exalted ; — such  is  Virtue.  Always  One,  and  yet 
requiring  to  be  modified  ; — such  is  the  T^,o.  Spirit- 
like,  and  yet  requiring  to  be  exercised ; — such  is 
Heaven1. 

Therefore  the  sages  contemplated  Heaven,  but 
did  not  assist  It.  They  tried  to  perfect  their  virtue, 
but  did  not  allow  it  to  embarrass  them.  They  pro- 
ceeded according  to  the  Tao,  but  did  not  lay  any 
plans.  They  associated  benevolence  (with  all  their 
doings),  but  did  not  rely  on  it.  They  pursued  right- 

1  All  these  sentences  are  understood  to  show  that  even  in  the 
non-action  of  the  Master  of  the  Tao  there  are  still  things  he 
must  do. 

[39]  X 


306  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XI. 

eousness  extensively,  but  did  not  try  to  accumulate 
it.  They  responded  to  ceremonies,  but  did  not  con- 
ceal (their  opinion  as  to  the  troublesomeness  of 
'them).  They  engaged  in  affairs  as  they  occurred, 
and  did  not  decline  them.  They  strove  to  render 
their  laws  uniform,  but  (feared  that  confusion)  might 
arise  from  them.  They  relied  upon  the  people,  and 
did  not  set  light  by  them.  They  depended  on  things 
as  their  instruments,  and  did  not  discard  them  1. 

They  did  not  think  things  equal  to  what  they  em- 
ployed them  for,  but  yet  they  did  not  see  that  they 
could  do  without  employing  them.  Those  who  do 
not  understand  Heaven  are  not  pure  in  their  virtue. 
Those  who  do  not  comprehend  the  Tao  have  no 
course  which  they  can  vpursue  successfully.  Alas  for 
them  who  do  not  clearly  understand  the  Tao  ! 

What  is  it  that  we  call  the  Tao 2  ?  There  is  the* 
Tao,  or  Way  of  Heaven;  and  there  is  the  Tao,  or 
Way  of  Man.  Doing  nothing  and  yet  attracting  all 
honour  is  the  Way  of  Heaven ;  Doing  and  being 
embarrassed  thereby  is  the  Way  of  Man.  It  is  the 
Way  of  Heaven  that  plays  the  part  of  the  Lord  ; 
it  is  the  Way  of  Man  that  plays  the  part  of  the 
Servant.  The  Way  of  Heaven  and  the  Way  of 
Man  are  far  apart.  They  should  be  clearly  dis- 
tinguished from  each  other. 

1  Antithetic  to  the  previous  sentences,  and  showing  that  what 
such  a  Master  does  does  not  interfere  with  his  non-action. 

2  This  question  and  what  follows  shows  clearly  enough  that,  even 
with   ^Twang-jze,   the   character    Tao   ()^)   retained  its  proper 
meaning  of  the  Way  or  Course. 


PT.  ii.  SECT.  V.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ZWANG-3ZE.  307 


BOOK  XII. 

PART  II.     SECTION  V. 

Thien  Tl,  or  'Heaven  and   Earth1.' 

i.  Notwithstanding  the  greatness  of  heaven  and 
earth,  their  transforming  power  proceeds  from  one 
lathe ;  notwithstanding  the  number  of  the  myriad 
things,  the  government  of  them  is  one  and  the 
same  ;  notwithstanding  the  multitude  of  mankind, 
the  lord  of  them  is  their  (one)  ruler2.  The  ruler's 
(course)  should  proceed  from  the  qualities  (of 
the  Tao)  and  be  perfected  by  Heaven3,  when  it 
is  so,  it  is  called  '  Mysterious  and  Sublime.'  The 
ancients  ruled  the  world  by  doing  nothing ; — simply 
by  this  attribute  of  Heaven4. 

If  we  look  at  their  words 5  in  the  light  of  the  Tao, 
(we  see  that)  the  appellation  for  the  ruler  of  the 


1  See  pp.  143,  144. 

2  Implying  that  that  ruler,  '  the  Son  of  Heaven/  is  only  one. 

3  '  Heaven  '  is  here  defined  as  meaning  '  Non-action,  what  is  of 


itself  jJ  );  '  the  t  eh  ^)  is  the  virtue,  or  qualities  of 

the  TsLo  ;  —  see  the  first  paragraph  of  the  next  Book. 

4  This  sentence  gives  the  thesis,  or  subject-matter  of  the  whole 
Book,  which  the  author  never  loses  sight  of. 

6  Perhaps  we  should  translate  here,  'They  looked  at  their  words,' 
referring  to  '  the  ancient  rulers/  So  Gabelentz  construes  :  —  '  Dem 
Tao  gemass  betrachteten  sie  die  reden.'  The  meaning  that  I  have 
given  is  substantially  the  same.  The  term  '  words  '  occasions  a 
difficulty.^  I  understand  it  here,  with  most  of  the  critics,  as  7^ 
=5"  f  '  the  words  of  appellation/ 

X  2 


308  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XII. 

world  x  was  correctly  assigned  ;  if  we  look  in  the 
same  light  at  the  distinctions  which  they  instituted, 
(we  see  that)  the  separation  of  ruler  and  ministers 
was  right ;  if  we  look  at  the  abilities  which  they 
called  forth  in  the  same  light,  (we  see  that  the 
duties  of)  all  the  offices  were  well  performed  ;  and 
if  we  look  generally  in  the  same  way  at  all  things, 
(we  see  that)  their  response  (to  this  rule)  was  com- 
plete2. Therefore  that  which  pervades  (the  action 
of)  Heaven  and  Earth  is  (this  one)  attribute ;  that 
which  operates  in  all  things  is  (this  one)  course  ; 
that  by  which  their  superiors  govern  the  people  is 
the  business  (of  the  various  departments) ;  and  that 
by  which  aptitude  is  given  to  ability  is  skill.  The 
skill  was  manifested  in  all  the  (departments  of) 
business ;  those  departments  were  all  administered 
in  righteousness  ;  the  righteousness  was  (the  outflow 
of)  the  natural  virtue  ;  the  virtue  was  manifested 
according  to  the  Tao;  and  the  Tao  was  according 
to  (the  pattern  of)  Heaven. 

Hence  it  is  said3,  'The  ancients  who  had  the 
nourishment  of  the  world  wished  for  nothing  and 
the  world  had  enough ;  they  did  nothing  and  all 
things  were  transformed  ;  their  stillness  was  abysmal, 
and  the  people  were  all  composed.'  The  Record 
says 4,  '  When  the  one  (Tao)  pervades  it,  all  business 


1  Meaning,  probably,  his  appellation  as  Thien  3ze,  'the  Son  of 
Heaven/ 

2  That  is,  '  they  responded  to  the  Tao,'  without  any  constraint 
but  the  example  of  their  rulers. 

8  Here  there  would  seem  to  be  a  quotation  which  I  have  not 
been  able  to  trace  to  its  source. 

4  This  '  Record '  is  attributed  to  Lao-jze ;  but  we  know  nothing 
of  it.  In  illustration  of  the  sentiment  in  the  sentence,  the  critics 


FT.  ii.  SECT.  v.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  tfWANG-SZE.  309 

is  completed.     When  the  mind  gets  to  be  free  from 
all  aim,  even  the  Spirits  submit/ 

2.  The  Master  said1,  'It  is  the  Tao  that  over- 
spreads and  sustains  all  things.  How  great  It  is  in 
Its  overflowing  influence !  The  Superior  man  ought 
by  all  means  to  remove  from  his  mind  (all  that  is  con- 
trary to  It).  Acting  without  action  is  what  is  called 
Heaven(-like).  Speech  coming  forth  of  itself  is 
what  is  called  (a  mark  of)  the  (true)  Virtue.  Loving 
men  and  benefiting  things  is  what  is  called  Benevo- 
lence. Seeing  wherein  things  that  are  different  yet 
agree  is  what  is  called  being  Great.  Conduct  free 
from  the  ambition  of  being  distinguished  above 
others  is  what  is  called  being  Generous.  The  pos- 
session in  himself  of  a  myriad  points  of  difference 
is  what  is  called  being  Rich.  Therefore  to  hold 
fast  the  natural  attributes  is  what  is  called  the 
Guiding  Line  (of  government) 2 ;  the  perfecting  of 
those  attributes  is  what  is  called  its  Establishment ; 
accordance  with  the  Tao  is  what  is  called  being 
Complete ;  and  not  allowing  anything  external  to 
affect  the  will  is  what  is  called  being  Perfect.  When 
the  Superior  man  understands  these  ten  things, 
he  keeps  all  matters  as  it  were  sheathed  in  himself, 
showing  the  greatness  of  his  mind ;  and  through 
the  outflow  of  his  doings,  all  things  move  (and  come 
to  him).  Being  such,  he  lets  the  gold  lie  hid  in  the 
hill,  and  the  pearls  in  the  deep ;  he  considers  not 

refer  to  par.  34  in  the  fourth  Appendix  to  the  Yi  King;  but  it  is 
not  to  the  point. 

1  Who  is  '  the  Master '  here  ?  Confucius  ?  or  Lao-jze  ?     I  think 
the  .latter,  though  sometimes  even  our  author  thus  denominates 
Confucius ; — see  par.  9. 

2  ?  the  Tao. 


3IO  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xil. 

property  or  money  to  be  any  gain ;  he  keeps  aloof 
from  riches  and  honours  ;  he  rejoices  not  in  long  life, 
and  grieves  not  for  early  death  ;  he  does  not  account 
prosperity  a  glory,  nor  is  ashamed  of  indigence ;  he 
would  not  grasp  at  the  gain  of  the  whole  world 
to  be  held  as  his  own  private  portion ;  he  would 
not  desire  to  rule  over  the  whole  world  as  his  own 
private  distinction.  His  distinction  is  in  under- 
standing that  all  things  belong  to  the  one  treasury, 
and  that  death  and  life  should  be  viewed  in  the 
same  way  V 

3.  The  Master  said,  '  How  still  and  deep  is  the 
place  where  the  Tao  resides!  How  limpid  is  its 
purity!  Metal  and  stone  without  It  would  give 
forth  no  sound.  They  have  indeed  the  (power  of) 
sound  (in  them),  but  if  they  be  not  struck,  they  do 
not  emit  it.  Who  can  determine  (the  qualities  that 
are  in)  all  things  ? 

'  The  man  of  kingly  qualities  holds  on  his  way 
unoccupied,  and  is  ashamed  to  busy  himself  with 
(the  conduct  of)  affairs.  He  establishes  himself  in 
(what  is)  the  root  and  source  (of  his  capacity),  and 
his  wisdom  grows  to  be  spirit-like.  In  this  way  his 
attributes  become  more  and  more  great,  and  when 
his  mind  goes  forth,  whatever  things  come  in  his 
way,  it  lays  hold  of  them  (and  deals  with  them). 
Thus,  if  there  were  not  the  Tao,  the  bodily  form 
would  not  have  life,  and  its  life,  without  the  attri- 
butes (of  the  Tao),  would  not  be  manifested.  Is 
not  he  who  preserves  the  body  and  gives  the  fullest 
development  to  the  life,  who  establishes  the  attri- 

1  Balfour  : — '  The  difference  between  life  and  death  exists  no 
more ; '  Gabelentz  : — '  Sterben  und  Leben  haben  gleiche  Ersch- 
einung.' 


PT.  ii.  SECT.  v.      THE  WRITINGS  OF  £WANG-3ZE.  3  I  I 

butes  of  the  Tao  and  clearly  displays  It,  possessed 
of  kingly  qualities  ?  How  majestic  is  he  in  his 
sudden  issuings  forth,  and  in  his  unexpected  move- 
ments, when  all  things  follow  him ! — This  we  call 
the  man  whose  qualities  fit  him  to  rule. 

'  He  sees  where  there  is  the  deepest  obscurity ;  he 
hears  where  there  is  no  sound.  In  the  midst  of  the 
deepest  obscurity,  he  alone  sees  and  can  distinguish 
(various  objects) ;  in  the  midst  of  a  soundless 
(abyss),  he  alone  can  hear  a  harmony  (of  notes). 
Therefore  where  one  deep  is  succeeded  by  a  greater, 
he  can  people  all  with  things ;  where  one  mysterious 
range  is  followed  by  another  that  is  more  so,  he 
can  lay  hold  of  the  subtlest  character  of  each.  In 
this  way  in  his  intercourse  with  all  things,  while  he 
is  farthest  from  having  anything,  he  can  yet  give 
to  them  what  they  seek ;  while  he  is  always  hurrying 
forth,  he  yet  returns  to  his  resting-place ;  now  large, 
now  small ;  now  long,  now  short ;  now  distant,  now 
near  V 

4.  Hwang-Ti,  enjoying  himself  on  the  north  of 
the  Red-water,  ascended  to  the  height  of  the 
Khwan-lun  (mountain),  and  having  looked  towards 
the  south,  was  returning  home,  when  he  lost  his 
dark-coloured  pearl 2.  He  employed  Wisdom  to 
search  for  it,  but  he  could  not  find  it.  He  employed 
(the  clear-sighted)  Li  Ku  to  search  for  it,  but  he 

1  I  can  hardly  follow  the  reasoning  of  .ffwang-jze  here.   The  whole 
of  the  paragraph  is  obscure.    I  have  translated  the  two  concluding 
characters  jjp;  jj| ,  as  if  they  were  jjj|  jK',  after  the  example  of  Lin 
Hsi-yf,  whose  edition  of  Awang-jze  was  first  published  in  1261. 

2  Meaning  the  Tao.     This  is  not  to  be   got  or   learned   by 
wisdom,  or  perspicacity,  or  man's  reasoning.     It  is  instinctive  to 
man,  as  the  Heavenly  gift  or  Truth 


3  I  2  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XII. 

could  not  find  it.  He  employed  (the  vehement 
debater)  AVzieh  A7za.ii1  to  search  for  it,  but  he  could 
not  find  it.  He  then  employed  Purposeless1,  who 
found  it ;  on  which  Hwang-Tl  said,  '  How  strange 
that  it  was  Purposeless  who  was  able  to  find  it-!' 

5.  The  teacher  of  Yao  was  Hsu  Yu2;  of  Hsii 
Yu,  Nieh  A7ztieh2;  of  Nieh  A^iieh,  Wang  I2;  of 
Wang  I,  Phet-i2.  Yao  asked  Hsu  Yu,  saying,  'Is 
Nieh  A'/Hieh  fit  to  be  the  correlate  of  Heaven3? 
(If  you  think  he  is),  I  will  avail  myself  of  the 
services  of  Wang  I  to  constrain  him  (to  take  my 
place).'  Hsu  Yu  replied,  'Such  a  measure  would 
be  hazardous,  and  full  of  peril  to  the  kingdom ! 
The  character  of  Nieh  A^iieh  is  this ; — he  is  acute, 
perspicacious,  shrewd  and  knowing,  ready  in  reply, 
sharp  in  retort,  and  hasty  ;  his  natural  (endowments) 
surpass  those  of  other  men,  but  by  his  human 
qualities  he  seeks  to  obtain  the  Heavenly  gift ; 
he  exercises  his  discrimination  in  suppressing  his 
errors,  but  he  does  not  know  what  is  the  source 
from  which  his  errors  arise.  Make  him  the  corre- 
late of  Heaven !  He  would  employ  the  human 
qualities,  so  that  no  regard  would  be  paid  to  the 
Heavenly  gift.  Moreover,  he  would  assign  different 
functions  to  the  different  parts  of  the  one  person  4. 

1  The  meaning  of  the  characters  shows  what  is  the  idea  emblemed 
by  this  name ;  and  so  with  Hsiang  Wang, — '  a  Semblance,'  and 
'  Nonentity  ;  '='  Mindless,'  '  Purposeless.' 

2  All  these  names  have  occurred,  excepting  that  of  Phei-i,  who 
heads  Hwang-fu  Mi's  list  of  eminent  Taoists.     We  shall  meet  with 
him  again.     He  is  to  be  distinguished  from  Phti-i. 

3  '  Match  Heaven ; '  that  is,  be   sovereign  below,    as  Heaven 
above  ruled  all. 

4  We  are  referred  for  the  meaning  of  this  characteristic  to  jj-f"  )||| 
J|  ^,  in  Bk.  V,  par.  i. 


PT.  n.  SECT.  V.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ATWANG-3ZE.  313 

Moreover,  honour  would  be  given  to  knowledge, 
and  he  would  have  his  plans  take  effect  with  the 
speed  of  fire.  Moreover,  he  would  be  the  slave  of 
everything  he  initiated.  Moreover,  he  would  be 
embarrassed  by  things.  Moreover,  he  would  be 
looking  all  round  for  the  response  of  things  (to  his 
measures).  Moreover,  he  would  be  responding  to 
the  opinion  of  the  multitude  as  to  what  was  right. 
Moreover,  he  would  be  changing  as  things  changed, 
and  would  not  begin  to  have  any  principle  of  con- 
stancy. How  can  such  a  man  be  fit  to  be  the 
correlate  of  Heaven  ?  Nevertheless,  as  there  are 
the  smaller  branches  of  a  family  and  the  common 
ancestor  of  all  its  branches,  he  might  be  the  father 
of  a  branch,  but  not  the  father  of  the  fathers  of  all 
the  branches J.  Such  government  (as  he  would 
conduct)  would  lead  to  disorder.  It  would  be 
calamity  in  one  in  the  position  of  a  minister,  and 
ruin  if  he  were  in  the  position  of  the  sovereign.' 

6.  Yao  was  looking  about  him  at  Hwa2,  the 
border- warden  of  which  said,  '  Ha  !  the  sage!  Let 
me  ask  blessings  on  the  sage  !  May  he  live  long  ! ' 

1  That   is,  Nieh   might  be  a  minister,  but  could  not  be  the 
sovereign.     The  phraseology  is  based  on  the  rules  for  the  rise  of 
sub-surnames  in  the  same  clan,  and  the  consequent  division  of 
clans  under  different  ancestors ; — see  the  Li-Sl,  Bk.  XIII,  i,  10-14, 
and  XIV,  8. 

2  'Hwa'  is  evidently  intended  for  the  name  of  a  place,  but 
where  it  was  can  hardly  be  determined.     The  genuineness  of  the 
whole  paragraph  is  called  in  question;  and  I  pass  it  by,  merely 
calling  attention  to  what  the  border-warden  is  made  to  say  about 
the  close  of  the  life  of  the  sage  (Taoist),  who  after  living  a  thousand 
years,  ascends  among  the  Immortals  vJ^  =  1|i|)>  an(^  arrives,  at 
the  place  of  God,  and  is  free  from  the  three  evils  of  disease,  old 
age,  and  death;  or  as  some  say,  after  the  Buddhists,  water,  fire,  and 
wind ! 


314  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XII. 

Yao  said,  '  Hush ! '  but  the  other  went  on,  '  May  the 
sage  become  rich  ! '  Yao  (again)  said,  '  Hush  ! '  but 
(the  warden)  continued,  '  May  the  sage  have  many 
sons ! '  When  Yao  repeated  his  '  Hush,'  the  warden 
said, '  Long  life,  riches,  and  many  sons  are  what  men 
wish  for ; — how  is  it  that  you  alone  do  not  wish  for 
them  ? '  Yao  replied, '  Many  sons  bring  many  fears  ; 
riches  bring  many  troubles ;  and  long  life  gives 
rise  to  many  obloquies.  These  three  things  do  not 
help  to  nourish  virtue ;  and  therefore  I  wish  to 
decline  them.'  The  warden  rejoined,  '  At  first  I 
considered  you  to  be  a  sage ;  now  I  see  in  you  only 
a  Superior  man.  Heaven,  in  producing  the  myriads 
of  the  people,  is  sure  to  have  appointed  for  them 
their  several  offices.  If  you  had  many  sons,  and 
gave  them  (all  their)  offices,  what  would  you  have 
to  fear  ?  If  you  had  riches,  and  made  other  men 
share  them  with  you,  what  trouble  would  you  have  ? 
The  sage  finds  his  dwelling  like  the  quail  (without 
any  choice  of  its  own),  and  is  fed  like  the  fledgling ; 
he  is  like  the  bird  which  passes  on  (through  the 
air),  and  leaves  no  trace  (of  its  flight).  When  good 
order  prevails  in  the  world,  he  shares  in  the  general 
prosperity.  When  there  is  no  such  order,  he  culti- 
vates his  virtue,  and  seeks  to  be  unoccupied.  After 
a  thousand  years,  tired  of  the  world,  he  leaves  it, 
and  ascends  among  the  immortals.  He  mounts  on 
the  white  clouds,  and  arrives  at  the  place  of  God. 
The  three  forms  of  evil  do  not  reach  him,  his 
person  is  always  free  from  misfortune ; — what 
obloquy  has  he  to  incur  ? ' 

With  this  the  border-warden  left  him.  Yao  fol- 
lowed him,  saying,  '  I  beg  to  ask —  ; '  but  the  other 
said,  '  Begone ! ' 


PT.  II.  SECT.  v.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ZWANG-3ZE.  315 

7.  When  Yao  was  ruling  the  world,  Po-/£/zang  3ze~ 
kao x  was  appointed  by  him  prince  of  one  of  the 
states.     From  Yao  (afterwards)  the  throne  passed  to 
Shun,  and  from  Shun  (again)  to  Yli ;  and  (then)  Po- 
/£Mng  3ze-kao  resigned  his  principality  and  began 
to  cultivate  the  ground.     Yti  went  to  see  him,  and 
found  him  ploughing  in  the  open  country.     Hurry- 
ing to  him,  and  bowing  low  in  acknowledgment  of 
his  superiority,  Yu  then  stood  up,  and  asked  him, 
saying,  '  Formerly,  when  Yao  was  ruling  the  world, 
you,  Sir,  were   appointed    prince   of  a   state.     He 
gave  his  sovereignty  to  Shun,  and  Shun  gave  his  to 
me,  when  you,  Sir,  resigned  your  dignity,  and  are 
(now)  ploughing  (here) ; — I  venture  to  ask  the  rea- 
son  of  your   conduct.'    ^ze-kao   said,  'When    Yao 
ruled  the  world,  the  people  stimulated  one  another 
(to  what  was  right)  without  his  offering  them  re- 
wards, and  stood  in  awe  (of  doing  wrong)  without 
his  threatening  them  with  punishments.     Now  you 
employ   both    rewards   and   punishments,    and   the 
people  notwithstanding  are  not  good.     Their  virtue 
will  from  this  time  decay ;  punishments  will  from  this 
time  prevail ;  the  disorder  of  future  ages  will  from 
this  time  begin.     Why  do  you,  my  master,  not  go 
away,  and  not  interrupt  my  work  ? '     With  this  he 
resumed  his  ploughing  with  his  head  bent  down,  and 
did  not  (again)  look  round. 

8.  In  the  Grand  Beginning  (of  all  things)  there 
was  nothing  in  all  the  vacancy  of  space ;  there  was 
nothing  that  could  be  named2.     It  was  in  this  state 

1  Some  legends  say  that  this  Po-^ang  3ze-kao  was  a  pre-incar- 
nation  of  Lao-jze ;  but  this  paragraph  is  like  the  last,  and  cannot 
be  received  as  genuine. 

2  This   sentence   is   differently  understood,   according  as  it  is 


3l6  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XII. 

that  there  arose  the  first  existence l ; — the  first  exis- 
tence, but  still  without  bodily  shape.  From  this 
things  could  then  be  produced,  (receiving)  what  we 
call  their  proper  character2.  That  which  had  no 
bodily  shape  was  divided 3 ;  and  then  without  inter- 
mission there  was  what  we  call  the  process  of  con- 
ferring 4.  (The  two  processes)  continuing  in  opera- 
tion, things  were  produced.  As  things  were  com- 
pleted, there  were  produced  the  distinguishing  lines 
of  each,  which  we  call  the  bodily  shape.  That  shape 
was  the  body  preserving  in  it  the  spirit 5,  and  each 
had  its  peculiar  manifestation,  which  we  call  its 
Nature.  When  the  Nature  has  been  cultivated,  it 
returns  to  its  proper  character  ;  and  when  that  has 
been  fully  reached,  there  is  the  same  condition  as  at 
the  Beginning.  That  sameness  is  pure  vacancy, 
and  the  vacancy  is  great.  It  is  like  the  closing  of 
the  beak  and  silencing  the  singing  (of  a  bird).  That 
closing  and  silencing  is  like  the  union  of  heaven  and 
earth  (at  the  beginning) 6.  The  union,  effected,  as  it 

punctuated;—^  MM,  ^?  M  #,  or  ^  M,  M  ^  M 
f  ni  /n-»  ><»•»>  r4  «!•»  >f-i»  ni  >M>»  /<»•»  nj  ">•» 

^.  Each  punctuation  has  its  advocates.  For  myself,  I  can  only 
adopt  the  former;  the  other  is  contrary  to  my  idea  of  Chinese 
composition.  If  the  author  had  wished  to  be  understood  so,  he 
would  have  written  differently,  as,  for  instance,  M 

1  Probably,  the  primary  ether,  what  is  called  the  Thai 

2  This  sentence  is  anticipatory. 

3  Into  what  we  call  the  yin  and  the  yang; — the  same  ether, 
now  at  rest,  now  in  motion. 

4  The  conferring  of  something  more  than  what  was  material. 
By  whom  or  what  ?     By  Heaven ;  the  Taoist  understanding  by 
that  term  the  Tao. 

8  So  then,  man  consists  of  the  material  body  and  the  immaterial 
spirit. 

6  The  potential  heaven  and  earth,  not  yet  fashioned  from  the 
primal  ether. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  v.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ffWANG-3ZE.  317 

is,  might  seem  to  indicate  stupidity  or  darkness,  but 
it  is  what  we  call  the  '  mysterious  quality'  (existing 
at  the  beginning) ;  it  is  the  same  as  the  Grand  Sub- 
mission (to  the  Natural  Course). 

