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VOL. 2 APRIL 1973 NO. 1 





Jaina Theory and Practice of Non-violence 1 

Dalsukh Malvania 

A Brief Survey of the Iconographic Data 

at Kumbharia, North Gujarat 7 

Maruti Nandan Prasad Tivari 

Apastamba's Views on Inheritance 15 

Surabhi Sheth 

Evolution of the Jaina Treatment 19 

of Ethical Problems 

K. K, Dixlt 

Art Notes on Sculpture in Dhanapala's 39 


N. M. Kansara 

Some Versions of the Tale of 47 


H. C. Bhayani 




Dalsukh Malvanla 

The Vedic tradition upto the Upanisada did not bother about the 
theory and practice of non-violence (ahiriisn). Even the word ahiihsu is 
not found in the Vedas and the Brahmanas; it is found, for the first time, 
in the Upanisad (Cog. 3.17.4) 1 The religion of the Vedas mainly consisted 
of the sacrifices; and (here were many types of the Vedic sacrifices which 
could not be performed without the killing of animals. Even the Smrtis 
enforce the householders to serve not only the animal-meat but the beaf 
to the guests. In such circumstances it would be proper to say that the 
theory and practice of ahimsa were not of the Vedic origin, but were 
propounded by the Jamas, the Buddhists and other ^ramanas. In his 'Man 
in the Universe' Prof. W. Norman Brown rightly concludes that "The 
ideas AMmsn and the unity of all life did not have their origin in Vedic 
Aryan thought, but entered it from outside. The environment in which 
those ideas were at home was that of Jainism and Buddhism. In them 
,4Wrfw3was a dominant and original, not supplemental, feature".* Here In 
this short paper I want to discuss the Ahirhsn doctrine of the Jainas In 
theory and practice. 

As far as the literary evidence is concerned we can say that Lord 
Mahavira seems to be the first person who was convinced that not only 
the mankind but all the moving and non-moving living beings should be 
protected and should not be harmed because he was convinced that each 
of them, just like any human being, does not want any harm to be done 
to it. And not only this, Mahavira is the first person who endeavoured 
to mould his life in such a way that he may not be willingly harmful to 
any one. This is quite clear when we read his life as is described In the 
2csrnnga, the oldest Jaina text. 

He preached to the people his conviction in these words j "All beings 
are fond of life, like pleasure, hate pain, shun destruction, like life, long 
to live. To all, life is dear." 8 In order to emphasize this conviction the 
Acaranga declares that : The Arhatas and Bhagavatas of the past, present, 
and future, all say thus, speak thus, declare thus, explain thus; all breath- 
ing, existing, living, sentient creatures should not be slain, nor treated with 

"l. Brown W. Norman : Man in the Univent ; Calcutta, Pub, Oxford and I BH 

publishing company, 1966 ; p. 54. 
2, Brown W. Norman : Man in the Universe, p, 6$. 
3! SBE Vol. XXII, p. 19. 
givrnbodi 2, 1, 

2 Dahukh Malvanla 

violence, nor abused, nor tormented, nor driven away. This is the pure, 
unchangeable, eternal law, which the clever ones, who understand the 
world, have declared."* 

The question is asked to the propagators of violence : "Ve professors ! 
is pain pleasant to you, or unpleasant ?" And on right reply it is clear 
that "For all sorts of living beings pain is unpleasant, disagreeable and 
greatly feared"" -So why should one kill others ? 

In this way killing of living-beings of all types was denounced and 
non-violence was accepted as the principle of good life. 

But was it possible to live without any harm to any body ? While 
'answering this question the attention was given to the problem of sin. The 
violence or the killing itself is not the sin but the passion In the self is the 
cause of sin or the passion itself is sin. This theory of sin is found in 
SutrakrtUhga when it says that the pamfya (pramZda) is the karma or sin 
(pamnyam fcammarh nhamsu 1.8.3). The word pamnya is translated as earless- 
ness but It means much more than that. We are convinced of this fact when 
we take into consideration the sayings of the Buddha regarding this pramnda. 
He says that all the akufahs are due to pmmadai not only that but it 
'destroys all the kusalas, (AAguttara; 1.6,8-9). In Sthmnhga (502) the 
Jaina text pramvda is described as having six types : 1. mada intoxica- 
tion or arrogance, 2. nidm sluoibar, 3. vi$aya sensuality, 4. ka&ya- 
passion, 5, dynta gambling and 6 pratilekhana-pramVda idleness in 

Keeping in view this definition of sin we should define the violence 
which is counted as sin. This is the reason why Umssvati in his Tattvsr- 

thdsUtra defined the violence as pramattayogat prnnavyaparopanam himsz 

the killing which is done through the careless activity (of mind, speech 
and body) is violence. This is corroborated by the advice given to the 
monks with reference to their behaviour in the world, the smallest part 

4. SUE Vol. XXII, p. 36. 

i. . 1.1. 

5. SBE. Vol. XXII, p. 39; ^SrSaga 1.4.2 : "q^aj tf&&tfl \ 5 ^ qRI3W, ft ^ 

Jaina Theory and Practice of Non-violence i # 

of which is inhabited by innumerable living beings and so it was impossi- 
ble to live without killing any living-being. The question was asked 
"How should (a monk) walk, stand, sit and lie down ? ,In what manner 
shall he eat and speak in order that he may not bind evil karman ? "The 
answer is this ''He should walk, stand, sit, and lie down carefully; if he 
eats and speaks carefully, he does not bind evil karman. Evil karman 
does not attach itself to a man who identifies himself with all beings (and 
by this) looks on the beings in the right manner, who has closed the 
doors of 'influence' and is content". Schubring . Dasaveynliya 6, (7-9.) 

From all these Jama canonical texts one thing is clear that one should 
Identify himself with others and should try as far as .'possible not to harm 
any body with the intention of harming and should live in this world in 
such a way that one may kill the other living beings with the kind feeling 
for them and only when it is unavoidable. With this view of non- 
violence in their mind the propagators of non-violence have first tried to 
find out for what purpose the people resorted to killing of the living 
beings. They have noted that people resort to killing with no purpose at 
all. When we read the Acnrnhga it is clear that for various purposes or 
without any there was killing of all types of living beings. In daily life 
the use of earth, water, fire, wind etc. was there without any sense of 
violence. For the purpose of food and drink and even for the religious 
ceremony the killing of living beings was allowed. Only for the sake of 
game and pleasure the performance of violence is noted in the AcUrVnga. 
War was also one of the cause of violence. When Lord Mahsvira noted 
all these types of violence he renounced the world and took only such 
food, shelter etc. what was not prepared for him and that also only 
when there was utter neccessity. He made a rule not to accept any food 
or shelter etc. in which the killing of any living being, for his sake, was 
involved. As a general rule he was not in favour of accepting the meat, 
fish or wine. In this way he became an example of noi-violent life, and 
then he propagated the non-violence in daily life to the people of East 
India, and was really responsible for propagation of religion rooted in 
non-violence. So we find that the Jaina religion is described as a religion 
rooted in non-violence. 7 

6, kahain care kaham ctf(he kahafn ase kahafn sue 

kaham bhumjanto bhasanto p&vam kammatn na bandhat \\7ll 
jayafn care jayant ctfthe jayatn ase jayam sae / 
Jayam bhumjanto bhasanto pSyam kammam na bandhat 1/8 /I 
savva-bhuyappa-bhuyassa sammam bhuyai ptisao \ 
plMasavassa dantassa pavafn kammafn na bandhai II 9 // 

7. so ya ahimsamuh : dhammo JlyarSgadosamohehifit 
bhanio jtnehl _ PuspamJlla, gathZ~5. 

4 Dalsukh Malvania 

In this way in India the importance of ahimsn instead of satya (truth) 
was accepted in religion due to the propagation of the religion rooted 
in ahiihsft. It may be noted here that before the time of Mahavira and the 
Buddha in Vedlc religion the satya was most important. 

But after Mahsvira and Buddha we find the importance of Satya as 
as well as of the Ahimsn, recognised in the Epic literature and the 
Puranas. It is quite clear that this is due to the influence of the Jaina 
and the Buddist religion. 

In view of the theory that the internal passion is the real violence 
and not the killing of the other living being it was clearly stated by Lord 
Mahavjra that 

purisft tumam cva tumrft-mittam kirn bahiyam mittath icchasi ? 


tumam si mma tarn ceva jath 'hantavvam' ti mannasi tamhu 

na Hants na vi ghUyae (Acn. 

"Man, Thou art thy own friend; Why 
Wishest thou for a friend beyond thy self" 

(SEE. Vol. XXII p. 33) 

"Thou art thy self the person to be killed so one should not be 

the Killer or the murderer" (Acu. 

Now let us see what the commentators and the other prominent 
Jaina Acaryas have to say regarding the violence and non-violence. 

A"csrya Siddhasena has clearly stated that though one kills the living 
being one does not have the sin of killing because of his apramada 

Same sentiments are found in Oghaniryukti (748, 749) and in Acarya 
Kundakunda's Pravacanasnra (3.17) when they say that those who are 
careful (apramatta) to them there is no sin even though the living being is 

The most profound discussion of the theory of non-violence is done 
by Acarya Jinabhadra in his Vise&va'syakabha$ya (Pub. L.D.S.) : 

"One should not fear that because earth, etc. are so crowded with 
souls, there would be himsn (injury) at every step whether one wills it or 
not. It has been pointed out earlier that what is struck by a weapon 
is not possessed of a soul. There will not be injury simply because the 
world is crowded with souls. It is the intention that ultimately matters. 

8. Siddhaiena : Dvatrimsika 3.16. 

Jaina Theory and Practice of Non-Violence 5 

From the real point of view, a man does not become a 'killer' only 
because he has killed or because the world is crowed with souls, or remain 
innocent only because he has not killed physically, or because souls are 
sparse. Even if a person does not actually kill, he becomes a killer if he 
has the intention to kill; while a doctor has to cause pain, but is still non- 
injurious, innocent, because his intention is pure. A wise man equipped 
with the 'five samitis and the three guptis and practising restraint ^hereby, 
is non-injurious; not one who is of just the opposite type. Such a man 
of restraint is not regarded as injurious irrespective of whether he kills or 
hurts or does not; for it is the intention that is the deciding factor, not 
the external act which is inconclusive. From the real point of view it is 
the evil intention that is himsa (injury) whether it materialises into an evil 
act of injuring or not. There can be non-injury even when the external 
act of injury has been committed and injury even when it has not been 
committed. (2217-2222). 

Does this mean that the external act of killing is never injury ? Much 
depends on the evil intention. That external act of killing which is the 
cause of an evil effect, or is caused by evil intention is hithsz (injury). 
But that which is not caused by evjl intentions or does not result in an 
evil effect is not himsci in the case of the above-mentioned wise man. For 
example, sounds, etc. do not rouse the passions of a man free from 
attraction and infactuation because his mind or intention is pure, unde- 
flled. A good man does not have infatuation for his mother however beautiful 
she may be; similarly, the external act of injury is not hiihsn in the case 
of a man of a pure mind. Thus that the world is crowded with souls 
does not mean that there is hithsn at every step. 

In order to inculcate this theory into practice the Jaina A~Caryas deve- 
loped the theory of Karma and produced the story literature to show the 
results of virtuous and sinful life. And we can observes the penetration of 
this Karma-theory in the life of the mass of India. Even in Jain Canoni- 
cal literature we find that as a result of the participation in war many 
persons are said to be born in hell and such other lower places. 

(Bhagavati. 7.9.300). 

The theory that those who participate in the war are born in heaven 
is also repudiated in the canon. One can be born in heaven, only if he 
has regrets for participation in the war and becomes a monk m his last 
days, otherwise the hell is destined for such person. This is illustrated by 
the account of the life of one named Varuna of Vaisali. 

(Bhagavati 7.9.303). 

6 Dalsukh Malvania 


It is clearly stated in the story that during the war he was not ready 
to kill or harm any one who had not first offended him because of his 
vows as a house-holder. The question of participation in war for a monk 
does not arise. A person has to take in the beginning of his career as a 
monk a vow called Snmayika i.e. identification with all living beings so that 
he may not kill or harm any Jiving being. This vow is a vow of not indulg- 
ing in any evil doings. After testifying his capacity to follow the 
monkish life he Is to take the five vows not to kill, not to tell a lie etc, 
It is explained that the first vow of not killing is the most important one 
and the other four vows are the auxiliary to the first vow of non-violence. 
Utmost importance is attached to the vow of non-possession by a monk. 
Because due to the idea to possess some thing, one is engaged in fair or 
unfair means, in order to have the desired thing. It was due to this 
reason that Lord Mahavira decided to be a naked monk and advised his 
followers also to be naked, ven to the householders he advised *to 
limit their possession and not to indulge in such business in which there 
was violence. 

The result of emphasis on non-violence can be seen in the Jaina 
society as well as in the followers of Hindu religion that all the Jainas are 
strict vegetarions and most of the Hindus also are vegetanons. It can be 
accepted without doubt that vegetarianism in India is due to Jainism. 



Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari 

In connection with my research work on the Jaina Iconography in 
Northern India I planned to visit some prolific Jama monuments of 
Western India in March last. The sites, I proposed to visit with a view 
to make first-hand detailed study of the iconographic material thereat, 
also comprised Kumbhatig, situated in the Banas-Kantha district of 
1 North Gujarat. Kumbharia, yielding an immense amount of iconic data, 
has undoubtedly been one of the richest centres of Jatna religious art in 
India. In the present paper I propose to make a brief but comprehensive 
survey of the iconographic material available at the site. 

Kumbharia is well known for magnificent Svetarabara Jaina temples, 
numbering five and ranging in date between eleventh and thirteenth century! 
All the temples are located within a long boundary wall. I started ray 
work with the Sgntinstha temple, constructed in the latter half of the 
eleventh century, which is evidenced by an inscription of Samvat 1110 
(A.D. 1053) inscribed on the throne of a Jina image installed in the 
Cell No. 9. On the exteriors of the Mulaprasada there are carved three 
Jina figures, each seated on a simple pedestal without the usual cortege. 
Near the Sihhara on two sides are carved niched Yakji figures of Cakres- 
van and Ambika (2 armed, surprisingly enough bearing a sword with an 
nmralumbi also hanging below m right hand and with left supporting a 
child seated in left lap.) 

The door-way of the Gudhamandapa is adorned with the figures of 
Mahamanasi, Mahakali, Acchupts, VairotyS, Nirv^ni, Sarasvaij, Vajrasiri- 
khala and Purasadatta. The pillars of the Mukhamandapa and the Ranga- 
mandpada are decorated with the figures of Rohini, Vajrasrrikhals, 
Cakresvan, Sarasvati, Vairotya, Acchupts, a goddess with a trident and a 
snake in two upper hands and the varada and a fruit (mvtulinga) in two 
lower ones, and another goddess with thunderbolts in two upper hands, 
the forms of the last two goddesses not conforming exactly to the codified 
works of the Jaina iconography. The door-sill of the Gudhamandapa contains 
the figures of four-armed Yaksa Sarvanubhuti and two-armed Yakfi Ambika. 
The first ceiling of the Mukhamandapa comprises in its four corners the 
figures of Brahamasanti Yakja, Nirrta (Dikpvla), Agni (DikpOla) andSarvsnu. 
bhqti Takja (Kubera like Takfa also palled Yak?esvara, The above 

<J Maruti Nandan Prasad Tlwarl 

together with the Takfi Ambika forms the earliest Yak?a~Yakfl pair in the 
series of tile 24 ak$a-Tnk$i pairs conceived by the Jainag.). The adjoining 
ceiling of (he Mukhamaridapa shows the figures of the four most favoured 
goddesses of the Jaina pantheon; they are Cakre^vari, Saravati, Rohinl 
and Vairotys riding respectively over garuda, swan, cow and snake. On 
two sides of the staircases are also depicted figures of Brahma^antj 
Yakfa (bearded, beariag padma and chatran, padma in two upper hands 
with elephant as mount) and SarvanubhUti Yak$a (carrying fruit, goad, 
noose and fruit in four hands and riding an elephant). 

Sixteen cells carved in the corridor on three sides contain Jina 
figures, each wuh a goddess (either carrying lotuses or lotus and pustaka 
in two upper hands) rendered in the middle of the throne on front, and 
the Taksa Sarvanubhuti (with goad, noose, rnudra, purse; elephent vBhana) 
and the Yakfi Ambika (2-armed and 4-armed; - invariably evincing nmrolumbl 
and child seated in Jap in, two hands-with a lion as mount), occupying 
the two recessed corners of the throne. The Jina figures are flanked 
either by two standing Ctimaradharas or by two standing Jinas, the latter 
generally being shaded; by snake canopy. The figures of the Mftlannyaka 
are lost in all the cases. Two Jina figures installed respectively in the Cell 
Nos, 1 and 7 are indentified with Jina fentinatha, on the strength of the 
pedestal inscriptions mentioning the name of the Jina. In the sanctum is 
installed a small image of fentinatha, In a small cell on east-south corner 
is carved a huge Samavasaraqa (Congregation hall where every Jina delivers 
his first discourse after obtaining omniscience) of some Jina with three 
successive fortification walls carved beJow and exhibiting the figures of 
dvaraprtaS) animals and human beings. The above Samavasarana is inscribed 
in Samvat 1266 (AD 1209) 

The most important of all the representations (See fig. I) are the bay- 
ceilings, attached to the Rahgamandapa on east and west, which contain 
besides other significant renderings, the representations of events in the Jives 
of the Jinas. The ceilings representing the patea-kalynnakas (Chyatuna Janma 
Drtp, JMna, Niwzna] from the lives of R abhanatha (together with the 
senve of fight between Bhama and Bahubali and also the figures of 
the Y*kp Gomukha and the raksi CalrreJvan carved in the centre) 
Neminatha (Yakfl Ambika ai so carve d on one sl de), Mahavjra ( W i,h the 
figures of Ttksa and Takfl, and Ssntinsiha (comprising a scene from his 
previous life as king Meghamahn when he weighed his body against Dieeon 
to save latter's life) on west; and PirivaaBha (la the middle rectangle are 
8 ho W a in two rows twenty-four pairs, each representing seated figures of 
a male and a Female, the latter supporting a c hijd seated in lap It ia 
UWfoubtedty the representation of the respective parents of the twenty-four 


> -^ 

irt d 



S3 +J 

bJO 4s 


Iconographic Data at Kutnbhnria 9 

Jinas) on east are noteworthy. Another ceiling on east shows in the middle 
a seated figure of SupafiSvan-itha provided with the canopy of five-hooded 
cobra overhead und surrounded by four-armed figures of the sixteen 
MahMdyut, all being seated in 

The second temple dedicated to MaUnvira is also a late eleventh 
century construction. It also contains, like the santinijtlm temple, 16 cells 
on three sides of the corridor. The Jina images {now the figures of the 
Mulantiyaka.i being lost and the inscriptions on the pedestals ranging in 
date between A, I). 1083 and 1129) installed in the cells show similar 
details as noticed earlier I fete Takst Ambiksi is sometimes represented as 
carryi.itf ;i fruit in place of an aim.tlnuihi. It may be noted here that with 
P;vrAv?n,ithn and Sup.irsvaiiathit evrn tfie 'Ynkxn-Yak-n figures are those of 
Saiv.iiiiihluiti and Ambik.i. A stone plaque lying near (he western access 
to the shruu: shn,-,., tha representation of tho icspective mothers of the 
twenty-four Jims. l : ach Dented ft-mule figure supports with left hand a 
child, sealed in Jap and touching the breast of the mother, just as noticed 
in c-aMi of the Ambiku figures. The corresponding hand of the mothers 
bears fruit. Another .similar representation of tin- late twellth century is 
lyinfc near the entrance to the temple on north. It is important to note 
that the name uf the icspcctive mothers of all the Jinas are also inscribed 
here below the hurt's. The Mah.ivna image installed \i\ the sanctum has 
only lateral jambs in ordinal, and the liguro of the Mulanzyuka and tho 
throne arc of subsequent date, 

The figures carved in the aisle-ceiling on east represent Lakjmi 
Sarasvali, Sarvgnubhuti, Amhik;i f and VajraukuSa. The entrance-door of 
the (rudhanmndapa contains the figures ot the same goddesses as noticed in 
the H:\ntiiiatha temple. The two ntchc.s ot the Mukhamtindafla also harbour 
thrones of the Jina images with the usual rnkjti-Tnkft figures. One throne 
1-5 inscribed in Samvat 1HH (A.D. 1 091). Tho figures of the MSlanayakas 
ace lost in both the 

An important representation earved on a plaque and incised in Sarhvat 
1338 (A.D, 12B1) lies near the entrance on north. It refers to the .story 
of Kakunikavihara, an incident from the life ofJma Munisuvrata. However 
the story of the AsvavaboUha in the life of the same Jina, everywhere else 
represented together with the story of the ^akunikkvihara, can be seen 
fixed on the south wall of the MtilaprftsUdti of the Neminaiha temple, 
Two other replicas of the above representation come from the tQna 
Vasaht temple (Cell No, 19) at Mt. Abu and the ParSvanatha temple iai 
Jalor in Rajasthan, The instance from the Jalor, seemingly the earliest of 
all such representation Sj is perhaps for the first time reported by top 
SombodW 2, I 

JO Marutt Nandan Prasad Tiwari 

author. Two other significant representations include a big Somavasarana, 
carved in a small shrine on east, and a beautiful torana (Samvat 1223, 
A.D. H66), embellished with small figures of the goddesses and lying 
outside the shrine containing the Samavasarana. 

The representation of five chief auspicious events in the lives of the 
Jina, namely, Rsabhanatha (with the figures of Brahma (? bearded; holds 
vara, lotus manuscript and water-vessel with swan as vehicle) Amhika, 
Gomukha, SarasvaM, Vairotya, Laksmi, and Cakrevarl-labe)led as Vai^navi 
Devi-carrying mace and li>tus in two upper bands and a conch in lower 
left, all being carved in the third rectangle), Mahavira (with the scene of 
an upasarga caused by demons while the Jma was plunged into tapas 
and meditation), Neminatha (with two-armed Ainbiks carved above the 
Samavasarana}, Santinatha and Parsvanatha (with the scene of an tipasarga 
caused by Kamatha and also I he figures of Dharanendra and Padmavati 
bfing rendered) are carved in the ceijings of the bhramika on wesf. In a 
ceiling there also occurs the representation of the respective parents of all 
the 24 Jinas with their names carved below. The above representation is 
an exact replica of the one noticed in the antinatha temple. 

The third temple, of Par^vanatha, was constructed !n the eleventh- 
twelfth century, A beautiful torana, lying near the entrance to the shrine 
on ftest, is embellished with the figures of the popular Jaina goddesses 
among wbich rendering-; of some (one with lotus and trident in the upper 
hands, and the other with trident and snake in two upper hands and bull 
M ohmr) are not guided exactly by any of the available iconographic 
injuoctmns. In the two ornamented niches of the Mukhantandapa were 
installed two JIM ngurtw, now only its pedestal and torana" with tiny 
ftSBres of the goddesses being ex.ant. The throne of the left-hand Jina 
Ggareis inscribed in Samvat 12J 6 (AD 1159) and Takfa-Ta^ figures 
w both cases are those of Sarvanubhati and Ambika. Among the goddes. 
5 carved on pillars of the Ran^nandapa and the Mandapa mention may 
be made particularly of Sarva.tra-Mahajvafa (with ' jvala-pmra in two 
upper hands), t*o umdemified goddesses (one with noose and soad- and 
other with M, and goad in two upper hand,). On the facade of the 
maprmda , portrajrf the . of Gakresvan (bearing m -ada mace 
diic, conch; with &** ^ *to in human form), an un,dcn!,fied goddes^ 
nr).g rare*, (ridcnt, snake, f ru i, with bull as mount) and s 
wra/fl) sruka , tll anuscn P t, fru.t with swan as convince). 

Two colo^al standing imnges of Ajitanstha (the 

Iconogmphic Data at Kumbhftrin 11 

the lateral jambs of both the Jma images are carved miniature figures of 
,the goddesses. Another huge image of Parvana'ha with seven-hooded 
cobra forming a canopy overhead is also instated in the Gudhamandapa. 
The figure of the MulanSyaka is new, nevertheless the throne and the 
parikaia are o]d. Here, it is surprising to note, that the Yaksa bearing 
same set of symbols (abhaya, mace, noose, purse) as generally borne by 
Yakfa Sarvanubhati and so also the two-armed Takfl Arabika (with an 
amralumbi in right and with left supporting a child in lap) have respecti- 
vely been provided with a snake canopy for associating them with Pars- 
vanatha. The Mulanayaka of the Jma image installed in the sanctum is 
new, notwithstanding the parikara is otigmal and the figures of the Yak$a 
and Taksl are conspicious by their absence. 

There are 24 cells, including a niche, on three sides of the Bhamati 
Each cell contained a Jina figure exhibiting similar details noticed earlier, 
but now some are empty. The earliest inscription of Samvat 1104 
(A.D, 1047) was noticed by the author on the throne of a Jina image 
installed iri a niche on east at (he right extremity OtluT inscriptions on 
the thrones of the Jina figures range in date between Sarhvat 1236 and 
1259 (A.D. 1H9-1202). The Cell Nos. 5 and 20, dedicated respectively to 
Suraatinatha (A,D. 1202) and Suvratasvami (A D, 1179), show on the 
beautifully carved entrance-doors, pillars, ceilings the figures of the popular 
goddesses. On the facades of these cells are also carved the figures of 
the Dikpnlas (Varuna and Nirrti on west; and Indra and Kana on east) 
and goddesses (Cakresvari on west and Vajrankusa on ea*t). 

The fourth temple of Nemiuatha, assigned to the twelfth century, is 
the largest of all the Jaina temples at Kumbharia. The outer walls of 
the MitlaprVsftda contain niched figures of the four -armed standing Dtkpslas. 
Among the four-armed goddesses represented on the facades of the 
MulaprQsada - perambulating from east to we^t - may be included Vairotya 
(snake vahana), Acchupts (horse vahana), Vajrasriikhala (a long chain in 
two upper hands, padmzsann], Cakresvari (garuda mount), an unidentified 
goddess (betraying leaves of some tree in two upper hands), Sarvabtra- 
Mahgjvala (with Jv3l3p3tra and sruka in two upper hands; ja\u-muku\a\ 
lion mount), Sarasvati (carrying sruka and manuscript m two upper hands, 
ja(a-mukuta) t Vajradku^a (elephant vnhana}, Purusadatta (with shield and 
sword respectively in upper left and lower right hands; buffalo as vehicle), 
Kali (varada mace, long-stalk lotus, broken; kamalasarm), Mahakali (with 
thunderbolt and ghan^a in two upper hands; male vahana}, a goddess (with 
noose in two upper hands), Gauri (?) long-stalk lotuses in two upper hands, 
and probably an alligator-fla/iana-on left), and Purusadatta (?j (thunderbolt 
and stick (?) in two upper hands, and buffalo or ra^rn as v3hana). 

Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari 

in the principal niches on three side of the facades were harboured 
a i J g of wWch only throne and partara are extant on two 
ovL vacant mche on south facade kept a plaque represents 

le of Aivavabodha from the hfe of Munisuvrata The mched figures 
IhTaWWW representing four-armed seated divhit.e, include Laksmi 
fl, V UrnkhalS (2 fgs.), a goddess (?) with goad and noose m two 
STL, Sirasvau (2 fig,), RoWni, a goddes (?) with trident and 
t1cc in two upper hands, (Jw - nOtoW, Cakresvan (4 figs , some 

, , 

aring AirWa-tf^), * goddess (?) with long purse m two upper hands, 
nda (solitary ^stance at Kumbhnna, 4 armed, elephant - headed, 
Cbellied and riding a mkaka. He wears an udarbandha, mga-yajfiopavita 
d carries an elepheat tusk, paraiu, long - stalk lotus, and a pot filled 
h swl-balls-ni0dBfta-P*M. His trunk broken from the middle is being 
tied towards modaka-pmra), Vajrankusa (2 figs.) and a goddess (?) with 
r&da, long-sialk lotus, noose, broken. 

In the Gudhamai}dapa on west side is installed a stone plaque, inscribed 
Sarfavftt 1310 (=A.D. 1253) and representing 172 Jina figures, all being 
ted. The number of the Jinas numsrically includes also the Jinas of 
e past and future ages together with those of the present. Two other 
wees representing respectively Parivanatha and Suparsvanatha and both 
anting Inscriptions, dated in Samvat 1214 (=A.D. 1157), on the thrones, 
-e preserved in the Gudhamandapa. Both the Jinas are accompanied by 
vfnabhHli Takja and AmbikS Yakjl, Two other images of Rsabhanatha, 
iscribed in Sarhvat 1314 (=A,D. 1257) and installed in the Gzdhamandapa 
aow SarvanflbhuU as the ak$a and Cakresvan as the Takfl, The colossal 
nage of Nerainatha enshrined in the sanctum without paelkara appears to 
of a subsequent date. 

Tb* door-way and the pillars of the Raftgamandapa and the Mukha- 
woplapa are decorated with the figures of popular Jaina goddesses. On 
it wait of the Matidapa, above the niche, is carved four-armed 
3tjitek?tni {Tne godde?s seated cross-legged and being bathed by two 
iephants, when represented tn the series of the fourteen auspicious 
tmms, la endowed in the label inscriptions with the appellation Mans- 
ftkfmi) sitting cross-legged on padmSsana with a row of nine vases 
rwso-rtWWj) carved below and two elephants lustrating at top. In a niche 
f the Mukhamandapa is sheltered a plaque, inscribed m Samvat 1322 (A.D. 
265) aad representing the Nand^vara dvipa. Four groups of Jina figures 
<rUb 13 Jinas in each are carved on four sides of central concentric band. 
rwo other representations of the NaudiSvaradvjpa were noticed by the 
wftor at Sadri and Rsnakpur temples in Rajasthana. The former pafta 
scaling from the Psravanatha temple at Sadri is incorporated in the 

Iconographic Data at KumbhsHn 13 

adjoining wall of a door opening towards the western face of the temple, 
la the ceiling of Rangamandapa is carved the scene of Cyavana (descend 
of Jina from the heaven into the womb of mother) kalysnaka which may 
be connected with that of Neminatba on the basis that the temple is 
attributed to Neminatha 

Figures are also carved on the east and west exteriors of the Deua- 
kuhkas. The figures on the eastern wall comprise Laksun, Indra, Vajrasrn- 
khals; and those on the west Dikpnla Varuna, Mahakah, Padmsvati 
Takfi (carrying lotus bud, noose, goad, fruit, and riding a kukku(a sarpa], 
Kali, Dikpala Ntrrta, Padmavati (See fig. II) (with varads/qa goad, noose 
and fruit in four hands. She riding a kukkn(a satpa, has been provided 
with five-hooded cobra overhead), Sarasvatl (See tig. Ill) (betraying 
varadnk$a, spiral lotus, vind, and manuscript rides over a hamsa), Lak^rni 
(25 figs), and a goddess (with varada, goad, noose, fruit; and vnhana 
elephant, who may be Vajranku^a). 

The fifth temple, of Sambhavanatha, is a thirteenth century construc- 
tion. 1 The figures on the facades - starting from ihe east - show Vajrgrikusa 
(2 figs.), Mahaksll, Rohinl, Cakresvarj, an unidentified goddess (carrying 
varada, mace or sruka, thunderbolt, fruit) and Sarasvatl. The niched figures 
of the goddesses carved on the basement of the temple - perambulating from 
east to west - show Vajrankusa, Sarvastra - Mahajvala (bearing jvdlapfttra 
m two upper hands with me$a carved below), Cakresvan (kiri\a~-muku\a} 
and a goddess seemingly female counterpart of Ya/cfa Sarvanubhuti (holding 
varada, purse, goad, broken). Two fifteenth century figures of Par^vanatha 
with seven-headed cobra overhead are installed in the Gudhamaqdapa. The 
Jina figure in the sanctum is of a subsequent date. 

After getting the readers acquainted with the iconic content of the 
Kumbbaria temples, I would like to note some concluding points in the 
folio A ing lines. First and the most important of all is that even at such 
a developed stage of the Jama iconography the artists at Kumbharia and 
so also eleswhere in the Western India, omitted the representation of all 
the Taksa-Yakfl figures independently or with their respective Jinas. 
Barring a few instances of Rsabhanatha and Parsvanatha where the 
accompanying Taksa-Takp figures are those canonically associated with 
them, the Sarvauubhut Taksa, and Ambika Yakfi, en/oying undoubtedly 
the highest position in the group of the 24 Yakja-Yuksl pairs, were 
represented as the Yakfa-Yakfi figures of all the Jinas. The popularity of 
the aforesaid Yak$a~Yak$l pair is further evidenced by their frequent 

1. For further details consult, Tiwau, Maruti Nandan Prasad, 'KumbhSrig ke 
Sambhavanatha Mandir kl Jaina Deviyfifi,' Hindi Anekanta, Yr. 25, No. 3, July- 
August 1972, pp. 101-103. 

14 Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwan 

occurrence on the door-sills, pillars, ceilings and the walls of all the 
Juina tt'iipks at the site. However, this has not been the case with the 
Jina images of Central India, especially irom Madhya Pradesh and 
Uttar Pradesh. It is also surprising that the artists generally o.intting 
the representation of the respective cognizances of the Jinas preferred, 
instead, to mention the name of the Jmasi in the throne inscriptions. The 
representations, of the two elephants, a four-armed goddess (carrying either 
lotuses or lotus aud manuscript in two upper hands ana representing 
possibly iSautidevi) in the centre and twu deer, flanking and facing the 
dhariiKictikra, on the throne of the Jina images are also the features confined 
only tg the Jina images from Western India. In the list of other Tak$a 
and Taksi figures, finding independent place in the Jama temples of 
Kumbliaria, mention may be made of Gomukha, Brahtnasguti and 
DheranCndra Yak$as\ and CMkresvan, Nirvsni and Padmavati Yaksis. In 
the hiit of the sixteen Jama Mahmdyas only some were accorded the most 
favoured position; they are Rohmi, Cakresvan, Vajrarikusa, Vajrasrrikhala, 
Mahakaii, Acchupts, Vairotys, Mahamanasi and Sarvastra-Mabajvalg, 
Sarasvaii and Laksnii (specially Gajalaksmi) are among the other popular 
Jaina goddesses who have enormously been carved in the Kumbharia 
temples, Besides the goddesses, the Atta-dikpuls, Ganeia, and the mothers 
and the parent of twentj-four Jinas were also given due importance in 
these temples Of even more significance for the study of the Jina 
iconography is the representation of narratives from the lives of the 
different Jinas at Kumbharia, also occurring at other places in Western 
India, which, of course, are rarely met with in the contemporary Jaina 
temples of Central India and other regions (See Fig. IV, V) 

Regarding iconography of all the divinties, other than those claiming 
artists' innovations, it may be said, in conclusion, that the mhana and 
<He d. s ti ngois hing symbols, peculiar to a particular deity, are shown in 
conformity with the S'velsmbara works. 

Surabhl Sheth 

A study of the Dharniasutras is important for understanding the 
social Htttl religious norms of early society. As MM. Kane puts it : 'Their 
principle purpose is to dilate upon the rules of conduct, law and custom'. 1 
The Apuvftrnhd-Dhirma-tiutra (AP-Dh. S.} belongs to the Taittinya M/ia 
of black Yajurwda and dates between 450-350 B. C. a In this article, an 
attempt 14 madu to analyse the views of Apastamba on Inheritance. 

Tlif problems of division of property and inheritance are treated at 
length 111 the AP~Dh~S. In the very first sutra, AP says that (i) the 
property should be divided by the father during his lifetime, (li) the 
property should be divided equally among his sons (a) except the eunuch, 
the mad man and the outcast and (b) after having gladdened the eldest 
sou by some (choice) portion of his wealth 3 As the division of property is 
to be done during the father's lifetime, it seems that the householders 
were .supposed to become hermits or ascetics, during the rest of their life. 
But Gautama clearly says (XXVIU 1) that partition should be made 
after the dt-alJl of the father. It may be done during the father's lifetime, 
if he so wishes, provided the mother is past child-bearing (XXVtH. 2), 
HarndiUtn, a emmnentatnr on Apastamba, here introduces a whole chapter 
on the division of a father's estate among his sons supplementing 
flrmstaniba's short rule by the texts of other lawyers.^ No doubt, Apastamba 
means to lay down, in these and the following sutras, only the leading 
principle of tlu> law of inheritance and he intends that the remaining 
particulars should be supplied from the law of custom or other Smite.' 

As mentioned above', AP. excludes a eunuch, an insane person and 
an outcast. According to Buudhayana, the blind, idiot, euach, one immersed 
in vices att'licicd with an incurable malady, one who neglects one's duties 
and oaupntltm* and an outcast are excluded from the inheritance.^ 
Munu also suues that the eunuch, the degraded, one who is blind and 
Ucal fmm h.rllt, insane, imbecile, dumb and one without a limb cannot 

7*~K^1Tv. TjhtnTy ol Uh.u'i.mListM (HUM), Vol. I, Pt. I, P. 21. 

A H,,lil,-r' YKWI' r ( rklM>hS., Sim scrip*, P. 132- f * 

/ V '!,. H.tJ. !ai.,-iu, J) M( A Study to their Gngm ^nd Development, 


IS Surabhi Sheth 

get any portion from the father's property.* The general opinion ig that 
they shoUldj however, be maintained by those who take the inheritance 
and their progeny can be given a share. 

About a prefereutial share to be given to the eldest son, there is a 
difference of opinion among the various AcSryas. In the above sutra, Ju 
tht words 'ekadhanena jye^ham lofayitvH', Apastarnba grants the eldest 
son's right (o inherit some choice portion of wealth in addition to his 
shaic which will be equal to that given to other sous, but here he does 
not specify which items could constitute that choice portion of the wealth 
which has to be given to the eldest son alone After this he cites the 
opinion of others who declare that the eldest son alone is entitled to inherit 
the property.? Haradatta comments (hat the other sons should Jive under 
his protection.* la some countries, gold (or) black cattle, (or) black 
produce of the canh is the share of the eldest.* In the next sutra, 
Sptstamba comments that the chariot and the furniture in the house are 
the father's share." This implies that in the choice portion of the eldest 
800, the father's special share can be included. According to Vasistba 
(XVII. 42-45) the eldest son takes a double share and a tithe of the kine 
sad horses ; the goats, the sheep and the house belong to the youngest son, 
and black iron, utensils, arid furniture go to the middlemost. Baudhsyana 
specifies the additional share of the eldest by stating that according to the 
order of the four castes, the eldest son gets a cow, a horse, a goat and a 
sheep (U. 2, 3. 9). 

Spastaniba contends that the eldest son may be given a choice portion 
of weaJth and after pJeasing him thus, the rest of the property may be 
divided equally among all the sons, but Apastamba does not agree with 
the opinion of some other AcSr^as who entitle the eldest son alone to 
inhedt property. He says that the Snstras forbid any preferentia] treatment 
to the eidwt son" to Apastamba, the astras give both the 
vim, TO, (i) that the eldest son should be given preferential treatment " 
and (U) that all sons should be given equal treatment since Manu 

e. cr. ftft gtafaft 

it i fcfofRfRftprf. Manu 920L 

IL6iI4 ' 6i cf - Gautama (xxviii - 

*, Ch, I, Sect, iii, Par. 6, 

s p . 

10 - Sp. II. 6 14.8 

. II, ij.H.10 

SP. Ii. 6.H.12 

^Apasatamba*s views on Inheritance 17 

divided his whole property equally among all his sons. 18 But according 
to Apastamba, neither of the views represents rule of the time, since both 
are anuvadas and therefore mere statements of facts. Hence, according to 
.Apastamba, all the sons who are vntuous 14 inherit the property, and 
those who are unrighteous will be disinherited, even though the eldest son 
may be among them. 15 

In earlier, sutras, 16 Apastamba clarifies his position by saying that 
the sons begotten by a man who approaches in proper season a woman of 
equal caste, who has not belonged to another man, and who has been 
married legally, have a right to follow the occupation of their castes and 
to inherit the estate, if they do not sin against either of their parents.! 7 

Apastmba states that on failure of sons, the nearest sapinda gets the 
i nheritance. 1 ^ That at this juncture, he does not mention tlie widowed 
mother to inherit the property is significant, since, it seems that Apastamba, 
like BaudhSyana, did not consider women and specially widows, fit to 
inherit, though after giving remote relations a priority m the inheritance, 
ultimately, he allows the daughter to partake it. Thus he says that if the 
sapindas are also not available, the spiritual teacher inherits, on his 
failure, a pupilio or the daughter may take the inheritance.^ This sutra 
seems to place the daughter on an equal footing with those who are 
mentioned after the sapinda. As regards pupil, there is a condition that he 
may use the heritage for religious purposes for the benefit of the deceased. 
And on failure of all relations, the king takes the inheritance. 21 

A"pastamba makes one clarification with regards to the wife's share 
in the husband's property. He states that no division takes place between 
husband and wife 22 because from the time of marriage, they are united 

\ AP. n. 6,14.11 

AP. II. 6.14.14 
5 5 fffI Vftqnsqfa ^Sfsfq aJW(t $*r?3 I AP II. 6.14.15 

1G - fl'rnhitw^f^fr'n' ^ ^se: <pn^f ^fa^F 3 ^: i XP. n 

17 - E[$T ^SSqferW-^VlJit: I Ap. II. 6.13.2 

: i AP. n. e.H.z 

AP. II. 6.14.3 
20 - gfl^T IT I AP. II. 6.14.4 

21 OTfaft *M 5R ?t^ I AP. II. 6.145 
22. s I AP. II. 6.14.16 

18 Surabhi Sheth 

In ;f!gi0u* ceremonies** and therefore they share all the rewards of 
work*** which accrue spiritual merit and the acquisition of property,* 6 
bat points out the opinion of some (eke) that the wife's share in the 
property consists of ornaments and wealth received from her relations. 8 *, 

P. H. 6.14.17 
I SP. H.cjtie 
iSP. ii. 6.I4.I9 

1 SP. II. 6.14.9 


K. K. Dixit 

The inner-community differences of the modern Jainas are chiefly 
centred around three questions, viz. 

