The Sangli state

OF THE
UNIVERSITY
P OF ^

THE

SANGLI STATE.

'*^ -^i-yr.*-

- Rao BAK^iDUR D/ B. PARASNIS,

HAPPY VALE, SATARA.

BOMBAY:

Lakshmi Art Printing Works,

Sankli Street, Byculla.
I917.

(All J ights Rese ^d).

Printed by N. V. Ghumre at the LAKSHMI ART PRINTING WORKS,

97B. Sankli Street, Byculla, Bombay, and

Published by Rao Bahadur D. 8. Parasnis, Happy Vale. Satara.

SHRIMANT

CH NTAMANRAO

ALIAS

APPASAHEB PATWARDHAN,

CHIEF OF SANGLI,

. - THIS BOOK

IS

WITH KIND PERMISSION

DEDICATED.

ivi843165

^ A/4 L&l

V

FOREWORD.

This little book contains only a short sketch
of the history of the Sangli State which represents
the senior branch of the celebrated family of the
Patwardhans. It is chiefly based on the authentic old
records as well as the published correspondence of
the Duke of Wellington, Sir Mountstuart Elphinstone,
Sir Thomas Munro and others, who were so largely
instrumental in establishing the British Raj in the
Deccan, and who rendered valuable support to this
historical family of the Patwardhans, whose glorious
deeds on the battle-field and deep attachment to the
Briti.sh Throne are too well-known to need mention.

If this brief narrative succeed in awakening
interest in the lovers of the Maratha history, it will
have achieved the object with which it is presented
to the public.

I am greatly indebted to Shrimant Bapusaheb
Patwardhan, B.A., LL.B., Bar-at-law, for kindly
giving me the benefit of his valuable suggestions, and
also I have to thank Rao Bahadur M, K. Kumthekar,
State Karbhari, Sangli, for his friendly advice.

D. B. P.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER PAGE

I. The SANGLI State ( Short History) . . 1-66

II. Genealogy 67

\

APPENDICES.

APPENDIX PAGE

I. Memorandum of Terms settled with the Pat-
wardhan family by Major-General Wellesley
in A.D. 1803 I

II. The Agreement of Pandharpur between the
British Government and the Patwardhan
Jahagirdars 3

III. Tieaty between the Hon'ble East India Co.

and Chintamanrao Appasaheb Patwardhan,
Chief of Sangli, concluded on the 15th May
1819 5

IV. The Articles of Stipulation on the Transfer

of Lands to the amount of Rs. 1,35,000 in lieu
of contingent of 450 required by the Tainat
Jabta, dated Beejapur, I2th December 1820 . 8

V. General Information about the Sangli State . 10

VI. A short account of Ganpati-Devasthan at

Sangli 14

ILLUSTRATIONS.

PAGE

Shrimant Chintamanrao Appasaheb . Frontispiece^

Govind Hari Patwardhan .... 4

Chintamanrao Appasaheb Patwardhan . . il

Maratha Army under Parasharam Bhau

Patwardhan l8

General Wellesley 26

Death of Dhondia Waugh . . . .32
The Entrance to the Sangli Palace. . . 38
A Reward for Loyalty. . . • . 57 •

Facsimile of Sir M. Elphinstone's letter to

Chintamanrao 58

Dhimdirao Tatyasaheb Patwardhan . . 64
Shrimant Madhaorao Raosaheb . . .66

A pp. PAGE

A River Scene at Sangli 10

The Temples at Sangli 14

THE PATWARDHANS.

"The family of Pursheram Bhow are the most
ancient friends that the British Government have in
the Mahratta Empire. Pursheram Bhow had under
his command a body of British troops during the
former war against Tippoo. His sons and relations,
the present Chiefs of that family, served in the same
army, and there gained a knowledge and respect for
the valour and discipline of a British army, which
v\'as the first cause of their joining me in the
campaign of 1800 against Dhoondiah Waugh."

"The Patwardhan family, connected, as I have
above mentioned, as they are with the British
Government, are certainly the most respectable of all
the Peshwah's subjects properly so called. They
are the support of the system of order which exists
on the Company's frontier, and on the frontiers of
Mysore; and they are a check to the nest of free-
hooters . . . and to the numerous polygars who
inhabit the countries watered by the Kistna, MaU
poorba and Gutpurba."

— Letter from General Arflmr Wellesley to Lieut-Col. Close,
dated the 2iird February 1804.

'-^

y

THE

SANGLI STATE.

V

^

THE Sangli State lies in the Southern
Maratha Country and forms part of
the historical possessions of the Patwar-
dhans, who were, in the words of the Duke
of Wellington, ' staunch allies of the British
Government,' and ' the support of the system
of order that existed on the Company's
iifontier,' exactly a century ago. The Chief
of Sangli is a member of this historical
family of the Patwardhans, who originally
came from the Konkan in the early part of
the l8th century and rose to distinction
under the Peshwas of Poona. The founder
of the family was one Harbhat, son of
Bajambhat, a resident of Kotawada, a small
village in the Ratnagiri District. He was
born in A.D. 1655 and spent his boyhood at
his village in the study of the Vedas. Striken
with poverty, as he was, he had to leave his
native place for Pula, a famous shrine near
Chiplun, to perform devout austerities in

order to invoke the blessings of the god
Ganpati. Twelve years later, it is said, he
obtained the fruit of his devotional aus-
terities and received a divine assurance of
success and prosperity in his life. Leaving
the Konkan he crossed the Ghats and since
that day his fortune was ever on the ascen-
dant. The fame of his piety and virtues^
attracted the notice of Naro Mahadeo, the
able minister of Ghorpade Senapati, who
invited him to Kapsi and appointed him his
Kiilopadhaya, i.e., family-priest— an office
which was then highly prized by the Brah-
mins and is still held in honour and respect
by his descendant, the Chief of Sangli. Naro
Mahadeo, who became subsequently the
illustrious founder of the Ichalkaranji State,
was a great statesman of those days and
wielded considerable influence in the Mara-
tha kingdom. Balaji Vishwanath, the first
Peshwa, sought his relationship and offered
his daughter Anubai to his son Venkatrao.
The marriage was performed with great
pomp at Satara in A.D. 1713. This event
brought Harbhat, the family-priest of Naro
Mahadeo, prominently to the notice of Balaji
Vishwanath, who was deeply impressed with
his Vedic learning, shrewd common-sense,
and saintly virtues, and developed a strong
liking for him.

The further details of Harbhat's re-
lations with the Peshwa and his sons are
unfortunately not available ; but it is quite
evident that he had been sufficiently in-
troduced in the household of the Peshwas
and was highly respected by them. Harbhat
died in A.D. 1750 at Poona, and his name
^;was commemorated by his son, Govind
Hari, who founded ' Haripur,' a small village
near Sangli, on the banks of the river
Krishna. Harbhat had seven sons, viz.,
I Krishna-bhat, 2 Balambhat, 3 Trimbak-
pant, 4Govindpant, 5 Mahadeobhat, 6 Ram-
chandrapant, and 7 Bhaskarpant. Of these
Trimbak, Govind and Ramchandra rose to
great distinction in the Maratha Empire on
account of their valour and courage and
won the favour of the Peshwas, Bajirao and
his son Balaji, who appointed them military
commanders. They collected large armies
and conquered extensive territory and push-
ed forward the southern boundary of the
Maratha Empire to the Tungbhadra on the
Mysore frontier. Their descendants also
proved themselves worthy sons of their
worthy fathers and maintained their martial
spirit and heroic reputation. They were
rewarded with Jahagirs and Inams; and the
present Chiefs of Sangli, Jamkhandi, Miraj,
and Kurundwad, who are their lineal descen-

dants,enjoy only a small part of their original
Jahagir which once comprised the whole
fertile tract between the Krishna and the
Tungbhadra, known as the Karnatic Country.
The Chief of the Sangli State is the direct
descendant of Govind Hari, who entered
the Peshwa's service in A.D. 1719, and on
account of his superior talents and high^^
character, was subsequently appointed an
accountant to Indroji Kadam, a renowned
shiledar or cavalry officer under Bajirao I,
who had amassed such a large fortune by
his conquests that, it is said, he used to put
on silver shoes to the horses in his cavalry.
Shortly after the death of this vain-glorious
Maratha nobleman in A.D. 1741, Govind Hari
succeeded to the command of his famous
cavalry. Being a gallant and capable sol-
dier, he distinguished himself in several
expeditions under Balaji Bajirao, who raised
him to the position of a Jahagirdar and
conferred upon him a military Saranjam
with the honour of a palanquin. Govind
Hari, along with his son Gopalrao, and
his brother Ramchandra Hari, rendered
valuable services to the Peshwas in their
campaigns against Hyder, the Nizam, and
other opponents of the Maratha power, and
fully established their ascendancy in South-
ern India. Ramchandra Hari also fought

GOVIND HARI PATWARDHAN,
(AD. 1741 — 1771.)

bravely in the battle of Bassien, and died
at Shivrajpur in Northern India in A.D. 1740,
leaving behind him an only son, Parasharam
Ramchandra, who was only ten years old.
Govind Hari took great interest in this
promising young lad and gave him military
training under his direct supervision with
the excellent result that the young subaltern
soon turned out a great warrior and played
an important part in the Maratha politics
during the latter part of the i8th century.
The name of Parasharam Bhau is written
in gold letters in the annals of the Maratha
history and his glorious achievements in
the Maratha battle-field are worthy of a
great national hero.

It is not necessary here to describe in
detail the successful operations performed
by Govind Hari and his son Gopalrao, in
the eventful reign of Balaji Bajirao and
that of his son Madhaorao I, as they were
chiefly associated in almost all their mili-
tary undertakings. For bravery and skill
they were inferior to none. In the battles
with Damaji Gaikwad at Satara, with the
Nizam at Tandulja, with the Nawab of
Savanur, and with Hyder in the Karnatic,
they displayed rare courage and resource-
fulness. Their exploits were of a superior
order and were highly testified to by the

Peshvvas, who from time to time bestowed
upon them the grants of Mangalwedha,
Miraj, Dodwad, and other places.

In the beginning of the reign of Madhao-
rao I, the state of the Poona Darbar was
far from satisfactory, frequent disputes
occuring between the young Peshwa and
his ambitious uncle Raghunathrao and thus
disturbing the peace of Maharashtra for a
time. In this critical period, Govind Hari,
however, remained faithful and loyal to his
master, and supported the cause of the
3^oung Peshwa, who was exceedingly grati-
fied at his fidelity and devotion and in recog-
nition of his services conferred upon
him in A.D. 1764 a military Saranjam of
Rs. 25,41,900 for the expenses of the cavalryj
which was assigned in the following
manner: —

4,600 Sowars to Govind Hari.
2,400 Sowars to Parasharam Ram-

chandra.
1,000 Sowars to Nilkanth Trimbak.

The grant of the Saranjam was issued
in the name of Govind Hari as being the
head of the family.

Govind Hari established the capital of
his Jahagir at Miraj and resided there till
his death. His elder son Gopalrao, who
had greatly distinguished himself in the

battle of Halsingi with Hyder's army, died at
Miraj, on the 17th January A.D. 1771,
which event accelerated the death of his
veteran father on the 2ist November of
the same year. Govind Hari left behind
him 3 sons, Wamanrao, Pandurangrao and
Gangadharrao, who inherited their father's
military talents and were already trained
in military duties. The eldest son, Waman-
rao, succeeded to the Jahagir of Govind
Hari and was invested by the Peshwa with
the dress of honour in A.D. 1772. Wamanrao
was a promising young hero and had already
made his mark in the battle of Motitalao,
by exhibiting remarkable courage and dash
in inflicting a crushing defeat on Hyder,
the inveterate foe of the Marathas. Unfor-
tunately, however, his life was cut short by
the cruel hand of death on the 2nd October
A.D. 1775 at Warangaon, on the banks of
the river Tapti, where he had encamped
with the Peshwa's army on his northward
march. This sad event spread a gloom over
the Patwardhan family, but the accession of
his brother Pandurangrao to the Jahagir
soon raised new hopes destined only to last
for a short time.