9.  The  Master x  asked  Lao  Tan,  saying,  '  Some 
men  regulate  the  Tao  (as  by  a  law),  which  they  have 
only  to  follow ; — (a  thing,  they  say,)  is  admissible  or 
it  is  inadmissible ;  it  is  so,  or  it  is  not  so.  (They 
are  like)  the  sophists  who  say  that  they  can  dis- 
tinguish what  is  hard  and  what  is  white  as  clearly 
as  if  the  objects  were  houses  suspended  in  the  sky. 
Can  such  men  be  said  to  be  sages2  ?'  The  reply  was, 
'  They  are  like  the  busy  underlings  of  a  court,  who 
toil  their  bodies  and  distress  their  minds  with  their 
various  artifices  ; — dogs,  (employed)  to  their  sorrow 
to  catch  the  yak,  or  monkeys3  that  are  brought 
from  their  forests  (for  their  tricksiness).  A*/Hu,  I 
tell  you  this  ; — it  is  what  you  cannot  hear,  and  what 
you  cannot  speak  of: — Of  those  who  have  their 
heads  and  feet,  and  yet  have  neither  minds  nor  ears, 
there  are  multitudes ;  while  of  those  who  have  their 
bodies,  and  at  the  same  time  preserve  that  which 
has  no  bodily  form  or  shape,  there  are  really  none. 
It  is  not  in  their  movements  or  stoppages,  their 
dying  or  living,  their  falling  and  rising  again,  that 
this  is  to  be  found.  The  regulation  of  the  course 
lies  in  (their  dealing  with)  the  human  element  in 
them.  When  they  have  forgotten  external  things, 

1  This  '  Master '  is  without  doubt  Confucius. 

2  The  meaning  and  point  of  Confucius's  question  are  not  clear. 
Did  he  mean  to  object  to  Lao-$ze  that  all  his  disquisitions  about 
the   Tao  as  the  one  thing   to   be   studied   and   followed   were 
unnecessary  ? 

3  Compare  in  Bk.  VII,  par.  4. 


3*8  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XII. 

and  have  also  forgotten  the  heavenly  element  in 
them,  they  may  be  named  men  who  have  forgotten 
themselves.  The  man  who  has  forgotten  himself  is 
he  of  whom  it  is  said  that  he  has  become  identified 
with  Heaven1.' 

10.  At  an  interview  with  Ki  A^eh 2,  A"iang-lu 
Mien2  said  to  him,  'Our  ruler  of  Lu  asked  to  receive 
my  instructions.  I  declined,  on  the  ground  that  I 
had  not  received  any  message  3  for  him.  After- 
wards, however,  I  told  him  (my  thoughts).  I  do  not 
know  whether  (what  I  said)  was  right  or  not,  and  I 
beg  to  repeat  it  to  you.  I  said  to  him,  "  You  must 
strive  to  be  courteous  and  to  exercise  self-restraint ; 
you  must  distinguish  the  public-spirited  and  loyal, 
and  repress  the  cringing  and  selfish ; — who  among 
the  people  will  in  that  case  dare  not  to  be  in  har- 
mony with  you  ? "  Ki  Kkoh  laughed  quietly  and 
said, '  Your  words,  my  master,  as  a  description  of  the 
right  course  for  a  Ti  or  King,  were  like  the  threaten- 
ing movement  of  its  arms  by  a  mantis  which  would 
thereby  stop  the  advance  of  a  carriage  ; — inadequate 
to  accomplish  your  object.  And  moreover,  if  he 
guided  himself  by  your  directions,  it  would  be  as  if  he 
were  to  increase  the  dangerous  height  of  his  towers 

1  Their  action  is  like  that  of  Heaven,  silent  but  most  effective, 
without  motive  from  within  or  without,  simply  from  the  impulse  of 
the  Tao. 

2  These  two  men  are  only  known  by  the  mention  of  them  here. 
They  must   have   been   officers   of  Lfi,  Ki  Khoh  a  member  of 
the  great  K i  or  ATi-sun  family  of  that  state.     He  would  appear 
also  to  have  been  the  teacher  of  the  other ;  if,  indeed,  they  were 
real  personages,  and  not  merely  the  production  of  ^wang-jze's 
imagination. 

3  That  is   any  lessons  or  instructions  from  you,  my  master, 
which  I  should  communicate  to  him. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  v.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  ZWANG-3ZE.  319 

and  add  to  the  number  of  his  valuables  collected  in 
them ; — the  multitudes  (of  the  people)  would  leave 
their  (old)  ways,  and  bend  their  steps  in  the  same 
direction.' 

Ajang-lii  Mien  was  awe-struck,  and  said  in  his 
fright, '  I  am  startled  by  your  words,  Master,  never- 
theless, I  should  like  to  hear  you  describe  the  in- 
fluence (which  a  ruler  should  exert)/  The  other 
said,  '  If  a  great  sage  ruled  the  kingdom,  he  would 
stimulate  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  cause  them  to 
carry  out  his  instructions  fully,  and  change  their 
manners  ;  he  would  take  their  minds  which  had  be- 
come evil  and  violent  and  extinguish  them,  carrying 
them  all  forward  to  act  in  accordance  with  the 
(good)  will  belonging  to  them  as  individuals,  as  if 
they  did  it  of  themselves  from  their  nature,  while 
they  knew  not  what  it  was  that  made  them  do 
so.  Would  such  an  one  be  willing  to  look  up  to  Yao 
and  Shun  in  their  instruction  of  the  people  as  his 
elder  brothers  ?  He  would  treat  them  as  his  juniors,, 
belonging  himself  to  the  period  of  the  original  plas- 
tic ether1.  His  wish  would  be  that  all  should 
agree  with  the  virtue  (of  that  early  period),  and 
quietly  rest  in  it.' 

ii.  3ze~kung  had  been  rambling  in  the  south  in 
Kh&,  and  was  returning  to  3m-  As  he  passed  (a 
place)  on  the  north  of  the  Han,  he  saw  an  old  man 
who  was  going  to  work  on  his  vegetable  garden. 
He  had  dug  his  channels,  gone  to  the  well,  and  was 
bringing  from  it  in  his  arms  a  jar  of  water  to  pour 
into  them.  Toiling  away,  he  expended  a  great  deal 

1  The  Chinese  phrase  here  is  explained  by  Dr.  Williams  : — 
'  A  vivifying  influence,  a  vapour  or  aura  producing  things.' 


32O  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XII. 

of  strength,  but  the  result  which  he  accomplished 
was  very  small.  3ze"kung  said  to  him,  '  There  is  a 
contrivance  here,  by  means  of  which  a  hundred 
plots  of  ground  may  be  irrigated  in  one  day.  With 
the  expenditure  of  a  very  little  strength,  the  result 
accomplished  is  great.  Would  you,  Master,  not  like 
(to  try  it)  ?'  The  gardener  looked  up  at  him,  and 
said,  '  How  does  it  work  ? '  ^ze-kung  said,  'It  is  a 
lever  made  of  wood,  heavy  behind,  and  light  in 
front.  It  raises  the  water  as  quickly  as  you  could  do 
with  your  hand,  or  as  it  bubbles  over  from  a  boiler. 
Its  name  is  a  shadoof.'  The  gardener  put  on  an 
angry  look,  laughed,  and  said, '  I  have  heard  from 
my  teacher  that,  where  there  are  ingenious  contri- 
vances, there  are  sure  to  be  subtle  doings  ;  and  that, 
where  there  are  subtle  doings,  there  is  sure  to  be  a 
scheming  mind.  But,  when  there  is  a  scheming  mind 
in  the  breast,  its  pure  simplicity  is  impaired.  When 
this  pure  simplicity  is  impaired,  the  spirit  becomes 
t  unsettled,  and  the  unsettled  spirit  is  not  the  proper 
residence  of  the  Tao.  It  is  not  that  I  do  not  know 
(the  contrivance  which  you  mention),  but  I  should  be 
ashamed  to  use  it.' 

(At  these  words)  3ze~kung  looked  blank  and 
ashamed ;  he  hung  down  his  head,  and  made  no 
reply.  After  an  interval,  the  gardener  said  to  him, 
'  Who  are  you,  Sir  ? '  'A  disciple  of  Khung  A^iu,' 
was  the  reply.  The  other  continued,  '  Are  you  not 
the  scholar  whose  great  learning  makes  you  com- 
parable to  a  sage,  who  make  it  your  boast  that  you 
surpass  all  others,  who  sing  melancholy  ditties  all 
by  yourself,  thus  purchasing  a  famous  reputation 
throughout  the  kingdom  ?  If  you  would  (only)  for- 
get the  energy  of  your  spirit,  and  neglect  the  care  of 


PT.  II.  SECT.  V.          THE  WRITINGS  OF  JTWANG-3ZE.  3  2  I 

your  body,  you  might  approximate  (to  the  Tao). 
But  while  you  cannot  regulate  yourself,  what  leisure 
have  you  to  be  regulating  the  world  ?  Go  on  your 
way,  Sir,  and  do  not  interrupt  my  work.' 

3ze-kung  shrunk  back  abashed,  and  turned  pale. 
He  was  perturbed,  and  lost  his  self-possession,  nor  did 
he  recover  it,  till  he  had  walked  a  distance  of  thirty 
li.  His  disciples  then  said,  'Who  was  that  man  ? 
Why,  Master,  when  you  saw  him,  did  you  change 
your  bearing,  and  become  pale,  so  that  you  have 
been  all  day  without  returning  to  yourself?'  He 
replied  to  them, '  Formerly  I  thought  that  there  was 
but  one  man l  in  the  world,  and  did  not  know  that 
there  was  this  man.  I  have  heard  the  Master  say 
that  to  seek  for  the  means  of  conducting  his  under- 
takings so  that  his  success  in  carrying  them  out  may 
be  complete,  and  how  by  the  employment  of  a  little 
strength  great  results  may  be  obtained,  is  the  way 
of  the  sage.  Now  (I  perceive  that)  it  is  not  so  at 
all.  They  who  hold  fast  and  cleave  to  the  Tao 
are  complete  in  the  qualities  belonging  to  it.  Com- 
plete in  those  qualities,  they  are  complete  in  their 
bodies.  Complete  in  their  bodies,  they  are  com- 
plete in  their  spirits.  To  be  complete  in  spirit  is 
the  way  of  the  sage.  (Such  men)  live  in  the  world 
in  closest  union  with  the  people,  going  along  with 
them,  but  they  do  not  know  where  they  are  going. 
Vast  and  complete  is  their  simplicity !  Success, 
gain,  and  ingenious  contrivances,  and  artful  clever- 
ness, indicate  (in  their  opinion)  a  forgetfulness  of  the 
(proper)  mind  of  man.  These  men  will  not  go 
where  their  mind  does  not  carry  them,  and  will  do 

1  Confucius. 
[39]  Y 


322  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  Xll. 

nothing  of  which  their  mind  does  not  approve. 
Though  all  the  world  should  praise  them, 
they  would  (only)  get  what  they  think  should 
be  loftily  disregarded  ;  and  though  all  the  world 
should  blame  them,  they  would  but  lose  (what  they 
think)  fortuitous  and  not  to  be  received;  —  the 
world's  blame  and  praise  can  do  them  neither  benefit 
nor  injury.  Such  men  may  be  described  as  possess- 
ing all  the  attributes  (of  the  Tao),  while  I  can  only  be 
called  one  of  those  who  are  like  the  waves  carried 
about  by  the  wind.'  When  he  returned  to  Lu,  (3ze- 
kung)  reported  the  interview  and  conversation  to 
Confucius,  who  said,  '  The  man  makes  a  pretence  of 
cultivating  the  arts  of  the  Embryonic  Age1.  He 
knows  the  first  thing,  but  not  the  sequel  to  it.  He 
regulates  what  is  internal  in  himself,  but  not  what  is 
external  to  himself.  If  he  had  intelligence  enough 
to  be  entirely  unsophisticated,  and  by  doing  nothing 
to  seek  to  return  to  the  normal  simplicity,  embody- 
ing (the  instincts  of)  his  nature,  and  keeping  his 
spirit  (as  it  were)  in  his  arms,  so  enjoying  himself  in 
the  common  ways,  you  might  then  indeed  be  afraid 
of  him !  But  what  should  you  and  I  find  in  the  arts 
of  the  embryonic  time,  worth  our  knowing?' 

12.  A"un  Mang2,  on  his  way  to  the  ocean,  met  with 
Yuan  Fung2  on  the  shore  of  the  eastern  sea,  and 

1  The  'arts  of  the  Embryonic  Age 'suggests  the  idea  of  the 
earliest  men  in  their  struggles  for  support;  not  the  Tao  of  Heaven 
in  its  formation  of  the  universe.     But  the  whole  of  the  paragraph, 
not  in  itself  uninteresting,  is  believed  to  be  a  spurious  introduction, 
and  not  the  production  of  ^Twang-gze. 

2  These  are  not  names  of  men,  but  like  Yiin  JTiang  and  Hung 
Mung  in  the  fifth  paragraph  of  the  last  Book.     By  A!un  Mang,  it 
is  said,  we  are  to  understand  '  the  great  primal  ether,'  and  by  Yuan 


PT.  ii.  SECT.v.         THE  WRITINGS  OF  JTWANG-3ZE.  323 

was  asked  by  him  where  he  was  going.  '  I  am 
going,'  he  replied,  '  to  the  ocean ; '  and  the  other 
again  asked,  'What  for  ?'  Aim  Mang  said,  '  Such 
is  the  nature  of  the  ocean  that  the  waters  which 
flow  into  it  can  never  fill  it,  nor  those  which  flow 
from  it  exhaust  it.  I  will  enjoy  myself,  rambling  by 
it.'  Yuan  Fung  replied,  '  Have  you  no  thoughts 
about  mankind l  ?  I  should  like  to  hear  from  you 
about  sagely  government/  A^un  Mang  said, '  Under 
the  government  of  sages,  all  offices  are  distributed 
according  to  the  fitness  of  their  nature ;  all  appoint- 
ments are  made  according  to  the  ability  of  the  men ; 
whatever  is  done  is  after  a  complete  survey  of  all 
circumstances ;  actions  and  words  proceed  from  the 
inner  impulse,  and  the  whole  world  is  transformed. 
Wherever  their  hands  are  pointed  and  their  looks 
directed,  from  all  quarters  the  people  are  all  sure  to 
come  (to  do  what  they  desire) : — this  is  what  is 
called  government  by  sages/ 

'  I  should  like  to  hear  about  (the  government  of) 
the  kindly,  virtuous  men  V  (continued  Yuan  Fung). 
The  reply  was,  '  Under  the  government  of  the  vir- 
tuous, when  quietly  occupying  (their  place),  they 
have  no  thought,  and,  when  they  act,  they  have  no 
anxiety;  they  do  not  keep  stored  (in  their  minds) 
what  is  right  and  what  is  wrong,  what  is  good  and 

Fung,  '  the  east  wind.'  Why  these  should  discourse  together  as 
they  are  here  made  to  do,  only  ^Twang-jze  himself  could  tell. 

1  Literally,  '  men  with  their  cross  eyes ;'  an  appellation  for  man- 
kind, men  having  their  eyes  set  across  their  face  more  on  the  same 
plane  than  other  animals ;— '  an  extraordinary  application  of  the 
characters,'  says  Lin  Hsi-£ung. 

2  The  text  is  simply  '  virtuous  men ; '  but  the  reply  justifies  us 
in  giving  the  meaning  as  'kindly'  as  well.     |j|i  has  often  this 
signification. 

Y  2 


324  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XII. 

what  is  bad.  They  share  their  benefits  among  all 
within  the  four  seas,  and  this  produces  what  is  called 
(the  state  of)  satisfaction ;  they  dispense  their  gifts 
to  all,  and  this  produces  what  is  called  (the  state  of) 
rest.  (The  people)  grieve  (on  their  death)  like 
babies  who  have  lost  their  mothers,  and  are  per- 
plexed like  travellers  who  have  lost  their  way. 
They  have  a  superabundance  of  wealth  and  all 
necessaries,  and  they  know  not  whence  it  comes ; 
they  have  a  sufficiency  of  food  and  drink,  and  they 
know  not  from  whom  they  get  it : — such  are  the 
appearances  (under  the  government)  of  the  kindly 
and  virtuous.' 

'  I  should  like  to  hear  about  (the  government  of)  the 
spirit-like  men,'  (continued  Yuan  Fung  once  more). 

The  reply  was,  '  Men  of  the  highest  spirit-like 
qualities  mount  up  on  the  light,  and  (the  limitations 
of)  the  body  vanish.  This  we  call  being  bright  and 
ethereal.  They  carry  out  to  the  utmost  the  powers 
with  which  they  are  endowed,  and  have  not  a  single 
attribute  unexhausted.  Their  joy  is  that  of  heaven 
and  earth,  and  all  embarrassments  of  affairs  melt 
away  and  disappear ;  all  things  return  to  their 
proper  nature  : — and  this  is  what  is  called  (the  state 
of)  chaotic  obscurity1.' 

13.  Man  Wu-kwei 2  and  .Oih-/£ang  Man-£M 2  had 
been  looking  at  the  army  of  king  Wu,  when  the 
latter  said,  '  It  is  because  he  was  not  born  in  the 
time  of  the  Lord  of  Yii 3,  that  therefore  he  is  in- 

1  When  no  human  element  had  come  in  to  mar  the  development 
of  the  Tao. 

2  If  these  be  the  names  of  real  personages,  they  must  have  been 
of  the  time  of  king  Wu,  about  B.  c.  1122. 

3  Generally  understood  to  mean  '  He  is  not  equal  to  the  Lord  of 


PT.  ll.  SECT.V.         THE  WRITINGS  OF  ^WANG-SZE.  325 

volved  in  this  trouble  (of  war).'  Man  Wu-kwei 
replied,  'Was  it  when  the  kingdom  was  in  good 
order,  that  the  Lord  of  Yii  governed  it  ?  or  was  it 
after  it  had  become  disordered  that  he  governed 
it  ? '  The  other  said,  '  That  the  kingdom  be  in  a 
condition  of  good  order,  is  what  (all)  desire,  and  (in 
that  case)  what  necessity  would  there  be  to  say  any- 
thing about  the  Lord  of  Yii  ?  He  had  medicine  for 
sores  ;  false  hair  for  the  bald ;  and  healing  for  those 
who  were  ill : — he  was  like  the  filial  son  carrying  in 
the  medicine  to  cure  his  kind  father,  with  every  sign 
of  distress  in  his  countenance.  A  sage  would  be 
ashamed  (of  such  a  thing)  l. 

'  In  the  age  of  perfect  virtue  they  attached  no 
value  to  wisdom,  nor  employed  men  of  ability. 
Superiors  were  (but)  as  the  higher  branches  of  a  tree  ; 
and  the  people  were  like  the  deer  of  the  wild.  They 
were  upright  and  correct,  without  knowing  that  to 
be  so  was  Righteousness ;  they  loved  one  another, 
without  knowing  that  to  do  so  was  Benevolence  ; 
they  were  honest  and  leal-hearted,  without  knowing 
that  it  was  Loyalty ;  they  fulfilled  their  engage- 
ments, without  knowing  that  to  do  so  was  Good 
Faith  ;  in  their  simple  movements  they  employed 
the  services  of  one  another,  without  thinking  that 
they  were  conferring  or  receiving  any  gift.  There- 
fore their  actions  left  no  trace,  and  there  was  no 
record  of  their  affairs.' 

14.  The  filial  son  who  does  not  natter  his  father, 

Yii,'  or  Shun.  The  meaning  which  I  have  given  is  that  propounded 
by  Hu  Wan-ying,  and  seems  to  agree  better  with  the  general  pur- 
port of  the  paragraph. 

1  Ashamed  that  he  had  not  been  able  to  keep  his  father  from 
getting  sick,  and  requiring  to  be  thus  attended  to. 


326  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xn. 

and  the  loyal  minister  who  does  not  fawn  on  his 
ruler,  are  the  highest  examples  of  a  minister  and  a 
son.  When  a  son  assents  to  all  that  his  father  says, 
and  approves  of  all  that  his  father  does,  common 
opinion  pronounces  him  an  unworthy  son ;  when  a 
minister  assents  to  all  that  his  ruler  says,  and  ap- 
proves of  all  that  his  ruler  does,  common  opinion 
pronounces  him  an  unworthy  minister.  Nor  does 
any  one  reflect  that  this  view  is  necessarily  correct1. 
But  when  common  opinion  (itself)  affirms  anything 
and  men  therefore  assent  to  it,  or  counts  anything 
good  and  men  also  approve  of  it,  then  it  is  not  said 
that  they  are  mere  consenters  and  flatterers ; — is 
common  opinion  then  more  authoritative  than  a 
father,  or  more  to  be  honoured  than  a  ruler  ?  Tell 
a  man  that  he  is  merely  following  (the  opinions)  of 
another,  or  that  he  is  a  flatterer  of  others,  and  at 
once  he  flushes  with  anger.  And  yet  all  his  life  he 
is  merely  following  others,  and  flattering  them.  His 
illustrations  are  made  to  agree  with  theirs ;  his  phrases 
are  glossed: — to  win  the  approbation  of  the  multi- 
tudes. From  first  to  last,  from  beginning  to  end,  he 
finds  no  fault  with  their  views.  He  will  let  his  robes 
hang  down2,  display  the  colours  on  them,  and  arrange 
his  movements  and  bearing,  so  as  to  win  the  favour 
of  his  age,  and  yet  not  call  himself  a  flatterer.  He 
is  but  a  follower  of  those  others,  approving  and  dis- 

1  We  can  hardly  tell  whether  this  paragraph  should  be  under- 
stood as  a  continuation  of  jOih-^ang's  remarks,  or  as  from  AVang- 
jze  himself.     The  meaning  here  is  that  every  one  feels  that  this 
opinion  is  right,  without  pausing  to  reason  about  it. 

2  See  the  Yi  King,  Appendix  III,  ii,  15,  where  this  letting  his 
robes  hang  down  is  attributed  to  Shun.     Ought  we  to  infer  from 
this  that  in  this  paragraph  we  have  J?Mh-ka.ng  still  speaking  about 
and  against  the  common  opinion  of  Shun's  superiority  to  king  Wu  ? 


PT.  II.  SECT.v.         THE  WRITINGS  OF  1TWANG-3ZE.  327 

approving  as  they  do,  and  yet  he  will  not  say  that 
he  is  one  of  them.  This  is  the  height  of  stupidity. 

He  who  knows  his  stupidity  is  not  very  stupid  ; 
he  who  knows  that  he  is  under  a  delusion  is  not 
greatly  deluded.  He  who  is  greatly  deluded  will 
never  shake  the  delusion  off;  he  who  is  very  stupid 
will  all  his  life  not  become  intelligent.  If  three  men 
be  walking  together,  and  (only)  one  of  them  be 
under  a  delusion  (as  to  their  way),  they  may  yet 
reach  their  goal,  the  deluded  being  the  fewer ;  but 
if  two  of  them  be  under  the  delusion,  they  will  not 
do  so,  the  deluded  being  the  majority.  At  the  pre- 
sent time,  when  the  whole  world  is  under  a  delusion, 
though  I  pray  men  to  go  in  the  right  direction,  I 
cannot  make  them  do  so ; — is  it  not  a  sad  case  ? 

Grand  music  does  not  penetrate  the  ears  of  vil- 
lagers ;  but  if  they  hear  '  The  Breaking  of  the  Wil- 
low,' or  '  The  Bright  Flowers  V  they  will  roar  with 
laughter.  So  it  is  that  lofty  words  do  not  remain  in 
the  minds  of  the  multitude,  and  that  perfect  words 
are  not  heard,  because  the  vulgar  words  predomi- 
nate. By  two  earthenware  instruments  the  (music  of) 
a  bell  will  be  confused,  and  the  pleasure  that  it  would 
afford  cannot  be  obtained.  At  the  present  time  the 
whole  world  is  under  a  delusion,  and  though  I  wish 
to  go  in  a  certain  direction,  how  can  I  succeed  in 
doing  so  ?  Knowing  that  I  cannot  do  so,  if  I  were 
to  try  to  force  my  way,  that  would  be  another  de- 
lusion. Therefore  my  best  course  is  to  let  my  pur- 
pose go,  and  no  more  pursue  it.  If  I  do  not  pursue 
it,  whom  shall  I  have  to  share  in  my  sorrow 2  ? 

1  The  names  of  two  songs,  favourites  with  the  common  people. 

2  I  shall  only  feel  the  more  that  I  am  alone  without  any  to  sym- 
pathise with  me,  and  be  the  more  sad. 


328  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xil. 

If  an  ugly  man l  have  a  son  born  to  him  at  mid- 
night, he  hastens  with  a  light  to  look  at  it.  Very 
eagerly  he  does  so,  only  afraid  that  it  may  be  like 
himself. 

1 5 2.  From  a  tree  a  hundred  years  old  a  portion 
shall  be  cut  and  fashioned  into  a  sacrificial  vase, 
with  the  bull  figured  on  it,  which  is  ornamented 
further  with  green  and  yellow,  while  the  rest  (of 
that  portion)  is  cut  away  and  thrown  into  a  ditch. 
If  now  we  compare  the  sacrificial  vase  with  what 
was  thrown  into  the  ditch,  there  will  be  a  difference 
between  them  as  respects  their  beauty  and  ugliness ; 
but  they  both  agree  in  having  lost  the  (proper) 
nature  of  the  wood.  So  in  respect  of  their  practice 
of  righteousness  there  is  a  difference  between  (the 
robber)  K\\i  on  the  one  hand,  and  3^ng  (Shan)  or 
Shih  (3hiu)  on  the  other ;  but  they  all  agree  in 
having  lost  (the  proper  qualities  of)  their  nature. 