(1) Whether the original Jaiua Scriptural texts are yet intact, 

(2) Whether it is proper for a monk to put on any clothing what- 
1 soever, 

(3) Whether the worship of icons is a desirable religious practice. 

Thus the first two questions are answered in the negative by the 
Digambara sub-sect and in the affirmative by the Svetambara sub-sect; 
similarly, the third question is answered in the negative by the important 
section of Svetsmbaras designated Sthsnakavssin (which, it might also be 
noted by the way, disputes the authenticity of some 13 minor scriptural 
texts counted as genuine by the remaining body of ^vetambaras). The 
three points of difference in question deserve consideration in a proper 
historical perspective. Let us take them up one by one. 

On the face of it it sounds odd that a religious sect should confess 
that in the course of historical process it long ago came to lose possession 
of all its original scriptural texts. But this is precisely what the Digambara 
sub-sect of the the Jainas seems to be doing. And yet the stand adopted 
by it on this score is not altogether odd. For the fact of the matter is 
that on almost all important theoretical questions the positions now-a-days 
considered to be characteristically Jaina are the end-product of a conside- 
rable long historical evolution. And in the early Jaina texts which alone 
could have been assigned the title 'Scripture' it is the early stages of this 
evolution that are to be met with and naturally. This surmise is amply 
confirmed by a perusal of the genuinely old portions of the texts treated 
as scriptures by the f-ivetambara sub-sect. Thus it must have been"the 
absence in those texts of an exposition of the classical Jaina positions on 
important theoretical questions that created in the mind of the latter-day 
Digambaras a misgiving as to the authenticity of these texts, a misgiving 
that in due course culminated in an actual repudiation of their authenticity. 
However the difficulty scented by the Digambaras could not but have' been 
encountered even by the Svetambaras, but the latter came out with a diffe- 
rent solution of it. Thus they imagined that a considerable portion oflhe 

^ JT. K. Dlxlt 

original Jama scriptural left had b 2e n gradually lost by the time the remaining 
OM *as given the form in which it is with us to-day and since long. It can easily 
be seen lhat theoretically 'P^mg the Digambara and svetambaca stands in 

qio ere essentially similar, but the practical outcome was vastly diffc. 
rent m the case of Iliese two. For in view of their specific stand it came 
about that the latter-day Svetambura scholars endeavoured as best they could 
to preiervc the oldot stratum of Jama literature. For if this stratum is to be 
detected inywhere it i* somewhere inilim the body of the texts treasured as 
Scripture by toe ^vttruubara subject. Of course, only too often did the latter- 
day bveumbara scfwlat-v misread into an ancient text positions that were 
formulated in a considerably late period, but for this responsibility chiefly 
IK* with that absence of a historical outlook which is so characteristic of 
airooit all medieval ladwn authors of whatever hue. la any case, it rema- 
ins for * historical minded modern student of Jamisrn to show that if an 
incient Jama text contains a Idter developed position it can at the most 
contain it in a seed form. However, m this task too considerable help comes 
from those very commer tanes on these ancient texts which were written by 
the )atter-da> Svetambara scholars belonging to different historical penods. 
Natuialiy, Ihe later Digainbara scholars could not participate m the 
sacred task of preserving the leiter of the ancient Jaina texts in question, 
but by way of compensation as it were they did their utmost to preserve 
and propagate what they understood to be the 'spirit' of those texts, an 
understanding which was alnust wholly shared also by their Svetatubara 
contemporaries. For this understanding emerged from the later developed 
classical Jaina positions and so far as they were concerned there was little 
to differentiate between the respective Digambara and vetambara stands 
pertaining to them. 

Thus the latter-day Digambara scholars as well as the latter-day 
Svetarubara scholars were of the view that the positions defended by them 
had been expounded in the original Jaina scriptural texts, but a difference 
which, as has been just noted, was trivial in one respect and not so in 
another arose when the former further contended that in due course 
the texts in question were all lost and the latter that in due course they 
were largely lost. And the understanding pertaining to the gradual loss of 
the original scriptural texts was a part and parcel of a larger understanding 
to the effect that in our times the whole of human development is on the 
downgrade. For the classical Jaina scholars divided one round of the ever- 
repeating time-cvcle into an ascending half and a descending half, the 
duration of each covering years whose number was of truly astronomical 
older; and it was believed by them that we are living in a period falling 
towards the close of the descending half of a particular round of time- 
cycle - that is, in a worst imaginable period of time. However, in the 

Evolution of the Jaina Treatment of Ethical Problems 21 

descending half of a round of time-cycle as in the ascending half so 
believed these Jaina scholars there appear from time to time personages 
of highest spiritual merit called Tlrthankara who re-establish the Jama 
order on a new footing; the descending half to which we belong had for 
its 24th and last Tn thankara Mahavira whose date was 599-527 B.C., for 
its 23rd Tlrthankara Parsva whose dale was 877-777 B.C. In view 
of these predominantly mythological beliefs of theirs it was rather easy for 
the classical Jaina theoreticians to suppose that good many desirable 
practices were possible of performance in the time^ of Mahavira and ceased 
to be so m due course. And retaining in memory the original Jaina scrip- 
tural texts was but an example of such practices. The notion as to what these 
texts are and how they came to be composed is equally much coloured 
by mythological considerations. Thus it was maintained by the Digarabars 
as well as Svetambaras that the most fundamental Jaiaa scriptural texts are 
the twelve Angas composed by the direct chief-disci pies of Mahavira on 
the basis of what they had learnt from the Ma&ter himself. As regards the 
identity of the extra-Angle scriptural texts there is no unanimous tradition 
except that there were some such texts and that they were composed 
by the savants of the early post-Mahavira era. The classical Digambara 
scholars came to maintain that the extra -Angio scriptural texts were as 
much lost to memory as were the Angas. On the other hand, the classical 
Svetambara scholars treated as extra-Afigic scriptural texts 12 UpSngas, 
several Chedasutras, Dabavaikalika, Uttaradhyayana, Anuyogadvnra, Nandi, 
etc., but they too had no fixed tradition of saying thnt these texts and 
no other were to be treated as extra-Angic scriptural texts; [the current 
orthodox Svetambara practice of treating 34 particular texts as extra- 
Angic scripture and the current Sthanakavasi practice of treating 21 out of 
these as such are very late almost modern.]. 

In the background of this much information let us critically examine 
the views maintained in common or differing from one another by the 
classical Digambara and Svetambara scholars as to the origin and subse- 
quent fate of the Jaina scriptural texts. As has been just noted, the classical 
Jaina scholars Digambaras as well as Svetambaras believed that their most 
fundamental scriptural texts-the twelve Angas were composed by the direct 
chief-disciples of Mahavira. Of course, these scholars did not consider 
Mahsvira to be the founder of the Jaina church (for this Church-so they 
thought being eternal did not have a founder) but only the last TWhankara 
of the current descending half of the current round of time-cycle. However, 
for all practical purposes Mahsvira was considered by them to be the 
founder of the Jaina church, for a Tlrthankara is after all supposed to be 
one who re-establishes the Jaina order on a new footing. And in view of 
such an exalted position accorded by them to Mahavira it was but natural 

$2 K. 1C. Dixtt 

fot them to daim that their most fundamental scriptural texts somehow 
incorporated the words of Mahavira, and to say-as was actually done by 
ihem - that the twelve Angas were composed by the direct chief-disciples of 
Mahgvira on the basis of what they had learnt from the Master was as 
good as saying that these texts incorporated the words of Mahavira. But 
a perusal of the eleven Anga-Ux.ts of the present-day l-jvetambara canon 
{ttw t*clfth-viz. D^wsdtt having been declared by the SvetSmbaras them- 
selves t>> Jiave been lost long ago) convinces one that almost each of them 
is made up ot portions composed by different persons at different periods 
of tune What has most probably happened is that these different portions 
were composed by different persons at different periods in the earJy post- 
Mahavira era, then were compiled in the form of different Anga-texts, and 
finally wore attribute J ia retrospect to Mahavira himself; (many additions 
wcte made to these texts even much later). Thus it is difficult to assent to 
the ottludjx Svetarabara contention that the eleven Aiiga-texls of the 
present-day Svetsmbara canon are the meagre remnants of the twelve 
Atga-ttrts that were composed by Mantra's direct chief-disciples; and 
the orllwdj* Digimbara contention that there were once in existence twelve 
Xflgo-texts composed by Mahsvira's direct chief-disciples with which, how- 
ever, the eleven ^go-texts of the present-day Svetambara canon have nothing 
whatsoever to do is sull more unworthly of credence. So what has to' be 
done iuo subject to chronologicaUtartiQcation the entire body of Svetambara 
cwon-wilhoui laying undue emphasis on the distinction allegedly obtain- 
isg between its Aflgic and extra-Aigic sectors. For as a matter of-- fact 
wt ana the most important of the extra-Aagic scriptural texts too are'all' 
dc up of portion, that were composed by different persons at different 

era (and i 

?*** "" m St cons P icuoUs feature of m()S t of the Jaina 

sufflciMtly to ' be " me of 



Position of the At . ' , ral " 011 Tt S ardl 8 "I" com- 

Evolution of the Jaina Treatment of Ethical Problems 23 

themselves. For example, among the Angas the oldest material is to be 
found in the Kc3r3nga I brutaskandha and Sutrakrtahga I Srutasknndha, but 
certain chapters of Vttaradhyayanaan extra-Angic scriptural text do not 
seem to be much later. In any case, there is need for working out the 
criteria on whose basis it might be possible to subject to a chronological 
stratification the entire body of the Jaina canonical texts. Later on, we shall 
ourselves be devising criteria for tracing the evolution of the treatment of 
ethical problems as met with in these texts, but meanwhile let us dispose 
of the two other points of difference that divide the Jaina community, 


The classical Digambara scholars maintained the view that a Jaina 
monk ought to go stark naked; as a matter of fact, the very name 'Digam- 
bara* signifies an advocate of nakedness. Even the classical Svetambara 
scholars could not .outright reject the idea that nakedness is a highly 
desirable monastic practice, for they too, just like their Digambara counter- 
parts, believed that Mabavjra himself was a naked ascetic. But these 
Svetambara scholars came out with an amendment to the effect that ' 
nakedness was no more a possible practice ever since the time of Jamba, 
the third patriarch of the Jaina church after Marmvira. And this amend- 
ment of theirs was based on that well known consideration that ways of 
the world are going from bad to worse as time passes on, a consideration 
that could not lose upon the Digambaras even. For using this very consi- 
deration both the Digambaras and Svetsmbaras came to maintain that attain- 
ment of moksa the summun bonum of man's all desirable endeavour - is no 
more a possible proposition. Strictly speaking, the position was that attain, 
meat of molqa is no more possible in our parts of the universe - it 
being well possible in certain other parts of it posited by the Jaina 
cosmographic mythology. This is an example of how the Jaina position as 
to what desirable practices are possible now and what are not possible got 
mixed up with all sorts of mythological notions cosmographic and 
historical. Be that as it may, from the theoretical standpoint it was sheer 
chance that the Digambaras maintained that nakedness is a possible 
practice for all time to come while the ^vetambaras that it has ceased tb 
be so ever since the time of Jamba. 

However, even from the practical standpoint the difference between the 
JDigambaras and fWsmbaras was perhaps not as sharp as it appears. For 
Jainism is a monastic religious sect in the sense that spiritual supervision 
of the laity is here the responsibility of the world-renouncing monks, 
so that if anywhere and at any time there happens to be developed a 
considerable, community of Jaina laymen then a fairly large number o 

24 K. JT. Dixit 

/aina monks become the need of the hour, flat m a civilized society ft is not 
possible for a large number of persons to go naked. So practical compuls- 
ions led to the emergence within the Digambara Jaina community of a 
class of personages who would practise aJi sorts of austerities short of 
nakedness and would provide spiritual supervision to the mass of laity. 
And as such these personages were JiltJe distinct from the ordinary Svela- 
mbara monks. 

Yet controversy on the question of nakedness versus otherwise raged 
in all fury in good number of important Digambara and veiambara texts 
of the classical period. And that was a symptom of times. For jn those 
times the numerous sub-sects of the same religious sect would lay all-out 
emphasis on the minor and obscure points of difference that divided them 
from one another. For example, this was the case with so many sub-sects 
of Buddhism regarding which our only current source of information are 
the second-hand reports dilating on such minor and obscure points of 
difference. Similar was the case with the Digambara and Swtambara sub- 
sects of Jainism and nakedness was just one item of a Jong catalogue of 
minor and obscure points of difference that divided them From one another. 
True, nakedness was the most important item of this catalogue and per- 
haps the two next most important of its items were 'the possibility or 
otherwise of a woman attaining mokpf and 'the possibility or otherwise of 
an omaiscient personage taking meal', But in connection with none of 
these items - not even in connection with the most important of them - 
there was said much that was truly worthwhile. 


The difficulty urged by the Sthanatevains against the orthodox 
mbara, had its own importance. Thus since Jong had the /ainas bee" 

^ raCiCC f d - 

o Q u ? 1 rh - - Sp ' U te ttoakav^n o,n d 

out that this prac.ce a not found mentioned fc any of the old Agamic 
texts. Of course, had they been only insisting that the old Agam* tex s 
do not contain stray reference, to ,* pra c,i c e of idol-wors" p he 
pcttfen would have been vulnerable, for these texts do contain '1 h ef] 


- -- 

Evolution of the Jalna Treatment of Ethical Problems 25 

of there being a Jalna layman at all, their preoccupation being with a 
Jama monk. But even later Agamic texts which explicitly and elaborately 
expound a Jaina layman's religious duties do not in this connection, 
recommend the practice of idol-worship. In view of this all the Sthanakavasi 
case becomes almost unassailable hke the Aryasarnaja case that the Vedas 
do not recommend the practice of idol- worship. And the analogy is not at 
all superficial. For the Sthauakavasi sub-sect of Jamism originated in the 
midst of the favourable anti -idolatry atmosphere generated by the advent of 
the Muslim rule in India, just as the Arya samsja sub-sect of Vedicism or- 
iginated in the midst of the favourable anti-idolatry atmosphere generated by 
the advent of the Christian-British rule in India. Both these sub-sects found 
solace in the discovery that their respective old scriptural texts were free 
from all tinge of idolatry, but both were faced with the hard fact that the 
mass of their co-religionists had turned downright idolatrous long long 
ago, For in what might be called the post-canonic phase in the history 
of Jainism the entire mass of Jainas had openly and enthusiastically embra- 
ced idolatry, just as in what might be called the Puranic phase iu the 
history of Vedicism the entire mass of Vedicists had done so. Even so 
the success of the Sthanakavasms among their fellow-religionists was relati- 
vely greater than that of the Aryasamsjins among theirs, (Incidentaly, it 
might also be noted that an antudolatiy trend - called Tsranapantha- 
arose in the midst of the Digambaras as well; but this trend was much 
less influential than the Sthanakavasi trend arisen in the midst of the 
vetambaras. The reason for this was that by the time the anti-idolatry 
movement was afoot the Digambaras had, for various historical reasons, 
ceased to be a developing community.) 

This much analysis of the most important points of difference dividing 
the most inportant modern sub-sects of Jainism was necessary, for in 
much theoretical discussion conducted by the Jainas themselves these 
points unfortunately loom large. I^ot that these points are negligible, for 
even if trivial in themselves they are of considerble historical significance. 
Nevertheless, it is necessary that they be emphasized within proper propor- 
tions. Thus while evaluating the contribution made by Jainism to the 
treasure-house of Indian culture one should bring to prominence the so 
improtant things that unite all the Jainas rather than the so trivial things 
that divide them. 

It is in conformity to this understanding that we below consider the 
Jaiqa treatment of ethical problems in its historical evolution. 

A classical exposition of the Jaina ethical positions is found in UmssvSti's 
TattvarthasUtra. This text undertakes a systematic treatment of the seven 
tattvas or fundamental verities posited by classical Jainism, and of these verities 
Sftmbodbi 2,1 

25 K. K. 

thft first two pertain to (he sphere of bntology, the remaining five to the sphere 
of ethics. For they are jiva, ajlva, Usrava, bandha, samvara nirjam aud mok$a; 
and a treatment on Umasvad's part of the verities jiva and ajlva is an onto- 
loglcal treatment of the animate world and the inanimate world respectively, 
while a treatment on his part of the verities Zsrava, bandha, samvara, nirjara and 
mokwn a treatment of what he considers to be the most fundamental ethical 
problems. Thus banilha stands for the world career of repeated births and 
deaths, mok$a for an absolute release from such a career; similarly, asrava 
stands for the phenomenon of the karmic particles of a physical nature 
seeking to gain entry into an individual's soul as a result of his good or 
bad acts, sctmvara for the phenomenon of these karmic particles being 
denied entry into an individual's soul, nirjara for the phenomenon of the 
earlier entered karmic particles being expelled out of an individual's soul. 
Even this bare paraphrasing of the words denoting Umasvati's five verities 
pertaining to the sphere of ethics particularly of the words asrava, 
samwra and nirjarn bristles with technicalities. It is therefore necessary 
to clearly trace the origin and historical evolution of these verities. 

Since very old days a most conspicuous feature of the Indian thought- 
world has been the doctrine of transmigartion, True, it is absent in the 
oldest stratum of Vedic literature, but it does make its appearance in the 
latest, And as for Buddhism and Jainism, even the oldest literary pieces 
produced by them are found to exhibit familiarity with this doctrine. 
Confining ourselves to Jainism, let us examine how on this question matters 
stand in details. 

In the classical Jaina version of the doctrine of transmigration a most 
conspicuous ingredient js the concept of karmic-particles treated -as a type 
of physical entities, Thus according to the classical Jama authors, whenever 
a being performs an act good or evil that is to bring about fruit 
at a later occasion - in this life or some future one - then physical parti- 
cles of an appropriate description - called 'karmic physical particles' or 
karmic particles' - get attached to this being's soul and remain attached 
to it till the fruit in question is actually brought about; after that is done 
the physical particles in question take leave of the sou] in question It 
is only in the background of this whole theory that Umasvsti's concept of 
toraw, samara and nirjam can be properly understood. For as we have 
seen, his jarava stands for the phenomenon of the karmic particles seeking 
to gam entry into a soul, his saihv ara for the phenomenon of these parti- 
des beme denied entry into a soul, his nirjar* for the phenomenon of the 
enH* entered karmtc particles being expelled out of a soul. The whole 
tMr* can be made crystal-clear with the help of an il.ustration advanced 
10 to B^ammra - the illustration of , bost-with-hundred-h^s 

Evolution of the Jaina Treatment of Eihical Problems 27 

floating on water. In case the holes are left uncovered water is bound 
to gain entry into the boat - this corresponding to the process of asrava', 
in case the holes are properly covered water will be denied entry into 
the boat this corresponding to the process of samara; in order to render 
the boat safe that water ought to be drawn off which had entered into it 
before the holes had been properly covered _ this corresponding to the 
process of nirjarn. And yet the fact remains that within the body of 
Jaina doctrines the concept of karmic physical particles is a rather late 
growth. Let us therefore trace the "pre-history'- so to say ~ of the classical 
Jaina version of the doctrine of transmigration. 

On various grounds - which need not be detailed just now - the 
ficSrHngasutra I Srutaskandha and the Sutrakrtangasutra I Srutaskandha prove 
to be the oldest available Jaina texts. And in these texts the problem of 
transmigration and mok$a is touched upon time without number. Thus 
they tell us as to what evil acts lead to one's involvement in the cycle of 
transmigration and what good acts lead to one's release from this cycle. 
Occasionally, they also come out with the view that an extra-corporeal 
sou] it is that undergoes transmigratory cycle and attains moksa. (The very 
first chapter - out of nine - of the Acnmnga I Smtaskandha is in a way 
an elaborate vindication of the reality of an extra-corporeal soul). But 
the mechanism of transmigration and that of mok$a are nowhere worked 
out in details in these texts. Thus unlike the latter-day classical Jaina 
texts dealing with the problem of transmigration and mok$a, our present 
two texts do not describe how as a result of one's acts likely to 
bear fruit at a later occasion the karmic particles of an appropriate descrip- 
tion seek to gain entry into one's soul, how these particles remain attached 
to one's soul till the fruit in question is actually reaped, how these particles 
are purged out of one's soul once this fruit is actually reaped, etc. It is 
only in the Bhagavatlsutra that beginnings of a theory of karmic physical 
particles make their appearance. Thus this text works out the details 
of this theory chiefly within the framework of a triad of concepts - viz. 
bandha, vedana, and nirjarn : Here bandha stands for the process of the 
karmic physical particles gaining entry into a soul, vedana for the process 
of this soul experiencing the fruit concerned, nirjarn for the process of these 
particles being purged out of this sou]; (on a few occasions the word 
bandha ' is replaced by ' asrava ' and, picturesquely, asrava might be said 
to stand for the process of the kannic physical particles rushing towards a 
soul bandha for the process of these particles actually getting attached to 
this soul, but from the standpoint of strict theory the two words are 
absolutely synonymous). However, two latter-day extensions of the theory 
of fcarmic physical particles are almost foreign to the Bhagavatlsutra and 
this as follows : 

28 JT. K. Dixit 

The classical lama authors like Umasvati speak of nsrava, samvara 
and nirjars as three types of ethical activities tHe first supposed to 
cause kaimic bondage, the second supposed to preveat karmlc bondage 
the third supposed to purge out the karraas earlier bound down. This 
usage is unknown to the Bhigasatisutra which only in a genera] manner 
speaks of good and evil acts - the former supposed to loosen karmic 
bondage, the latter supposed to strengthen it. Thus so far as the simple 
ethical classification of acts into good ones and evil ones is concerned the 
tiha%MatisMra just carries forward tue tradition of the old texts AcarBnga 
I Sntiask'indha and Sutrakrinnga 1 Srtttaskatidha] what it newly introduces 
it the concept of karmic bondage supposed to be loosened by good acts 
and to be strengthened by the evil ones. It is only in a stray dialogue that 
the BHga-MtWtra somewhat approaches the usage of the latter-day theore- 
tician*. Thus there the question is raked as to what is the result of sam 
jrama (= restraiu) and tafas (spenance); and the answer forthcoming is that 
the result of the former is anzsraw (= absence of asram), that of the-latter 
yymaJtaa {= purification). By way of answering the same question - and 
towering ic in the same way - the latter-day theoretician would use 
the word samvara instead of aaasrava and ntrjan instead ofvyavdana, and the 
fact that the Bhagavan&tra does not resort to this latter-day usage tends 
to support the surmise that this latter-day usage had not yet become 
stududued And as just hinted, even the dialogue in question is a stray 
drogue of Us t )pe ft the Bhag^atisuira. y 

e e speat of r type f 

cause the loosening O f turm^ h ^ . y concede that good acts 

But th 

to doSLa* 

possibility of there bdng TtZ H ke ^ ""* Seld m conce - 
say that desire f ruits ^ h ^-a; It can at the 

Evolution of the Jaina Treatment of Ethical Problems 29 

We have seen that the Bhagavafisutra conducts its discussion of karma- 
doctrine within the framework of a triad of concepts viz. bandha, vedana 
and nirjara. In course of time the concept of bondha was coupled with 
that of mok^a, the concept of vedana with that of nirjarn and it was held out 
that these two "concept-couples were a speciality of the Jainas. Now the 
concept-couple vedana and nirjara \vas obviously a Jaina speciality but as 
conceived by the Jama theoreticians even the concept-couple bandha-and- 
mokfa became such a speciality. Later on, Bsrava and samvara were 
coined as technical terms, the former standing for the eviJ acts causing 
the forging of karrnic bondage the later for the goods acts causing the 
prevention of the same. Lastly, when karmas were divided into a good 
type and an evil one a new concept-couple was introduced in the 
form of ptinya-and'papa, the former standing for good karmas, the later 
for evil ones. On the other hand, the ontological speculations of the Jainas 
had already led to the positing of a verity ajiva (= not-souJ) by the 
side of jiva (= soul), an instance of the sjiva .substances being the karniic 
particles themselves. The process of formulating concept-couples went on 
still further but for our present purpose we can ignore that. For the point 
is that at long last thus came into existence that long compound which 
occurs at the beginning of so many old narratives and which says about 
an orthodox Jaina that he was conversant with the cotegories jiva and 
ajiva, punya and papa, dsrva and samvara, bandha and mohfa, vedana and 
nirjarn, and so on and so forth. And when the classical Jama theoreti- 
cians felt the need for framing a concise catalogue of fundamental verities 
which should cover the whole range of phenomena ontological as well 
as ethical - that were worth investigating, they selected nine from the 
compound in question. Thus was adumbrated the celebrated Jaina doctriqe, 
of nava-tattva or 'nine fundamental verities* where the verities in question 
are jiva, ajiva, nsrava, samvara, punya, papa, bandha, nirjara and moksa^ 
and an author like Umasvsti reduced the number of fundamental verities 
by two by treating punya and papa as two sub-items falling under the 
item asrava, It was under the influence of this doctrine of tattvas - nine 
or seven that later copyists expunged the word 'vedana 1 from that long 
compound qualifying an orthodox Jaina. For strictly speaking, vedana and 
nirjara and so also bandha and mok$a were ontological catagories - just 
like Jiva and ajiva, For all practical purposes even the classical Jaina 
theoreticians treated bandha and mokfa as ontological categories, for in. 
connection with discussing them what they would do was to describe the 
mechanism of karmic bondage and mok$a ~ an essentially ontological 
description. But the category nirjara. was treated by these theoreticians as 
an ethical category - just like asarva and samvara; for under this category 
were described the ethical acts - penance, for example which were 
supposed to relieve a soul of a vast burden of karmas at one go; hence it 

30 K. K. Dixit 

was that this category was decoupled from vedana which remained an 
ontological category even in the eyes of the classical Jaina theoretecians. 

Broadly speaking, this was the path traversed by the Jaina treatment 
of ethical problems from the days of the AcarMga I Smtaskandha and 
Sntrakrtanga I &mta$kandha down to the days of Umasvati. 

However, things cannot be left there. For what has thus far been 
supplied is a mere skeleton of the matter, a skeleton that stands in need 
of bdttg provided with flesh and blood. And to this task we address our 
selves next. 

In the times of Buddha and Mahsvjra the social atmosphere in India 
must have been somehow favourable for the growth of monastic communi- 
ties. So many of them did in fact appear on the scene and two historically 
most important of them were those following Buddhism and Jainism. The 
latter-day Buddhism and Jainism differed from one another in so many 
well known ways but what distinguished the two in the beginning is a matter 
of more or less valid conjecture. All evidence primary, secondary, and 
itill more remote - tends to confirm the surmise that Jainism demanded 
from a monk harsher austerities than did Buddhism. The question is if 
this particular point of difference has a social significance; it seems to 
have at least some. Thus all the monastic communities of those days stood 
for a renunciation of the regular society-that being the very first condition 
of their coming info existence. But since all these communities depended 
on the regular society itself for thoic daiiy requirements like food, clothing 
shelter, etc the harsher austerities a community chose to practise the more 


, , r . 

be could be a monk and since ih, f Sousebolder as 

" '* 

l. la order ,o , u0 ?' ^ ' "" "" ' 
still mo , 8 concrete "" have before Ws 

concrete picture 


Evolution of the Jaina Treatment of Ethical Problems 31 

By the times of Buddha and MahSvira the society of Vedic Aryans 
had reached a stage of development when the emergence of an affluent 
minority became a most conspicuous feature of it and the affluence of 
this minority was earned at the expense of the greater or lesser pauperi- 
zation of the majority. So when the monastic communities of those 
times were denouncing the lust for property a denunciation implicit in the 
very act of world-renunciation on their part they were in fact denouncing 
the misdeeds of the affluent minority standing atop the contemporary 
society. And the so wide prevalence of the monastic movement was proof 
positive that such a denunciation was most timely. True, in its innermost 
essence the monastic movement was a religious phenomenon ~ not a social 
phenomenon; but in those times religion stood much more intimately 
related to the vitals of social life than it is in our times. Nay, in those 
times religion was perhaps the most potent if not the only ideological 
vehicle of conveying a social message that was to prove effective. Certainly, 
it was precisely because our monks were 'men of religion* not 'men of 
worldly affairs' that their criticism of the spirit of acquisitiveness must 
have sounded so reasonable ( they themselves having no axe to grind 
so to say ); and it was as such that this criticism must have mitigated 
to whatever extent possible - the ill consequences of the economic inequhty 
that had arisen in the contemporary society. Thus not to claim a special 
kinship with any part of the regular society was the very essence of a 
monk's career; hence it appears implausible that in those times there 
were Jaina householders just as there were Jaina monks. On this question 
the testimony of certain old Jaina texts is revealing and should be taken 
note of. 

It is not accidental that those oldest available Jaina texts-the 
Acvrznga I Srutaskandha and Sutrakftanga I rutaskandha~do not at all 
envisage the possibility of there being any Jaina householders. Thus in 
these texts an ideal monk that is, a Jaina monk in distinction from a 
non-Jaina one is always contrasted to a householder as such without 
it being thought conceivable that there might be a person who is a 
householder as well as a Jaina. As a matter of fact, the tension built 
up between a monk and the regular society particularly the former 
family-members of this monk is a marked feature of these texts where 
social questions are touched upon. Thus in them the life of a householder 
Is subjected to a trenchant criticism, the special dangers coming from 
the various quarters of the regular society and threatening a monk's 
composure are pointed out, the tempting offers held out by a monk's 
former family-me cabers are graphically detailed. Of course, problems 
essentially similar to these were faced also by the latter-day Jaina monks 
but their complexion underwent a qualitative change wheq householders 

'32 K. K. Dixit 

became an integral part of the Jaina order so long confined to monks. 
For now criticism will be levelled not against the life of a householder as 
such but against that of a non-Jaina householder just as uptil now criti- 
cism had been levelled against the life of a non-Jama monk. Positively 
Speaking, schemes for an id.'al conduct on the part of Jama householders 
will now be formulated just as schemes for an ideal conduct on the part 
of Jaina monks had been formulated uptil now. On the level of pure 
theory the new change was reflected in importance being attached to 
the element of faith understood as a bare acceptance of the truth of 
Jaina tends. A non-technical employment of the term faith (haddlm] 
had occurred in the Acnntiga I Srutaskandha when a monk had been 
exhorted to remain firm in that very faith which had impelled him to 
take leave of home, but in the stage now ensuing faith will always be 
spoken of in connection with a householder's meritorious qualifications 
Nay, even the life of discipline -a type of life advanced beyond the life 
of mere faith because accompanied by certain wholesome restrains 
imposed by oneself on one's everyday practice was now divided into a 
lower stage and an upper stage, the former supposed to be led by a specially 
devout Jaina householder the latter by a Jaina monk. Certainly, the triple 
division of ethical life into 'a life of faith' 'a life of partial discipline' a 
Hfe of total discipline' is (he most essential feature of the classical version 
of Jaina ethical teaching and it has been developed in hundred ways in w 
mony later canonical and post-canonical texts. However, what we are 
essentially offered in this connection is an answer to the following three 
questions t & 

(1) Why is Jaina religion superior to other religions ? 

(2) How should a Jaina householder lead his daily life ? 

(3) How should a Jaina monk lead his daily life ? 

Afld still more strictly 


Evolution of the Jaina Treatment of Ethical Problems 33 

The ^csrnnga I Smtaskandha and Sutrakrtnnga I Srutaskandha repeatedly dilate 
upon the hardships that a Jaina monk is expected to put up with and the 
theme was systematized by the later Jaina theoreticians in the form of the 
doctrine of 22 pansahas. All this might suggest that the Jaina authors were 
somehow conscious that their monastic code of conduct was particularly 
harsh. In fact, however, with the later authors at least the question could 
not have been one of emphasizing the harshness of their monastic code of 
conduct; what they would at the most emphasize was the appropriateness 
of this code of conduct. For example, the Buddhists are supposed to have 
been advocates of a rather mild monastic code of conduct, but in. their 
disciplinary texts there are cases where an excessively mild practice is disap- 
proved of just as there are cases where an excessively harsh practice is disap- 
proved of. On the other hand, the Jainas are supposed to have been an 
advocate of a rather harsh monastic code of conduct; but the example of 
the Digambara-versus f-Jvetambara controversy on the question of clothing 
suggests that a Jaina theoretician too was ready to condemn what he 
considered to be an excessively harsh practice just as he was ready to con- 
demn what he considered to be an excessively mild one. That is to say, in 
the manner already hinted it was only In the earliest stage of Indian social 
development that the Jainas seem to have been an advocate of a compara- 
tively harsher monastic code of conduct. The matter needs further 

In the course of historical development the monastic movement 
gradually lost its original social significance. For the social task of 
mitigating the ill-consequences of economic inequality which this move- 
ment had been performing in its own manner gradually became the 
exclusive concern of state, the process reaching some sort of culmination 
in the state-policy of Asoka, a policy in its essentials followed by the 
entire lot of subsequent Indian rulers. A by-product of this course of 
development was the circumstance that different religious sects and 
subsects Brahmanical as well as monastic gradually came to possess their 
respective exclusive circles of lay followers which, of course, would expand 
and contract with the change of conditions. And as thus constituted the 
different religious sects would now pursue broadly similar practices. A 
most noteworthy illustration is the practice of idol-worship which was 
sooner or later adopted by Brahmanism, Buddhism as well as Jainism 
though none of these religious sects had allowed for it in the beginning. 
And so far as Buddhism and Jamism were concerned the mutual simi- 
larity of practices went still further. Thus since very beginning the 
Buddhists were having their own monasteries where monks would put up 
for a longer or shorter period; but the Jainas till late objected to the 
practice of a monk staying at a building meant exclusively for his use 

Sambodhi 2,1 

jr. A". 

is wby the old monastic disciplinary texts of the Jalnas always 
the problem of shelter in the form of a problem of seeking shelter 
at tbc residence of a householder. But when the practice of idol- 
worship was adopted by the Jainas as by the Buddhists the former too 
felt the need for having permanent structures where monks would put 
up and would preside over the cult of idol-worship, The Buddhists 
BCtded to build temple within the premises of their monasteries, but the 
Jsiaas had t, start the practice of building monasteries-coupled-with- 
irapiles. It was thus that there came into existence within the fold of 
Jainism the movement called caiiy-vasa (meaning the practice of monks 
staying vuihin the premises of a temple). The movement was widespread 
anwsg the Djgarabaras as well as Svetsmbaras; but among both it was 
later on condemned as heterodox and was repudiated wholesale. However, 
ewn this repudiation did not mean a reversion back to the old stage of 
l ao monasteries and no temples' but advence forward to a new stage of 
and temples standing apart from each other', It was the 
who later on came out with the advocacy of 'no temples' 
but thv too supported the practice of building monasteries; (as a matter 
of fcct, the very name 'Stbanakavasin' broadly signifies an advocate of 
moatUery-buildiBg rather then temple building). [ It is interesting to 
note that Tergpantha an off-shoot of Sthanakavssins repudiates the 
practice of monastery-building along with that of temple-building. As a 
matter of fact, a section of the Sthanakavaslns proper too repudiates the 
practice rf monastery-building, and the word Sthsnakavasin itself is of 
rtther iatc origin.] It is in the background of this broad historical 
dmlopiuent that we have to evaluate the Jaina texts dealing with the 
problem* of monastic discipline and composed indifferent periods as also 
those dealing with the problems of a householder's religious duty and compo- 
sed in different periods. la each case we will have to judge as to how far 
a* arc the later authors were of the historical changes that took place 
before their eyes. We have already noted that these authors quarelled so 
fflocfa on tJw questian of nakedness versus otherwise which was after 
all ftn utterly impractical question, And we might find that they were 
not aware as to how much radical a departure from the practices of 
original Jabism was the practice of idol-worship. 

W hare argued that the old texts Artrtnga I brutaskandha and 
Sitnifisaga I SruteskaiuOu do not envisage the possibility of there being 
any Jaina householder. The argument is based not only on the negative 
ground that the^e texts do not mention a Jaina householder but also on 
the positive ground that they condemn the life of a householder as 
web. Ceitaialy, the Awahga statement 'only the negligent one stays 
' is loo categorical to leave one m doubt on that score But, 

Evolution of the Jaina Treatment of Ethical Problems 35 

grant for argument's sake that the passages construed by us as conde- 
mning the life of a householder as such in fact condemn the life of a 
non-Jaina householder in the spirit of the latter-day Jaina texts. Even 
then the fact remains that these old texts confine their treatment of 
practical problems to the sphere of the ethical performance without ever 
touching the sphere of cultic performance. It is only in the Bhagavattsutra 
that we first find mentioned two cultic performances bath supposed 
to be undertaken by a Jama householder : one of them is called 
Samayika, the other Pausadha, The reference to Samnyika occurs 
in a rather curious dialogue where the question is raised that if 
while a Jama householder is performing Satnayika his wife is kidnapped 
by someone then whose wife it is that has been kidnapped. The answer 
forthcoming 19 that it is this Jaina householder's own wife that has been 
kidnapped, the reason being that even if he declares that things of the 
world do not belong to him he is not yet free from an attachment to 
these things From this it becomes clear that Samnylka is conceived as 
a sort of cultic performance during which a householder makes declaration 
to the effect that things of the world do not belong to him. But it 
also seems clear that in the dialogue in question the householder pet- 
forming Samnyika is being subjected to ridicule. For to hint that even 
while saying that certain things do not belong to him a man is yet 
attached to these things is to imply that this man is uttering falsehood. 
And that is something intriguing particularly in view of the fact that a 
Buddhist canonical passge ridicules on this very ground a Jaina house- 
holder performing Pausadha ( in the course of which too one perhaps 
makes a declaration of the type here under consideration ). Perhaps, 
since the very begininng were the Jaina authors maintaining that only a 
physical detachment from the things worldy such as is undertaken by a 
monk is something worthwhile; but in due course they also began to 
attach importance to the process of one mentally withdrawing oneself 
from one's worldly possessions. And in the Bhagavatl dialogue in question 
the two attitudes are present somewhat in a state of un-reconciUation 
with one another. As we shall presently see, the later authors could 
evolve a more satisfactory concept of Snmnyika. As for Pau$adha, a 
Bhagavati narrative speaks of it as being of two types, one accompanied 
by a day-time fasting, the other by a day-time consumption of delicacies. 
Both the types involve a night-time dharma-jngara ( pious wakeful ness ) 
which therefore seems to have formed the kernel of this performance. 
We are not informed about the details of dharma-jngara but it should 
be natural to suppose that it meant some sort of preoccupation with 
things religious may be listening to or talking about them. The note- 
worthy thing is thai even other Canonical texts do not speak of any 

36 K. K. Dixit 

other cultic performances. Perhaps, it was not accidental that when a 
standard 12-item catalogue of the householder's religious duties was 
ultimate}) drawn up its ten items were of the form of an ethical perfor- 
mance and Jwo of the form of a cultic performance; and these latter 
two v,cic Samayika and Pausadha. Of course, one particular Canonical text 
forms an exception to what is being said here. It is the Avasyakasutra, 
a text exclusively devoted to the treatment of a cultic performance 
called /iiajjtfAa and consisting of six steps viz. Samayika, Caturvimsatistava, 
I'anfana, h&yotsarga, Pratikramana, Pratyakhyana. Now, even here the 
la it two steps are uf the form of an ethical performauce, but as conceived 
here i hey toy have a cultic nag above them. Thus Samayika is the process 
of attaining fur a short while the state of complete mental composure, 
i,'&luf\tm:>amta\-a the process of smgiag hymns in praise of the 24 
i'lrth^nkuras, I 'saidana the process of paying obeisance to the venerable 
personages, Kayotsarga the process of rendering the body steady in some 
fixed posture or other (something like the bodily counterpart of Samnyika 
which is an operation of mind), Pratikramana the process of confessing 
one's piit offences against the code of proper conduct, Pratya/chysna the 
process of making a resolve not to commit such offences m future, 
The fact that the cult of Avasyaka thus makes its appearance in a stray 
and solitary fashion in just one particular canonical text makes it almost 
certain that the cult as well as the text devoted to it were a fairly late 
phenomenon. It was only because the cult of Avasyaka as well as the 
cult of idol-worship satisfied some very strongly felt need of the contem- 
porary Jama society that both were adopted so enthusiastically and so 
unanimously that it began to seem as if they were practices of a hoary 

Having thus disposed of the question of cultic performance we are 
kft only with the question of ethical performance so far as the field of 
practical activity is concerned. As had been noted a little earlier, the 
problem of ethical performance had been engaging the attention of the Jaina 
theoreticians since the oldest days and some sort of< evolution of thought 
Is distinctly visible in this connection. An essential feature of all ethical 
discussion is a broad classification of good and evil acts and it will be 
Instructive to study as to what acts were regarded as good and evil by 
the Jama moralists. It Is somewhat natural to expect that acts actuated 
by a S p,ni of acquisitiveness should come in for condemnation at the 
bands of Jainas who were a monastic religious sect. As a matter of fact 
we actually find the Acmnga I W^/^particularly its II chapter-^ 
denouncing the person who is mad after accumulating wealth The 

;! S f abletliataS UQderSt0od b y this text acquisitiveness 
u the remaining vices, of which too a good number 

Evolution of the Jaina Treatment of Ethical Problems 37 

are taken note of, being but secondary to it Not only that, even about 
the chief secondary vice the picture is pretty clear; it is violence that one 
resorts to ia the course of accumulating wealth that is the chief secondary 
vice. And the Sutrakftanga I bmtaskandha gives a technical shape to 
these fundamental positions of Jaina ethics when it at the very outset 
declares pangraha and himsa (= violence, more usually called nrambha) 
to be the basic vices. However, in the case of violence sociolgical 
considerations had been, since the very beginning, mixed up with certain 
extraneous considerations. Thus the Jainas considered it to be a speciality 
of their ontological position that not only are those beings Jiving beings 
which are ordinary considered to be so but so also the earth, water, fire, 
air and plants. So in their eyes an avoidance of violence became not 
only an avoidance of toe violence done to men and animals but also 
of that allegedly done to the earth, water, fire, air and plants. And in 
course of time as the sociological considerations- receded into background 
the Jaina. moralists came to look upon violence as almost exclusively a 
violence done to the earth, water, fire, ajr, plants and animals. 

