Sanskrit Documents

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RECORDS IN ORIENTAL LANGUAGES

VOL. 2
SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

GENERAL EDITOR : S. N. SEN

SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

BEING SANSKRIT LETTERS AND OTHER DOCUMENTS

PRESERVED IN THE ORIENTAL COLLECTION AT

THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES OF INDIA

EDITED BY

SURENDRANATH SEN,

M.A., Ph.D., D.Litt. (Hony.)

AND

Mahamahopadhyaya UMESHA MISHRA,

M.A., D.Litt.

Published on behalf of the National Archives of India

by the Ganganatha Jha Research Institute,

Allahabad.

1951

Price Rupees Fifteen.

Printed by K, Mittra,
at The Indian Press, Ltd., Allahabad.

PREFACE

THE records of the East India Company
kept in English. The Indian princes, howeve^
days at least, preferred to use Persian, the French otfle casein
their diplomatic correspondence. The great bulk o&tie offiefal
archives at New Delhi therefore consists of English reqgrds 'ilid
the Persian Correspondence comes next both in Volume^yf
importance. But there are records in other languages of the east,
which though much less voluminous, do not lack either in histo-
rical interest or academic value. They have hitherto received but
little notice and less attention. Forrestl imited his studies to
English records only and his example was emulated by his
successors, Hill and Wilson. Ross, well- versed in the lores of
modern and medieval Iran, turned his attention to the huge
mass of Persian Correspondence . hitherto ignored by its legal
custodians and arranged for the preparation of Calendars seven
volumes of which have already seen light and two more are
awaiting publication. Of records in otjher oriental or Indian
tongues the public at large had hardly any knowledge. A
preliminary scrutiny in 1939 leit no doubt about their cultural
value and the Government of India authorized their Keeper of
Records (now Director of Archives) to get the'm published
through private agencies. The learned institutions all over the
country readily responded to his appeal and the first volume of
the new series was published by the Calcutta University in 1942
under the honorary editorship of Government of India's Keeper
of Records. The Universities of Allahabad, Annatnalai and
Delhi, theBharat Itihas Samshodhak Mandal of Poona and the
Government of Kotah came forward with proposals of editing
and publishing at their own expenses volumes of Hindi, Tamil,
Persian and Marathi news letters and official papers and the
newly organised Ganganatha Jha Research Institute naturally
interested itself in the publication of the Sanskrit papers. Some
of these papers first appeared in the Institute's Journal and
evoked no little interest among the orientalists in this country
and abroad. It was decided that the main responsibility of
preparing the text, the English translation, the English introduc-

11 PREFACE

tion and notes should rest with the Director of Archives whil
Mahamahopadhyaya Dr. Umesha Mishra should add an introduc
tion in Sanskrit, In spite of the best efforts of the editors th
publication has been long held over due to circumstances ove
which neither of them had any control. It is well known tha
papers were not easy to get and printing presses had mot
work than they could handle. But for the personal efforts Q
Mahamahopadhyaya Umesha Mishra the publication of thl
small collection of Sanskrit letters and legal papers might hav
been still further delayed.

The first editor should like to avail himself of this oppoi
tunity of recording his obligation to his colleague Mr. Sourindt
NathRoy,M.A, Mr. Roy has been responsible for transcribin
the text, locating the documents, a task by no meat]
easy as they were often separated from the relevant paper;
collection of materials for notes and preparing the fir}
draft of the English rendering. His thanks are als
due to Professor K. ^K. Datta, M.A., Ph. D. of the Pate
College, Mr. S, C. Ghosal, B.A., B.Sc., LL.B., Director c
Public Instruction, Alwar and Professor A. H. Nizami, M.A. c
the Rewa College for information about villages near Gayj
Visvanath Dikshit and the village of Sihunda respectively
Pandit Krishna Dutt Bharadwaj, M.A., of Modern High Schoo
New Delhi, very kindly revised the English translation an
made some valuable suggestions. To Pandit Nilkantha Das an
Professor G. S. Das of Ravenshaw College, Cuttack, he
indebted for information about the signatories to the Puri lett
and the 36 departments into which the temple administratio
was divided.

The munificence ot His Highness the Matoraja of Teht
Garhwal has provided funds for the printing aVid publicatic
of this volume. Sanskrit studies in India owe a great deal .1
her princes and His Highness has earned our deep gratituc
by kindly extending his distinguished patronage to this humfr
work,

S, N. SEN-

';)

^ftflf row

I

() ?5.c;M^f
I

Hf : JPTHT R^RI gqf 5S
^r^fcf t^t:

iv

sm

A NOTE ON TYPOGRAPHICAL DEVICES AND
ABBREVIATIONS USED.

In preparing the Sanskrit text printed in the volume the
editors have endeavoured to adhere as faithfully as possible to
the textual arrangemant in the original 'documents. The divi-
sion into lines in the manuscript text has been kept intact
except where the limits of space dictated their splitting up.
Superfluous words which could not be accommodated within
4he print-area have been utilised to form subsidiary lines, which
Appear in the text with an indent. They can thus be easily
distinguished from the complete lines. No effort has been
made to introduce punctuations that do not occur in the
original except for the hyphen which has been used to indicate
split up words at the end of a line. The spelling of the original
documents has been generally followed, all corrections and
emendations being relegated to the Notes. Obvious mistakes
have, however, been pointed out in the body of the text by
putting the emended reading in round brackets immediately
after the corrupt or misspelt word or syllable. All lacunae,
whether due to mutilation or illegibility, have been noted by
means of blank spaces enclosed in square brackets. The
approximate length of each lacuna has been indicated in the
tfotes. All conjectural additions have been put in square
brackets and doubtful readings marked with a note of interro-
gation.

The system of transliteration followed is that approved of
by the Council of Royal Asiatic Society, Great Britain and
Ireland, in its resolution dated October 1896, but for the fact
that ^ has been rendered by fi, ^ by c&, by chh, ^ by sh>
anusvara by rn and visarga by h.

As.regards personal and place names and technical terms,
modern spellings have been generally followed except in the
English Translation where use has been made of diacritical
marks whenever considered indispensable.

vii

Vlll

A NOTE ON TYPOGRAPHICA, DEVICES

Ar.

Bib. Ind.

Bonn Univ. Edn.

Cons.

Foreign Misc. Series

I. R. D.

O.K.

Pers.

Pol. Cons.
Pol. Progs.
Pub. Cons.
S. B. E.
Sec. Cons.

Arabic.

Bibliotheca Indica.
Bonn University Edition.
Consultations.

Miscellaneous Records of the Fore-
ign Department of the Govern-
ment of India at the National
Archives of India.

Imperial Record Department.
Original Persian Letters Received.
Persian.

Political Consultations.
Political Proceedings.
Public Consultations.
Sacred Books of the East.
Secret Consultations.