Scarcely had he succeeded to the com-
mand of the Patwardhan army, when
Pandurangrao was called up to undertake

8

the formidable task of opposing Hyder, who
had advanced with the declared intention
of taking possession of the whole Maratha
country south of the Krishna. He had
already occupied the whole of the Peshwa's
districts south of the Tungbhadra including
Bellary and Gooty and carried his conquest
to the gates of Savanur. The Peshwa's
ministers at Poona selected Pandurangrao
and his cousin Konherrao, cavalry officers
of great distinction, who had served gallant-
ly in many a successful battle, to achieve
the task of repulsing and punishing Hyder.
They undertook this military expedition
with great eagerness and vigour, and pro-
ceeded with their forces to put down the
powerful enemy. They were joined in the
Karnatic by Krishnarao Pause with his
artillery and by Shivrao Ghorpade with a
select body of horse. They pushed forward
towards Bankapur where Hyder had taken
a strong position. They meditated an
organised and forcible attack on the enemy
and concentrated their army at Handigol
near Kundgol, where the enemy was ade-
quately prepared to face them.

" Hyder prepared such a force," writes
Colonel Wilks, " as he deemed sufficient to
repel this meditated attack, and conferred
the command on Mahommed Ali, who was

also invested with authority over the
troops at Bankapur. This skilful officer
came up with the Marathas at a place called
Saunsee, and found them drawn up to offer
him battle. He made his dispositions and
commenced the action with his cavalry, by
a feint in which he was repulsed in apparent
disorder. The Marathas pursued with
precipitation in the confidence that the
fortune of the day had already decided
in their favour; when suddenly the fugitives
received through the intervals a powerful
reserve; and at the same instant, a tremen-
dous fire of grape and musquetry poured in
on the flank of the pursuers, from an
ambush previously prepared. The slaughter
w^as serious and the confusion irretrievable.
Mahommed Ali made a determined charge
at the head of his cavalry, and completed
the rout. The pursuit was continued for
nine miles from the field of battle; and the
capture of two out of the four Chiefs, with
a considerable number of subordinate
officers, and three thousand horses secured
for the service of the State attested the
decisive result of this combat."

The two Maratha Chiefs, mentioned
above as killed in the action, were Kon-
herrao and Jiwaba Jadhao, and the two
that surrendered and were captured, were

2

10

Pandurangrao andShivrao Ghorpade. The
Marathas fought with dauntless courage in
the action, but fortune did not favour their
tactics and they sustained a severe defeat.
Hyder carried away Pandurangrao and
other prisoners triumphantly to his capital
at Seringapatam and put them into con-
finement. The treatment meted out to
Pandurangrao was far from being honour-
able and humane, though Hyder apparently
made a show of his regard for the Maratha
hero by preparing silver chains for him.
The latter did not survive long to bear the
insults and dishonour of the prison-life at
Seringapatam. He died on the 4th Novem-
ber A.D. 1777. The defeat of the Marathas
at the fierce battle of Saunsi was a great
blow to the Patwardhan family, but it
served to stir up the Marathas to take
revenge on Hyder, and the subsequent
invasions led by Parasharam Bhau reduced
the power of Hyder and Tipu and the
Maratha conquest was carried beyond the
banks of the Tungbhadra.

On the capture of Pandurangrao by
Hyder Ali, the Poona ministers sent their
condolences and sympathies to the members
of the Patwardhan family, and recognised
Hariharrao, the eldest son of Pandurangrao,
as the successor to the Jahagir and presented

II

him with a dress of honour on the 1st October
A.D. 1778. Owing to the minority of Harihar-
rao, the leadership of the family naturally
devolved on Parasharam Bhau as the senior
member of the family. It is needless to say
that he rose to the occasion and performed
his duty towards his family and his country
in a manner noble and deserving. He took
a prominent part in almost all the important
operations of the Poona Darbar, especially
in the invasions against Hyder and Tipu, and
scored brilliant victories over them. He
revived the military prestige of the family
and earned for himself an everlasting fame.
Soon after the death of Pandurangrao,
another calamity befell the family. His
son Hariharrao, who had been brought up
with parental care by Parasharam Bhau,
succumbed to a short illness in A.D. 1782.
However, little disheartened, Parasharam
Bhau put forward the claims of Chinta-
manrao, the second son of Pandurangrao,
and secured for him from the Poona Darbar
the Saranjam Jahagir on the 6th February
A.D. 1783 and managed it with due care
on his behalf. Chintamanrao, only a boy
of nine years at the time, was greatly
attached to his uncle Parasharam Bhau,
who took keen interest in his welfare
and showed due respect to his position,

12

as indeed was befitting the representa-
tive of the senior branch of the family,
in whose name the Jahagir stood. The
young Chief became afterwards the famous
Chintamanrao Appasaheb, the founder of
Sangli, and the history of that State really
dates from him.

It may be mentioned that before the
accession of Chintamanrao to the Jahagir
of the Patwardhans, the Maratha affairs
at Poona were in a most critical condition.
The Peshwa,Sawai Madhaorao, being merely
a child, the administration was conducted
by Nana Phadanvis and other ministers in
his name at Purandhar. Raghunathrao and
his partisans were intriguing against the
Poona Darbar, and constant hostilities were
carried on with great vigour on all sides.
The Raja of Kolhapur had actually entered
into alliance with Raghunathrao in con-
junction with Hyder Ali of Mysore. The
Nizam was seeking an opportunity to prowl
on the Maratha territory. The English
had already espoused the cause of Raghu-
nathrao and had undertaken an invasion
against Poona. At such a critical moment
the Patwardhans remained, be it said to
their credit, loyal to the Poona Darbar, and
supported the cause of Sawai Madhaorao,
which fact alone contributed to embitter

13

the feelings of Raghunathrao against
them. But his enmity was not so dangerous
as the vindictiveness of his son Bajirao II,
the last Peshwa, who, on assuming the
powers later on, actually worked the
destruction of the Patwardhans and tried to
take revenge upon them.

In spite of all these difficulties, however,
Parasharam Bhau behaved very wisely and
resolutely and bore a very conspicuous
part in the glorious defence of the Maratha
Empire. Chintamanrao, who was guided
by him, followed his example and remained
faithful to his master. Parasharam Bhau
played a prominent part in the first Maratha
War with the English and the success of
the operations against General Goddard in
A.D. 1779 was attributed, in a great measure,
to his skill and bravery. The knowledge
and experience gained by Parasharam Bhau
on this occasion made a favourable impres-
sion upon his mind as to the perseverence,
unity and discipline of the English army,
which chiefly induced him to co-operate
with them in their great campaign against
Tipu in A.D. 1790.

The first important event in the life of
Chintamanrao was the combined movement
of the three allies : the Marathas, the Nizam
and the English, against Tipu, who had

14

greatly harassed them and had become a
source of constant danger to their power. By
the treaty of Salbai in A.D. 1782, the Marathas
had become the friends and allies of the
English and readily united in their joint
action. The triple alliance was signed by the
Peshwa at Poona on the 1st June A.D. 1790,
and Parasharam Bhau was selected by Nana
Phadanvis to take up the command of the
Maratha forces. A British detachment under
Captain Little was also sent from Bombay
in order to join them up and act under the
instructions of Parasharam Bhau, — an uni-
que honour so richly deserved by that
renowned Brahmin General. The campaign
assumed a greater magnitude than was ex-
pected, owing to the significant fact that the
Governor-General, Lord Cornwallis, took
upon himself the chief command of the
Madras army and vigorously proceeded to
Mysore to give Tipu a crushing blow.

Chintamanrao, who was only seventeen
years of age at this time, took considerable
interest in this campaign, and with the
spirit of a proud Maratha soldier, ordered
his cavalry to be ready to join his uncle
Parasharam Bhau. It may be mentioned
here that the three Patwardhan Chiefs, who
held the military Saranjam in their names,
fixed their own camps separately from

15

each other according to the convenience of
their respective armies. Chintamanrao, the
senior Chief, remained at Miraj, which was
selected by Govind Hari as the head
quarters of his army; Parasharam Bhau
preferred Tasgaon ; and Raghunathrao
Nilkanth chose Kurundwad. This arrange-
ment was made only with a view to locate
their large armies comfortably at three
different places, where they could get abun-
dant supplies and ample water, and further
to serve the purpose of military defence.
But all the Chiefs were practically un-
divided and entertained most affectionate
and sympathetic feelings for each other.
For all intents and purposes they were
united and always ready for the service
of their nation.*

The total number of their cavalry
according to the Saranjam grant was 8,000,
but Parasharam Bhau added 7,000 more for
the prosecution of the late Karnatic War,
for the expenses of which a territory of
Rupees 14 lacs was assigned separately.

* The remarks made by Major Dirom, the Deputy Adjutant
General in this campaign, about these Maratha Chiefs are worth
quoting. He says : —

" The Chiefs themselves and all the Marathas in their suite, and
indeed all their people were remarkably plain but neat in their
appearances, mild in their aspect, humane in their disposition,
polite and unaffected in their address. They distinguished themselves
by obedience to their Chiefs, and attachment to their country,"

I6

Besides these, there were some artillery and
infantry regiments.

The English detachment under Cap-
tain Little arrived near Miraj by the end
of June A.D. 1790 and encamped at Kumtha
awaiting further orders for march. Chinta-
manrao, the senior Chief of the Patwar-
dhans, who was the first to receive the
English army in his territory, showed con-
siderable attention to them and reviewed
their parade with curiosity. A Military
Officer who was present with the English
army at Kumtha has noted this incident
in his diary : —

" 1st of July : — Coompta. In the after-
noon a fine youth of about 17 attended by an
elephant and some cavalry, came to look
at our parade ; on which occasion a wish
was expressed that our allies would give
us more frequent proofs of confidence in
the British detachment."

The British Commander paid a visit
of ceremony to the Bhau's camp on the
9th July A.D. 1790, and was received with
due respect by Chintamanrao and Bhau.
The following English officers were present
at this interview and received costly pre-
sents of dresses of honour from the Pat-
wardhan Chiefs: —

I. Captain John Little, Commander.

2. Captain McDonald.

3. Captain Thompson.

4. Mr. Uhthoff.

5. Lieut. Boden.

6. Lieut. Ross,

7. Mr. Crusoe (Doctor).

8. Sayed Ali.

The return visit was paid by Chinta-
manrao and Bhau on the nth July A.D. 1790.
This is described by the Military Officer as
follows : —

'^ nth July: — This afternoon the Bhow
returned Captain Little's visit in state.
He was attended by five elephants, and
about 500 cavalry, very well mounted ; and
of genuine old Maratha class of horse:
our line turned out to receive him; and
the artillery saluted him with 17 guns.
The principal person in his suite was Chinta-
manrao, a fine youth of 17, his kinsman ;
and commanding the Meritch contingent of
cavalry. The presents made by our'Comman-
der on this occasion amounted in value to
about three thousand five hundred rupees."

The united forces of the Patwardhans
and the British started on the 2nd August
on their expedition against Tipu. They
marched in the following order: —

(I) Bini ( Advance-Guard ) on the
extreme left.

3

i8

(2) The British detachment on his

left.

(3) Chintamanrao with the Miraj

division on the left of the
British.

(4) Parasharam Bhau in person with

his division on the left of
Chintamanrao.

(5) Some Commanders of lesser

distinction on the left of the
whole.

The following interesting description
comes from the pen of the same officer and
is dated on the 14th of September when the
allied armies were nearing Dharwar : —

"This day we were accommodated with
the first fair display of the Bhow's force ;
which was now estimated at 15,000 horse,
and 3,000 foot, of various descriptions ;
Arabs and Sindians, and Rohilas, and some
half-disciplined Hindusthanies, with mus-
kets. The spectacle had certainly an
imposing and magnificent effect; exhibiting
a better equipped and more formidable
body of cavalry, than that for which we
had given them credit. The night view of
the Maratha camp filling the hollow in our
rear, and extending upwards, along the
surrounding acclivities, was singularly
splendid ; blazing with innumerable fires."