Be that as it may, the later Jaina moralists increased the number 
of basic vices from two to five Thus their list of them included not only 
acquisitiveness and violence but so also theft, incontinence and falsehood". 
Thus came into existence the celebrated doctrine of five avratas or indi- 
sciplines which a Jaina monk was expected to overcome absolutely and a 
Jaina householder to overcome to the extent possible. In the case of a 
monk the corresponding five vratas were called five mahUvratas or great 
vows; in the case of a householder they were called five ayuvratas or 
small vows. To the householder's five vows were added seven additional 
ones (thus yielding the 12-item catalogue of the householder's religious 
duties). Of these seven two viz. SBmaylka and Pauqadhaweie of the 
nature of a cultic performance but the following five were of the nature 
of an ethical performance : 

(1) Digviramana : to desist from all misdeeds beyond a certain 
geographical limit in one direction, 

(2) Detaviramatfa : to desist from all misdeeds beyond a certain sub- 
limit set within the geographical limit just spoken of. 

(3) Anarthadandaviramana : to desist from all unnecessary violence. 

(4) U pabhogapartbhogaparimdna : to set a limit to the quantity of 
things to be consumed. 

(5) Atithi$amvibh3ga : to entertain guests. 

Considerable commentorial litrature was composed around the con- 
cepts of the five great vows, the five small vows, and the twelve religious 

jg K. K. Dixit 

dottes of a householder. Naturally, in this mass of literature belonging ( 
different periods the social conditions available in those different periods 
fcave iLuna a wore or les< clear reflection and how that has happened 
remains to be studied. 

AiKiher classification of basic vices too has played an important role 
in certain divisions of Jaina literature particularly in what is called karma 
literature f>a literature devoted to the problems of the doctrine of karma), 
In C'limeciitn with ihis classification the basic vices are called 'kafUyas' 
translatable as -passions') and divided into four broad types-viz. 

r, pride, deceit, and greed. The items of this classification had been 
appearing in ihe Jaina literature since the oldest days but their contextual 
jfgnificance was somewhat different in a way just opposite in the oldest 
Itletature and the later one. This in a text like AcSrsiiga 1 Srulaskandha. 
*nger, pride, deceit, gceed appear as just so many secondary vices where 
(be bAsic vi^r<j, as we have seen, were acquisitiveness and violence. But the 
later Jaina theoreticians would argue that even one who has gained victory 
over hc vices of acquistiveness and violence that is a well-vigilant monk - 
requires to undertake a lot of further endeavour with a view to getting rid 
of anger, pride, deceit and greed. In the technical terminololy of the 
gaaajthSta scheme the idea would bs expressed by saying that one occupy. 
ing, (be sclent \\ gun&sthttna has gained victory over the vices of acquisitiveness 
and vioknce, but he has to traverse the gtinasthsnas eighth, ninth and ten 
and ihen occupy the twelfth if he is to get rid of anger, pride, deceit and 
greed. The difference is explained by the difference of social conditions 
under which the two set of texts were composed. Thus the oldest authors 
were at pains fo argue why one must adopt the career of a monk whereas 
the itfer authors were at pains to argue how one must behave after 
adopting the career of a monk. And the need is for studying the oldest 
as well as the later ethical teachings of the Jaina authors In their respective 
sociological backgrounds. 

Texts dealing with the problems of monastic discipline were also 
composed by ihe Jaina authors of later periods. But it was clear that the 
social roJe of the monk was now different from what it had been in the 
Wfet days. In those days the monk was a rebel against the regular 
society thundering against its inequities, but now he was a regular member 
of the 'establishment'- a mere religious sectary looking after the .extra- 
mundane interests of his exclusive fellowship. Under such conditions the 
moimtic disciplmariaa was little differed from his Brahmanical counterpart- 
both preoccupied with the rules and exceptions of the petty details of 'their 
every day life rather than uith any broader social problems. This over- 
all wtuauon ha, found reflection as much in tie latter day disciplinary 
fort* of the Jainas as i n the fatter-day Smrti texts of the Brahmins 


N. M. Kansara 

Since the pioneering studies by Shri C. Sivaramamurti who has drawn 
the attention of Indologists, very few scholars have taken note of the 
data about sculptural art scattered in various Sanskrit classics, although 
numerous studies have been devoted to actual pieces of sculptural art. 
Dr. Vasudev Sbaran Aggraval did valuable work with reference to the 
art data as found in Sana's prose romances, viz , the Kadamban and the 
Harsacantam. Similarly scholars have culled out and classified such data 
from other Sanskrit works of KalidSsa, Dandm and a few other poets. 
In his Presidential Address of Fine Arts & Technical Sciences Section, 
of All India Oriental Conference, XXlVth Session, Dr. U.P. Shah noticed 
a few references to architectural details in various descriptions of Jaina 
shrines in the Tilakamanjari of Dhanapala, and pointed out that "it Is 
worthwhile exploring all Jaina literary sources of different periods, especi- 
ally the Kalhn-granthas for similar data "i The present study is exclusively 
devoted to the sculptural data as found in Dhanapala's Tilakamanjan. 

I ; Ornamentations iii Temples and Palaces : 

Among the pieces of sculptural art mentioned in the course of descrip- 
tions of temples and palaces, the following are noteworthy, viz., Danta- 
valabhikn (8, 19), a Satakumbha-stambha (36,3), V \ka\apattr aVhahga-dlnta- 
cnrrilkara-stambha (71,14), spha{ika-stambha (373,170.), Ayatana-stambha- 
kutnbhikti. ^47,11), Rahta-candana-stambha (350, 9ff.) Mani'siln-dnrumaya- 
jayastambha (60,9), Makara-torana (265,19), Praksnda-torana (304, 15ff.), 
Mattavftrana-manipatta (223,7), sphafika-vliardikn (267 t 13ff.) and Rsjata- 
vedikn (223,7). 

II : Furnishings in Temples and Palaces : 

Some more details are indicated in the case of a few other pieces. 
Thus, the basement of the highly precious lion-throne used to be made 
of golden stone or it was covered with sheets of gold. 3 The Danta-pafa 
was as pure as slightly ripe inner petals of a lotus and was covered with 
clean white silken sheet; it was set at the back of the Asthma-vedikB ; a 
Matta-vvranaka each built in moon-stone was joined to it on either 
side; on its back side was a high golden seat.* 

Among the pieces of furniture, and etcetara, there are references to 
the extraordinarily high bedsteads pf the Ehilla chief, 5 jewelled bedstead 

40 ff, M. Kansara 

ia tl* pliacc of Tilakamafljan,* excellent golden saddle, 7 Hema-vitfara , 
t Sukhasona, Asandi" and a Rajata-darpana. 

lit : Iconography ; 

As has been noticed by Shri B.C. Bhattacharya," it is a time 
boaouwd custom in India to iostal images for the purpose of private and 
puWsc worship Neither the Budhists nor the Jamas disregarded it and, 
in fact by assimilation, completely developed a system of their own with 
it multitude of images with canonical and mythical details. With the 
Jaiaas the images no doubt originated from the Tirthankaras. The gover- 
ning idea of the image seems to be that it reminds a believer of the 
m<Jion through which a Tirthankara passed to attain salvation and 
that afford* htm a strong incentive to follow the noble example of the 
TirthMlura in life. Dr. Bhattacharya further remarks 14 that ideas of 
MUpScicHisncis, prosperity, wealth, kingly splendour and so on, found a 
direct outlet in the sculptural art in the images of subordinate gods and 
goddesses like Gencsba, Sri, Kubera, Indra, etc. The long-stand ing tradition 
and weU-csttbliihed images of these gods in Brahmanic Hinduism directly 
pitted to the Jainas. It seems they were necessary for the mass 
tppeftl ia view of a similar mass appeal of Brghmanlco-pursnic image- 

The icaaographtc aspect of sculpture has received much attention 
at the hands of Dhanapala, especially in the case of the Jaina images 
of the first Tmhatikara H.abha and the last one, viz., Mahsvira. 

The image of Lord Rsabha installed in the adytum of the Jaina 
temple oa mount Ekasmga was a huge icon cacved out of the philoso- 
pbei'j-stonc." It was set on a lion-throae bearing the frescoed motifs 
of a group of constellations, a dear and a lion." The posture of the 
linage w sitting one called Padmnsana with the palms placed upright 
in the lap." The curls of hair reaching both the shoulders had foliage 
decoratfons.^ The ends of the eyes seemed to touch the root of the ears 
(of coarse from the front view) and the eyebrows were slightly fallen- 
the expression in them suggested a state of perfect mental poise and 
tottl abxmxs of purturbation" The face resembled the lunar disk => 
Ot, ern^r ndc was a figure of Indra carrying white ctmara on his 
* A circular halo around the f ace , three white sojs 

v ari0 u s flying go d s , some of them playing divine ^J 

Crmg 1 flOWCrS ' $ me f Iding thdr haDds and with nymphs riding 
aeroplanes, are other accompanying features.** These feature! 


Art Notes on Sculpture 41 

The above description of the image of R abha differs from that of 
a tenth century image of Rsabha noticed by Shn Udai Narain Roy," 
who observes that an image of Rsabhanstha can be identified by his 
associated symbols, the bull and the wheel and the Sun between rampant 
lions at the base of the throne; seated in the posture of meditation and 
naked: two worshippers besides the central figure being Bharata and 
Bahubali, and the smaller side figures on the base of the throne being the 
Yak$a Gomukha and Yakfini Cakre'svarl. Some of the above details noticed 
by Shri Udai Narain Roy would rather tally with those in the following 
very brief description of the image of Lord Mahavira as given by 
Dhanapala. 28 

The huge image (bimba) of Mahavira, the last Tirtharilcara, installed 
in the sanctum of the temple at Ratnakuta, was carved in a diamond 
slab, 26 and was set on huge golden throne." There is a reference to the 
'Parikara' also, though the only details given about it are the motifs of 
the elephant, the lion and the wheel carved on the base of the throne. 2 * 

Another notable feature of Jalna iconography noticed by Dhanapala 
is the 'SAMAVASRTI-SALA' a later specimen of which is extant in 
the form of the 'Samosarana' in the famous temple called Vimala-vasahi 
on Mount Abu (Rajasthan). 30 The details mentioned by Dhanapala are 
wide circular halo around the face, 31 the group of constellations covered 
by the cloud of the deluge, 82 the Bhadrapjtha depicting the events of 
the occasion of the Birth-Consecretion (Janmabhifeka) of Tirrhankaras 
on the top of the Meru Mountain the sides of which were being splashed 
by the Milk Ocean. 83 

The images of other TirthaAkaras are also referred to si in connection 
with the subsidiary shrines around the main one of the First Tirthankara 
Rsabhanatha. 35 

It should be here noted that Dr. Umakant P. Shah has studied the 
Jaina icons and the relavant literature bearing on the architecture very 
thoroughly in his yet unpublished thesis (in three big volumes ), which treats 
the icons of the Tirthankaras in all their minute details covering about 167 
pages (i.e. Vol. I, pp. 261-427). 8 " 

The image of the Goddess Sri, installed in the shrine specially built 
by King Meghavshana in his palace garden, is said to have been carved 
in wood of a tree growing on the pearl mountain S7 

In the nische of the walls of the way-side step-wells near shady 
bunyan trees, images of various gods were installed, probably as guardian 

N. M. Kansara 

s lhcr.e, there are references to stone-images, most probably 
a- fountain-head^ 3 (he bracket-female-figures (sslabhmjika) carved 
10 n'nin^'ne', and having conspicuous breasts. 40 

IV : Van traa ; 

The term Ttintra' has been defined by Bhoja in his SaniarSngana 
5^wJte%i a* a cininvMnce by which the natural forces like earth, water, 
firr, air and ether are channelled for the benefit of human beings. j n 
the uar I^'I Dr. V. Raghavan fust brought to light this aspect of Indian 
Sculpture in the course of his first lecture in the Indian Institute of Culture, 
Bangalore,, Or Rajlman added a few more references to the original 
mauer in the brochure and brought out its second edition from Madras 
m 195M" Research scholars have welcomed the study as presenting in 
one place the entire material bearing on the very interesting subject. Dr. 
Vaiudev Sharan Aggraval has studied the Yantras refeired to in Bsna's 
prose romances However, Dhanapsla's Tilakamsnjan seems to have 
escaped the attrition of Dr. Raghavan in this respect. Hence the present 
attempt to supplement the study. 

Dbanapala has referred to the following Yantras in his TM : 

(ij <ikatl-yjnira (it) Canflkara-cakra-dola-yantra, (in) VimUna-yantra, 

(tij Viltao-iantra-fiar&a, and (v) Tantra-dhara-gfha. Let us look into 

the detail of each of them. 

(I) Ghan-yantra : It was tbe water-wheel mounted on a well and 
consisted of a wheel on which were suspended, like a huge belt a 
pwr of joined circular ropes to which, again, a number of earthern pots 
Here tied in a serie, at regular intervals in such a way that the ropes 
akmg wub some ut the pots reach considerably below the surface of the 
of UK *m e r m the vvtll," Such water-wheels are found even to this day 
in places around Palanpur in north Gujarat. 

(H Camikam-cafra-dols-yantTa ; It seems to have been a sort of 
ootolly rotating merry-go-round poss ibly mounted on a central 

SerVing ^ " iV t J silkeQ banners oa 

: It was a sort of a wooden aeroplane, at times 

decorated with cioth 

contrivance in the 


Art Notes on Sculpture 43 

(v) Yantra~.dharnr.grha . According to Dr. Dwijendranath Shukla, 
this was a sort of shower-bath.* But, on the evidence of Dhanapsla, 
it actually seems to have been a room on all the sides ot which water 
was made to fall m jets as a cooling device, "9 ( much m the same manner 
as, for instance, is to be fjund m the chlmaey-like cooling towers of 
the thermal power-house at Sabarmati, Ahmedabad); the water-supply to 
it was connected with the adjoining reservoir. Dr. Vasudev Sharan 
Aggraval has studied the references to Vantra-dhnrSgrha found in Sana's 
Kadainban in his KESA.** 

References . 

1. Dr Uraakant P. Shah, Gf Progtess of Studies m Fine Aits and Technical Sciences 
Piesidential Address of Fine Arts and Technical Sciences Section, All India Oriental 
Conference, XXtV Session, Vaianasi, October, 1968 

2. The refeiences in the brackets are to th e page and line numbers lespectively of the 
Nirnaya Sagaia Pi ess (2nd) Edition, of Dhanap51a'& Tilakamanjai'i - TM(N) - ; the 
readings in the following quotations are according to the text critically fixed by me 
with reference to several original Mss. 

3. TM(N) p. 228 (US)...karttasvara'silapi[Iiabandfiena mahaihasimhasanena 

4. Op. cit , p. 68 (22 ff.}..Ssthanavedikayah Pf tihabhage pratistlitpitamiibhayatahsafnyoji- 
raihakumudagarbhadal7>vadatamacchadhavaladhautapa{i~.m'siikapaiacchc(litam dcmtapa- 


5. Op. at., p, 201(21).. Bhillapateh.. pratytajanadui arohan pallyankan. I 

6. Op. cit., p. 423 (6ff.).. maniparyankika. . / 

7 Op. cit, p. 419 (2)...prakawdakanakaparyatia.,. / 

8. Op. cit., p, 72 (15). 

9. Op cit , pp. 315 (20). 352 (llff.). 

10. Op. cit. p. 374 (16). 

11. Op cit., p 377 (7). 

12. Op. cit., p. 61 (5). 

13. Cf. Dr. B. 0. Bhattacharya, The Jain Iconography Punjab Oriental Series, No. 
XXVI, Lahore, 1939, p. 19. 

14. Op. cit,, p. 20. 

15. TM (N), p. 217 (11}...mahapramanam cmtamanimayim pratimam. / 

16. Ibid,, p. 217 (1) ..giahacakralankytamrgabhajisimliodblinsile.. alaghiyasi sjmhasane... / 

17. Ibid,, p. 217 (,2) .. nibaddhapadmasanamupanviracitottanakaiayugalakisQlayitamkcima* 
ci/iySm .. I 

18. Ibid., p. Z\l (%K),.patiabhangalatabhih ke'sa\aUaiibhi>adl\yasitobhayam i-api(h(itn \ 

19. Ibid,, p. 217 (^^...apangabhcigacumbitasravannntena kiflcimiatapakfntana niivikaiata- 
rakam cak;iisa / 

20. Ibid,, p 217 (S) . .vldyotitavadanendubimbam , . I 

21. Ibid., p. 217 (5$.)..amsavalmbitadhavalacamaraswendiasevitasavyTipasa\yapaWam.. / 

22. Ibid , p 217 (It?)., atibhasvaiakftina prabhamcifidalenodbhasitain. sitatapatratrayipra- 
ka'sitatrlbhuvanaisvaryam, a'sesatasca vividhavim3navahanadhiru$liairatyuil3rakrtfbliiraps- 


pankaritam.. / 

44 N. M, Kansara 

23, Cf. VtHtu-sSra-prakaraw by Thakkura Peru, Edt. with Hindi Tr by Pandita Bhaga. 
vandas, Jaipur. 1936, p. 96. 

24, Cf The article entitled 'Rsabhanatlia, the First Jaiaa Tirthankara, Stone, Indian, 
10th Century 1 in Bosten Bulletin, Vol. LKII, No, 330, 1964, p. 126. 

25, TM(N), p, 275 (6-15). 

26, Ibid, p 275 (13fF )..atimahapramanavajramanlsil3mayaiii .. / 

27, Ibid,, p. 275 (slff.) .hiranmaye maliati stmhasane samnsinam. . / 

28, Ibid., p. 275 (a) . . ibhamfgwidmcakradhyasite simhasMe , . / 

29, Op. ctt., p 226(4), 

SO, Cr. Sltparatnahaia, (Guj ) by Narmadashankar Muljibhai Somptua, Dhrangadhra, 
1939; p 496. 

31. TM(N), p. 226 (3) ..bahalodyotabaddhapanvetamanijlalali. . I 

32. Ibsd., p. 226 (5ff) . paritalinakalameghapatalantaritavlgraliafa grahagraiiianyam.. / 

33. Ibid., p. 226 (7ffi) ,sarvapathinadiptipaialaplav!tabfiadrapithataya ksirodasaltlakjalya- 
ntsnameruprtfam janmSblnsekalilatnlva darsayantib.. / 

34. Ibid , p. 226 (14).. jmSiiamajltadittamafratliaa'sobhah pratimafr .. / 

35. CJf, ibid., pp. 226(2) ; 256(9) ; 406(1-3). 

36. Cf. Dr. Uraakant P. Shah, Elements ofjaina Iconography (North India), Baroda, 
19S3, Voli. I-III. a thesis submited to the University of Bombay, Bombay, (yet 

37. TM(NJ, p. 3+ (6),,. nuiktasalladanisambhavah bhagavatyah sriyah pratik r tim... j 

38. Op,cit.,p,H7 (7ff.).. dvarabhittigafbliapraththitanekadsvatapranmabh^^mar^avA' 
PlbHtk.. ; Shri 0. SivaramamurU hag misinterpreted the word 'prattm? in the sense 
of .painimg' m bo article enmled 'Art Note from Dtonaptof* Tilakmafijan, Indian 
Culture, Vol. II, No. 2, Oct. 1935, p, 199 

39. Cf TM(N), p. 307 (20).. 

' 389(23ff) * te 

. a Bhoja's Satwausana-sutradhara, Vol I Chan 31 

* *'*" - ** 


. 20, 
, p. 


Art Notes on Sculpture 45 

47. Op at., p, 60 (llff.)..savibhramotkfiptatrdak?inakaraih pracalayannavasarefU balavya- 
janam vilasayantraputrlkavidagdhataA) dhSsyaU.,,37^ (lOff,).. upamtacdrucamarabhir- 
manicatufkikastambhatalavarttnibhiscatasrbhi'scSmikara'silayantraputrikabhih svairasvat' 
ramupavijyamatiafc, . / 

48. Cf. Dr. Dwyendranath Shukla, Bharatiya Sthapatya, (Hindi)j Hindi Samiti, Ministry 
of Information, Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, 1968, p. &27. 

49. TM(N)j P- 17(21) prantampatadambudharandhakantodarakuharesit dharaffrhesu .. j 

50. Op. cjt., p. 418 (7ff.).. ad? $tap arasarasastirasuf rite sit yantradharagr/iefu. . / 

51. Kad. E. Sam. Ad., pp. 197, 200, 376. 


H. a BhayariJ 

The tale of Vyaghrarusn (No. 32 and 43 in the kukasaptaii textus 
Sirnphcior ed. R. Schmidt, 1893; reprinted. 1959) can be outlined as follows J 
A quarrelsome woman once picked up a quarrel with her husband and 
left home taking her two young sons aloogwitb her. While passing through 
a thick forest she saw a tiger about to charge at her k Putting up a bold 
face she slapped her sons saying, 'Why are you quarrelling to have each 
of you a whole tiger for the dinner ? You share this one for the time. 
We may shortly chance to get another one.' Hearing these words the 
liger thought her to be none else than the legendary Tiger-killer, and 
scared to death he fled. On the way a jackal tried to convince him that 
what he believed to be the Tiger-killer was a mere human being. The 
tiger, not quite tiusting the jackal, agreed to go back with the jackal 
tethered on his neck. As the woman saw the strange pair approaching, 
she pointed an accusing finger at the jackal and shouted, 'You crook ! 
Previously >ou supplied me three tigers and hence I trusted you How is 
that you have no v brought just one ?' Hearing these words the tiger took 
to his heels, 

In the version presereved in a Kashmiri folk tale, it Is a farmer's wife 
vho posing as a, tiger-killer tries this trick, because her husband was 
breed to promise a cow to the tiger (cheetah) in order to save himself. 
The scared tiger in his second approach ties up his tail with that of the 
ackal, who dragged and dashed on the ground by the fleeing tiger meets 
lis death in the end 

In another version, expanded and mixed with another motif and 
urrent in Rajasthan and Gujarat, the animals are three instead of two viz., 
ion, hyena and monkey and each one is outwitted m turn. 

The earliest version of the tale is found in a Vinaya text of the 
tuddhists, viz., the Bhikfurti-vinaya of the Arya-Mahaiarighika-Lokottara- 
5din. The Buddhist Sanskrit text of the tale and its outline in English 
re reproduced below from Roth's edition of the Bhik^u 

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'(The Lord) relates the story of a woman who walks at night carrying 
bef child oa hr shoulder. All of a sudden a lion stands before them, 
The child starts crying. The woman gives a slap to the child saying . 
<Qne Hon has already been eaten by you, and now yov want to eat this 
one also 1 . The lion notes how forwardly eloquent and bold the woman is 
in ffigard to him. He gets frightened and runs away. A monkey sees the 
lion fleeing. Astonished, he asks, 'How it happened that ihe king of deers 
is running away'. The lion tells his story. The monkey says this is not 
tbe behavjoui of a king and asks him to return. He refuses. After this 
tiw monkey jumps down and drags the lion by his mane to the place where 
mother and child are walking, Again the child cries. The woman says, 
'Don't cry, the lion has been brought back by his mane to your mother; 
if you want to eat him, now eat him.' On hearing this, the lion turris 
the monkey from his neck, and runs away. 

The Sanskrit text of the portion where the woman again consoles the 
weeping child seems to be slightly corrupt. In the sentence q^f 33 nrjj: 

%*fflfftl' %$% Sflwt the words ing: %srriiftr do not make an y sense ' In a " 
probability the text is to be emended as JflsJ^rR^T. On sighting the lion 
being led by the monkey, she brilliantly remarks : 'My child, don't cry, 
Here comes your uncle dragging the escaped lion by the mane'. Referrinj 
to the monkey as the child's maternal uncle absolutely convinces ths 
suspteioas lion that the monkey was in leage with the woman. In a currcoi 
version too (he jackal which takes the place of the monkey and whicl 
approaches the woman after having tied up its tail with that of the lion i 
similarly referred to. A search for other Prakrit and modern Indian foil 
versions and a systematic comparison of all the versions are obviously th 
two aspects that invite further efforts to study this tale, 


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& Pali Studies, March 1971, 2 ^, 
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(In Apabhramsa) 

[ From Risahanaha-Cariya by Vardhamsna-Suri ] 

Madhusudan C. Modi 
Amntlal M. Bhojak 

We have selected this piece, Caluroitolatijmastuti, from Vardharaana- 
San's Sin-Risahanaha-Cana ( = Sk. Snrfabhansthacanta}, completed in V. 
S 1160, the same year in which Devacandra, the preceptor of ri Hema- 
candracgrya completed his Santinzha-Cariya. The piece selected occurs in 
the concluding part of the work, as a prayer to twenty-four Jinas offered 
by Bharata-Caknn, at Astapada-Tlrtha. The whole work is principally in 
Prakrit and forms the extent of 11,000 Slokas. However, though the 
principal language of the work is Prakrit, ft possesses in very many places 
episodes and stray stanzas in ApabhramSa. We have culled out these 
portions with a view to throw light on Apabhramsa compositions, written 
in Gujarat by the Svetambaras. Of these portions, we edit here one portion 
Caturvimsatijinastuti which is in Apabhramsa and in Radda-metre. It 
consists of the prayer to twenty-four Jinas, each stanza dedicated to one 
Jina and one concluding stauza. Thus m aJl there are 24 stanzas for 24 
Jinas in Ap. + one concluding stanza, a Pk. Zrya i.e. in all 25 stanzas. 
The stanza 24 contains the 'nnmamudra' Vardhamhna of the poet as was the 
custom with Ap. writers and the concluding aryn aJso bears the name 
Vardhamana. Another point to note is that every stanza bears the name 
of the Jina praised but somehow the stanza 22 does not bear the name of 
Nemi. It may be a poetic inadvertance. 

A point of interest m this composition and in others we are intending to 
bring out, is the continuous use of the Radda-mzti& for the narration instead 
of the Sandhi-Kadavaka-form. Hanbhadra has used,-barnng a few portions 
where he has used Pk and Ap. Kadavakas for a chaage^Raddn metre as 
the chief narration-metre. Here too, the poet has used Radda as his sole 
narration-metre. Raddn is a five-line metre : 15 MdtrZs for line J; II or 
12 Matrcts +15 Mstras for line 2; 11 or 12 Mairas + 15 Matr'Ss for 
line 3; the concluding metre m Duha i. e. 13 + 11 [for line 4); and 13 
+ 11 (for line 5). As a matter of fact, the Raddn was called Vastu and 
Haribhadra himself has hinted at this name in st, 103. (Netninaha-Cariya) 
V Qtthu-kayva. In Old Gujarati Radda is always called Vastu, Radda, or 


Vastv. as a matter of fact is a miniature Kadavaka in the fact that the first 
seven Afa/rZJs of the first line are repeated as a dhruva-pada and Old 
Gujarati Mss. always place 2 to indicate lepetition afte; these seven Matras 
The last duhn is in the nafure of a concluding verse or a Ghattn; while 
the lines 2 and 3 of the metre form the body of the miniature Kadavaka 
i. e of the 

A word about the auihor is relevant here m ibis brief note. As the 
concluding stanzas of the work state, our writer Vardharnanasuti was the 
pupil of Abhayadeva-Surt, a well-known commentator of the nine Angas 
Mis learned pupil Psrsvacandra-gaui copied out this work for the first time 
He composed this work as said before in V,S. U60 when Gujarat was under 
the rule of the Caulukya monarch, Jayasimba, well-known as Siddharaja 
Ja>asiriiha. He composed this work in Cambay (Khambbaittha). As to the 
Mss-apparatus for this text, a word is enough. A palm-leaf Ms. in Jaselmer 
of chis worfc, was copied out when the late Agama-Prabhakara Mumraja 
&i Punyavljayji was there and thereafter the variants were noted m the 
copy from the Pata n a Ms. Both the Mss, are Palm-leaf Mss , J. Ms. 
being written In V.S. 1339 white P. Ms. was written in V.S. 1289^ ?. Ms! 
has better variants than the J. Ms. (See. Catalogue of Sk. and Pk. Mss 
Jesalmer Collection p. 98, Serial No. 250, published by L.D. Institute of 
Indology, Ahmedabad and Pattan Catalogue of Mss. G.O. 'series, Baroda 
page 350, No. 101). The other Mss. of this woik are also available a't Patana 
and have been noted in the Catalogue referred to (p 169 MO 5s s- 
364. No. 55(2). ' ' *' P ' 





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VOL. 2 JULY 1973 NO. 2 





Two Plays of Ramacandra ? An Aesthetic Study 
G. K. Bhat 

Prohibition and Indian Culture 
Dalsukh Malvania 

Diversity of Thought in Upanieads 
Y, 1C Wadhwani 

1. 17. 



G. K. Bhat 

Nirbhaya-Bhlma-Vyayog a 

This one-act play* comes from the pen of the versatile Jaina writer 
who is reputed as an author of a hundred compositions. The play is built 
round an exploit of Bhima and dramatises the episode of the killing of 
the demon Baka by Bhsma. 

Ramacandra's sources is obviously the Mahabhsrata. 1 But as a drama. 
tist he had to shape the story a little differently to suit his dramatic 
design. It will be interesting to study the two versions to get an idea of 
the dramatist's art. 

(i) The Baka-vadha episode in the epic occurs at a time when the 
Panda vas were living in hiding in the house of a Brahmin family in 
Ekacakra city over which Baka had sway. The residents of the city had 
stipulated the surrender of one human being to serve the daily meal of the 
demon in order to prevent wholesale and indiscriminate slaughter of the 
human habitation. 2 

(ii) It is the turn of the Brahmin family to supply the daily victim 
and the household is distraught with the prospect of death. The Brahmin's 
wife pleads that she should be allowed to go to meet the demon. Then 
the daughter does so. The Brahmin's little son too picks up a blade of 
grass from the floor and says with the daring and innocence of a child 
that he will kill the demon with it. 8 

(iii) As the debate in the Brahmin's house proceeds with uncertainty 
and indecision, Kuati, who had been listening to this tale of misery, 
decides to oblige the Brahmin ia gratitude for the shelter and safety that 
he had given to the Psndavas. 1 The Pndava brothers are out at the 
moment for begging food, except Yudhisthira who had stayed with Kunti. 
She speaks to him about sending Bhima to the demon to fulfil the 
Brahmin's personal obligation. Yudhisthira opposes the idea. Kunti argues 
with him and convinces him that Bhima will certainly kill the demon and 
do a good turn to the family too. 6 

(iv) The Pandava brothers return. Bhima is told what he is to do. 
He collects the food willingly aad goes out with it to meet the demon. 
This is the accepted practice to fulfil the demon's demand. The chosen 
Sambodhi 2. 2 

2 G. K. Bhat 

victim carried the food collected for the demon and the demon ate it up 
along with the human victim. Bhima goes to the forest residence of Baka, 
calls him out, and proceeds to eat up the food intended for the demon. 6 

(v) Baka is annoyed and attacks Bhima. The final chapter describes 
their fight which ends in the death of Baka. 

The Brahmin is grateful for being saved from the jaws of certain death. 
The people of th: city throng to see the huge body of the demon streched 
in death and wonder about it. The Brahmin explains, according to Kunti's 
suggestion, that an unknown Brahmin who had great mantra-power and 
physical prowess took pity on him and accomplished the demon's death.? 
The secret of the Pandavas staying incognito is thus preserved. 

The changes that Rainacandra has done in shaping his story will now 
be obvious on this background : 

The dramatist does not make a pointed reference to the epic context, 
as probably unnecessary. But in the opening speeches of Bhinoa and 
Draupadi there is a suggestion of the epic background. Bhima is sad at 
the thought that they are required to live in a forest, whereas they should 
have been in a palace. Draupadi is depressed in mind and feels that the 
Pscdavas may not, after all, be able to defeat the Kauravas. These thoughts 
are completely forgotten in the course of the following dramatic develop- 
ment j and so, the dramatist seems to have used these musings only as an 
epJc anchor for his story. 

The dramatist has changed the entire detail about the Pgndavas and 
the Brahmin family. Kunti and the Brahmin family do not figure in the 
play. On the contrary, Draupadi who is not mentioned in the Baka-vadha 
episode takes a prominent place in the drama. The detail about the 
PSndavas having gone out for food is also omitted. In stead, the dramatist 
shows Bhima taking Draupadi out for a pleasure stroll in the forest, and 
the other brothers are to follow him in due time.s This is a romantic open- 
ing fit for love or adventure; and it is artistically conceived to the advantage 
of the hero. 

With the omission of Kunti and the Brahmin family that hosted the 
Paidavas, the dramatist has to arrange the knowledge about Baka and 
his practice reaching Bbiraa in a different way. This he does by using 
a plausible coincidence. As Bhima and Draupadi move about in the 
forest admiring its luxuriant and impressive charm, they sight a temple 
priest who narrates the whole tale of Baka. Thu is a smooth mtroduction 
of the Baka episode and carries with it all the elements of dramatic 
expectation. Compared to the epic in which the Baka episode is just one 
incident, the narration Here through an improvised new charapter comes 

Two plays of Ramacandra : An aesthetic study 3 

more alive iu its unexpectedness and because of (he promise of dramatic 
development it holds. II is true that the scene is narrative; and the temple 
attendant has no further business in the drama. But it is a good dramatic 
device and the diamatist has planned ic with a smooth and natural touch. 
Draupadi discovers that the forest grounds, are muddy with flesh, blood and 
bones and imagines that they are probably near a cemetary 9 . Bhima thinks 
otherwise. It is at this moment that Mima sees the temple attendant. His 
appearance on the scene aad his narration have therefore a realistic impact 

In the epic version Kunti takes the lead in helping the Brahmin family 
and is confident of Bhima's prowess. Bhiraa has the role only of a willing 
and obedient executor of a charge entrusted to him. la the dramatic version 
of Ramacandra Bhima takes the responsibility on his own initiative, 
although he is drawn into it by a coincidence. 10 This change definitejy 
serves to heighten the stature of Bhima, who appears here as humane and 
confident hero of a challenging adventure. 

Yudhisthira <md the other Pandava brothers are to follow flhjma who 
has gone ahead with Draupadi in the forest. The arrival of the brothers, 
which has been carefully hinted earlier in the play, serves now several 
drarratic purposes. The timely arrival of Yudhisthira and the Pandavas at 
the very moment when Draupadi is planning suicide 13 provides the necessary 
turn in the dramatic story, relieves the tension in the situation and saves 
her life. Their presence on the stage at this point also fills the inevitable 
gap m dramatic action while Bhima is fighting with Baka off-stage 
and it serves to keep the story moviog It is natural in the dramati 
construction that the note of confidence in Bhima's prowess should b 
sounded by some brother if Kunti is not used for this purpose. Unex- 
pectedly this role is assigned to Yudhisihira, probably as the eldest of the 
Pandavas, He asserts this confidence not only by positive statements but 
also by questioning Arjuna's move to run to Bhima's help. Nakula and 
Sahadeva join their elder brother in support." This conversation among the 
brothers helps naturally to assuage Draupadi's fears about the safety of 
Bhima. The situation thus developed is, in a way, a dramatic anticipation 
of the end of the story. Finally, the presence of the Pandavas serves to 
provide the necessary audience for Bluma's narration of the fight, and for 
bringing the finale of the dramatic story to a formal close. 

Draupadfb inclusion in the Baka-vadha episode is an innovation on 
the part of the dramatist. Ramacandra seems to have been goaded by a 
romantic motive in showing his hero perform in. the very presence of the 
heroine. This enables him to add colour to the heroic action and work 
out the usual feminine reactions also. 

, G. K. Bhat 


Ramachandra has departed from the epic source in constructing 
the Brahmin episode which goads Bhima to intervene. The dramatist 
does not show that Bhima was acting at tlie behest of Kunti to oblige the 
Brahmin family who had given them shelter during the period of their 
secret stay This detail is altogether omitted. In the play, the Brahmin 
whom Bhima meets is a stranger to him; and the meeting also is a chance 
occurrence Bhsma's gesture to help the family m their danger from Baka 
appears therefore to be quite spontaneuos and worthy of a hero. 

But the omission of the touching rivalry to die for the family among 
the members, which we notice in the epic story, is difficult to understand. 
The rivalry deepens the tragic note in the plight of the family and, at the 
same time, heightens the dignity of the members as human beings. Bhasa 
uses this episode, though in altered context, in his Madhyama-vyayoga with 
a superb dramatic effect. 

Ramacandra is apparently concerned with a picture ot normal pathos 
and introduces only the mother and the wife of the victim. There is 
no doubt that they are terribly affected ; but they have accepted also 
the fact of inevitable death. The attendant sorrow is genuine; but it is 
indicative of the familiar frailty of human beings. Ramacandra uses certain 
descriptive touches in constructing this incident : The Brahmin is dressed 
as a victim of death, his body is anointed with red sandal; a garland of 
red flowers hangs down from his neck; his hair are loose; his steps slow. 
He mounts tearfully the slab of stone from which he is supposed to be 
devoured by the demon. His young wife has put on all her ornaments, 
suggesting thereby that she will follow her husband in death like a Sat]. 
These touches clearly show that Ramacandra has used Sn Harsa's NSgananda 
for his model in constructing this scene. 

With the change in constructing the Brahmin episode, it is natural 
that the dramatist should change the mode in which the demon was to meet 
bis intended victim. Obviously the precepts of dramaturgy have weighed on 
the mind of the dramatist and directed his treatment. The violence involved 
in the demon attacking his victim and feasting OQ it, as also the actual fight 
between Bhima and Baka culminating in the demon's slaughter, could not 
be shown on the stage. Bhasa takes the freedom of art in showing violence 
and death on the stage contrary to Bharata's prescription. Ramacandra 
adheres to representation sanctioned by convention and dramatic practice. 
In the play, the victim is to take his seat on the stone-slab from which he 
is lifted and carried away to the mountain fortress of Baka. Accordingly, 
when Bhima substitutes himself for the victim, attempts are made to lift 
him away; and though Baka appears on the scene to supervise, as it were, 
the usual arrangements, the actual fight takes place near the mountain 
fortress, behind the scene. 

Two plays of Rnmacandra : An aesthetic study 5 

Since the actual epic context has not been used by the dramatist, it 
was not necessary for bim to mention the final detail in the epic story of 
preserving the secret about the stay in hiding of the Pandavas. Toe pJay 
therefore ends appropriately with Bhima's narration of Baka-vadha and the 
gratitude of the man whose life has been saved. 

Ramacandra's handling of the entire episode shows that he has the 
imaginative inventiveness of a literary artist and the sense of freedom in 
shaping his dramatic story. The omission of the actual epic context of the 
Baka episode, which was not really necessary for dramatization, has gained 
for the play a completeness of a single individual episode that can be 
easily assumed to have occurred in the colourful and adventurous life of 
Bhima. The reader is not required to depend on the epic for the antece- 
dents or for the consequent explanations to understand the dramatic story. 
This bestows unity on the play, which becomes a one-act as it was inten- 
ded to be. 

The omission of the Brahmin's story in the epic is, however, an 
artistic loss. Ramacandra has compensated for it partly by describing the 
wailings of the two women relatives of the victim and partly by working 
out elaborately the reactions of Draupadi who is present throughout the 
dramatic action. The visual detail about the victim's appearance is likely 
to add to the grimness of the scene in a stage representation, 

But Rgmacandra's greater skill lies, to my mmd, in the altered picture 
of Bhima's confrontation with Baka. Conscious that the encounter cannot 
be shown on the stage, the dramatist builds a picture of the demon's 
mountain fortress to which the victim was to be carried. He introduces Baka 
and his demon attendants on the scene. The attendants sense a new kind of 
smell on the grounds; they search and discover Draupadi hiding behind a 
mango tree. These details are interesting and dramatic. They create action 
and tension. The demon attendants lick Draupadi and discover to their 
intense delight that her flesh is tender and savoury. This again is a natural 
touch and produces humour of a gritn kind. Such grim humour is present 
in their further recommendation to their Chief to eat Draupadi first, or 
taste her flesh in between meal, or their request that they be allowed to feast 
on her flesh. 13 The dramatist succeeds, for a moment, m mixing hbhatsa 
with hasya and, at the same time, suggesting the underlying bhayanaka and 
karuna through the psychological reactions of Draupadi. This little scene 
is quite exciting, And the excitement continues in the attempts on the part 
of the demon attendants to lift Bhima from the stone-slab aad their failure. 
The frustration of the demons is very eajoyable to the audience : It is a 
tribute to Bhsma's formidable strength, It is also apt to evoke pleasure 
and laughter at the sight of the discomfiture of the demon. 

rt C?. K. Bhat 

It appears to me therefore that the dramatist's construction of the 
epivoile, alihought it deviates from the original, has succeeded in presenting 
:i urriicd, silf-containing picture which is colourful with heroism, palhos 
excitement and grim laughter. 