Now  there  are  five  things  which  produce  (in  men) 
the  loss  of  their  (proper)  nature.  The  first  is  (their 
fondness  for)  the  five  colours  which  disorder  the 
eye,  and  take  from  it  its  (proper)  clearness  of  vision  ; 
the  second  is  (their  fondness  for)  the  five  notes  (of 
music),  which  disorder  the  ear  and  take  from  it  its 

|M  /v  should  perhaps  be  translated  '  a  leper/  The  illustra- 
tion is  edited  by  .ATiao  Hung  and  others  as  a  paragraph  by  itself. 
They  cannot  tell  whether  it  be  intended  to  end  the  paragraph  that 
precedes  or  to  introduce  the  one  that  follows. 

2  This  paragraph  must  be  our  author's  own.  J£Mh-&ar\g,  of  the 
time  of  king  Wu,  could  not  be  criticising  the  schemes  of  life  pro- 
pounded by  Mo  and  Yang,  whose  views  were  so  much  later  in 
time.  It  breathes  the  animosity  of  Lao  and  -ffwang  against  all 
schemes  of  learning  and  culture,  as  contrary  to  the  simplicity  of 
life  according  to  the  Tao. 


PT.  II.  SECT.V.         THE  WRITINGS  OF  tfWANG-3ZE.  329 

(proper)  power  of  hearing;  the  third  is  (their  fond- 
ness for)  the  five  odours  which  penetrate  the  nos- 
trils, and  produce  a  feeling  of  distress  all  over  the 
forehead  ;  the  fourth  is  (their  fondness  for)  the  five 
flavours,  which  deaden  the  mouth,  and  pervert  its 
sense  of  taste  ;  the  fifth  is  their  preferences  and 
dislikes,  which  unsettle  the  mind,  and  cause  the 
nature  to  go  flying  about.  These  five  things  are  all 
injurious  to  the  life ;  and  now  Yang  and  Mo  begin 
to  stretch  forward  from  their  different  standpoints, 
each  thinking  that  he  has  hit  on  (the  proper  course 
for  men). 

But  the  courses  they  have  hit  on  are  not  what  I 
call  the  proper  course.  What  they  have  hit  on  (only) 
leads  to  distress ; — can  they  have  hit  on  what  is 
the  right  thing  ?  If  they  have,  we  may  say  that  the 
dove  in  a  cage  has  found  the  right  thing  for  it. 
Moreover,  those  preferences  and  dislikes,  that  (fond- 
ness for)  music  and  colours,  serve  but  to  pile  up  fuel 
(in  their  breasts) ;  while  their  caps  of  leather,  the 
bonnet  with  kingfishers'  plumes,  the  memorandum 
tablets  which  they  carry,  and  their  long  girdles, 
serve  but  as  restraints  on  their  persons.  Thus  in- 
wardly stuffed  full  as  a  hole  for  fuel,  and  outwardly 
fast  bound  with  cords,  when  they  look  quietly  round 
from  out  of  their  bondage,  and  think  they  have  got 
all  they  could  desire,  they  are  no  better  than  criminals 
whose  arms  are  tied  together,  and  their  fingers  sub- 
jected to  the  screw,  or  than  tigers  and  leopards  in 
sacks  or  cages,  and  yet  thinking  that  they  have  got 
(all  they  could  wish). 


33°  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XIII. 


BOOK    XIII. 

PART  II.    SECTION  VI. 

Thien  Tao,  or  '  The  Way  of  Heaven1.' 

i.  The  Way  of  Heaven  operates  (unceasingly), 
and  leaves  no  accumulation  2  (of  its  influence)  in  any 
particular  place,  so  that  all  things  are  brought  to 
perfection  by  it;  so  does  the  Way  of  the  Tis 
operate,  and  all  under  the  sky  turn  to  them  (as  their 
directors) ;  so  also  does  the  Way  of  the  Sages 
operate,  and  all  within  the  seas  submit  to  them. 
Those  who  clearly  understand  (the  Way  of)  Heaven, 
who  are  in  sympathy  with  (that  of)  the  sages,  and 
familiar  through  the  universe  and  in  the  four  quarters 
(of  the  earth)  with  the  work  of  the  Tis  and  the  kings, 
yet  act  spontaneously  from  themselves : — with  the 
appearance  of  being  ignorant  they  are  yet  entirely 
still. 

The  stillness  of  the  sages  does  not  belong  to  them 
as  a  consequence  of  their  skilful  ability3;  all  things 
are  not  able  to  disturb  their  minds ; — it  is  on  this 
account  that  they  are  still.  When  water  is  still,  its 
clearness  shows  the  beard  and  eyebrows  (of  him 

1  See  pp.  144,  145. 

2  That  is,  its  operation  is  universal.     The  Chinese  critics  gene- 
rally explain  '  accumulation '  here  by  '  rest,'  which  is  not  quite  the 
idea. 

3  Such  is  the  meaning  here  of  the  ijfe.,  as  in  the  Tao  Teh 
A'ing,  chaps.  2,  8,  and  often. 


PT.  ii.  SECT.  VI.       THE  WRITINGS  OF  XTWANG-3ZE.  33! 

who  looks  into  it).  It  is  a  perfect  Level1,  and  the 
greatest  artificer  takes  his  rule  from  it.  Such  is  the 
clearness  of  still  water,  and  how  much  greater  is  that 
of  the  human  Spirit!  The  still  mind  of  the  sage 
is  the  mirror  of  heaven  and  earth,  the  glass  of  all 
things. 

Vacancy,  stillness,  placidity,  tastelessness,  quietude, 
silence,  and  non-action  ; — this  is  the  Level  of  heaven 
and  earth,  and  the  perfection  of  the  Tao  and  its 
characteristics2.  Therefore  the T is,  Kings,  and  Sages 
found  in  this  their  resting-place  3.  Resting  here, 
they  were  vacant ;  from  their  vacancy  came  fullness  ; 
from  their  fullness  came  the  nice  distinctions  (of 
things).  From  their  vacancy  came  stillness  ;  that 
stillness  was  followed  by  movement ;  their  move- 
ments were  successful.  From  their  stillness  came 
their  non-action.  Doing-nothing,  they  devolved  the 
cares  of  office  on  their  employes.  Doing-nothing  was 
accompanied  by  the  feeling  of  satisfaction.  Where 
there  is  that  feeling  of  satisfaction,  anxieties  and 
troubles  find  no  place ;  and  the  years  of  life  are 
many. 

Vacancy,  stillness,  placidity,  tastelessness,  quietude, 
silence,  and  doing-nothing  are  the  root  of  all  things. 
When  this  is  understood,  we  find  such  a  ruler  on  the 
throne  as  Yao,  and  such  a  minister  as  Shun.  When 
with  this  a  high  position  is  occupied,  we  find  the  attri- 
butes of  the  Tis  and  kings, — the  sons  of  Heaven  ; 
with  this  in  a  low  position,  we  find  the  mysterious 

V|fe  here,  is  contracted  in  many  editions  into  ^£ ,  which  some 
have  mistaken  for  ^|. 

2  Such  are  the  natural  characteristics  of  the  Taoistic  mind. 

3  Implying  cessation  from  all  thought  and  purpose. 


33 2  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XIII. 

sages,  the  uncrowned  kings,  with  their  ways.  With  this 
retiring  (from  public  life),  and  enjoying  themselves 
at  leisure,  we  find  the  scholars  who  dwell  by  the 
rivers  and  seas,  among  the  hills  and  forests,  all  sub- 
missive to  it ;  with  this  coming  forward  to  active  life 
and  comforting  their  age,  their  merit  is  great,  and 
their  fame  is  distinguished ; — and  all  the  world 
becomes  united  in  one. 

2.  (Such  men)  by  their  stillness  become  sages  ; 
and  by  their  movement,  kings.  Doing-nothing,  they 
are  honoured ;  in  their  plain  simplicity,  no  one  in  the 
world  can  strive  with  them  (for  the  palm  of)  excel- 
lence. The  clear  understanding  of  the  virtue  of 
Heaven  and  Earth  is  what  is  called  '  The  Great 
Root,'  and  '  The  Great  Origin ; ' — they  who  have  it 
are  in  harmony  with  Heaven,  and  so  they  produce 
all  equable  arrangements  in  the  world  ; — they  are 
those  who  are  in  harmony  with  men.  Being  in 
harmony  with  men  is  called  the  Joy  of  men  ;  being 
in  harmony  with  Heaven  is  called  the  Joy  of  Heaven. 
AVang-jze  said,  'My  Master!  my  Master!  He 
shall  hash  and  blend  all  things  in  mass  without  being 
cruel ;  he  shall  dispense  his  favours  to  all  ages  with- 
out being  benevolent.  He  is  older  than  the  highest 
antiquity,  and  yet  is  not  old.  He  overspreads  the 
heavens  and  sustains  the  earth ;  from  him  is  the 
carving  of  all  forms  without  any  artful  skill 1 1  This 
is  what  is  called  the  Joy  of  Heaven.  Hence  it  is 
said,  "  Those  who  know  the  Joy  of  Heaven  during 
their  life,  act  like  Heaven,  and  at  death  undergo 
transformation  like  (other)  things  2 ;  in  their  stillness 

1  Compare  in  Bk.VI,  pars.  13  and  7. 

2  They  do  not  cease  to  be,  but  only  become  transformed  or 
changed. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  vi.       THE   WRITINGS    OF   ZWANG-3ZE.  333 

they  possess  the  quality  of  the  Yin,  and  in  their 
movement  they  flow  abroad  as  the  Yang.  There- 
fore he  who  knows  the  Joy  of  Heaven  has  no  mur- 
muring against  Heaven,  nor  any  fault-finding  with 
men;  and  suffers  no  embarrassment  from  things,  nor 
any  reproof  from  ghosts.  Hence  it  is  said,  '  His 
movements  are  those  of  Heaven  ;  his  stillness  is 
that  of  Earth  ;  his  whole  mind  is  fixed,  and  he  rules 
over  the  world.  The  spirits  of  his  dead  do  not  come 
to  scare  him  ;  he  is  not  worn  out  by  their  souls. 
His  words  proceeding  from  his  vacancy  and  stillness, 
yet  reach  to  heaven  and  earth,  and  show  a  communi- 
cation with  all  things  : — this  is  what  is  called  the  Joy 
of  Heaven.  This  Joy  of  Heaven  forms  the  mind  of 
the  sage  whereby  he  nurtures  all  under  the  sky  V  " 

3.  It  was  the  Way2  of  the  Tis  and  Kings  to 
regard  Heaven  and  Earth  as  their  Author,  the  Tao 
and  its  characteristics  as  their  Lord,  and  Doing- 
nothing  as  their  constant  rule.  Doing-nothing,  they 
could  use  the  whole  world  in  their  service  and  might 
have  done  more ;  acting,  they  were  not  sufficient  for 
the  service  required  of  them  by  the  world.  Hence 
the  men  of  old  held  non-inaction  in  honour.  When 
superiors  do  nothing  and  their  inferiors  also  do 
nothing,  inferiors  and  superiors  possess  the  same 
virtue ;  and  when  inferiors  and  superiors  possess  the 
same  virtue,  there  are  none  to  act  as  ministers. 
When  inferiors  act,  and  their  superiors  also  act, 
then  superiors  and  inferiors  possess  the  same  T£o  ; 
and  when  superiors  and  inferiors  possess  the  same 


1  I  suppose  that  from  '  It  is  said '  to  this  is  all  quotation,  but 
from  what  book  we  do  not  know. 

2  '  The  virtue,'  or  attribute  ;= the  way. 


334  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XIII. 

Tao,  there  is  none  to  preside  as  Lord.  But  that 
the  superiors  do  nothing  and  yet  thereby  use  the 
world  in  their  service,  and  that  the  inferiors,  while 
acting,  be  employed  in  the  service  of  the  world,  is 
an  unchangeable  principle.  Therefore  the  ancient 
kings  who  presided  over  the  world,  though  their 
knowledge  embraced  (all  the  operations  of)  Heaven 
and  Earth,  took  no  thought  of  their  own  about 
them ;  though  their  nice  discrimination  appreciated 
the  fine  fashioning  of  all  things,  they  said  not  a  word 
about  it ;  though  their  power  comprehended  all 
within  the  seas,  they  did  nothing  themselves. 
Heaven  produces  nothing,  yet  all  things  experience 
their  transformations  ;  Earth  effects  no  growth,  yet  all 
things  receive  their  nurture;  the  Tls  and  Kings  did 
nothing,  yet  all  the  world  testified  their  effective  ser- 
vices. Hence  it  is  said, 'There  is  nothing  more  spirit- 
like  than  Heaven;  there  is  nothing  richer  than  Earth ; 
there  are  none  greater  than  the  Tis  and  Kings.'  Hence 
it  is  said  (further),  '  The  attributes  of  the  Tis  and 
kings  corresponded  to  those  of  Heaven  and  Earth.' 
It  was  thus  that  they  availed  themselves  of  (the 
operations  of)  Heaven  and  Earth,  carried  all  things 
on  unceasingly  (in  their  courses),  and  employed  the 
various  classes  of  men  in  their  service. 

4.  Originating  belongs  to  those  in  the  higher 
position  ;  details  (of  work)  to  those  who  are  in  the 
lower.  The  compendious  decision  belongs  to  the 
lord ;  the  minutiae  of  execution,  to  his  ministers. 
The  direction  of  the  three  hosts l  and  their  men  with 
the  five  weapons 2  is  but  a  trifling  quality  ;  rewards 

1  '  Three  hosts '  constituted  the  military  force  of  one  of  the 
largest  states. 

2  The  bow,  the  club,  the  spear,  the  lance,  the  javelin.     Other 


PT.  II.  SECT.  vi.       THE    WRITINGS    OF   J5TWANG-3ZE.  335 

and  penalties  with  their  advantages  and  sufferings, 
and  the  inflictions  of  the  five  punishments 1  are  but 
trivial  elements  of  instruction ;  ceremonies,  laws, 
measures,  and  numbers,  with  all  the  minutiae  of 
jurisprudence 2,  are  small  matters  in  government ; 
the  notes  of  bells  and  drums,  and  the  display  of 
plumes  and  flags  are  the  slightest  things  in  music, 
and  the  various  grades  of  the  mourning  garments  are 
the  most  unimportant  manifestations  of  grief.  These 
five  unimportant  adjuncts  required  the  operation  of 
the  excited  spirit  and  the  employment  of  the  arts  of 
the  mind,  to  bring  them  into  use.  The  men  of  old 
had  them  indeed,  but  they  did  not  give  them  the 
first  place. 

The  ruler  precedes,  and  the  minister  follows  ;  the 
father  precedes,  and  the  son  follows ;  the  elder 
brother  precedes,  and  the  younger  follows ;  the 
senior  precedes,  and  the  junior  follows ;  the  male 
precedes,  and  the  female  follows  ;  the  husband  pre- 
cedes, and  the  wife  follows. 

This  precedence  of  the  more  honourable  and  se- 
quence of  the  meaner  is  seen  in  the  (relative)  action 
of  heaven  and  earth,  and  hence  the  sages  took  them 
as  their  pattern.  The  more  honourable  position  of 
heaven  and  the  lower  one  of  earth  are  equivalent  to 
a  designation  of  their  spirit-like  and  intelligent 
qualities.  The  precedence  of  spring  and  summer 
and  the  sequence  of  autumn  and  winter  mark  the 


enumerations  of  them  are  given.     See  the  '  Officers  of  Aau,'  Bk. 
XXXII. 

1  Branding,  cutting  off  the  nose,  cutting  off  the  feet,  castra- 
tion, death. 

8  I  read  here  Jfjj  (not  ^)  ;g. 


336  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XIII. 

order  of  the  four  seasons.  In  the  transformations 
and  growth  of  all  things,  every  bud  and  feature  has 
its  proper  form  ;  and  in  this  we  have  their  gradual 
maturing  and  decay,  the  constant  flow  of  transforma- 
tion and  change.  Thus  since  Heaven  and  Earth, 
which  are  most  spirit-like,  are  distinguished  as  more 
honourable  and  less,  and  by  precedence  and  sequence, 
how  much  more  must  we  look  for  this  in  the  ways 
of  men !  In  the  ancestral  temple  it  is  to  kinship  that 
honour  is  given  ;  in  court,  to  rank  ;  in  the  neigh- 
bourhoods and  districts,  to  age  ;  in  the  conduct  of 
affairs,  to  wisdom ;  such  is  the  order  in  those  great 
ways.  If  we  speak  of  the  course  (to  be  pursued  in 
them),  and  do  not  observe  their  order,  we  violate 
their  course.  If  we  speak  of  the  course,  and  do  not 
observe  it,  why  do  we  apply  that  name  to  it  ? 

5.  Therefore  the  ancients  who  clearly  understood 
the  great  Tao  first  sought  to  apprehend  what  was 
meant  by  Heaven l,  and  the  Tao  and  its  characteris- 
tics came  next.  When  this  was  apprehended,  then 
came  Benevolence  and  Righteousness.  When  these 
were  apprehended,  then  came  the  Distinction  of  duties 
and  the  observance  of  them.  This  accomplished, 
there  came  objects  and  their  names.  After  objects 
and  their  names,  came  the  employment  of  men 
according  to  their  qualities:  on  this  there  followed 
the  examination  of  the  men  and  of  their  work.  This 
led  to  the  approval  or  disapproval  of  them,  which 
again  was  succeeded  by  the  apportioning  of  rewards 
and  penalties.  After  this  the  stupid  and  the  intelli- 
gent understood  what  was  required  of  them,  and  the 
honourable  and  the  mean  occupied  their  several  posi- 

1  The  meaning,  probably,  is  '  spontaneity.' 


PT.  II.  SECT.  vi.      THE    WRITINGS    OF   ZWANG-3ZE.  337 

tions.  The  good  and  the  able,  and  those  inferior 
to  them,  sincerely  did  their  best.  Their  ability 
was  distributed  ;  the  duties  implied  in  their  official 
names  were  fulfilled.  In  this  way  did  they  serve 
their  superiors,  nourish  their  inferiors,  regulate 
things,  and  cultivate  their  persons.  They  did  not  call 
their  knowledge  and  schemes  into  requisition ;  they 
were  required  to  fall  back  upon  (the  method  of) 
Heaven  : — this  was  what  is  called  the  Perfection  of 
the  Rule  of  Great  Peace.  Hence  it  is  said  in  the 
Book  l,  'There  are  objects  and  there  are  their  names.' 
Objects  and  their  names  the  ancients  had ;  but  they 
did  not  put  them  in  the  foremost  place. 

When  the  ancients  spoke  of  the  Great  Tao,  it 
was  only  after  four  other  steps  that  they  gave  a 
place  to  '  Objects  and  their  Names,'  and  after  eight 
steps  that  they  gave  a  place  to  '  Rewards  and 
Penalties.'  If  they  had  all  at  once  spoken  of 
'Objects  and  their  Names,'  they  would  have  shown 
an  ignorance  of  what  is  the  Root  (of  government) ;  if 
they  had  all  at  once  spoken  of '  Rewards  and  Penalties,' 
they  would  have  shown  an  ignorance  of  the  first 
steps  of  it.  Those  whose  words  are  thus  an  in- 
version of  the  (proper)  course,  or  in  opposition  to  it, 
are  (only  fit  to  be)  ruled  by  others  ; — how  can  they 
rule  others  ?  To  speak  all  at  once  of  '  Objects  and 
their  Names,'  and  of  '  Rewards  and  Penalties,'  only 
shows  that  the  speaker  knows  the  instruments  of 
government,  but  does  not  know  the  method  of  it, 
is  fit  to  be  used  as  an  instrument  in  the  world,  but 
not  fit  to  use  others  as  his  instruments : — he  is  what 
we  call  a  mere  sophist,  a  man  of  one  small  idea. 

1  We  cannot  tell  what  book  or  books. 
[39]  Z 


338  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xin. 

Ceremonies,  laws,  numbers,  measures,  with  all  the 
minutiae  of  jurisprudence,  the  ancients  had  ;  but  it 
is  by  these  that  inferiors  serve  their  superiors  ;  it  is 
not  by  them  that  those  superiors  nourish  the  world. 

6.  Anciently,  Shun  asked  Yao,  saying,  '  In  what 
way  does  your  Majesty  by  the  Grace  of  Heaven1 
exercise  your  mind  ? '     The  reply  was,   '  I   simply 
show  no  arrogance  towards  the  helpless ;    I  do  not 
neglect  the  poor  people  ;   I  grieve  for  those  who  die  ; 
I  love  their  infant  children ;    and  I  compassionate 
their  widows/     Shun  rejoined,  '  Admirable,  as  far  as 
it  goes  ;  but  it  is  not  what  is  Great.'     '  How  then,' 
asked  Yao,  '  do  you  think  I  should  do  ? '     Shun  re- 
plied, 'When  (a  sovereign)  possesses  the  virtue  of 
Heaven,  then  when  he  shows  himself  in  action,  it  is 
in    stillness.      The  sun  and    moon    (simply)   shine, 
and  the  four  seasons  pursue  their  courses.     So  it  is 
with  the  regular  phenomena  of  day  and  night,  and 
with  the  movement  of  the  clouds  by  which  the  rain 
is  distributed.'     Yao  said,  '  Then  I  have  only  been 
persistently  troubling  myself!     What  you  wish    is 
to  be   in  harmony  with   Heaven,  while   I  wish   to 
be    in    harmony   with    men.'      Now   (the  Way  of) 
Heaven  and   Earth  was  much  thought  of  of  old, 
and  Hwang-Tl,  Yao,  and  Shun  united  in  admiring  it. 
Hence  the  kings  of  the  world  of  old  did  nothing, 
but  tried  to  imitate  that  Way. 

7.  Confucius  went  to  the  west  to  deposit  (some) 
writings  in  the  library  of  A"ati 2,  when  3ze"^u  coun- 

1  So,  in  the  '  Spring  and  Autumn '  Chronicle,  the  rightful  reign- 
ing sovereign  is  ordinarily  designated,  '  Heaven's  King.'     It  is  not 
a  Taoistic  mode  of  speaking  of  him. 

2  It  is  supposed  that  Confucius,  disappointed  by  his  want  of 


PT.  II.  SECT.  VI.       THE    WRITINGS    OF    2JTWANG-3ZE.  339 

selled  him,  saying,  '  I  have  heard  that  the  officer  in 
charge  of  this  A'ang1  Repository  of  A^aii  was  one 
Lao  Tan,  who  has  given  up  his  office,  and  is  living 
in  his  own  house.  As  you,  Master,  wish  to  deposit 
these  writings  here,  why  not  go  to  him,  and  obtain 
his  help  (to  accomplish  your  object)  V  Confucius 
said,  '  Good ; '  and  he  went  and  saw  Lao  Tan,  who 
refused  his  assistance.  On  this  he  proceeded  to 
give  an  abstract  of  the  Twelve  Classics  3  to  bring 
the  other  over  to  his  views4.  Lao  Tan,  however, 
interrupted  him  while  he  was  speaking,  and  said, 
'  This  is  too  vague ;  let  me  hear  the  substance  of 
them  in  brief.'  Confucius  said,  '  The  substance  of 
them  is  occupied  with  Benevolence  and  Righteous- 
ness/ The  other  said,  '  Let  me  ask  whether  you 
consider  Benevolence  and  Righteousness  to  con- 
stitute the  nature  of  man  ? '  'I  do,'  was  the  answer. 
'  If  the  superior  man  be  not  benevolent,  he  will  not 
fulfil  his  character ;  if  he  be  not  righteous,  he  might 
as  well  not  have  been  born.  Benevolence  and 
Righteousness  are  truly  the  nature  of  man.'  Lao 
Tan  continued,  '  Let  me  ask  you  what  you  mean  by 
Benevolence  and  Righteousness.'  Confucius  said, 
'  To  be  in  one's  inmost  heart  in  kindly  sympathy 


success,  wished  to  deposit  the  writings  or  books  which  he  prized  so 
much  in  the  Royal  Library,  that  they  might  not  be  lost,  and  be 
available  for  some  future  teacher,  more  fortunate  than  himself. 

1  The  name  of  the  Royal  Library  (ji^)  ',  meaning,  perhaps, 
'  Approved.' 

2  That  is,  help  him  to  get  his  books  deposited  in  the  Library. 

3  Meaning,  perhaps,   the   '  Spring  and  Autumn/  containing  a 
chronicle  of  twelve  marquises  of  Lu.     We  know  of  no  collection  in 
the  time  of  Confucius  which  could  be  styled  the  '  Twelve  Classics.' 

pHr  is  to  be  read  shui. 

Z  2 


34-O  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xnu 

with  all  things ;  to  love  all  men ;  and  to  allow  no 
selfish  thoughts ; — this  is  the  nature  of  Benevolence 
and  Righteousness.'  Lao  Tan  exclaimed, '  Ah !  you 
almost  show  your  inferiority  by  such  words !  "  To 
love  all  men  !  "  is  not  that  vague  and  extravagant  ? 
"  To  be  seeking  to  allow  no  selfish  thoughts  !  " — that 
is  selfishness 1 1  If  you,  Master,  wish  men  not  to  be 
without  their  (proper)  shepherding,  think  of  Heaven 
and  Earth,  which  certainly  pursue  their  invariable 
course  ;  think  of  the  sun  and  moon,  which  surely 
maintain  their  brightness ;  think  of  the  stars  in  the 
zodiac,  which  preserve  their  order  and  courses ; 
think  of  birds  and  beasts,  which  do  not  fail  to  collect 
together  in  their  flocks  and  herds ;  and  think  of 
the  trees,  which  do  not  fail  to  stand  up  (in  their 
places).  Do  you,  Master,  imitate  this  way  and  carry 
it  into  practice ;  hurry  on,  following  this  course,  and 
you  will  reach  your  end.  Why  must  you  further  be 
vehement  in  putting  forward  your  Benevolence  and 
Righteousness,  as  if  you  were  beating  a  drum,  and 
seeking  a  fugitive  son,  (only  making  him  run  away 
the  more)  ?  Ah !  Master,  you  are  introducing  dis- 
order into  the  nature  of  man  ! ' 

8.  Shih-^ang  KM. 2,  having  an  interview  with 
Lao-jze,  asked  him,  saying,  '  I  heard,  Master,  that 
you  were  a  sage,  and  I  came  here,  wishing  to  see 
you,  without  grudging  the  length  of  the  journey. 
During  the  stages  of  the  hundred  days,  the  soles 
of  my  feet  became  quite  callous,  but  I  did  not  dare 
to  stop  and  rest.  Now  I  perceive  that  you  are  not 

1  The  unselfishness  was  not  spontaneous. 

2  We  know  nothing  of  this  personage,  but  what  is  related  here ; 
nor  does  the  whole  paragraph  serve  to  advance  the  argument  of 
the  Book. 