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19

Chintamanrao was extremely anxious
to take an active part in this memorable
campaign and actually accompanied the
Maratha army for a few stages. But un-
fortunately he fell seriously ill and had to
return to his capital. Parasharam Bhau
writes on the llth August A.D. 179O: "It is
creditable that Chintamanrao wishes to be
present on the campaign. But this is rainy
season. His constitution is very weak.
There is no knowing what will happen. 1,
therefore, advise that he should remain at
home until Diwali (October) and then act
according as circumstances may permit."
Chintamanrao had no other alternative but
to submit to the wishes of his uncle and
give up his idea of going to the war. He,
however, sent his favourite horse with Para-
sharam Bhau, who was foremost with the
noubat (drums), fired with enthusiasm to per-
form magnificent deeds on the battle-field.

The further actions of this army have
been described at some length by English
historians, especially by Captain E. Moor in
his "Narrative of the Operations of Captain
Little's detachment and of the Maratha
Army commanded by Parasharam Bhow,"
and it is not necessary here to relate them.
It is, however, noteworthy that the Patwar-
dhans rendered most valuable services to

20

the British army in this campaign, and parti-
cularly on the occasion when the provisions
of Lord Cornwallis and General Meadows
were exhausted at Seringapatam and they
were confronted with the most serious out-
look. At such a critical moment, " the Mara-
thas," writes Capt. Moor, " proved to be the
most important friends that fortune ever
sent to their relief, since they took the field
in Hindusthan." These unparalleled services
of Parasharam Bhau were highly appreciated
by the British Generals, and when the
original documents are published, they
will throw a flood of new light on this
brilliant part of the services performed
by the Marathas in this campaign. After
several notable engagements and sieges the
war was finally concluded on the 19th March
A.D. 1792 by a peace with Tipu, who agreed
to cede to the Allies, from the country
adjacent to theirs, one half of the dominion
possessed by him before the war, and a pay-
ment of three crores and thirty lacs of
rupees. By these terms the Marathas ac-
quired a large territory, their boundary
extending to Harihar on the Tungbhadra;
over which the Patwardhans practically held
their sway till the end of the i8th century.

The greatest and the most important
battle in which Chintamanrao figured for

21

the first time, was that of Kharda, which
was fought between the Nizam and the
Marathas in A.D. 1/95. On this occasion, the
armies of all the Maratha Chiefs, small and
great, had been collected together; and it
has been truly observed that this was the last
battlefield where such a large number 6f
Maratha warriors had assembled under the
Peshwa's banner. Parasharam Bhau was
appointed Commander-in-Chief of the whole
army and Chintamanrao and other Patwar-
dhans accompanied him with their cavalry.
In this consorted action the Marathas dis-
played the greatest activity and vigilence,
and though their Commander-in-Chief was
severely wounded in the first attack, they
rallied forth with great courage and enthu-
siasm, and compelled the Nizam to come
to terms. Parasharam Bhau had a narrow
escape from death at the hands of Lalkhan,
a brave Pathan in the Nizam's army; but
Haripant Baba, son Of Parasharam Bhau,
came to his rescue and instantly attacked
the Pathan with his sword killing him on
the spot. On this occasion Chintamanrao
rendered most tiniely help to his uncle and
attended his wounds. It is said that it was
one of the cherished boasts of Chintaman-
rao during his life, that he was present in
the glorious field of Kharda to serve his

22

uncle. Having concluded a most profitable
treaty with the Nizam, the victorious armies
of the Marathas returned to Poona with great
triumph and joy, and the Peshwa rewarded
the services of the Commander-in-Chief,
Parasharam Bhau, by granting him a Chow-
ghada* and costly presents. On this occasion
Chintamanrao also received a valuable dress
and pearl-necklace from the Peshwa.

The yearA.D.1795 witnessed the sad event
of the death of Sawai Madhavrao Peshwa,
who, in a temporary fit, threw himself
down from a window in the Shanwar Palace
at Poona and received fatal wounds. A
series of plots and counter-plots ensued,
which placed the Poona administration in a
state of great chaos. Bajirao, the son of
Raghunathrao, aspired to the Gadi; but
Nana Phadanvis and the Patwardhans
opposed his succession. Bajirao, however,
secured the aid of Doulatrao Scindia and
put Nana into confinement and installed
himself as the Peshwa. Owing to the in-
trigues at Poona, the central authority
became extremely weak and the country
fell an easy prey to freebooters and marau-
ders. The Patwardhans had, therefore,
to protect their possessions from this

* Honour of native drums, for expenses of which Wathar, a village
of Rs. 5,000 in the Satara District, was given in Inam.

•23

new danger and also to defend themselves
from the attacks of neighbouring Chiefs. In
these struggles, the Raja of Kolhapur, who
had been actually engaged in recovering
his lost country, overran and pillaged the
Jahagir of Parasharam Bhau and burnt his
beautiful palace at Tasgaon. Incensed at
this Parasharam Bhau drew his sword
against the Raja, who was aided in his de-
predations by that notorious rebel, Chatur-
sing. In one of the encounters with the
Raja's troops, Parasharam Bhau was defeat-
ed and mortally wounded at Pattankudi, a
place near Chikodi. Ramchandrarao Appa
Saheb, the eldest son of the deceased, took
revenge upon the Raja of Kolhapur with
the aid of Scindia and laid siege to his capi-
tal, with the result that the Patwardhans
had to suffer ultimately from the attacks
and depredations of their own helpers, as
well as from the plunderers and marauders
like Dhondia Waugh and others, who had
sprung up from the debris of the fallen
kingdom of Tipu.

Chintamanrao, who had been all along
watching the tides of the troubled waters,
tried to hold his own with drawn sword.
He had, indeed, to demonstrate his
power by wielding it on more than a
single occasion ; and the story of his first

24

exploit is no less interesting than it is
creditable to the dignity of his family.

Before describing the exploits of Chin-
tamanrao, it is necessary to acquaint the
readers with Dhondia Waugh, a daring and
bold adventurer, who played a dramatic
part in the military history of Southern
India in A.D. 18OG. The story of Dhoondia
or Dhondia Waugh and his adventures is
surely romantic enough to form an appro-
priate theme for Sir Walter Scott to
write a novel. Dhondia Waugh, originally
a Maratha by caste, was a daring freebooter
whom Tipu had captured and thrown into
prison. He was first employed as a trooper
under Bishnu Pandit in the regime of
Hyder; and by his superior intelligence and
daring, he rose to the position of a Shiledar
(cavalry officer) in the Mysore army. He
left Tipu's service at an early period of
Lord Cornwallis' campaign. He collected
a few followers and entered into the neigh-
bourhood of Dharwar, where he took
shelter under the Desai of Laxr^eshwar and
commenced plundering village after village
and levying heavy contributions upon the
people. He took Haveri, Savanur, and
several other places ravaging the country,
and soon became ^ source of danger to the
Marathas. Parasharaija Bhau sent a con-

25

siderable force to suppress him in A.D. 1793.
Being overpowered by the Marathas, he
again fled into Tipu's dominion, and under
the show of devotion to his late master,
promised to recover from the Marathas the
Savanur territory on certain conditions.

Tipu, recognising the ability of Dhondia
as a warrior, instead of putting him to
death for his past offences, induced him to
become a Mahommedan, and appointed
him to a military command. But Dhondia
subsequently incurred the displeasure of his
sovereign and was again imprisoned. He
did not regain his liberty until the fall of
Seringapatam in A.D. 1799, when he was set
free along with other captives. As soon as
he was liberated, he gathered round him
a band of Tipu's fine soldiery and began
a system of raiding and exactions, accom-
panied by deeds of violence and cruelty.
He seized some places in the neighbourhood
of Bednore and advanced northward into
the Maratha country. He raised such a
powerful revolt that it became necessary for
the authorities in the Karnatic to check him
with a strong hand. Dhondopant Gokhale,
Sir-Suhhedar or the Peshwa's Governor in
the Karnatic, once attacked him by surprise
and plundered his camp, but Dhondia fled
away to the shelter of the Kolhapur Raja, and

26

kept watching for an opportunity for taking
revenge upon Dhondopant, as he had taken
a vow either to sacrifice his life or '*to
dye his moustaches in the heart's blood of
Dhondopant Gokhale."

The rising of Dhondia being strengthen-
ed by the growing disaffection of malcon-
tents and freebooters soon caused great
alarm in the mind of General Wellesley, who
had been recently appointed as Commander
of the forces in Mysore to restore tranquility
and peace in the conquered country. He
wrote to the Governor-General, Marquis
Wellesley, warning him that Dhondia was
a despicable enemy and that he was one
against whom they had been obliged to
make formidable preparations to oppose
him. It was absolutely necessary to the peace
of Canara and Malabar that he should be
put down. But as Dhondia had taken refuge
in the Peshwas's territory, it became neces-
sary to co-operate with the Marathas in
this campaign. "The destruction of this
man," remarked General Wellesley, "is
absolutely necessary for our tranquility;
and nothing will be more easy if the Mara-
thas are really disposed to enter into our
plan. If they are not, it will be a matter
of difficulty and it may become a question
whether the whole power of the Company

27

ought not to be turned to this object."
Wellesley at once decided to take the field
against Dhondia and started with two
brigades of cavalry and three of infantry.
The Marathas having suffered greatly from
the depredations of Dhondia on former
occasions were ready to co-operate with the
General, who had already obtained the
authority of the Peshwa to pursue the bri-
gand into the Maratha territory, if necessary.
General Wellesley invited the Maratha
Chiefs to join him with their forces, and
the Patwardhans accordingly proceeded to
the Karnatic to strike a blow against
Dhondia. The Peshwa issued orders to
Dhondopant Gokhale to put down the
general insurrection of Dhondia Waugh
and sent reinforcements to help him.
Chintamanrao Patwardhan, who was anxi-
ously awaiting an opportunity to show his
martial spirit, marched at once with his
cavalry in the direction of Kittur, where
the enemy had taken a strong position.
Dhondopant Gokhale with his two young
nephews, Appaji Ganesh and Bapuji Ganesh,
joined Chintamanrao with their select band
of men. A furious affray took place between
them at a place called *Dawangi Nala '
near Kittur, where the Marathas attacked
Dhondia Waugh and fought very bravely.

28

But the enemy had laid an ambush in a
wood to entrap Dhondopant Gokhale, where
he was caught with his few followers while
separated from the main army and killed
along with his young nephew, Appaji
Ganesh, who had been captured in the
previous engagement. It is said that
Dhondia literally fulfilled his vow by
colouring his moustaches in the blood of
Dhondopant Gokhale!

Chintamanrao at once made a dash
upon the enemy with his handful of men
and fought desparately like a brave hero,
till the last man was dispersed from the field.
His heroic conduct on this memorable
occasion could scarcely be surpassed. He
received three serious wounds in the action,
but thanks to his determined resistance, the
enemy fled away, and Chintamanrao was able
to take refuge with Bapu Gokhale and other
Marathas in the fort of Halyal, where they
were welcomed and protected by a British
detachment garrisoned there.

The bravery and heroism displayed
by Chintamanrao in the encounter with
Dhondia Waugh became a subject of
general admiration, and congratulatory
letters were received by the young hero
from General Wellesley, the Peshwa, and
the other Patwardhan Chiefs, which bear

29

excellent testimony to the gallant perform-
ance of Chintamanrao. General Wellesley
writes to Chintamanrao from camp Haveri
on the 4th July A.D. l8oo: "I learnt with
great pleasure the news of your encounter
with Dhondia Waugh in which Dhondopant
Gokhale was killed and you displayed
greatest valour and heroism and reached
Halyal safely with Bapu Gokhale. The
Almighty is alone powerful to make us
victorious. The Peshwa and the Company
having now firmly united by mutual friend-
ship, I am coming with a strong force to
put down the enemy. I hope you have
collected the scattered forces and revived
their lost spirit. As I consider you my
friend, I write to ask you to let me know
the number of men you possess and hold
yourself in readiness in a fortified place
with them."

The Peshwa Bajirao, in his letter of the
nth August A.D. 1800, expressed his great
satisfaction at the heroic conduct of Chinta-
manrao in the battle with Dhondia Waugh
and his safe arrival to Halyal, as well as his
sympathy with Bapu Gokhale for the loss
of his uncle and brother. Ramchandrapant
Appa Saheb, son of Parasharam Bhau, who
had seen many a battle being himself a
soldier of no mean repute, wrote thus to

3^

Chintamanrao on the 13th July A.D. 1800 :
" You showed wonderful heroism, worthy of
a member of the warlike family of Patwar-
dhans. You should, however, bear in mind
that the Sardars (the commanders of the
army) should never take a front and expose
themselves to the enemy."