Ii is m creating the characters, however, that the dramatist's departure 
frt'tii the epic source appears to be questionable : It does not fulfil arjy 
special uiamauc purpose. In the altered context the initiative and the 
imish of the dramatic action rest with Bhima. This is a gain f or 
the hero's character, as said earlier. But in being required to make 
Ijhima aijetl his own invincible might before Draupadi and narrate 
the frtihh of tlie fight with Bdka himself, as forced by the diamatic design 
the dran atiit could not save Bhima from looking Jtke a boastful giant 
scmtwhat like the Btutua in Bhatta Narayana't, V eiflsamhai a . YudhisiUira's 
iMck-iiireness about Bhima's prowess is inconsistent with his epic iraage^ and 
his ^lighting rejoinder to Arjuna in order to stop him from rushing 
to assiit Bhima is uncalled-for. But it is Draupadi's picture that seems to 
have suffered the most at the hand of the dramatist. Her note of defeatism 
is inconsistent with her supposed independent and fiery temperament. It 
is ttrange thai she holds Bhima back from interfering with the demon's 
activities.^ Her anxiety for Bhima is natural; any wife will feel such concern 
for the safety of her husband; but the concern is better expressed after a 
Jwroic decision has been taken, not before. Btuma is a different type of 
man; and Draupadi also is the daughter and the wife of a Ksatriya. Her 
attempt, therefore, to drag Bhima away from the distress of the Brahmin 
family and her suggestion to run away from it are unworthy of the spirited 
lady in agony that we know her to be from the epic and other literary 
compositions Her attempt to commit suicide^ is equally ridiculous It 
suggests that she has no confidence in Bhima. It also shows that she is an 
ordinary female who is guided only by the thought of self-preservation and 
v,ho loses her perspective by the slightest threat to it. 1 think, Raraacandr. 
felt a v,ct,m to the temptation of pawling Draupadi on the lines of the 
ftmihar Heroine of a Sanskrit Court Comedy. Mslavika and Ratnsvah are 
similary afraid to perm,, any unexpected adventure to their heroes and m 
ready to attempt suicide at the mere idea of f rMtratloa and Joss of |he ?over 

flat *h a treatment of Draupadrt character ls unjustified an d also 

enough Bata makes a belter, alte!. ua.demona.c, 
.f . rcader m hls slnc , adhe[ence w ae aleJ P . 

"" SC 

oprt , ' S WSC; <*Bata,s not 

rings we curtain down on his life 

Two plays of Ramacandra \ An aesthetic study 7 

Luckily, Ramacandra writes with a sense of drama. His prose dialogue 
has a natural flow; U is not riddled with heavy compounds or encumbered 
with poetic conceits. His verses also are generally simple, except when they 
are used for descriptions or for suggesting the heroic 

[ncidentally the play conforms to formal requirements, A Vyayoga, accor- 
ding to definition.* is a one-act built round a famous hero, with fewer 
women and more male characters. The incident is a conflict occasioned by 
some kind of rivalry and involves actual fighting and wrestling This makes 
the play a heroic one; other sentiments come into it only as a support. The 
development of the dramatic action is compact and does not exceed the 
duration of a clay, 

Bhima whj dominates the play qualifies as a prakhywa tiayaka without 
being eilher a divinity or a royal sage. Draupadi and the victim's wife and 
mother are the only female characters. The Pandavas, Baka and his demoa 
attendants, the temple priest and the victim make up the larger number of 
male characters. There is of course a conflict in the paly due to confronta- 
tion with Baka and the rivalry is engendered by Bhima's interference on 
behalf of the intended victim, There Js some rough handling of characters, 
especially of Bhima, although the main fight takes place off-stage The 
emotions of pathos, fear, disgust and laughter are incidental to the heroic. 
The play begins presumably m ths morning; the stroll and the presence of 
the temple attendant indicate this; the action is over by meal time, The 
duration of the play does not exceed therefore a few hours. 


The Nalavilasa-Nfyaka** is a dramatic rendering in seven acts oftheNala- 
Damayanti-kaths. The legend of Nala is weliknown and familiar to alllndian 
readers. It is needless to compare the dramatic version of Ramacandra 
with the prototype as recorded and preserved in the Mahabarata. 20 Besides, 
one of the editors, Pandit Lalchand B. Gandhi, has noticed the principal 
differences in the Nalakathn as presented in the different versions. 21 

The Jain version of the story differs from the Mahabharata mamely in 
four respects (i) It omits the presence of four gods who attended the 
svayamvara, assuming the identity of Nala, so that Damayanti was confronted 
with five persons who looked exactly like Nala. (H) The temptation to 
indulge m the game of dice atid the subsequent misery of Nala, which are 
attributed to the malice of Kali in the epic version, are changed in the Jaina 
version, (lii) The (ransformation of Nala which completely disguises his real 
identity is, in the epic story, due to Karkolaka Naga who bites Nala. The 
Jain version substitutes Nala's own father, now a divine being, who helps 

$ 0. K. hat 

Nala through his calamity, (iv) The separated Damayanti, in the epic story, 
becomes aware of Nala's whereabouts by partaking the animal meat cooked 
by him, The Jama version uses the motive of Silrya-paka-vidya which Nala 
alone is supposed to know. It is obvious that Ramacandra uses the Jaina 
version as a base for his dramatic story. He has also effected many other 
small changes la introducing new motives and characters to suit the drama- 
tic form imposed on the old legend. 

The prologue, called zmiiklia, introduces the poet and his play and 
strikes the main note m the story of Damayanti's desertion by Nala through 
a parallel occurrence ia the life of the Nan, She is worried because her 
married daughter has been driven out of the house by the husband The 
Sutradhara takes a philosophic view of the happening and feels confident 
that the daughter will be reunited with her husband if she were really above 
blame. This conversation serves to foreshadow the denotement of the play. 

The main scene of the first act introduces King Nala with his usual 
palace attendants. A KapgHka has been captured. With him is discovered 
a letter addressed to one king Citrasena by some Mesamukha, and also a 
picture of a lovely damsel. It is recognised that the Kapalika is a spy; 
though the contents of the letter remain as yet a mystery. The lady in the 
picture is a 'jewel of a woman', and she is wearing a string of pearls 
(muktlvah) which is surprisingly identical with what Nala had seen in a 
dream the same morning. The coincidence strengthens the prophecy by 
the King's astrologers that the King will have a beautiful woman and great 
prosperity. The apparent mystery about the picture is solved by a palace 
maid Makarika who belongs to Kundinapura and who is therefore in a 
position to identify the picture as that of Damayanti, ,the daughter of the 
Vidarbha king. Nala is very much enamoured of the Vidarbha Princess 
whom he had considered, from the picture, to be a devata. He is also 
angry with the Kspalika whom he orders to be thrown in prison. 

The first act is thus intended to introduce Damayanti and create in 
Nala's mind an attraction for her. This is accomplished by a new, though 
familiar, motive of a dream and by the introduction of a picture through a 
captured spy. The author creates a mystery at the beginning of his story 
which he resolves at the end, obviously to maintain suspense in the unfol- 
ding of his dramatic plot. 

The spy episode has dropped a hint about the possible opposition to 
Nala's amorous intentions. This is pursued partly in the second act. Nala 
has sent his trusted companion Kalaharhsa, along with Makarika, to the 
Vidarbha kingdom, armed with Nala's own picture and of Damayanti 
seized from the spy, in order to learn Damayanti's personal reactions. 
The emissaries play their part cleverly, gain access to Damayanti, and bring 

Two Plays of Ramacandra t An aesthetic study 9 

important news back. They relate to Nala that the Vidarbha king Bhimaratha 
is under the influence of a Kapalika by name Ghoraghona and his wife 
Lambastatn. The Kapalika is a master of ruthless deceipt, 22 and apparently 
in league with the Kalachuri king Citrasena. He has forced on the mind 
of Bhimaratha that Damayantj will be Citrasena's wife, and the Vidarbha 
King has accepted this behest. This is depressing news for Nala, But the 
interview with Damayanti which Kalahamsa and Makarika had obtained is 
full of promise. Damayanti did not disclose her mind completely. But she 
accepted both the pictures and directed that her picture be sent to her 
father, and that of Nala be kept in the palace temple. Kalahamsa thinks 
that this is indicative of Damayanti's acceptance of Nala. Damayanti 
further suggests that Nala should try to win over Lambastani to his side 
somehow, because she is capable of influencing her father in changing his 
mind. Kalahamsa has played his part more than well; he has brought 
Lambastani with him to meet Nala. Nala humours her, asks the Vidosaka 
not to make fun of her, and requests her to help him. She promises to get 
the Vidarbha princess for Nala and Nala, in return, awards her gold ornaments 
to cover her entire body. While the dramatist thus furthers the story and 
indicates the overcoming of an apparent obstacle to the lovers' union, the 
news at the end of the act that the captured spy has been befriended by 
Yuvaraja Kubara, the younger brother of Nala, suggests a new threat to 
the happiness of the lovers. 

Damayanti's gesture in sending her picture to her father has proved to 
be a wise move. In the course of investigating how the picture went to 
Nisadha, King Bhimaratha discovered that the dreaded Kspalika Gbora. 
ghona was a spy of Citrasena and the spy caught by Nala was his follower. 
This discovery sets his mind against the Kapalika. He inflicts a humilia- 
tion on him and his wife and drives the couple out of his kingdom. 
He also orders the svayamoara of Damayanti, to which Nala receives a due 
invitation. 28 

The way is thus prepared for the union of Nala and Damayanti, the 
only obstacle of Citrasena through the machinations of Ghoraghona being 
now completely removed. What is expected is the solemnization of this union. 
The dramatist, however, uses the third act to bring the hero and the heroine 
together m a scene of love, in the best tradition of the classical playwrights. 
The day before the svqyamvara, Damayanti comes to the Cupid's temple to 
offer her worship; and Nala is given an opportunity to stand behind a 
mango tree to watch her, to hear her, and to admire her. The helpmates of 
Nala are close at hand to interpret Damayanti's gestures for Nala and to 
prevail upon her to disclose her mmd. Nala is in raptures over the loveliness 
of Damayanti, and is able to hold her hand in an attempt to stop her 
picking the flowers herself. Nala also submits to her, through Kalahamsa, 

Sambodhj 2. 3 

w G. K. Bhat 

a letter of love, Damayanti Has given enough indications of her mind 
without actually divulging anything or without committing herself. This 
apparent onesided meeting is interrupted by Damayanti's mother calling 
her away. The Vidusaka brays like a donkey; Damayanti returns to avoid 
a bad omen. She then drops a letter in the hand of the Vidusaka, promises 
Mala to meet the next day, and finally departs The letter is a confession 
of her love for Nala. But it also suggests a separation, w The confession 
of mutual love completes the preparation for union. But the mixed note of 
union and possible separation augurs a coming turn of events. And this is 
overshadowed by the news that Ghoraghona and his wife have joined Nala's 
brother Kubara. 

The fourth act presents the scene of the svayamvara. It is really unne. 
cessary after the mutual avowal of love. It is probably introduced as the 
only way for showing a formal union; and this is, incidentally, in keeping 
with the old legend, as with the declared intention of the Vidarbha King. 

The scene is no doubt modelled on Kalidasa's Indumati-svaya m vara. 
It tas no dramatic value, because any surprise or unexpected turn is already 
prevented by the omission of the gods' rivalry which was an important 
part of the old legend, by checking, for the time being at least, Citrasena's 
plot to get Damayanti for himself, and by the fact that Damayanti had 
made up her mind about Nala. The scene has therefore only a specta- 
cular value. There Js, no doubt, some good poetry in this act; and the 
psychological tremours of Nala through the scene are convincingly shown. 
But the repetition involved in the introduction of suitors, inevitable though, 
cannot be called dramatic, as the final outcome is known to the audience. 
There are also some elements in the scene that are difficult to explain. 
What is the point in showing that the presentation of the suitors took such 
a long time as to tresspass on the auspicious hour fixed for the marriage?" 
If the usher, Madhavasena, was inordinately talkative, as Damayanti feels 
and Bhimaratha openly alleges, why was he chosen for this work ?a As a 
matter of fact, it is his duty to introduce every king properly. He is no 
more talkative than the minister Vasudatta in fact is, who loves to describe 
Damayantfs charms to her own father !7 Damayanti's own tarrying also 
when she finally stands before Nala, is difficult to explain. If the dramatist 
was planning to create a last-minute suspense, it was useless; because the 
audience did never expect Damayanti to turn away from Nala. It is equally 
puzzling why the king, and subsequently the minister, should impose upon 
Damayanti and openly recommend to her and instruct her to choose Nala 
if this were svayamvara ? 2 f>. 

The act comes to a close with the bard's announcement of the time of 
the day. The imagery used by him in his verse unmistakably suggests the 

Two plays of Rnmacandra : An aesthetic study n 

coming temptation of dice play and the desertion of the bride, * 9 the^shadow 
of the future event. 

This information is given to the audience at the beginning of act V in 
a longish monologue of Kalahari sa. In spite of the earnest advice of the 
family priest and wise citizens, and probab]y acting under the spell of fate 
operating from previous birth, 30 Nala gambled a\vay his own kingdom and 
Damayanti. Having lost everything to Prince Kubara, Nala is preparing to 
leave his country till his good fortune returned. 

The dramatist works out the expected atmosphere of pathos out of 
this situation. The citizens are plunged into misery. The faithful attendant 
Kalahariisa and the merry companion, the Vida^aka, wish to accompany Nala 
and are ready to die otherwise. Damayanti insists on going with Nala; and, 
very much like Sita in the Ramayana, argues and pleads with Nala to take 
her with him. Nala has to do so. 

The wanderings of the lone couple are then described with appropriate 
stress on Dayamanti's tiredness, her agony of over-powering thirst, and her 
slow weeping, till they meet with a Tapasa. The conversation leads to 
Nala's present condition and the purpose of his journey. The Tapasa, who 
is the same Lambodaia, the spy and servant of Kapslika, now disguised, 
advises Nala that the state of the 'loss of kingdom and being tied down to 
a woman' is a calamity heaped on calamity; the company of a woman is 
bound to destroy a man's freedom of movement. The Tapasa gives voluntary 
advice to Nala that his going to the Vidarbha kingdom and the shelter of 
his father-in-law will be embarrassing and shameful to him in his present 
plight. 31 Nala accepts both the observations of the ascetic. He fetches water 
for Damayanti and points out to her the way toKuadinapur as learnt from 
the ascetic. In his own mind he has decided to abandon Damayanti. 

Da may ant i has a feeling of premonition about her desertion. But she 
is overpowered with fatigue and sleep. And as she is lost in sleep Nala 
deserts her, with almost the same emotional tension and verbal expression 
as Bhavabhuti's Rama displayed when he decided to abandom Sits who had 
gone to sleep on his arm. The seif-ieproach, the awareness of cruetly and 
the inward soirow of Nala are overwhelmingly similar to those of Rama. 
Damayanti is still drugged with sleep when Nala leaves her. A traveller 
from a passing caravan sees her, alone and lost, lifts her and carries her 
away to safety. 

The act is thus intended to depict the circumstances and the actual act 
of Damayanti's abandonment. The loss of kingdom in the game of dice 
is a detail which is part of the old legend. But the motive in the old 
legend, namely, the spirit of Kali taking possession of the mind and 

G. K. 



^character, they cannot be 

?? S h hat happens here and consequently the char.ctenzat.on of Nala 
! lU Nala has an instinctive suspicion -about the Tapasa. He sees h 
Lmbiance to the earlier spy Lambodara. And yet, the mere change in upper- 
* that the Tapasa is lame, a hunchback, is shown to be enough to remove 
the Upicion from Nala's minds-. Similarly, in stead of being a little wary, 
Nala shot! himself to be utterly gullible in accepting all the statements 
of the Tupasa It is reasonable to suppose that Nala would feel numiha- 
tbn in tacmg his father-in-law in the present situation. But why should he 
accept the suggestion of abandoning his wife ? The answers to all these 
cations have to be taken from the idea of fate. But fate does not work 
with mch a thin disguise as that of a suspicious Tapasa. The roots of 
man's behaviour must reach down his basic character and temper as moulded 
by heredity and the law of ECarma. Or else, an outside factor must act 
with such 'a compulsion that a person loses his sense of perspective and 
jydamcnt under the sudden impact. Both these factors operate together in 
the "case of Rima. His decision to abandon Sits is as much a stroke of 
cruel fate as it is the result of his idealistic temperament. The dramatist 
does not attempt anything of the kind. And so, the act of Daraayanti's 
abandonment does not bring conviction, although the emotion of Nala is 

The fifth act has left the audience in a state of suspense and tension, 
full of dramatic value. The dramatist picks up his thread of narration with 
a very clever device m the sixth act. A long soliloquy of Nala first informs 
the audience of the physical transformation of Nala due to the intervention 
of his father appearing in the guise of a serpent, of the advice and promise 
of returning fortune, of Nala's stay with Dadhipama, the lord of Ayodhya, 
as a royal cook. The audience also learns about a dramatic performance 
svhich a troupe of actors from Vldharbha is to present to the King. 

It is through this device of a play within the play (Garbhanka) that the 
dramatist provides the links of story development, It looks quite probable 
that the dramatist, once again, is imitating Bhavabhati's handling of the 
Ramakatha in the Uttara-Rania-carita, with a touch from Kalidasa's 
yikraniorrahya in depicting Damayanti's search for her lost husband. The 
imitation does not, however, take away the dramatic value of the garbhanka', 
First, it is a picturesque and spectacular mode of presenting to the audience 
the knowledge about what happened to Dayamanti after Nala left her. Her 

Two plays of Ramacandra : An aesthetic study 13 

futile search for Nala naturally led to an attempt at suicide. But we learn 
that she was saved and was entrusted to the care of a caravan of merchants. 
Secondly, the dramatic performance before the King of Ayodhya is obvi- 
ously intended to bring to Nala the knowledge of Damayanti's safety and 
her probable stay m her father's house. The explicit details are given in the 
final act of the play where we know that Dayamanti had bscorae aware 
that Nala was living in AyodhyS and had therefore deliberately arranged 
the dramatic show to bring him out in the open. But here the fact that 
the troupe has come from Vidarbha to Ayodhya and also the fact that 
the show is concerned with the desertion of Damayanti by Nala are suffi- 
ciently suggestive of an underlying purpose. The garbhunka is thus an 
artistic attempt to establish a definite link between the separated couple and 
to create the possibilities of their reunion. Thirdly, the gaibhsnka is also 
expected to confirm the presence of Nala in the royal house at Ayodhya. 
It was expected that Nala would somehow attend the dramatic performance. 
In fact, he is actually invited to do so by the King. It was also expected 
that Nala would be profoundly affected by the show. And so Nala is. 
The dramatist works out the pathos in the situation leading to the climax 
of Damayanti's suicide. King Dadhiparna is deeply moved by Damayanti's 
loyalty to her husband, her sense of a chaste wife's duty and dignity, the 
immoral cruelty of Nala In deserting his wife, and deep sorrow which 
shrouds the whole play. The King is so moved as to be carried away by 
the performance and forget that it was only a dramatic spectacle. If the 
play could affect the King so much, it is easy to see that Nala would be 
moved out of his depth and would betray his disguise. This is exactly 
what happens during the performance. It is only the transformation of 
Nala resulting in incredible ugliness and a little resourcefulness of Nala's 
own part 83 that save the complete revelation of Nala's real personality for 
the time being. But Nala is unable to check himself at the sight of 
Damayanti's suicide; and King Dadhiparna questions him on his real 
identity. 34 The actors and those who were at the back of the show could 
therefore be presumed to have been convinced about Nala's whereabouts. 
The presumption is corroborated, in a way, by the invitation to attend 
Damayanti's svayamvara the next morning, presented by a messenger from 
the Vidatbha King. 

This, as we learn later, is a clever plan of Damayanti to bring out 
Nala in the open. The invitation forces Nala to throw away his disguise 
and display another peculiar skill that he alone possessed, namely of being 
able to drive the horses swifter than wind, which will enable the King and 
Nala to cover the distance of a hundred yojanas m one night in order to 
be present at the svayamvara, and also help Nala in preventing Damayanti's 
second marriage. It is on this note that the sixth act ends. 

/.f G. K. Bhat 

The &:f!k,>tJ,a has proved to be an excellent device to serve a number 
of M^ii'c^nt dramatic purposes Its poetic and dramatic value can be 
ej'-iJ) aiJimtieJ. The only weak element that appears in this construction 
is the rech'jii for ths presence of Nala at the performance The preseuce 
.v.'i-, ab* !iit.-ly necessary fur the development of the drama. But the dramatist 
ha> rk>t .iua'iled in ranking it realistic., compelling and convincing, King 
I).ttiij t ;;f(uL H 5 'iid to Ji.ive been impressed by the vaned skill of Nala.^ 
Eiis a!uj ^!!j lie wa 3 Ining with the King as his cook How ranch conde- 
weaM.-n cj;i tin 1 King show to a cook ? And how much freedom of 
reacts, n and utterance can the couk have in royal presence ? Apparently, 
bulk ihe Ktiu kiid Nala express their reactions and exchange explanations 
a; if liu: u^ly H.-Jiuka were an honoured ^uest of the King ' The dramatist 
shouM t!.u- provided an additional motive, than the mere dramatic necessity, 
t> nuke NdU'i prance at th show arid his verbal exchanges with the 
King more [-rjbjble and convincing. Our knowledge that Bahuka is Nala 
in di^uue is ik) explanation why King Dadhiparna should behave with 
Hm on so informal and friendly terms, when he knows him only as a 
ovk, wo may be an expert in some other arts too. The social 
of the King and the cook are different. The presence of Nala at 
the s!uv,v cannot be explained on any plausible ground and remains there- 
Rue a vcr> *eak Jink in the dramatic construction. 

The i'mal act gathers up the threads of the narration, offers explanations 
for e-.ents and happenings that have occurred, and brings about the 
reunion of Nala and Dama>anti. It becomes now evident that the dramatic 
show wab planned by Damayaoti hereself and she was helped by Nala's 
associate", Kalahamsa and the Vidusaka in getting certain news about 
Nala Ss lh: siayamvara was another clever ruse to bring Nala to the 

The dramatist creates final suspense by opening the seventh act on a 
scent of Damajantt's act of San. It appears that Citrasena's machinations 
and Ghowghorws wily bluff are still not over. They have spread a rumour 
of Njla's ilecuh; and Damayanti has resolved to throw herself on a burning 
p>re in an act of self-immolation to follow her husband in death This 
shocking end is prevented b, the timely arrival of Nala. The occasion gives 
Nala an opportunity also to test Damayanti's love and fidelity Nala then 
changes hi* appearance according to the instructions of his father and become 
UK iriie self to the joy of every one. The reunion is now literally accompli- 
sheJ. Th.' happing i s enhanced by the complete exposure of the plot of 
the *ickJ ntwa^mi, and by the bistowal of the Vidarbha kingdom on 
Nala by Damajanti's parents. Getting Damayanti back safe as his loving 

was enaugb happiness for Nala. Toe gift of the kingdom is, in his 

Two plays of Ramacandra : An aesthetic study 15 

own words, 'like whitewashing the lily, perfuming the monsoon shower, and 
cooling the moon'. 37 It is on this poetic note that the play comes to a close 
after the formal epilogue. 

It appears that the dramatist probably wanted to save the final act 
from being rather tame; and so he added the scene of Damayanti's San 
to make it colourful and tense. The suspense and tension are obviously 
there m the situation. Only we must not question how every one, Including 
Damayanti, are so easily taken in by travellers' tales 38 especially when 
they had learnt earlier once of the machinations of the Kapallka, and when 
Damayanti had all the resources of the kingdom at her command to check 
up and verify such an important and shocking news of the death of her 
husband before she gave into a precipitate action. We must not also ask 
how Kalahamsa and Vidusaka, If they were present with the performing 
troupe io Ayodhya, managed to arrive in Kundinapura even before the 
swifter-than-wind Nala. 

Looking at the play as a whole it become evident that the dramatist 
has used three junctures In the Nala-Damayanti legend to shape his drama- 
tic version as a serious comedy of royal love. In the Nalavilnsa Nafaka It 
is a story of romantic union, unfortunate separation and happy reunion. 
The dramatist omits the part played by the swan in the old legend, as 
obviously unsuitable for dramatic representation. In stead, the plot engineered 
by king Citrasena with (he help of spies to win Damayantfs hand serves a 
double purpose -. that of introducing the necessary obstacle for the develop- 
ment of love, and also for bringing Damayanti and Nala psychologically 
together. Other factors, like Nala's .dream, the willing assistance given by his 
associates in love, and the occasion of svayamvara which enables a prior 
meeting of the lovers, all help to strengthen the union of love. Tha drama- 
tist yet builds a love scene, familiar from the classical plays, to bring a 
conviction of mutual and reciprocal love before the union in marriage takes 
place. This was not quite necessary for this story; because Damayanti was 
going' to choose her husband in a svayamvara and the fact of mutual attrac- 
tion was sufficient for the choice. The dramatist is obviously tempted to 
imitate the classical authors and show his ability in depicting k&gara. The 
scene of the svayamvara itself lacks dramatic value because of the earlier 
love scene and also due to the omission of the legendary motive of conflict. 
However, 'the dramatic development up to the union is sufficiently poetic 
and interesting. 

It is the motive of separation that has not been convincingly worked 
out The dramatist has used the machinations of the Kapsllka as a central 
element of conflict throughout the play. But it is surprising how the chara- 
cters. who aro temporary victims of these machinations do not become wise. 

or waiy cvfn after ihe exposure of the spies. The author's explanation prob- 
ably will be that (hey are also victims of an adverse fate. But this, as said 
wrher, is ten spacious a reason to explain the actual actions of the drama- 
it.; characters. Tue actijn of Nala in abandoning Damayanti, her curious 
tifMiaiic 1 !! to choree Ndla at the time of the svayamvara and her rash and 
unimaginable act of Sail, arc all melodramatic, but psychologically uncon- 


idra seem? to have been inspired to build his plays on the 
nwikl. The influence of the master* is unmistakable. The roman- 
ce Ijvc scene, in the Nalavilnsa Nnfaka, is like any scene that a reader 
could fmd in the plays of Kdlidssa, s Harsa or Bhavabhuti. The svayamncjra 
scene will remind u^ of Kalidasa's Raghuvamsa. The scene of Damayanli's 
abandonment is inspired by Bhavabhati's Uttara-Rama-carita. Nala's soli- 
loquy is reminiscent of the speech of Rama. Even his earlier utterances ia 
the love scene and his soliloquy after the desertion of his wife are similar 
to thuse of Bhavabhati's Rama and Madhava. 3 " Damayanti's search for 
is like the search of Purutavas for Urvaii in the Vikramorva'slya, the 
te to the lion being new and added possibly to emphasise Damayanti's 
character and for an obvious theatrical effect. And if the device of 
a saMzila is already used by Harsa or Bhavabhuti, the scene of the act of 
ten very n.uch resembles the attempt of Draupadi and Yudhisthira, in the 
I'l'iis^te, to burn themselves under similar circumstances of a perverse 
repurt about Qhima's death by a demon spy. 

This i not to suggest that Ramacandra's composition is marred by 
imitation. He inmates masters; and who could resist such a temptation. ? 
The real weakness of Sanskrit compositions is rooted in the overpowering 
theory of Rasa which was mistakenly applied by many a writer. While it 
was intended that all elements in a literary and dramatic composition should 
wmerge on the principal Rasa, these writers subordinated every element and 
re^rded it as only a means to depict a Rasa. The subtle diSerence between 
the two positions of the theory was either not understood or not properly 
appreciated, Ramacandra himself says : 

A picturesque variety of incidents (and styles) should not deserve so 
much in a dramatic composition as Rasa ought to : a beauti- 
fully ripened mango would cause annoyance if it were to Jack the 
Uavour of the juice. 10 

, ,P s the 

content A|JM) cattnot mean ^ ^^ ^ ^^ ^ ^ 

to b only conventual wooden frames to accomodate pictures of 

Two plays of Rzmacandra : An aesthetic study 17 

The classical masters never made this mistake. They stressed emotional 
experience, used a variety of sentiments ; but at the same time did not 
allow the individuality of characters to be lost in the rhetorical fljw of 
sentiments or the casual links and motivation of actions and events to be 
covered by the doubtful glamour of poetry and florid language. It is in 
this respect that Rsmacandra's plays appear to be weak. Some of his 
motivation is not fully convincing ; and so, his characterization suffers. 
The principal characters in his plays appear to have no will of their own. 
They seem to lack perspective and judgment. The minor characters are 
usually built on conventional lines and hardly any one of them would 
linger in our memory. 

At the same time it must be made clear that Ramacandra appears 
a lesser artist only in comparison with the mas fis. He has enough sense 
of drama to build scenes that have emotional interest and dramatic 
tension. He has an eye for dramatic construction too ; though his casual 
links are weak or unconvincing sometimes. In the Nalavilasa, for example, he 
builds every act round an important event cleverly planned ; and closes it 
with an indication of the coming development in the following act, or with 
the anouncement of the time of the day ; although he did not choose to 
suggest the interval of twelve years between the separation and reunion 
(acts V to VII) as Bhavabhati does so masterly in the Uttara-Ruma-Carita. 

Ramcaudra is also a good poet. His language, though rhetorical in 
the full-lengh play, has an easy flow. His imagery, though not always 
original, is sufficiently poetical." Occasionally he can handle language, 
like Bhavabhati, to produce not only a picturesque effect but also a 
charming conflict of emotions Compare the following : 4a 

or > 

titei 11 

He can build a verse using simple sentences or producing the structure of 
many compound clauses : Compare, for instance, 43 

: snra 

$m it, SPR % it w it tf'rc 11 

Sapibodhi 2.2, 

IS G. K. hat 


The dramatic sense and the poetic ability of Ramcandra place him in 
ray opinion, much above the playwrights of the decadent period of 'the 
Sanskrit drama whose compositions continually slip in the unrestrained 
rhetoric and verbosity of their own making. For a Jaina writer trained In 
the ie!igious and philosophical traditions this achievement in the sphere of 
art is worthy of praise, 

Two plays of Rnmacandra : An aesthetic study ig 

Notes and References : 

* NMay a -Bh lm u~ V yr r yo g a (NBV) , edl ted by Pandit Hargovindd a8 and Pand.t Bechar- 
; 0910 A.D) Granthamala ' N - 19 5 Dhar^abhyudaya Press , V ; Veer 

(1) Mahabharata (MBH), Adzpawan, chapters 145-152, Cntical Edition (Cr, Ed) 
Bhandark,u Oriental Research Institute, Poona (BORD Vol I 

(2) Ibid, ch 145 ' ' 

(3) Ibid, chs. 146, M7, sec esp. 147. vcise 22. 

(4) Ibid, chs, 14-8-14-9. 

(5) Ibid, ch. 150. 

(6) 764, ch. 151. 

(7) Ibid, ch. 152, sue verses 14-17. 

(8) NBV Prologue, p. 2 : 


(9) NBV, p 4 : 

SIR, srar ^i\ Tffq%gtf9is[f^SBwr >ijfli> rr^ir sipfr urngfrt i^r, 
a^^r*r r=2^uft i 

(10) NBV. p. 7-B ; cf. 

- 10. 

(11) NBV, p. 14. C f. 

(12) NBV, pp. 14-15. cf. for Yudh 1 stb 1 ra's confident attitude vv, 18-19 , and the following; 

for the assurance of Nakula and Sahttdova, cf. w. 20, 21 
(13) NBV, pp. 12-13, Read : 

&$ 3\ ^ *rftir^ i 

(14) NBV, p. 3 : 


(15) Read : 

(16) See note fll) above. 

(17) Read : 

: i 

20 G. K. Bhat 

(18) For exampln, verses 4, 9, 17 (description*), verses 16, IS, 24 (heioic seutimeut). 

Bharata, Naiya'sastra, GOS. Vol. II, ch. 18, vv. 90-93a. 

Huniarandra tiuoles this definition and offers helpful comments to undeistand the 
ilitorcliral prescription See KHvycimiiasana, VIU 3(53), 2nd revised ed., Bombay 
1964, p, 440. 

Str also, DtilarTipa, III. 60-61-62a for gome additional details; and Salntyadarpana 
VI 31-233 

a Ml'rtta (NV) . edited by G. K. Shngondekar and Lalchand B, Gandhi, 
(Uekwari's Oriental Series (GOS), No. XXIX, Baroda, 1926. 

(20) MBh. .Xranyakaparvan, Cr. Ed., BORI, Vol. Ill, chs. 50-78. 

(|) NV, COS, Sanskrit Introduction, p. 11-12, 

(22,1 Cf. act II. 16, 17. 

(23) Cf. 111. 4 : 

(24) Cf. III. 31 . 

*r 3 

Kalabaujsa's initrpretation of the first line is : 
ifWTFRrt ^IpPalqRrllliT^ ...I 
Ci 1 . IV. 10 ff 

(26) Read : 

- And, 

(27) Of. IV. 18. 
(48) Cf. IV. 20 


Two Plays of R&nacandra : An aesthetic study 21 

(29) Cf. IV. 24. Note the phiases, 

ri wf&ff a 

(30) Cf. V. 2 

); 5 (...Ba nfci ^mra: i i ifa^ i) ; e (fRf fafa 

(31) Act V. (NV. p. 61) Read : 

cimr: ^asrfwfNt wu^ srrt: ^IFR^ i 3rfa 

?cft B^ffq^q^T 1 and, 

(32) Cf. V. 1 1 ff ; 

( MV. p. 60). 
(33) See. VI. 17 ff. 

sjc g;?q5iifFf t 


?rafs1%prTf fe i 

(34) Read VI 23 ff. 

\ H 

Nala's reply is, however, interrupted by the message of svavaimara. 
(35) Nala, in his opening speech, says : 

the Kui s eate1 ' 3 and > seem s Nala - siys to his minister ' 

IS ^^ i 
fcwrcwfi ferrs 

(NV., pp. 66-67), 
(36) See, VII. 13 ff. (NV, p. 86) : 

22 G. K. Bhat 

(37) Rtad . 

t ^11 f {Wf^F qfa^ra^ ^13: I ^^ tfTcr; 1 ^ 

I CNV p. SB) 

(, J -,i A Iluhuvn jnlVrnn Mala 
sag HP: n?q tfiTffr Hffl*5 
Jjvqqff,- I! ! ii\ p "0, Dam.ijaiUi hcistlf says ' 

H^oilyf Wlflt I (^ NV. p 01. 
^yj Set' III. 13, c^j), 

T^ fT'i ?rt.I^F^f =q i^r^qf^ ^ I and cf. MSlatimadliavq (MM) I 33d, f%^J 
' ^ tTR ^ f^Ft ! aKo MM III. S , Uttaia-reima-canla (URC), 35d 

Rqfp[ ^T ^fl3?rf% =3 1 also III. 12. 
TJIC ttc'in'l reft-ioti'L' is tj act VI, opening speech, Read also, VI 4; SUTJrrffa^ 

y\T%l\ %r^n ffn ^ I and cf URG IU. 27 (Vasanti's question to Rama and 
hi* repli III 2b), 

luci.Ieinally, Damivanf.', ^^1%, g^ TO7frRI^ 3iniri% (' is comparable to 

Vauv'-iditti'i lurairk, Rattwalt, act II, 01 JittTlfH ^3t^ ^^f'fi^n'I^f?' I in connec- 
tion with the Vidusaka. 
(40) NV. VI. a3 : 

(41) Cf. Ill 22 Na]a spcalmg of Damayanti's loveliness . 

giggg ftss n 

Foi an unusiui perspective, sec III. 13 : 

t4^> NV. Ill 1 and 2. 

(43) NOV., ^ ersea H, 19 ; the firat i 3 the appeal of the Brahmin victim to Nala ; tba 
'ccond u -\rjuna's description of Bhlma. 

Dalsukh Malvania 

I have to thank the authorities of the All India Prohibition Workers' 
Training Camp for giving me an opportunity to speak before you all on 
Prohibition and Indian Culture. As we all know the Indian Culture as 
is to-day is the result of the conflicts and compromises between many 
races. If we look through the history of the ancient times, we can conclude 
that two main streams of culture, the Vedic and the Nou-Vedic are the 
pioneers in giving the shape to the Indian Culture, For the scope of my 
talk to-day I shall deal with efforts for prohibition by the Vedic or what 
we now call the Hindu religion and with the efforts by the Non-Vedic, in 
which I include the Jaina and the Buddhist religions. I must apologize my 
Jews, Parsis, Muslim and Christian friends here for not including their efforts 
for prohibition, as the time at my disposal is short and also I must 
accept ray ignorance in the subject. But it will be better if I say something 
in the beginning about them which I have come to know. 

As for the Muslims though the Kuran prohibits wine made from 
grapes, we see no Muslim country in which the prohibition is followed, 
Sufis were the Muslim saints but for them the wine fa^f) was an essential 
item of drink. As regards the Jews and Christians also we see no trace 
of prohibition in the life of an ordinary Jew, Christiau, throughout the 

Parsis in India as they are to-day generally do not follow the policy of 
prohibition. Gandhiji had to bother about their trade in wine in Gujarat. 
Though the trade is decreased, the intoxicating drinks even in an ordinary 
Parsi home is decreased or not, I have no knowledge. This much can be 
said that they drink. 

After this short remark I now proceed to my proper subject. 

Wine and such other Intoxicating drinks were generally the part of 
social and religious life of the primitive people throughout the world. The 
remanants of the custom can be seen even to-day in the so-called most 
Civilized religions such as Christianity and others. In these circumstances 
India can be proud of its prohibition policy when in all other countries 
there is no such ban on intoxicating drinks, 

* This was a lecture delivered at the All Indja Prohibition Workers' Training Camp, held 
at Ahmedabad from 6-2-71 to 12-2-71. 

-, Dalsukh Mahanla 

* * 

It is an astonishing fact of history of the world that from the ancient 
tittM the \ecJjc the Buddhist and the Jaina religious teachers drew our 
aiuntun for ite utter necessity of prohibition of wine and of such other 
,nt f .u:auna dunks not only from the religious ceremonies but from all the 
i>Ms of duilj lift The exception was made only for the medical treatment. 
Through their efforts m India most of the population of India following 
uiiiws uluirms have debarred the intoxicating drinks. 1 want Here to trace 
the hbtorv af this great achievement. 

<;. ???7 of the Vedic age was an intoxicating drink ot the Aryans and it 
wa< ari" important item of the sacrifices performed by the Vedlc people. 
This ciri be >hown from the Regveda itself in which the "whole of the 
ninth u,amljla and sis hymns in other mandates, are devoted to its praise.*" 
The dmi wa , specially 'meant for the sacrificial retuals but the sum was 
e^enitally a drink of ordinary life. It was the drink of men in thesabhn- 
wembty and gave rise to broils' So it is but natural that though praised 
in Rgveda, Taittinva Samhita and Satapathabrahmana, it is also disapproved 
in R^eda Jts-eU' snd in other Vedic texts. The Atharvaveda condemns the 

rara as an evil 1 . But it should be noted that according to Tait. Brahmana 

Sv.if.ni3 *as the paramannarh for gods and sura was for Men. -1,3.3. 2-3. 

Various t\pe^ of Abfiifeka mentioned in the Vedic Texts could not be 

concluded without the final drtnk of Sum. This shows that Sura was an 

important drink in Vedic times 4 . 

Amrta mentioned in the vedas and later literature was certainly an 

intoxicating drink, but as regards its preparation the scholars are not una- 

nimous 10 their opinion. 5 

The list of intoxicating drinks in India is a very large one. A list of 

48 types of such intoxicating drinks Is prepared by Prof. Omprakash in 

his book ; Food and Drinks in Ancient India (p. 298). This shows that 

the earlj. Indians were keen on having various types of intoxicating 


Historians say that apart from the Vedic Aryans there were Dravldians 
wbo inhabited India. And 'they consumed two intoxicating drinks - 

Even though people were addicted to Saw or such other intoxicating 
drinks it must be noted that evil effects of drinking were known and tne 

1. Vedif lad(\. 

2. Ve kr Ii'lcx. 

3. Vedi<^ hides. 

+. FRB : Aitlnji-ka, 

1. Kmh ; The Rd. and Phil, of Veda and Upa II p. 623. 

tf, Otuprakaih ; p. 3. 

Prohibition and Indian Culture 25 

Nirukta : VI-27 mentions drinking sura as one of the great sins such as the 
killing of a Brahmin. There were some Brahmins who seeing the evil 
effects of the Sura, were avoiding the drink (Kathaka Sam. XIII, 2). And 
in Chaudogya-up. (V. 2,5) we find that the King Asvapati declares that 
there was no drunkard in his kingdom. Here we must distinguish between 
a drunkard and a person who drinks Sura. 

Even Panini and Grhyasotra testify to the fact that intoxicating drinks 
were common amongst the people. Even the women were served with 
the wine on the occasion of entry of the bride in the home for the first 
time. At the time of marriage the women who danced were served with 
Sura, But here it should be noted that Dhannasotra though acquainted 
with evil of the sura and other intoxicating drinks prohibited them for 
Brahmins and students only. The rest were allowed to have the particular 
type of intoxicating drinks. 1 ? But Bodhayana mentions that the Brahmins 
in the North had a peculiar custom of drinking liquor*. 