PT.  II.  SECT.vi.        THE    WRITINGS    OF   .KWANG-3ZE.  34! 

a  sage.  Because  there  was  some  rice  left  about  the 
holes  of  the  rats,  you  sent  away  your  younger  sister, 
which  was  unkind ;  when  your  food,  whether  raw 
or  cooked,  remains  before  you  not  all  consumed, 
you  keep  on  hoarding  it  up  to  any  extent  V  Lao- 
$ze  looked  indifferent,  and  gave  him  no  answer. 

Next  day  Kh\  again  saw  Lao-jze,  and  said, 
1  Yesterday  I  taunted  you  ;  but  to-day  I  have  gone 
back  to  a  better  mood  of  mind.  What  is  the  cause 
(of  the  change) 2  ? '  Lao-jze  replied, '  I  consider  that 
I  have  freed  myself  from  the  trammels  of  claiming  to 
be  artfully  knowing,  spirit-like,  and  sage.  Yesterday 
if  you  had  called  me  an  ox,  you  might  have 
done  so  ;  or  if  you  had  called  me  a  horse,  you 
might  have  done  so  3.  If  there  be  a  reality  (corre- 
sponding to  men's  ideas),  and  men  give  it  a  name, 
which  another  will  not  receive,  he  will  in  the  sequel 
suffer  the  more.  My  manner  was  what  I  constantly 
observe ; — I  did  not  put  it  on  for  the  occasion/ 

Shih-^ang  Khi  sidled  away  out  of  Lao's  shadow ; 
then  he  retraced  his  steps,  advanced  forward,  and 
asked  how  he  should  cultivate  himself.  The  reply 
was,  '  Your  demeanour  is  repelling ;  you  stare 
with  your  eyes ;  your  forehead  is  broad  and  yet 
tapering ;  you  bark  and  growl  with  your  mouth  ; 
your  appearance  is  severe  and  pretentious ;  you  are 
like  a  horse  held  by  its  tether,  you  would  move,  but 
are  restrained,  and  (if  let  go)  would  start  off  like  an 

1  These  seem  strange  charges  to  bring  against  Lao-jze,  and  no 
light  is  thrown  on  them  from  other  sources. 

2  The  change  had  been  produced  by  the  demeanour  of  Lao-jze ; 
the  other  could  not  tell  how.     Other  explanations  of  the  question 
are  given  by  some  of  the  critics. 

8  Compare  in  the  first  paragraph  of  Book  VII. 


342  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XIII. 

arrow  from  a  bow ;  you  examine  all  the  minutiae  of 
a  thing ;  your  wisdom  is  artful,  and  yet  you  try  to 
look  at  ease.  All  these  are  to  be  considered  proofs 
of  your  want  of  sincerity.  If  on  the  borders  one 
were  to  be  found  with  them,  he  would  be  named  a 
Thief.' 

9.  The  Master1  said,  'The  Tao  does  not  exhaust 
itself  in  what  is  greatest,  nor  is  it  ever  absent  from 
what  is  least ;  and  therefore  it  is  to  be  found  com- 
plete and  diffused  in  all  things.  How  wide  is  its 
universal  comprehension !  How  deep  is  its  un- 
fathomableness  !  The  embodiment  of  its  attributes 
in  benevolence  and  righteousness  is  but  a  small 
result  of  its  spirit-like  (working) ;  but  it  is  only  the 
perfect  man  who  can  determine  this.  The  perfect 
man  has  (the  charge  of)  the  world ; — is  not  the 
charge  great  ?  and  yet  it  is  not  sufficient  to  em- 
barrass him.  He  wields  the  handle  of  power  over 
the  whole  world,  and  yet  it  is  nothing  to  him.  His 
discrimination  detects  everything  false,  and  no  con- 
sideration of  gain  moves  him.  He  penetrates  to 
the  truth  of  things,  and  can  guard  that  which  is 
fundamental.  So  it  is  that  heaven  and  earth  are  ex- 
ternal to  him,  and  he  views  all  things  with  indifference, 
and  his  spirit  is  never  straitened  by  them.  He  has 
comprehended  the  Tao,  and  is  in  harmony  with  its 
characteristics;  he  pushes  back  benevolence  and 
righteousness  (into  their  proper  place),  and  deals 
with  ceremonies  and  music  as  (simply)  guests : — 
yes,  the  mind  of  the  perfect  man  determines  all 
things  aright.' 

1  No  doubt,  Lao-jze.  In  the  '  Complete  Works  of  the  Ten 
Philosophers,'  the  text  is  --  and  not 


PT.  II.  SECT.  vi.        THE   WRITINGS   OF   ZWANG-3ZE.  343 

10.  What  the  world  thinks  the  most  valuable  ex- 
hibition of  the  Tao  is  to  be  found  in  books.  But 
books  are  only  a  collection  of  words.  Words  have 
what  is  valuable  in  them ; — what  is  valuable  in 
words  is  the  ideas  they  convey.  But  those  ideas 
are  a  sequence  of  something  else ; — and  what  that 
something  else  is  cannot  be  conveyed  by  words. 
When  the  world,  because  of  the  value  which  it 
attaches  to  words,  commits  them  to  books,  that 
for  which  it  so  values  them  may  not  deserve  to  be 
valued ; — because  that  which  it  values  is  not  what 
is  really  valuable. 

Thus  it  is  that  what  we  look  at  and  can  see  is 
(only)  the  outward  form  and  colour,  and  what  we 
listen  to  and  can  hear  is  (only)  names  and  sounds. 
Alas !  that  men  of  the  world  should  think  that  form 
and  colour,  name  and  sound,  should  be  sufficient  to 
give  them  the  real  nature  of  the  Tao.  The  form 
and  colour,  the  name  and  sound,  are  certainly  not 
sufficient  to  convey  its  real  nature;  and  so  it  is 
that  '  the  wise  do  not  speak  and  those  who  do  speak 
are  not  wise/  How  should  the  world  know  that 
real  nature  ? 

Duke  Hwan1,  seated  above  in  his  hall,  was  (once) 
reading  a  book,  and  the  wheelwright  Phien  was 
making  a  wheel  below  it 2.  Laying  aside  his 
hammer  and  chisel,  Phien  went  up  the  steps,  and 
said,  '  I  venture  to  ask  your  Grace  what  words  you 
are  reading  ? '  The  duke  said,  '  The  words  of 
the  sages.'  'Are  those  sages  alive?'  Phien  con- 

1  No  doubt,  duke  Hwan  of  Kh\>  the  first  of  the  five  presiding 
chiefs  of  the  J£a.u  dynasty. 

2  See  in  Mencius  I,  i,  vii,  4  a  similar  reference  to  the  hall  and 
the  courtyard  below  it. 


344  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XIII. 

tinued.  '  They  are  dead/^was  the  reply.  '  Then/ 
said  the  other, '  what  you,  my  Ruler,  are  reading  are 
only  the  dregs  and  sediments  of  those  old  men.' 
The  duke  said,  '  How  should  you,  a  wheelwright, 
have  anything  to  say  about  the  book  which  I  am 
reading  ?  If  you  can  explain  yourself,  very  well ; 
if  you  cannot,  you  shall  die!'  The  wheelwright 
said,  '  Your  servant  will  look  at  the  thing  from  the 
point  of  view  of  his  own  art.  In  making  a  wheel, 
if  I  proceed  gently,  that  is  pleasant  enough,  but  the 
workmanship  is  not  strong ;  if  I  proceed  violently, 
that  is  toilsome  and  the  joinings  do  not  fit.  If  the 
movements  of  my  hand  are  neither  (too)  gentle  nor 
(too)  violent,  the  idea  in  my  mind  is  realised.  But 
I  cannot  tell  (how  to  do  this)  by  word  of  mouth  ; — 
there  is  a  knack  in  it.  I  cannot  teach  the  knack  to 
my  son,  nor  can  my  son  learn  it  from  me.  Thus  it 
is  that  I  am  in  my  seventieth  year,  and  am  (still) 
making  wheels  in  my  old  age  l.  But  these  ancients, 
and  what  it  was  not  possible  for  them  to  convey,  are 
dead  and  gone  : — so  then  what  you,  my  Ruler,  are 
reading  is  but  their  dregs  and  sediments ! ' 

1  Compare  the  story  in  Book  III  about  the  ruler  Wan-hui  and 
his  butcher;  and  other  passages. 


PT.n.SECT.Vir.        THE  WRITINGS  OF  £WANG-3ZE.  345 


BOOK  XIV. 
PART  II.     SECTION  VII. 

Thien  Ylin,  or  '  The  Revolution  of  Heaven1/ 

i.  How  (ceaselessly)  heaven  revolves!  How 
(constantly)  earth  abides  at  rest!  And  do  the  sun 
and  moon  contend  about  their  (respective)  places  ? 
Who  presides  over  and  directs  these  (things)  ?  Who 
binds  and  connects  them  together  ?  Who  is  it  that, 
without  trouble  or  exertion  on  his  part,  causes  and 
maintains  them  ?  Is  it,  perhaps,  that  there  is  some 
secret  spring,  in  consequence  of  which  they  cannot 
be  but  as  they  are  ?  Or  is  it,  perhaps,  that  they 
move  and  turn  as  they  do,  and  cannot  stop  of 
themselves  ? 

(Then)  how  the  clouds  become  rain !  And  how 
the  rain  again  forms  the  clouds !  Who  diffuses 
them  so  abundantly  ?  Who  is  it  that,  without 
trouble  or  exertion  on  his  part,  produces  this  ele- 
mental enjoyment,  and  seems  to  stimulate  it  ? 

The  winds  rise  in  the  north ;  one  blows  to  the 
west,  and  another  to  the  east ;  while  some  rise 
upwards,  uncertain  in  their  direction.  By  whose 
breathing  are  they  produced  ?  Who  is  it  that, 
without  any  trouble  and  exertion  of  his  own,  effects 
all  their  undulations  ?  I  venture  to  ask  their  cause2. 

1  See  pp.  145,  146. 

2  Down  to  this  we  have  a  description  of  the  phenomena  of 
heaven  and  earth  and  of  nature  generally  as  proceeding  regularly 


346  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XIV. 

Wu-hsien  Thiao1  said,  'Come,  and  I  will  tell  you. 
To  heaven  there  belong  the  six  Extreme  Points,  and 
the  five  Elements 2.  When  the  Tls  and  Kings  acted 
in  accordance  with  them,  there  was  good  govern- 
ment ;  when  they  acted  contrary  to  them,  there  was 
evil.  Observing  the  things  (described)  in  the  nine 
divisions  (of  the  writing)  of  Lo 3,  their  government 
was  perfected  and  their  virtue  was  complete.  They 
inspected  and  enlightened  the  kingdom  beneath 
them,  and  all  under  the  sky  acknowledged  and  sus- 
tained them.  Such  was  the  condition  under  the 
august  (sovereigns4)  and  those  before  them.' 

2.  Tang5,  the  chief  administrator  of  Shang5,  asked 
AVang-jze  about  Benevolence 6,  and  the  answer 
was, '  Wolves  and  tigers  are  benevolent.'  '  What  do 
you  mean  ? '  said  Tang.  A"wang-jze  replied, '  Father 
and  son  (among  them)  are  affectionate  to  one  an- 
other. Why  should  they  be  considered  as  not  bene- 

and  noiselessly,  without  any  apparent  cause;  which  is  the  chief 
subject  of  the  Book.  As  the  description  is  not  assigned  to  any 
one,  we  must  suppose  it  to  be  from  TTwang-jze  himself;  and  that 
it  is  he  who  asks  the  question  in  the  last  three  characters. 

1  This  is  said  by  the  critics  to  have  been  a  minister  of  the  Shang 
dynasty,  under  Thai-mau  in  the  seventeenth  century  B.C.  ;  but  even 
-#wang-jze  would  hardly  so  violate  the  unity  of  time. 

2  Generally  means  'the  Five  Regular  Virtues;'    supposed  to 
mean  here  '  the  Five  Elements/ 

3  Probably  the  '  Nine  Divisions  of  the  Great  Plan/  in  the  Shu 
King,  V,  iv,  fancied  to  be  derived  from  the  writing,  which  a  tortoise 
from  the  Lo  river  exhibited  to  the  great  Yti. 

4  Possibly  Fu-hsi,  Shan  Nang,  and  Hwang-Ti. 

6  '  Shang '  must  be  taken  as  the  duchy  of  Sung,  assigned  by 
king  Wu  to  the   representative  of  the  kings  of  the   dynasty  of 
Shang.     '  Tang '  would  be  a  principal  minister  of  it  in  the  time  of 
A'wang-jze. 
.   6  The  chief  of  all  the  virtues  according  to  Confucianism. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  vii.      THE   WRITINGS  OF   ZWANG-3ZE.  347 

volent  ?'  'Allow  me  to  ask  about  perfect  benevo- 
lence/ pursued  the  other.  A"wang-$ze  said,  '  Perfect 
benevolence  l  does  not  admit  (the  feeling)  of  affec- 
tion.' The  minister  said,  '  I  have  heard  that,  with- 
out (the  feeling  of)  affection  there  is  no  love,  and 
without  love  there  is  not  filial  duty ; — is  it  permis- 
sible to  say  that  the  perfectly  benevolent  are  not 
filial  ?  '  ATwang-jze  rejoined,  '  That  is  not  the  way 
to  put  the  case.  Perfect  Benevolence  is  the  very 
highest  thing  ; — filial  duty  is  by  no  means  sufficient 
to  describe  it.  The  saying  which  you  quote  is  not  to 
the  effect  that  (such  benevolence)  transcends  filial 
duty; — it  does  not  refer  to  such  duty  at  all.  One, 
travelling  to  the  south,  comes  (at  last)  to  Ying2,  and 
there,  standing  with  his  face  to  the  north,  he  does  not 
see  mount  Ming3.  Why  does  he  not  see  it?  Because 
he  is  so  far  from  it.  Hence  it  is  said,  "  Filial  duty 
as  a  part  of  reverence  is  easy,  but  filial  duty  as  a 
part  of  love  is  difficult.  If  it  be  easy  as  a  part  of 
love,  yet  it  is  difficult  to  forget4  one's  parents.  It 
may  be  easy  for  me  to  forget  my  parents,  but  it  is 
difficult  to  make  my  parents  forget  me.  If  it  were 
easy  to  make  my  parents  forget  me,  it  is  difficult  for 
me  to  forget  all  men  in  the  world.  If  it  were  easy 
to  forget  all  men  in  the  world,  it  is  difficult  to  make 
them  all  forget  me." 

'  This  virtue  might  make  one  think  light  of  Yao 
and  Shun,  and  not  wish  to  be  they5.  The  profit 

1  A  denomination  here  for  the  Tao,  employed  by  ^Twang-jze  for 
the  purpose  of  his  argument. 

8  The  capital  of  the  state  of  Khh.  in  the  south. 

8  Name  of  a  hill  in  the  extreme  north. 

*  The  Tao  requires  such  forgetfulness  on  the  part  of  both  giver 
and  receiver ;  it  is  a  part  of  its  '  doing-nothing.' 

5  I  think  this  is  the  meaning. 


THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XIV. 


and  beneficial  influences  of  it  extend  to  a  myriad 
ages,  and  no  one  in  the  world  knows  whence  they 
come.  How  can  you  simply  heave  a  great  sigh, 
and  speak  (as  you  do)  of  benevolence  and  filial  duty  ? 
Filial  duty,  fraternal  respect,  benevolence,  righteous- 
ness, loyalty,  sincerity,  firmness,  and  purity;  —  all 
these  may  be  pressed  into  the  service  of  this  virtue, 
but  they  are  far  from  sufficient  to  come  up  to  it. 
Therefore  it  is  said,  "  To  him  who  has  what  is  most 
noble1,  all  the  dignities  of  a  state  are  as  nothing2  ;  to 
him  who  has  what  is  the  greatest  riches,  all  the 
wealth  of  a  state  is  as  nothing  ;  to  him  who  has 
all  that  he  could  wish,  fame  and  praise  are  as 
nothing."  It  is  thus  that  the  Tao  admits  of  no 
substitute.' 

3.  Pei-man  A'Mng3  asked  Hwang-Ti,  saying, 
'  You  were  celebrating,  O  Tl,  a  performance  of  the 
music  of  the  Hsien-Mih4,  in  the  open  country  near 
the  Thung-thing  lake.  When  I  heard  the  first  part 
of  it,  I  was  afraid  ;  the  next  made  me  weary  ;  and 
the  last  perplexed  me.  I  became  agitated  and  un- 
able to  speak,  and  lost  my  self-possession.'  The  Tl 
said,  '  It  was  likely  that  it  should  so  affect  you  !  It 
was  performed  with  (the  instruments  of)  men,  and  all 
attuned  according  to  (the  influences  of)  Heaven.  It 


1  The  Tao. 

2  This  free  version  takes  ^£  as  =  Ejp.     So  the  Khang-hsi 
dictionary  explains  it. 

3  Only  heard  of,  so  far  as  I  know,  in  this  passage. 

4  The  name  of  Hwang-Ti's  music ;  I  do  not  venture  to  translate 
it.     In  his  elaborate  description  of  it,  our  author  intended  to  give 
an  idea  of  the  Tao,  and  the  effect  which  the  study  of  it  was 
calculated  to  produce  on  the  mind ;  as  appears  from  the  concluding 
sentence  of  the  paragraph. 


PT.  II.  SECT. vii.       THE    WRITINGS    OF   JPWANG-3ZE.  349 

proceeded  according  to  (the  principles  of)  propriety 
and  righteousness,  and  was  pervaded  by  (the  idea  of) 
the  Grand  Purity. 

'  The  Perfect  Music  first  had  its  response  in  the 
affairs  of  men,  and  was  conformed  to  the  principles 
of  Heaven  ;  it  indicated  the  action  of  the  five  virtues, 
and  corresponded  to  the  spontaneity  (apparent  in 
nature).  After  this  it  showed  the  blended  distinc- 
tions of  the  four  seasons,  and  the  grand  harmony  of 
all  things  ; — the  succession  of  those  seasons  one  after 
another,  and  the  production  of  things  in  their  proper 
order.  Now  it  swelled,  and  now  it  died  away,  its 
peaceful  and  military  strains  clearly  distinguished 
and  given  forth.  Now  it  was  clear,  and  now  rough, 
as  if  the  contracting  and  expanding  of  the  elemen- 
tal processes  blended  harmoniously  (in  its  notes). 
Those  notes  then  flowed  away  in  waves  of  light, 
till,  as  when  the  hibernating  insects  first  begin  to 
move,  I  commanded  the  terrifying  crash  of  thunder. 
Its  end  was  marked  by  no  formal  conclusion,  and  it 
began  again  without  any  prelude.  It  seemed  to  die 
away,  and  then  it  burst  into  life ;  it  came  to  a  close, 
and  then  it  rose  again.  So  it  went  on  regularly  and 
inexhaustibly,  and  without  the  intervention  of  any 
pause  : — it  was  this  which  made  you  afraid. 

'  In  the  second  part  (of  the  performance),  I  made 
it  describe  the  harmony  of  the  Yin  and  Yang,  and 
threw  round  it  the  brilliance  of  the  sun  and  moon. 
Its  notes  were  now  short  and  now  long,  now  soft 
and  now  hard.  Their  changes,  however,  were 
marked  by  an  unbroken  unity,  though  not  domi- 
nated by  a  fixed  regularity.  They  filled  every 
valley  and  ravine ;  you  might  shut  up  every  crevice, 
and  guard  your  spirit  (against  their  entrance),  yet 


35O  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XIV. 

there  was  nothing  but  gave  admission  to  them. 
Yea,  those  notes  resounded  slowly,  and  might  have 
been  pronounced  high  and  clear.  Hence  the  shades 
of  the  dead  kept  in  their  obscurity ;  the  sun  and 
moon,  and  all  the  stars  of  the  zodiac,  pursued  their 
several  courses.  I  made  (my  instruments)  leave  off, 
when  (the  performance)  came  to  an  end,  and  their 
(echoes)  flowed  on  without  stopping.  You  thought 
anxiously  about  it,  and  were  not  able  to  understand 
it ;  you  looked  for  it,  and  were  not  able  to  see  it ; 
you  pursued  it,  and  were  not  able  to  reach  it.  All- 
amazed,  you  stood  in  the  way  all  open  around  you, 
and  then  you  leant  against  an  old  rotten  dryandra- 
tree  and  hummed.  The  power  of  your  eyes  was  ex- 
hausted by  what  you  wished  to  see ;  your  strength 
failed  in  your  desire  to  pursue  it,  while  I  myself 
could  not  reach  it.  Your  body  was  but  so  much 
empty  vacancy  while  you  endeavoured  to  retain 
your  self-possession  1 : — it  was  that  endeavour  which 
made  you  weary. 

'  In  the  last  part  (of  the  performance),  I  employed 
notes  which  did  not  have  that  wearying  effect.  I 
blended  them  together  as  at  the  command  of  spon- 
taneity. Hence  they  came  as  if  following  one  an- 
other in  confusion,  like  a  clump  of  plants  springing 
from  one  root,  or  like  the  music  of  a  forest  pro- 
duced by  no  visible  form.  They  spread  themselves 
all  around  without  leaving  a  trace  (of  their  cause) ; 
and  seemed  to  issue  from  deep  obscurity  where 
there  was  no  sound.  Their  movements  came  from 
nowhere ;  their  home  was  in  the  deep  darkness  ; — 

1  See  the  usage  of  the  two  characters  ^^  ij^  in  the  Shih  King, 
I,  ii,  Ode  3. 


PT.  II.  SECT. VII.       THE    WRITINGS    OF   XAVANG-3ZE.  351 

conditions  which  some  would  call  death,  and  some 
life  ;  some,  the  fruit,  and  some,  (merely)  the  flower. 
Those  notes,  moving  and  flowing  on,  separating  and 
shifting,  and  not  following  any  regular  sounds,  the 
world  might  well  have  doubts  about  them,  and  refer 
them  to  the  judgment  of  a  sage,  for  the  sages  under- 
stand the  nature  of  this  music,  and  judge  in  accord- 
ance with  the  prescribed  (spontaneity).  While  the 
spring  of  that  spontaneity  has  not  been  touched, 
and  yet  the  regulators  of  the  five  notes  are  all 
prepared ;  —  this  is  what  is  called  the  music  of 
Heaven,  delighting  the  mind  without  the  use  of 
words.  Hence  it  is  said  in  the  eulogy  of  the  Lord 
of  Piao l,  "  You  listen  for  it,  and  do  not  hear  its 
sound  ;  you  look  for  it,  and  do  not  perceive  its  form ; 
it  fills  heaven  and  earth  ;  it  envelopes  all  within  the 
universe."  You  wished  to  hear  it,  but  could  not 
take  it  in ;  and  therefore  you  w^ere  perplexed. 

'  I  performed  first  the  music  calculated  to  awe  ; 
and  you  were  frightened  as  if  by  a  ghostly  visita- 
tion, I  followed  it  with  that  calculated  to  weary ; 
and  in  your  weariness  you  would  have  withdrawn. 
I  concluded  with  that  calculated  to  perplex ;  and  in 
your  perplexity  you  felt  your  stupidity.  But  that 
stupidity  is  akin  to  the  Tao;  you  may  with  it 
convey  the  Tao  in  your  person,  and  have  it  (ever) 
with  you.' 

4.  When  Confucius  was  travelling  in  the  west  in 
Wei,  Yen  Yuan  asked  the  music-master  Km  2,  say- 

1  Some  sovereign  of  antiquity,  of  whom  it  is  difficult  to  find  any 
other  mention  but  this.     Even  in  the  Lu  Shih  I  have  not  discovered 
him.     The   name   is   said   to   be   pronounced    Piao;    in  which 
case  it  should  consist  of  three  ~/^,  and  not  of  three  */£. 

2  Only  heard  of  here. 


352  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XIV. 

ing,  '  How  is  it,  do  you  think,  with  the  course  of  the 
Master  ? '  The  music-master  replied,  'Alas!  it  is  all 
over  with  your  Master ! '  '  How  so  ? '  asked  Yen 
Yuan ;  and  the  other  said,  '  Before  the  grass-dogs1 
are  set  forth  (at  the  sacrifice),  they  are  deposited  in 
a  box  or  basket,  and  wrapt  up  with  elegantly 
embroidered  cloths,  while  the  representative  of  the 
dead  and  the  officer  of  prayer  prepare  themselves 
by  fasting  to  present  them.  After  they  have  been 
set  forth,  however,  passers-by  trample  on  their  heads 
and  backs,  and  the  grass-cutters  take  and  burn  them 
in  cooking.  That  is  all  they  are  good  for.  If  one 
should  again  take  them,  replace  them  in  the  box  or 
basket,  wrap  them  up  with  embroidered  cloths,  and 
then  in  rambling,  or  abiding  at  the  spot,  should  go 
to  sleep  under  them,  if  he  do  not  get  (evil)  dreams, 
he  is  sure  to  be  often  troubled  with  the  nightmare. 
Now  here  is  your  Master  in  the  same  way  taking  the 
grass-dogs,  presented  by  the  ancient  kings,  and  lead- 
ing his  disciples  to  wander  or  abide  and  sleep  under 
them.  Owing  to  this,  the  tree  (beneath  which  they 
were  practising  ceremonies)  in  Sung  was  cut  down2; 
he  was  obliged  to  leave  Wei 3 ;  he  was  reduced  to 
extremities  in  Shang3  and  A'au4: — were  not  those 
experiences  like  having  (evil)  dreams  ?  He  was  kept 
in  a  state  of  siege  between  Kka.\\  and  3hai 5,  so  that 
for  seven  days  he  had  no  cooked  food  to  eat,  and 
was  in  a  situation  between  life  and  death  : — were 
not  those  experiences  like  the  nightmare  ? 