CONTENTS

PAGE

PREFACE ... - i-ii

sngtai .. ... iii-v

A NOTE ON TYPOGRAPHICAL DEVICES AND ABBREVIA-

TIONS USED ... ... ... vii-viii

CONTENTS . .. ... ... ix-xi

INTRODUCTION . . ... ... 1-64

1 . Ruling given by Benares Pandits on a ques-

tion of Adoption ... ... 1-4

2. Benares Pandits' Memorandum on Warren
Hastings .. .... . 5-10

3. Bengali Pandits of Benares on Warren Has-

tings ... ... . 11-16

4. Letter from Bahuji Maharani to Lord Corn-

wallis ... ... ... 17-18

5. Petition of Kanhardas to Sir John Shore ... 19-21
0. Petition of Kanhardas to Sir John Shore . . 22-23

7. Letter of Kanhardas to the Supreme Council 24

8. Laudatory verses in Kashinath Pandit's Letter 25

9. Letter from the Puri priests to Lord Wellesley 26-29

10. Legend on Yasovant Rao Holkar's coin 30

11. Legal opinion delivered by five Benares Pandits

on a question of succession ... ... 31-33

12. Legal opinion on the partibility of Royal

Estates .. ... ... ... 34-38

13. Verse by Jadunath Pandit ... ... 39

14. Legal opinion on succession obtained by Rani
Sukhan of Buriya ... ... ... 40-41

ix

X CONTENTS

TEXT (contd.) PAGE

*

15. Nekaram Sharma's letter to Macnaghten .., 42

16. Kenaram Sharma to Macnaghten... . 43

17. Kenaram Sharma to Macnaghten ... 44

18. Legal opinion enclosed with a petition from

Ambaram Shastri and Lakshmi Bayi . . ... 45

19. Legal opinion of Benares Pandits on Charkhari
Succession ... .. . ... 46-47

20. Rana Shardar Singh of Udaipur to Panditaraja

Sri Ranganatha of Nepal ... ... 48

21. Rana Shardar Singh of Udaipur to Maharaja

Rajendra Sri Vikrama Shah of Nepal ... 49

22. Verse by Jadunatha Pandita 50

23. Legal opinion enclosed with a petition from

Tai Sahiba and Baya Sahiba ... 51-52

24. Petition of Visvanath Dikshit to Lord Dalho-

usie ... ... ... ... 53-58

25. Legal texts cited by Murari of Gurudaspur ... 59

ENGLISH TRANSLATION

Document 1 ... ... ... 61-65

Document 2 ... ... . ... 66-74

*\

Document 3 ... ... ... ... 75-79

Document 4 ... ... ... ... 80

Document 5 ... ... ... 81-84

Document 6 ... ... ... ... 85-87

Document 7 ... ... ... ... 88

Document 8 ... .. ... 89

Document 9 ... .., ... ... 90-92

Document 10 ... ... ... ... 93

Document 11 ,. ... . . ... 94-97

CONTENTS xl

ENGLISH TRANSLATION (contd.) PAGE

Document 12 ... .., ... _ 98-103

Document 13 ... ... .. 104

Document 14 ... ... ... ... 105-107

Document 15 ... . .. _ 108

Document 16 .. ... ... 109

Document 17 ... .. 110

Document 18 ... ... <.. 111-112

Document 19 ... ... 113-115

Document 20 ... ... ... ... 116

>

Document 21 ... ... ... ._ 117

Document 22 ... , ... ... ... H8

Document 23 . ... ... .119-120

Document 24 ... ... ... ...121-125

Document 25 ... ... ... 126

NOTES ... ... ... ...127-161

AUTHORITIES CONSULTED 162-171

INDEX TO THE TEXT ... ...173-181

GENERAL INDEX - ., 183-206

FACSIMILES OF THE DOCUMENTS No. ... 1

99 99 >

99 99 )> 7

99 39 99 9

^ J.

INTRODUCTION

THE Sanskrit papers collected here are of diverse date and
character. They do not belong to any particular series. Only
two letters fall under the category of diplomatic correspondence,
four documents may be described as memoranda and compliment-
ary letters, there are several petitions from people in distress
and difficulty, two laudatory verses testify to the literary skill
.of their authors and in a solitary case we come across an
inaccurate copy of the Sanslyrit legend on a silver coin issued
by Yashavant Rao Holkar. The largest group consists of eight
vyavasthapatras or discourses on controversial questions of Hindu
law. Unlike the other paper the vyavasthapalras have one common
characteristic, for they invariably try to give an authoritative
exposition of Hindu law of inheritance although the points at
issue often vary and the parties affected range from ruling
princes and rich zemindars to Brahman stipendiaries and village
priests. Obviously it is impossible to weave a single yarn out
of such heterogenous materials. Yet individual documents are
neither unimportant nor uninteresting. Each of them must
therefore be studied with reference to its own context.

Apart from their historical value these documents have
a special interest for us as they are composed in a language
known only to the learned few. We do not propose to discuss
here whether Sanskrit was ever a spoken language. That it
served as a lingua franca for the people of India long after it had
ceased to be a living language cannot be gainsaid. Hindu princes
belonging to different parts of the country and speaking different
vernaculars found in Sanskrit a suitable and convenient medium
for diplomatic correspondence^ in the last decades of the
seventeenth century and donatory grants and inscriptions still
continued to be made in the language which seems to have
gained in sanctity by lapse of time. These documents go a
long way to prove, if any proof is needed, that Sanskrit still
Served to furnish a linguistic bond among the Hindus of India,

2 INTRODUCTION

The first in date is not necessarily the first in importance
and we may begin with a couple of memoranda concerning one
of the early builders of the British empire in India and one of
the most notable cases of impeachment known to British history.

MEMORANDA AND ADDRESSES

Tivo Sanskrt Memoranda of 1787 (Documents 2-3)

A masterful person was Warren Hastings. Intent on

having his own way in everything he rode roughshod over all

opposition, reasonable or perverse. It is needless to say that

he was not always right, nor did he receive impartial justice*

from contemporary critics in every instance. His autocratic

methods, fully justified as they were by success, naturally made

many enemies who, thwarted in India, carried their propaganda

at home to the greater prejudice of their powerful opponent's

interests and Hastings found himself impeached for his alleged

misdemeanours after his return to England. His strong rule

however had won for him the goodwill and admiration of many

Indians, and they hastened to testify to the great qualities of the

illustrious proconsul when the news reached this country. Four

testimonials about Hastings's solicitude for the welfare of the

Company's subjects came fiom Benares alone. The first of

these bore two hundred and seventy-seven seals of the notables

of the holy city including the Maharaja and attested to the

uncommon prudence, rectitude, ability, understanding, ana 1

courtesy of Hastings. This memorandum was evidently drawn

up in Persian, the language of the elegant and the elite. The

fourth memorandum was in Hindustani written in Gujarati

character and gave expression to the high esteem in which

Hastings was held by the rich bankers of "the New Putty

quarters" and the wealthy merchants of Benares. The second

and third testimonials are reproduced in the present volume.

They bore numerous signatures and referred in general terms

to what Hastings had done to earn public gratitude.

The 178 signatories of one memorandum came from the
distant provinces pf Maharashtra and Gujarat and were officially

TWO SANSKRIT MEMORANDA $

described as "Pandits of Maharashtra and Nagara and other
Brahmans at Benares ". The 112 subscribers of the other
testimonial are inaccurately alluded to as Bengal Pandits. The
names leave no doubt that all of them did not come from Bengal
nor was every one of these signatories a Brahman by caste
and all the Brahmans who came forward to record their
testimony in Hastings's favour could not claim to be Sanskrit
scholars. Mannu Dicchit (Dikshit) Ramanath Dicchit (Dikshit)
and Ausan Misra are not Bengali names and probably belonged
to the adjoining province of Bihar historically associated with
the bigger and more important Suba. Kasinath Maithil very
likely hailed from the D^rbhanga region. Bihad Charan Sil,
Sant Singh, Viswanath Ghosh, Ram Sundar Sahu, Krishna
Mohan Das*and Ram Sankar Basu could not have been Brahmans.
They were indiscriminately grouped together as Bengali Pandits
probably because they had all subscribed to a statement in
Sanskrit, a language commonly confined to the priestly caste.
While the memorialists from Maharashtra, Gujarat, Bihar and
Bengal used a common tongue they did not use a common
script. The former wrote in Devanagari but the latter preferred
the Bengali character with which they were more familiar. It
is not unlikely that the Sils, Ghoshes and Basus were quite
innocent of a script in which the learned alone revelled. It
may be noted here that the original signatures have been lost
and we have at present a list of signatories in Arabic letters
appended to the Persian translation.

The residents and outsiders, settled at the holy city of
Visweswar, naturally belonged to all stations of life. Some
of them were humble pilgrims and unostentatious seekers of
learning while a good few must have been men of wealth and
influence. We find for instance the name of Jai Narayan
Ghoshal among the Bengali memorialists. But rich and poor,
learned and unlettered scrupulously refrained from questions of
high politics and referred only to those specific acts of the
ex-Governor-General which were particularly calculated to
benefit the pilgrims, e.g., the suppression of the undue and
illegal exactions of the Gangaputras or the officiating priests,

4 INTRODUCTION

the new facilities for the free and unhampered performance of
their religious rites, the appointment of Ali Ibrahim Khan as
Chief Magistrate of Benares, and last but not least the construc-
tion of a naubat khana or music gallery near the gateway of
the Visweswar temple. This must have specially appealed to
the devout Hindu as a particularly meritorious act. Hastings
had the imagination of a real statesman and knew how to win
the golden opinion of the man in the street. If he had deprived
the holy city of its Hindu ruler he was not long in proving
that neither the deity nor his devotees were out of his* mind
and their needs would always receive his earnest attention. His
unchristian homage to a pagan god ^probably did the greatest
credit to this Christian ruler.