It is impossible to narrate here the
further stirring details of the successful
operations of General Wellesley, which led
to the final conquest of Dhondia Waugh
and the annihilation of his army. Suffice
to say that Chintamanrao and others
of Bhau's family did yeomen's service to
General Wellesley, which chiefly contribut-
ed to the glorious success achieved by that
eminent personage. Chintamanrao was
received by General Wellesley in his tent on
Tuesday, the 25th July A.D. 1800, and a salute
of 13 guns was fired in his honour on
his alighting at the tent. Chintamanrao
writes: "The meeting was as cordial and
hospitable as that which took place between
Lord Cornwallis and Parasharam Bhau
at Seringapatam on a former occasion."
In this interview, it appears, General Wel-
lesley arrived at definite plans of pursuing
Dhondia, who, for several weeks, had skil-
fully eluded the combined pursuit of the Bri-
tish and Maratha forces. General Wellesley

31

stormed Dambal on the 26th July; and on
the 30th, by a forced march of twenty miles,
he captured the whole of his effects and six
guns. This was a severe blow to the enemy,
whose men began to desert in large numbers.
Wellesley formed three separate columns
and hunted him day and night, marching
from twenty to thirty miles every day.
"The Marathas," he writes, "will be on the
look-out between me and Stevenson, and
me and Dharwar, and thus we shall sweep
along the whole line from Dharwar to the
river, and Dhondia must either go into
jungle, or he must go to the south of Dhar-
war into the open country." His foresight
proved to be correct. Dhondia crossed the
Malaprabha into the Nizam's territory;
the English force, being heavily equipped,
could not ford the river in time to catch him.
On the 7th of September General Wellesley
wrote to Chintamanrao asking him to take
the necessary steps and measures of pre-
cautions to cut off Dhondia's escape from
the clutches of the armies of the Marathas,
Nizam-ud-dowla, Stevenson and himself ; and
it is significant that within three days since
the above letter was penned, General Wel-
lesley gained complete victory over Dhondia
Waugh at Konagal, where his party of 5,000
horse was routed and destroyed. Dhondia

32

resisted himself manfully but was cut down
by General Wellesley's Dragoons on the loth
September A.D. l8oo, and thus ended the
dramatic career of the *King of the Two
Worlds' — such was the imposing title
Dhondia had assumed for himself. It was
really fortunate for the 'King of the Two
Worlds' that he died a hero's death; scarcely
his royalty would have saved him from a
rope. His body was identified and picked
up from amongst the slain and was brought
into the camp of General Wellesley on a
gun-carriage belonging to the 19th Dragoons.
It is mentioned in Marathi chronicles that
General Wellesley took away the blood-
stained moustaches of Dhondia Waugh to
England as a trophy of this signal victory.*
The short campaign against Dhondia
was thus happily terminated, and the glori-
ous victory won by General Wellesley,
was highly appreciated by the Company's
officers as well as the Maratha Chiefs, who
were relieved from their hard and tiresome

* Along with this anecdote, an incident of General Wellesley's kind
heartedness deserves to be noted here. After the battle against Dhondia
was over, a beautiful boy of four years old was found and brought to
General Wellesley's tent. His name was Salabat Khan, and he proved
to be no other than Dhondia's favourite son. General Wellesley not
only offered him protection but he took him under his personal care
and paid out £400 from his own pocket for the expenses of his future
maintenance and education when he left for Europe, The boy grew
up an intelligent and handsome youth, and was employed in the
service of the Eaja of Mysore where he died of cholera in a.d. 1822,

33

services. Chintamanrao and his manager
Balkrishna Bhau, as well as other members
of the Patwardhan family, remained with the
British army till the end of the campaign.
They do not appear to have taken actual
part in the final action, as they were pushed
forward with their cavalry along with the
Moghals' in one body between Wellesley's
and Stevenson*s corps. But they did ex-
cellent work in the pursuit and destruction
of the fleeing enemy. Chintamanrao took
leave of General Wellesley at Irkalgad near
Bahadurbenda, where he offered his warmest
thanks to him for his cordial help, which was
highly valued in return. " We have," writes
General Wellesley on the 15th September,
" derived most essential advantages in
the last contest from the assistance of the
family of Parasharam Bhau; that if they
had been as lukewarm, or, I may say, as
hostile in the cause of those more imme-
diately connected with the Peshwa, the
result would probably not have been so
successful as it has turned out." The rising
of Dhondia Waugh was really a serious
affair which had threatened the peace of
Southern India, and had it not been checked
as effectively as it was, it would have
assumed a serious aspect. "Had you and
your regicide army been out of the way,"
5

34

wrote Sir Thomas Munro, the famous
soldier and statesman, to General Wellesley,
" Dhondia would undoubtedly have become
an independent and powerful prince, and the
founder of a new dynasty of cruel and trea-
cherous Sultans." The signal victory over
such a formidable enemy, therefore, naturally
raised the fame of General Wellesley and
restored tranquility in Southern India.

After the war was over, the question of
settlement of the conquered territories came
up before General Wellesley. It was as
perplexing as it was difficult. The country
overrun and ravaged by Dhondia was
originally under the Peshwa's rule, but
virtually it was in the possession of the
Patwardhans, to whom it was assigned "as
a payment for expenses in the former
Mysore War." The Peshwa was not well
inclined towards the Patwardhans for
reasons already mentioned above; on the
contrary he evinced a spirit of hatred and
revenge for them. Daulatrao Scindia was
all powerful at Poona and through his influ-
ence with the Peshwa, he nearly succeeded in
securing for himself the Patwardhanjahagir.
But General Wellesley supported the cause
of the Patwardhans by defending their
rights and actually handing over the
territories to them. Not only through

>

35

friendship and attachment towards the
Patwardhans formed by their association,
not only through personal admiration and
regard for their military qualities and high
character, not only through feelings of
gratitude and generosity for the valuable
services rendered by them in the last cam-
paign, but also for sound political reasons
and for the real interest of the Company
as well as of the Peshwa, he advocated this
course which proved to be just and wise.
He strongly protested against the idea of
allowing Scindia to extend his rule to these
provinces. " I should think it a misfortune,"
writes General Wellesley on the 13th August
A.D. 1800, '' if he ( Scindia ) were to succeed in
that object. If the Bhau's family retain
possession of these provinces, and we can
establish them firmly, we shall be quiet; and
we ought to be contented. When I talk of the
Bhau's family retaining possession of these
provinces, I mention them because they have
had them hitherto, and are attached to us,
and under our influence." General Wellesley
again writes in another letter on the 26th
August: — "Scindia's influence at Poona is
too great for us ; and I see plainly, that we
shall not be able to curb him wthout
going to war. There was never such an
opportunity for it as the present moment ;

36

and probably by bringing forward and
by establishing in their ancient posses-
sion the Bhow's family under our pro-
tection, we should counterbalance Scindia
and secure our own tranquility for a great
length of time. * -^ ^ If we allow
Scindia to be our neighbour; or if the
country goes to any other through his in-
fluence, we must expect worse than what has
passed — thieves of all kinds, new Dhondias,
and probably Dhondia himself again. If
we take the country ourselves, I do not
expect much tranquility." Such a firm
attitude of General Wellesley weighed
highly in favour of the Patwardhans; and
the Peshwa, at least for a time, manifested a
disposition to be reconciled with the family
of Bhau and withdrew his pretensions.

It may be mentioned here that the term
* Bhau's family,' used by General Wellesley in
his despatches and correspondence, included
not only his sons but his nephews and cousins
also — notably Chintamanrao, the future
Chief of Sangli.* Upto this time (A.D. 1800)

* " The Patwardhans have four bodies of troops, nearly of the same
strength and description as Gokhale's ; and they are situated for the
present in the neighbourhood of the Krishna. One commanded by
Appa Saheb, another by Baba Saheb, and another by Dada Saheb,
being three brothers and sons of Parasharam Ehau, and a fourth by
Chintamanrao, who is the son of Parasharam Bhau's brother, and is

in fact the head of the family."

— Aethub Wellesley to Lieut-Genl* Stuart.
2nd December a.d. 1802.

37

the Patwardhans were not divided. But with
the proverbial policy of a paternal uncle,
Gangadharrao, uncle of Chintamanrao,
appropriated for himself considerable pro-
perty during the latter's minority. While
Chintamanrao was engaged in the campaign
against Dhondia Waugh, he further tried to
usurp some of his Jahagir. This led to
family dissensions and feuds amongst
Patwardhans, and ultimately to their sepa-
rate divisions and shares, which brought
into existence the present States of Sangli
and Miraj. The seeds of dissensions sown
at one place spread subsequently to other
branches of the Patwardhans, which were
likewise divided later on into separate
shares, forming Jamkhandi, Kurundwad and
the lapsed Jahagirs of Tasgaon, Chinchani,
Soni, Kagwad and others. The account of
these feuds needs no mention here, and it
must be admitted that it reflects little credit
on the persons concerned and only goes
to show how selfishness, jealousy and ill-feel-
ing had taken the place of patriotism,
self-sacrifice and high sense of duty, — the
noble qualities of the Parwardhans.

Disgusted with the quarrelsome dis-
position of his uncle Gangadharrao, Chin-
tamanrao left his own palace at Miraj and
moved to a rural place, called the 'Ganpati

38

Mala/ a distance of a few miles, where
he lived for some days, entirely trusting
for his welfare in the God Ganpati, whose
image he had taken with him. Through
the intervention of friends and relations a
compromise was finally arrived at, and some
portion of the Jahagir, together with the
fort of Miraj, was given to Gangadharrao;
and with the remaining, Chintamanrao
established himself at Sangli, an unimpor-
tant and small village on the banks of
the Krishna, in A.D. 1801. This has since
been transformed into a flourishing town
and capital of the Sangli State.

The dawn of the 19th century is
memorial for political events of the highest
importance that took place at Poona.
The political disputes for power between
the ambitious leaders of the Maratha confe-
deracy, Scindia and Holker, led to the
deposal of the Peshwa, who, in A.D. 1802,
fled from his capital and threw himself
on the mercy of the Bombay Government.
By the treaty of Bassein, he accepted the
subsidiary alliance with the British and was
restored to his Musnud with their help. For
this task General Wellesley was selected by
the Governor-General as the fittest per-
son, who, with the cordial co-operation
of the Patwardhans, succeeded in moving

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39

his army from Mysore to Poona with the
least difficulty. The confidence and respect
entertained by the Patwardhans for General
Wellesley and the firm reliance of the
inhabitants in his justice and protection,
acted as a charm and contributed largely
to the success. General Wellesley induced
all the Patwardhans to join in this
memorable march with their armies, for the
purpose of re-establishing the Peshwa's
power at Poona, and promised them
British influence on their behalf to
restore the confidence of their sovereign
and to support their interests, which excited
their zeal and activity. The encouraging
letters written by General Wellesley to
Chintamanrao on this occasion are most
interesting, and the assurances given therein
are recorded in his famous despatches.
The notable services rendered by Chinta-
manrao and his cousins will ever remain
shining in the annals of the British history
and will reflect great glory and honour
on their noble character. *'The friendship
then established," writes General Wellesley,
"and the friendly terms on which I was
with those Chiefs in the beginning of
last year, enabled me to bring them forward
to Poona to re-establish the Pashwa on
his Musnud. * * * This service ought

40

never to be forgotten by the British
Government, as it is a well-known fact,
that if the Chiefs of the Patwardhan
family had done so little in the cause of
His Highness, the success of the march
to Poona would have been a matter of
doubt, and if they had opposed the
advance, it must have been relinquished
under the orders of His Excellency the
Governor-General."

It must be said to the credit of
General Wellesley that he did his utmost
to restore friendly relations of the Peshwa
with the Patwardhans and to safeguard
their interests. [See Appendix I.]