1  See  the  T3,o  Teh  King,  ch.  5.  2  Analects  III,  xxii. 

3  In  consequence  of  the  dissoluteness  of  the  court;   Analects 
VI,  xxvi;  IX,  17. 

4  Meaning  Sung  and  Wei.  6  Analects  XI,  ii,  i. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  VII.       THE    WRITINGS    OF    JSTWANG-3ZE.  353 

'  If  you  are  travelling  by  water,  your  best  plan  is 
to  use  a  boat  ;  if  by  land,  a  carnage.  Take  a  boat, 
which  will  go  (easily)  along  on  the  water,  and  try 
to  push  it  along  on  the  land,  and  all  your  lifetime  it 
will  not  go  so  much  as  a  fathom  or  two  :  —  are  not 
ancient  time  and  the  present  time  like  the  water 
and  the  dry  land  ?  and  are  not  A'au  and  Lu  like  the 
boat  and  the  carriage  ?  To  seek  now  to  practise 
(the  old  ways  of)  A'au  in  Lu  is  like  pushing  along  a 
boat  on  the  dry  land.  It  is  only  a  toilsome  labour, 
and  has  no  success  ;  he  who  does  so  is  sure  to  meet 
with  calamity.  He  has  not  learned  that  in  handing 
down  the  arts  (of  one  time)  he  is  sure  to  be  reduced 
to  extremity  in  endeavouring  to  adapt  them  to  the 
conditions  (of  another). 

'And  have  you  not  seen  the  working  of  a  shadoof? 
When  (the  rope  of)  it  is  pulled,  it  bends  down  ;  and 
when  it  is  let  go,  it  rises  up.  It  is  pulled  by  a  man, 
and  does  not  pull  the  man  ;  and  so,  whether  it  bends 
down  or  rises  up,  it  commits  no  offence  against  the 
man.  In  the  same  way  the  rules  of  propriety, 
righteousness,  laws,  and  measures  of  the  three 
Hwangs  x  and  five  Tis  l  derived  their  excellence, 
not  from  their  being  the  same  as  those  of  the  pre- 
sent day,  but  from  their  (aptitude  for)  government. 
We  may  compare  them  to  haws  2,  pears,  oranges, 


1  It  is  impossible  to  speak  definitely  of  who  these  three  Hwangs 
(Augustuses)  and  five  Tis  were,  or  whom  the  speaker  intended 
by  them.     The   former  would   seem   to   lead   us   to   the  purely 
fabulous  ages,  when  twelve  (or  thirteen)  Heavenly  Hwangs,  eleven 
Earthly,  and  nine  Human  ruled  over  the  young  world,  for  a  period 
of  576,000  years.     There  is  a  general  agreement  of  opinion  that 
the  five  Tis  ended  with  Yao  and  Shun. 

2  See  Williams's  Dictionary,  sub  voc.     He  says  it  is  the  Cra- 

[39]  A  a 


354  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XIV. 

and  pummeloes,  which  are  different  in  flavour,  but  all 
suitable  to  be  eaten.  Just  so  it  is  that  the  rules  of 
propriety,  righteousness,  laws,  and  measures,  change 
according  to  the  time. 

'  If  now  you  take  a  monkey,  and  dress  it  in  the 
robes  of  the  duke  of  A^au,  it  will  bite  and  tear  them, 
and  will  not  be  satisfied  till  it  has  got  rid  of  them 
altogether.  And  if  you  look  at  the  difference 
between  antiquity  and  the  present  time  it  is  as  great 
as  that  between  the  monkey  and  the  duke  of  A"au. 
In  the  same  way,  when  Hsl  Shih  l  was  troubled  in 
mind,  she  would  knit  her  brows  and  frown  on  all  in 
her  neighbourhood.  An  ugly  woman  of  the  neigh- 
bourhood, seeing  and  admiring  her  beauty,  went 
home,  and  also  laying  her  hands  on  her  heart  pro- 
ceeded to  stare  and  frown  on  all  around  her.  When 
the  rich  people  of  the  village  saw  her,  they  shut  fast 
their  doors  and  would  not  go  out ;  when  the  poor 
people  saw  her,  they  took  their  wives  and  children 
and  ran  away  from  her.  The  woman  knew  how  to 
admire  the  frowning  beauty,  but  she  did  not  know 
how  it  was  that  she,  though  frowning,  was  beautiful. 
Alas  !  it  is  indeed  all  over  with  your  Master  2 ! ' 

5.  When  Confucius  was  in  his  fifty-first  year3,  he 
had  not  heard  of  the  T  ao,  and  went  south  to  Phei 4 

taegus  cuneata  and  pinnatifida,  common  in  China,  and  much 
esteemed  for  its  acidity. 

1  A  famous  beauty, — the  concubine  of  king  Fu-£Mi  of  Wu. 

2  The  comparisons  in  this  paragraph  are  not  complimentary  to 
Confucius.     Of  course  the  conversation  never  took  place,  and  must 
have  been  made  up  to  ridicule  the  views  of  the  sage. 

3  This  would  be  in  B.C.  503  or  502,  and  Lao-jze  would  be  more 
than  a  hundred  years  old. 

4  Probably  in  what  is  now  the  district  of  Phei,  department  of 
Hsii-Hu,  ^iang-su. 


PT.  ii.  SECT.  vii.       THE   WRITINGS    OF   ATWANG-3ZE.  355 

to  see  Lao  Tan,  who  said  to  him,  '  You  have  come, 
Sir  ;  have  you  ?  I  have  heard  that  you  are  the 
wisest  man  of  the  North  ;  have  you  also  got  the 
Tao  ? '  '  Not  yet,'  was  the  reply  ;  and  the  other 
went  on,  'How  have  you  sought  it?'  Confucius 
said,  '  I  sought  it  in  measures  and  numbers,  and 
after  five  years  I  had  not  got  it.'  '  And  how 
then  did  you  seek  it?'  'I  sought  it  in  the  Yin 
and  Yang,  and  after  twelve  years  I  have  not  found 
it.'  Lao-^ze  said,  'Just  so!  If  the  Tao  could  be 
presented  (to  another),  men  would  all  present  it  to 
their  rulers  ;  if  it  could  be  served  up  (to  others), 
men  would  all  serve  it  up  to  their  parents  ;  if  it 
could  be  told  (to  others),  men  would  all  tell  it  to 
their  brothers ;  if  it  could  be  given  to  others,  men 
would  all  give  it  to  their  sons  and  grandsons.  The 
reason  why  it  cannot  be  transmitted  is  no  other  but 
this, — that  if,  within,  there  be  not  the  presiding  prin- 
ciple, it  will  not  remain  there,  and  if,  outwardly,  there 
be  not  the  correct  obedience,  it  will  not  be  carried 
out.  When  that  which  is  given  out  from  the  mind 
(in  possession  of  it)  is  not  received  by  the  mind 
without,  the  sage  will  not  give  it  out ;  and  when, 
entering  in  from  without,  there  is  no  power  in  the 
receiving  mind  to  entertain  it,  the  sage  will  not 
permit  it  to  lie  hid  there1.  Fame  is  a  possession 
common  to  all ;  we  should  not  seek  to  have  much 
of  it.  Benevolence  and  righteousness  were  as  the 
lodging-houses  of  the  former  kings  ;  we  should  only 
rest  in  them  for  a  night,  and  not  occupy  them  for 


1  That  is,  the  sage  will  not  deposit  it,  where  it  will  lie  hidden ; — 
compare  Analects  XVI,  vi. 

A  a  2 


356  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XIV. 

long.     If  men  see  us  doing  so,  they  will  have  much 
to  say  against  us. 

'  The  perfect  men  of  old  trod  the  path  of  benevo- 
lence as  a  path  which  they  borrowed  for  the  occasion, 
and  dwelt  in  Righteousness  as  in  a  lodging  which  they 
used  for  a  night.  Thus  they  rambled  in  the  vacancy 
of  Untroubled  Ease,  found  their  food  in  the  fields  of 
Indifference,  and  stood  in  the  gardens  which  they  had 
not  borrowed.  Untroubled  Ease  requires  the  doing  of 
nothing ;  Indifference  is  easily  supplied  with  nourish- 
ment ;  not  borrowing  needs  no  outlay.  The  ancients 
called  this  the  Enjoyment  that  Collects  the  True. 

'  Those  who  think  that  wealth  is  the  proper  thing 
for  them  cannot  give  up  their  revenues  ;  those  who 
seek  distinction  cannot  give  up  the  thought  of  fame  ; 
those  who  cleave  to  power  cannot  give  the  handle  of 
it  to  others.  While  they  hold  their  grasp  of  those 
things,  they  are  afraid  (of  losing  them).  When  they 
let  them  go,  they  are  grieved  ;  and  they  will  not  look 
at  a  single  example,  from  which  they  might  perceive 
the  (folly)  of  their  restless  pursuits  : — such  men  are 
under  the  doom  of  Heaven l. 

'  Hatred  and  kindness;  taking  and  giving;  reproof 
and  instruction  ;  death  and  life  : — these  eight  things 
are  instruments  of  rectification,  but  only  those  are 
able  to  use  them  who  do  not  obstinately  refuse  to 
comply  with  their  great  changes.  Hence  it  is  said, 
"  Correction  is  Rectification."  When  the  minds  of 


1  See  the  same  expression  used  in  Book  VI,  par.  n,  used 
by  Confucius  of  himself.  Comparing  the  two  passages  together, 
I  must  doubt  the  correctness  of  my  note  there  (2,  p.  252),  that 
'Heaven'  is  used  in  the  Confucian  sense  of  Ti,  or  God.  The 
men  here  pursued  and  toiled  after  the  pleasures  of  the  world,  rather 
than  the  quiet  satisfactions  of  the  Tao. 


PT.  ii.  SECT.  vii.       THE   WRITINGS    OF  JSTWANG-3ZE.  357 

some  do  not  acknowledge  this,  it  is  because  the  gate 
of  Heaven1  (in  them)  has  not  been  opened.' 

6.  At  an  interview  with  Lao  Tan,  Confucius 
spoke  to  him  of  benevolence  and  righteousness.  Lao 
Tan  said, '  If  you  winnow  chaff,  and  the  dust  gets  into 
your  eyes,  then  the  places  of  heaven  and  earth  and 
of  the  four  cardinal  points  are  all  changed  to  you. 
If  musquitoes  or  gadflies  puncture  your  skin,  it  will 
keep  you  all  the  night2  from  sleeping.  But  this 
painful  iteration  of  benevolence  and  righteousness 
excites  my  mind  and  produces  in  it  the  greatest  con- 
fusion. If  you,  Sir,  would  cause  men  not  to  lose 
their  natural  simplicity,  and  if  you  would  also  imitate 
the  wind  in  its  (unconstrained)  movements,  and  stand 
forth  in  all  the  natural  attributes  belonging  to  you  ! 
— why  must  you  use  so  much  energy,  and  carry  a 
great  drum  to  seek  for  the  son  whom  you  have  lost 3  ? 
The  snow-goose  does  not  bathe  every  day  to  make 
itself  white,  nor  the  crow  blacken  itself  every  day  to 
make  itself  black.  The  natural  simplicity  of  their 
black  and  white  does  not  afford  any  ground  for  con- 
troversy ;  and  the  fame  and  praise  which  men  like 
to  contemplate  do  not  make  them  greater  than  they 
naturally  are.  When  the  springs  (supplying  the 
pools)  are  dried  up,  the  fishes  huddle  together  on 
the  dry  land.  Than  that  they  should  moisten  one 
another  there  by  their  gasping,  and  keep  one  another 
wet  by  their  milt,  it  would  be  better  for  them  to 
forget  one  another  in  the  rivers  and  lakes  V 

1  See  Book  XXIII,  par.  9.    The  phrase  =  flf  IfJ. 

JNL/S.    /  •  ^9 

2  The  common  reading  ^-  is  a  mistake  for  y  . 

3  Compare  the  same  illustration  in  the  preceding  Book,  par.  7. 

4  This  illustration  is  from  Book  VI,  par.  5. 


358  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xiv. 

From  this  interview  with  Lao  Tan,  Confucius 
returned  home,  and  for  three  days  did  not  speak. 
His  disciples  (then)  asked  him,  saying,  '  Master,  you 
have  seen  Lao  Tan ;  in  what  way  might  you  ad- 
monish and  correct  him  ?'  Confucius  said,  '  In  him 
(I  may  say)  that  I  have  now  seen  the  dragon.  The 
dragon  coils  itself  up,  and  there  is  its  body ;  it 
unfolds  itself  and  becomes  the  dragon  complete.  It 
rides  on  the  cloudy  air,  and  is  nourished  by  the  Yin 
and  Yang.  I  kept  my  mouth  open,  and  was  unable 
to  shut  it ; — how  could  I  admonish  and  correct  Lao 
Tan?' 

7.  3ze~kung1  said, '  So  then,  can  (this)  man  indeed 
sit  still  as  a  representative  of  the  dead,  and  then 
appear  as  the  dragon  ?  Can  his  voice  resound  as 
thunder,  when  he  is  profoundly  still  ?  Can  he 
exhibit  himself  in  his  movements  like  heaven  and 
earth?  May  I,  3nze.  also  get  to  see  him?'  Accord- 
ingly with  a  message  from  Confucius  he  went  to  see 
Lao  Tan. 

Lao  Tan  was  then  about  to  answer  (his  salutation) 
haughtily  in  the  hall,  but  he  said  in  a  low  voice, 
'  My  years  have  rolled  on  and  are  passing  away, 
what  do  you,  Sir,  wish  to  admonish  me  about  ?  '  3ze~ 
kung  replied,  'The  Three  Kings  and  Five  Tis 2  ruled 

1  3ze"kung  would  seem  to  have  undertaken  this  expedition  to 
maintain  the  reputation  of  the  Master  and  his  school ; — only  to  be 
defeated  by  Lao-jze  more  signally  than  Confucius  had  been. 

2  These  are  different  probably,  though  the  text  is  not  quite 
certain,  from  the  three  Hwangs  and  five  Tis  of  par.  3.     The 
Hwangs  (or  August  Sovereigns)  preceded  the  Tis;    the  Kings 
(Wangs)  came  after  them.     The  Three  Kings  are  the  three  lines 
of  kings   commencing  with  the  dynasty  of  HsiS,  and  following 
Shun.      From    the    names   mentioned  by   3ze-kung,    we   ought 
certainly  so  to  understand  the  designation  here. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  viz.       THE    WRITINGS    OF   £WANG-3ZE.  359 

the  world  not  in  the  same  way,  but  the  fame  that  has 
accrued  to  them  is  the  same.  How  is  it  that  you 
alone  consider  that  they  were  not  sages  ? '  '  Come 
forward  a  little,  my  son.  Why  do  you  say  that  (their 
government)  was  not  the  same  ? '  '  Yao/  was  the 
reply,  '  gave  the  kingdom  to  Shun,  and  Shun  gave 
it  to  Yii.  Yti  had  recourse  to  his  strength,  and 
Thang  to  the  force  of  arms.  King  Wan  was 
obedient  to  A'au  (-hsin),  and  did  not  dare  to  rebel ; 
king  Wu  rebelled  against  Aau,  and  would  not 
submit  to  him.  And  I  say  that  their  methods  were 
not  the  same.'  Lao  Tan  said,  '  Come  a  little  more 
forward,  my  son,  and  I  will  tell  you  how  the  Three 
Hwangs  and  the  Five  Tis1  ruled  the  world.  Hwang- 
Tl  ruled  it,  so  as  to  make  the  minds  of  the  people 
all  conformed  to  the  One  (simplicity).  If  the  parents 
of  one  of  them  died,  and  he  did  not  wail,  no  one 
blamed  him.  Yao  ruled  it  so  as  to  cause  the  hearts 
of  the  people  to  cherish  relative  affection.  If  any, 
however,  made  the  observances  on  the  death  of 
other  members  of  their  kindred  less  than  those  for 
their  parents,  no  one  blamed  them  2.  Shun  ruled  it, 
so  as  to  produce  a  feeling  of  rivalry  in  the  minds 
of  the  people.  Their  wives  gave  birth  to  their 
children  in  the  tenth  month  of  their  pregnancy,  but 
those  children  could  speak  at  five  months  ;  and 
before  they  were  three  years  old,  they  began  to  call 
people  by  their  surnames  and  names.  Then  it  was 
that  men  began  to  die  prematurely.  Yii  ruled  it, 
so  as  to  cause  the  minds  of  the  people  to  become 
changed.  Men's  minds  became  scheming,  and  they 

1  See  note  2,  preceding  page. 

2  Referring  to  some  abuses,  contrary  to  the  doctrine  of  rela- 
tionship. 


360  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XIV. 

used  their  weapons  as  if  they  might  legitimately  do 
so,  (saying  that  they  were)  killing  thieves  and  not 
killing  other  men.  The  people  formed  themselves 
into  different  combinations ; — so  it  was  throughout 
the  kingdom.  Everywhere  there  was  great  con- 
sternation, and  then  arose  the  Literati  and  (the 
followers  of)  Mo  (Ti).  From  them  came  first  the 
doctrine  of  the  relationships  (of  society) ;  and  what 
can  be  said  of  the  now  prevailing  customs  (in  the 
marrying  of)  wives  and  daughters  ?  I  tell  you 
that  the  rule  of  the  Three  Kings  and  Five  Tis  may 
be  called  by  that  name,  but  nothing  can  be  greater 
than  the  disorder  which  it  produced.  The  wisdom 
of  the  Three  Kings  was  opposed  to  the  brightness 
of  the  sun  and  moon  above,  contrary  to  the  exquisite 
purity  of  the  hills  and  streams  below,  and  subversive 
of  the  beneficent  gifts  of  the  four  seasons  between. 
Their  wisdom  has  been  more  fatal  than  the  sting  of 
a  scorpion  or  the  bite  of  a  dangerous  beast l.  Unable 
to  rest  in  the  true  attributes  of  their  nature  and  con- 
stitution, they  still  regarded  themselves  as  sages  : — 
was  it  not  a  thing  to  be  ashamed  of  ?  But  they  were 
shameless.'  3ze~kung  stood  quite  disconcerted  and 
ill  at  ease. 

8.  Confucius  said  to  Lao  Tan,  '  I  have  occupied 
myself  with  the  Shih,  the  Shu,  the  Li,  the  Yo,  the 
Yl,  and  the  A^un  Kti\\\,  those  six  Books,  for  what  I 
myself  consider  a  long  time 2,  and  am  thoroughly 


1  What  beast  is  meant  here  cannot  be  ascertained  from  the 
characters  in  the  text, — $3^  ^^  ^  Jj|^. 

2  But  with  the  preparation  of  the  Kh\m  Kh\h  Confucius's  life 
ended ; — it  is  very  plain  that  no  conversation  such  as  jSTwang- jze  has 
fabricated  here  could  ever  have  taken  place. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  VII.       THE    WRITINGS    OF    JTWANG-3ZE.  361 

acquainted  with  their  contents.  With  seventy-two 
rulers,  all  offenders  against  the  right,  I  have  dis- 
coursed about  the  ways  of  the  former  kings,  and  set 
forth  the  examples  of  (the  dukes  of)  A'au  and 
Shao  ;  and  not  one  of  them  has  adopted  (my  views) 
and  put  them  in  practice  : — how  very  difficult  it  is  to 
prevail  on  such  men,  and  to  make  clear  the  path  to 
be  pursued ! ' 

Lao-jze  replied,  '  It  is  fortunate  that  you  have 
not  met  with  a  ruler  fitted  to  rule  the  age.  Those 
six  writings  are  a  description  of  the  vestiges  left  by 
the  former  kings,  but  do  not  tell  how  they  made 
such  vestiges ;  and  what  you,  Sir,  speak  about  are 
still  only  the  vestiges.  But  vestiges  are  the  prints 
left  by  the  shoes ; — are  they  the  shoes  that  produced 
them  ?  A  pair  of  white  herons  look  at  each  other 
with  pupils  that  do  not  move,  and  impregnation  takes 
place  ;  the  male  insect  emits  its  buzzing  sound  in 
the  air  above,  and  the  female  responds  from  the  air 
below,  and  impregnation  takes  place  ;  the  creatures 
called  lei  are  both  male  and  female,  and  each 
individual  breeds  of  itself1.  The  nature  cannot 
be  altered ;  the  conferred  constitution  cannot  be 
changed ;  the  march  of  the  seasons  cannot  be 
arrested;  the  Tao  cannot  be  stopped.  If  you  get 
the  Tao,  there  is  no  effect  that  cannot  be  produced  ; 
if  you  miss  it,  there  is  no  effect  that  can.' 

Confucius  (after  this)  did  not  go  out,  till  at  the 
end  of  three  months  he  went  again  to  see  Lao  Tan, 
and  said,  '  I  have  got  it.  Ravens  produce  their 
young  by  hatching  ;  fishes  by  the  communication  of 
their  milt ;  the  small-waisted  wasp  by  transforma- 

\  Where  had  Lao-jze  or  his  author  learned  his  zoology  ? 


362  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XIV. 

tion 1 ;  when  a  younger  brother  comes,  the  elder 
weeps  2.  Long  is  it  that  I  have  not  played  my  part 
in  harmony  with  these  processes  of  transformation. 
But  as  I  did  not  play  my  part  in  harmony  with 
such  transformation,  how  could  I  transform  men  ? ' 
Lao-jze  said,  '  You  will  do.  K/im,  you  have  found 
the  Tao.' 


1  See  the  Shih  King,  II,  v,  Ode  II,  3,  about  the  sphex. 

2  Because,  as  we  say,  '  his  nose  is  put  out.'     But  the  sentiment, 
though  it  is  ascribed  to  Confucius,  is  rarely  according  to  the  fact  of 
the  case. 


PT.  II.  SECT. VIII.        THE   WRITINGS    OF    3TWANG-3ZE.          363 


BOOK  XV. 

PART  II.     SECTION  VIII. 

Kho  I,  or  '  Ingrained  Ideas1.' 

i.  Ingrained  ideas  and  a  high  estimate  of  their 
own  conduct ;  leaving  the  world,  and  pursuing  un- 
common ways ;  talking  loftily  and  in  resentful 
disparagement  of  others ; — all  this  is  simply 
symptomatic  of  arrogance.  This  is  what  scholars 
who  betake  themselves  to  the  hills  and  valleys,  who 
are  always  blaming  the  world,  and  who  stand  aloof 
like  withered  trees,  or  throw  themselves  into  deep 
pools2,  are  fond  of. 

Discoursing  of  benevolence,  righteousness,  loyalty, 
and  good  faith  ;  being  humble  and  frugal,  self-forget- 
ful and  courteous  ; — all  this  is  simply  symptomatic  of 
(self-)cultivation.  This  is  what  scholars  who  wish 
to  tranquillise  the  world,  teachers  and  instructors, 
men  who  pursue  their  studies  at  home  and  abroad, 
are  fond  of. 

Discoursing  of  their  great  merit  and  making  a 
great  name  for  themselves ;  insisting  on  the  cere- 
monies between  ruler  and  minister  ;  and  rectifying 
the  relations  between  high  and  low  ; — all  this  shows 
their  one  object  to  be  the  promotion  of  government. 
This  is  what  officers  of  the  court,  men  who  honour 
their  lord  and  would  strengthen  the  state  and  who 

1  See  pp.  146,  147. 

2  As  did  Shan-ttm  Ti.     See  in  Book  VI,  par.  3. 


364  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XV. 

would  do  their  utmost  to  incorporate  other  states 
with  their  own,  are  fond  of. 

Resorting  to  marshes  and  lakes  ;  dwelling  in 
solitary  places ;  occupying  themselves  with  angling 
and  living  at  ease ; — all  this  shows  their  one  object 
to  be  to  do  nothing.  This  is  what  gentlemen  of  the 
rivers  and  seas,  men  who  avoid  the  society  of  the 
world  and  desire  to  live  at  leisure,  are  fond  of. 

Blowing  and  breathing  with  open  mouth  ;  inhaling 
and  exhaling  the  breath  ;  expelling  the  old  breath 
and  taking  in  new ;  passing  their  time  like  the  (dor- 
mant) bear x,  and  stretching  and  twisting  (the  neck) 
like  a  bird  1 ; — all  this  simply  shows  the  desire  for 
longevity.  This  is  what  the  scholars  who  manipu- 
late their  breath,  and  the  men  who  nourish  the 
body  and  wish  to  live  as  long  as  Pang  3U>  are 
fond  of. 

As  to  those  who  have  a  lofty  character  without 
any  ingrained  ideas  ;  who  pursue  the  path  of  self- 
cultivation  without  benevolence  and  righteousness ; 
who  succeed  in  government  without  great  services  or 
fame  ;  who  enjoy  their  ease  without  resorting  to  the 
rivers  and  seas  ;  who  attain  to  longevity  without  the 
management  (of  the  breath) ;  who  forget  all  things 
and  yet  possess  all  things ;  whose  placidity  is  un- 
limited, while  all  things  to  be  valued  attend  them  : — 
such  men  pursue  the  way  of  heaven  and  earth,  and 
display  the  characteristics  of  the  sages.  Hence  it 
is  said  2,  '  Placidity,  indifference,  silence,  quietude, 

1  This  is  probably  the  meaning.     The  text  is  simply : — '  Bear- 
passing,  bird-stretching.' 

2  'It  is  said:' — where?   and  by  whom?     These  questions  we 
cannot  answer.     We  have  met  indeed  already  with  the  same  cha- 
racteristics of  the  Tao;   but  -fi'wang-jze  is  not  likely  to  be  quoting 


PT.  II.  SECT.  VIII.       THE    WRITINGS    OF    ZWANG-3ZE.          365 

absolute  vacancy,  and  non-action  : — these  are  the 
qualities  which  maintain  the  level  of  heaven  and 
earth  and  are  the  substance  of  the  Tao  and  its 
characteristics.' 