What proportion of the outsiders settled at Benares
subscribed to these memorials it is difficult to ascertain at this
distance of time. The special sanctity of the holy city had
from time immemorial attracted myriads of pilgrims from all
parts of India. Benares, moreover, enjoyed the eminence of
being the greatest seat of Sanskrit learning and thousands . of
ambitious students flocked there to seek the academic distinction
which the city of Visweswar alone could confer. There must
have been therefore a large floating population of pilgrims,
professors and pupils of whom the 290 persons who made their
written deposition must have formed an infinitesimal fraction.
According to Prinsep, there were no less than 11,31 1 Maharashtra,
1,231 Nagara and 3,000 Bengali residents at Benares in 1828-29
or fifty years after the submission of the memorials and it is
interesting to note that one thousand Gangaputras ministered
to the spiritual needs of 1,22,365 Hindus at that date.

It may be pertinently enquired whether these testimonies
were really free and voluntary It is to be noted that Ali Ibrahim
Khan forwarded these four memorials to Mr. Jonathan Duncan "in
order that he might in his kindness forward them to the Council
at Calcutta and request on behalf of the inhabitants that the
beneficent gentlemen of the Council having caused the addresses to
be translated would send both the originals and the translations
to the Presence of the Hon'ble Directors. 5 ' Mr. Duncan however

TWO SANSKRIT MEMORANDA 5

was on his guard and refused to have anything to do with these
documents as they had "no relation with the Business of the
Company." 1 The papers were thereupon sent to Hastings's
attorney, Mr. Thomson. Mr, Thomson approached the Governor-
General-in-Council with a request that he may be permitted to
receive such written testimonies as the native inhabitants of
the Company's territories may be willing to bear to the merits
of Mr. Hastings and that the Judges, Collectors and residents
under the Presidency may be requested to transmit any such testi-
mony to the Governor-General-in-Council. 2 This request was
complied with but the Company's servants were plainly warned
that "the liberty now accorded is merely to receive and transmit
testimonials when offered and you are not to deduce any inference
from it thsft you are authorised to exercise any further inter-
ference in the business". 3 It is therefore clear that the
Governor-General-in-Council were not prepared to count-
enance any undue zeal on the part of their officers in securing
any testimony in Hastings's favour. They were simply to act
as a post office when any memorial was voluntarily submitted.
Mr. Duncan's attitude was one of rigid neutrality, if not of frigid
indifference.

AH Ibrahim Khan on the contrary was a friend and protege
of Warren Hastings. It is not unlikely that he might have
exerted himself in securing these testimonials from the citizens
of Benares. It is evident* from his own letters that he did not
share Mr. Duncan's indifference in this matter. As the Chief
Magistrate of the city he had exceptional opportunities of
bringing some pressure to bear upon the grandees, bankers
and residents of humbler status if he was so inclined, and
the glowing terms in which our memorialists refer to the
unique qualities of the head and heart with which the Khan
was richly endowed may lead an over -sophisticated reader
to suspect that these documents were probably designed as

1 All Ibrahim Khan to Thompson, Public Consultations, 31 March, 1788,
No. 14.

* Letter dated 2 Match 1788.

3 Circular letter from Mr. E. Hay, Public Consultations, 31 March, 1788,
No. 16.

6 INTRODUCTION

much to flatter the magistrate as to exonerate the ex-Governor-
General from unmerited aspersions. Jai Narain Ghoshal also
might not have been absolutely uninterested in Hastings's fate
though he figures rather low on the list. The memorialists
however steered clear of controversial measures and questions
of high policy ; their testimony is strictly limited to facts
within their own knowledge and there is no reason to suggest
that it was not given of their free-will because AH Ibrahim
Khan took a natural, if indiscreet, interest in the preparation
and transmission of these documents.

The Pandits speak of the rare kindness which they received
from Hastings during his second visit to Benares. A sincere
patron of oriental learning Hastings must have received his
learned visitors with spontaneous courtesy which made a lasting
impression on them and when the memorials were drafted the
scholars of the South, West and East readily agreed to pay a
spontaneous tribute to the charming manners of the Governor-
General. It may, therefore, reasonably be concluded that these
two documents truly reflect the genuine feeling of the signatories
though the idea of bearing public testimony to Warren Hastings's
character and achievements might have emanated from men of
rank and wealth.

A Letter to Lord Cormvallis (Document 4)

t

Every age has its peculiar standard of propriety. Who
expects the Governor-General in the midst of his multifarious
pre-occupations to correspond to-day with a complete stranger
without any business public or private ? But things were
different in the eighteenth century and the good lady from Surat
who solicited such a courtesy from Lord Cornwallis did nothing
unusual. The Emperor of Delhi would not condescend to take
notice of anybody and everybody and the lucky recipient of an
imperial shuqqa would rightly feel proud of so special a favour.
Such an epistle would be treasured more or less as a hallmark
of high social standing. When the empire declined and the
Governor-General became the arbiter of its fate, aspirants to
social distinctions naturally turned to him as the source of all

A LETTER TO LORD CORNWALLIS 7

honour. To be permitted to correspond with the Governor-
General was a privilege for which the old nobility would vie
with the new. Probably it also afforded in an indirect way some
security against the repacity of the less scrupulous servants of
the state to which residents of distant stations were not infre-
quently exposed.

The correspondent of Lord Cornwallis was obviously a
person of high status and noble origin. She styles herself as
MaharanJ as well as gosvamirii. In India a Muslim mendicant is
ordinarily addressed as a shah or king and courtesy concedes
a similar honour to a Hindu recluse. Our gosvdmirii was evidently
a Maharani by courtesy and owed the title to her connection
with some religious order. She refers the Governor- General to
a letter frofh Lala Mayaram who may be reasonably identified
with the Dewan of Tegh Bakht Khan, Nawab of Surat. 4 The
letter, in question, is in Persian and was dated the 2nd March,
1791. It gives a brief account of the Maharani's family and
explains the objects of her correspondence with the Governor-
General and may be quoted in full.

"It is well known that the ancestors of Maharani Bahuji
Maharaj always placed their reliance on God and they did not
look up to anyone (for support) except Him and they were
content with whatever they got from their disciples and fol-
lowers and did not hanker after more. Their Thakuradwara was
at Gokul, Muttra, where they received all sorts of favours and
concessions from the reigning kings. But on account of their
extreme piety and being engaged in the search for God they
did not care for these things. When the affairs of the state fell
into confusion and religious prejudice gained ground, they left
that place and, at the request of their disciples and followers,
who lived in these districts, they brought their Thakuradwara
to the port of Surat. Here they passed their days in content-
ment on whatever they received from their disciples. As they
are always offering prayers for the good of the people and the
chiefs of the time, peace and order were established among

4 Calendar of Persian Correspondence, VII, No. 276,

8 INTRODUCTION

men, through the power and rule of the English gentlemen.
Religious prejudices disappeared. Fortes blessing they are
always praying for the increase of the power and prestige of
the English. May God enhance their splendour and dignity
and may He give them grace to administer justice to the
people ! As there was a regular correspondence between the
Chief of Surat acd the aforesaid Bahuji, the affairs of the
*T hakuradwara received full attention, and through the good
offices of that gentleman, all the officers of the Government
gave help and showed kindness. That gentleman having left
for England, correspondence with him ceased. But fortunatly
his lordship is the Governor-General who looks after the inter-
ests of everybody and the fame of his greatness has spread all
over and the said Bahuji has heard from all visitors to these
parts about the excellent qualities of his lordship. She is,
therefore, more than ever engaged in offering prayers for the
increase of his honour and glory. She is now desirous of
opening a correspondence with him and she is sending a letter
to him through a pair of qasids along with this letter. I
request that you will kindly send a reply to it and inform us
of your health and welfare from time to time. May the Sun
of your fortune always shine bright!" (OR 58 : 2nd March
1791).