Though the evil effects such as loss of wealth, insanity, absence of 
consciousness, loss of knowldege, life, wealth and friends etc. were well known 
to the Vedic Aryans, we have evidence to show that for a long time they 
were not able to eradicate the evil even from the religious ceremonies. 
'Kautilya mentions the existence of shops of liquor having many rooms 
and provided with beds and seats and other comforts such as scents and 
garlands. ... Manufacture of wine was the monopoly of the state but on 
festive occasions right of private manufacture of bear for four days was 
recognised on payment of licence fees '* It is surprising that only for a 
Brahmin woman it is said that if she drinks sura she will not have a 
company of her husband in the next world. 

The Veda and the Vedic literature Brshinanas, Grhya-and Dharma- 
satras and Srartis, in all of them there are the trace? of prohibition but 
one is astonished to find that there is, as regards the prohibition, a 
distiction between the various types of intoxicating drinks; as for example, 
Soma is not prohibited but a particular type of Sura is prohibited, and 
that also not always. Further, while prohibiting Sura a distinction is also 
made between the four Varnas t &udra is allowed to drink sum but not 
the Dvijas-i.e. the first three Varnas. Even in SrSddhas the grandfathers 
are not given the Sura but the grandmothers are offered. In Abhiseka the 
Sura was compulsory item in concluding ritual. Manu has two conflicting 
statements about Madya-the intoxicating drink-?. 

7. Ibid, p, 43-44. 

8. Ibid, p, 57. 

9. Ibid, p. 95. 
10, Ibid, p. 96, 
Sambodbi 2-2 

2s Dalsukh Malvama 

According to some there is no sin in drink (ij 

etc. and the others count the drink as one of the great sins. The early Tantras 

as is well-known propagated the drinking of Madya even tor liberating the 

soul or for the union with God Siva and the Sakti, the mother goddess. But 

the later Tantras tried to interprete the madya in other way. In the times of 

Ramsyana and Mahabharata the people were addicted to drinks inspite of 

the preaching against It, Inspite of all this facts if we see the present con- 

dition of the Hindu- Vedic society, as regards the prohibition we can be 

proud of the achievements of the Indian pioneers of prohibition. In Vedic 

tradilion according to the Mahabharata Sukra was the first Rfi who forbade 

for the first time Brahnianas from drinking intoxicalmg drinks and declared 

that if any Bratunana drank surf thenceforward, he would be guilty of the 

grave !>in of Brahmana-murder 11 . It should be noted here that it is for the 

Brshmarias. But in the Mahabharata itself we find a rare example of 

Balatuma, the first person who prohibited the drink for all without any 

distinction of cast or creed. But we know his own kins the Yadavas were 

destroyed due to Surapsna. So we can see that it was not possible in those 

days to achieve the success in the policy of prohibition. But stil they must 

be regarded the pioneers of prohibition. 

The real success of the prohibition policy is the result of the continuous 
wanderings of Jhe the monks of the Jaina and the Buddhist Sadgha. As 
they were moving throughout the country and preaching for the prohibition, 
and not only preaching but following themselves the precepts they were 
able to eradicate the evil from the most part of the Indian Society, 

Lord KfiJiavira of the Jamas was one of the pioneer upholder of the 
porhlbition of the intoxicating drinks. And he himself and his follower 
monks wandered tbroughot India and preached the people not to drink 
wine etc. His theory of Karma induced him to be against of the 
fotoxieatmg drinks. He believed that the negligence ( WK) was ,he real cause 
of Karma," And the result of intoxicating drinks was nothing else than 
the neghgence. So m order to liberaie one self f ro m the bundageof Karma 
.t was necessary to avoid the ,otoxicating drinks. That is the reason why 
out of five type of pramfo one is mad y a ^ and is also included in nine 
type* of w *r/i" and in four types of mahSvikfli (Stha. 274). 

Here we may note one of the sutra of Kalpasotra : "Monks or nuns who 
*le and healthy .,d of art ^ body> afe 

II. For an interesting stu iy ,., 



Prohibition and Indian Culture 27 

pajjusana frequently to take the following nine drinks ; Milk, thick sour 
milk, fresh butter, clarified butter, oil, suagar, honey, liquor and'meat" (SBE 
XXII, p. 5). It can be seen that prohibition is there but in mild from." 
The next sutra confirms this conclusion. But the Sutras later than this are 
gradually having strong protest against the liquor etc., is an established fact. 

It is clearly stated in the DaSavaikalikasatra 1 " that a monk should not 
drink the Sura etc. in presence of others or in secret. Because if they are 
taken in presence of others, the defamation is sure And if one drinks in 
secret, he becomes a thief and a decietful person and incurs many other 
such vices. In Uttarsdhyayana (21.70) it is stated that one who drmks wine 
etc., after his death the hottest drinks are poured in his mouth in hell. 
This was one of the ways to terrorize a person addicted to drinks. And 
we must accept that m those days this worked well. 

As for the laymen, the householders it seems that Lord Mahavrra 
allowed the limited use of the liquors (Uva.39), But the trade in spirituous 
liquors was prohibited. But the history shows that gradually the use of 
all kinds of liquors was prohibited for the layran also. And as a result of 
this no Jaina layman could think of having an intoxicating drink even In 
modern times except those Jainas who are influenced by the modern Western 
style of living. 

Lord Buddha, was the most practical religious leader the world has 
ever produced. He not only preached against the intoxicating drinks but In 
order to give stress on non-drinking he Included the precept of non-drinking 
in the essential ten precepts to be followed by a Buddhist monk and a 
layman No one could be a Buddhist unless he was prepared to take the 
vow of abstinence from Intoxicating wine and spirits causing negligence, 17 
In this way the vice of drunkenness was removed from the Buddhist Sangha 
!n one stroke and in imitation the Vedic society also gradually followed In 
principle the preaching of the Buddha. Here we can see that Buddha and 
also Mahavira made no distinction between the various types of intoxicating 
drinks and also between the castes. 

When a person becomes a monk he loses hSs cast. The Buddha has 
said 'Just as, all great rivers, when they reach the great ocean, lose their 
former names and differences and are denominated as the great ocean, even 
so, these four castes Kgatriya, Brahmanas, VaiSya and adra, when they 
go forth from the household to the houseless life under the doctrine and 

15. also see fsfofa, . *1, ^T WW \W S. WWpW II p. 319. 

16. -^. 1. *$-V1 


2S Dalsiikh Malvania 

discipline lose their former names and families and are denominated as 
devotees, disciples of the 6skya. lfl 

Further these words of the Buddha are worth considering: "There is not, 
la the highest perfection of knowledge and virtue any talk of birth (jathnda) 

or of family Gotlavnda or a pride. Those who are in the bonds of consi. 

derations of birth or of family are far from the highest perfection of know- 

ledge and virtue. After abandoing the bonds of considerations of birth 

there is realization of the highest perfection of knowledge and virtue." 

Buddha specifically advised the householders who followed him: "Let 
the householder who approves of this Dharuma not give himself to intoxica- 
ting drinks, let him not cause others to drink, nor approve of those that 
drink knowing it to end in madness. For through intoxication the stupid 
commit sins and made other people intoxicated, let him avoid this seat of 
sin, this madness, this folly, delightful to the stupid."2o 

Moreover it also should be noted here that the Buddha has not included 
this vice Sn that of violence, because he has separated this vice from that 
of violence white enumerating ten precepts to be followed by his followers. 

But this does not mean that after taking the vows all the monks could 
avoid the drinks. In the Jataka (81) there is a story of a the Sagata who 
was a sthavira, that is an elder monk. He was powerful enough to subdue 
a poisonous serpent with his miraculous power but when he was offered the 
rare type of wine he and his other pupils could not resist the drink. This 
shows that it was difficult even for the Buddha himself to control all of 
his own pupils as regards the drinks. 

Here it may be interesting to quote the Jataka verse When the effects 
of the wine were removed the ascetics realized their foolishness and said, 
*'We drank, we danced, we song, we wept. It was well that, when we 
drank the drink that steals away the senses, we were not transformed 
to apes". 

In the times after Lord MahaVira and the Buddha the Jaina monks 
gave more attention to the prohibition. This Is evident from Malscgra and 
such other works, wherein we find the liquor as one of the item of the 
great sins, because it is the cause of non-restraint (p. 784, gatbs 156). 
Acarya Harlbhadra has written a short treatise entitled MadyapanadusanS- 
5 atka wherein an example of an ascetic is given ; to show that how ne 
believing less sin in the drink lost all his powers and after death took up 
the lower birth. 


20. SuttampSta, Dharomilla sntta 23-24, 

Prohibition and Indian Culture 29 

Acgrya Hemacandra, the prominent Jaina Saint of Gujarat, has clearly 
mentioned that the iiquor is not to be drunk even by a layman. " Here we 
have clear evidence to the fact that in his times it was a rule for layman 
not to use the spirited drinks and this rule is followed by the later genera- 
tion upto this time. 

Acsrya Hemacandra mentions in his YogaSsstra some of the vices 
resulting from the intoxicating drinks 32 . 

"Even the most skillful person loses his intellect; the drunkard does 
not make difference between his wife and his mother; he loses the discri- 
minative power and as a result he considers his master as servant and a 
servant as his master; a drunkard falls down on the earth and rolls and 
dogs discharge urine in his mouth; goes out of his senses and lie down 
naked in the street; gives out his secrets unconsciously; his fame, beauty, 
intelligence, and the wealth are removed from him; he dances as if caught 
by the devil, cries like an anguished, rolls on earth like a person having 
inflammatory fever, the spirited drinks are like poison and so they make 
the body unsteady, the senses tired and the soul unconscious; discrimination, 
restraint, knowledge, truth, purity, compassion, tolerance, and such other 
qualities are burnt up like the grass due to the intoxicating drinks. The 
liquor is the cause of the vices and all types of difficulties, so it is better 
to avoid It." 

After Hemacandra there were many Jama monks who followed him in 
eradicating the evil from the society. 

Especially in Gujarat we must here remember the Swaminarayana 
and his followers whose efforts for prohibition are remarkable. The 
Swaminarayana will be remembered for his effects in the lower strata of 
the society for prohibition. 

21. YogasBstra 4.6 ff. 

22. Ibid, 4.8 ff. 

(with special reference to Mundaka Upanisad 1.2.1-12) 

Y. K. Wadhwani 

Upani$ads form the JKSna-kanda of Vedlc Hterture; that Is, they are a 
repository of the contemplative thought of Indian giant-minds in that hoary 
past. But there is a difference of opinion as to the point whether the 
Jmna-kdnda (i.e. the bulk of Upani$ads} teaches a single doctrine or not. 
Traditional Hinduism insists on the first alternative, and, each of the 
orthodox Indian Philosophical systems claims that its own doctrine is the 
only one propounded in the Vedas and Upani$ads, 

Nevertheless, the very fact that there are so many claims on the same 
body of Upani?adlc contents. Implies that they are not Teally a composite 
system of thought propounding a single theory. 1 Not only that, everyone 
of the older Upanisads which are more authentic and important than the 
later ones-, is itself a mass of variegated thought, arising from the coatem- 
plation of more thinkers than one. The Mundaka Upanijad (= UunA. up } 
is no exception to this. 2 

The present paper attempts to add one more solid reason in support 
of this last statement, through the comparison of two sets of verses, occurr- 
ing just one after the other. These are : Mund. Up. 1.2.1-6 and 1.2.7-12, 

1.1 The first of these sets extols ritualism. Sacrificial rites form a path 
leading to the world [ for reward ] of good deeds* to the abode of 
Brahman.* We are told that the glittering oblations offered into the flames 
at a proper time, carry the sacrificer to that world, along the rays. B 

1.2 Immediately after this first set, however, we have an abrupt beginning 
of a reverse view point. Munj. Up. 1.2.7 vehemently condemns sacrifices 
as frail boats [which are not capable of ferrying those on board to the 
other shore]- those unwise men who regard these as [leading to] the highest 
good, we ate told, will have to undergo death preceded by decrepitude again 
and again. 6 

We are further told' that these men, ignorant yet regarding themselves 
to be wise and learned, go round,' being buffetted [from here to there] 
like blind men led by the blind. 

Mund Up I 2 9-10 go on to state that those attached to Karman fall 
from heaven after having enjoyed the fruit of their good deeds, and enter 
this world or an inferior one, in a miserable plight 

J2 7. K. Wadhmni 

It is only those who practice penance and faith in the forest, remaining 
tranquil and living on alms, that are praised here 9 as wise and learned 
(tidvzmsah). These are said to get freed from Rajas 10 and proceed after 
death (pra-ytnti) through the gateway of the sun, to [the sphere] where 
lives the immortal person, undecaying by nature [Avyayntman], 

2.0 The juxtaposition of these two sets has confused ancient commentators 
as well as modern scholars. 

2.1 Thus Sahkaracsrya, in order to avoid any conflict of Mvnd. Up. 1,2,1-6 
with 1-12 O'bid) or with his Path of Knowledge (Jnsnatnarga), interprets 
brahinaloka as signifying mere heaven 11 and Avyayatman as Hiranyagarbh^ 
not as the Ultimate Principle." 

2.2 Following the above lines of thought, A, E. Gough adds that rites etc, 
are said to elevate the worshipper to the paradise of Brahman only if they 
arc followed with a view to purifying his intellect for the reception of 
higher truth, and with an understanding of thejr mystic import as also the 
knowledge of the deities invoked, while the same will prolong the migra- 
tions of souls If pursued with the desire for reward. 13 

2.3-. Scholars like B, K. Chattopadhyaya content themselves with fact that 
the second set under consideration does not, in any way, deny the efficacy 
of ritual so far as leading the performer to heaven is concerned. 14 

2.4 Not confining themsleves to traditional views, Ranade and Belvalkar 
conclude, on the basis of juxtaposition of the two divergent views regarding 
ritualism, that the Mund. Up, was composed at a time when ritualism still 
continued to hold sway and hence even philosophers favouring the path 
of knowledge had to find a place, in their philosophic speculations, for 
ritualism. 15 

3.0 We shall now consider carefully each of the above explanations. 

3.1 For the interpretations by Sartkarscsrya noted above, there is no 
justification in the text itself. Although Mund. Up. 1.1.4 has spoken of 
two levels of knowledge, it enumerates the knowledge of Rgveda etc. as the 
lower type; it does not refer to 'ritual' in this context. 

3.2 In connection with the view of Gaugh also, it may be pointed out 
that no such thing is enjoined in Mund, Up. 1.2.1-12. Instead, towards the 
end of the passage it is advised that, having scrutinised the [perishable 
nature of j worlds attained by deeds, Brnhmana (seeker of Brahman) (should 
arrive at complete indifference or disregard [towards them]. 

3.3 We may agree with Chattopadhyaya that the efficacy of sacrifice in 
leading tq heaven is n,ot denied iq Mund. Up. 1.2.7-12, But one cannot 

n Y. K. Wadhwanl 

It is only those who practice penance and faith in the forest, remaining 
tranquil and living on alms, (bat are praised here" as wise and learned 
(rirfflBtfflA). These are said to get freed from Rajas" and proceed after 
death (pra-yWi) through the gateway of the sun, to [the sphere] where 
lives the immortal person, undecaying by nature [Avyayatman]. 

20 The juxtaposition of these two sets has confused ancient commentators 
as well as modern scholars. 

21 Thus Saftkaiacsrya, in order to avoid any conflict ofMund. Up. 1.2,1-6 
with 1-12 (ibid) or with his Path of Knowledge (Jnsnamarga), interprets 
brakmaloto as signifying mere heaven" and Avyayaiman as Hiranyagarbha, 
not as the Ultimate Principle.! 2 

2 2 Following the above lines of thought, A. E. Gough adds that rites etc. 
are said to elevate the worshipper to the paradise of Brahman only if they 
arc followed with a view to purifying his intellect for the reception of 
higher truth, and with an understanding of thejr mystic import as also the 
knowledge of the deities invoked, while the same will prolong the migra- 
tions of souls if pursued with the desire for reward. 13 

2.3. Scholars like B. K. Chattopadhyaya content themselves with fact that 
the second set under consideration does not, in any way, deny the efficacy 
of ritual so far as leading the performer to heaven is concerned. 14 

2.4 Not confining themsleves to traditional views, Ranade and Belvalkar 
conclude, on the basis of juxtaposition of the two divergent views regarding 
ritualism, that the Mund. Up. was composed at a time when ritualism still 
continued to hold sway and hence even philosophers favouring the path 
of knowledge had to find a place, in their philosophic speculations, for 
ritualism. 15 

3.0 We shall now consider carefully each of the above explanations. 

3.1 For the interpretations by saftkaracarya noted above, there is no 
justification in the text itself. Although Mwflrf. Up. 1.1.4 has spoken of 
two levels of knowledge, it enumerates the knowledge of Rgveda etc. as the 
lower type; it does not refer to 'ritual' in this context. 

3.2 In connection with the view of Gaugh also, it may be pointed out 
that no such thing is enjoined in Mund, Up. 1.2.1-12. Instead, towards the 
cad of the passage it is advised that, having scrutinised the [perishable 
nature of j worlds attained by deeds, Brnhmana (seeker of Brahman) (should 
arrive at complete indifference or disregard [towards them], 

3,3 We may agree with Chattopadhyaya that the efficacy of sacrifice to 
fading to heaven is not denied in Muud* Up. 1.2.7-12. But one qannot 

Diversity of Thought in Vpan'^ads 33 

ignore the forceful condemnation of ritual and ritualists in each verse of 
this set. For example, the derogatory note in the repeated use of the terms 
mudhnfi pra-mudhah, balak, etc., wherever the adherents of ntualjsm are 
referred to; or their comparison with blind men led by the blind. 

34 Such condemnation is not compatible even with the view of Ranade and 
Belvalkar which implies that the first set of verses extols ritualism because 
the author bad to accommodate it in his philosophical deliberations. If that 
were the case, the second set should have', displayed a compromising spirit 
and not the sort which is, in fact, found therein. 

4 It becomes clear from the above discussions, based on an unbiased and 
critical study of the Upaaiaadic passage concerned, that the two sets of 
verses under consideration represent two uncompromising opponent views 
regarding ritualism. The one holds that perfection in ritualistic performance 
can lead to the" highest good, but its competence in carrying one across the 
ocean of mundane life, which involves .repeated birth and death, is decried 
by the other view. 

4.1 Laying special stress on the fact that the appreciation of knowledge 
occurs at the end of twelve verses, and considering also the general tenor 
of the Upanisad, one might be drawn to conclude that the author of 
Mund. Up, did not favour ritualism. 

4.2 But then, how to explain stray references as that to 'immortality 
amidst rituals'" and to Kannan as identical with the ultimate being 
(Pui'usa) ? 17 Even if we brush this aside by conjecturing that Karman here 
may stand for <a deed in general', what about the statement in Mund. Up. 
2.1-6 that 'all rites of initiafion (rf/fcjztf), all sacnBcers (yajtiah), ceremonies 
(kratava, sacrificial gifts (dakpnnh), etc. have sprung from the Immutable 
Principle itself ? 

4.3 Conclusion : It is thus that we find varied and conflicting views 
in the very same Upanisad, Therefore, one cannot always judge a parti- 
cular context in the light of the general tenor of the whole text. Nor can a 
particular context be taken as representing the teaching of the whole. This 
Is the peculiarity of the Upanisads as they have come down to us; and it 
needs mast be acknowledged as such, if we wish to get any true com- 
prehension of the pattern of thought of that age which is reBected in these 

hoary texts, 
i 2.2 

34 Y. K. Wadhwani 

Foot notes : 

1. The topic has been dealt with in great detail by George Thibaut in the Vedant 
Sutra, Part I, SEE XXXIV, 2nd reprint Delhi, 68, introduction, pp. 103 ff 

2. Vide History of Indian Phihsophy-Il : The Creative Period, S. K. Behalf and 
R. D, Ranade, Poona 27, pp. 278-79. 

3. Mund-Up. 1.2.1. 

4. Ibid'., 1.2.6 c-d. 

5. Ibid., 1.2.5 and 1.2. 6a-b. 

6. Ibid, 1.2 J, 'Old age and death' is the rendering of jarantftyum according to muny 
translators; but, to mean that, the compound should have been in dual number (Th 
difference, however, is mostly verbal.) 

7. Man^Up. 1.2.8 Cp, Kafhopanlsad 1.2,5 which, however, prescribes the same fate f or 
those who do not believe in the concept of 'the other woild*. 

8 .into circles of birth and death, evidently. 

9. Vide Mund.Up 1.211. 

10. Rajas may signify passion or passionate activity and its consequences. 

11. Of. 1'sadlddtopanisadfy or Ten Principal Upanlfads [with the commentary Q f garikar. 
Scarya], Delhi, 1964, part I, p. i06. 

12. Vide his commentary on Mlipd.Up. 1.2.11, 

13. I'sadida'wpantfadah, op cit , part 1, p. 506. 

14. Vide B. K Chattopadhyaya, The Teachings of the Upanisads, University of Calcutta 

1952, p. 33. ' 

15. History of Minn Philosophy : II, op. cit,, p. 279. 
16 karmasu ca'mrtam' \ Mun$,Up. 1,1.8. 

17. Ibid., 2,1.10. 









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(with two commentaries) 

Suit. Nilanjana S. Shah 

kvabhadrak&ya is a poem of 94 verses. This Yamakakavya depicts an 
episode of Rama-Katha, particularly the love-lorn condition of Rima after 
the abduction of Sits and bis indignation towards Sugnva for not fulfilling 
the pledge for helping him in search for Site. To the best of our knowledge 
thrs Kavya is not published so far, hence I have edited the text with two 
commentaries on the basis of the MSS. described below. 

*T<> This paper manuscript containing the frvabfadraknvya and commen- 
tary by Santisuri on that poem, belongs to the Mahendra Vimal Colfecdoa 
preserved in the L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, no, U43. The 
folios, 28 in all, have on average 19 lines per folio and 60 letters per line. 
The whole manuscript contains the following five poems, Vrndtoanakftya, 
Gha(atcarpqrakavya, MeghabhyudayakSvya, Candradtitakavya and Sivabhadra* 
tutvya. Of these poems, our poem, Sivabhadrakavya, consisting of 94 verses, 
fs the last. The size of the ms. is 25. 8 cms. x U cms. This manuscript 
Is written in V.S. 1653 at Zalore. It is written in Tripi^ha style, 

3TT o This paper Manuscript also contains the Aivabhadrakaoya and the 
commentary of 6sntisftri on that poem. It belongs to the K?Sn!isurl flhandsra, 
preserved in the L. D. Institute of Indology, In the Catalogue it is glwst 
the serial no 10898, The size of the ms. 25.6 cms. xl 1.5 cms. Tne folios, 14 
in all, have on average 15 lines per side and 45 letters per line. It is written 
in V.S, 1951 at Zalore. 

50 This paper Manuscript consisting of 15 folios, contains another 
commentary on SivabhadrakSvya. This ms. belongs to Muni Shri Punyavijeyaji's 
Collection preserved in the L D. Institute of Indology. la the catalogue it is 
given the serial No. 7594. The size of the MS. is 20 cms. X 7,8 cms. It contains 
15 folios. Each folio has on average 11 tines and each line contains 39 
letters. The Ms is considered to have been written in about V.S. 1600 on 
calligraphic grounds. The commentary is anonymous, and leans more on 
grammatical aspect of the poem rather than mere paraphrasing or giving 
synonyms. Sometimes it also identifies and explains the figures of speech 
employed by the poet, 

It is rarely that Sanskrit poets give out any information about them- 
selves sufficient to give us an idea about their life even in outline, 

2 Smt, Nilanjana S. Shah 

Sivabhadra is nnt an exception At the very outset, the author has made a 
few remarks atkiit his father and his royal di ciple. The name of the poet's 
father was Sahavan who is stated to have been the preceptor of king 
Prabhafijana 1 . The king is said to have been adept in composing melo- 
dious and enigmatic poetry 2 Sivabhadra, the author of Ramakathg, i. e. 
tbe present Sivabhodrakwya, was thus the son of a king's preceptor. 

Very little is known about king Prabhafljana. Indian History knows 
of only one Prabhafljana belonging to the line of Panvinjaka Mahnrnjas* 
Dr, Fleet notices that this Prabhaftjana was the son of Devadhya and 
Dgaodara was the former's son while Hastin was his grand son. The date 
of Hiitin is known to be 475 A. D. Udyotanasun has referred to one king 
Prabbaftjana whj was the author of Jasaharachariya*. This has been noticed 
by Prof. Vclankar in his Jinaratnako&a. 5 

Prof, Vclankar also notices three books having the title Prabhaftjana- 
faritra. One by Mangarasa, the second by Yagodbara and the third auony- 
jncas It is difficult t<v say anjthing about the heroes of these poems and 
their identity or otherwise with Prabhafijana, the disciple of ^ivabhadra's 
frtber. A* to the ltter Prabhafljana, we are not in a position to identify him 
with tbe one of Parivrsjaka Maharaja line, nor with the one referred to 
by Sivabhadra. It might be that all the three could have been identical or 
different. In case, all theae Pntbhanjanas might have been identical with 
the one referred to by Sivabhadra then, one cun conjecture that Sivabhadra 
sould have flourished by about 425 A. D. 

iWtisflri, the author of the commentary on Sivabhadraknvya is a well- 
kaown personage in the hisiory of Jaiua monachism. He has written com me- 
on Yfndmnakavia, Gha^karpara^u, Chandraduta kuvya, Nyayfr 
Tilakamatfart etc He lived in the eleventh century A.I?. 7 

1. ef. gftobhadrakavya (SBK), vene 6 : 

2 Itd, verse 4 


3. Corpus hsm'pnmito, Indicuum, Vol III, Gupta Inscriptions, Fleet No 22 p 95 

4. Kuvalayamelikalha uf Rfetnaptabha (edited by Dr. A. N. Upadhye). p. 3 

rw ^ flw^t ^^^^Rquj ^ur^q ^ , 

B. p. 320. 5Rfjsr^s|^ WFK , by Prabhafljanagutu. 
8. Jinarainoko'sa, p. 266. 

7. F-. dsuib, -vide Introduction to , NySySvatSramrttikavrHl. (ed.) Dalsuthabhai 
MaJvania, Singhi Jaina Sunes, Bombay. 

Sivabhadra's SivabhadrakSvya 3 

The Story of the poem runs as follows : The Rainy Season is almost 
over. Rama has been staying on the Malyavan mountain after Rsvaria 
kidnapped Sjta. The Sarad Season has set in. The beauty of the Season 
adds to the torture of Rama, He is worried as to how would his beloved 
also be able to stand the effect of (ha Nature, The beauty of the 
Moon, the Crystal-clear lakes, the Krauflca birds enjoying the waterall 
these add to the pangs of separatum. Lak^aaana tries to pacify Rsrna, 
urging him to cast awav timidity and set >-ut fur the task in hand. Rama 
complains that Sugnva who had pledged help in searching out Sna has 
forgotten ttu- pledge, due to his being engrossed in pleasures. He has 
wasted five moiithj aud needs to be harshly reminded. Laksmnna takes 
the message to Sugnva. But ,1io latter is 10 lost in pleasures that he has 
forgotten the pledge. The monkeys come out to face Lak$maaa, but they 
get frightened at the si^ut of Litksmaaa. Tara advises Sugriva to under- 
stand the situation, 'tot to underestimate the capacity of Laksmana, to 
resort to reconciliation and Sugnva comes round at last. 

Thus Siuabhadtakilvya, a sustained Yamakafavva, is an embellished 
presentation in two A'$vclsas t of the simple Sugrjva Episode of the Ramnyana, 
He employs the sdcne order of syllables over nearly hah the foot in two 
consecutive feet of 'acii stanza There is nothing btrikiug in the narrative 
itself, but the work has the distinction of employing yamakas which not 
only add to the beauty of the poem, but also enhance the meaning. The 
description of the autiimn is woriu. no icing, Ue^idej Yamakas, toe poet 
has successfully employed Arihalamksras, like UpamS, Rupaka, 
Parynyokta, Atisayokti, Utprektu etc. 

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32. Philosophy of Shri Svamlnarayana by Dr. J. A. Yajnik 

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36. New Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit 
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38. Karma and Rebirth by Dr. T. G. Kalghatgi 


41. Collection of Jaina Philosophical Tracts 
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V L - 2 OCTOBER 197J 

NO. 3 





Problems of Ethics and Karma Doctrine 
as Treated in Bhagavatlsutra 

K, K, Dlxit 

Iconography of Sixteen Jaina Mahavidyas as Represented 
in the Ceiling of the S'antinatha Temple at Kumbharia 
Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari 

Recent Study of Indian Kavya Literature 
N. M. Kansara 

Collection of Jaina Philosophical Tracts Reviewed 
E. A, Solomon 

1 sfa 



K. K. Dixit 

The Bhagavatl Sutra is a collection of miscellaneous dialogues composed 
at different periods of time by different authors. And what it offers ui 
is a treatment of what these Jaina authors consider to be the theoretical 
problems of a fundamental importance. As such the text is of extreme value 
for those seeking to undertake a historical study of the fundamental theore- 
tical positions evolved by the Jaina authors in the course of time. In 
' the following we intend to corroborate this contention of ours through a 
study of the problems of ethics and Karma-doctrine as treated in the 
relevant portions of the Bhagavaii Sutra. 

It is revealing that a good majority of Bhagavan dialogues concerned 
with the problems of ethics take up for consideration the question of 
violence, and the impression is unmistakable that with the authors concern- 
ed non-violence constitutes the basic moral virtue. Most noteworthy in this 
connection is the doctrine of kriya. 1 As here understood kriys stands for an 
act of violence exhibiting five aspects, viz. 

(i) bodily exertion on the part of the agent of violence called kaytfa 

(ii) employment of the needed implements on the part of this agent 
called ndhikaraniki krlyn, 

(iii) the feeling of ill-will harboured by this agent against his prospec- 
tive victim called prvdve$ik\ kriya, 

(iv) the bodily torture caused to this victim by this agent- called 
ikl kriyn and 

(v) the killing of this victim at the hands of this agent called prtoW- 

The position is almost self-explanatory, but some of its ramifications 
are rather curious and two deserve special attention : 

(1) Thus in view of the common Jaina notion that the particles of 
earth, water, fire and air, ordinarily considered to be inanimate, are in 
Ifact animate beings the doctrine of kriyn is only too often applied to the 
Alleged cases of violence practised against such particles. For example, It 
% once asked as to who is guilty of greater violence the person who lights 

Sanq-bodhi 2.3 

2 K. K. Dixlt 

fire or the one who extinguishes it. The answer is based on the consi. 
deration that one who lights fire causes the death of the fuel-panicles, the 
spot of earth where fire burns, and the like while preserving the life or fire- 
particles, whereas one who extinguishes fire does just the opposite. And the 
understanding is that the former person is guilty of greater violence than 
the latter,* 

(2) Similarly, in view of the notion that implements of violence like bow 
and arrow, ordinarily considered to be inanimate, are in fact animate beings 
the question is too often asked as to whether and how far these are co- 
participant in the act of violence in which they happen to be employed 
For example, in case a person shoots at an animal an arrow from his bow 
and thus kills it then the understanding is that this person is guilty of all 
the above mentioned five types of kriyn but his bow and arrow are guilty 
of all of them minus the last; on the other hand, m case an arrow set on 
his bow by a person accidentally falls on some animal and thus kills it the 
arrow is guilty of all the five types of kriyn while the person and his bow 
are guilty of all of them minus the last, 5 [tn this connection a bow or an 
arrow is treated not as one body inhabited by one soul but as a colony of 
bodies each inhabited by a distinct soul but that is a matter of details 
whose significance will become apparent in a moment.] 

All this throws considerable light on the specific Jaina understanding 
of too phenomenon of violence. That the particles of earth, water fire and 
air are animate beings and hence a possible victim of violence ever' remained 
a distinct, and conspicious Jaina position. But the position that things 
hke bow and arrow are animate beings and hence a possible agent of 
violence gradually receded into background-so much so that Abhayadeva 
the late medieval commentator of Shagavatt finds considerable difficulty in 
explauung the passages setting forth the position,* And yet this latter position 
too H not a freak appearance within the body of Bha sman . For it can easily 
be recognised as what the modern anthropologies call a primitive animist 
position and the hkel.hood is most strong that the common Jaina notion that 
the parties of earth, water, fire and air are animate bemgs was a refined 
outcome of the primitive ammist notions prevalent among certain 
of In mn populace. Thus instead of straightaway sayfng as 


The Problems of Ethics and Karma ' j 

did was to adapt the doctrine of bhutas to the aalmist ideas that they had 
inherited from a primitive past. Be that as it may, Bhagwati does contain 
pieces of genuinely old Jaina speculation on the question of violence, 
speculation so old that it at times appeared rather enigmatic to the later 

Certainly, the oldest Jaina authors had been arguing that acquisitiveness 
and violence are two basic moral vices which an ideal monk seeks to get 
rid of through a strict observance of the prescribed monastic code of disci- 
pline. In Bhagavan too the dialogues dealing with the problems of monastic 
conduct either emphasise that an ideal monk seeks to overcome the spirit 
of acquisitiveness or that he seeks to avoid the occasions for violence. 8 
In view of what was already been safd before regarding it nothing requires 
to be added so far as the question of violence is concerned. Then there 
remain to be noted only the passages where it is laid down that an ideal 
monk strictly observes the monastic rules that have been prescribed in 
connection with the procurement of his dally requirements and the 
impression is unmistakable that it is thus that the monk conducts his fight 
against the spirit of acquisitiveness; at one place we are told so in so 
many words. Even so, the fight against the spirit of violence is deemed 
to be the major Gght. This becomes evident even from the words usually 
employed to denote an ideal monk (they all tend to connote one up against 
violence); to take the major important examples, such words are swnvfta, 
samyata, virata, pratyakhyanin. Of course, the words in question also tend 
to Imply that the person denoted by them is free from all moral vices and 
the tendency is deliberate. For it was the crux of the old Jaina argument 
that violence is the spring of all moral vices so that one who is 'free 
from violence is free from all moral vices. At one place Bhagavan even 
says it in so many words that one who follows the prescribed monastic 
code of conducts, one who moves about cautiously (i.e. is vigilant 
against the occasions for violence) is free from anger, pride, deceit, and 
greed the four basic vices designated 'kajaya' by the latter theoreticians. 7 
But the point is that Bhagavan does not deem it necessary to augment 
the list of basic vices by adding items other than violence (and acquisitive- 
ness). Hence it is that one or two dialogues where nate is taken of what 
the later Jainas call mulavratas or basic vows must be of a relatively late 
origin. 8 As a matter of fact there is something intriguing about the 
^Bkagavaii treatment of these basic vows. As has been just noted, these 
are the subject proper of no more than one or two rather later dialogues. 
But there is a list of 18 moral vices which makes its appearance 9 
-mechanically so to say -in all sorts of contexts. This list includes the five 
.'contraries of the basic vows, the ka$vyas and the following nine vices 

4 K. K Dixit 

(whlcb, however, have played no significant role in the subsequent develop 
ment of the Jaina ethical discussion) : 

preyas = attachment 
dveja := aversion 
kdaha = quarrel 
abhyakhy&ta = calumny 
paiiunya = meanness 
parapairvzda = slander 
rati-arati = love-hate 
mtyz-moja = deception 
mithy3-dar$ana = false faith 

What Is still more anomalous is that this list of IS vices is the 

standard such list in Prajiiapann though in no text of tldssical Jainism 

(certainly not in Umasvati's Tattvartha], It seeras that it was only later 

on that the Jaina authors started to attach a special value not only to the 

lUt of four ka&yas, but also to that of five basic vows. The idea is 

omehat disturbing but seeuas to be well based. Perhaps Acamnga-U.l 

is the first Jaina taxt to have taken up a detailed treatment of the five 

basic vows along with the five accessories each (called bhnvand) superadded 

to thtn. And to add 'renunciation of nightly eating* as a sixth item in 

chit list, as is done in DabavaikDlika 4, was a still later phenomenon; (in all 

probability the passage concerned was a later interpolation In DabayaikQ- 

Ilka it being a solitary prose passage in a text otherwise composed in 

verse). Be that as it may, the Bhagavafi passages dealing with ethical 

problems raise to the status of a basic vice nothing except violence (and 

acquisitiveness) this again being an evidence of the relatively early origin 

of these passages. 

Another evidence of the relatively early origin of the Bhagavati passages 
dealing with ethical problems is the relative absence in them of a treatment 
of the householder's duties ; (in the oldest Jaina texts such treatment is 
conspicious by its absence.) Thus only in a few passages is the question 
r*lsed as to what merit accrues to a householder who feeds a monk well; 
and what demerit to one who feeds him HUo About two passages speak of 
a householder performing samsyika, one speaks of the pratynkhyiina (meaning; 
'renunciation of violence') on his part."- All these passages must be relatively 
late and the latest must be one which speaks of what the later authors caJl'i 
the 'twelve vows of a householder'. These twelve vows include those 'five 
basic vows' as observed on a gross level and seven others called 'addition^ 
but the anomaly about this passage is that even in the case of ~aj 
vows it speaks of 'five basic vows'-as observed on a full-fledgej 

The Problems of Ethics and Karma 5 

level-and ten 'additional vows'.** These 'ten additional vows of a monk' do 
not occur in the classical Jaina authors' treatment of the problem (ceitainty 
not in Umasvati's treatment of it). This perhaps suggests that the passage, 
though late, is not too much so. 

Lastly, one more aspect of the Bhagavati dialogues dealing win ethical 
problems deserves consideration. The oldest Jalna authors discussed the 
problem of world-renunciation in the background of concrete social condi- 
tions, Thus they would argue that a life of worldly success is a life of all 
sinfulness from which the corollary emerged that a life free from all 
sin can only be a life of world-renunciation. To employ their own techni- 
cal terminology, parigraha or acquisitiveness stood For all wordly attachment, 
arambha or violence for all smfulness. In the Bhagavan discussion of 
ethical problems, however, such wakefulness to the social side of the 
situation is conspicuous by its almost total absence. Thus here violence 
always means violence practised by a man against an animal or against 
the particles of earth, water, fire and air, but never that practised by a man 
against another man. It is only once that we hear of a man killing another 
man but the circumstance is somewhat oddat least unusual, 13 For we are 
here asked that if at the same time when a person shoots arrow at an 
animal and kills it another person kills this person himself then who is 
guilty of violence in relation to whom ; the answer obviously is that the 
first person is guilty of violence in relation to the animal, the second person 
guilty of violence in relation to the first person. But it is equally obvious 
that such a discussion throws no light on the social question of man's 
violence against man. The classical Jaina authors undertook some sort of 
discussion of the social side of ethical problems when they took up for 
consideration the householder's twelve duties, but Bhagavatt has not yet 
reached this historical stage ot evolution and It has already crossed that 
oldest historical stage when social questions were discussed in connection 
with a treatment of the monk's duties and when the question of the house- 
holder's duties had not at all appeared on the thought-horizon of the Jaina 

The Bhagavati treatment of the problems of karma- doctrine has Its 
own value In this connection a peculiar verbal usage of the text deserves 
notice Thus when it intends to say that a person commits a krly* (Myam 
karoti) it sometimes says that this person is touched by this Myl (kriyayn 
W rf,A). Certainly, the phrase 'touched by Anjtf used here is somewhat 
odd but it sems to have been patterned after a popular phrase of those 
times. For in the dialogue considering the case of one person , WlUng an 
animal and another person killing this person himself we are told that the 
fat person is touched by the enmity of the animal 

6 K. K. Dixll 

the second person touched by the enmity of (he first person (p 
sputa*). 1 * Now the modern anthropologists tell us of the primitive peoples 
who believe that when a person commits a crime agaist another person this 
crime hounds the first person as long as it does not bring upon him an 
appropriate disaster. And in all probability such a belief was prevalent 
among that circle of Indian populace which was accustumed to the phrase 
'touched by the enmity of so and so.' This in turn became the starting 
point for the Jaina authors developing their doctrine of karma which m its 
essense is but a refined verson of the belief m question. The first step in 
this connection must have been to speak of the technical concept 'knyz' 
instead of the popular concept 'vaira'. Then the idea must have occurred 
to those Jamas that if kriyS is to touch a person it must be something 
tangible, and thus came into existence the concept of Ktiyn treated as a 
ph> steal entity. Soon, however, knyn qua a physical entity came to be 
designated karma and one began to speak of a person commiting a karma 
(karma karoti} or a person being touched by a karma (karmanu sprftah), 
Lastly, the search was made for an active voice usage expressing the same 
idea as 'karmanZ spttfah', and the phrase 'karma badhnmV (binds down a 
karma] was the outcome. 