2.  In  accordance  with  this  it  is  said,  '  The  sage  is 
entirely  restful,  and  so  (his  mind)  is  evenly  balanced 
and  at  ease.  This  even  balance  and  ease  appears 
in  his  placidity  and  indifference.  In  this  state  of 
even  balance  and  ease,  of  placidity  and  indifference, 
anxieties  and  evils  do  not  find  access  to  him,  no 
depraving  influence  can  take  him  by  surprise  ; 
his  virtue  is  complete,  and  his  spirit  continues 
unimpaired.' 

Therefore  it  is  (also)  said, '  The  life  of  the  sage  is 
(like)  the  action  of  Heaven ;  and  his  death  is  the 
transformation  common  to  (all)  things.  In  his  still- 
ness his  virtue  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  Yin,  and 
in  movement  his  diffusiveness  is  like  that  of  the 
Yang.  He  does  not  take  the  initiative  in  produc- 
ing either  happiness  or  calamity.  He  responds  to 
the  influence  acting  on  him,  and  moves  as  he  feels 
the  pressure.  He  rises  to  act  only  when  he  is  obliged 
to  do  so.  He  discards  wisdom  and  the  memories 
of  the  past ;  he  follows  the  lines  of  his  Heaven 
(-given  nature) ;  and  therefore  he  suffers  no  calamity 
from  Heaven,  no  involvement  from  things,  no 
blame  from  men,  and  no  reproof  from  the  spirits  of 
the  dead  1.  His  life  seems  to  float  along ;  his  death 
seems  to  be  a  resting.  He  does  not  indulge  any 

himself.  On  the  '  It  is  said/  and  the  five  recurrences  of  the  phrase 
below,  Lu  Shu-^ih  says  that  Awang-^ze  is  quoting  from  sentences 
current  among  the  adherents  of  Taoism, — the  sentence-makers 
often  drawn  on  by  L^o-gze;  compare  the  Tao  Teh  King,  ch.  xli. 
1  See  Book  XIII,  par.  2. 


366  THE   TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xv. 

anxious  doubts ;  he  does  not  lay  plans  beforehand. 
His  light  is  without  display;  his  good  faith  is  with- 
out previous  arrangement.  His  sleep  is  untroubled 
by  dreams  ;  his  waking  is  followed  by  no  sorrows. 
His  spirit  is  guileless  and  pure;  his  soul  is  not  sub- 
ject to  weariness.  Vacant  and  without  self-assertion, 
placid  and  indifferent,  he  agrees  with  the  virtue  of 
Heaven.' 

Therefore  it  is  said  (further), '  Sadness  and  plea- 
sure show  a  depraving  element  in  the  virtue  (of  those 
who  feel  them) ;  joy  and  anger  show  some  error  in 
their  course  ;  love  and  hatred  show  a  failure  of  their 
virtue.  Hence  for  the  mind  to  be  free  from  sorrow 
and  pleasure  is  the  perfection  of  virtue ;  to  be  of 
one  mind  that  does  not  change  is  the  perfection  of 
quietude ;  to  be  conscious  of  no  opposition  is  the 
perfection  of  vacancy ;  to  have  no  intercourse  with 
(external)  things  is  the  perfection  of  indifference ; 
and  to  have  no  rebellious  dissatisfactions  is  the 
perfection  of  purity.' 

3.  Therefore  it  is  said  (still  further),  '  If  the  body 
be  toiled,  and  does  not  rest,  it  becomes  worn  out ; 
if  the  spirit  be  used  without  cessation,  it  becomes 
toiled  ;  and  when  toiled,  it  becomes  exhausted.  It 
is  the  nature  of  water,  when  free  from  admixture, 
to  be  clear,  and,  when  not  agitated,  to  be  level ; 
while  if  obstructed  and  not  allowed  to  flow,  it  cannot 
preserve  its  clearness ; — being  an  image  of  the 
virtue  of  Heaven.'  Hence  it  is  said  (once  again), 
'  To  be  guileless  and  pure,  and  free  from  all  admix- 
ture ;  to  be  still  and  uniform,  without  undergoing 
any  change  ;  to  be  indifferent  and  do  nothing  ;  to 
move  and  yet  to  act  like  Heaven : — this  is  the  way 
to  nourish  the  spirit.  Now  he  who  possesses  a 


PT.  II.  SECT.  viii.       THE   WRITINGS    OF   XWANG-3ZE.         367 

sword  made  at  Kan-yiieh  l  preserves  it  carefully  in 
a  box,  and  does  not  dare  to  use  it ; — it  is  considered 
the  perfection  of  valuable  swords.  But  the  human 
spirit 2  goes  forth  in  all  directions,  flowing  on  with- 
out limit,  reaching  to  heaven  above,  and  wreathing 
round  the  earth  beneath.  It  transforms  and 
nourishes  all  things,  and  cannot  be  represented  by 
any  form.  Its  name  is  "  the  Divinity  (in  man)3."  It 
is  only  the  path  of  pure  simplicity  which  guards  and 
preserves  the  Spirit.  When  this  path  is  preserved 
and  not  lost,  it  becomes  one  with  the  Spirit ;  and  in 
this  ethereal  amalgamation,  it  acts  in  harmony  with 
the  orderly  operation  of  Heaven.' 

There  is  the  vulgar  saying,  '  The  multitude  of 
men  consider  gain  to  be  the  most  important  thing  ; 
pure  scholars,  fame ;  those  who  are  wise  and  able 
value  their  ambition ;  the  sage  prizes  essential 
purity.'  Therefore  simplicity  is  the  denomination 
of  that  in  which  there  is  no  admixture  ;  purity  of 
that  in  which  the  spirit  is  not  impaired.  It  is  he 
who  can  embody  simplicity  and  purity  whom  we  call 
the  True  Man4. 

1  Both  of  the  seaboard  states  of  Wu  and  Yiieh  were  famous 
for  the   swords  produced  in  them.     Kan-yiieh  appears  to  have 

•been  the  name  of  a  valley  or  place  in  Wu,  famous  for  the 
weapons  made  in  it;  unless  indeed  we  should  read  -J*  ^|||, 
instead  of  -p  ^||,  and  take  -J*  ^j||  as  equivalent  to  ~j^  ^j|% 
which  is  found  in  the  3°  -Owan  as  the  name  of  Yiieh. 

2  Might  be  translated  '  the  subtle  spirit.' 

3  A  very  remarkable  use  of  Ti  (*fjf*)  f°r  the  human  spirit  in  the 
sense  of  God.     The  subject  of  the  clause,  let  the  reader  observe,  is 
that  spirit,  and  not  the  Tao.     See  pp.  146,  147,  where  I  have  said 
something  about  it. 

4  See  the  full  account  of  '  the  True  Man'  in  Book  VI. 


368  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xvi. 


BOOK   XVI. 
PART  II.     SECTION  IX. 

Shan  Hsing,  or  'Correcting  the  Nature1.' 

i.  Those  who  would  correct  their  nature  by 
means  of  the  vulgar  learning2,  seeking  to  restore 
it  to  its  original  condition,  and  those  who  would 
regulate  3  their  desires,  by  the  vulgar  ways  of  think- 
ing, seeking  thereby  to  carry  their  intelligence  to 
perfection,  must  be  pronounced  to  be  deluded  and 
ignorant  people.  The  ancients  who  regulated  the 
Tao  nourished  their  faculty  of  knowledge  by  their 
placidity,  and  all  through  life  abstained  from 
employing  that  faculty  in  action  ; — they  must  be 
pronounced  to  have  (thus  also)  nourished  their 
placidity  by  their  knowledge  4. 

When  the  faculty  of  knowledge  and  the  placidity 

1  See  pp.  147,  J48. 

2  '  Vulgar '  must  mean  '  common,'  and  '  the  vulgar  learning '  is 
the  teaching   popular  in  the  time  of  our  author,  and  which  he 
regarded  as  contrary  to  the  principles  of  Taoism,  of  which  he 
was  an  adherent.     The  Chinese  critics  say  that  'vulgar'  here  is 
used  as  the  opposite  of '  true/ 

3  ^«*  is  generally  explained  by  j^ ,  '  to  confuse/  but  I  cannot 
construe  the  sentence  with  that  meaning  of  the  term.     In  the 
Khang-hsl  dictionary  which  I  have  followed,  the   character  is 
denned  by  Vj^  with  special  reference  to  this  passage. 

4  This  sentence  is  the  clue  to  the  author's  aim  in  the  whole 
Book.     The  '  knowledge '  is  defined  by  ^    B^ ,  '  the  faculty  of 
perception  and  apprehension.' 


PT.  II.  SECT.  IX.      THE   WRITINGS    OF   JHVANG-3ZE.  369 

(thus)  blend  together,  and  they  nourish  each  other, 
then  from  the  nature  there  come  forth  harmony  and 
orderly  method.  The  attributes  (of  the  Tao)  con- 
stitute the  harmony;  the  Tao  (itself)  secures  the 
orderly  method.  When  the  attributes  appear  in  a 
universal  practice  of  forbearance,  we  have  Benevo- 
lence ;  when  the  path  is  all  marked  by  orderly 
method,  we  have  Righteousness ;  when  the  right- 
eousness is  clearly  manifested,  and  (all)  things  are 
regarded  with  affection,  we  have  Leal-heartedness ; 
when  the  (heart's)  core  is  thus  (pure)  and  real,  and 
carried  back  to  its  (proper)  qualities,  we  have  Music ; 
when  this  sincerity  appears  in  all  the  range  of  the 
capacity,  and  its  demonstrations  are  in  accordance 
with  what  is  elegant,  we  have  Ceremony.  If  Cere- 
monies and  Music  are  carried  out  in  an  imperfect 
and  one-sided  manner,  the  world  is  thrown  into  con- 
fusion. When  men  would  rectify  others,  and  their 
own  virtue  is  beclouded,  it  is  not  sufficient  to  ex- 
tend itself  to  them.  If  an  attempt  be  made  so  to 
extend  it,  they  also  will  lose  their  (proper)  nature. 

2.  The  men  of  old,  while  the  chaotic  condition 
was  yet  undeveloped l,  shared  the  placid  tranquillity 
which  belonged  to  the  whole  world.  At  that  time 
the  Yin  and  Yang  were  harmonious  and  still;  their 
resting  and  movement  proceeded  without  any  dis- 
turbance ;  the  four  seasons  had  their  definite  times  ; 
not  a  single  thing  received  any  injury,  and  no  living 
being  came  to  a  premature  end.  Men  might  be 


1  These  'men  of  old'  were  what  we  may  call  '  primeval  men ; ' — 
men  in  the  lowest  stage  of  development;  but  which  our  author 
considered  to  be  the  highest  or  paradisiacal  condition  of  their 
nature. 

[39]  B  b 


37O  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xvi. 

possessed  of  (the  faculty  of)  knowledge,  but  they 
had  no  occasion  for  its  use.  This  was  what  is  called 
the  state  of  Perfect  Unity.  At  this  time,  there  was 
no  action  on  the  part  of  any  one,  but  a  constant 
manifestation  of  spontaneity. 

This  condition  (of  excellence)  deteriorated  and 
decayed,  till  Sui-^an  and  Fu-hsi  arose  and  com- 
menced their  administration  of  the  world l ;  on 
which  came  a  compliance  (with  their  methods),  but 
the  state  of  unity  was  lost.  The  condition  going  on 
to  deteriorate  and  decay,  Shan  Nang  and  Hwang-Ti 
arose,  and  took  the  administration  of  the  world,  on 
which  (the  people)  rested  (in  their  methods),  but 
did  not  themselves  comply  with  them.  Still  the 
deterioration  and  decay  continued  till  the  lords 
of  Thang  and  Yti 2  began  to  administer  the  world. 
These  introduced  the  method  of  governing  by  trans- 
formation, resorting  to  the  stream  (instead  of  to  the 
spring) 3,  thus  vitiating  the  purity  and  destroying 
the  simplicity  (of  the  nature).  They  left  the  Tao, 
and  substituted  the  Good  for  it,  and  pursued  the 
course  of  Haphazard  Virtue.  After  this  they  for- 
sook their  nature  and  followed  (the  promptings  of) 
their  minds.  One  mind  and  another  associated 
their  knowledge,  but  were  unable  to  give  rest  to  the 
world.  Then  they  added  to  this  knowledge  (ex- 

1  ./Twang- jze  gives  no  hint  of  how  long   he   considered   this 
highest  condition  to  have  lasted.     Sui-2an,  '  the  man  of  the  Burning 
Speculum,'  'the  Fire-producer,'  whom  Williams  calls  'the    Pro- 
metheus of  China,'  appears  before  Fu-hst,  as  the  first  in  the  line  of 
the  Rulers  of  the  world,  who  broke  up  the  Primal  Unity. 

2  These  were  Yao  and  Shun,  named  from  the  principalities  over 
which  their  fathers  ruled. 

3  '  The  streams '  were  the  methods  of  culture  that  arose  after  the 
simple  virtues  and  spontaneity  of  the  Tao  were  lost. 


PT.  ii.  SECT.  IX.       THE   WRITINGS    OF   £WANG-3ZE.  371 

ternal  and)  elegant  forms,  and  went  on  to  make 
these  more  and  more  numerous.  The  forms  ex- 
tinguished the  (primal)  simplicity,  till  the  mind  was 
drowned  by  their  multiplicity.  After  this  the  people 
began  to  be  perplexed  and  disordered,  and  had  no 
way  by  which  they  might  return  to  their  true  nature, 
and  bring  back  their  original  condition. 

3.  Looking  at  the  subject  from  this  point  of  view, 
we  see  how  the  world  lost 1  the  (proper)  course,  and 
how  the  course  (which  it  took)  only  led  it  further 
astray1.  The  world  and  the  Way,  when  they  came 
together,  being  (thus)  lost  to  each  other,  how 
could  the  men  of  the  Way  make  themselves  con- 
spicuous in  the  world  ?  and  how  could  the  world 
rise  to  an  appreciation  of  the  Way  ?  Since  the  Way 
had  no  means  to  make  itself  conspicuous  in  the 
world,  and  the  world  had  no  means  of  rising  to  an 
appreciation  of  the  Way,  though  sagely  men  might 
not  keep  among  the  hills  and  forests,  their  virtue 
was  hidden ; — hidden,  but  not  because  they  them- 
selves sought  to  hide  it. 

Those  whom  the  ancients  called  '  Retired  Scholars' 
did  not  conceal  their  persons,  and  not  allow  them- 
selves to  be  seen  ;  they  did  not  shut  up  their  words, 
and  refuse  to  give  utterance  to  them ;  they  did  not 
hide  away  their  knowledge,  and  refuse  to  bring  it 
forth.  The  conditions  laid  on  them  by  the  times 
were  very  much  awry.  If  the  conditions  of  the 
times  had  allowed  them  to  act  in  the  world  on  a 
great  scale,  they  would  have  brought  back  the  state 
of  unity  without  any  trace  being  perceived  (of  how 

1  It  is  the  same  character  in  the  text  which  I  have  been  obliged 
to  translate  thus  differently, —  ^^. 

B  b  2 


372  THE    TEXTS   OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xvi. 

they  did  so).  When  those  conditions  shut  them  up 
entirely  from  such  action,  they  struck  their  roots 
deeper  (in  themselves),  were  perfectly  still  and 
waited.  It  was  thus  that  they  preserved  (the  Way 
in)  their  own  persons. 

4.  The  ancients  who  preserved  (the  Way  in)  their 
own  persons  did  not  try  by  sophistical  reasonings 
to  gloss  over  their  knowledge ;  they  did  not  seek  to 
embrace  (everything  in)  the  world  in  their  know- 
ledge, nor  to  comprehend  all  the  virtues  in  it. 
Solitary  and  trembling  they  remained  where  they 
were,  and  sought  the  restoration  of  their  nature. 
What  had  they  to  do  with  any  further  action  ?  The 
Way  indeed  is  not  to  be  pursued,  nor  (all)  its  charac- 
teristics to  be  known  on  a  small  scale.  A  little 
knowledge  is  injurious  to  those  characteristics  ;  small 
doings  are  injurious  to  the  Way ; — hence  it  is  said, 
'  They  simply  rectified  themselves.'  Complete  enjoy- 
ment is  what  is  meant. by  'the  Attainment  of  the 
Aim.' 

What  was  anciently  called  '  the  Attainment  of  the 
Aim '  did  not  mean  the  getting  of  carriages  and 
coronets l ;  it  simply  meant  that  nothing  more  was 
needed  for  their  enjoyment.  Now-a-days  what  is 
called  'the  Attainment  of  the  Aim '  means  the  getting 
of  carriages  and  coronets.  But  carriages  and  coronets 
belong  to  the  body ;  they  do  not  affect  the  nature 
as  it  is  constituted.  When  such  things  happen  to 
come,  it  is  but  for  a  time ;  being  but  for  a  time, 
their  coming  cannot  be  obstructed  and  their  going 
cannot  be  stopped 2.  Therefore  we  should  not 

1  That  is,  worldly  distinction. 

2  Because  they  depend  on  others.     Compare   Mencius  VI,  i, 
ch.  17,  2. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  IX.       THE    WRITINGS    OF   #WANG-3ZE.  373 

because  of  carriages  and  coronets  indulge  our  aims, 
nor  because  of  distress  and  straitness  resort  to  the 
vulgar  (learning  and  thinking) ;  the  one  of  these 
conditions  and  the  other  may  equally  conduce  to 
our  enjoyment,  which  is  simply  to  be  free  from 
anxiety.  If  now  the  departure  of  what  is  transient 
takes  away  one's  enjoyment,  this  view  shows  that 
what  enjoyment  it  had  given  was  worthless.  Hence 
it  is  said,  '  They  who  lose  themselves  in  their  pursuit 
of  things,  and  lose  their  nature  in  their  study  of 
what  is  vulgar,  must  be  pronounced  people  who  turn 
things  upside  down.' 


374  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xvir. 


BOOK  XVII. 
PART  II.     SECTION  X. 
Shui,  or  '  The  Floods  of  Autumn V 

i .  The  time  of  the  autumnal  floods  was  come,  and 
the  hundred  streams  were  all  discharging  themselves 
into  the  Ho.  Its  current  was  greatly  swollen2,  so 
that  across  its  channel  from  bank  to  bank  one  could 
not  distinguish  an  ox  from  a  horse.  On  this  the 
(Spirit-)  earl  of  the  Ho 3  laughed  with  delight,  think- 
ing that  all  the  beauty  of  the  world  was  to  be  found 
in  his  charge.  Along  the  course  of  the  river  he 
walked  east  till  he  came  to  the  North  Sea,  over 
which  he  looked,  with  his  face  to  the  east,  without 
being  able  to  see  where  its  waters  began.  Then  he 
began  to  turn  his  face  round,  looked  across  the  ex- 
panse, (as  if  he  were)  confronting  Zo  3,  and  said  with 
a  sigh,  '  What  the  vulgar  saying  expresses  about 
him  who  has  learned  a  hundred  points  (of  the  Tao), 
and  thinks  that  there  is  no  one  equal  to  himself,  was 
surely  spoken  of  me.  And  moreover,  I  have  heard 

1  See  pp.  148,  149. 

jfffi  here  perhaps  means  '  turbid.'     It  has  nothing  to  do  with 
the  river  -A^ing. 

8  See  Mayers's  Manual,  p.  54.  Our  author  adopts  the  common 
beliefs  or  superstitions  of  his  time,  and  after  his  fashion  puts  his 
own  reasonings  into  the  mouths  of  these  mythological  personages. 
It  is  more  difficult  to  collect  the  legends  about  Zo  of  the  sea,  or 
of  the  Northern  Sea.  See  the  Khang-hsi  Thesaurus  under 


PT.  ii.  SECT.X.         THE   WRITINGS    OF   JTWANG-3ZE.  375 

parties  making  little  of  the  knowledge  of  A"ung-ni 
and  the  righteousness  of  Po-1,  and  at  first  I  did  not 
believe  them.  Now  I  behold  the  all-but-boundless 
extent  (of  your  realms).  If  I  had  not  come  to  your 
gate,  I  should  have  been  in  danger  (of  continuing 
in  my  ignorance),  and  been  laughed  at  for  long  in 
the  schools  of  our  great  System  V 

Zo,  (the  Spirit-lord)  of  the  Northern  Sea,  said, 
'A  frog  in  a  well  cannot  be  talked  with  about  the 
sea ; — he  is  confined  to  the  limits  of  his  hole.  An 
insect  of  the  summer  cannot  be  talked  with  about 
ice ; — it  knows  nothing  beyond  its  own  season.  A 
scholar  of  limited  views  cannot  be  talked  with  about 
the  Tao; — he  is  bound  by  the  teaching  (which  he 
has  received).  Now  you  have  come  forth  from  be- 
tween your  banks,  and  beheld  the  great  sea.  You 
have  come  to  know  your  own  ignorance  and  infe- 
riority, and  are  in  the  way  of  being  fitted  to  be 
talked  with  about  great  principles.  Of  all  the  waters 
under  heaven  there  are  none  so  great  as  the  sea. 
A  myriad  streams  flow  into  it  without  ceasing,  and 
yet  it  is  not  filled ;  and  afterwards 2  it  discharges 
them  (also)  without  ceasing,  and  yet  it  is  not  emptied. 
In  spring  and  in  autumn  it  undergoes  no  change  ;  it 
takes  no  notice  of  floods  or  of  drought.  Its  supe- 
riority over  such  streams  even  as  the  A'iang  and  the 


1  Thus  the  Confucian  learning  and  its  worthies  were  to  the 
system  of  the  Tao  only  as  the  waters  of  the  Ho  to  the  great  sea. 

2  I   have   translated   here   as   if  the    reading    were   jjg   ^j, 
which  is  given  by  Lin  Hsi-^ung.     The  correct  reading,  however, 
so  far  as  depends  on  editions  arid  dictionaries,  is  ^  ^  ;  which  is 
explained  in  the  Khang-hsi  dictionary  as  '  a  great   Rock  in  Fu- 
sang  on  the  East,'  against  which  the  water  of  the  sea  collects,  and 
is  all  evaporated  I 


376  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XVII. 

Ho  cannot  be  told  by  measures  or  numbers ;  and 
that  I  have  never,  notwithstanding  this,  made  much 
of  myself,  is  because  I  compare  my  own  bodily  form 
with  (the  greatness  of)  heaven  and  earth,  and  (re- 
member that)  I  have  received  my  breath  from  the 
Yin  and  Yang.  Between  heaven  and  earth  I  am 
but  as  a  small  stone  or  a  small  tree  on  a  great  hill. 
So  long  as  I  see  myself  to  be  thus  small,  how  should 
I  make  much  of  myself  ?  I  estimate  all  within  the 
four  seas,  compared  with  the  space  between  heaven 
and  earth,  to  be  not  so  large  as  that  occupied  by 
a  pile  of  stones  in  a,  large  marsh !  I  estimate  our 
Middle  States,  compared  with  the  space  between  the 
four  seas,  to  be  smaller  than  a  single  little  grain  of 
rice  in  a  great  granary !  When  we  would  set  forth 
the  number  of  things  (in  existence),  we  speak  of  them 
as  myriads ;  and  man  is  only  one  of  them.  Men 
occupy  all  the  nine  provinces ;  but  of  all  whose  life 
is  maintained  by  grain -food,  wherever  boats  and 
carriages  reach,  men  form  only  one  portion.  Thus, 
compared  with  the  myriads  of  things,  they  are  not 
equal  to  a  single  fine  hair  on  the  body  of  a  horse. 
Within  this  range  are  comprehended  all  (the  terri- 
tories) which  the  five  Tis  received  in  succession 
from  one  another;  all  which  the  royal  founders  of 
the  three  dynasties  contended  for ;  all  which  excited 
the  anxiety  of  Benevolent  men ;  and  all  which  men 
in  office  have  toiled  for.  Po-i  was  accounted  famous 
for  declining  (to  share  in  its  government),  and  A'ung- 
ni  was  accounted  great  because  of  the  lessons  which 
he  addressed  to  it.  They  acted  as  they  did,  making 
much  of  themselves ; — therein  like  you  who  a  little 
time  ago  did  so  of  yourself  because  of  your  (volume 
of)  water ! ' 


PT.  II.  SECT.  x.        THE   WRITINGS   OF   J5TWANG-3ZE.  377 

2.  The  earl  of  the  Ho  said,  '  Well  then,  may  I 
consider  heaven  and  earth  as  (the  ideal  of)  what  is 
great,  and  the  point  of  a  hair  as  that  of  what  is 
small  ? '  ZQ  of  the  Northern  Sea  replied, '  No.  The 
(different)  capacities  of  things  are  illimitable ;  time 
never  stops,  (but  is  always  moving  on) ;  man's  lot  is 
ever  changing  ;  the  end  and  the  beginning  of  things 
never  occur  (twice)  in  the  same  way.  Therefore 
men  of  great  wisdom,  looking  at  things  far  off  or 
near  at  hand,  do  not  think  them  insignificant  for 
being  small,  nor  much  of  them  for  being  great : — 
knowing  how  capacities  differ  illimitably.  They  ap- 
peal with  intelligence  to  things  of  ancient  and  recent 
occurrence,  without  being  troubled  by  the  remote- 
ness of  the  former,  or  standing  on  tiptoe  to  lay  hold 
of  the  latter  : — knowing  that  time  never  stops  in  its 
course.  They  examine  with  discrimination  (cases  of) 
fulness  and  of  want,  not  overjoyed  by  success,  nor 
disheartened  by  failure  : — knowing  the  inconstancy 
of  man's  lot.  They  know  the  plain  and  quiet  path 
(in  which  things  proceed),  therefore  they  are  not 
overjoyed  to  live,  nor  count  it  a  calamity  to  die : — 
the  end  and  the  beginning  of  things  never  occurring 
(twice)  in  the  same  way. 