Obviously Bahuji Maharaj was the head of the Maharaja 5
sect at Surat, for it was by this title that the consort 6 of the
pontiff of that order was generally known. It is no wonder that
she should call herself Gosvdminl Maharajm, as Vitthalanath,
son of Vallabhacharya, the founder of the sect, was popularly
known as Sri Gosaiji, the Sanskrit equivalent of which in the
feminine gender is Sri Gosvdrnim. Vitthalanath's sons and
pontifical successors later added the honorific title of Maharaja 7
to their names in accordance with the traditions of the country

8 On the Maharaja sect, see History of the Sect of the Maharajas ; Wilson,
Works, Vol. I ; Grouse, Mathura and Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion.

6 History of the Sect of the Maharajas, p. io6 f
* fyid. p. 44-

LORD WELLESLEY AND PURI PRIESTS 9

and our Bahuji conformed to the usual practice when she styled
herself as Sri Maharajm. The legend on the seal may not be
unworthy of some scrutiny. Sri Balakrishnaji, third son of
Vitthalanath, was the head of one branch of his grandfather's
sect and a temple known by his name (also called Gosavi Maha-
raja's temple) was built at Surat about 1695 8 . It is not, there-
fore, unreasonable to infer that Bahuji Maharaja derived her
pontifical status from Balakrishna and belonged to his branch of
the sect. Probably she was associated with the Balakrishnaji
temple of Surat. The Vallabhacharya sect had originally its
seat a Gokula 9 near Muttra anJ, as Mayaram hints, transferred
its headquarters to Surat when "religious prejudice gained
ground" during the reign of Aurangzeb Alamgir. One branch
of the sect migrated with the image they worshipped to Natha-
dwara in Udaipur 10 and the priests of Balakrishnaji's order pro-
bably removed their establishment earlier to safer regions on the
banks of the Tapti. In 1872 roughly one-ninth of the Vaish-
navas, one twenty-seventh of the entire Hindu population of
Surat were of Balakrishna's 11 persuasion. Bahuji Maharaja, as
the shepherdess of so considerable a flock, was a personage of
sufficient importance and one who was entitled to divine honour
from her disciples might reasonably expect some recognition of
her temporal position from the secular authorities. Why a
personage claiming quasi-divine status should go out of her way
to cultivate the good-will of a mere mortal is a different
question.

Lord We I let ley and the Pttri Priests (Document 9).

On the i8th July 1804, Col. Harcourt addressed a letter to
the Governor-General from Cuttack. Enclosed with it was a
long slip of paper entirely overlaid with gold leaf bearing a
message in a strange character with signatures in diverse scripts.
The grateful priests, abbots, recluses, Vaishnavas, Brahmans and

8 Surat District Gazetteer.

9 Grouse, op. tit. pp. 288 ff. and 352.

10 Grouse, op. tit. p. 36.

11 Bombay District Gazetteer ', Vol. L, pp. J3J-6,

F. ?

10 INTRODUCTION

the royal preceptor (Rajaguru) of Puri headed by Krishna
Chandra Mahapatra 12 had in a Sanskrit epistle paid their humble
tribute to Lord Wellesley's process and policy of conciliation.
The compliments so spontaneously paid to the Governor-General
were by no means undeserved. It was his deliberate object to
cultivate the good will and to win the good opinion of the
priests of Jagannath. When the second Maratha War broke out
and the British troops were sent to take possession of the
Maratha province of Cuttack and a Civil Commissioner was
appointed with the Military Commander to restore normal con-
ditions in the conquered country as early as possible, they were
specially enjoined to look after the interests of the pilgrims and
priests of Puri. In the instructions drawn up on the 3rd of
August Col, Campbell and Mr. Melville were told :

cc 6. The situation of the pilgrims passing to and from
Jaggernaut will require your particular attention ; you will be
careful to afford them the; most ample protection and to treat
them with every mark of consideration and kindness.

7. On your arrival at Jaggernaut you will employ every
possible precaution to preserve the respect due to the Pagoda
and to the religious prejudices of the Brahmins and Pilgrims.
You will furnish the Brahmins with such guards as shall afford
perfect security to their persons, rites and ceremonies and to
the sanctity of the religious edifices, and you will strictly
enjoin those under your command to observe your orders on
this important subject with the utmost degree of accuracy
and vigilance.

8.^ The Brahmins are supposed to derive considerable
profits from the duties levied on pilgrims, it will not there-
fore be advisable at the present moment to interrupt the system
which prevails for the collections of those duties. Any
measures calculated to relieve the exactions to which Pilgrims
are subjected by the rapacity of the Brahmins would necess-
arily tend to exasperate the persons whom it must be our

12 Krishna Chandra seems to be the only Oriya of note to sign this
address. He was the head of only one of the thirty-six departments. Most
of the other signatories hailed from provinces other than Qrissa,

LORD WELLESLE* AND PURI PRIESTS n

object to conciliate. You will therefore signify to the Brah-
mins, that it is not your intention to disturb the actual
system of collections at the Pagoda. At the same time
you will be careful not to contract with ftie Brahmins any
engagements which may limit the power of the British Gov-
ernment, to make such arrangements with respect to that
Pagoda or to introduce such a reform of existing abuses and
vexations, as may hereafter be deemed advisable.

9. You will assure the Brahmins at the Pagoda of J agger-
naut, that they will not be required to pay any other revenue
or tribute to the British Government, than that which they
may have been in the hajpit of paying to the Marhatta Gov-
ernment, and that they will be protected in the exercise of
their Refigious duties.

10. In every transaction relative to the Pagoda of Jagger-
naut, you will consult the Civil Commissioner whom I have
named for the settlement of the Province of Cuttack.

11. You will understand that no part of the property,
treasure or valuable articles of any kind contained in the
Pagoda of Jaggernaut, or in any religious edifice, or possessed
by any of the Priests or Brahmins or Persons of any descrip-
tion attached to the temples or religious institutions is to be
considered as prize to the Army. All such property must be
respected as being consecrated to religious use or by the
customs and prejudices of the Hindoos. No account is to be
taken of any such property, nor is any person to be allowed
to enter the Pagodas or sacred buildings without the express
desire of the Bramins.

12. You will leave a sufficient force in the vicinity of
Jaggernaut under the Command of an Officer whom you will
particularly select and in whom you can place perfect reliance
for the due execution of the directions contained in these
instructions." 13

Intent on accomplishing a peaceful conquest of Cuttack, if
possible, and to alienate the local people from their Maratha

1 3 Sec. Cons., i Match 1804, No. 46, paras 6-12.

tl INTRODUCTION

rulers Wellesley used diplomacy to reinforce arms and the services
of a famous Bengali Pandit were enlisted to remove any doubt
that might still lurk in the minds of the temple priests about
British intentions. <c Jaggernaut of Triveni the oldest and most
eminent of the Pandits in Bengal " may safely be identified with
the celebrated Jagannath Tarkapanchanan who survived till
1806. Unfortunately, the letter he addressed to " Ramchand
and other Bramins residing at the temple of Jaggeranut " has
not been preserved but in the English abstract with which
Melville and Campbell were furnished, the Pandit

" States from the knowledge which he possesses of the
character of the English, he is enabled to assufe Ram Chund
& Co. that they need not be afraid to form a connection with
the British Government, which is distinguished for its peculiar
benevolence to its subjects. Thus satisfied of this truth them-
selves, they must exert all their powers of persuation to inspire
the respectable characters }n that quarter with the same degree
of confidence. That it is impossible adequately to express his
sense of the excellencies which characterize the disposition of
the English ; and that the British Government not only
permits the Hindoos to enjoy the free exercise of their
religion, but manifests the greatest degree of benevolence,
favour and indulgence towards them, and all persons of
whatever persuation, rank, or condition in life." 14

Ramchand was not one of the signatories to fhe letter that
Col. Harcourt forwarded to the Governor-General, nor is his
name mentioned in the text. For all that we know he might
have been a close relation of Krishnachandra Mahapatra and
might have been dead since Jagannath Tarkapanchanan's last
visit to Puri. Meanwhile, the exertions of the mortal Jagan-
nath were being suitably backed by his divine namesake. On
the nth September a Brahman told Mr. Melville, "that the
Bramins at the Holy Temple had consulted and applied to
Jaggernaut to inform them what power was now to have his temple
under its protection and that he had given a decided answer

Sec. Cons., i March 1804, Nos. 11-12 A.