Here we reach the stage represented by the classical Jaina authors who 
in this connection exclusively employed the phrase 'karma badhnntf. But 
the noteworthy thing is that iu Bhagavan the phrase 'karma badhnWi 1 Is a 
relatively rare occurrence; for here the moral usual phrase is karma (or 
kriy&n) karoti (or prakaroii), 16 occasionally karmana (or kriyayn) sprs(ah. l:! All 
this makes it sufficiently clear that in Bhagavan what we are here having 
before our eyes are the beginnings of the specific Jama version of the doctrine 
of karma of which version there was little trace in the oldest texts. Not 
that these texts do not speak of one's evil acts involving on in the whirl- 
pool of transmigration, but they are Innocent of the notion that these one's 
evil acts give rise to the karmlc physical particles which remain attached to 
one's soul as long as one has not reaped the due consequence of these acts. 
It is this notion that is adumbrated in Bhagavan and it is this that consti- 
tutes the kernel of the Jaina karma-doctrine 

The Jaina karma-doctrine in its classical version posits eight types of 
karmas, each having more or less numerous sub-types. Of the eight 
types four are exclusively evil but four are equally divided into good 
and evil sub-ijpes. The classical authors also lay down about the different 
good and evil types and sub-types of karmas as to which of them are 
earned as a result of what good and evil acts. In Bhagavan too there 
Is one dialogue (reminiscent of Taitvartha 6.11-25) which details these 
good and evil acts'* fln d there is one dialogue 18 which offers two simple 

The Problems of Ethics and Karma ? 

illustrations by way of explaining as to how a good karma yields a good 
fruit an evil karma an evil fruit. Besides, here there arc also other stray 
references to good karraas by the side of evil ones". Nevertheless, the 
fact remains that a good majority of the Bhagawti dialogues dealing 
with the karma-doctrine makes plainer sense If the notion is set aside that 
there are good karmas by the side of evil ones. And in view of what we 
have above said about the probable origin of the Jaina karma-doctrine it 
should be normal to expect that originally it posited only evil karmas, 
Certainly, if It is kriyn (meaning in a narrow sense an act of violence, in a 
broad sense an evil act as such) that gives rise to karma karma must be 
something necessarily evil. Two striking examples should make it clear how 
the concept of karma as something necessarily evil makes for a better com- 
prehension of the relevant Bhagavati passages. Thus we are told that a 
well-behaved monk reduces the number of the constituent-particles of his 
karmas, their intensity, their duration, their tightness while an evil-acting 
monk augments a]] these four;" this statement is much easy to follow if it 
is presupposed that all karmas are necessarily evil. Similarly, we are told 
that a particular amount of experiencing of karmic fruit on the part of a 
hellish being annihilates a smaller number of karmas than the same on the 
part of a well-behaved monk; 22 this statement too is much easy to fallow if 
it is presupposed that all karmas are necessarily evil. Even the latter-day 
commentators tell us that in these statements the word 'karma' should stand 
for evil karma ; in all probability these statements originated at a period 
when the concept of good karma had not been posited at all. Perhaps, 
the concept of good karma was first posited in connection with a 
treatment of the ideal monk's conduct. For it seems to have been realized 
that since all actions give rise to karma the ideal monk's conduct too 
must give rise to karma. But the difficulty is that a worldly being's action 
iives rise to karmas which yield ftuit at a more or less distant future 
jrhlle it is the very essence of a monk's being that he accumulates no 
karmas which might yield fruit in future ; so the thesis was propounded 
hat the karmas generated by an ideal monk's action are got rid of as soon 
is they are generated. And since a worldly being's action giving rise to 
anna was technically called kriya an idea] monk's action giving rise to 
arma too was called M 7 a~though of a new type technically termed irya- 
athtki kriya a This was certainly a radical amendment introduced in the 
loctrine of kriya ; for uptil now a kriya was understood to be necessarily 
n evil act Even so, the fact that no third type of kriya standing for a 
-ordly being's good action-find supposed fo generate good teww-was 
osited tends to confirm the surmise that !he concept of vynpatMki Anjn 
-as formulated at a time when the doctrine of Wj* was jet open to 
mendment whde the concept of good karma generated by a worldly being s 
?od action was formulated at a later period when the do***. Qf Myt 

# L k. bixit 

bad already been rounded off. tie thai ds it may, ffle coricepi of good 
action, though a most conspicuous constituent of tBe classical Jalni 
doctrine of karma, makes its appeararice in Bhagdvati only id stray pdsSage* 
which must on that very account be declared to be relatively late. 

The relative antiquity of the Bhagavati passages dealing with the karma- 

doctrine Is demonstrated on two further gounds, viz., (i) the utter simplicity 

of the questions raised in many of them, and (ii) the formulation in some 

of them of certain positions in a form different from their later classical 

version. Let these be considered by turn ; (i) Thus good many passages 

bring to light some aspect of the simple thesis that karmas are of the 

form of certain physical entities which penetrate a soul from all sides and 

occupy it thoroughly." 4 Similarly, good many passages bring to light some 

aspects of the simple thesis that a soul which has karmas attached to itself 

some time experiences the fruit of these karmas and then expels them out. 

A student who is conversant with these problems as they have been dealt 

with by the classical Jaina authors might be struck by the naivete which 

characterizes their treatment in the passages in question of Bhagavati, but 

he has to realize that what he is here face to face is the historically earliest 

available treatment of these problems. (Ji) The same circumstance explains 

why certain positions which were also formulated by the classical Jaina 

authors appear in Bhagavati in a different form, a form usually different 

only verbally but at times also different materially. For example, here so 

many passages speak of a karma-typt kahkjQmohaniycP* and only the context 

explains that what is meant is the forma-type later designated darbana- 

mohofflya* Similarly, one passage distinguishes between the experiencing of 

pTodeSakarma and that of anubhaga-karmaw and onl> the context explains that 

what are meant to be distinenished are the experiencing of the pradeta-of- 

karrm and that of the anubhnga-of-karma. Again, it is at times laid down 

that the pmtyaya of karm:c bondage is pramada, its nimltta yoga. w The 

classical authors do not thus distinguish between the pratyaya of karmlc, 

bondage and its nimitta, for they simply speak of the cause of karmic 

bondage which are eaumurated to be two, four or five; when two they are 

yoga and ka^sya, when four yoga, kajHya, mithyntva and avirati when five 

yoga, kafaya, mithyiltw t avtrati and pramnda. Lastly, a fairly long passage 

seeks to describe the person who is on the eve of atiainlng mok\a and as 

such is getting rid of his accumulated mass of karmas. The description 

of the performance undertaken by such a person is favourite of the classical 

authors but the noteworthy point is that the corresponding Bhagavati 

description exhibits marked points of variance. Even the commentator 

notices the discrepancy* 9 but has no explanation for the same; the fact of the 

matter is that the two descriptions are respectively a later stage, 

one of the same process of Ideological evolution, 

The Problems of Ethics and Karma p 

The above discussion of the Bhagaaati treatment of the problems of 
ethics and karma-doctrine is based on the passages directly and expressly 
dealing with these two sets of problems. But some further and indirect 
light is thrown on the same by the passages dealing with the problems of 
mythology and those narrating stories. The classical Jaina authors came to 
develop an elaborate and well-rounded system of mythology with a cosmo- 
graphic and a historical sector. The cos mographic sector spoke of the supposed 
numerous heavens and hells, the supposed numerous world-continents and 
world-oceans of those places themselves as also of the residents thereof. 
The historical sector spoke of the mighty personages belonging to the 
.spheres spiritual as well as temporal supposed to have appeared on the scene 
'of history since time immemorial. Bhagavatt does not exhibit acquaintance 
with this entire developments because much of this development is a corupa- 
jatively late phenomenon. But the treatment of heavens and heavenly beings- 
appearing in the purely theoretical passages 5 " as also in those narrating 
'stories are detailed enough and instructive enough. Thus we are given ample 
information not only about the number of the different types and sub-types 
of gods and goddesses but also about their prosperity, their super-ordinary 
."capacities, their weakenesses of character. In its essence the life of a god 
and goddesses is the life of a successful worldly human being writ large 
(and minus its toils). Now the impression is definitely and deliberately 
fcreated that one becomes god as a result of his meritorious career as a 
^hurnan beingeither as a monk or as a pious householder, and the question 
Jfoaturally arises as to why the authors of Bhagavatt posed before human 
ibeings-particularly before monks the prospect of a future life essentially 
^lakin to that of a prosperous worldly human being. The question becomes 
^particularly pressing when it is remembered that the oldest Jaina authors had 
^nothing but disdain for one hankering after worldly success. These authors 
."placed before a monk the prospect of mok$a and they would denounce the 
f 'life of a householder precisely because tt was supposed to be a hindrance 
?3n the path of realizing such a prospect. Thus with them there was no 
^question of placing before anybody the prospect of a future life as a god 
"not before a householder who was considered to be a doomed being any- 
Sway, not before a mouk who was considered to be an aspirant after nothing 
^but mo/cjfl. These authors might well threaten a worldling with the prospect 
tof a horrible future life in some hell, but they would never seek to tempt 
mm through the prospect of a joyous future life in some heaven. All the 
Tsame, with the passage of time the Jaiaa authors did begin to tempt not only 
!a' householder but even a monk through the prospect of a joyous future life 
3to some heaven and the Bhagavatt passages under consideration constitute 
IjjE powerful testimony to this change of outlook. Of course, the Idea was 
lambodhi 2.3 

IQ K. K. Dlxli 

ocver given ap that a monk aspires after moksa, and !t ever remained ^ 
positive conviction that only a monk is entitled to attain mokfa. But j| 
began to be conceded that a monk falling short of the ideal would attafi 
flot mftta but birth in some heaven. And so far as the householders w 
concerned even the most pious of them had a right to hope for just bitt) 
in some heaven mok$a being denied to them ex-hypothesJ. The crux ol 
the situation graphically flashes before the reader's mind when he learns froi 
a passage about the inner cogitation of a monk who has committed a sin 
but U afraid of confessing and atoning for the same; thus this inonk 
made to say to himself, ''What is the harm if I do not confess and atoi 
for my sin ? Wheu even the householders can possibly be born as a 
muit in any case hope to be born at least among the lowest grade of gods,'% 
It is in this background that we have to appreciate the fact that in almbsl 
ill Bbogavatt stories a common motif Is how a dedicated and devoted discing 
of MahBMra (or of another nrthankam) - mostly a monk, rarely a honsi 
bolder earns through his meritorious acts the right to be next boi 
among a particular grade of gods. These stories are symptomatic ol 
profound change introduced in the character of Jalnism as a monasj 
religious sect. The social conditions responsible for this change remain 
be determined, 

The oldest Jaina authors advocated a religion of world-renunda 

trader the plea that the life of worldly success Is a life of sfnfulness. 

from Independent sources we know that the dominant religious trend 

Hlft contemporary Vedic societya trend that has found expression in 

Bffhmtna texts - stood for the pursuit of worldly success of all sorts thro 

8 performance of all sorts of yajnas. Viewed thus the contrast beti 

tfci* rellgfous trend on the one hand and that represented by a mon 

sect like Jainism on the other was too unmistakable to be missed. Howe 

the social message of a religious trend has of necessity to be couched in';i 

latipage that speaks of things and processes supramundane. Thus , 

BrtAamona texts spoke of a yajfta meticulously performed by the BrahittJ 

priest bringing about wordly fortune to ihe client concerned while the Jalna 

spoke of a well-pursued ascetic life putting an enc 1 to the transgmigratjijj 

cycle of the monk concerned. And as thus conceived a yajiiic performa 

is as mysterious an exercise as an ascetic performance. But that Is 

the vital point so far as it concerns evaluating the social message of 

religious trends in question. For in this connection the thing to 

noted is that one trend extols the life of worldly success, the 

condemns It, As things stood, it could mean only one thing. The 

between the possessing class and the dispossessed emergent within t 

fold of Vcdic society must have become visibly large at the time W 

the protestant religious trend took its rise, so large that it began to djf 

The Problems of Ethics and Karma // 

(he sensitive souls like Buddha and Mahavira. The stories about the mighty 
''prosperity of the families of Buddha and Mahavira themselves are to a 
large extent pious concoctions of the later generations, but even if they are 
not there is nothing incongruoxis about the idea that certain high-souled 
members of the affluent class should rise against the misdeeds of their own 
class. Be that as it may, the monastic religious sects of India were in their 
earliest phase a genuine protestant movement seeking under supramundane 
"slogans a redressal of the socio-economic injustice vitiating the mundane 
Jife. This turbulant phase of India's socio-economic as well as religious - 
history came to an end by the time of Aioka who recognised it to be a 
foremost task of the state to see to it that the downtrodden masses -the dasa' 
bhjtakas of his inscriptions - are subjected to no undue socio-economic strain, 
It was then that all religious sects of the time Brahminical as well as 
monastic - were reduced to the status of an exclusively religious phenomenon 
-that is, to the status of movements exclusively devoted to the supra- 
mundane interests of their respective followers; and it was then that the 
original social message of the monastic religious sects became largely obsolete. 
Now too these monastic sects would emphasize the virtues of a monk's Hfei 
but they would now also sing the praise of such householders as chose to 
follow the code of conduct prescribed for them by these sects, True, these 
pious householders were promised not moksa but birth In some heaven, 
-but it was added that a monk too would attain not mofqa but birth in 
'some heaven unless his conduct was absolutely in conformity to the ideal 
[et for him. Such were the conditions under which the Jalnft authors 
(became so much pre-occupfed with the problems of a householder's duties 
nd mythology In the first place, mythology concerning gods and goddesses; 
and then it was that they become so enthusiastic about narrating stories that 
;were primarily meant to edify the pious but semi-educated householder, A 
perusal of the Bhagavatt stories undertaken from this whofe 'point of view 
hould prove highly instructive. In any case, to judge from fie sfmpUdty 
of their form as also from certain cliches common to them ail these stories 
broadly belong to the same category and same chronological stratum as 
[hose collected In the five Ariga texts that are of the form of collection of 
Dories. These five Anga-texts (as also Pra'snavynkararia) find no mention \h 
|he catalogue of texts which the old disciplinary text VyavdOra-Mra pres- 
|tlbes for a monk. This catalogue includes the remaining six Aftga-texts 
presumably, Ac&anga under the designation 2c3raprakalpa) together with 
|o many other texts that are otherwise unknown, and the conclusion is 
pscapable that the five Anga texts collecting stories (as also Prahavya- 
|irrana) are a fairy late composition. This in its turn means that the thests 
went since very long that the twelve Anga texts were composed by the 
net disciples of Mahavira must be a fairly late adoption and 'a pftt and 
aw 2.3 

I3 K. K. Dlxit 

parcel of the historical sector of Jalna mythology that so fast developed in 
the post-Asokan era. It is a good indication of the mythological atmosphere 
permeating the story-texts in question (as also the Bhagavati stories) that 
no qualms are here felt when a character is described as a student of 
eleven Anga texts, 82 a clear case of a text referring to itself. It was perhaps 
felt that since Jainisra along with its twelve Anga texts is an eternal pheno- 
menon no difficulty should arise if the present version of an Aftga text 
refers to 'eleven Anga texts' ! Be that as it may, much goes to confirm the 
surmise that its stories are a fairly late constituent of Bhagavati. That 
explains why the social outlook and social atmosphere characteristic of 
them are strikingly different from those characteristic of the oldest Jalna 

References : 

1, 181 a (the commentary for elucidation). 

2. 326 b. 

3. 229 b (cf. 697a, 720b). 

4, The commentary on 229b touching on the point. 

b. All references to one-sensed souls which include the earth-bodied, fire-bodied, 
bodied, plant-bodied souls, E.g. HOa making enquiry whether the one-sensed 
too breathe as do the two-sensed, three-sensed, four-sensed, five-sensed ones. 

6. Againit acquisitiveness 97b; 
Against violence 490a, 723a, 754as 
Against both 237a, 379a, 

7. 291a. 

8. 295b (the most exhaustive enumeration). 

9. 95a (the first mention which names each), 

10. 140b, 373a, 

11. For San&ylka 288b, 367a. 
For Pratyakhyamt 368b. 

12. 295b. 

13. 91b. 

14. Olb, 

15. 91b. 

16. prakaroti i 61b. 

karotl : 52a, 52b, 63b, 79a. 

17. 91b. 
16. 410b, 
19. 25a, 

. E.g. 225b, 304a. 

21. 34.. 

22. 250a, 704a. 

23. 106a, 291a. 

24. I3, 24b, 25b, 26a, 52a, 82b. 

The Problems of Ethics and Karma 13 

26. I82a, 224b, 250a, 301a, 314a. 

26. 54a, 56b, 59b, 60a [The first and the last give an idea of what is meant! 

27. 65a. 

28. 56b, 182a. 

29- =* 

a [The whole passage 430a-38a], 

30. 86a, 155a-60a, 168a. I69b, 180b. 247b. 488b, 501a, 644b, 6SOb. 

31. 497b. 

32. 123a [The first mention where the commentator feels perplexed], 




Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari 

The Sixteen Jaina Mahavidyssi forming a group of Tsntric goddewes 
were accorded the most favoured position among both the Svetsmbara ad 
DIgambar Jaina sects.* Almost all the iconographic works from c. eighth 
century onwards treat of the individual Iconographlc forms of the Sixteen 
Jaina Mahsvidyas. Unlike the case in the Svetsmbara sect's vestiges in 
Rajasthan and Gujarat, wherein depiction of Mahavldyss Invariably occur*, 
no sculpture or painting of the Digambara affiliation hai so far been 
reported by scholars to depict them." At Khajuraho, however, on the 
mandovara of the Digambara Jaina temple of Adinstha (eleventh century), 
a series of Sixteen Jaiaa goddesses was noticed by the author, which may 
be identified with a group of Sixteen Mahavjdyss* (All the goddesses crowned 
by tiny Jina figures and possessing four to eight hands are sculptured 
either seated in lalitttsana or standing in tribhanga. The goddesses carrying 
varying attributes are shown with respective conveyances. All the figure* 
are badly damaged with very few attributes extant, rendering their proper 
Identification very much difficult. However, vVhanas have survived with 
several of them. In respect of the surviving attributes and the vahaaas the 
goddesses, in some cases, partially correspond to iconographic prescription* 
for Mahavidhyas, enunciated m the Digambara texts. Under thwe circum- 
stances, the possibility of this representation being a unique Digambwa 
instance of collective rendering of the Sixteen Jaina Mahsvidyss may not 

The earliest known representations of the Svetambara Jaina |4*hsWyxs, 
as temple decorations, are found at the Mahsvira temple at Od* (Rajas- 
than) r s built by the Pratihara Varsarsja at the close of the eight century.* 
(These Mahavidys figures almost fujly correspond to the iconographic forms 
enjoined by the Camrvimsatika (of Bappabhatti Sari 743-838) the earliest 
known iconographic text dealing with the individual iconography of the 
Jaina Mahsvidyse, However,' Prajflapti, Naradatts, Gsadhari, Msasjvsls 
and Manavi are not represented at the temple, while Rohini, Apraticakrs, 
Vairotya and Mahsmsnasi enjoyed more favoured position), 

* The author is thankful to his friend Shri P.P.P. Shurnw for going trough the mnu 
script. He is also thankful to the University Grant'i CommiaMOn for providing the 
monetary ' assistance in the form of both wayi fare, which enabled him to vH I the 
she in connection with his research work. 

;<j Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari 

Against this background the author proposes to discuss, in detail, the 
Iconography of the set of Sixteen MabavidySs as portrayed in the bhramiks 
wiling of the Santinstha temple (1077)? at KumbhSria, District Banas 
Kanlha (North Gujarai),-" The ceiling containing the figures of the Sixteen 
MfibiEvidyss is close to the Rahgama^dapa of the temple on east All the 
five Jaltia temples at Kumbharia (constructed between eleventh to the first 
half of the thirteenth century) are of the Svetsmbara affiliation.* This, it 
may be noted, is the earliest known set of the Sixteen Jalna MahavidySs". 
Other subsequent sets of the Mahavidyss are known from the Vimala 
Vasahi (two sets; one in the Rangamandapa ceiling - 1148-50; and the other 
jet in the corridor ceiling infront of the Cell No 41 - latter half of the 
twelfth century), the Luna Vasahi (one set - 1232) and the Kharatara Vasahi 
(two sets - sixteen century), all lying at Mt. Abu (Rajasthan) "> 

On the strength of the author's own study of the set of MahavidySs 
under discussion, it may be stated that eleven of these correspond, fully or 
partially, to the injuctions of Catorvim'satlka and more so to those of the 
Nirtfnakalikn (of Padahpta Sari - c. eleventh century). However, in represen- 
tations of two other Mahavidyas, namely, Mahajvals and Acchuyta, the 
prescriptions of the Ac^radmakara (of Vardhmana Sari 1411) have been 
Followed. On other Vidyadevi, Kali, not conforming to any known dhyanas, 
has been identified on the testimony of khatvBnga symbol. A firm, individual 
identification of the remaining two Mahavidyss - Manasi and Mahamsnasi 
could not be possible Inasmuch as they do not correspond even the least to 
any of the known dhyvnas. In the present study the author, wherever 
necessary, has reinforced his identifications by representations of Mahsvidyas 
with vehicles in the Ssntinatha temple and other known sets of their collec- 
tive renderings. 

The present group of th Sixteen Mahavidyas is shown all around the 
central figure of the Jina SupgrSvanstha, seated as he is In the usual 
dhyvna-mudrzp Suparsvangth with a five-hooded cobra overhead is rendered 
on a sithh&sana with two flanking cSmardhara attendants and the usual 
cortege of assssory symbols." All the four-armed Mahavidyas are seated 
in the lalitasana on bhadrssana with right leg hanging and left tucked up. 
(The only other set representing Vidyadevis in seated posture is known 
from the Kharatara Vasahi.) The Mahavidyas wearing the karanda-muku\a 
afe bejewelled in dhoti, necklaces, stanahzras t armlets, bracelets and anklets. 
However, the respective vVhanas of the MahlvidySs have not been carved in 
the set, which consequently makes the identification in some cases difficult 
or confusing. The other difficulty In regard to their identification, at least 
in two cases, is that they are not represented, in \he order as prescribed 

Jaina Mahavidyas in the ceiliag of the S'afltiDatha Temple, 
Kumbhdria (See footnote 9). 

The Iconography of the Sixteen Jalna Mahnvidyte j? 

by the Jconographic texts." Had the order been maintained, the individual 
identification of Manasi and Mahamanasi could also be firmly established 
even without other aids. It may be noted that the prescribed order was 
followed to a great extent in subsequent collective representations. Thus, in 
absence of tha order, we shall begin arbitrarily with Apraticakra thence to 
proceed to the left. 

(1) Apraticakra (or Cokrehcul) - 5th Vidyadevj. She bears the varada- 
mudra (beon -conferring gesture), a catow (disc), a cakra and a iatiMa (conch) 
(Thg attributes of the Mahavidygs of the present set are reckoned clockwise 
starting from the lower right hand.) Although almost all rh icoaographic 
works describe Apraticakra as carrying discs in all her arms, 1 * excepting a 
few instances," she is invariably shown with discs in two or one of her 
hands only. 

(2) Mahahall - the fith Vidyadevi She holds the varadakfa (vffra/a-cum- 
rosary), a vajra (thunderbolt), a ghan(a (bell) with top designed like a 
trident, and a mdtulinga (fruit). The attributes fully correspond to the 
description of Mahakali in the Caturvimsatika. The Ntrvsnakalika, how- 
ever, differs in respect of the fruit symbol and prescribes in its place the 
abhayamudra, (safety-bestowing gesture). 17 

(3) Purusadattn (or Naradattaj - the 6th Vidyadevi. She carries a khadga 
(sword), a knmutka (?) (bow), a khe(aka (shield) and a fruit. Except fer 
the bow the figure agrees with the descriptioa of Purusadatta occurring in 
the Nirvanakalikn where bow has been substituted by the varada-mudrn?* 
(The figure's identification with Mahamanasi, however ; is not unlikely inas- 
much as the sword and shield symbols have also been invariable attributes 
of Mahamanasi both in literature and concrete representations). 

(1) MBnavi - the 1 2th Vidyadevi. She betrays the varadakja, a pah (noose), 
a tree plant and a fruit. The figure agrees with the description of the 
jVirvznakalika, wherein she is associated with the varada, a noose, a rosary 
and a tree. 18 . As it Is apparent, fruit has not been prescribed by the 
Nirvnnakalika. It may be noted here that in almost al] other known 
instances of Manavi at Kumbhsria anJ everywhere else she has been 
rendered as carrying leaves of some tree m both of her upper hands. 

(5) Prajflapti - the 2nd Vidyadevi. She shows the varadnkfa, a lakti 
(spear), a kukku^a (cock), and a fruit. Although in no Svetambara dhyana 
Prajftapti is visualized as carrying kukfca^a, in art the representation of 
kukkuta was undoubtedly in vogue. The figure of Prajiiapti in the set of 
Sixteen Mahavidygs from the Rahgamandapa of the Vimala Vasahi also 
shows a kukkula and a sakti in her upper pair of arms. The association 
of the kukkuta simultaneously with sakti and the peakock mount renders the 

Sambodhi 2.3 

18 Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari 

bearing of the iconography of the Hindu deity Karttikeya on 
doubtless. Barring the representation of kt/kfaifa, the figure tallies with ftw 
description of Prajfiapti in the NirvnnaMika, which enjoins the vara<tj, * 
sakil, a hkti and a fruit in her arms. 2 " 

(6) dcchupttt - the 14th Vidyadevi. She betrays a sword, a sara (arr.** , 
a shield and a bow. The figures agrees with the description of t*& 
ftirvsnalalikt which prescribes a snake in place of a bow. ai However, a !**** 
work the Ac&adinakara - envisages depiction of bow. 22 

(7) Gauri - the 9th Vidyadevi She holds the varadahsa, a gad a (mac* 
may be musala even), a sansla-padma (long-stalked lotus) and a fruit, 
figure, if the second attribute in this list is accepted as a musala, al 
fully corresponds to the details about Gauri in the NirvanakaliLs 
prescribes the varada, a musala, a rosary and a lotus. 23 

(8) Gwdhzn - the 10th Vidyadevi. She shows the varadskfa, a 

bolt, a musala and a fruit. The figure agrees with the description uf 
Mtrvsqakalikn except substituting the abhaya for fruit, 24 It may be n. 
that in other instances at Kumbhiria also Gandhin carries a thunderbw 
and a pestle in two upper hands. 

(9) Vairotyn - the 13th Vidyadevi. She holds a sword, a snake (nra>,i\ * 
shield and a snake (looking like a purse). The figure is fully guided bv Jte 
injunction of the NirvSnakaUka, prescribing the same set of symbols JW 
Vairotya,* 5 It maybe noted that snake sirnulta teously associated with 

and shield symbols has always remained the distinguishing emblem 
Vairotya in art and literature both. 

(10) KalJ - the 7th Vidyadevi, She bears the varadnk$a, a noose, a 

(the osseous shaft of the forearm capped by a skull) and a fruit. On acwaaw 
of the khatvMga symbol the most plausible identification of the preww 
goddess would be with Kali. An influence of the Hindu goddess 1 '* 
also another appellation of Kali, over this figure is here discernible, k 
may be noted that ^the present figure does not correspond the leavt to 
any of the known Svetambara dkyanas which generally prescribe for K&h 
a rosary, a mace, a vajra and the abhaya. Any parallel showing Kit* 
with khaWnga Is not known to the author. The fact that on oifew 
Mahavidya in the series is associated with khatviinga, an invanltfc 
attribute of the Hindu goddess Csmunda or Kali, suggests a Hta* 
influence on the present figure of Jaina Vidyadevi with the identical 
Kali Such trans sectarian influences are, however, not unknown, 
have already discussed in the previous pages how, violating the 
uijunttions, under the Hindu influence kukkuta was associated with * 
Mahavidya Prajnapti. (The occurrence of khaWnga flames of fire 
human hea<| fujy symbols with, the Jaina goddess at once su 

The Iconography of the Sixteen Jaina MahSvMyas 19 

thai the Tatiic influence was gradually increasing in the Jaina pantheon. 
For example, an instance is known to the auther from the Temple No. 12 
at Deogarh (862) where in the series of the 24-Taksis, the Yakfi associated 
with Kunthunatlia (the 17th Jjna) carries a human head held by its hair 
in one of her hands ) 

(11) Rohini - the Jst VuJj-adevi, She carries the varadskfd, an arrow 8, 
bow and a fruit. As against the prescriptions of the CattirvitpSatika" and 
^irvMakalikn (p. 37), she does not show the conch symbol. The 
texts prescribe a rosary, an arrow, a conch and a bow. In the sets of the 
Vimala Vasahi (Rangamandapa) and the Khardtara Vasahj, however, 
Rohini exhibits conch in one of her hands. At Kumbharia, also in other 
instances of Rohini the association of conch was not popular. 

(12) VajtanhusS - the 4th Vidyadavi. She bears the varadsksa an ahMa 
(goad); a vajra and a fruit, wlifch fully conforms to the description of the 
goddess available in the Mvanakahka. It may be noted that she, in 
conformity with her name, has invariably been incarnated with an ankusa 
and a vajra. 

(13) Mahsjvala (o> SvvWa-MaMjvalQ ~ the llth Vidysdevt. She holds the 
varadlksa, a jvtiln-pmia (pot with flames coming out), a ^In-pUtra and a 
citron It may be noted here that the NrrvUnakalikn and the ManiadhiWa- 
kalpa (of Ssgaracdndra Sflri-c. twelfth-thirteenth century) do not ment.on 
flames as her cl.aracteristic atrtlbute. The Mantrndhirujakalpa, however, 
prescribe snakes in all her four arms. The Caturvunhtika assoc.ates 
burning }^, as a distinguishing symbol, with Msnasi ( ...j^rf^rtte 
h aratu nran^..56. 14] W h,le this ..tribute is inv a.abi y o U J th 


however, describes W ^ > 

in both of them Almos all the known . P ^ 

o-rryiog two >8/^ (placed on the op pal gre 

in upper P a,r of hands, and bare flames 

v , a v, She shows the 
(14) MMO* ()- the 15th Yidj^evi She show 

^and a fruit. As no ^ ^\ 
rendering of the Tula m the hands o Mana ^^^^.^ att , lbute of 
texts unanimously prescribe wA/J (Ma) nt 

Prajaapti, already identified '^ e.cept' M.nas, and 

lexis unannnouMy pi-^^-- - > u lems a i-{^ to her, tne present 
Prajilapti, already identified with ^^f^!^ Smce excep t Msnasi aad 
goddess should represent some other i ya - lUi6e d with certainty, 
Mahamanasi, all other Vidyadevis m the set 

20 Mamti Nandan Prasad Tiwari 

the present figure and the following one would automatically represent 
Muna^i and Mahumunasi. In all the icortographic works Manas i is said 
to have carried thunderbolts m upper pair of arms, and it may be the 
case lhat, by mistake, Ma? have replaced thunderbolts. It may be noted 
that a goddess showing stilus in two upper arms was much popular In the 
Suntinitha and other temples at Kumbharia, but nowhere her vdhana has 
been carved, thus leaving the problem of her identification as it is. 

(15) Mal.UtmHiri <?)-the Ifirh Vidyadevi. She betrays the vaiadQkfo, a 
long-stalked lotus, a long-stalked lotus and a fruit." As has already been 
mentioned, the figure does not conform the least to any of the known 
dhysnaf prescribed for Mahainanasi, which generally describe the latter 
with the varatla, a sword, a pitcher and a shield (the NirvBnakalika p. 37) 
It may be noted that the goddess with long-stalked lotus in each of the 
two upper hands wjs represented in a number of sculptures in the 
Simtinstha and other temples at Kumbharia and eleswhere but nowhere her 
vehicle ii rendered. Hence the problem of her identification remains 
unsolved. The gxidess with long-stalked lotus in the upper hands is 
wnsiilly identifiable either with. Saatidevi or with Nirvani (the 16th Yakfi). 
As ths context hsie ii precisely different, ws are forced to identify her 

(.16) l r nir(timUial3lbc 3rd Vidygdevi. She holds the varada-mudra, a chain 
jrwt/ia/a) in two upptr hands (pissing from behind the neck) and a fruit. 
The figure corresponds to the description of the Nirvanakalika?* except for 
showing a fruit against the lotus of the text. It is to be noted that all the 
four-armed figures of VajrastAkhala throughout the subsequent ages have 
been depicted as carrying chamin two upper arms. 

Foot-notes : 

(I) The final hst of the Swteen Jama MahBvidyas supplied by the later tradition of 
boil) the sects uicludw the follov.jng names : 

(!) Rohmt, (2) Pr.jaapti, (3 ) VajiaS r AkhalS, (4) Vajrankuia, (5) Cakreivari or Aprat,- 
cAra (Svet.) and jBnibunada (Dig,), (6) NaradattS or Purusadalta (7) KalT or Kahka 
(8J MahakBH. (9) Gaud, (10) G Stld han, (11) SarvaBtra-niahajvalS or Jvala ^vot ) & 

Jvtlhnflml . (Uij) (12) Manavl, (13) Vairojya (Jvet.) & Vrop (D.g.), (14) Acdu^S 
S VCt} & Acyuta (D IB J, (|5) Manasl, (16) Maha mS na 5 I. (The present 1m ,, preparep 

frum the bu occurnng m the d,Hbr ea t iconograph.c toxls ranging in date between 

eighth to the sMeenth ccntuiies.) 

, , Tn'. 1 " 1ICOt ^^y of *a Sixteen Ja 1Qa Mah 5 vid ya V 

Jour, Indian Socrty of Oriental Art, Vol. XV, 1947, pp 114-177 

(1) The pruliSc Di s b,, Jama ., ,,^ 

The Iconography of the Sixteen Jaina Alahavidyas 2l 

(5) However UP Shah m his paper on the ^ UakSnd ^ haj 
example of the MahavidyS figure from (he Mahavlra temple .t Osia, 

(6) Dhaky MA, 'Some Early Jaina Temples m Western India'-, S!,n 
Jaina Vidyalaya Golden Jubilee Volume, Pt. I, Bombay 1968, pp. 3 25 - 2 6. 

(7) Sompma, Kantilal F.. The Sductaral Temples of Gujarat, Ahmedabad 19G3 PP 1 2 9 
Accordmg to Sompma, "The earl, est four inscnpt.ons on the pedestals of images are 
claied V.S. 1 133 (= 1077 A.D.). Hovveve^ the p.sent author Ln g his Vjat f o the 
Kumbhana temples has noticed eve* an earliez mwnpuon of the Sawat 1110 (=1053) 
in the Cell No. 9 of the Santmatha temple. 

(7a)Th e Vimala Vasahl's two sets of the Mahavidyas collective representation were held 
to be the eaihest examples of the collective rendering of these goddesses till the author 
found a still rcmotei instance of the kind of Kumbhana. 

(8J For the tconograpbic data at KumbhSria consult, Tiwari, Maruti Nandan Prasad, 'A 
Brief Suivey of the Iconographic Datam Kumbhana, North Gujarat', Sombodhi, (Publ. 
from the L,D, Institute, Alimedab id) Vol, 2, No 1, Apul 1973, pp. 7-14. 

(9) However, U P. Shah in his papei on the Jama Mnhamlyts does not refer to this 
caihest known set, which is fot the fust time published heic. It is to be noted that 
it is not only the solitary instance of the collective repiescntation of the Sixteen 
MahSviclyas at the site but also perhaps in Gujarat. The author regrets that he 15 
unable to illustrate the ceiling fully and the accorapaying photograph, however, shows 
only ten of the V idyadavis , namely, Gaurl, Gandhari, Vairofy3, Kali, Rohini, Vajran- 
kusa, MabSjvala, Manasi (''), MahamanasT ( ? ), and VajraBrnkhalS. 
(10) Shah, U.P., Jama MahSvidyas ... pp. 120-21. 

(U) The rendering of the Sixteen Mdhdvidyas encircling the central figure of Jma Supar- 
Bvanatha (the 7th Jina) may suggest some affiliation of the Tantnc group of Mah3- 
VidySs with the Jma, which perhaps is not known in the literature. However, this is 
the only known set which icpreients the Sixteen Mahavidyas around a Jina figure, 

(12) It includes tricfiatin topped by a disembodied figure and a pair of elephants, mSla- 
dhara, and divine musicians at top sides. 

(13) For example Rohini, instead of Prajfiapti, ia followed by VajrSnkusS and Gakresvari, 
instead of Vajiankusti, is preceded by Vajiasrnkhala, 

(14) Shah, U.P , Jaina MabavidySs .., pp. 132-133. 

(15) At Osia on the Mahavira temple and so also on tha Dgvakullkas (eleventh century), 
she is carved with discs m all hei foui hands. A few other identical instances have 
also been noticed by the author at the ParavanStha temple at Sadri and the MahSvira 
temple at Ghaneiav, both located in tha Pali District (Rajasthan) and constructed in 
c. tenth-eleventh century. However, in the series of the 24-YaksiS at Deogarh 
(Temple No. 12 - 862) also Cakresvarl shows discs m all her four hands. 


Catwvim'satika. 63 17. (with Gurjara translation, Bombay 1926, p. 119). 
(17) See Niivanakalika Ed. by MohanlSl BhagavSixdas, Muni &r% Mohanlal Jf Jaina 
Granthamala \ 5, Bombay (1926, p. 37). 

Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari 
Nirvanakalika, p, 37, 

a, p. 37. 

NiivanakahkS, p. 37. 


NirrSnakahka, p, 37, 

Acaradmakara, Pt. II, PratistuadbikSia, 34,14. (Editor unknown, Bombay, 1923, 

p. 162), 

) nk"f fcrf 

Nirvanakahka, p. 37. 

^iRsreRf sr<3?f 3ri 

3cr.f fas^^crgriJi^^f %% n 

Niivanakahka, p 37. 


Ntrvanaknlika, p. 37. 
(26) See, BwiErje.i, I.N., 7/ie Development of Hindu Iconography, Calcutta, 1955, p. 274. 

Caiurvim'iatika, 32.3, (Ib,d, p , 

Nirvattakallka, p. 37. 

t n 

Acaradmakara, Pt. II, Pratisthadhikara, 34.11, (Ibid. p. 162.) 

(30) However, in the Vimala Vasahl set of the Rangamandapa a goddess with mount 
budalo (of Purusadatta) is rendered with long-atalked lotuses in two upper hands. 

(31) As the previous figure has already been identified with Manas!, the present figure 
rray he identified with MahSmanaai. 


NirvSnakalika, p. 37. 



N. M. Kansara 

With Maxmuller's History of Sanskrit Literature (1860) regular works 
on the subject bsgan to be written m English and other European langu. 
ages, the most notable among them being those by Weber, Sdiraeder 
Frezer, Macdonell, Oldenberg, V. Henry, Wmternitz, Keith and Windiseh' 
The death of Professor Wmternitz before the complelion of (he English 
translation of the third volume of his History of Indian Literature (in 
German) prompted the Calcutta University to supplement In English the 
work of Winternitz by undertaking to write out afresh the portion dealing 
with Ksvya, Alamkam and other technical sciences. 

The works of the European scholars were more or less of the nature 
of surveys uptodate of the Sanskrit studies of the times and naturally 
devoted more space for chronological controversies than for the details of 
the works they were supposed to survey. The real history of Sanskrit 
literature came to be written on a grand scale by M, Krishna macharlar 
(1936) who took extraordinary pains to reach, and enter in the references 
all that had been said about any author or work anywhere in books' 
journals or papers. And his monumental work (hough confined to the 
Classical Sanskrit literature has remained unsurpassed in its design, depfh 
and coverage. 

The earlier European scholars tried to cover the entire tradition but 
their treatment of the classical literature was very sketchy. Winternitz 
attempted to instruct the German reader as far as possible in the contents 
of the literary productions by means of quotations and summaries of the 
contents. Keith left out the entire mass of the Vedlc literature as well as 
the epic histories and epic legends. De followed Keiih as a model. Of 
course they have written not for specialiits only but also in the. first place 
for educated laymen too. There are about half a dozen smaller books 
meant mainly for students to prepare for the examination. For most of 
these writers, civilization of man is supposed to have started only with the 
Greeks, and the realistic and practical outlook, as also (he proper sense of 
values, are completely overlooked in the present day judgment about the 
ancient Indian culture. In the histories of Sanskrit literature there is no 

INDIAN KAVYA LITERATURE Vol. One, Literary Cniicism, by A, ft. WardT. 
pub}. Motilal Banaraaid^s, Delhi, 1972. (1st Edn.) Rs. 40/-, 

,4 N. M. Kansara 

consideration given to the people in the country among whom the htera. 
ture developed. This has been pointed out in different contexts by 
C. V. Vaidya, Ananda Coomaraswami, Kunhan Raja and Krishna 
Chaitanya, and now by Warder. 

Dr A. K Warder, Professor of Sanskrit at the University of Toronto, 
in his work strikes a rather new note, unexpectedly discordant with the 
fashionable view-point of the established veterans in the field. The plan of 
his work meant to be the proper evaluation and survey of "Indian Kavya 
Literature," is a sort of a fresb history of Classical Sanskrit literature, 
though with a difference. His scope is well-defined and the purpose of 
his work is literary criticism meant to evalute a great literary tradition, 
practically unknown to all but a few specialists in Sanskrit. The title of 
his work would seem to be too wide of the scope but the author seems 
to feel that the real essential 'India', and her 'Kavya' are basically rooted 
In Sanskrit literature, perhaps the same feeling which inspired Winternitz 
to choose the word "Indian" in preference to "Sanskrit" in the title of 
his work on history of the Sanskrit literature. In his preface he has laid 
bare the cultural arrogance in some of [lie Western wiiters whose still 
persisting anachronistic standards of literary evaluations ot ancient Sanskrit 
literature rule the day. He has exposed the scholars who tried to supply 
information on Indian literature by applying whatever critical ideas they 
had picked up from their environment, accordingly taking western models 
as the only possible standard of good literature, Like Kunhan Raja and 
Kriihoa Chaitanya, Warder felt that a new evaluation of Indian literature 
was long overdue, and in his attempt at carrying out the mission he has 
planned his 'Indian Kavya Literature' in three volumes. He has accepted 
it as axiomatic that the literature studied should be presented on its own 
terms. He seeks guidance from its own creators and from the long arid 
ancient Indian traditions of literary criticism which it developed with it. 
His sense of better judgment has prevailed in separating the chronological 
problems, the discussion whereof has been kept to the minimum in order 
not to interfere with the main purpose; he has attempted the chronological 
aspect in a separate work entitled 'An Introduction to Indian Historio- 
graphy' As for the present work, it has been an important part of the 
author's purpose, here proposed, to study the positions of Kavya compo- 
sers in the social and cultural history of India, a form of literary criticism 
that has not been seriously attempted before in the case of India. The 
present writer has set his panorama in his vision of Indian history as a 
whole, Kavya for him is literary as a form of art, excluding scripture's or 
religious writings and all technical writings on philosophy, science, arts 
and etc.; it includes- poetry, drama- and the novel, and history and 
biography, when presented aesthetically. 