'  We  must  reckon  that  what  men  know  is  not  so 
much  as  what  they  do  not  know,  and  that  the  time 
since  they  were  born  is  not  so  long  as  that  which 
elapsed  before  they  were  born.  When  they  take 
that  which  is  most  small  and  try  to  fill  with  it  the 
dimensions  of  what  is  most  great,  this  leads  to  error 
and  confusion,  and  they  cannot  attain  their  end. 
Looking  at  the  subject  in  this  way,  how  can  you 
know  that  the  point  of  a  hair  is  sufficient  to  deter- 
mine the  minuteness  of  what  is  most  small,  or  that 


THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xvil. 

heaven   and   earth  are    sufficient  to    complete  the 
dimensions  of  what  is  most  large  ?  ' 

3.  The  earl  of  the  Ho  said,  '  The  disputers  of  the 
world  all  say,  "  That  which  is  most  minute  has  no 
bodily  form  ;  and  that  which  is  most  great  cannot  be 
encompassed  ;" — is  this  really  the  truth  ?'  Zo  of  the 
Northern  Sea  replied,  '  When  from  the  standpoint 
of  what  is  small  we  look  at  what  is  great,  we  do  not 
take  it  all  in ;  when  from  the  standpoint  of  what  is 
great  we  look  at  what  is  small,  we  do  not  see  it 
clearly.  Now  the  subtile  essence  is  smallness  in  its 
extreme  degree ;  and  the  vast  mass  is  greatness  in 
its  largest  form.  Different  as  they  are,  each  has  its 
suitability, — according  to  their  several  conditions. 
But  the  subtile  and  the  gross  both  presuppose  that 
they  have  a  bodily  form.  Where  there  is  no  bodily 
form,  there  is  no  longer  a  possibility  of  numerical 
division ;  where  it  is  not  possible  to  encompass  a 
mass,  there  is  no  longer  a  possibility  of  numerical 
estimate.  What  can  be  discoursed  about  in  words 
is  the  grossness  of  things ;  what  can  be  reached  in 
idea  is  the  subtilty  of  things.  What  cannot  be  dis- 
coursed about  in  words,  and  what  cannot  be  reached 
by  nice  discrimination  of  thought,  has  nothing  to 
do  either  with  subtilty  or  grossness. 

'  Therefore  while  the  actions  of  the  Great  Man 
are  not  directed  to  injure  men,  he  does  not  plume 
himself  on  his  benevolence  and  kindness  ;  while  his 
movements  are  not  made  with  a  view  to  gain,  he 
does  not  consider  the  menials  of  a  family  as  mean  ; 
while  he  does  not  strive  after  property  and  wealth, 
he  does  not  plume  himself  on  declining  them ;  while 
he  does  not  borrow  the  help  of  others  to  accomplish 
his  affairs,  he  does  not  plume  himself  on  supporting 


PT.  II.  SECT.  x.        THE   WRITINGS    OF   ZWANG-3ZE.  379 

himself  by  his  own  strength,  nor  does  he  despise 
those  who  in  their  greed  do  what  is  mean;  while 
he  differs  in  his  conduct  from  the  vulgar,  he  does 
not  plume  himself  on  being  so  different  from  them  ; 
while  it  is  his  desire  to  follow  the  multitude,  he  does 
not  despise  the  glib-tongued  flatterers.  The  rank 
and  emoluments  of  the  world  furnish  no  stimulus  to 
him,  nor  does  he  reckon  its  punishments  and  shame 
to  be  a  disgrace.  He  knows  that  the  right  and  the 
wrong  can  (often)  not  be  distinguished,  and  that 
what  is  small  and  what  is  great  can  (often)  not  be 
defined.  I  have  heard  it  said,  "The  Man  of  Tao 
does  not  become  distinguished ;  the  greatest  virtue 
is  unsuccessful ;  the  Great  Man  has  no  thought 
of  self;" — to  so  great  a  degree  may  the  lot  be 
restricted/ 

4.  The  earl  of  the  Ho  said, '  Whether  the  subject 
be  what  is  external  in  things,  or  what  is  internal, 
how  do  we  come  to  make  a  distinction  between  them 
as  noble  and  mean,  and  as  great  or  small  ? '  Zo  of 
the  Northern  Sea  replied,  '  When  we  look  at  them 
in  the  light  of  the  Tao,  they  are  neither  noble 
nor  mean.  Looking  at  them  in  themselves,  each 
thinks  itself  noble,  and  despises  others.  Looking 
at  them  in  the  light  of  common  opinion,  their  being 
noble  or  mean  does  not  depend  on  themselves. 
Looking  at  them  in  their  differences  from  one 
another,  if  we  call  those  great  which  are  greater 
than  others,  there  is  nothing  that  is  not  great,  and 
in  the  same  way  there  is  nothing  that  is  not  small. 
We  shall  (thus)  know  that  heaven  and  earth  is  but 
(as)  a  grain  of  the  smallest  rice,  and  that  the  point 
of  a  hair  is  (as)  a  mound  or  a  mountain ; — such  is 
the  view  given  of  them  by  their  relative  size.  Look- 


380  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XVII. 

ing  at  them  from  the  services  they  render,  allowing 
to  everything  the  service  which  it  does,  there  is  not 
one  which  is  not  serviceable ;  and,  extending  the 
consideration  to  what  it  does  not  do,  there  is  not 
one  which  is  not  unserviceable.  We  know  (for  in- 
stance) that  East  and  West  are  opposed  to  each 
other,  and  yet  that  the  one  cannot  be  without 
(suggesting  the  idea  of)  the  other ; — (thus)  their 
share  of  mutual  service  is  determined.  Looking  at 
them  with  respect  to  their  tendencies,  if  we  approve 
of  what  they  approve,  then  there  is  no  one  who  may 
not  be  approved  of ;  and,  if  we  condemn  what  they 
condemn,  there  is  no  one  who  may  not  be  con- 
demned. There  are  the  cases  of  Yao  and  ATieh, 
each  of  whom  approved  of  his  own  course,  and 
condemned  the  other; — such  is  the  view  arising 
from  the  consideration  of  tendency  and  aim. 

'  Formerly  Yao  and  Shun  resigned  (their  thrones), 
and  yet  each  continued  to  be  Tt ;  .ATih-khwai  *  re- 
signed (his  marquisate)  which  led  to  his  ruin.  Thang 
and  Wu  contended  (for  the  sovereignty),  and  each 
became  king ;  the  duke  of  Pai 2  contended  (for 
Khu\  which  led  to  his  extinction.  Looking  at  the 
subject  from  these  examples  of  striving  by  force  and 
of  resigning,  and  from  the  conduct  of  Yao  (on  the 
one  hand)  and  of  A^ieh  (on  the  other),  we  see  that 
there  is  a  time  for  noble  acting,  and  a  time  for 

1  See  Mencius  II,  ii,  ch.  8,  and  I,  ii,  chaps.  10,  n,  with  the 
notes.     ^  is  probably  a  mistake  for  -3-. 

2  See  the  last  narrative  but  one  in  the  3°  -^wan,  under  the 
sixteenth  year  of  duke  Ai  of  Lu, — the  year  in  which  Confucius  died. 
'  The  duke  of  Pai '  was  merely  the  chief  of  a  district  of  Khu. ;  but 
rebelling  against  the  Ruler  of  the  State,  he  was   defeated,  and 
strangled  himself. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  X.        THE   WRITINGS    OF  JHVANG-3ZE.  381 

mean; — these  characteristics  are  subject  to  no  re- 
gular rule. 

5.  'A  battering  ram  may  be  used  against  the  wall 
of  a  city,  but  it  cannot  be  employed  to  stop  up  a 
hole ; — the  uses  of  implements  are  different.  The 
(horses)  A^ih-^1  and  Hwa-liu l  could  in  one  day 
gallop  1000  li,  but  for  catching  rats  they  were  not 
equal  to  a  wild  dog  or  a  weasel ; — the  gifts  of 
creatures  are  different.  The  white  horned  owl  col- 
lects its  fleas  in  the  night-time,  and  can  discern  the 
point  of  a  hair,  but  in  bright  day  it  stares  with  its 
eyes  and  cannot  see  a  mound  or  a  hill ; — the  natures 
of  creatures  are  different. 

'  Hence  the  sayings,  "  Shall  we  not  follow  and 
honour  the  right,  and  have  nothing  to  do  with  the 
wrong  ?  shall  we  not  follow  and  honour  those  who 
secure  good  government,  and  have  nothing  to  do 
with  those  who  produce  disorder  ? "  show  a  want  of 
acquaintance  with  the  principles  of  Heaven  and 
Earth,  and  with  the  different  qualities  of  things. 
It  is  like  following  and  honouring  Heaven  and 
taking  no  account  of  Earth  ;  it  is  like  following  and 
honouring  the  Yin  and  taking  no  account  of  the 
Yang.  It  is  clear  that  such  a  course  cannot  be 
pursued.  Yet  notwithstanding  they  go  on  talking 
so  : — if  they  are  not  stupid,  they  are  visionaries. 
The  Tl  sovereigns  resigned  their  thrones  to  others 
in  one  way,  and  the  rulers  of  the  three  dynasties 
transmitted  their  thrones  to  their  successors  in 
another.  He  who  acts  differently  from  the  require- 
ments of  his  time  and  contrary  to  its  custom  is 
called  an  usurper;  he  who  complies  with  the  time 

1  Two  of  king  Mu's  team  of  eight  famous  steeds. 


382  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XVir. 

and  follows  the  common  practice  is  said  to  be  right- 
eous. Hold  your  peace,  O  earl  of  the  Ho.  How 
should  you  know  what  constitutes  being  noble  and 
being  mean,  or  who  are  the  small  and  who  the  great  ? ' 

6.  The  earl  of  the  Ho  said,  'Very  well.  But 
what  am  I  to  do  ?  and  what  am  I  not  to  do  ?  How 
am  I  to  be  guided  after  all  in  regard  to  what  I 
accept  or  reject,  and  what  I  pursue  or  put  away 
from  me  ? '  Zo  of  the  Northern  Sea  replied, '  From 
rthe  standpoint  of  the  Tao,  what  is  noble  ?  and  what 
is  mean  ?  These  expressions  are  but  the  different 
extremes  of  the  average  level.  Do  not  keep  per- 
tinaciously to  your  own  ideas,  which  put  you  in 
such  opposition  to  the  Tao.  What  are  few  ?  and 
what  are  many  ?  These  are  denominations  which 
we  employ  in  thanking  (donors)  and  dispensing 
gifts.  Do  not  study  to  be  uniform  in  doing  so; — 
it  only  shows  how  different  you  are  from  the  Tao. 
Be  severe  and  strict,  like  the  ruler  of  a  state  who 
does  not  selfishly  bestow  his  favours.  Be  scrupu- 
lous, yet  gentle,  like  the  tutelary  spirit  of  the  land, 
when  sacrifice  is  offered  to  him  who  does  not 
bestow  his  blessing  selfishly.  Be  large-minded 
like  space,  whose  four  terminating  points  are  illimit- 
able, and  form  no  particular  enclosures.  Hold  all 
things  in  your  love,  favouring  and  supporting  none 
specially.  This  is  called  being  without  any  local 
or  partial  regard ;  all  things  are  equally  regarded ; 
there  is  no  long  or  short  among  them. 

'  There  is  no  end  or  beginning  to  the  Tao.  Things 
indeed  die  and  are  born,  not  reaching  a  perfect  state 
which  can  be  relied  on.  Now  there  is  emptiness, 
and  now  fulness ; — they  do  not  continue  in  one 
form.  The  years  cannot  be  reproduced ;  time 


PT.  II.  SECT.  X.         THE    WRITINGS    OF    .STWANG-SZE.  383 

cannot  be  arrested.  Decay  and  growth,  fulness 
and  emptiness,  when  they  end,  begin  again.  It  is 
thus  that  we  describe  the  method  of  great  righteous- 
ness, and  discourse  about  the  principle  pervading 
all  things.  The  life  of  things  is  like  the  hurrying 
and  galloping  along  of  a  horse.  With  every  move- 
ment there  is  a  change ;  with  every  moment  there 
is  an  alteration.  What  should  you  be  doing  ?  what 
should  you  not  be  doing  ?  You  have  only  to  be 
allowing  this  course  of  natural  transformation  to 
be  going  on.' 

7.  The  earl  of  the  Ho  said,  'What  then  is  there 
so  valuable  in  the  Tao  ? '  Z®  of  the  Northern  Sea 
replied,  '  He  who  knows  the  Tao  is  sure  to  be  well 
acquainted  with  the  principles  (that  appear  in  the 
procedures  of  things).  Acquainted  with  (those) 
principles,  he  is  sure  to  understand  how  to  regulate 
his  conduct  in  all  varying  circumstances.  Having 
that  understanding,  he  will  not  allow  things  to 
injure  himself.  Fire  cannot  burn  him  who  is  (so) 
perfect  in  virtue,  nor  water  drown  him ;  neither  cold 
nor  heat  can  affect  him  injuriously ;  neither  bird  nor 
beast  can  hurt  him.  This  does  not  mean  that  he  is 
indifferent  to  these  things ;  it  means  that  he  dis- 
criminates between  where  he  may  safely  rest  and 
where  he  will  be  in  peril ;  that  he  is  tranquil  equally 
in  calamity  and  happiness ;  that  he  is  careful  what 
he  avoids  and  what  he  approaches  ; — so  that  nothing 
can  injure  him.  Hence  it  is  said,  "What  is  heavenly 
is  internal ;  what  is  human  is  external."  The  virtue 
(of  man)  is  in  what  is  Heavenly.  If  you  know  the 
operation  of  what  is  Heavenly  and  what  is  Human, 
you  will  have  your  root  in  what  is  Heavenly  and 
your  position  in  Virtue.  You  will  bend  or  stretch 


384  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XVIT. 

(only)  after  the  (necessary)  hesitation  ;  you  will  have 
returned  to  the  essential,  and  may  be  pronounced 
to  have  reached  perfection.' 

'  What  do  you  mean,'  pursued  the  earl,  '  by  the 
Heavenly,  and  by  the  Human  ?  '  Zo  replied,  'Oxen 
and  horses  have  four  feet; — that  is  what  I  call  their 
Heavenly  (constitution).  When  horses'  heads  are 
haltered,  and  the  noses  of  oxen  are  pierced,  that 
is  what  I  call  (the  doing  of)  Man.  Hence  it  is 
said,  "  Do  not  by  the  Human  (doing)  extinguish  the 
Heavenly  (constitution) ;  do  not  for  your  (Human) 
purpose  extinguish  the  appointment  (of  Heaven) ; 
do  not  bury  your  (proper)  fame  in  (such)  a  pursuit 
of  it ;  carefully  guard  (the  Way)  and  do  not  lose 
it : — this  is  what  I  call  reverting  to  your  True 
(Nature)." ' 

8.  The  khwei 1  desires  to  be  like 2  the  millipede1  ; 
the  millipede  to  be  like  the  serpent ;  the  serpent 
like  the  wind  ;  the  wind  to  be  like  the  eye  ;  and  the 
eye  to  be  like  the  mind 3. 

The  khwei  said  to  the  millipede,  'With  my  one 
leg  I  hop  about,  and  can  hardly  manage  to  go 
along.  Now  you  have  a  myriad  feet  which  you  can 
employ ;  how  is  it  that  you  are  so  abundantly  fur- 
nished ? '  The  millipede  said,  *  It  is  not  so.  Have 
you  not  seen  one  ejecting  saliva  ?  The  largest 
portion  of  it  is  like  a  pearl,  while  the  smaller 
portions  fall  down  like  a  shower  of  mist  in  innumer- 

1  The  khwei  is  'a  sort  of  dragon  (it  may  be,  a  worm)  with 
one  foot.'     The  hsien  has  many  feet;  one  account  calls  it  'a 
centipede.' 

2  Such  is  the  meaning  of  the  lin  or  lien.     The  best  commenta- 
tors explain  it  by  hsien  (^),  '  to  covet  and  desire.' 

3  Compare  Book  I,  par.  3,  towards  the  end. 


PT.  ii.  SECT.  x.        THE   WRITINGS    OF   JTWANG-3ZE.  385 

able  drops.      Now  I  put  in  motion  the  springs  set 
in  me  by  Heaven,  without  knowing  how  I  do  so.' 

The  millipede  said  to  the  serpent,  '  I  go  along 
by  means  of  my  multitude  of  feet ;  and  yet  how 
is  it  that  I  do  not  go  so  fast  as  you  who  have  no 
feet  at  all  ? '  The  serpent  replied,  '  How  can  the 
method  of  moving  by  the  springs  set  in  us  by 
Heaven  be  changed  ?  How  could  I  make  use  of 
feet?' 

The  serpent  said  to  the  wind,  '  I  get  along  by 
moving  my  backbone  and  ribs,  thus  appearing  to 
have  some  (bodily)  means  of  progression.  But  now 
you,  Sir,  rise  with  a  blustering  force  in  the  North 
Sea,  and  go  on  in  the  same  way  to  the  South  Sea ; 
— seemingly  without  any  such  means.  How  does  it 
take  place  ? '  The  wind  said,  '  Yes.  With  such  a 
blustering  force  I  rise  in  the  North  Sea  and  go 
on  to  the  South  Sea.  But  you  can  point  to  me, 
and  therein  are  superior  to  me,  as  you  are  also  in 
treading  on  me.  Yet  notwithstanding,  it  is  only  I 
who  can  break  great  trees,  and  blow  down  great 
houses.  Therefore  he  whom  all  that  are  small 
cannot  overcome  is  a  great  overcomer.  But  it  is 
only  he  who  is  the  sagely  man *  that  is  the  Great 
Conqueror  (of  all).' 

9.  When  Confucius  was  travelling  in  Khwang2, 

1  The  sagely  man  is  '  the  True  man,'  who  embodies  the  Tio. 
The  Tao  has  given  to  the  khwei,  the  millipede,  the  serpent,  and  it 
may  be  said  also  to  the  wind,  their  means  of  progression  and  action. 
Nothing  is  said  of  the  eye  and  the  mind  ; — it  was  not  necessary  to 
dwell  on  the  Tao  in  them. 

2  See  Confucian  Analects,    IX,  v  and  XI,  xxii.     Our  author's 
account  of  this  event  is  his  own,  constructed  by  him  to  convey  his 
own  TSoistic  lessons. 

[39]  C  C 


386  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  xvn. 

some  people  of  Sung  (once)  surrounded  him  (with 
a  hostile  intention)  several  ranks  deep ;  but  he  kept 
singing  to  his  lute  without  stopping.  3ze"l^  came 
in,  and  saw  him,  and  said,  '  How  is  it,  Master,  that 
you  are  so  pleased  ? '  Confucius  said,  '  Come  here, 
and  I  will  tell  you.  I  have  tried  to  avoid  being 
reduced  to  such  a  strait  for  a  long  time ;  and  that 
I  have  not  escaped  shows  that  it  was  so  appointed 
forme.  I  have  sought  to  find- a  ruler  that  would 
employ  me  for  a  long  time,  and  that  I  have  not 
found  one,  shows  the  character  of  the  time.  Under 
Yao  and  Shun  there  was  no  one  in  the  kingdom 
reduced  to  straits  like  mine ;  and  it  was  not  by  their 
sagacity  that  men  succeeded  as  they  did.  Under 
A"ieh  and  A'au  no  (good  and  able  man)  in  the  king- 
dom found  his  way  to  employment ;  and  it  was  not 
for  (want  of)  sagacity  that  they  failed  to  do  so.  It 
was  simply  owing  to  the  times  and  their  character. 

'  People  that  do  business  on  the  water  do  not 
shrink  from  meeting  iguanodons  and  dragons  ; — that 
is  the  courage  of  fishermen.  Those  who  do  busi- 
ness on  land  do  not  shrink  from  meeting  rhinoce- 
roses and  tigers ; — that  is  the  courage  of  hunters. 
When  men  see  the  sharp  weapons  crossed  before 
them,  and  look  on  death  as  going  home  ; — that  is  the 
courage  of  the  determined  soldier.  When  he  knows 
that  his  strait  is  determined  for  him,  and  that  the 
employment  of  him  by  a  ruler  depends  on  the  cha- 
racter of  the  time,  and  then  meeting  with  great 
distress  is  yet  not  afraid  ; — that  is  the  courage  of  the 
sagely  man.  Wait,  my  good  Yu,  and  you  will  see 
what  there  is  determined  for.  me  in  my  lot.'  A  little 
afterwards,  the  leader  of  the  armed  men  approached 
and  took  his  leave,  saying,  '  We  thought  you  were 


PT.  II.  SECT.  X.        THE   WRITINGS    OF    /TWANG-3ZE.  387 

Yang  Hu1,  and  therefore  surrounded  you.  Now 
we  see  our  mistake.'  (With  this)  he  begged  to  take 
his  leave,  and  withdrew. 

10.  Kung-sun  Lung2  asked  Mau  of  Wei3,  saying, 
'  When  I  was  young,  I  learned  the  teachings  of  the 
former  kings ;  and  when  I  was  grown  up,  I  became 
proficient  in  the  practice  of  benevolence  and  right- 
eousness. I  brought  together  the  views  that  agreed 
and  disagreed;  I  considered  the  questions  about 
hardness  and  whiteness  * ;  I  set  forth  what  was  to  be 
affirmed  and  what  was  not,  and  what  was  allowable 
and  what  was  not ;  I  studied  painfully  the  various 
schools  of  thought,  and  made  myself  master  of  the 
reasonings  of  all  their  masters.  I  thought  that  I 
had  reached  a  good  understanding  of  every  subject ; 
but  now  that  I  have,  heard  the  words  of  A'wang-jze, 
they  throw  me  into  a  flutter  of  surprise.  I  do  not 
know  whether  it  be  that  I  do  not  come  up  to  him  in 
the  power  of  discussion,  or  that  my  knowledge  is  not 
equal  to  his.  But  now  I  do  not  feel  able  to  open  my 
mouth,  and  venture  to  ask  you  what  course  I  should 
pursue.'  Kung-jze  Mau  leant  forward  on  his  stool, 
drew  a  long  breath,  looked  up  to  heaven,  smiled,  and 

1  No  doubt  the  Yang  Ho  of  Analects  XVII,  i. 

2  The  grandson  (Kung-sun)  of  one  of  the  rulers  of  ^ao  (one  of 
the  three  states  into  which  the  great  state  of  Bin  had  been  broken 
up).     He  has  come  down  to  us  as  a  philosophic  sophist,  whose 
views  it  is  not  easy  to  define.     See  Mayers's  Manual,  p.  288,  and 
Book  XXXIII,  par.  7. 

8  Wei  was  another  of  the  divisions  of  $ir\,  and  Mau  was  one  of 
the  sons  of  its  ruler  at  this  time,  a  great  admirer,  evidently,  of 
.ATwang-jze,  and  more  than  a  match  for  the  sophist  Lung. 

4  Holding,  it  is  supposed,  that  '  the  attributes  of  material  objects, 
such  as  hardness  and  colour,  are  separate  existences  :  '—so  Mayers, 
after  Wylie. 

C  C  2 


388  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XVII. 

said,  '  Have  you  not  heard  of  the  frog  of  the  dilapi- 
dated well,  and  how  it  said  to  the  turtle  of  the 
Eastern  Sea,  "  How  I  enjoy  myself?  I  leap  upon 
the  parapet  of  this  well.  I  enter,  and  having  by 
means  of  the  projections  formed  by  the  fragments  of 
the  broken  tiles  of  the  lining  proceeded  to  the  water, 
I  draw  my  legs  together,  keep  my  chin  up,  (and 
strike  out).  When  I  have  got  to  the  mud,  I  dive 
till  my  feet  are  lost  in  it.  Then  turning  round,  I  see 
that  of  the  shrimps,  crabs,  and  tadpoles  there  is  not 
one  that  can  do  like  me.  Moreover,  when  one  has 
entire  command  of  all  the  water  in  the  gully,  and 
hesitates  to  go  forward,  it  is  the  greatest  pleasure  to 
enjoy  one's  self  here  in  this  dilapidated  well l  ; — why 
do  not  you,  Master,  often  come  and  enter,  and  see  it 
for  yourself  ?  "  The  turtle  of  the  Eastern  Sea  (was 
then  proceeding  to  go  forward),  but  before  he  had 
put  in  his  left  foot,  he  found  his  right  knee  caught 
and  held  fast.  On  this  he  hesitated,  drew  back,  and 
told  (the  frog)  all  about  the  sea,  saying,  "  A  distance 
of  a  thousand  li  is  not  sufficient  to  express  its  extent, 
nor  would  (a  line  of)  eight  thousand  cubits  be  equal 
to  sound  its  depth.  In  the  time  of  Yii,  for  nine 
years  out  of  ten  the  flooded  land  (all  drained  into  it), 
and  its  water  was  not  sensibly  increased  ;  and  in  the 
time  of  Thang  for  seven  years  out  of  eight  there 
was  a  drought,  but  the  rocks  on  the  shore  (saw)  no 
diminution  of  the  water  because  of  it.  Thus  it  is 
that  no  change  is  produced  in  its  waters  by  any 
cause  operating  for  a  short  time  or  a  long,  and  that 
they  do  not  advance  nor  recede  for  any  addition  or 
subtraction,  whether  great  or  small ;  and  this  is  the 
great  pleasure  afforded  by  the  Eastern  Sea."  When 

1  A  passage  difficult  to  construe. 


PT.  ii.  SECT.  x.        THE   WRITINGS    OF   #WANG-3ZE.  389 

the  frog  of  the  dilapidated  well  heard  this,  he 
was  amazed  and  terror-struck,  and  lost  himself  in 
surprise. 