LORt) WELLESLEV AND pUkl PtUESTS 1$

that the English Government was in future to be his guardian/' 15
Whether the reputed invincibility of British arms had anything
to do with the deity's decision did not matter in the least. His
predilection for the new power was decisive and we learn from
another of Melville's letters (dated i9th September) that cc The
letter which Col. Harcourt wrote to the priests of the Temple
of Jaggernaut gave them much satisfaction, and they sent a
deputation of some of their principal Men to meet him one March
distance from the Temple/' Melville further adds "that they
appear to consider their 'being placed under the protection of
the British Government as a blessing of Providence." 16 Col.
Harcourt had in fact taken possession of the city of Jagannath
on the 1 8th September and he informs the Governor-General:
" Upon application from the Chief Bramins of the Pagoda I
have afforded them guards (of Hindoos) and a satisfactory con-
fidence^is shown by the Bramins, priests and officers of the Pagoda
and by the inhabitants of Jaggernaut t both in their present situa-
tion and in the future protection of the British Government" 17

The confidence of the Priests were not ill-placed and their
expectations were not unjustified. They were not indulging in
oriental hyperboles when they expressed their hope that numerous
pilgrims will ere long pour into the holy city frojtn Brindaban
and Benares, from Ramnath (Rameswaram) and Dwarka. The
Maratha Government used to levy a tax of eleven rupees on all
pilgrims with the exception of "the notoriously" indigent and an
additional levy of 2 rupees per capita was made by the temple
officers. The pilgrim tax used to bring a substantial sum (from ^\
to 5 lakhs) to the coffers of the state out of which forty to fifty
thousand rupees had to be annually spent at the time of the two
principal festivals. The pilgrim tax was for the time being sus-
pended and such was the influx of devotees that Melville deemed
it necessary to prohibit export of food grains from the province. 18
This was not the only evidence of the prevailing sense of

16 Secret Cons., i March 1804, No, 13.

i* JfeV/.No. 14.

* 7 Ibid. No. 59.

i 8 Ibid. Nos, 16-18, and 17 May, Nos, 112-13.

t4 INTRODUCTION

security. The Government used to employ an officer of their
own to superintend the management of the temple. Its normal
income derived from the daily presents of the devotees was by
no means inconsiderable and went to defray the ordinary expen-
ses. The deity had extensive landed property as well. Shivaji
Pandit, the officer-in-charge of the temple on behalf of the
Maratha Government had absconded on the approach of the
British troops. But he soon returned to the city and begged to
be restored to his office. Melville had no confidence in him but
he was temporarily reinstated so that his knowledge of the pre-
vious administration might be fully exploited. 19

Harcourt and Melville recei^d repeated petitions and
applications from "the officer and priest of the Temple of Jagger-
naut requesting the renewal of the toll" (pilgrim tax) a proposal
which met with their .unqualified support. 20 Thus was a blood-
less conquest crowned with the spontaneous submission of a
contented people. When the r Puri priests bore a glowing testi-
mony to the blessings of the British administration Lord Welles-
ley's diplomacy that did not ignore a retired octogenarian in
a Bengal village or the poor pilgrims who visited the holy cities
of Orissa, or the priests who had the custody of the great temple,
was crowned with its greatest triumph. The conciliation of Orissa
was by no means a lesser achievement than the elimination of the
Marathas from that province,

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE

Two letters from U Jaipur to Nepal (Documents 20-21).

In September 1838 Rana Sardar Singh 21 of Mewar addressed
two letters to the Raj -guru and the Maharaja of Nepal. The
epistles did not reach their destination and were intercepted at
Benares. Apparently they were quite innocuous and conveyed
nothing but a conventional message of courtesy. Nor was there

19 Secret Cons, i March 1804, Nos. 16-18, 25, 32.
* Ibid. No. 37.

21 Maharana Sardar Singh (1838-42), successor and adopted son of
Jawan Singh (1828-38). Regarding him see Vir Vinod part XVII.

LETTERS FROM UDAIPUR 15

anything clandestine about the mission for the agents of the
Nepal Darbar were provided with passports and letters of intro-
duction from the British embassy at Kathmandu 2a and the party
had scrupulously kept to the route prescribed. Their object was
professedly a matrimonial rather than a political alliance. The
heir apparent to the Gurkha throne had attained marriageable
age and the Court was anxious to find a bride for him from one
of the ruling houses of Rajwara. As Col. Spiers, Political
Agent, Udaipur, explained to Col. Alves, Governor-General's
Agent for the States of Raj pu tana "The Rajahs of Naipaul are
said to be descended from a younger branch of the Oodeypoor
family and I believe have alviays, as opportunities offered, kept up
a friendly correspondence with each other. The late interchange
of presents was, I believe, caused by a proposal made by the Raja
of Rewah, to espouse a daughter of the house, which proposal
the latter Rajah referred as an act of courtesy to the Ranah
of Oodeypur, who is nearly connected with that house and who
besides in such cases amongst the families of high ranks with
whom he intermarries is generally considered the arbiter of such
points/' 23 The Rana did for historical reasons, enjoy special
pre-eminence among the Rajput princes and the Baghela Raja of
Rewa had a special claim on Jawan Singh as he had married two
princesses of that family. 24 Ordinarily the political agent's
explanation should have allayed all suspicions on the part of the
paramount power. But dark clouds were fast gathering on both
the frontiers and disquieting signs of unrest had for sometime
past been perceived at the Court of Kathmandu. 25 Brian
Houghton Hodgson therefore felt luneasy about the recent inti-
macy between the Maharaja of Nepal and the rulers of the
principal Rajput States 26 particularly as the latter were precluded

22 Campbell to Macnaghtcn dated 27 February, 1838 (Secret Consulta-
tion 16 May 1838 no. 21.

23 Col. Spiers to Col. Alves dated 27 March, 1838 (Secret Consulta-
tion 13 June 1838 no. 15)

** Vir Vinod, p. 1804. Of the two princesses referred to one was the
daughter of Maharaja Jai Singh named SubhadrS KumSrl, the other was the
daughter of Lakshman Singh, youngest son of Jai Singh.

25 Sir WilUam Hunter Life of Brian Houghton Hodgson pp 133-158.

26 Hodgson to Macnaghtep dated 10 April 1838 (Secret
tion 16 May 1838 No. 27).

1 6 INTRODUCTION

from all political intercourse with powers other than the British
under the terms of the subsidiary alliance. 27

In 1837 the old pilot was let down and what restraint
Bhimsen Thappa 28 had so long put on the wild ambition of the
younger warriors was finally removed. Rumours of impending
breach between Burma and the British caused a stir among the
Nepalese and an emissary was forthwith sent to the Court of
Ava. 29 About the same time Nepalese agents set out for Lahore,
Herat and the far off countries of Iran and China. Nor were the
princes of the Indian plains ignored and negotiations were opened
with Udaipur, Jodhpur, Jaipur, Gwalior and Haidarabad. 30
Early in 1838 Campbell reported tfce arrival of "parties con-
veying letters and presents" from the Rana of Udaipur and the
Maharaja of Jaipur. 31 Later in the year Bhimsen "privately
sent secret information to the Resident that the Durbar was
prepared for hostilities in October, should the account received
from Ava, Peking, and Lahore be favourable by that time". 32
Naturally the British authorities were on their guard but if they
felt perturbed they did not permit themselves to be stampeded
into any hasty action.

27 Most of the Rajput States concluded treaties of subsidiary alliance
with the British Government in 1818. One of the principal terms of these
treaties was that the contracting state "will not enter into any negotiation with
any chief or state without the knowledge and sanction of the British
Government". (Aitchison Treaties, Engagements and Sanads Vol. III). The
treaty with Mewar was concluded on 13 January, 1818.

28 Prime Minister of Nepal from 1804 to 1839. For an account of his
career, see Hunter op. cit p. 63 and pp 99-176. For over thirty years he ruled
Nepal "with more than regal sway." His downfall was engineered by the
Pande faction which, in collusion with the Senior Queen, got him arrested and
imprisoned on July 24, 1837. Two years later he was forced to commit
suicide (July 20, 1839). In his report dated July 30, ^39, Hodgson wrote
of him, Nor am I aware of any native statesman of recent times except
Ranjit Singh who is. . . .worthy to be compared with the late General Bhimsen
of Nepal." (Hunter, op. cit p 176).