Neither Chintamanrao nor the other
Patwardhans took any active part in
the war against Scindia and Bhosla of
Nagpur, which is known as the second
Maratha War. They remained neutral in
the contest. This neutrality, however,
served the most important object of the
Company, viz., of maintaining peace in
their territory in Southern India; nor
was it inconsistent with the spirit of
the times and the circumstances which
the shrewd General fully appreciated.
"When I considered the circumstances,"
writes General Wellesley, "under which that
war commenced, the nature of the Maratha

41

character, the fact that for a Maratha to
suppose the allies would be successful, was to
relinquish every idea of national pride, and
to lose the recollection of their former
triumphs, I am not astonished that these
Chiefs should have kept aloof." Further
more. General Wellesley, who, it appears,
was in constant correspondence with Chin-
tamanrao, while informing him of the
glorious victory of Gawilgad and the sub-
sequent treaties with Bhosla and Scindia,
writes to him on the 15th January A.D. 1804,
in a most generous and friendly way,
"I am now returning to the Deccan
with my army. I hope you have not for-
gotten my friendship. Had you taken part
in this campaign with me, it would have
given me greatest satisfaction and joy. But
your remaining neutral has in no way dis-
pleased me. As long as you keep friendly
relations with the Peshwa and serve him,
I assure you that the Company Sirkar will
never interfere with your affairs. Please
always consider me your friend."

The neutrality observed by the Patwar-
dhans in the war against Scindia and
Bhosla added to the displeasure of the
Peshwa, who, on the conclusion of peace,
acting on the pretence of rewarding the
services of those who had actually fought

42

while punishing those who had failed to do
so, put the Patwardhans in the second cate-
gory, and ordered thejr possessions to be con-
fiscated and handed over to Bapu Gokhale
for the support of his troops. General
Wellesley protested against the Peshwa's
action in the strongest terms possible and
convinced the Governor-General of the
advisability of protecting the Patwardhans
from the Peshwa's oppression and guarantee-
ing their possessions as long as they served
him with fidelity. The proposals made by
General Wellesley were most reasonable
and sound, and were approved of by the
Governor-General, who, with a view to settle
the disputes between the Peshwa and the
Southern Jahagirdars, once for all, appointed
a special officer, Mr. E. Strachey, and
instructed him to fully enquire into the
matter and bring about the proposed settle-
ment. But owing to several reasons the
scheme was never carried out, and the
disputes continued till the end of the
Peshwa's rule in A.D. l8l8.

After the conclusion of general peace,
the British Government maintained a policy
of non-interference, and the Patwardhans
kept up a semi-independent position, at-
tending the Peshwa's requisitions when it
suited them to do so. Chintamanrao, it

- 43

may be stated, served the Peshwa on more
than one occasion, though he was much
engrossed by family disputes which were
still pending. In A.D. i8o8, his uncle Ganga-
dharrao offered a Nazarana to the Peshwa
and secured his sanction to the Miraj division
exempting him from feudal allegiance to
Ghintamanrao, which caused him much
annoyance and dissatisfaction and led him
to violence. This unsatisfactory state of
affairs went on till A.D. l8il, when the
Honourable Mr. Mountstuart Elphinstone,
the Resident at Poona, strongly urged the
necessity of settling the disputes between the
Peshwa and the Southern Jahagirdars, and
with their approval and consent, submitted
to the Peshwa the terms to be offered to
Patwardhan Chiefs, which terms were agreed
to by him. In A.D. l8l2, Mr. Elphinstone
accompanied the Peshwa to Pandharpur
and concluded an agreement with the
Patwardhans who were specially called
there to signify their assent. The terms
proposed in this agreement were almost
identical with those of Generar Wellesley
and were based on principles of justice
and sound policy, aiming at the preserva-
tion of peace in the country. Chin-
tamanrao and the other Patwardhans
accepted them, and for a while the matter

44

appeared to have been amicably settled.
But in A.D. 1817, the Peshwa's attitude
towards the British Government became
doubtful and Mr. Elphinstone placed before
him certain demands, including a special
article relating to the treaty of Pandharpur
with the Patwardhans, which not only
confirmed their position but also made a
new provision to secure them their rights.
This article was most obnoxious to the
Peshwa, who, however, with some hesitation
and reluctance, accorded his consent to it.

In A.D. 1817 the Peshwa broke up the
friendly relations with the British Govern-
ment by making a sudden attack on the
Poona Residency, which led to open hosti-
lities between the British and the Marathas,
and ultimately to the downfall of the Pesh-
wa's sovereignty. As soon as Mr. Elphinstone
saw that the clouds of war were gathering
close round Poona, he lost no time in taking
proper precautions to enlist the sympathies
of the Maratha Chiefs, to whom he wrote
friendly letters advising them not to join
the Peshwa but to remain silent, in which
case he promised them protection and
guarantee for their territory and position.
The Patwardhan Jahagirdars, though they
were friendly to the British, were in fact
the feudatories of the Peshwa, and as

45

such were in duty bound to render mili-
tary service to him, which was made
compulsory by the treaty of Pandharpur
in A.D. 1812 through the intervention of
Mr. Elphinstone. The Patwardhans, there-
fore, could not leave the Peshwa's standard
immediately, though they responded to the
call of Mr. Elphinstone by sending their
Vakils to the Resident and manifested their
friendly feelings. As soon as war was
declared against the Peshwa, Mr. Elphin-
stone was directed by the Governor-General
Marquis of Hastings to co-operate with
General Smith in the operations against
the Marathas in the Deccan, and was
vested with full powers to deal with any
emergency that might arise. The work
of settlement of the Southern Jahagir-
dars, therefore, devolved upon another
political officer. General Munro, whose
noble qualities of head and heart had
already won for him the reputation of
a great statesman. He was entrusted with
the task of subduing the Peshwa's terri-
tories in the Karnatic and dealing with
the Southern Jahagirdars in a friendly
manner. No sooner did he accept the
political charge, than Mr. Elphinstone
suggested him ' to treat the country under
the Peshwa and Gokhale as hostile, and

46

the other Jahagirdars should be treated as
friendly.' It will suflfice to say that General
Munro performed his task in a- most
generous and liberal spirit, and succeeded
in reconciling the Jahagirdars by propos-
ing the most liberal arid friendly terms. He
assured the Patwardhans that * their situa-
tion would riot be worse but better than
formerly/ and induced them to quit the
standard of the Peshwa and to remain
neutral. " The Patwardhans," writes General
Munro to Elphinstone on the 23rd April
A.D. 1818, " have often stated, through their
Vakeels, the impossibility of their acting
against Bajirao. I have told them that all
that was required was, that they should quit
his standard, return with their troops to
their Jagheers, and remain there. Their
doing this is as much as can be looked
for at present. Their neutrality is of great
importance, as it withdraws from the service
of Bajirao a very considerable portion
of his army." On the 26th April A.D. 1818
Munro writes in a tone of confidence: "The
Jagheerdars will give no opposition that
can affect the tranquility of the country.
They will enter into long discussioris, and
debate upon every trifling point; but they
will submit to what we require, if we only
act openly and fairly. The Patwardhans

47

should, I think, have the possessions they
were entitled to by the terms of Punderpore,
with some addition, from a tenth to a
fifth, according to circumstances. Their
principal Vakeels should also have some
provision." Such a favourable change in
the attitude of the Patwardhans is, no doubt,
most significant, and is entirely due to
the superior diplomacy and tact of General
Munro, who induced them to submit to the
British suzerainty. General Munro, before
handing over the charge of his office of
the Political Resident and Collector in the
Southern Maratha States to Mr. Chaplin,
an, able Madras Civilian, reported to the
Government that, ''though the Patwardhans
have not exactly complied with what was
required, they have, I think, done all that
could have been expected, and appear to
be entitled to the continuance of their
Jehagirs."

Chintamanrao, who entertained rather
high notions of dignity and independence
of his position, could not at first grasp
the political change brought about by
the Peshwa's transactions at Poona. He
wondered for a while, that Mr. Elphinstone,
who himself advised him from time to time
to show fidelity to the Peshwa and asked
him to send his military force to check the

48

Pindaris as recently as October A.D. 1817,
should now remonstrate with him for
joining the Peshwa's standard. The poli-
tical situation at this critical juncture was
most perplexing. On such occasions even
administrators and politicians become too
confounded to find their way out of the
confusion that generally preceeds the
order. The revolution that took place at
Poona was of great consequence and the
establishment of ths British supremacy in
the Deccan without bloodshed was a
stroke of masterly diplomacy and poli-
tical wisdom. General Munro and Mr.
Elphinstone had fully understood the
oriental nature and *the habits of indepen-
dence in which the Chiefs had lived.' They
were sanguine about their good-will towards
the British, but they were unable to gratify
their keen sense of dignity and self-respect
without reducing their independent position
of an ally to that of a feudal chief. Chinta-
manrao took objection to the new terms
offered to him by Mr. Chaplin, the British
representative in the Karnatic, under a plea
that apparently sounds like sophistry. " He
expressed his surprise," writes Mr. Cole-
brook, the biographer of Elphinstone, "that
a Government which had guaranteed his
possessions provided that he rendered

49

faithful services to the Peshwa, should now
desire to transfer his services to itself. 'It
is nowhere contended/ he said, 'in the
terms of Pandharpur that in the event of
disagreement between the Peshwa and the
British Government, I am to serve the
latter.' He, therefore, contended that the
British guarantee still held good, and in-
sisted that a letter should at once be sent
to him by the Commissioner, pledging the
Government to its former guarantee."

Chintamanrao and the other Patwar-
dhans showed no real attachment to the
Peshwa, but they were rather zealous for the
continuance of the office of the Peshwa even
though divested of all real power. Accord-
ing to the oriental habits they cared more
for the forms and ceremonies and considered
it a disgrace to abandon them, " The easiest
way," wrote General Munro to Mr. Elphin-
stone on the 23rd April A.D. 1818, " of subdu-
ing these prejudices and of rendering them
useful feudatories, would be for the Company
to take upon itself the office of Peshwa, and
to issue all public acts as coming from the
Pundit Purdhan, as under the late Govern-
ment. Investiture might be received,
according to custom, from the Rajah of
Sattarah. The Company acting as the
Pundit Purdhan, would hold an office which,
7

50

as in the case of that of the Dewanee in
Bengal, would take from it none of its
sovereign powers; and its governing the
country under this ancient title, would, I
believe, reconcile the Jagheerdars to the
change of masters, and induce them to
employ their troops willingly at the call
of the British Government." When an ac-
complished statesman like General Munro*
thought it prudent to respect the senti-
ments and prejudices of these Jahagirdars
and even suggested that the office of the
Peshwa should be taken upon by the East
India Company to satisfy them, it is no
wonder, that the Jahagirdars should, in
their turn, look to the British as their real
benefactors, and readily accept the new
conditions and transfer their allegiance to
them.f

* It is said of Munro that " the population which he subjugated
by arms, he managed with such address, equity, and wisdom, that he
established an empire over their hearts and feelings."

t The Chiefs and Princes in the Deccan though they acknowledged
the British supremacy were for a time in a confused state and it re-
quired some time to settle their private as well as political affairs.
Chintamanrao, as has been already mentioned, agreed to the terms of
the treaty proposed by Mr. Elphinstone, yet he declined to serve
the British Government with his quota of horse. He was i:ather
proud and haughty by nature, and would never go back on his word.
The British Government taking a proper and lenient view of his
conduct, allowed him to cede territory of the annual income of
Rs. 1,35,000 in commutation of service. It took some time to settle
the details of this transaction which was of a rather delicate nature.
Mr, Chaplin, the Commissioner under Mr. Elphinstone was tired of

51

Chintamanrao took some time in dis-
cussing the new terms offered to him, but
submitted in the end. He entered into an
agreement with the British Governmet in May
A.D. 1819. This happy termination of the
negociations with Chintamanrao was chiefly
due to the personal communication of Mr.
Elphinstone and to his sweet reasoning ting-
ed with diplomatic pressure, which acted as
a magic and restored cordial relations bet-
ween them. "Chintamanrao," writes Elphin-
stone on the lOth of May 1819 from Belgaum,
''after much bullying, has had a long inter-
view this evening. He is generally con-
siderate in his language, and almost always
compliant in essentials. He, however,
fought many hard battles with the writer
about the proper position of 'ifs' and
'andsM" But he further writes from
Nawalgund on the i8th of May: "Our
intercourse completely restored his (Chin-
tamanrao's) good humour, and had latterly
the appearance of perfect cordiality and
satisfaction, which, though it may not be
lasting, I have no doubt was perfectly
sincere." It may be mentioned here that
the cordial relations between Mr. Elphin-

Chintamanrao's arguments and letters ' many yards in length ' and his
'occasional philippics,' and had to take certain harsh steps, which,
though they were rather unpleasant to Chintamanrao for a while,
eventually secured for him permanant peace and protection.