'  And  moreover,  when  you,  who  have  not  wisdom 
enough  to  know  where  the  discussions  about  what 
is  right  and  what  is  wrong  should  end,  still  desire  to 
see  through  the  words  of  AVang-jze,  that  is  like 
employing  a  mosquito  to  carry  a  mountain  on  its 
back,  or  a  millipede l  to  gallop  as  fast  as  the  Ho  runs; 
— tasks  to  which  both  the  insects  are  sure  to  be  un- 
equal. Still  further,  when  you,  who  have  not  wisdom 
enough  to  know  the  words  employed  in  discussing 
very  mysterious  subjects,  yet  hasten  to  show  your 
sharpness  of  speech  on  any  occasion  that  may  occur, 
is  not  this  being  like  the  frog  of  the  dilapidated 
well? 

'  And  that  ( AVang-jze)  now  plants  his  foot  on  the 
Yellow  Springs  (below  the  earth),  and  anon  rises  to 
the  height  of  the  Empyrean.  Without  any  regard  to 
south  and  north,  with  freedom  he  launches  out  in 
every  direction,  and  is  lost  in  the  unfathomable. 
Without  any  regard  to  east  and  west,  starting  from 
what  is  abysmally  obscure,  he  comes  back  to  what  is 
grandly  intelligible.  (All  the  while),  you,  Sir,  in 
amazement,  search  for  his  views  to  examine  them, 
and  grope  among  them  for  matter  for  discussion  ; 
— this  is  just  like  peeping  at  the  heavens  through  a 
tube,  or  aiming  at  the  earth  with  an  awl ;  are  not 
both  the  implements  too  small  for  the  purpose  ?  Go 
your  ways,  Sir. 

'  And  have  you  not  heard  of  the  young  learners  of 

1  A  different  character  from  that  for  a  millipede  in  the  last  para- 
graph;— a  Shang  Ku,  evidently  some  small  insect,  but  we  cannot 
tell  what. 


3QO  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XVII. 

Shau-ling1,  and  how  they  did  in  Han-tan?  Before 
they  had  acquired  what  they  might  have  done  in  that 
capital,  they  had  forgotten  what  they  had  learned  to 
do  in  their  old  city,  and  were  marched  back  to  it  on 
their  hands  and  knees.  If  now  you  do  not  go  away, 
you  will  forget  your  old  acquirements,  and  fail  in 
your  profession.' 

Kung-sun  Lung  gaped  on  the  speaker,  and  could 
not  shut  his  mouth,  and  his  tongue  clave  to  its  roof. 
He  slank  away  and  ran  off. 

1 1 .  Awang-^ze  was  (once)  fishing  in  the  river  Phu 2, 
when  the  king  of  Kku  3  sent  two  great  officers  to 
him,  with  the  message,  '  I  wish  to  trouble  you  with 
the  charge  of  all  within  my  territories/  AVang-jze 
kept  on  holding  his  rod  without  looking  round,  and 
said,  '  I  have  heard  that  in  Kku  there  is  a  spirit-like 
tortoise-shell,  the  wearer  of  which  died  3000  years 
ago 4,  and  which  the  king  keeps,  in  his  ancestral 
temple,  in  a  hamper  covered  with  a  cloth.  Was  it 
better  for  the  tortoise  to  die,  and  leave  its  shell  to 
be  thus  honoured  ?  Or  would  it  have  been  better 
for  it  to  live,  and  keep  on  dragging  its  tail  through 
the  mud  ? '  The  two  officers  said,  '  It  would  have 
been  better  for  it  to  live,  and  draw  its  tail  after  it 
over  the  mud  V  '  Go  your  ways.  I  will  keep  on 
drawing  my  tail  after  me  through  the  mud.' 

1  A  city  of  A'ao,  as  Han-tan  was  its  capital.     Of  the  incident 
referred  to,  I  have  not  been  able  to  learn  anything.     The  '  were 
marched '  gives  my  idea  of  what  it  may  have  been. 

2  A  river,  which  still  gives  its  name  to  Phft-i£au,  department 
Kh&o-k&u,  Shan-tung. 

3  Probably  king  Wei,  B.C.  339-330. 

4  A  good  antiquity  for  Khn  \ 

5  ?  A  species  of  Testudo  Serpentina,  such  as  is  often  seen  on 
pieces  of  Japanese  lacquer- ware. 


PT.  II.  SECT.  X.         THE   WRITINGS    OF   tfWANG-BZE.  391 

12.  Hui-jze  being  a  minister  of  state  in  Liang1, 
A^vang-sze  went  to   see  him.     Some  one  had  told 
Hui-jze  that  ATwang-jze  was  come  with  a  wish  to 
supersede  him  in  his  office,  on  which  he  was  afraid, 
and  instituted  a  search  for  the  stranger  all  over  the 
kingdom  for  three  days  and  three  nights.     (After 
this)  ATwang-^ze  went  and  saw  him,  and  said,  'There 
is  in  the  south  a  bird,  called  "  the  Young  Phoenix  -•" 
—do  you  know  it  ?     Starting  from  the  South  Sea,  it 

flies  to  the  Northern ;  never  resting  but  on  the 
bignonia3,  never  eating  but  the  fruit  of  the  melia 
azederach  4,  and  never  drinking  but  from  the  purest 
springs.  An  owl,  which  had  got  a  putrid  rat,  (once), 
when  a  phoenix  went  passing  overhead,  looked  up 
to  it  and  gave  an  angry  scream.  Do  you  wish  now, 
in  your  possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Liang,  to 
frighten  me  with  a  similar  scream  ? ' 

13.  AVang-jze    and    Hui-jze    were    walking    on 
the  dam  over  the   Hao 5,  when   the   former   said, 
'  These  thryssas  come  out,  and  play  about  at  their 
ease  ; — that  is  the  enjoyment  of  fishes.'     The  other 
said,  '  You  are  not  a  fish  ;  how  do  you  know  what 

1  Another  name  for  Wei,  so  called  from  its  capital ; — in  the 
present  department  of  Khai-fang. 

2  So  the  critics  explain  the  name.     Williams  thinks  the  bird  may 
be  '  the  argus  pheasant/  or  '  a  variety  of  the  peacock.'     But  what 
the  bird  was  does  not  affect  the  meaning  of  our  author's  reference 
to  it. 

3  One   of  the   Eleococcae,  the    Dryandra   Cordifolia    of 
Thunberg. 

4  All  the  editions  I  have  seen  give  ^^  here,  which  makes  no 
sense.     The  character  should  doubtless  be  >ra|,  with  the  meaning 
which  I  have  given  ;  and  not  '  bamboo,'  which  is  found  in  the 
critics.     It  is  also  called  '  the  Pride  of  India.' 

5  A  river  in  the  department  and  district  of  Fung-yang,  An-hui. 


392  THE    TEXTS    OF    TAOISM.  BK.  XVII. 

constitutes  the  enjoyment  of  fishes1  ?'  AVang-jze 
rejoined,  'You  are  not  I.  How  do  you  know  that  I  do 
not  know  what  constitutes  the  enjoyment  of  fishes  ? ' 
Hui-^ze  said, '  I  am  not  you  ;  and  though  indeed  I  do 
not  fully  know  you,  you  certainly  are  not  a  fish,  and 
(the  argument)  is  complete  against  your  knowing 
what  constitutes  the  happiness  of  fishes.'  AVang-jze 
replied, '  Let  us  keep  to  your  original  question.  You 
said  to  me,  "  How  do  you  know  what  constitutes  the 
enjoyment  of  fishes  ? "  You  knew  that  I  knew  it, 
and  yet  you  put  your  question  to  me  ; — well,  I  know 
it  (from  our  enjoying  ourselves  together)  over  the 
Hao.' 

1  Surely  a  captious  question.     We  infer  the  feelings  of  other 
creatures  from  their  demonstrations. 


TRANSLITERATION    OF    ORIENTAL   ALPHABETS. 


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396        TRANSLITERATION   OF   ORIENTAL   ALPHABETS. 


SACRED  BOOKS  OF  THE  EAST 

TRANSLATED    BY 

VARIOUS    ORIENTAL   SCHOLARS 

AND  EDITED   BY 

F.      MAX      MULLER 

*!|e*   This  Series  is  published  with  the  sanction  and  co-operation  of  the  Secretary  of 
State  for  India  in  Council. 


REPORT  presented   to  the  ACADE3VIIS   DES   INSCRIPTIONS,  May  11, 

1883,  toy  U.   ERNEST    REWAN. 

'  M.  Renan    presente    trois   nouveaux  une  seconde,  dont  1'interet  historique  et 

volumes    de    la    grande    collection    des  religieux  ne  sera  pas  moindre.     M.  Max 

"  Livres    sacres    de    1'Orient  "    (Sacred  Miiiler  a  su  se  procurer  la  collaboration 

Books  of  the  East),  que  dirige  a  Oxford,  des  savans  les  plus  eminens  d'Europe  et 

avec  une  si  vaste  erudition  et  une  critique  d'Asie.     L'Universite  d'Oxford,  que  cette 

si  sure,  le  savant  associe  de  1'Academie  grande  publication  honore  au  plus  haut 

des  Inscriptions,  M.  Max  Miiller.  ...  La  degre,  doit  tenir  a  continuer  dans  les  plus 

premiere  serie  de  ce  beau  recueil,  com-  larges  proportions  une  oeuvre  aussi  philo- 

posee  de  24  volumes,  est  presque  achevee.  sophiquement     con9ue    que    savamment 

M.  Max  Miiller  se  propose  d  en  publier  executee.' 

EXTRACT  from  the  QUARTERLY  REVIEW. 

'  We  rejoice  to  notice  that   a  second  great  edition  of  the  Rig-  Veda,  can  corn- 

series  of  these  translations  has  been  an-  pare  in  importance  or  in  usefulness  with 

nounced  and  has  actually  begun  to  appear.  this   English  translation   of  the  Sacred 

The  stones,  at  least,  out  of  which  a  stately  Books  of  the  East,  which  has  been  devised 

edifice  may  hereafter  arise,  are  here  being  by  his  foresight,  successfully  brought  so 

brought  together.     Prof.  Max  Miiller  has  far    by   his    persuasive    and    organising 

deserved  well  of  scientific  history.     Not  power,  and  will,  we  trust,  by  the  assist- 

a  few  minds  owe  to  his  enticing  words  ance  of  the  distinguished  scholars  he  has 

their  first  attraction  to   this   branch  of  gathered  round  him,  be  carried  in  due 

study.     But  no  work  of  his,  not  even  the  time  to  a  happy  completion.' 

Professor  E.  HARDY,  Inaugural  lecture  in  the  University  of  Freiburg1,  1887. 

'  Die   allgemeine  vergleichende   Reli-  internationalen    Orientalistencongress    in 

gionswissenschaft  datirt  von  jenem  gross-  London   der   Grundstein  gelegt  worden 

artigen,  in  seiner  Art  einzig  dastehenden  war,  die  Ubersetzung  der  heiligen  Bucher 

Unternehmen,  zu  welchem  auf  Anregung  des   Ostens  '   (the  Sacred  Books   of  the 

Max  Mullers  im  Jahre    1874  auf  dem  East). 


AT    THE    CLARENDON    PRESS 
LONDON  :    HENRY  FROWDE 

OXFORD     UNIVERSITY    PRESS     WAREHOUSE,     AMEN    CORNER,     B.C. 


SACRED  BOOKS  OF  THE  EAST: 


FIRST   SERIES. 


Voii.  I.     The  Upanishads. 

Translated  by  F.  MAX  MULLER.  Part  I.  The  .Oandogya- 
upanishad,  The  Talavakara-upanishad,  The  Aitareya-ara«yaka, 
The  Kaushitaki-brahma«a-upanishad,  and  The  Va^asaneyi- 
sa#zhita-upanishad.  8vo,  cloth,  IQJ.  6d. 

The  Upanishads  contain  the  philosophy  of  the  Veda.  They  have 
become  the  foundation  of  the  later  Veddnta  doctrines,  and  indirectly 
of  Buddhism.  Schopenhauer,  speaking  of  the  Upanishads,  says  : 
'  In  the  whole  world  there  is  no  study  so  beneficial  and  so  elevating 
as  that  of  the  Upanishads.  It  has  been  the  solace  of  my  life,  it  will 
be  the  solace  of  my  death? 

[See  also  Vol.  XV.] 

VOL.  II.    The  Sacred  Laws  of  the  Aryas, 

As  taught  in  the  Schools  of  Apastamba,  Gautama,  Vasish/$a, 
and  Baudhayana.      Translated  by  GEORG  BUHLER.      Part  I. 
Apastamba  and  Gautama.     8vo,  cloth,  los.  6d. 
The  Sacred  Laws  of  the  Aryas  contain  the  original  treatises  on 
which  the  Laws  of  Manu  and  other  lawgivers  were  founded. 
[See  also  Vol.  XIV.] 

VOL.  ill.    The  Sacred  Books  of  China. 

The  Texts  of  Confucianism.      Translated  by  JAMES  LEGGE. 
Part  I.    The  Shu  King,  The  Religious  Portions  of  the  Shih 
King,  and  The  Hsiao  King.     8vo,  cloth,  izs.  6d. 
Confucius  was  a  collector  of  ancient  traditions,  not  the  founder  of 
a  new  religion.     As  he  lived  in  the  sixth  and  fifth  centuries  B.  C. 
his  works  are  of  unique  interest  for  the  study  of  Ethology. 
[See  also  Vols.  XVI,  XXVII,  XXVIII,  XXXIX,  and  XL.] 

VOL.  IV.    The  Zend-Avesta. 

Translated  by  JAMES  DARMESTETER.     Part  I.   The  Vendidad. 

8vo,  cloth,  los.  6d. 

The  Zend-Avesta  contains  the  relics  of  what  was  the  religion  of 
Cyrus,  Darius,  and  Xerxes,  and,  but  for  the  battle  of  Marathon, 
might  have  become  the  religion  of  Europe.  It  forms  to  the  present 
day  the  sacred  book  of  the  Par  sis,  the  so-called  fire-worshippers. 
Two  more  volumes  will  complete  the  translation  of  all  that  is  left  us 
of  Zoroaster  s  religion. 

[See  also  Vols.  XXIII  and  XXXI.] 


EDITED  BY  F.  MAX  MULLER. 


VOL.  V.     Pahlavi  Texts. 

Translated  by  E.  W.  WEST.     Part  I.   The  Bundahij,  Bahman 
Yajt,  and  Shayast  Id-shSyast.     8vo,  cloth,  \2S.  6d. 
The  Pahlavi  Texts  comprise  the  theological  literature  of  the  revival 
of  Zoroaster' s  religion^  beginning  iviih  the  Sassanian  dynasty.    They 
are  important  for  a  study  of  Gnosticism. 

VOLS.  VI  AND  IX.    The  Qur'an. 

Parts  I  and  II.  Translated  by  E.  H.  PALMER.  8vo,  cloth,  2  is. 
This  translation,  carried  out  according  to  his  own  peculiar  views 
of  the  origin  of  the  Qur'an,  was  the  last  great  work  ofE.  H.  Palmer, 
before  he  was  murdered  in  Egypt. 

VOL.  VII.    The  Institutes  of  Vishmi. 

Translated  by  JULIUS  JOLLY.     8vo,  cloth,  los.  6d. 
A  collection  ofJegal  aphorisms,  closely  connected  with  one  of  the 
oldest  Vedic  schools,  the  KaMas,  but  considerably  added  to  in  later 
time.     Of  importance  for  a  critical  study  of  the  Laws  of  Manu. 

VOL.  VIII.    The  Bhagavadgita,  with  The  Sanatsuf  atiya, 
and  The  Anugita. 

Translated   by   K&SHINATH    TRIMBAK    TELANG.      8vo,  cloth, 
i  os.  6d. 

The  earliest  philosophical  and  religious  poem  of  India.  It  has  been 
paraphrased  in  Arnold's  'Song  Celestial.' 

VOL.  X.    The  Dhammapada, 

Translated  from  Pali  by  F.  MAX  MULLER;  and 

The  Sutta-Nipata, 

Translated  from  P&li  by  V.  FAUSB^LL  ;  being  Canonical  Books 

of  the  Buddhists.     8vo,  cloth,  IQS.  6d. 

The  Dhammapada  contains  the  quintessence  of  Buddhist  morality. 
The  Sutla-Nipdta  gives  the  authentic  teaching  of  Buddha  on  some 
of  the  fundamental  principles  of  religion. 

VOL.  XI.    Buddhist  Suttas. 

Translated  from  Pali  by  T.  W.  RHYS  DAVIDS.     I.  The  Mahl- 
parinibbdna    Suttanta;      2.    The    Dhamma-^akka-ppavattana 
Sutta.     3.  The  Tevjg^a  Suttanta;    4.  The  Akahkheyya  Sutta; 
5.  The  A'etokhila  Sutta;    6.  The  Maha-sudassana  Suttanta; 
7.  The  Sabbasava  Sutta.     8vo,  cloth,  los.  6d. 
A  collection  of  the  most  important  religious,  moral,  and  philosophical 
discourses  taken  from  the  sacred  canon  of  the  Buddhists. 


4          SACRED  BOOKS  OF  THE  EAST: 

VOL.  XII.     The  datapath  a- B  rah  ma^a,  according  to  the 
Text  of  the  Madhyandina  School. 

Translated  by  JULIUS  EGGELING.     Part  I.    Books  I  and  II. 

8vo,  cloth,  \2S.  6d. 

A   minute  account  of  the  sacrificial  ceremonies  of  the   Vedic  age. 
It  contains  the  earliest  account  of  the  Deluge  in  India. 
[See  also  Vol.  XXVI.] 

VOL.  XIII.    Vinaya  Texts. 

Translated  from  the  Pali  by  T.  W.  RHYS  DAVIDS  and  HERMANN 
OLDENBERG.  Part  I.   The  Patimokkha.   The  Mahavagga,  I-IV. 
.     8vo,  cloth,  los.  6d. 

The  Vinaya  Texts  give  for  the  first  time  a  translation  of  the  moral 
code  of  the  Buddhist  religion  as  settled  in  the  third  century  B.C. 
[See  also  Vols.  XVII  and  XX.] 

VOL.  XIV.    The  Sacred  Laws  of  the  Aryas, 

As  taught  in  the  Schools  of  Apastamba,  Gautama,  Vasish//$a, 
and  Baudhayana.  Translated  by  GEORG  BUHLER.  Part  II. 
VasishMa  and  Baudhayana.  8vo,  cloth,  los.  6d. 

VOL.  XV.     The   Upanishads. 

Translated  by  F.  MAX  MULLER.  Part  II.  The  Ka//$a-upanishad, 
The  Mu«d/aka-upanishad,  The  Taittiriyaka-upanishad,  The 
Br/hadarawyaka-upanishad,  The  *Sveta.yvatara-upanishad,  The 
Prajwa-upanishad,  and  The  Maitrayawa-brahmawa-upanishad. 
8vo,  cloth,  IQS.  6d. 

VOL.  XVI.    The  Sacred  Books  of  China. 

The  Texts  of  Confucianism.  Translated  by  JAMES  LEGGE. 
Part  II.  The  Yi  King.  8vo,  cloth,  los.  6d. 

VOL.  XVII.    Vinaya  Texts. 

Translated  from  the  Pali  by  T.  W.  RHYS  DAVIDS  and  HERMANN 
OLDENBERG.  Part  II.  The  Mahavagga  V-X.  The  .ATullavagga, 
I-III.  8vo,  cloth,  IQS.  6d. 

VOL.  XVIII.     Pahlavi  Texts. 

Translated  by  E.  W.  WEST.  Part  II.  The  Da</istan-J  Dinik 
and  The  Epistles  of  Manuj^ihar.  8vo,  cloth,  125.  6d. 

VOL.  XIX,    The  Fo-sho-hing-tsan-king. 

A  Life  of  Buddha  by  A^vaghosha  Bodhisattva,  translated  from 
Sanskrit  into  Chinese  by  Dharmaraksha,  A.D.  420,  and  from 
Chinese  into  English  by  SAMUEL  BEAL.     8vo,  cloth,  los.  6d. 
This  life  of  Buddha  was  translated  from  Sanskrit  into  Chinese, 
A.D.  420.     //  contains  many  legends,  some  of  which  show  a  certain 
similarity  to  the  Evangelium  infantiae,  $c. 


EDITED  BY  F.  MAX  MULLER. 


VOL.  XX.    Vinaya  Texts. 

Translated  from  the  Pali  by  T.  W.  RHYS  DAVIDS  and  HERMANN 
OLDENBERG.  Part  III.  The  jfullavagga,  IV-XII.  8vo,  cloth, 
ioj.  6d. 

VOL.  XXI.    The  Saddharma-piwdarika ;  or,  The  Lotus 
of  the  True  Law. 

Translated  by  H.  KERN.     8vo,  cloth,  1 23.  6d. 

'  The  Lotus  of  the  true  Law]  a  canonical  book  of  the  Northern 
Buddhists,  translated  from  Sanskrit.  There  is  a  Chinese  transla- 
tion of  this  book  which  was  finished  as  early  as  the  year  286  A.D. 

VOL.  xxil.    Gaina-Sutras. 

Translated  from  Prakrit  by  HERMANN  JACOBI.  Part  I.  The 
A/£arahga-Stitra  and  The  Kalpa-Sfttra.  8vo,  cloth,  IQJ.  6d. 

The  religion  of  the  (^ainas  was  founded  by  a  contemporary  of  Buddha. 
It  still  counts  numerous  adherents  in  India,  while  there  are  no 
Buddhists  left  in  India  proper. 

VOL.  xxin.    The  Zend-Avesta. 

Translated  by  JAMES  DARMESTETER.  Part  II.  The  Sirozahs, 
Yajts,  and  NyayLr.  8vo,  cloth,  loj.  6d. 

VOL.  XXIV.     Pahlavi  Texts. 

Translated  by  E.  W.  WEST.  Part  III.  Dina-i  Main6g-i 
Khira</,  -Sikand-gumanik  Vi^-ar,  and  Sad  Dar.  8vo,  cloth, 
IQS.  6d. 


SECOND   SERIES. 

VOL.  XXV.    Manu. 

Translated  by  GEORG  BUHLER.     8vo,  cloth,  2is. 

This  translation  is  founded  on  that  of  Sir  William  Jones,  which  has  been 
carefully  revised  and  corrected  with  the  help  of  seven  native  Commentaries. 
An  Appendix  contains  all  the  quotations  from  Manu  which  are  found  in  the 
Hindu  Law-books,  translated  for  the  use  of  the  Law  Courts  in  India. 
Another  Appendix  gives  a  synopsis  of  parallel  passages  from  the  six 
Dharma-sutras,  the  other  Smrztis,  the  Upanishads,  the  Mahabharata,  &c. 

VOL.  XXVI.     The  6atapatha-Brahma«a. 

Translated  by  JULIUS  EGGELING.    Part  II.    Books  III  and  IV. 
8vo,  cloth,  I2S.  6d, 


SACRED  BOOKS  OF  THE  EAST. 


VOLS.   xxvil   AND    xxvill.     The  Sacred  Books  of 
China. 

The  Texts  of  Confucianism.  Translated  by  JAMES  LEGGE. 
Parts  III  and  IV.  The  Li  K\,  or  Collection  of  Treatises  on 
the  Rules  of  Propriety,  or  Ceremonial  Usages.  8vo,  cloth, 
1 2 s.  6d.  each. 

VOL.  XXIX.      The    Grzhya-Sutras,    Rules    of    Vedic 
Domestic   Ceremonies. 

Part  I.  .Sahkhayana,  A-yvalayana,  Paraskara,  Khadira.  Trans- 
lated by  HERMANN  OLDENBERG.  8vo,  cloth,  1 2 s.  6d. 

These  rules  of  Domestic  Ceremonies  describe  the  home  life  of  the  ancient 
Aryas  with  a  completeness  and  accuracy  unmatched  in  any  other  literature. 
Some  of  these  rules  have  been  incorporated  in  the  ancient  Law-books. 

VOL.  XXX.    The  Grz'hya-Sutras.  Part  II.  [In  the  Press^ 

VOL.  XXXI.      The  Zend-Avesta. 

Part  III.  The  Yasna,  Visparad,  AfrinagSn,  Gahs,  and 
Miscellaneous  Fragments.  Translated  by  L.  H.  MILLS.  8vo, 
cloth,  i2s.  6d. 

VOL.  XXXII.    Vedic  Hymns. 

Translated  by  F.  MAX  MULLER.     Part  I.     8vo,  cloth,  18$.  6<f. 

VOL.  XXXIII.     The  Minor  Law-books. 

Translated  by  JULIUS  JOLLY.  Part  I.  Narada,  Brzliaspati. 
8vo,  cloth,  ioj.  6d. 

VOL.  XXXIV.    The    Vedanta-Sutras,   with    the    Com- 
mentary by  -Sankara^arya. 

Translated  by  G.  THIBAUT.     8vo,  cloth,  1 2 s.  6d. 

VOL.  XXXV.  The  Questions  of  King  Milinda.  Trans- 
lated from  the  Pali  by  T.  W.  RHYS  DAVIDS.  8vo,  cloth,  los.  6d. 

VOL.  XXXVII.  The  Contents  of  the  Nasks,  as  stated 
in  the  Eighth  and  Ninth  Books  of  the  Dinkan/.  Translated 
by  E.  W.  WEST.  [In  the  Press.} 

VOLS.  XXXIX  AND  XL.  The  Sacred  Books  of  China. 
The  Texts  of  Taoism.  Translated  by  JAMES  LEGGE.  8vo, 
cloth,  2  is. 

***   The  Second  Series  will  consist  of  Twenty-four  Volumes  in  all.