2 * Hunter, op. cit p 164.

80 Ibid.

81 Campbell to Government, dated 22 January 1838 (Political Consul-
tation 5 February, 1838 No. 14, Secret Consultation 16 May 1838 No. 12).

82 J. R. Tickel. Excerpts from the Letters of the Residents at Kathmandu to
government from 1830 to 1840. p. 81 (quoted in Hunter op. cit p. 164) It is learnt
from the same source that the "Raja was formally petitioned by a body of
Chiefs in Council- to expel the Resident at once -a proposition*to which he
tacitly listened,

LETTERS FROM UDAIPUR 1 7

Meanwhile ths Government kept themselves informed about
the progress of the Nepalese Mission. As early as the zjth
February 1838 Campbell, then, officiating Resident at Kath-
mandu, had reported to Macnaghten that he had issued < a
Rahadari " or passport in favour of one Bansaraj 33 and his party
at the request of the Nepal Darbar. Bansaraj was going to
Udaipur with presents from the Maharani 34 of Nepal and he was
to be accompanied by some of c< the Maharaja's private female
attendants'* 35 . The Mission was to travel via Bharatpur but the
parjy did not reach Mewar till the month of June. Col. Spiers
sent to Col. Alves the following report about the progress of
the Mission 38 .

c< The fission from Nepal alluded to in the 3rd Paragraph
of the Resident at that Courts' letter of the loth of last
April 37 , arrived in the neighbourhood on the 26th of last
month but were not allowed to come on from the Rana
having heard that there was a gc*>d deal of sickness amongst
them and which was said to be Cholera.

On the 3rd instant the Mission entered the town of Oodey-
poor and were introduced to His Highness the Rana on the
following day, the principal persons belonging to it, viz.,

3 3 Catnpbell to Macnaghten dated 27 February 1838 (Secret Consulta-
tion 16 May 1838 No. 21).

34 i.e. the Senior Queen and Chief wife of Rana Rajendra Vikram Shah.
She was an ambitious woman and wanted to rule Nepal with the help of the
Pande factiop through whose agency she tried again and again to encompass
the ruin of the Thappa leader, Bhimsen. In April 1840 she planned a romantic
outrage on the British frontier and in June an attack on the Residency. But
failing in her attempt to keep herself in power she quitted Kathmandu and
died on her way to the plains on October 6, 1841 (Hunter, op. cit. pp. 144,
177, 183-185, 188, 199).

36 The 'female attendants* included 2 slaves, a learned Brahman lady and
a head female domestic of the Nepal palace (Spiers to Alves dated 7 July,
1838, Secret and Separate Consultation i August 1838, No. 39).

36 The letter referred to was dated 7 July 1838, and has been recorded
in the Secret and Separate Consultation of i August, 1838, No. 39).

3 7 In this letter Hodgson had reported to Macnaghten that the Nepalese
Mission to Udaipur was designed to be a permanent one, and that the alleged
pretext of marriage negotiations was false. He had also remarked that " the
manner in which the Rajput states are falling into correspondence with
Nepal deserves attention, since its object is affirmed to be hostility to our

Crovernment

1.8 INTRODUCTION

Soobah Kishan Narayun 38 and Jemadar Raja Bnnse Singh, 29
on the part of their master the Raja presented one Elephant,
Arms, Cloths &c. to the Rana, and for the Ranees His
Highness* wives a variety of clothes, two female slaves &c.

The Mission consists of (besides the two individuals above-
mentioned) i Jemadar, 40 8 Havildars and 24 Sepoys, with a
number of servants, and four females, two of them the Slaves
above mentioned, the account given of the two others, is that
one is said to be learned Brahminee, and the other a head
female domestic of the Nepaul palace, sent to note the
arrangements, ceremonies and proceedings of the female
Department of His Highness* horasehold, with the view to
their adoption if approved of at Kathmandoo, on their return
to that Capital.

No communication took place on the 4th instant < with the
heads of the Mission and the Rana beyond the usual friendly
and complimentary inquiries on such occasions.

Since the receipt of your letter of the zoth February last, I
have used my utmost endeavour to discover whether any
messages of a nature otherwise than those acknowledged,
passed between the parties here, on the arrival of the first
despatch of presents for the Rana, but I have not been able
to ascertain that anything questionable was said or done.

On talking sometime ago to the authorities here in regard
to the expected arrival of the present Mission, they appeared
to have no idea of its remaining beyond a short time perhaps
to the end of the present rainy season and their returning
home again but yesterday evening the Rana's Minister in the
course of conversation informed me that the Soobeh or one of
the other head people of the Mission had been talking to the
Rana's Purohit who is in attendance (as host) on the
Nepaulese, as to the expediency of a respectable person on
the part of his Master remaining at the Court, to which I
understand no reply was given.

3 9 The same as Suba Krishnanarayana of the Sanskrit documents.

39 The same as Jamadara Vamsaraja of the Sanskrit documents.

40 This must be the same as Tamadara Pritama Sim ha.

LETTERS FROM UDAIPUR 19

On receipt of your letter now under acknowledgement I
intimated to the Minister my opinion that the Cultivating any
great degree of intimacy with the Nepaul Court at present had
better be avoided, upon which he assured me that he was fully
satisfied that had His Highness the Rana been aware of my
sentiments on this subject at an earlier period, he would have
written to the person who was then on his part at Nepal to
prevent 'llie despatch of the presents and the Mission, as it
was, however, he could not well now (as they had come on
so far) send them back without receiving them, but that their
stay here should be for as short a period as possible.

The Minister has repeated the same sentiments to me since
he communicated with His Highness the Rana on this subject
^and I have no doubt that the Mission will receive a speedy
dismissal from hence.

JThat there was some foundation for the statement I made to
you in my letter of the zyth Mardj last 41 , I beg leave to state
that the Rana sent me the original letter to his address from
the Maharaja of Nepal, and informed me that I might retain it
in my possession if I pleased, I took a copy of it (the purport
in English of which I enclose) 42 and returned the original to
His Highness.

The Rana also sent me the letter from the Rewah Raja in
which he alludes to several of his nearest female relations
being unmarried and soliciting the Rana's recollection of them,
evidently alluding to some former communication on the

* l Recorded in Secret Consultation 13 June 1838 No. 5.

*' 2 The following is the purport of the Kharita in question :
'After compliments. Previous to this I deputed one of my Jamadars
with a Khareeta and presents for your Highness and hope they have reached
you safe ere now. In about two years hence it is my intention to get my son
married, should any high and respectable family in your quarters be willing to
form a matrimonial alliance with this house, I hope you will let me know.
You are well acquainted with the castes and families of Khutrees of Raj-
putana. I therefore beg that you will make enquiries in Jodhpur, Jevpur,
Kotah, Boondee and elsewhere, and if you find any of the Chiefs or nobles of
these states are willing to give their daughters in marriage to my son, give me
intimation of the circumstances that I may send my people and astrologers
to make the preliminary arrangements. Continue to favour me with the news
of your welfare. It would be better if you were to reply to this Khareeta, by
dawk, as in that case it will reach me soon/ (The letter was dated Karttika
vadi 14 Santvat 1894 or 27 October 1837).

io INTRODUCTION

subject which had passed between them, as this letter contained
other matters of a private and family nature I took no copy.

There may possibly have occurred communications of a
different nature between these Chiefs besides those of forming
alliance with each other, but the authorities of this Court have
managed to keep their Counsels more secret on this occasion
than they usually do.

The Rana's Minister informed me yesterday that the
principal people of the Nepalese Mission wished to pay their
respects to me, to which proposal I said I should have no
objections whenever it was convenient to them.'*

For obvious reasons the Governor-General could not permit
the appointment of a permanent Nepalese Agent at Udaipur and
whatever the ulterior motive the Mission might have there is no
evidence to show that the Rana had any share in it. In fact
Spiers informed Alves on the nth of August 43 that he had been
assured by the Rana's Minister that the Mission would be dis-
missed as soon as the weather improved. Meanwhite Hodgson
had been unrelenting at the other end in his efforts to have
Bansaraj recalled and the Maharaja of Nepal ultimately yielded
to his representations 44 . But Rana Jawan Singh expired of a
brief illness on the 3oth August and his successor Sardar Singh
did not assume the gadi until a week later 45 . Despite the formal-
ities imposed by public mourning the new Rana lost no time in
sending the Nepalese envoys on their homeward journey and they
left Udaipur on the 5th October 46 . The story however does
not end here.