52

stone and Chintamanrao lasted to the end
and their mutual correspondence was of
a most friendly nature.

On the downfall of the Peshwa, Mr.
Elphinstone introduced the British rule
in the Deccan which commenced the
new era of peace and prosperity. It
restored perfect tranquility in the Deccan
in such a short time, that it surpassed even
Mr. Elphinstone's expectation. The res-
toration of the Raja of Satara to the ancient
throne of Shiwaji and the maintenance of
the Patwardhan Jahagirs convinced the
people of the magnanimity and justice of
the British Government, which impressed
them favourably and earned their good-
will— the strongest support of government.
Chintamanrao perceived the change in its
proper light and began to appreciate the
new situation. He admired the wise policy
of Mr. Elphinstone and cultivated genuine
friendship with him. On Mr. Elphinstone's
assuming the exhalted office of the Governor
of Bombay, Chintamanrao paid him several
visits and was in constant communication
with him. Gifted with talents of the highest
order Elphinstone readilyperceived what was
needed for the good of the people under
his rule, and he considered education to be
the best means for the advancement of the

53

moral and intellectual condition of the
people of India that would alone enable
them to understand and appreciate the
aim of a beneficent government. With this
view he laid the foundation of native
education in Western India and conferred
the greatest boon on the people of this
presidency. He took several measures to
stimulate the cause of education and request-
ed the enlightened Chiefs like Chintamanrao
to interest themselves in that noble cause.
Mr. Elphinstone presented Chintaman-
rao in A.D. 1822 with a copy of the
first Marathi book Panchopakhyan, saying
"the printed book will be a wonder to
you!" It may be mentioned here that
this was the first Marathi book that was
ever printed in types in Bombay. Two
similar books, Vidur-Nitl and Sinhasan
Battishi, were also presented by Mr. Elphin-
stone to Chintamanrao in A.D. 1823 and 1825
respectively. These efforts in the cause of
education were greatly admired by Chinta-
manrao. When the noble Governor left
the shores of Bombay, the Princes, Chiefs,
Jahagirdas and the public in general
presented a farewell address to him, in
which Chintamanrao had also his share.
The sentiments of gratitude and admiration
for that eminent personage expressed in that

54

address fully echoed the feelings of the
Maratha Jahagirdars at the time.* This
change in the conduct of the Maratha
Jahagirdars was solely due to the respect
and attention shown to them by the British
Government.

Sir Join Malcolm succeeded Sir Mount-
stuart Elphinstone as Governor of Bombay
in A.D. 1827. He knew Chintamanrao since
A.D. 1803 when he had accompanied Gene-
ral Wellesley to Poona to reinstate the
Peshwa Bajirao 11. His relations with
Chintamanrao being friendly and cordial,
he always took great personal interest in
him and his State. He had invited Chinta-
manrao to see the new Sanatorium at Maha-
bleshwar in A.D. 1830 and paid a visit to

* The following extract from the address is striking : —

''Until you became Comniissioner in the Deccan and Governor
of Bombay, never had we been enabled to appreciate correctly
the invaluable benefits which the British dominion is calculated
to diffuse through the whole of India. But having beheld with
admiration, for so long a period, the affable encouraging manners,
the freedom from prejudice, the consideration at all times evinced
for the interests and welfare of the people of this country, the regard
shown to their ancient customs and laws; the constant endeavours
to extend amongst them the inestimable advantages of intellectual
and moral improvements, the commanding abilities applied to ensure
permanent ameliorations in the condition of all classes, and to
promote their prosperity on the soundest principles, by which your
private and public conduct has been so pre-eminently distinguished
has led us to consider the British influence and government as
the most important and desirable blessing which the Supreme
Being could have bestowed on our native laud."

55

Sangli in the same year. It is interesting
to note that Chintamanrao was the first
Maratha Chief who paid a farewell visit to
Sir John Malcolm at Bombay in A.D. 1831
and saw a steamship in his company which
was then introduced into the Bombay
harbour. The Earl of Clare, who succeeded
to the Governorship of Bombay, paid a
visit to Sangli in A.D. 1833, and formed a
very high opinion about Chintamanrao and
his administration. He cultivated friendly
relations with him, which were kept up by
almost all the succeeding Governors.

Chintamanrao was a most trusted
friend of the Government and deservedly
won their confidence and respect. He
rendered most valuable services to the
British Government when in need or in
difficulty, and received their approbation
on several occasions. In A.D. 1830, when
disturbances arose in Kittur, he promptly
despatched his military force, under his
commander Nilkantharao, to suppress the
ringleader Raya Sangoli, for which he
was thanked by Mr. J. Nisbet Sar ( chief )-
Collector and Political Agent in the
Karnatic. In A.D. 1838, when troubles arose
in Persia he offered himself to go to that
country to help the British, but his offer was
declined with thanks by Mr. Dunlop who

56

praised his martial spirit and loyalty. In
A.D. 1839, when the AfghanWar was declared,
Chintamanrao expressed his desire to go to
the frontier and co-operate with the British
army, for which he received thanks from the
Governor-General, who, noticing the keen
interest of this Maratha Chief in military
matters, arranged to send the war news to
him. Sir James Rivett-Carnac, Governor of
Bombay, informed Chintamanrao, on the 1st
November A.D. 1839, of the successful entry of
British army under Sir John Keane into
the fortress of Ghazni and the defeat of
Dost Mahommed at Bala Hissar. In A.D.
1842, Sir George Arthur, the then Governer
of Bombay, communicated to Chintamanrao
the happy news of the restoration of the
Gates of Somnath from the tomb of Mahom-
med of Ghazni, which Lord Ellenborough
intended to return to that ancient and
sacred temple with grand ceremony.*

The greatest and the most important aid
that Chintamanrao rendered to the British
Government was in A.D. 1844 when a serious
outbreak took place in the Kolhapur State
which is known as the ^Samangadache hand'
or revolt of Samangad. On this occasion
Chintamanrao displayed his fidelity and

* The idea was never carried out and tlie Sandalwood Gates rested
for many years in the fort of Agra. They were found afterwards
to be spurious.

57

devotion to the British, by promptly des-
patching his military force to the aid of the
British authorities, thus rendering them
most timely and valuable services. "These
services," writes Mr. H. L. Anderson, 'can
only be faintly represented by the record
of Government.' On the 6th December
A.D. 1844, Sir George Arthur, the Governor
of Bombay, highly eulogised Chintamanrao
for his valuable assistance and conveyed
to him the sincere thanks of Government.
He strongly recommended his name to
the Court of Directors for some higher
recognition which met with their approval.
The Court of Directors were pleased to
forward a valuable sword as a present
to Chintamanrao "in testimony of their
respect for his high character, and in
acknowledgement of his unswerving fidelity
and attachment to the British nation." The
sword was presented to Chintamanrao with
great ceremony at Belgaum by Col. Reeves,
the Political Agent, in the presence of all
the military officers, on the 15th November
A.D. 1846. It was an unprecedented event
which gratified the nobility and gentry in
the Deccan. The presentation ceremony
was performed according to the oriental
fashion and a military salute was given
to Chintamanrao. The ceremony had a

8

58

further significance in that it manifested
a genuine desire on the part of the British
Government to recognise the lo^^alty
and attachment of the Indian Chiefs, and
to show their appreciation of their good
administration and their sincere friendship.
Chintamanrao was highly gratified by this
unique honour. He was showered with
congratulations from his distinguished
European and Indian friends, that showed
the esteem and respect in which he was held
by them at that time. Among the eminent
persons who congratulated Chintamanrao
were Sir Mountstuart Elphinstone, the Earl
of Clare, Sir George Arthur ( Governor of
Bombay), L. R. Reid (officiating Governor
of Bombay), Marquess of Tweeddale ( Gov-
ernor of Madras), Col. Outram, (Resident
at Satara ) Col. Meadows Taylor, (the well-
known author of Tara, Seeta and Noble
Queen) and many others. Amongst the
Indians included the famous Maharani of
Gwalior, H. H. Baizabai Saheb, and all the
Maratha Chiefs and men of light and lead-
ing in the Deccan. It is impossible to
quote all the letters here. The following
which came from Sir Mountstuart Elphin-
stone is most interesting : —

" To my esteemed friend

Chintamun Row Putwurdhun.

I have just had the pleasure of- receiving your
friendly letter dated the 3d of June, and I am much

A--IiO U I

r

I- '

^- A..'

- ' ' ■ . ' ■■

/'-Y5 A -f

■/

J^'

FACSIMILE OF SIR M. ELPHINSTONE'S LETTER TO CHINTAMANRAO.

9^^' /a

>'^-

'-^ . <2-'^ cl_

ly^--^^

-^^

b

:.:)

'2b

^^i^/^-^U

'/<

<^ / i

./^^v^.-.^^^,^,^^^^

-^t^t-^ {!.-

:? /^^ /./

^^=

59

gratified by the proof it affords of your remembrance,
as well as by the good account it gives of your
own health and prosperity.

I congratulate you on the signal mark you
have received of the favor and approbation of the
Court of Directors. It is an appropriate testimonial
to your former services in co-operation with the
Company's troops in the field and an evidence of
their sense of your high character in a general
view and their recollection of the long attachment
of your distinguished family to the British Nation.

The public marks of consideration with which
the gift of the Court of Directors was presented to you
must have been particularly acceptable, as showing
the estimation in which your high rank and per-
sonal qualities were held by the Hon'ble the Gover-
nor of Bombay and by the officers in authority in
your immediate neighbourhood.

As the habits of this country and the manner
in which my letter will be transmitted prevents
my conforming to the usual mode of address, I must
beg you to dispense with forms and to believe me,
with much esteem and regard,

Your sincere friend,

M. ELPHINSTONE.

Hookwood-Limpsfield, July 13th 1848."

Chintamanrao ruled the Sangli State
under the British regime from A.D, 1818 to
A.D. 1851. He was an able and competent
ruler. He possessed all the traits of a
soldier-prince, being frank, genial and ri-
gorously impartial. ''The keynote of his

60

administration," writes the well-informed
author of the Sangli Notes, ''was to keep his
subjects contented. His was a comprehen-
sive and versatile mind and there was no
subject affecting the well-being of the State
which did not attract his attention. He
took considerable interest in mining opera-
tions, particularly, gold mining in Kapalgad
Hills, which he encouraged. In one of his
tours he found marble stones at Vervi in the
Shirhatti Taluka. He set about exploring
for it and for other stones in Shirhatti.
In 1835 he issued orders reserving the right
of the State in respect of gold, silver and
precious stones, while allowing free oppor-
tunity to all to explore for litho stones,
manganese, and other minerals. He made
successful efforts to introduce a silk indus-
try in the State. He introduced the Mau-
ritious sugarcane in the State. He co-
operated with Government in the supres-
sion of Thagee. He granted lands for reli-
gious and charitable purposes to all creeds
without distinction for their faiths. He
subscribed liberally for the famine-stricken
people whether in Ireland or in India or
other places."

The description of Chintamanrao's
character given by Captain West is most
interesting and graphic. He writes: "To

6i

the last he (Chintamanrao) had a some-
what overweening sense of his own dig-
nity and importance, and kept up a state
beyond his means, but his faults were for
the most part of a noble nature, and he
inspired respect in all with whom he had
to deal. His 'great superiority, morally
and intellectually, to all the other Sirdars
of the Southern Maratha Country,' was
generally acknowledged, and his frankness
of manner and intelligence struck all who
were brought into contact with him. He
was a liberal landlord, and always showed
himself solicitous to secure the comfort
of his subjects, with which view he con-
structed numerous tanks, wells and other
works of irrigation. He also took great
interest in horticulture and prided himself
much on the beauty of his gardens and
the number of exotic plants he had intro-
duced into the country. He prided himself
especially as being a soldier, but he was
in later years a most bigoted conserver
of all Hindoo prejudices."