A Recent Study of Indian Kavya Literature 25 

Volume One, recently issued, consists of first eight chapters meant to 
be an introduction, presenting the Indian aesthetic and critical theories and 
also the social milieu of the literature, so as to suggest to the readers, 
especially Western or Westernized readers, how the literature was meant 
to be enjoyed. 

The author is inspired as well as led by the work of Dr, M. Krishna- 
machariar In whom for once he found a sympathetic pioneer and an 
extremely persistent and devoted one, In a sense Dr. Warder's work is 
simply a commentary on Dr. Krishnamacharar's work as it uses the rich 
matter (he latter has assembled as the basis for an exercise in literary 
criticism on the originals. Though the work is a secondary source, the 
writer has done his best to make it authentic and embody his subject in 
his work without interposing his own personality. 

Chapter One (pp, 1-8), elucidates the scope of the term Kavya as 
distinguished from scriptures or canonical works (Zgama], tradition or 
history (ifihasa) and systematic treatises on any subject (Ssstra), and gives 
an account of various languages such as Samskjia and PrZkrta, the latter 
being outlined in their origin and development individually under seperate 
heads like MSgadhl, Paltoci, M3fiaras(ri and Apabhratfiia. The author 
points out, after Rajasekhara, that KHvya was not restricted in practice 
to any group of languages and besides the Indo-Aryan languages, Knsyas 
appear in the Dravidian languages, especially Tamil, and in languages as 
remote as Javanese. Although Dr. Warder feels ;that to follow the main 
line of development of Kavya In India we must include Hartiskrta, Prtikita 
and Apabhram'sa on an equal footing and we must also notice the develop. 
meats in the modern languages and !n the DravJdian languages, he is 
equally aware that the plan of a general study cannot conveniently embrace 
such a manifold history. He has, therefore decided that though he concen- 
trates mainly on Sanskrit he should observe those trends in the modern 
Indian languages which are related to his theme, and lie thinks it 
desirable in the latter period to refer to Kavyas in Tamil Telugit, fCannada 
and Malayahm. 

In Chapter Two (pp. 9-53) the author considers the dramatic theory 
of the aesthetic experience and matters related to it. He traces the history 
of the theory of aesthetics to the existence of parallel streams of the practice 
of K3vya and critical observation, of the theory of pleasure. The sociologi- 
cal background depicted in the Kamasutra is outlined with special reference 
to mgaraka Gotfhl, festival, the three careers of Vita, VidtooLa and 
Ptlhamarda open to people in the service of a NsgnaJca. The fundamentally 
secular outlook of KVvya is emphasized with reference to its functions 

Sjmibodhi 2,3 

2$ N. M, Kansara 

traced right from Bharata's Nntyatistrci to the exposition of Rasa, and to 
the number of Rasas. The special devices and methods of art with refe. 
rence to its aim of realism are discussed with profound insight into the 
major movements m Indian thought, viz. Buddhism, orthodox Braoanism, 
monistic Saivfsm and Jainism. The idea of literary and dramatic apprecia- 
tion is elaborately explained from the developmental points of view right 
from Bharata to Rnpagoswami and Kavikarnapura and his commentator 

Chapter Three (pp. 54-76) outlines the elements of objective, Itivftta, 
Arthaprakrti, Saydhis, the five rhetorical devices, the twenty one Sandhyan- 
taras, the theory of the ten stages of love, the four varieties of injection 
of subsidiary matter (Pataknsthanaka), the Sandhyangas, the use of these 
limbs, the arrangement by acts and the total length of a play, duration of 
full length plays, various considerations its brings to bear, some additional 
recommendations as to the time of performance, structural theories of 
Bharata, Sabandhu, Matrgupta, Dhanafijaya, Abhinavagupta, Saradatanaya, 
Sirigabhupala, Vidyanstha, Ramacandra and Gunacandra, Udbhata and 
j-iankuka. Then follows the interesting discussion about the new device of 
Garbhdnka, application of dramatic structure to other forms of Ksvya, 
consideration of scenery and props, stage and conventions of time, space, 
and of gradually shifting scene. The origin of the main classical tradition 
of drama is, then, traced from Mathura, the home both of the dialect 
Saurasem and the company of the actors of the SaiMaka school. The 
chapter concludes with passing references of the theory of types of hero 
and heroine, the underlying principles of the drama, the acting of four 
kinds and its relation to various Rasas as also its combination in five 
classes of 

In Chapter Four {pp. 77-121), follows the consideration of the theory 
of figurative language, stylistics and nature of poetic suggestion as distinct 
from that of the techniques and theory of dramatury. Dr. Warder is aware 
that the two studies overlap, however, and that the separation represents a 
tendency on the part of critics and theorists to specialise in different 
aspects of the aesthetics and critical field relating to literature. The theory 
of characteristics (Lakfanas) or modifications, the figures of speech 
(Alankaras), and the faults (Doias) are traced from Bharata, through 
Bhamaha, Dandin, Vamana, Anandavardhana, Udbhata, Rudrata, Raja. 
sekhara, to Kuntaka. The author has outlined at length the contribution 
of Bhamaha and that of Kuntaka in view of the latter's systematic dis* 
cussiou of the whole range of poetic activity basing all the topics on a 
single concept of figurative expression at six levels of expression, such as 
phonetic, lexical, grammatical, sentential, contexual and composition as ^ 

A Recent Study of Indian Kavya Literature 27 

whole. The contributions of Mahimabhaua. Mankha, Jayadeva, Appayya 
Diksita are also noticed in passing.. The chapter closes with the indications 
of the main directions of Indian criticism aud their effects on the creative 

Chapter Five (pp. 122-168) begins with the discussion about the origin 
of the drama and characteristic features of each of the ten main types of 
drama In their order of evaluation from Bhtina, through ynla, Prahasana, 
Vyfyoga, Utsrtflkahka, Samavakdra, pima, 7hamfga t to NaiaLa and 
Prakarana all in their historical perspective. Beside the main types, the 
secondary type like Nstika and minor types of performance such as To\aka 
Sattaka Prakaranl, Sallnpa> Vnra, Silpaka, Durmallikn, Gotfhl, Prekfanaka, 
Prerana, Mallikn, Kalpavalli, Parijntaka, Rasaka, Natayarasaka, Tandava, 
Lasya (with all the twelve limbs), Nartanaka, Chalika, Halhsaka, Samys, 
Dvipadikftanda, Skandhaka, Dombikn, Sngadita, Bhanaka. BhamLa, BhSna, 
PrasthSna, Sldgaka, Rnmftkrtda, Ulldpyaka and Silpaka are similarly discussed 
in their historical evolution. This chapter is taken by the author as the 
best place to collect all information available uptodate about these obscure 
forms. At the close of the chapter our attention is drawn to the fact that 
the secondary dramas and Nrtyas found are essential part of the literary 
scene when Knvya flourished freely as a literature of the whole society, but 
that part of the heritage has for the most part accidently perished, and 
that social criticism in literature was not impotent. 

Chapter Six (pp. 169-180) is devoted to the historical evolution of the 
literary forms like epic, its manner of telling the story, the separate cate- 
gory of Citrakavya, the change of certain formal characteristics of the epics 
written in Materarfrt or Apabhram'sa, the lyrics, anthology of lyrics and a 
few examples of vernacular lyrics called Rasas. 

Similarly, Chapter Seven (pp. 181-139) outlines in historical Devolution 
the nature of literary forms like Akhyzyika, fahynaa, Camps, Kathv, 
Brhatkatha, Parikatha, Sakalakaths, Khandakaths, Nidariana, Matalliti, 
ManiMyn and Praoahttto. The effect of the ravages of time on the novel, 
the real formal construction of the novel, belief in transmigration, dramatic 
effects in and the prose style of the novel are also const- 
dered towards the close of the chapter. 

Lastly in Chapter Eight (pp 200-218) the author has discused the 


function of the Samnja of audience, the performance of the 
recitation of the Ktoyas therein, two aspects of Klvya as a h.erature of 
the people as a whole and as having a strong bias toward, the ruhng 
classes, the patronage by kings, ruling classes, merchants, and 

gaishas', the royal poets, the education of *rvf, ^ 
left in their works by poets like B&* R B ja*ekhar. f 


N. M. Kansara 

The author refers also to the variety of opportunities to the Kavi s the 
decentralisation of poetic talent and poetic works as a factor contrl- 
buting to poetic cultivation during the periods of political upheavels and 
foreign rule, the pure poetic fancies with regard to Asoka tree, Cakora, the 
systems of the seasons, the jasmine and etc., the interplay of the sentient 
and the insentient aspects of the universe. The chapter closes with an 
appreciation of the ideals of Indian civilisation which are deemed not only 
simply fine, but also in great part still desirable indeed necessary for 
humanity. Dr. Warder rejects the suggestion that Kuvya is merely the 
literature of a class and not of India or of humanity. He further emphasises 
that Klivva was a national literature, or more correctly the literature of a 
civilisation, and that in the darkest days it kept the Indian tradition ahve 
and handed over the best ideals and inspired the struggle to expel the 
tyrannical invaders and realize these ideals. Finally he exhorts that in the 
present fusion of world civilisations it is necessary, if we value happiness 
or our very existence, that this inheritance should be appropriated fay the 
whole human race. 

The utility of the work is enhanced by a fairly large bibliography 
(pp. 219-260) for volumes one to three and by Index (pp. 263-281) to 
volume one. 

Throughout the work Dr. Warder gives ample proof of his firsthand 
acquaintance, and minute reading of, original Sanskit sources, of a com- 
prehensive and thoroughly synthetic outlook encompassing the whole field 
of literary criticism in Sanskrit, and of a rare insight Into the proper 
perspective of the topics discussed in the Sanskrit works on poetics. Rarely 
has a writer of a history of Sanskrit literatuse taken so much pains to 
verify the facts with reference to their sources, to set himself free from 
the cobwebs- of established and indeed tyrannically biased opinions of 
westerners or westernised Indian veterans, and to correct the bearings of 
our literary sight and to guard our critical literary judgment from mis- 
firing or totally miss the literary targets. 

The novel typographical devices adopted by the author, viz., the system 
of using '+ (plus) for A.D. and - (minus) for B.C., of cross-references, 
Sanskrit and other Indian words utilised in original, footnotes and biblio- 
graphy need some comment. The system of using plus and minus for A.D. 
and B.C. respectively is supposed to be both convenient and secular. Apart 
from convenience which is but a subjective factor, it cannot be truly secular 
since the basic reference still remains to be to the Christian Era. It would 
baye been more desirable, and seculiar too, as also in keeping with the 
spint of the work, if the corresponding figures of both the Vtkrama (or 
Stlmhana] and the Christian Eras were given side by side ! One cannot 
have any grlvance against dividing the entire work into numbered paragraphs 

A Recent Study of Indian Kavya Literature 29 

so as to avoid unnecessary duplications of explanations and examples. But 
in a few cases the paragraphing is awhvard, e.g. in ch, V, paras 32011., 
where the topics and sub-topics have to be separated, in which |case para- 
graphing can run parallel or in subordination to the topics as might be 
necessary to maintain clarity of treatment. Still more awkward and rathe* 
inconvenient is the system of italicizing the English translation of Sanskrit 
and other Indian worlds to avoid the use of brackets, which latter are 
known to clearly indicate that the bracketed term is given as the original 
of its equivalent English translation. The author endeavours to cure the 
reader of this normal expectation by introducing unnecessarily inconvenient 
innovation which necessiates him to remember his note on the device every 
time such word occurs ! The author's flair for novelty, and perhaps for 
falling in line with the current fashion, has inspired him to regard footnotes 
as intolerable interruption and hence undesirable. He has sought to include 
all essential information and references to sources in the text of the work 
Itself So far so good. But that does not by itself disprove the necessity 
of footnotes. The system of footnotes-Jf not at the bottom of the page in 
question, at least at the end of the chapter or of the last one has proved 
most useful and readily referable. As a result of the author 1 :, innovation, 
the bracketed information fit to be consigned to the footnotes sometimes 
Intrudes in the middle of a sentence and sometimes it runs to the extent 
of five lines, as in para 174. That the bibliography of all the three 
volumes has been given in the very first one rather than in the last 
one, would constrain one to conclude that the author has closed his 
doors against utilizing and including a few useful works in original or 
translation, that might become available to him during the interval between 
the publication of the first and the last volumes. And incidentally this 
might also imply that he has shut himself up against any necessary revision 
in the statements finalised so far. His bibligraphy would surely suffer for 
lack of information about many a better edition of some of the Sanskrit 
works and the English translations recently done by Indian or Non-Indian 
scholars like Giuseppe Giovanni Leonard! and others. 

Inspite of these minor aberrations, the work is indeed a highly valuable 
contribution to Indological stud,es and affords a fresh and thorough insight 
into the socio-literary forces that have gone into the making of the Sanskrit 
literature The scholarly enthusiasm and profound integrity, along wth the 
rare insight, harnessed by Dr. Warder, a genuine Sahrdaya, in preparing 
such an authentic work would have surely mitigated Bhasa's dis-appotat- 
ment that "appreciators are but rare". 



E. A. Solomon 

In this 'Collection', Shri N ,J. Shah has edited ten hitherto unpublished 
Jaina philosophical tracts. 

(i) Saddar'sana-nirnaya of Merutungasflri (15th cent. VS.) (pp. I-U), At 
the outset the author gives a very broad-minded definition of true Brahmana- 
hood _,, 

q*- P. 1.), Then he gives a brief 
idea of the relevant six systems of philosopby-Bauddha, Mimsrass {along 
with Vedsnta), Samkhya, Nysya, Vaiiesika and Jaina. The author has 
pointedly criticised the Buddhist doctrine of momentariness, the denial of 
sarvajfiata in Mimarhsa, as a]so the apanrufeyatia of the Veda and the 
element of himss and raga in sacrificial rites, the Ssriikhya concept of 
prakrii- puruja with special reference to their relation, the Nyaya concep- 
tion of God, and the Vaise$ika concept of mok$a. He seems to approve 
of the Jaina emphasis on austerity and spiritual discipline, and on dar'sana 
jama and caritra as leading to mok^a. What the author seems to emphasise 
!s that in spite of metaphysical differences all the systems of Indian thought 
agree with regard to their values of life and discipline. He substantiates 
his view by quotations from works of different schools. 

The author has distinguished between the Nyaya and the Vaisesika 
concepts of mokfa. See 

: i (P- 5) and 

\ (P- 

The style of this>tract is simple. Certain expressions are noteworthy, 

e .i- f%^qfq ?faf ^wdssftft ^ fis ^ 3$ wi | (P. 6), 

(ii) Paficadar'sana-khandana (pp. 12-19) author not known, but undoub- 
tedly a Jaina writer (The date of the M.S. is V.S. 1503), Here we find (he 
refutation of four philosophical systems (-Nyaya, Vaige$ika, Ssmkhya and 
Bauddha-) though the title is Pa?ica a . The author's standpoint is that of a 
Jaina and he tries to show that the principles recognised by the other 
systems could be easily accomodated in jiya and ajiva recognised by the 
Jainas. He criticises very briefly the philosophical views of the other 

Collection of Jaina Philosophical Tracts - Edited by Nagin J. Shah (May, 1973 
Institute of Ipdology, Ahmedabud, 9; pages 14+164; Price Rs, 16). 

32 E. A. Solomon 

(iii) Vividhainatasthcipakotthnpakanumunasamgraha (pp. 20-30) by a Jaina 
author -name not known (The MS was written in V.S. 1600). This is a 
hand-book meant to serve as a guide for those indulging in debates. The 
author gives syllogisms for and against some important much-debated 
philosophical views, though in the very first instance he does not give any 
syllogism to disprove the reality of a satvajna - perhaps there was not 
much likelihood of there ever being the necessity to disprove his reality 
even by way of intellectual gymnastics. There are arguments for and against 
Vs\'ara~ja(\lkartrt\a-vnda t Prapanca-mithyatva, Citiajnttna (i.e. the Vijnana- 
vsda viewj, Sabdabrahnia-vUda. and sabdasya apaudgalikalva, In the section 
on Pramana-vada t the author has first lucidly explained the Cgrvaka posi- 
tion that anumana is not a prawdna, and then established that it is. The 
author is undoubtedly a Jaina as he recognises sabda as paudgahka (-a 
mode of matter) 

(iv) The editor has given the name Vnda-catuskam to this tract (pp. 
31-48) as it contains four vadasthalas ; writer not known, but undoubtedly a 
Jaina. The date of the MS is c. 1960 V.S. The four discussions are (a) Agni- 
iltatva-sthnpanft-vada, (b) sun>a}fta-sthapaka~sthtt!am (c) civara-sthapaka- 
sJ/taJam, (d) Tsvaronhupaka sthalam. The first establishes sltatva (coolness) 
as a quality of fire; the second establishes the reality of a sarvajfia; the 
thud proves that putting on garments does not disqualify a person from 
attaining liberation, and the fourth refutes the position that God is the 
creator of the world. 

The editor tightly comments that it is strange to find the author proving 
that re is cold. His conjecture is that It is meant to answer the 
question put to him, who is a believer in Anekmtavnda, viz. "If your 
Anekantaovda be true, then fire should be cold. But is it cold ?" This is 
quite feasible. But it could also be that such discussions were meant to be 
illustrations of intellectual and argumentative or dialectical exercise, showing 
that one need not feel nervous; it is certainly possible to defeat the opponent 
under any circumstance; even fire could be proved to be cold. This Is 
supported by Hie fact that the author has throughout given very interesting 
illustrations and the language is highly artihcial and ornate (see 

31); ^ggnafifr f^feq^Rc^Fcf, P. 35 

. 36; ^ft ^3^ ^ ^,f^ p . 38). 
(v) Patabrahmotthapanasthala (pp. 49-58) ot Bhuvanasundarastiri (15th 
cent. VS.), whose o(her works are Matavidy&vidambana-vyakhynna, Matavidy*- 
omraw-wpana, La^-mahnvldyn-vidambana and Vyvkhyma-d^kn. As 
Bhuvanasundarasun is a pas t master in the art of refutation Here 
refutes a number of arguments advanced by the 6 Slik ara Vedantias to 

Collection of Jaitia Philosophical Tracts 33 

establish the falsity of the world from the ultimate point of view. The 
style is highly ornate and artificial in the first few pages before the author 
settles down to serious ratiocination. 

(vi) Hetuuidambanaslhala (pp. 59-75) of Jinamandana (latter half of 
15th cent. V.S) is again an exercise in dialectics where the Jaina author 
almost like a sceptic urges that anumzna could never be a pramlna 
and shows the untenabihty of the sadhya, the hetu and the vytlpti in a 
syllogism. The style is throughout ornate and even verbose. The author 
concludes by saymn : 

| (p. 75j. TLis shows that he is inclined (o give 
hmls for the refutation of rival systems, whose position, according to him, 
is not quite sound. 

(vii) Hetukhandana-panditya or Vsdioijaia-prukatana ( pp 76-106) of 
Sadhuvijajayaii (1550V S.) This tract is divided into five sections vndi *lui 
could be called an appendix at the end. The first section on Tnvldhahetu- 
khandana demonstrates the flaws in aprayojaknhetu, mahamdvahetu and 
vakracc/iZyanumanahetti. In the second section, UpadlnviveLa the author 
explains with illustrations a definition of upadhi, viz. 'sadhaffivyBpakotce son 
stdhyasamavysptit up<uihih\ The third section, Upadhipraka'sa explains 
another definition of upflclhi, viz. 'ssdhyflvinabliave sapakjascdhftranadhaimavftn 
upadhift'. The author points out that the faults of asiddha, viruddha 
and the like are present when the upadhi is present. The fourth section, 
Pralyitftadhipradipa gives aa exposition of pratyupudhi, which is defined 
as 'upsdhyshatanimiansmigrahaku', In the fifih section called UpSdhi- 
khandanakanksatiksn, the author points out various drawbacks in the definition 
of upadhi and pronounces the opinion that u^ildhi is nothing over and 
above helvabhasa. The appendix gives practical suggestions as to how 
the opponent could be over-powered by discouraging hints as also by 
tricky arguments, some suggestions for which are given (see pp. 101-105). 

At the outset the author explains the naftiasksra stanza in different 
ways, according as it is meant to be addressed to Vardhamsna, Visnu, 
Siva, Sumati Sgdhu (his teacher's teacher-) and his own mdySguru Jinuharsa. 
The style is throughout ornate and verbose, 

(vi ii) Pfamanasdra (pp. 107-126) of Munisvara (latter half of the 15th 
cent. V.S) is divided into three Pancchedas- (a) Pramnnasyarupa-praiupaka, 
(b) Pramanasankhya-visaya-phala-vipratipotti-vyBsedhaka and (c) Darsana 
vyavasthVsvariipaprarUpaka. This tract shows that pramZna-provrtti i& not 
possible in the case of Brahmtidvaita, Jffinadvoiti and Snnyavacla and refutes 
the Carvaka position that pratyak$a is the only pram ana. In a way it is a 
good manual of Jama logic. It gives also an exposition of the c-iuse of 
kevalajfiana and very boldly says that the eating of food does not come in 

34 E. A, Solomon 

the way of kevalajmnn\ similarly, woman-hood is no bar to the attainment 
of kenalajnana; nor does the wearing of garments hinder it. In the 
last section the author gives briefly the main tenets of the Jaina, Nysya, 
Bauddha, Ssmkhya, Vaiie?ika and Mimsriisa systems of philosophy and 
briefly refers to the case with which the Brahmavivartavgdin and the Carvaka 
could be refuted. 

(ix) Pramanasundara(pp. 127-160) of Padmasundara, who was honoured 
by Emperor Akbar and was the author of AkabarasZhiSrngaradarpana, 
Hnyanasundara, SundarapraksSababdarnava, Tadusundaramahakftvya, Parsva- 
nnthamah3kSvya,RayatfiaIlabhyudayamahakavya,etc. besides thjs work. PraniUna- 
sundara is a work on Jaina logic. A novel feature of this work is that 
parck^a pramzna is classified into anumana and agama; anumana is further 
divided into gauna and mukhya; and smarana, pratyabhijnQ and taika are 
brought under the fold of gauna anumana. It seems to be an attempt to bring 
Jaina logic in ]ine with the logic of other systems. The author has 
moreover refuted the logical views of other systems. 

(x) Syadvndasiddhi (pp 161-164) - (author not known; the M.S. belongs to 
c. 1950 S.V)-ln this tract the author has forcefully explained the significance 
of sytidvsda and ably defended it against the attacks of its opponents. The 
author has pointed out instances where the Nyaya-Vaise$ika concepts albo 
involve the principle of Syadvsda. 

Most of these tracts, as seen above, are meant to serve as manuals for 
the practical training of dialecticians, and a number of ready-made syllo- 
gisms are provided on each topic of discussion so as to be easily available 
for use. Neverthless, these tracts reveal a clear understanding of the 
opponent's view and the tenets of the different philosophical systems. 
These tracts though not very original are nevertheless highly instructive and 
illustrative of the intellectual exercises prevalent round about the 14th-l5th 

These tracts have been carefully edited mostly from single manu- 
scripts-by Dr. N. J. Shah. Except for a few misprints the book is well 
printed. Dr. Shah's emendations are generally acceptable. Yet we could suggest 
alternative emendations at places, e.g. p. 32. 1. 28 fgjf tfft ?gfq 
Sft^atacWffra; sfaflsfq might have been intended by the author. 
p. 37, 1. 28 ft=6?(ft ^rq^f^ift^isfoi^g^rtrrriffi: should be 

p. 41. 1. 8 ftn$urf;jTR$jfa|f^tj - some emendation seems to be necessary - 

Dr. N, J. Shah has rendered much service to the world of Sanskrit 
by eJitia' these tracts and we eargely await many more publica- 
cations of his. 



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} 3W: I I: ? 

ift i?^i 

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VOL. 2 JANUARY t974 



HO. 4 



Notices on BuddhUt Architecture in 
Western Indian Vastnsastras 

M< A, Dhanky 

History and Culture of Gujarat of the 
Firt,t Four Centuries after Christ 

Rasesh Jamtndar 

Seminar on Jainiam A Report 

Nandisutum and Anuogaddaraim Reviewed 

V, M, Kulkarnl 

f ^ %ffrftt! 



M. A. Dhanky 

After the close of the seventh century, Buddhism prog res 
sively dwindled in strength in Western India. It speedily decayed 
in the subsequent century, and, by the ninth, died out even in 
the last pockets where it had lingered on for some time.* Not 
only that; just before the medieval epoch, Buddhism's place 
was fully and decisively taken over by the resurgent Jainism ~ 
The first three centuries after the tenth was the period of 
Jainism's highest expansion as well as ihe high water-mark of 
its glory and influence in Rajasthan and Gujarat, The earlv 
Western Indian Vastusastras copiously but also reverentially 
refer to the Jina image and Jaina secred architecture : For the 
Jainas accorded the major and continuous patronage to the 
Maru-Gurjara art and architecture. In those days of ascendency 
and glory of Jainism, and the total eclipse of the Buddhist 
creed, a notice apropos Buddhist architecture inside Western 
Indian Vastusastras is hardly to be expected. And yet, sur 
prisingly enough, there at least are two brief but significant 
allusions to Buddhist structures, one to the vihara and the other 
to a prasada, which, by the associated details, seems in that 
context to imply stupa. 

The reference to the vihara or Buddhist monastery is found 
in the Vastiividya of Visvakarma, a Maru-Gurjara vastu manual 
of about the first quarter of the twelfth century,* Toe second 
notice which concerns with stupa was encountered in the 
Vrksarnava, a rfa/tf work of a period as late as the mid 
fifteenth century. 

The Vtetnvldy* sandwitches the vihara description jiM 
between the jagatir* affiliated to Brahmanical shrine and the 

2 M. A. Dhanky 

jagatj of the Jaina sacred building The oiiginal veise I shall 
first cite, followed by its translation : 
[ Visvakann=ovaca ] 

Vihajam \addiS2m pioktsm taddisaih Kalbajam^aliam n 
Madhye sthapyali Budhas=siiman agie cititna bhiisitam i 
Tara-harmya samopeiam yaksa-vmda-gan = anvitarn 11 
eka-bhaumam dvi-bhaumam va tri-bhn=Lirdhvani na karayet i 
Citrnsala samopetarh upavarnalia-sankulam, n 

yastuvtdya, Jaganlaksatiadhyaya, 72"-73". 

[ And Visvakarroa said : ] 

' I am (now) telling [You, Jaya ! " ] about the vihara 
in the way it has been (earlier) said. In the centie ( i.e. 
central eel!), install the auspicious (image of) Budha 
(i.e. Buddha) : And above (the image, i.e. the ceiling) be 
ornamented with painting. [Let the vihara] have a chapal 
of Tata, 4 with VtfAsfl-spirits and gofffl-goblins. [The vihara 
can be] one storeyed, or two storeyed; but it must not 
(in any case) be over three storeyed. Let the vihara have a 
painted hall, 5 articulated with upavarnaka (subsidiary 
shrines? aisles? columns?)" 

The vihara's description invokes the memories of the 
rock-cut vihara-s at Ajaiita, Eiloia and Aurarigabad ; The 
painted hall, of Ajama, the Tara-chapel, of Aurangabad; and 
the storeyed character, of the Dothal and Tinthal Buddhist 
caves of Eiloia, I'asiuvidya's description is seemingly based 
on some eailier souice on vihara architecture. The opening 
line apparently supports this conjecture. 

We may next consider the reference in the Vrksarnava. Q 
The passage referring to a Buddha's shrine is an follows : 

dvara-htnam ca prasadara Buddhadeva = sya ( karitah ? 


Dvara-slhane krta alas = caturdiksu vyavasthitah i 
brahmasthane ca samsthapyam yogadhyana (pravartate) 

pravartitam ) u 


Notices of Buddhist Architecture... 3 

"Lord Buddha's shrine is constructed without floors. In 
(the customary) door-positions, niches 7 are to be made along 
the cardinal directions. In the centra] position 8 may be set 
up the image lost in contemplation. " 

The doorless Buddhist shrine with niches (implied to bear 
Buddha figures ?) is very probably the siapa, of the type that 
became popular from the seventh century onwards. 

The two references here discussed, are, though succinct, 
valuable since notices on Buddhist sacred art and architecture 
in vastu manuals are rare to encounter. 


1 Vide Umakant Premanand Shah, " Gujarat-man Bauddha-dharma ", 
Svadhyaya, Vol. J, No. 3, May 1964. 

2 The destruction of ValabhT in about 784 was a set-back to Jamisin 
in Gujarat. But fresh waves probably emanating from Mathura in- 
vigorated Jaina movement in Wastern India as a whole. 

3 The work is being edited at present by Shn Prabbashanfcar O. Som- 
pura and myself. 

''" Jaya is the first of the four mind-born sons of Visvakarma. The 
Vnstuvidyn is in a dialogue form between Vibvakarmsi and Jaya, 

4 Tnrn-harmya, as the text so refers. 

5 Called citru'sala in the citation. 

6 This work, too, is being edited by Sompura and myself. 

7 The text uses the term nla for the niche. 2hka and sla far niche are 
known from the fifteenth century epigraphical and literary sources in 
Western India. ' 

8 Srahmasthsne as the text enjoins. 

An Abstract of I lie Thesis of Dr. Janitndar entitled 


Rasesb Jamindar 

1 It is proved that the Western Ksbatrapas v.ere 
dependent kings and not the Viceroys of the Kushanaf. : 
firdspols of epigraphic records and coins of tl:e Ku^h 

not include Gujarat, \\heie the Western ruled Of 
more than three centuries. (/>) Kaniska's epigraphs also do nor 
include the name of Bhiimaka and Nahapana, as Viceroys 
as in the case with Kharapallana, Liaka etc. (c) The Western 
Kshatrapas always styled themselves as "Raja Kshatiapa" and 
"Raja Mahfikshatrapa" which show iheir independent si;duF. 
(d) The meaning of the word 'Kshathrapata' is Bhiimipab i c. 
Bhupala, according to which Western KsJiatrapas seem to be 
Bhupala. The name Bhumaka assumes a new significance if u^ 
consider it to be identical with Bhumipaja. 

2 It is also interpreted here that the meaning of the 
word f Kshatrapa' is rot Viceroy but King according to the 
literary meaning of the Iranian word 'Kshathrapata* and 
Indian word * Kshatrapa *. 

3 Almost all the scholars have unanimously taken ii tt> 
be granted that Virrjalasuri's "Paumacariytim" chronologically 
stands first. But in this thesis it is argued against this well- 
established theory and tried to put forth one new argiinu-m. 
Scholars do not agree with the date of this work of Vimah, 
though they do agree with the view that it is the first work 
of its kind. But according to recent studies the correct 
date of the composition of this work shonM come to 5JO \ -h- 
i e 473 A D. In this thesis with tic help ot \\^ cJau it is 
shown that it was Mallavadistiri who wrote the first 1% 

(j Rasesh Jamindar 

namely " Padmacaiita" based on Rama story. This Mallava*- 
disliri lived sometime between 317 & 397 A.D. He wiote 
"Padmacaiita" consisting of 24000 veises. Thus Mallavadi- 
iiiri iscailici than YmialusJiri and therefore the ci edit of Jaina 
of Ramayana goes to Mallavadi and none other. 

4 Scholars generally opined that the Kshatrapa rule end- 
ed in 01 after Saka Era 310 i.e. 388 AD., the date which is 
published by Prof Rapson. Then in 1960, K. V. Soundararajan 
published two lead coins of Swami Fvudrasimha 3rd, bearing the 
date l5aka year 314 i.e. 392 A.D But here in this thesis the 
writer has cited and published one Kshatrapa coin found from. 
a private collection of S. M. Shukla of Bombay, which is 
dated in Satca year 320 i.e. 398 A.D. Till today this is the 
last known date of the Kshatrapa chronology. Conclusion is 
that the end of the rule of Western Kshatupas may be plac- 
ed sometime after the Saka year 320 i.e. 398 AD, 

5 It is welknown fact that coins do help a lot to know 
the Historical Geography of a King or Dynasty. But this 
writer in this thesis has questioned this very popular belief 
and tried to show some limitations which do come in the way : 
The modern places of coin-hoards may well fall within 
King's territory who issued them is rather exaggerated. Some- 
times it so happens that a king, who issued coins, may be a 
fudatory chief of some great king, giving latter the rich tri- 
bute in currency of his own normally every year. In this 
condition it is quite possible to find a coin-hoard of that 
fudatory chief within the boundaries of his overlord. So from 
this one cannot easily fix up the historical geography of any 
king or dynasty just with the help of coins. Likewise, the 
question comes in our way while using the coin hoards either 
from public places, hill resorts or places of religious impor- 
tance, la the same way circulation of currency from one state 
to another in the absence of exchange system is also possi- 
ble. In such circumstances it is very difficult to fix bounda- 
ries just from coin-hoards. 

History and Culture of Oujarat. ... 7 


6 It has been elaborately shown in ihis thesis import 
ince of political and cultural significance of the thre known 
Digraphs inscribed on AshoUn Rock of Juna>rfh uilh special 

reference to the epigraph cf Kshatrapa king Piidiadarca, 
for the first time, throwing a good deal of new light on : 
(fl) the development of the Brahmi script and the Matus of 
Sanskrit language during the period, (b) the specific s>stcm 
of keeping and preserving the records of previous evenK ir> 
the system of administration, (d) the irrigation oriented agri- 
culture and the necessary importance of building \uter re>cr- 
voirs, (e) the reservoir based culture of Gujarat */) The 
benevolent activities of the kings for the better of the sub- 
ject, and (g) religious condition of the area. 

7 Tt is very welknown fact of history that the Gupia 
Emperor Candragupta-Vikramaditya conquered and ruled over 
Gujarat defeating the Saka ruler. But it is positively pro\l 
here with the help of the literary and archaeological evidences 
that the Candragupta, the second, had never conquered 
Gujarat and ruled over it. No epigraphical records ha\e bn 
found from Gujarat to establish Caudragupta's sway over 
Gujarat, The Guptas ruled over Gujarat only after 415 A. IX 
And it was Kumargupta who ruled over Gujarat and none 
of his predecessors. 

8 For the first time the geographical history of the 
Kshaharatas has been decided in this thesis and also compre- 
hensively discussed the political geography of the KardamaUs 
alongwith the precise identification of the places mentioned 
in their inscriptions. 

9 Examining the script and the execution of the coins 
of both BhOmaka and NahapSna, a new inference ha* been 
derived regarding the proper relationship between them and 
found that they were related as father and son respectively. 

10 NahapSna has used different royal titles for himself 
in his inscriptions. It is clearly proved here ihat all those 
different titles are nothing but synonymous. 

g Rasesh Jamindar 

11 Broach was the capital city of the Kshaharatas is 
mentioned here for the first time, refuting other theories. 

12 There is a dispute regarding the exact position of the 
three Kardamaka kings in geneology of the dynasty. Those 
Ihice kings are Daniajadasri 1st, Rudrasimha 1st and Jivadama. 
Examining the coins in all respect of these three kings it has been 
proved here that ramajadasri was the oldest son of the king 
Rudradama 1st, while Rudrasirrha <he youngest. Jivadama's 
place in the geneology is also fixed for the first time. 

13 It is established here that the tradition of joint rule 
ceases since the Saka year 226 i.e. 304 A,D., and the one king 
rule, either that of Mahakshatrapa or Kshatrapa, continues 
till the end of the Western Kshatrapas. This is proved with 
the help of coins. 

14 The extermination of the Western Kshatrapa rule from 
Gujarat is credited to one General named Sarva Bhattaraka 
and not to Candragupta-Yikramaditya. Between the end of the 
Western Kshatrapas and the beginning of the sway of Gupta 
kings over Gujarat the abovementioned General ruled for nearly 
fifteen yesus. 

15 The cultural history of the region under the Western 
Kshatrapas has been depicted here with all details for the first 
time, which covers almost 300 typed pages. In no book of 
Indian history this aspect is being given proper mention, ex- 
cepting a para or two. This 2/3 portion of the thesis in itself 
is a valuable contribution to the subject. 

J6. The difference between the " Raja Kshatrapa " and 
" Raja Mahakshatrapa " has been shown clearly alongwith 
their capacity of issuing coins simultaneously having a clear cut 
difference of degree of assuming powers. This original way of 
administration of the Kshatrapas has been brought to the light. 

17 After Prof. Rapson this writer of the thesis lias for 
the first time exhaustively and elaborately dealt with Kshatrapa 
coin-; with the help of some more unearthed coin-hoards after 
that v.jrk was published. Over and above many new points 

History and Culture of Gujarat. . 

have been discussed and highlighted with special referent 
all the details regarding obverse and reverse of the coin* 
execution and craftmanship, system of depicting king's 
tradition of giving father's name of the issuer with royal 
originality of mentioning date on (he coins year-wise, intei 
tation of symbols and significance of the Greek legends i 

18 A complete catalogue of Kshatrapa coins have ! 
prepared painstakingly for the first time, which includes 3 
wise 3aka date, name of the issuer either in the Kshatrap; 
Mahakshatrapa capacity, its reference plus wherever poss 
its registered numbers as well as Rapson numbets, 

19 It is 'for the first time here that this writer has p 
tively pointed out with the help of literary and archeolog 
sources that the famous temple of SOM ANATHA was origin 
built during 2nd or 3rd centuiy A.D., and not in the 5th 
6th century A D. as has been so established 

20 The name of the currency, prevalent during this per 
as KAHAPANA is definitely determined here discard 
other names like Kushanamiiie, Suvarna, Rudradama 
Khattapaka etc. 

21 After Burgess the detailed and very minute but cc 
prehensive account of the caves particulary Bawa Pyara a 
Uparkot caves has been elaborately given for the first ti 
throwing more light on: (a] presence of two Lion-heads onea 
side of the entrance which no doubt helps us in fixing 1 
date of this caves, (b) existence of eight sacred symbols 
Jaina religion on two of the door-frames, (e) regarding ex; 
measurement of some rooms and water tank etc. The date 
the caves has also been fixed very precisely. 

22 Dates of Talaja caves and Boria stupa have also bt 
mentioned very precisely. 

23 A detailed account of Iconography of Gujarathas re 
ed proper attention and many new things have been bighligh 
alongwith a good deal of discussion on handicrafts of Gujai 


Rascsh Jamindar 

24 Dates of Siddhasemasuri, Mallavadisuri and Sthiiamati- 
Guriamati have been established with all preciseness and their 
works have given due respect. 

25 For the first time it has been stated here that Ariga- 
vijja was written in Gujarat by one unknown Jaina Muni 
and during the reign of the Kshatrapas 

26 A flood of light has been thrown on the system of 
Education during this period and seats of learning have been 
mentioned. ValabhT, Broach, Devni Mori, and Junagadh were 
famous centres of education, while Somanatha, Talaja, Dhank 
and Intwa were also known. Yuddha-vidya, fkbda-vidya, Artha- 
Vidya. Gandharva-vidya, Nyaya-vidya etc. were the subjects 
tiught then, 

27 The date and name of newly found Era from the 
excavation of Devni Mori have also been discussed in length. 

28 The exact place of one Abhiraking isvaradatta in the 
Kshatrapa Geneology has been fixed here very precisely. 

29 Three Kshatrapa inscriptions, hitherto unknown, have 
been brought to light here, 

30 Discussion about contemporary neighbouring king- 
doms has also been accounted, viz, Satavahanas, Guptas, Abhi- 
ras, Traikutakas, Kathikas etc. The mooted question of iden- 
tifying the " Satakarrji " mentioned in the Rock Edict inscrip- 
tion of Kshatrapa king Rudradama has been^given proper atten- 
tionand derived Ihe conclusion thatthat Satakarni was none other 
than Gautamiputra Satakarni. 

31 The different facets of the life of the people of Guj- 
aiat have been highlighted for the first time throwing more 
light on : Geographical environment, Rivers, Mountains, 
Reservoirs, types of settlements, Business, use of currency, 
System of interest and giving loans, Agriculture, Food. Orna- 
ments, Auspicious occasions, Beliefs, Castes etc. 


Under the auspices of the Eastern Zone Committee of 
Bhagwan Mahavira 2500th Nirvana Mahotsav Samifi, 1 a Semi- 
nar on JAINISM was held on Sunday, the i&th December, 
1973 in Calcutta. 

Professor Mrityunjoya Banerjee, Minister of Education, 
Government of West Bengal presided over the First Session 
and Dr S. N, Sen, Vice Chancellor, Calcutta University pre- 
sided over the second Session. Sahu Shri Shanti Prasad Jai , 
Working President of the National Committee welcomed the 
President and the participants in the morning Session and 
Shree Bijoy Singh Nahar, Chairman, Bihar State Committee 
and Convenor, West Bengal State Committee welcomed the 
President and the participants in the afternoon Session 

Shri Jain laid stress on importance of the Nirvana Cele- 
brations falling next year and pleaded for practical approach 
to them. He felt that much can be done on this occasion to 
preach and practise the lessons and teachings of Bhagwan Maha- 
vir in the present times, when man is steeped deep in vio- 
lence and hatred. Mr. Jain maintained that we can j?ive u more 
creative and constructive approach to this occasion by ucast- 
ing the obsolete and obscure chapters of the Indian Histoiy. 
Shri Jain urged upon scholars to bring out a true and objective 
history of Jainism in its various aspects, which has enriched 
and influenced Indian culture. 