43 Secret Consultation 17 August 1838 No. 187.

** See Macnaghten to Alves dated i May 1838 (Secret Consultation 4
July 1838 No. 4) ; Macnaght en to Hodgson dated i May i8j8 (Secret Con-
sultation 4 July No. 13) ; Alves to Spiers dated 12 July 1838 (Secret
Consultation i August 1839); Hodgson to Macnaghten dated 24 September
1838 (Secret Consultation 17 October No. 163) ; Hodgson to Spiers dated
i September 1838 (Secret Consultation, 14 November, 1838 No. 122).

* B Spiers to Alves dated 17 September 1838 (Political Consultation 17
October 1838 Nos. 82-83) and Spiers to Hodgson dated 24 September 1838
(Secret Consultation 14 November 1838 No. 122). Spiers informed Col.
Alves that Sardar Singh ascended the gadi on 7 September although he
could not take possession of the palace till 23 October when the heavenly
bodies were expected to assume a more favourable aspect.

* fl Spiers to Hodgson dated 14 October 1838 (Secret Consultation -21
November 1838 No. 169). >

LETTERS FROM UDAlHJR 11

Bansaraj had in his train a number of respectable ladies and
female attendants. Their presence necessarily hampered the
progress of the party and the Nepal Darbar was apparently
anxious to conclude the ceremonial preliminaries for the heir
apparent' s wedding at an early date. Once the ladies returned
home the negotiations would have to be postponed until they
could again resume a tedious and troublesome journey to Rajwara.
Hodgson had therefore to yield to the importunities of the Darbar
and to allow Bansaraj to halt at Benares pending the permission
of the Governor-General 47 .

At Benares Bansaraj was joined by Capt. Indra Bir Khatri
and his sons lately returned from the Court of Herat and Hodg-
son learnt that Gurkhas were gathering at Benares and Patna
in unusual 'number. 48 Later he was told that Bansaraj was
trying to bring in his train one Laldas, an emissary of the Rana
of Udaipur, with presents from His Highness. 49 Such an action
would constitute a flagrant violence of the passport and breach
of treaty. Mr. Thomas, Agent at Benares, also had " strong
suspicion that he (Bansaraj) was continuing his intrigues here
by means cf his spies " 50 and Hodgson came to learn further
that among the latest arrivals at the city was Hardatt Pandit, a
Nepalese Agent previously detected in a serious intrigue with
Appa Saheb of Nagpur. He had been remanded to Nepal by
Col. Alves but had evidently succeeded by some clever ruse to
evade the order. This information was duly transmitted to Mr,
Thomas and he kept a vigilant eye on his movements. Mr.
Hodgsoft informed me " he says, <c that two men were suppos-
ed to be proceeding, under Bans Raj's escort, with presents from
Oudeypoor, called Chitoor and that such an act being contrary
to treaty, these men with the present ought to be detained ; and

47 Hodgson to Macnaghten dated 17 December 1838 (Political Consulta-
tion 2 January 1838 No. 66). See also Hodgson to Spiers dated 24 September
1838 (Secret Consultation 21 November 1838, No. 169).

* 9 Hodgson to Torrens dated 29 January 1839 (Secret Consultation 1 8
December 1839, No. 85.)

* 9 The same to same dated 30 January (Seciet Consultation 18 December
1839, No. 86).

60 H. H. Thomas to Torrens dated 14 February 1839 (Secret Consultation
20 March 1839, No. 16).

14 INTRODUCTION

that this detention might even extend to Buns Raj and his whole
party, pending a reference to Government. I was particularly
desirous, however, that Buns Raj should not remain at Benares,
and I should have contented myself with stopping the men and
presents from Oudeypoor, but for the discovery which has been
made conceiving that the presents might be more certainly
secured after the party should have left Benares, I privately
desired the Magistrate to search their baggage at the first police
station in the road to Ghaseepore. But the Magistrate had his
own reasons for instituting a search ; the said Buns Raj having
been discovered wandering about the City of Benares, dis-
guised as a Fakeer ; and as the Hill people have previously been
engaged in swindling practices, he conceived it possible that
Buns Raj might have been concerned in similar transactions. The
search must therefore be regarded as a mere matter of police ; and
I have received the Magistrate's official letter, containing his
reasons for the search. On f the night before Buns Raj received
his passport, I sent for him and desired that he would mention
the property which he took with him, that I might have the
detail entered in that document ; but he denied that he carried
anything, but articles immediately belonging to himself and
followers. The search was conducted by the Magistrate's
Assistant Mr. Roberts, before whom he repeated this denial,
and frankly produced his boxes for inspection. No presents
were forthcoming, except a pair of Gold Bangles, presented
to Buns Raj at Oudeypoor; but, most carefully concealed in
his bedding and pillow, were discovered sundry letters in silk
and muslin bags, some with large Red Wax Seals, addressed
to the Nepal Durbar and to the Raj Gooru Rungnath." 61
Such is the history of the two letters now brought to light. As
Haddock, Offiiciating Secretary to the Government of India,
wrote to Lt. Col. J. Sutherland, Offiiciating Agent to the
Go vernor- General : "You will not find in these letters any
expression which m/>y lead to the suspicion of a political connec-
tion or of designs hostile to the British Government. The

51 Secret Consultation 20 March 1839, No, 16.

LETTERS FROM UDAIPUR 23

present Maha Rana found upon his accession to the Musnad the
Nepalese Agents established at his Capital, the Government of
Oodeypore had been required and was pledged to dismiss them
and it may not have been unnatural that upon their dismissal
notes of friendship should have passed between the parties
principally concerned/ 152 . So Rana Sardar Singh was exonerated
of any disloyal intention or deed.

Of the remaining eleven letters only English translations have
survived. In the absence of the original text it is difficult to
determine correctly their character and purport particularly as
the English translation of the two Sanskrit letters that have
come down to us is extremely inaccurate. It is very unlikly that
Mehta Ram Singh, Dewan of Mewar, 53 and Maharaja Lakshmana
Singh, 54 younger son of the ruler of Rewah should have in any
way compromised themselves in the eyes of the British Govern-
ment by carrying on treasonable correspondence with a foreign
power in so open and indiscreet a manner. The first letter of
the series intercepted by Mr. Thomas was obviously addressed
to the Maharajadhiraj of Nepal by a learned Brahman engaged
by his Agents to perform certain propitiatory rites as recitation
of Chandi etc. 55 Reference to an auspicious day in the month
of Vaisakh might be without any evil import as a marriage
negotiation was in progress.

In any case Hodgson was right when he observed that the
letter would probably convey nothing and the real intrigue

82 Letter dated 4 April 1839 (Secret Consultation 5 June 1839, Nos.
129-30.)

63 His name appears as the writer of the 7th letter in the group. The
English translation as given by Mr. Thomas is as below : " On Thursday
the loth Buddee of Bhadoon Sree Maha Rana Jee departed this life which
occasioned us so much affliction, that it cannot be described. The Huzoor
on Friday the 4th Buddee of Assin sat on the guddee. Be assured that the usual
ceremonies are to be performed according to the custom on this occasion on
Friday the 8th Soodee of Kartik. A confidential agent from your Highness
has arrived here. He will apprise Your Highness of every account hereof."
Secret Consultation 8 May 1839, Nos. 42-43). The letter bore the same date
as that of Sardar Singh to Maharaja of Nepal.

5 * His name appears as the addressee of the i5th letter in the series. The
date on the letter is 4th Sudi Magh. The year is not given. (Secret Consulta-
tion 8 May 1839, Nos. 42-43).

36 For the contents of the letter see Ibid.

24 INTRODUCTION

would be carried on personally by the emissaries of whom
Bansaraj appears to have been the principal.