Mr. Townsend, who was for many years
the Political Agent in the Karnatic and
knew Chintamanrao intimately, pays a very
high tribute to his virtues. He writes on the
22nd October A.D. 1851 : "His character was
marked by an integrity of a high order,

62

by a desire to do absolutely equal-handed
justice between man and man, and by whole-
hearted affection both for the rich and the
poor. Owing to these qualities, I had from
the first a feeling of high regard for him
and a genuine and sincere friendship sprung
up between us. Those who entertained a
high respect for the Maharaj (Chintamanrao)
did so on account of his manifold virtues.
He possessed great wealth and power, but
his greatness was due solely to his virtues.
He always considered that the Jahagir was
a trust with him for the good of the people.
How he discharged the trust can best be
known by the prosperity of his Jahagir."*

Chintamanrao was a patron of arts and
letters. He had in his service Bhiwa Sutar,

* Mr Townsend a^ain paid a glowing tribute to the memory of
Chintamanrao in his letter to his son Dhiindirao Tatyasaheb dated
the 21st January I860:—

" When your respected father Chintamanrao Appasaheb of happy
memory lived, he was feared for his valour in war, and respected for
his justice in peace : he was the faithful ally of the British Govern-
ment, and the companion in war of the great Lord Wellesley, whose
friendship he acquired when he incurred a wound in battle with the
disturber of peace, Dhondjee Wagh, He treated his raiyats with
justice and kindness, and through India no estates were more happily
managed than those of Sangli's. His fame was extended every-
where, and the Governor, Lord Clare, when he visited the place,
wrote a letter stating his admiration of the excellent manner in
which everything was conducted. Afterwards when in the year A.D.
1838, the English Government was engaged in war with the Pathans
and an army was sent to Kabool, Chintamanrao Appasaheb offered
to join the army with a body of sowars, and obtained the thanks
of the Governor-General for his loyal offer."

63

the well-known sculpturist, whose beautiful
work in marble, the image of the god Ganpati
at Sangli, is a notable example of his highly
developed art. It is a remarkable coincidence
that the Indian artist was supplied with a
marble stone through the assistance of Sir
James Rivett-Carnac, Governor of Bombay,
in A.D. 1841, who showed considerable in-
terest in the native arts of this country.
The other noteworthy artist that was
brought by Chintamanrao to Sangli was
Kumari, who introduced the art of making
beautiful brass and silver pots, for which
Sangli is still famous. The famous dramatist,
Vishnupant Bhave, who may be styled the
father of the Marathi drama, was a resident
of Sangli, and was patronised by Chinta-
manrao. On account of these and many
other fine qualities, Chintamanrao was
considered to be an accomplished and
popular ruler. Partly owing to the his-
torical greatness of his family — he being
the last representative of the Maratha
Chiefs who had actually seen the battle-
field and taken part in the Maratha politics,
and partly on account of his upright and
high character, he was held in very great
respect, and was looked upon as the leader
of the Maratha aristocracy. Though proud
and unbending in his character, he possessed

64

good nature and good sense, and was at once
courteous and dignified in manners, which
made him popular with all, Europeans and
Indians alike. He died on the 15th July
A.D. 1851, full of glory and honour, and
his memory is still cherished by the people
of Sangli with honour and respect.

Chintamanrao was not very happy in
his domestic life. In A.D. 1826, he met with
a great affliction in the death of his son
Ganpatrao, whose widow adopted Vinayak-
rao Bhausaheb. The adoption was sanc-
tioned in A.D. 1834 by the Court of Direc-
tors as a special mark of favour for Chinta-
manrao's loyalty and excellent govern-
ment. This adopted son by the widowed
daughter-in-law of Chintamanrao, was not,
however, destined to be the heir of his grand-
father, as a son named Dhundirao Tatya-
saheb was born to the latter in A.D. 1838,*
who eventually succeeded to Chintaman-
rao in A.D. 1851.

* On this occasion Chintamanrao received a congratulatory letter
from Sir M. Elphiustone, which is very interesting. Sir Elphinstone
writes on the 12th July A.D. 1839 :—

" I have had the honour to receive your letter announcing the
birth of a son, an event on which I beg to offer you my warmest
congratulations. I hope he will prove as distinguished a commander
as his father and will help to keep up the well earned reputation of
the family of Patwardhan." He further adds : — " I hope you retain
your health, that your State continues to flourish, and that you take as
much pleasure as ever in the improvements at Sangli and the inven-
tions in which you used to be interested."

DHUNDIRAO TATYASAHEB PATWARDHAN,

SECOND CHIEF OF SANGLI.

(A.D. 1851 — 1901.)

65

DhundiraoTatyasaheb attained majority
in A.D. 1857 when he was formally invested
with powers. He too, like his father, ren-
dered substantial services to the British
Government during the Mutiny of A.D. 1857
and received the thanks of Government
through Lord Elphinstone, the Governor
of Bombay, which were conveyed to him
in an open Darbar by Colonel Jacob
(afterwards Sir Lee Grand Jacob). Dhundi-
rao Tatyasaheb ruled over the Sangli State
for a period of about 40 years. During
that period he was fortunate enough to
receive kindly help and guidance from
the British Government. Dhundirao died on
I2th December A.D. 1901, without issue, and
the State came under British management.
The duty of selecting an heir to the Chief-
ship having devolved upon the Government,
they supported the claims of Vinayakrao
Bhausaheb, the great-grandson of the first
mentioned Vinayakrao, adopted son of the
widowed daughter-in-law of Chintamanrao,
the first Chief of Sangli. He was re-named
Chintamanrao Appasaheb and was formally
invested with full powers of administration
on the 2nd June, A.D. 1910.

Chintamanrao Appasaheb, v/ho has
received his education at the Rajkumar
College, Rajkot, is an enlightened and
9

66

intelligent Chief. He has been devoting
his personal attention to every branch of
the administration with considerable success
and trying to maintain a high standard
of efficiency in it. Every action of his is
marked with earnestness to improve the
State and to make his subjects happy and
prosperous. He has been blessed with two
sons and a daughter.

67

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APF*ENDIX I.

Memorandum of Terms settled with th^

Patwardhan family by Major-General

WeUesley in A.D. 1805.

ist. — It is needless to mention the ancient friend-
ship which has subsisted between the servants of
the Company and the Sirdars of the Patwardhan
family. This has been manifested by many acts
of kindness on both sides, and the Company's
Government are fully satisfied of the zeal of the
Sirdars of the Patwardhan [family] in every affair in
which the interests of the Company have been joined
with those of Pundit Purdhaun, Major-General
Wellesley, therefore, has no scruplfe in declaring
that the Company's Government will recommend
the Sirdars of the Patwardhan family to Shree
Munt Bajeerao. as he has no doubt whatever that
the services of these Sirdars will be of the naiute
and extent to warrant a recomhiendation of the
strongest kind.

2ndly. — The object of the Company's army in
this coimtry is to assist Shree Munt Bajeerao ; and
Major-General Wellesley has no hesitation in promis-
ing that the Company's friendship shall remain
inviolate towards those Sirdars who assist its armies
in His Highness's cause.

3rdly. — It must be obvious to every well-judging
man that in the present crisis of the Mahratta affairs
the first object must be to restore Bajeerao to the

exercise of his legal power; till that is effected
everything else must be postponed, and to attempt
to effect any other object would be to throw away
time which is precious, and probably to risk the
attainment of the main object of the Company
and of the Patwardhan family.

After that will be effected, it will not be difficult
to satisfy the Sirdars of the Patwardhan family ;
and there can be no doubt but that Shree Munt
Bajeerao, to whom the cause of these Sirdars will
be recommended in the strong manner to which
Major-General Wellesley is convinced their services
will entitle them, will satisfy their claims and reward
their services.

APPENDIX II.

The Agreement of Pandharpur between

the British Government and the

Patwardhan Jahagirdars.

ARTICLE I.

The British Government engages that no notice
shall be taken of past offences by His Highness the
Peishwa, and also that the Jaghiredars shall not be
molested by the revival of old claims of pecuniary
nature or otherwise. On the other hand, the Jaghire-
dars promise never to revive any former claims on
His Highness the Peishwa.

ARTICLE 2.
The Jaghiredars engage to restore promptly all
usurped lands without exception, and to relinquish all
revenues which they enjoy without sunnuds. Their
sunnuds to be examined for this purpose, and any
grounds they may offer for mitigation to be hereafter
investigated. Under this article all lands which are
held in kamavis are to be restored to the Peishwa.

ARTICLE 3.
The Jaghiredars engage to serve His Highness
the Peishwa according to the former practice of the
Mahratta Empire, as laid down in the Tynat zabitas.

ARTICLE 4.
The Jaghiredars are to carry on no hostilities
whatever, unless authorized by His Highness the

Peishwa; and should any occasion arise for private
wars among themselves, they promise to submit their
disputes to the Peishwa, and to abide by His High-
ness's decision.

ARTICLE 5.
The British Government pledges itself that the
Jaghiredars shall retain undisturbed possession of
their Sunnudee lands as long as they serve His High-
ness the Peishwa with fidelity, and also promises to
use its influence to induce His Highness to restore
them to favour, and to treat theni with due considera-
tion, on the same terms.

ARTICLE 6.

His Highness the Peishwa has entrusted all the
negociations affecting the preceding questions to the
British Resident, who has been instructed by the
Right Honourable the Governor General to carry them
into effect, and to see that they are punctually
observed.

(Sd.) M. ELPHINSTONE,

Resident at Poona.

(A true translation).

(Sd.) R. CLOSE,
Assistant Resident.

APPENDIX III.

Treaty between the Hon'ble East India Co.

and Chintamanrao Appasaheb Patwardhan,

Chief of Sangli, concluded on

the I5th May I8I9.

ARTICLE I.

In the Arabic year 1213 a settlement was con-
cluded, and a letter and memorandum on the part of
the British Government were despatched from Punder-
pore. In the 3rd Article of that memorandum it is
written that you are to serve the Peishwa according
to the ancient custom of the Mahratta Empire, as it
appears in your Taynat zabita. With reference to
that agreement it has now been settled that you shall
serve with (450 horse) one-fourth of the contingent of
troops, for the maintenance of which you now hold
lands ; or that in lieu of such service you shall pay to
the government in ready money at the rate of Rupees
300 a horse, the amount of the allowance of that
number, or that you shall relinquish an equivalent in
land, whereupon you having agreed to give up the
amount of the allowances in land, you will now make
over the said land to the government according
to a separate Schedule.

ARTICLJE 2.

As long as you remain faithful and true to
government your lands shall be continued to you
without interruption. This stipulation was contained
in the 5th Article of the Terms of Punderpore and is

hereby confirmed. A Sunnud to this effect, issued
by the Most Noble the Governor General, will be
made over to you,

ARTICLE 3.

You shall on no account entertain troops for
the purpose of engaging in a contest with any person
whatever. In the event of any cause of dispute
arising, you must not resort yourself to extreme
measures, but must refer the question to Government
for consideration: it will then be impartially adjusted,
and you must abide by the decision. This Article
corresponds with the fourth clause of the Terms
of Punderpore, which is hereby confirmed.

ARTICLE 4-
You will attend to the prosperity of the ryots
of your jaghire, to the strict administration of justice,
and the effectual suppression of robberies, murders,
arsons and other crimes. This Article is an essential
condition of the present agreement: you must there-
fore indispensably maintain the good order of your
country.

ARTICLE 5.
You will continue all rights within our jaghire,
whether belonging to the State or to individuals,
ail doomallee, surinjam, and enam villages and lands,
all wurshasuns (or annual pensions), dhurmadaos
(or charitable allowances), dewasthans (or religious
establishments), rozeenah (daily-stipends), khyrats
(alms to Mahomedans), nemnooks (or assignments
on the revenue), &c., and if in any particular instance
any interruption shall have been offered to a grant
not annulled by government, such grant shall likewise

be made good without hindrance to the proprietor.
No complaints on this head are to be suffered to
reach the government.