Shri Nahar gave details of the various Eastern States 
Committees that are planning to hold these celebrations and 
maintained that this occasion is a touch-stone for alt ot u,, 

i BoAQWAfs MAtlAviR. ^juwi** 

2, Old Court House Street, CakiHta-TOOOQl. 

12 Seminar on Jainism 

who have inherited Jainism as now is the time to prove worthy 
of our great tradition. Mr. Nahar strongly pleaded that this 
gre:it and nusl auspicious oc:asion should not be counted as 
a mere festivity but should be taken as a rare opportunity to 
ameliorate the teeming millions out of the present tut moil 
and to guide them to a path of Dharma, Sariiyama and Tyaga, 
-to imbibe and practise Samyak Jfiana and Darsana to make us 
obtain Samyak caritra. 

In the morning session Dr. D. C. Sarkar, the noted histo- 
rian and scholar read his paper on "JAIN ART 1 '. Prof. 
Sarkar dealt at length on the contribution the Jain Art has 
made and said that it is outstanding both from the point of 
quality and quantity He said that in all spheres of creative art, 
Jains were supreme. Jain temples are found in Bangla Desh 
also as in the South, North and West of our country. Its in- 
fluence on the cultural pattern of our country is very great and 
deep. Dr. Sarkar unequivocally subscribed to the view that 
\ariety with deep insight, richness with supreme quality and 
ethos combined with unparallel artistic grace are some of the 
basic charac tern tics of the Jain Art. Di. Sarkar dealt elabo- 
rately with these qualities and concluded that time is come, 
when we must make serious and creative efforts to preserve 
these noblest achievements of our ancestors, who gave some 
of the finest and noblest specimen of human art couched 
in divinity. 

Professor S. K. Saraswati, U. G. C. Professor, Calcutta 
Ur.h ersiry read his learned paper on ' JAIN MOTIF IN 
Saraswati dilated upon the ' sarvatobhadrika ' style of the Jain 
Art and emphasised the enormous and valuable contribution 
it has made to Indian architecture. Professor Saraswati strongly 
supported the view that a thorough and scholarly study and 
research should be undertaken to study the Jain architecture, 
which is not only historically important but is one of the 
greatest art styles in the world. Professor Saraswati gave details 
of the sarvatobkadrika style and said that a distinctive Jain 

Seminar on Ja'inism |1 

iconographic motif, however, seems to have been responsible 
for inspiring a rare type of Indian temple, a type that nuy 
be found to have significant reverberations in South FaM 
Asia, A foQi -faced image, usually known as chaiurmid h 
(chaumukha) has been a very popular Jain iconographie 
from fairly eaily times," Prof. Saraswati went on to 
"Indian literature on art frequently refers to a ivpe of temple 
called ' sarvalohhadrtf . There are variations in th 
of the type in the different texts All the text*, 
are agreed that the fundamental design of a 
temple is that of a square shrine with four entrances h 
the four cardinal directions A four entrances in the four 
entranced sarvatobhadra temple admirably suits the need* of 
a four-faced Jain image, pratima sarvat&Wiadrika, aod it is 
not without significance that the term sarvatobhadra has been 
used as a qualifying designation in each case. The Scorvo 
graphic theme and the architectural design seem to go 
together, one being complementary to the other. Dr. Saras- 
wati proved that the number of Jain sarvatobhodrOca mage* 
of the early centuries of Ihe Christian era is not small 
From Eastern India have been discovered also a fairly 
substantial number of such images of the early mediaeval 
epoch. Elaborating this point further, the great scholar said: 
' It will be useful to mention in this context a few early 
temples of Burma consecrated for Buddhist usage They 
repeat not only the iconographic motif of wrtAtoirM 
images but also the architecture-design of sawtobhoAra tempbs 
in a clear and explicit manner. In such sbrte the icoro- 
graphic motif in each case occupies *c posH.DB of the 
alter. The earliest of these temples seems to have been the 
Lemeythna at Hnmvza ( Thayetkhet lava-old kshetra). Tie 
exact date of this structure is not know,'. Prof. !fes*ati 
continued: 'In the Nat Hlaung Kyaung tempk at Pagan m 
Burmi consecrated to the worship of Vishnu, the Jam 
mot" is seem to have been followed, and in this context 
Tmly be ulful to enqfti whether the scheme fmds e. 

^4 Seminar on Jainism 

piession in any Brahmanical temple in India or elsewhere.' 
His conclusion was equally important for in his opinion 
Jain motif in aichitecture as is apparent fiom the above 
survey, ' *s seem to have extended its impact beyond sectarian 
confines and to have interesting reverbeiations among the 
votaries of other faiths, namely Buddhism and Brahmanism 
and in territories outside. This survey, more or less in 
outline, illustrates the need for a fuller investigation in 
this regard. ' 

The third Scholar, who followed was Professor K. C. 
Lalwani, of the I.I.T., Kharagpur. He read his paper on 
the Piinciples of Motion & Rest as propounded in the 
Bhagavaii Sutra. 

Professor Lalwani was as original as impressive and he 
dealt at length on this uncommon metaphysical principle made 
out by Bhagwan Mahavir to his diciple, Gautam Defining 
Matter, Prof. Lalwani said: 'matter is said to be that which 
undergoes modifications by combinations and dissociations. 
This is the earliest conception of Matter as 'real' and 'dynamic 1 
on which the atornists, Descartes and Leibnitz have written at 
length in European philosophy and Force, Prof Lalwani 
described, is constant in quantity. There is no substance that 
does not act. There is no substance that is not the expression of 
force What does not act does not exist; what acts is real. 
Hence foice is the essential attribute of the body. Hence the 
Law of Conservation of Motion was replaced by Leibnitz by 
the Law of Conservation of Force of Energy. According to 
the learned Professor, another proof that extension is not an 
essential attribute of the body is that Extension is of com- 
posite nature, and anything which is made of parts ( Cf. 
pradesas or space-points ) cannot be the primary principle. 
Elaborating his point further Prof. Lalwani said that in a 
sense : ' a monad is a universe in miniature, a microcosm. It 
is a 'living mirror of the Universe' a concentrated world, a 
world for itself. But each monad represents the universe in, 
its own way, from its unique point of view, with its chara- 

Seminar on Jainism 15 

cteristic degree or clearness. The higher the monad, the more 
clearly and distinctly it perceives, expi esses or represents the 
world'. Prof. Lalwani compaied the metaphysical theory on 
]ight with that of Bhagwan Mahavir and maintained that 
Mahavir's construction from this aspect is unparallei in human 
thought and history. Views held by Prof- Lalwani were 
thought-provoking and his exposition was very lucid, logical 
and spalding. He asserted that ' the idea of Motion and R<?*,t 
is an original contribution by the Jains. Some have compared 
these with rajas and tamas in the Sarikhya view, but the 
comparison is wrong. The Jainas have considered dharmrt and 
adharma to be responsible for the systematic character of the 
universe. Without these, there would be only chaos in the 

Dr- Govinda Gopal Mukhopadhyaya, Professor & Head 
of the Department of Sanskrit, Burdwan University read his 
paper on 'JAIN CONCEPTION OF SELF' In the words of 
Dr. Mukhopadhyaya, 'to the Jains there is a scale of con- 
sciousness at the top of which is Paramatman or Sarvaj'a, 
the omniscient Being, who is like an ideal which man should 
try to attain or aim at. But the Paramatman is not God, who 
creates, preserves and destroys the world. The Jain view 
denies God and extols man, than whom there is no higher- 
power to be worshipped or adored. Ho other system of 
philosophy does uphold the dignity of man in such a manner 
as we find in the Jain system. This view seems to be a 
vindication of that famous utterance in the Bhagwad Gufi. 
Uddhared atmanatmanam natmanam avasadayet i 
atmaiva hyatmano bandhur Stmaiva ripuratmanah 
But the Jains will assert that even after liberation there is 
infinite progression for the individual soul Th.s Jam MCW ot 
the self being as big as the body it inhabits naturally lead, 
one to conclude that the Jainas take the self in the ^ sense of 
the soul. As Dr. Jacobi suggests, the Jams arrived a tht 
concept of soul, not through the search after the ScU. 
Self existing unchangeable principle in the eveichangmg 

16 Seminar on Jain ism 

of phenomena, but through the perception of life For the most 
general Jain term for soul is life (Jtva ), which is identical with 
self (aya, atnwn) Dr. Mukhopadhyaya was forthright and 
meaningful when he clearly maintained that if we take the 
root meaning of the word at man which is derived from the 
verb 'at* with the suffix 'manin', then everyone will have to 
o\\n that the Jam view is the truest of all which conforms 
to the original sense of the word. The root 'at' implies con- 
stant movement (satatya gamana) and the Jain theory of the 
infinite progression of the self brings out this basic characteri- 
stic of the filman and that is why we affirmed at the outset 
that the Jains aie atmavadins in the truest sense of the term 
Dr. Mukhopadhyaya was of the opinion that a philosophical 
analysis at d appioach of TJpanisbads was very very close to 
Jainism-- the most ancient religious faith in India. Dr. Mukho- 
padhyaya strongly felt that the concept of 7ltrna a s propounded 
in Jainism is one of the best and most cogent and logical 
approaches to it, which enormously impresses and influences 
the suceeding philosophies and religions. Dr. Mukherjee, who 
is regarded as a foremost authority on the Upanishads 
brought the theory of Self in Jainism very close to that of the 
Upanishads and gave a 1 new interpretation to the whole con- 
cept by stressing that it would be wrong and fallacious to 
regard these two approaches as wholly contradictory. In many 
respects one complements the other, thus, clearly signifying 
their commonness on many points. 

Shri K. K. Jain, Convenoi of the Seminar Sub-Committee 
proposed a vote of thanks and expressed gratitude for the kind 
co-operation and participation by the great scholars. The House 
then adjourned, for the afternoon session. 

The afternoon session, was presided over by Dr. S. N. 
Sen, Vice-ChancelJor, Calcutta University. The famous Hindi 
poet Dr. Ramdhari Singh "Dinkar" inaugurated it. Dr. Dinkar 
said that the historical link of Jain Thirthankaras is the old- 
est in human history and if one could obtain a full , and 
authentic account of them, it would much clear the mist and 

Semiar on Jainism yj 

render a most valuable contribution to the annals of human 
history by opening new vistas and dimensions. Dr Dinkar 
wanted that the Nirvana Celebrations should be ulilfccd this 
way too, 

Dr S. N Sen said that the canons of Bhag^an Mahau^ 
should te fully followed and piactised lo make cur dimctrau 
a great success. In his opinion, democracy can only f fourth 
successfully and substantially by promoting a non. \ioter.i 
society. Mahavit, in his opinion, foresaw the modern prin- 
ciples of socialism in his great principle of Non-possession, 
Dr. Sen said that the ethical concept of .Jainism is very im- 
portant and practicable. It has the highest \alue and social 
pattein. Dr. Sen felt that such Seers as Maha\irard Etdtrta 
were, are the beacon light for all ages, all men and as nations 
as they not only give faith and conviction to man but also 
enable him to obtain the Summum Bonum of our existence 

Sri Bejoy Singh Nahar, Chairman, Bihar State Committee 
of Bhagwan Mahavir 2500th Nirvana Mahotsav gave a warm 
welcome to all the participants and outlined the importance 
of the ensuing Celebrations. He rightly said that the present 
Seminar is a prelude to these celebrations and is meant to" 
give a good start but the work as an impetus also. 

Prof- Vivekananda Mukherjee of the Cuttack University, 
Orissa read his paper on ' JAINISM AND UPANISHADS \ 
He said that we must propagate the humanitarian outlook of 
Jainism amongst non-Jains and the world at large should 
know more and more of the fundamentals of this religion and 
philosophy. In his opinion Jainism is a versatile religion bas- 
ing a most practical and humanly benefiical philosoph) to b? 
practised. Jainism disciplines life in its full ssnse anl if we 
follow the principles of Jainism, much of the present eul> 
would not be there. He underlined the common approach and 
affinity between Jainism and Upanishads. Citing profusely and 
abundantly from scriptures, Prof- Mukherjee said that the 
thought and content of the Upanishads as run parallel to Jainisna 

18 Semina'r otf Jainism 

both may have followed different paths but obtain and 
arrive at a common end an end of complete Bliss Prof. 
Mukherjee interpreted the Sam>akjnana, Samyak Darshau and 
Saroyak Carita and said that these are also the ultimate 
objectives of the Upanishads. In his opinion, Jainism, the 
oldest religion in human history, should be fully 're-discover- 
ed* now -so as to establish a great leeway between the modern 
and the ancient times. 

Dr- S. P. Benerjee, of the Department of Philosophy, 
Calcutta University read his paper on the "THEORY OF 
MOFCSA in JAINLSM ". Introducing his subject he said 
that ' every existent must be either a Jiva or an Ajiva or a 
resultant of the Uso. The concept of nioksa is relevant only 
in the context of jiva. ie.-, it is pointless to speek of moksa 
of the a jiva. So, our main discussion will centre round the 
jiva. Jiva has been characterized by upayoga anmrtitva ( form- 
lessness), karirtva ( agency ), svadehaparimatiatva ( extension 
same as its own body), bhoga (enjoyment of the fruits of 
karma) existence in Samsara, Siddhatva and Urdhvagatitva (chara- 
cteristic upward motion). These characteristics of Jiva sharp- 
ly points out the distinction of the Jain view. Prof. Banerjee 
went on saying that it is certain that the jiva has conscious- 
ness whatever else it might have, consciousness or soul may 
not, however, be the exact translation of jiva. Niscaya Naya 
emphasises consciousness as essential for jiva while Vyavahara 
maintains that the Jiva is possessed of four primes viz. Indriya 
(senses), bala (force), ayu (life) and anaprana (respiration). 
Vyavahara Naya, however, does not contradict the existence 
of consciousness; it is essential through upayoga. The Jiva 
has been characterized both as formless and as of the same 
extension as its body. This appears paradoxical-but the para- 
dox might be solved if one considers Jiva both from ths baddha 
and the mukta points of view. The baddha jiva must have a 
body but mukta jiva is formless through it has madhvama- 
parimana. The Jain theory of moksa strongly suggests the possi- 
bility of continuance of individuality after liberation This 

Scraioar on Jaintwn If 

may throw new light oil the highly interesting problem of 
immortality. If the theory of person and persona! identify is 
construed in a fashion in which bodily critcrian n be 
dispensed with, some form of hithvi'hn! exAwv rmv \e r y 
well appear plausible in Jainism. Jain criticism of 
concept of moksa on this particular point is iff 
Jainism tiies to avoid the paradox of multiplicity 
distinction on the one hand and to non-dualism which fa the 
logical completion of the other Prof. Baner^e JtMlt *it kngih 
on his subject aud made a remarkable survey of the concept 
of Moksa m Jainism. 

Dr. Adhir Chakravorty. Professor and Head of the 
Department of History, Jhargratn College, retd hk p.ijvr 
prehensive and thorough analysis of the socio-economic life 
as available in the Jain canonical literature In his opinion, 
both ' Jainism and Buddhism were successful protests against 
the formalistic and lifeless theology and rituals of Brahma- 
nism which involved wanton violence in the form of bfoody 
sacrifices. Further the Lord MahavTra and Buddha bailed from 
more or less the same region of the country viz. North Eastern 
India and were close contemporaries. Hence the socio-econo- 
mic background of early Jainism and early Buddhism was the 
same. This fact has given rise to a tendency amongst scholars 
to gloss over facts gleaned from the early Jain texts Instead 
after stating the Buddhist point on any aspect of society and 
economy, one says that the same may be said from the Jain 
texts as well. It is however, conveniently forgotten that the 
geographical horizon of early Jainism was much wider. It 
comprised the Ladha country with its subdivisions, Subma- 
bhBroi (Burdwan and Birbhum districts), Vrajabhumi {possibly 
Midnaporedist.), TamaKtti (TSmralipti, modern Tamluk) 
and Vanga and Sauvfradeft (Sovira of the Buddhist texts 
Lower Indus Valley) and Sauripura, the birth-flace of 
Anstanemi in Gujarat in the west. According to tradition, 

2Q Seminar on Jaimsm 

Rsabha, the first of the Tirthankaras visited, among other 
countries, Korikan, and southern Karnajaka. This is why the 
social and economic condition of India reflected in the early 
Jain texts is likely to be more varied. Hence a study of the 
socio-economic data contained in these will not be meie repeti- 
tions of what is known from the Buddhist sources. However 
such a study suffers from two inherent limitations In the 
fiist place, the Jain canonical literature primarily refers to the 
Svetambara scriptures since the position of the texts of the 
Digambara sect still lemains to be determined. This liteiature 
was composed and compiled in different parts of the country 
at different limes and by different persons. .Hence without a 
rkid stratification according to chronology and region of co- 
mposition of the data contained in these texts by means of 
comparative and critical method there will always be the 
possibility of projecting a condition prevalent at a later date 
as valid for an earliei epoch It is indeed not unlikely that 
some institution prevalent in west India in tlis fifth csntury A.b. 
may he inteipreted as true of Magadha in the sixth and fifth 
centuries B,C, Tn the second place, there is no systematic 
discussion in our texts of the social and economic organisation 
or condition of India. What information regarding these can 
be had is from casual references many of which are unique 
of their kind with the result that our knowledge of the socio- 
economic life from these texts is necessarily incomplete and 
any deduction from these will be, to say the least, hypotheti- 
cal. In this small paper no attempt can be made at stratifica- 
tion of our texts. We shall remain content only with the presen- 
tation of certain informations which, according to persistant 
tradition, are associated with the Tirthankaras and their con- 
temporaries, religieux and laic. 

As for social organisation, the system of castes is nowhere 
denied in the Jain texts. On tlis othsr hand, th? STitrakrtatiga 
clearly mentions it as the very first of the eight objects of 
pride. The Avasyaka Sutra equally enjoins that a real monk 
should not U' pr'ub in distinction, Ha-vsver, the orJer 

Seminar on Jaiimm Jl 

of precedence in the social hierarchy did not correspond with 
that of the castes. Such at lenst the picture we get from the 
Pmsna-Vylikaicina which menticr* ihetrpmm^rn rf ^t \c^ 
of brahmacaryam the following order: Kings. merlon* * dup- 
lairts, high officers of the state. The same text hu*; :t m^re 
detailed enumeration \vith regard to the violations of the fifth 
vow of aparigraha : emperors, Vasude\as, MUndaltka*, chief 
tains, Talavaras, commonders-in-clvef, millionaire*-, tinier-,, 
Rastrikas, piirohiias and the like Ir neither we the i^ual 
caste names are to be found. It is likely that people mention*^ 
in these two lists were the wieldersof rower v.hercs 1 - The cr^te 
distinction was indicative of prestige only. IhK rmght have 
been the case in the early centuries of the Chrktun era \\ber\ 
viewed from the use of such terms of T^kuarj*. Man'ahku 
Rastrikas etc , the Prasamvyakarana was 

Dr. Chakravorty maintained that ' ihe siidrcs ; ^ a ca*e 
existed only in theory '. Even then like the term BrShmana it 
came to signify a mode of conduct or a state of attitude In 
the Uttaradhyayana Sutra it is stated that^ the possessor of go^d 
qualities is Brahmana and the reverse, &udra. The same teKt 
contracts the Brahmanas and K=atriyas with the CSn.ISIas, ft 
will, thus, appear that in the early Jain texts there is a ten- 
dency to use the terms Sudra and CSndala as synommom 

Sri A. K. Bhattacharya, Director, Indian Museum and a 
wellknown scholar gave his discourse supported wish slides 
He made a brief survey of the JAW ICONOGRAPHY and 
stated that the relaxed torso from the Indus \alle> Ovih/i- 
tion pertains to any of the Jain Tirthankara figures in their 
Kayotsarga pose, existence of Jain images in that rcmou age 
can only be guessed. The Gupta dentals of Tlrthankara 
figures show a variety of arrangements of the figures ami 
symbols on them. Sometimes, the Central Jhirn^ra is 
flanked by the particular symbols or emblems aiu^e-i to the 
particular Thirthankaras; sometimes, again the symbol occupi- 
es the central position flanked often by lion, signifying the 

22 Seminar on Jain ism 

siihhasana or the lion-throne. One more feature in Jain icono- 
graphy is its depiction of the patrons of the Tirtharikaras, 
and scenes from the life of the Pontiffs. Dr. Bhattacharya gave 
varied description of the Jain images and explained their 
artistic and symbolic implications. It was, though short, a very 
vivid and panoramic reproduction of our iconography and its 

Sri K. K. Jain again thanked the participants and the 



V, M. Kulkarni 

The agamas are invaluable i;s ie'iifr!; jciifun- *o ilrt 
Jains. But, in addition, they are a valuable rwce for ?he 
history of religious institutions in Irdia ord a ctrrpltte pic- 
ture of the composite Indian Culture. A \ery rich linguistic, 
socio-cultural and historical material lies embedded in them 
Neglect of these texts leaves incomplete the picture of Indian 
culture portrayed only on the basis of the Pali canon and 
Sanskrit literature. One of the reasons for their neglect by 
modern scholars is the absence of a critical edition of all 
the Jain agamas based on modern, scientific methods of 
research. Such a critical edition is a desideratum. The task of 
preparing it, the text of which could lay claim to finality is 
highly complicated and really tough, The basic sTitra texts of 
the Jain agama reveal inter-relations and cross contamination. 
The Prakrit languages present dialectal variations and the 
MSS S in hundreds, variant readings. The Jain tfhwira\ t when 
writing the sutra, ctirtti, pka, vrfti etc , extensively quote pass- 
ages from the old sutras and from their commentaries. Natural 
]y, one comes across almost similar or completely identical 
passages in hundreds pertaining to the same subject, These pa^ 
ages reveal difference in interpretation of certain word', due 
to different traditions of interpretation. Ancient and modern 

i Nandisuttath and Anuogaddmm (edited by Muni i Punvaw. 
Dalsukh Malvania and Ft, Amnt'al Mohanlal Bhojak r^ Tlt *" 
Jaina-Agama-Series No. 1 by Shri MabUvIr tana V.dx.i'aya, 
-26, 196P, pp. 1-53 + 1-70 (tn GujaraHH- 1-ir <m fcngl^n t 1-- * 
( List of Abbriviations, Tables of Contents, Texu ar.J ^,^,,^^1 
Price Rs, 40/-. 

24 V. M. Kulkarm 

scholars have emended the readings without consulting MSS 
belonging to different groups and without taking into account 
the different traditions of interpretation. Copyists, not fully 
conversant with the old script, committed mistakes in copying 
the MSS written in old script and thus corrupted the text. 
Sometimes sectarian zeal is responsible for expunging passages 
from the text without MS evidence. Muni Punyavijaya, one 
of the three editors of the present edition, who devoted his 
entire life to the study of the Jain agamas and commentaries 
on them such as niryuktrs, curnis. t'kas, avacurnis, t'tppanakas, 
\) nil ard WJCSICA ard possessed long experience in the 
field of critically editing Jain ngatim texts evolved principles 
of textual criticism to be followed in critically editing the 
texts in the Jaina~2gama-Series. These principles are : 

0) Use of old palm-leaf MSS. 

(;7) Use of critically corrected commentaries on agamas such 
a "5 ifirni, t>!\a, avacnri, iippanaka etc. 

(in) Uhe of quotations fiom the agamas and also from their 

(V) Comparison with the sutra-patha found in the other agamas, 

(v) Discerning wrong emendations made by commentators 
and 'or by modern scholars. 

(17) Discerning mistakes made by copyists. 

The editors, judiciously applying these principles present 
in this volume the critical text of Nandi and Anuyogadvara 
suiias which foirn the culika, as it were, to the entire sruta. 
It would seem strange that the editors begin with the end. 
But their explanation is quite convincing and satisfactory. The 
Naneli falls in the anga-bahya class. Normally, it should occupy 
a place subsequent to the angas. But on account of its extra- 
ordinary position in the whole body of the agama texts, it is 
placed first. It has secured the place of matigalacarana in the 
beginning of the study of agamas. So the editors too accord 
it the first place not only in this volume but in the entire 

Nandisuttam and AnuogaddSr&m 25 

series of the project. If the Nandi serves as a martgafa, the 
Anuyogadvarasiitra serves as a Key to the undemanding of 
the agamas. Naturally, these two texts form a pair; and rightly 
the editors open the series with them. 

The text of the NandisTitra is mainly based n eight 
MSS that are very old amongst the extant ones. In finalising 
the text the editois have made thorough use of the Ca rnt, 
Haiibhadra's Vytti, Malayagiri's I'rtn, Srieandra\ Tipptinj and 
also consulted the DvadasaranayacaKra, IIIQ SitrnwftyangM&trj 
and A bhayadeva's Vitii on the Bhaga\umttira which abound 
in quotations and elucidation, etc , lhat have a baring on 
the text of the Nandisutra. 

In the preparation of the critical edition of the A 
dvarasntia the editors have used ten different MSS. some 
representing the unabridged text and others the abridged text. 
The text of this edition is mainly based on the Camfaay palni- 
leaf MS and gives readings which are in conformity with Ik 
Vrtti of Maladhari Hemacandra and represents the un- 
abridged text (brhad-vacana), 

From among the various useful appendices the two giving 
the alphabetical index of all the words occurring in the texts 
of the Ntmdisfitra and the AmtyogadvamsUtra as welt in 
footnotes to them are of great importance, They give Sanskrit 
equivalents of each and every Prakrit word and indicate the 
desya words, indeclinables and adverbs by appropriate signs. 
It is for the first time that such all-comprehensive indexes 
of these agama texts have been prepared. These and 
indexes of the remaining agama texts will facilitate ilw task 
of preparing a complete and authentic dictionary of the 
agama texts. 

The editors when speaking about the present critical 
edition riehtly lay emphasis on the task of making tnarlabe 
correct and genuine readings, point out the deficiencies in 
the printed editions and expose, more in pam than in anger 
the glaring defects in the so-called new commentaries oi 

26 V,. M. Kulkarni 

Ghasilalji and insist on the editoi's piior equipment such as 
knowledge of tradition and histoiy ofagamas. They fully discuss 
(Imro p. !07) some important readings such as leslyam Teinviyinii 
(for \etiyt)t'i or vcfittun, Sk vaisiLam) in \\ieNfmdisritia (p. 29, 
1.8} and Kavoyanam or Kanoianam (for Kayanarn - Kaya or 
A7tf is a (A'syfl word, meaning ' Kavadi-'vahaka, or \i\-adha~ 
vahaka in Sk.) in the Anuyogadvarasntra (p. 73, 1.10) and 
they also thiow Fresh light on what is pasatfha Jhavana and 
\\hat 5s tipawttha Jhavatw rightly criticising the corrupt read- 
ings in the printed editions of the Amiyogadvarasntra, and 
conclude how the preparation of a truly critical edition demands 
of its editor such qualities as tremendous patience, presever- 
ance, keenness for exactitude, vigilance and sincerity in sctuti- 
nising different MSS, in collating variants and in understand- 
ing the textual explanations given by commentators, 

The eiitical editions is prefaced with a learned and 
masterly intioduction treating of vaiious topics such as the 
Jain aganws and the Vedas, sources of the angas, the Geo- 
graphical Region of their composition, Language, Number, 
Gasification, and Age of the agw??a.y, Author of Nandisutra - 
Devavacaka, his Date, Amiyoga (Exposition), the Method of 
Exposition as demonstrated in the Anuyogadvaro, the Jain, the 
Buddhistic and the Vedic Methods of Exposition, Life and 
Date of the author and the Date of the Anuyogadvara and, 
Idst but not the least, they treat of the rich soc\o-cultural 
material found in the two texts. 

In their Introduction the editors clearly point out the 
difference between ths Vedas on the one hand and the Buddhist 
Tripitukas and the Jain Agamas on the other. The former are 
s ibtla-praiihana whereas the latter are artha-pradliana. The 
Brahmaius have preserved not only the original words of the 
Vedas but their correct pronunciation also. The Jains have 
tried to preserve the meaning of the words concerned and 
not the original words of their Tirthankaras, This is a fact 
none can deny. It would not, however, be correct to belittle 
the importance of words. If words aie to be depreciated there 

Nandisuttarfi and APuogaddaraim 17 

is hardly any sense in undertaking a project like the present' 
one and discussing the principles to be folbwcd in criricallv 
editing the aganta texts and collating scores and scores of 
copies of text and recording variant readings It wou'd onlv 
mean ' much ado about nothing. ' 

On p. 39 the Anuyogadvarasulra is icferred to as ' ths 
earliest among the commentaries on the Avasyuka ', by t 0,1 
p. 45 we are told that ' it does not provide us with an ex- 
position of the Avasyakpsntra ', The suggestion of the editors 
that 'Ghodamuham* and ' Nagasuhumam' stand for as-.a~ \u\ira 
and Iijsti-sastra respectively deserves consideration., In l:h 
paper " Identification of a Few Sastras inewioned in the Ja^iui 
Sutras " (JOI, Baroda, Vol. XVIII, 1968) Shri Anantlal Thakur 
identifies these two Sastras with a work on erotics by 
Ghotakamukha and a work on the Science of Logic (bfiLwia- 
nyayah ) respectively. The English rendering of the Gujarat! 
Intioduction is quite satisfactory. It covers the entiie Intro- 
duction except the topic entitled "Nandislitra-Anuyogudvara- 
sutrantargata Sanskrtic Samagrf * (Gujarati Introduction, pp, 
52-70) which is summarised under the heading "Discussion on 
Certain Secondary Subjects " (pp. 72-76). The editors fight shy 
of discussing the example of Vndanaka-raw as It refers to 
the ancient custom ( prevalent in some parts of India ) 
of taking the ' bridal garment ' (Vahu-pQt-.i=\'Qdhu-nim$tmj- 
anandapatd) from house to house with a view to declaring the 
bride's virginity and its being saluted to by the bride's father- 
in-law and mother-in-law. Acarya Haribhadra und Maladha;i 
Hemacandra, do not, however, hesitate to explain ftil'y this 
gathn in their commentaries. We come across reference To 
such a 'bridal garment being carried from house to house in 
the Gathz-Sapta-Sati (V, 57) also. The editors understand the 
verse illustrating hasya-rasa somewhat differently from the 
commentators referred to above. It is also passible to take the 
gatha as referring to the illicit love between the \adliu and 
her devara, especially in view of some gTitlian in the Gatha- 
saptasati portraying such love between them. The editors lightly 

28 V. M. Kulkarni 

point out that the list of nine rasas in the Anuyogadvara-sntra 
substitutes vrirfanaka in place of the bhayanaka in the tradi- 
tional list. Here it may further be pointed out that the Anuyoga- 
dmm-sTitra gives the pride of place to the vira and not to 
the siirgara tasa as found in almost all the Sanskrit texts 
dealing with poetics. The explanation for this change by the 
author probably lies in the fact that the present work deals 
with the highest end of human life, viz., moksa, and that it 
is attainable through heroic efforts in conquering the internal 
enemies (such as kama, krodha, etc). The definitions and the 
verses illustrating these nine rasas are such as are not to be 
met with in the treatises on the science of dramaturgy or poetics. 
further it may be pointed out here that the Anuyogadvara- 
(3rd csntury A.D.) is the first among the available texts 
that speak of Sfinta-tasa. It is, indeed, extra-ordinary that 
none of the Jain writers on dramaturgy /poetics cares to take 
note of these significant changes in their treatment of the topic 
of ra&a. 

Incidentally, we may refer here to a few errors/misprints, 
although they are verj minor, that have crept in through inadver- 
tance: on p. 26, 1 . 1 2 (from below) we should read We 1 for ' I 1 as the 
Introduction is contributed by the three editors. On p. 35.1.11 
(from below) we should read destroys, for destroy. On p. 49, 1.4 
we should read refuted and on the same page (L. 12) Sthavira. 
On p. 50, L. 16 we should read papat for patat. On p. 59*1.10 
\va should read partially. On p. 71 f.n 59a the Kanagasattari 
is refened to as 'this Sanskrit work-' Strictly speaking, it is 
not erroneous. But the Prakrit title is apt to mislead. On p. 92, 
1.12 (from below) we should read ucyante. In the English trans- 
lation of the Gujarat! Introduction (p. 107) Vai&sikam is given as 
the Sanskrit equivalent of vesiyam. It ought to have been Vaislkam. 
The appendices at the end meticulously record all the words in 
the texts as wed as the foot-notes. But rare omissions could 
be detected. For instance, mugtmdassa (p. 63, 1. 17) is not 
included in the Appendix (p. 415). Further, the Sanskrit mean- 
ings of a few words given in the Appendixes hardly add to 

Naadisuttam and Auuogaddarairii 29 

our knowledge. ' Sastra-vi&sa', 'vrati-visfca', ' sutra-bheda, ' 
'Silpi-visesa', 'dhanya-mana-vise&a,' 'Kaiamana-vi?e*V etc , are 
some such instances. The reviewer ventures to suggest thit a 
critical edition of an agama text should invariably b; accom 
pained by its Sanskrit commentary. For even to an adun,\ J 
student of Prakrit the glossary of Prakrit words a!or.g vush 
their Sanskrit meanings would not prove quite useful. In H*, 
absence an English translation or into Modern Indian Lang- 
ages with detailed notes is an absolute must for the undmtanj- 
ing of the text, Another suggestion the reviewer would ! ;1 e 
to make : There should be separate volumes of the cntic.iih 
edited text accompanied by Introduction, Translation, Nines, 
etc., in English and in Modern Indhn Languages- jddsns: 
English tianslatiou of SampMakmi (Editors' Note) and of 
Praslavan" (Introduction) to the Gujarati preface, a-> ivdonc 
here-although considerations of resources at hand and of 
economy might have influenced this decision of bringing oi 
the present edition in its present form does not appeal t^ 
one's aesthetic sense. Finally, the volumes of critically edited 
texts of the Jaina agamas, should be, as far as practicable, 
brought out on uniform pattern. 

These suggestions apart, it is superfluous to add that the 
prssent edition is simply superb. Its printing is pleasing to the 
eye and get up excellent. The editors desene warmest congra- 
tulations for presenting to the world of scholars, especally 
schoiars of Jainology, this splendid critical edition. 



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j "HWlRpltt 



The Philosophy Symbolic Form?. Vol. 
I, Language 

Meaning, Philosophical Revie\v f 

E. Cassirer 

P. Grice 

K. Kunjunni Raja : /Hof/flw Theory of Meaning (%&,> <, 

W. P. Alston : Philosophy of Language (H^v) 

V, C. Chappell (Ed.) : Ordinary Language (\& w) 

M. Black (Ed.) : Philosophy in America (\m) 

N.Chomsky : Aspects of theTheory of Syntax (W 

-: Language and 

R. Rorty (Ed.) 
G. Pitcher (Ed.) 

J R Searle 

Linguistic Turn 

: Wittgenstein (Hie Philosophical In 
vestigations ) 

: Chomsky ( 



D. Pears 
A. Kqller 

C. Lyas (Ed.) 
G. Ha r man 

Wittgenstein (\(? 

Preview of Searle's 'Speech Acts', Lan- 
guage (Y^, HR 14:^0, 

Philosophy and Linguistics 

Review of Chomsky's 'Language and 
Mind/ Language (*&-*, ^ 1^3, 

H. VM3-W.) * 



'i. JR 1, \W*[ 

-l ft. 5JU ^'M-rfl <tl v 4 fci'l RlM^y i'^- 


^l --H'H'-'i '^'Sl ' J -l'{l i<Cl. ^1 <r-t MIPJ ^Irtl'fl rl 

iiiH'di iftti '<icS *>\<(\ Jtmf^ RtSi 

%(l s.i- 

'^Ht 'HMl^-d SH^'-U'H '^R -Mli'il. * ?H'i ^IHHl 5HI 

: (3) Ri'v Mloi y'^Pi-l^lH (^ctw; (a) Pw'^, ^iq ^'^[a-\=a c 
R-TIIJ ("1'df^iMM, '.IT/^H, 1 y. =1^); (v) Py' 
-ffgiM PvtK t^ivsirt); ("4; ^iV4; ('O^dl ^ (3^1; (u) iMi&i^E 
yVastiSu; (i) w-Hn/eei'i; (t) ^MR ^ =HM'-*WAR: (\>) [y^ fc-if\i; 
(it) W r : (\0 ^'fl <^fkii; (13) &'& w^frtHl Mm; 

sfl-ti *45lli H^iKl Sl'^'l-lY %lllis^L {JSHlcMi ^H aHl^Hi S. SHI y t 

i'fl Itii M^rtSl sHi^ifl >tiE6cfl 

M i-^l^l iS^j Bftli V^ Y'i y^-fl PlM^l tl ai'8i-tl 


ft. il^HlMl il. i-HlSl^rt <ii4'fl 'U*Ut' -tlX'fli 

* 'Lothal and the Indus Civilisation ' by S. R. Rao, Asia Publishing, 
1973, Price Rs. /20/-. Foreword by Sir Mortimer Wheeler. 


i. 'M'.M ';" \\\ * { t ^. 

able to view the Indus civilisation a> a wh.'L- on 
the Lothal finds and traces the Harappn ^ubMraium 
rently unrelated chalcolilhic cultures of the secunJ 
B.C. in India, 

: ,=^ VU . (M) 
'-HI w'^^'ti 
. (s) f^H 

ii n Ri'Ki -^i ^i l -il^ : Fortunately, the discovery of 
a Harappan port-city at Lothal in 1954 and the subsequent 
explorations in Gujarat have lit dark corner* of Tndian Pre- 
history by revealing the exuberance, decay and roeutrwphoM* 
of the Indus civilisation in the third and second mdlennium 
B, C. (Preface, p. X). 

t?l : The Lothal dock is noted for 
ih unique water-locking devics introduced in the spill-way 
which could be closed or kept open according to necessity. 
It regulated the flow of water at high-tide and ensured 
floatation of ships at low tide without allowing the basin to be 
silted-up In design and execution the Lothal dock was far 
ahead of the Phoenician and Roman docks of the later days. 
Tt was built not in the main stream but away from it, to 
minimize the danger from silting and floods, (^ u) 

sail); 51 "Ht^i *tSi,i (4t 3V1); ^mi W-IKI MIMI 

l =H^ (\"'^ (MJ 3R. Hd) 

n-'ir^ilM 6-11. SHI SHVM 

3^. <>{\) 


S, 'l"ai*iW i'^t aHWW (M. 1 3 fir), Hi^^t =H^ RllHl 

cH ('i- lafe 
il'-MclRi M^J 

^ S. ctii 


Mil 9. 
PiHl *lffl &? 

%tV-ft ^'^cll ^1 ^IfcT X=H ^IH ell cl d 
-im^ll. U =H'Sl q^ M^fiW >td Sj 

IVt &. 

tectonic =H'- > ni<l M^ yn^HlMi ^foi n ; V 

H ft 

SlfcT^l W'^ Wdl ^KB -i^i. ll Ml l 

SHI [yRi (M 1^1 R^iaHi'* "tPt^w -1, i* ft 

ii. SRi ^IR-^ 21-H-ii 5ls Mill : It is my firm opinton that 
you (i,e. Shri Rao) have deciphered the Indus Script JThal is 
the main thing (Preface, P. X). sfl ^-i^ *HI "t^s r*(* 

<MI'H monograph ^M.T **t 

^U (H) 

55 1 a. -im ft w claims that Lothal has several - 
to its credit. 

'1 :>fl 

It v-T-li H 

Times Week 
: ( r x) k* 

'-(1 (3) I'ei'a 

t-tilil carnaliun MWJI lj Hi-HMKl i'Ai P-tsyr-ft t^cfl. (v) Anatomists 

^lni J<1 Pi-sex P-l^l ^i^dl M 1 . "tit I yir-U -i^l, cl"-fl ^Kl 

l'. (M) ^H-llc'i' rA^lKl U ^\ ^ &M? ^ "4^1 =^Rct(THL 


Tares Weekly-ii s. 


i tirti. H'-lt 


?1 S 41 




8 5 wil R 

shallow sea 

', cl(\ iJ!. 

? (y) 

Hi at'^liHl Wl'-l'^tl = 

R-Himi X^ cp,ceii-Ji" f4 : Rao has quite succeeded 
in deciphering the writing of 500 seals ...... This is an epoch- 

making discovery in the field of epigraphy. It sets at rest 
many speculative theories and controversial views advanced by 
various scholars on this subject. 

Hft r iU'-0 

41 RIH-U -^\ a>u M^il^ '5 : (i) 

I (V& tf^ftfl w*i HM Homogeneous n<i-fl. fO & 



morphological modifications ^Hi-^i au^i -,i 
face p. IX). (v) Partly-syllabic *& parily-alphahjtic 
a^icti gMicfl MfkMi SM ^'^fi'tt wt'rtn *t'ir*n -ssli 

purely alphabetic system 'N. ^H^^I *iit-ii *nit 
(M) fcRi-t-ti Yahya TepeMi'-(t Vi fli'i 1 

8). tt 'ttV* *il ^1*1^1* 

(preface, p. X], 


riRm ss si^r 

sr?-4i ^T iptf m srwi nii 


^ ^ ^tfl^ & fc "pi gR^fto; a?T Mi 

, frfir 

we fn: 

-arr f Rr^ft ^ 3r imr si 










f F? 

^ ar%ff IK ^11 





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