ARTICLE 6.

If any offenders from your jaghire lands shall
come into those of the government, you will represent
the affairs, and they shall, on inquiry, be delivered
up to you; and should any offenders against the
government, or criminals belonging to its territory
seek refuge in your country, they will be pursued
by the government officers ; and you will afford every
assistance in delivering up such offenders.

ARTICLE 7.

The British Government will maintain your rank
and dignity as it was maintained under His Highness
the Peishwa. It will attend to any of your representa-
tions, and will decide equitably upon them ; you
shall in no respect suffer injury, but will of course
be supported as far as it is just.

ARTICLE 8.

Any villages, lands, or other possessions belong-
ing to your surinjam or enam situated within the
lands of government shall be continued without
obstruction as they have heretofore been continued.

Appendix iv.

The Articles of Stipulatibn on the Transfer

of Lands to the amount of Rs. 1,55,000

in lieu of contingent of 450 required by

the Tainat Jabta, dated Beejapur,

I2th December 1820.

The giving up of Shahapur, which was desirable
from its proximity to the cantonment of Belgaum,
being objected to by Chintamanrao, it is engaged
as follows: —

ARTICLE I.
There shall be no spirit-dealing in Shapore.

ARTICLE 2.

There shall be no mint or coinage in Shapore, to
tjrevent objections regarding the currency.

ARTICLE 3-
No equivalent to be required from the British
Government on account of these two items.

ARTICLE 4.

The Collector will fix villages in the neighbour-
hood of Belgaum, with the exception of Shapore,
to be given up to the amount of Rupees 10,775-1-6
required to complete the sum of Rupees 1,35,000.
Villages to be given up which contain toddy trees;
in order to prevent futui-e collusion, and the Neninook
or village payments to be deducted in the estimation
of their value.

ARTICLE 5.

The large petta of Shapore near the cantonment
shall aid in the supply of coolies and bullocks that
may be required for military purposes.

ARTICLE 6.

The Collector of Dharwar will deliver over all
the lands held under attachment, which are to be
relinquished on security being furnished for such other
lands being given (by three instalments of one
month each ) as shall be found requisite to complete
the necessary sum, (Rupees 1,35,000), the deductions
on account of police and Nemnook expenditure being
included in the calculation.

ARTICLE 7.

The revenues of the relinquished lands are
entered according to the data furnished from the
Collector's office at Dharwar; and the Vakeel having
represented that the revenues may be found to be
somewhat greater on examination, it is stipulated
that, should such be the case, there will be a pro-
portional deduction made in the lands remaining to be
transferred to the Company in the Shapore Mehal.

APPENDIX V.

General Information about the Sangli State.

The Sangli State is divided into six Talukas
which are very widely scattered and spread over
four Districts of the Bombay Presidency, extending
from the Bhima in the north to the Tungbhadra on
the south. The names of the Talukas are as follows : —

I.

Miraj-Frant

... 35 villas

2.

Shirhatti

... 73

3.

Shahapur

... 57

4.

Mangalwedha ...

... 32

5-

Terdal...

... 17

6.

Kuchi ...

... 30

The total area of the State is i, 1 12 square miles and
the population according to the Census of A.D. 1911
is 2,27,280. The gross revenue of the State on the
average of the last five years is Rs. 10,30,598.

The Sangli State does not pay annual tribute
to Government. It has once for all ceded to Govern-
ment in A.D. 1 821 a territory yielding an annual
revenue of Rs. 1,35,000 in commutation of service.

The general aspect of the country except the two
Talukas, Shahapur and Shirhatti, is monotonous in
the extreme, the scenery being typical of the Deccan
plateau, treeless and flat. Shahapur is rough and
well wooded and the aspect is more picturesque than
in any other Taluka. In Shirhatti monotony is again
the prevailing note, broken on the north-east border
of the Taluka by rugged, treeless hills.

II

The water-supply is ample and the water is close
to the surface in Mangalwedha, Kuchi and Shahapur.
It is fairly good in Miraj-Prant and Terdal but is very
deficient in the black soil portion of Shirhatti.

The climate though hot is not unhealthy. The
hottest subdivision is Mangalwedha. Next in the
order of heat comes Miraj-Prant, Terdal, Kuchi, Shir-
hatti and Shahapur. In the rainy season the
climate is everywhere pleasant, except perhaps in
Shahapur, where the rainfall is heavy and constant.
In the cold season the air is dry and the nights cool.
The rainfall is heavy in Shahapur. In other parts it
is moderate.

The whole of the State with the exception of a few
Inam villages has been brought under the operation of
the Revision Survey. There are in all 41 Inam Suran-
jam villages in this State. Survey Settlement has been
introduced into all of these with the exception of nine,
and one of the four inakta villages in the Shahapur
Taluka, The rest enjoy the benefits of a Survey
Settlement. The Land Revenue demand according
to the Jamabandi of the year A.D. 1915-16 amounted to
Rs. 6,85,334 as against Rs. 6,81,868 in the previous year.

There is no Military Force in the State except
the Police. The total strength of the Police force
in the State is 455 foot Police and 35 Sowars or
mounted Police. The total expenditure on account of
the force is about Rs. 76,000.

There is one Central Jail at Sangli and seven
lock-ups at Taluka stations, including those at Mhaisal
and Dodwad. The Central Jail is situated in the old
fort at Sangli. The building is well ventilated and
well kept. The number of prisoners in the jail was
143 in A.D. 1915-16.

12

The number of the Primary and Secondary Schools
of all descriptions is 175 with 8,551 pupils attending
them. The percentage of pupils receiving instructions
at these Institutions to the entire population is 4'2.
The total expenditure on education amounted in the
year 1915-16 to Rs. 65,251.

There are 17 Libraries in the State.

There are six Municipalities in the State. Their
income and expenditure amounted to Rs. 52,868 and
Rs. 42,313 respectively. Out of these six, those of
Sangli and Shahapur enjoy the right of election
while the rest have their councillors nominated by
the State. The privilege of electing half of its
members has been recently conferred on the Mangal-
wedha Municipality. The Municipalities of Sangli
and Rabkavi also enjoy the honour and privilege of a
non-ofiicial President nominated by the State.

Sangli has a flourishing trade in jaggery, tur-
meric, ghee, tobacco, cotton and chillies. The improve-
ment in the local trade is principally due to the
opening of the Sangli State Railway and to the
facilities given to the traders by the State. The other
trade centres in the State are Rabkavi and Shahapur
which export cotton, piece-goods and coloured cotton
and silk yarn.

Sangli is noted for its copper and brass pots. It
is also known for ornaments and other articles of
gold, silver and steel. Shahapur and Rabkavi had long
since been known for the fast colours of their cotton
and silk goods. These colours have been, however,
giving way before cheap ones. The traders have,
however, latterly begun to realise the great injury
these new colours have done to the good name of the

13

place. They, therefore, feel the necessity of doing
something to improve the colours in point of dura-
bility, and they have been making endeavours to
retrieve the lost ground in point of their credit.

Terdal and Hangandi make copper and brass
wares of the larger size and of household use. Coun-
try blankets are manufactured at Shirhatti and in the
adjoining villages. Kavatha-Mahankal produces felts
and rough woollen carpets. Marihal and Balekundri
in Shahapur Taluka and Bannikop in Shirhatti
Taluka have small factories of glass bangles. Belhatti
in the Shirhatti Taluka makes articles of soft stone
which is found in the quarries in its neighbourhood.

The Chief of Sangli, Shrimant Chintamanrao
Dhundirao, alias Appasaheb Patwardhan, is a
Chitpawan Brahmin. He is 27 years old and is
married. He has two sons and a daughter by
name Shrimati Indumati Taisaheb who is 4 years
old. The name of the eldest son is Madhavrao Rao
Saheb, who is born on the 7th of March 191 5.

The Chief has a younger brother, by name
Kumar Shrimant Vithalrao Bapusaheb. He has
passed the B.A. examination of the Cambridge
University and also the LL.B. examination of
the same University. He has passed the final
examination for the Bar. He has thus finished his
education in England and has returned to India.

APPENDIX VI.

A short account of Ganpati-Dcvasthan
at Sangli.

"The Ganpati Sansthan owes its existence to
Chintamanrao Appasaheb, the founder of the Sangli
State. The story runs that disputes regarding the
division of the Miraj Jaghir had arisen between
Chintamanrao and his uncle Ganpatrao of Miraj
which finally culminated in a rupture, Chintamanrao
leaving Miraj and going to a Mala outside the town.
On leaving his house he took with him only the image
of Ganpati seated on a lion. This image which is
made of copper is still worshipped daily in the
present Ganpati temple at Sangli. Appasaheb then
determined to proceed to Poona to get these disputes
settled, and before starting made a vow to Ganpati
that if he succeeded in getting his proper share of the
Jahagir he would do everything in his power to
honour the god and would establish him in his Mala.
Finally Appasaheb succeeded in getting his proper
share and made Sangli the Chief town of his State,
settling there in the year l8o8 A.D.

As soon as Appasaheb had established himself in
Sangli, he set himself to fulfil his vow and at first
established and installed the god in the Mala outside
Miraj. He then commenced the building of a splendid
home for his favourite deity in his own town. A
popular contribution amounting to Rs. 24,000 was
raised from the different Talukas for the building
of the temple in the year 1813 A.D. and the work

15

has gone steadily on ever since and although over
two lakhs of rupees have been expended the temple is
still incomplete.

The temple was planned to consist of five separate
temples, that of Ganpati itself being in the centre
flanked by those of Samba, Surya Narayan, Chin-
tamaneshwari and Laxmi Narayan. The arrangement
being known as the Ganpati Panchayatan. After
the main portion of the temple was built, the image
of Shri Ganpati was installed in the temple in the
year A.D. 1843. The other gods of the four temples
being installed the next year. The expenditure
incurred on account of the installation ceremony
of Shri Ganpati and other four gods amounted to
Rs. 19,808.

The revenue of the Sansthan is derived from the
villages of Sangli and Sangli-wadi which are its
exclusive property. They were given as inam to
Ganpati in the year A.D. 1818 by the late Appasaheb,
The present land revenue demand of the two villages
amounts respectively to Rs. 18,125 and Rs. 9,6l2
exclusive of local funds. Besides these amounts,
Rs. 18,165 are realized from different Talukas in
the State.

Besides the land revenue proper this Sansthan
has an income of about Rs. 6,000 as Sayar revenue
derived from Sangli and Sangli-wadi. Thus the
total income of the Sansthan is about Rs. 51,000,

The Administration of the Sansthan has always
been in the hands of the ruling Chief who was
assisted in his work by an officer called the Huzur
Karkun. Appasaheb entrusted the management of
this Sansthan to his son Ganpatrao, popularly known
as Raosaheb, in the year 1819. A.D. Ganpatrao died

I6

in the year 1826 A.D. and consequently Appasaheb
had to resume the management of the Sansthan into
his own hands. Appasaheb died in the year 185T
and Tatyasaheb was then only a minor. Conse-
quently the Sansthan was managed by the Karbhari
appointed by the British Government till the year 1859.
When the late Chief was restored to his powers,
he managed the State as its Muktiyar Karbhari
till the time of his death which took place on the
I2th of December 1901. He used to draw Rs. 150
a month from the Sansthan. Since his death this
Sansthan has been managed by the Ganpati Manager
under the orders of the Administrator till A.D. 1910
and since then of the Chief.

The Sansthan contributes to the welfare of the
two villages from which it derives so much income.
It retains its own local funds and contributes Rs. 3,000
towards the Sangli Municipality and bears i of the
cost of the Dispensary at Sangli. It pays further
contributions to the State on account of the Police
charges for the Inam villages, and for the criminal
and civil cases arising therefrom. It further contri-
butes towards the local primary schools and bears all
the cost of repairs to the roads lying within the
Sansthan limits, but outside Municipal limits, and | of
the cost of repairs to roads within the latter limits.

The Ganpati Festival is the most important of all.
It begins on the 1st day of Bhadrapada and ends on
the 5th. During this festival a number of Brahmins,
Gosawis, etc., are sumptuously fed and charities
distributed to the poor.""^

* Notes on the Sangli State by Captain I5urke.

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