LEGAL DOCUMENTS

The eight vyavasthapatras which fall under this group are all
concerned with different aspects of Hindu law of inheritance.
The contending parties in four cases belonged to the princely
houses of India and it is doubtful whether they were governed
by the traditional law to which some of them preferred to appeal.
The paramount power had to judge each case on its own merit
and on considerations of political expediency, and the decisions
are not really on the same footing as legal precedents. The legal
texts cited in these documents are, however, of a limited value
and hardly offer any fair solution to the controversy" in question
for they were compiled by avowed partisans and not by impartial
jurists. Nor is the interpretation put upon isolated passages
extracted at random from the Dharmasastra works always borne
out by a fair scrutiny of the context or by authoritative commen-
taries. In any case they have to-day lost all interest other than
academic.

The Patiala Succession Case (Document i 2).

The first case under review comes from Patiala. Maharaja Sahib
Singh of Patiala died in 1813 and was succeeded by his eldest son
Karam Singh. 56 Sahib Singh was a man of little ability and
less resolution and the administration of his principality had
to be entrusted in turn to two ladies of exceptional talent his

* 6 Karam Singh. (1774-1845), Son of Saheb Singh by Aus Kaur. At
the outset he was largely influenced by his mother and her minister, Nannidh
Rai, but within five years of his accession he freed himself from this tutelage,
and assumed the reins of Government for himself. During the Nepal War he
aided the British Government with troops, and on the termination of the
war received two Sanads conferring on him portions of the Keonthal and the
Baghat States in return for a payment of two lakhs and eighty * thousand
rupees* In 1821 he was involved in a dispute with his mother, but in the
end he succeeded in thwarting the latter's extravagant claims with the support
of the British Government. In 1827 he lent to the British Government a
Sum of 20 lakhs of rupees. He advanced to the same Government another
sum of 25 lakhs in 1839 and a further sum of 5 lakhs in 1843 in connection
with the Afghan War. Two years later he died. (Griffin, The Rajas of
tbt Punjab ; AitcHson, Treaties^ Engagements and Sanads Vol. I, p. 117; I. R. D.
Pol. Progs 1812-1845 ; Gazetteer of the Phulkian States published by the
Punjab Government, 1909).

THE PATTALA SUCCESSION CASE 25

sister Rani Sahib Kaur 57 and his wife Rani Aus Kaur. 58 But
Sahib Singh was prone to listen to the evil advice of designing
courtiers and often attempted to upset the arrangements to which
he had been a willing party. The services of Rani Sahib Kaur
were repaid by base ingratitude and the wife fared no better
than the sister. Kjagir had been granted to Rani Aus Kaur and
her son Prince Karam Singh during the life time of the imbecile
ruler and the Rani had been invested with absolute authority
with the support of the paramount power before Sahib Singh had
passed away. The succession of Karam Singh 59 was therefore
uncontested but the claims of a younger step-brother Ajit Singh, 59
then a minor, found strong support in an influential faction. In
1820 Ajit Singh left Patiala with his mother and took up his

8 7 Rani Sahib Kaur, was wife of Sardar Jaimal Singh Kanheya, the ruler
of a great part of the Bari Doab. She was a lady with exceptional ability.
She came to Patiala in response to an appeal f for help from her brother and
was immediately invested by him with the supreme authority. In 1794 she
repulsed a Maratha force led by Anant Rao and Lachhman Rao and in 1796
led an expedition against the rebels at Nahan and brought the disturbance
under control. The next year she led the combined army of Jhind and
Patiala against the formidable forces of George Thomas, and although she
was worsted in the ensuing combat she succeeded in making a treaty of friend-
ship with that military adventurer. Soon after this she incurred the dis-
pleasure of her brother and was obliged to leave Patiala. Her last days were
passed in Bhirian where she died in 1799. Giiffin, op. cit.

88 Rrf/ A.US Kaur^ was married to Sahib Singh in 1792 and bore him in 1797
his son and heir Karam Singh, in 1798 she coalesced with courtiers of her hus-
band to bring about the downfall of Sahib Kaur. This was followed by pro-
longed dissensions between the Rani and her husband which reached a climax
in 1805 when the Rani attacked both Nabha and Jhind, the rulers of which
states were^in collusion with the Patiala Chief. The dissensions were at
last settled by the intervention of Ranjit Singh who appeared at Patiaia in
1805 and 1807. Banur and other tracts yielding a Revenue of Rs. 50,000
a year were settled on the Rani for her maintenance and that of her son
Karam Singh. Internal confusions, however, continued and were terminated
only after the establishment of the Rani as Regent in June 1812 through the
intervention of the British agent. The Rani showed considerable admi-
nistrative ability and ruled with efficiency till her husband's death in 1813.
She continued to influence her son Karam Singh's administration, but the
latter gradually freed himself from her tutelage, and in 1821 an open dispute
took place between the mother and the son. A compromise however was
ultimately arrived at through the intervention of the British Government,
under which the Rani was put in possession of an estate worth Rs. 50,000 and
received the fort and town of Sonour from her son. Griffin, op. cit.

a9 The chief protagonist of this move was Rani Khem Kaur, a widow
of Raja Amar Singh who tried to place Ajit Singh on the throne with the
help of Raja Jashvant Singh of Nabha. The intrigues were however foiled, as
the British Agent recognised Karam Singh as the lawful heir,

F, 4

26 INTRODUCTION

residence at Delhi. 60 Karam Singh tried his best to conciliate
the disgruntled prince and offered him a substantial /^g/r, 61 but
nothing short of a partition of the entire state would satisfy
the ambitious young man and his partisans. He contended that
"in the event of the death of a Sikh Chief the sons on taking
possession of the wealth and territory of their Father, either divide
it equally amongst all the parties (which is the practice in our
family) or adopt the Joondah woond which is an equal division
of the property amongst the Rannies who have families by the
deceased, without regard to the number of children." 62 It was
further argued that c< in this country the inheritance does not
necessarily fall either to the elder or younger son, and every son
who during the life time of his father accepts of a provision
and separates himself from the rest of the family, thereby
forfeits all claims to a share of the remaining property. This
practice is general throughout the States in this part of the
country." 83 It was in support of the latter contention that the
evidence of the sacred books of the Hindus, as interpreted by
five learned Brahmans of Delhi, was called into service. Maha-
raja Karam Singh on the contrary wrote to Sir David Ochterlony
in another connection <c lt is evidently the custom amongst the
higher Sirdars of the Phoolkee family for the eldest son to succeed
to the Raj and Chieftainship, the younger members being provided
for by a Jageer suitable to their rank in the state. The Chiefs of
less consequence in this family who are my relations divide the
property in equal portions amongst the sons of the deceased.
It must be observed however that the customs of the Sikhs of
the Manjah Doabah and those of the country who live on the
banks of the Jamnum in the territory of the Manjah Dooabah
vary considerably. 64 "

Despite the qualified contradiction quoted above A jit Singh's
case was not so weak as it might at first sight appear. Among

60 The Rajas of the Punjab, p. 168.
ei Ibid. pp. 168-169.

fta Ajit Singh's statement .(received June 6, 1825) Pol. Progs. 9 Dec.
182$, No. ii.
Ibid.
* Recorded in Pol. Progs. 9 Dec, 1828 No, n f

THE PATlALA SUCCESSION CASE 27

the Rajput princes the law of primogeniture had been with rare
exception long in fo;ce, but the markedly democratic ideals of
the Sikh society favoured ihe more equitable system of equal
partition of the paternal estate among all the sons irrespective of
the status of the father. Sir Lepel Griffin observes that "before
Ala Singh's death, the rule which prevailed in the Phulkian
family, as among the Jat Sikhs generally, was that of equal
division between the sons; and among the smaller Phulkian
families, this custom, more or less modified, obtains to the
present day. Nabha, Jhind and Patiala alone of the thirteen
Phulkian houses assert the rule of primogeniture/and even these
have, more than once', endeavoured to set it aside." 65

In 1825 when Aj it Singh's claim to an equal share of his
father's estate with his elder brother was under consideration
the law of primogeniture could hardly be said to have been fairly
estal^Jished in the -three major Phulkian states. Sahib Singh's
father Raja Amar Singh had an elder brother Himmat Singh and
though his mother was wedded according^ to the less reputable
chadar dalna rites, his leg'timacy was beyond dispute. 86 Amar
Singh's succession to his grand father Ala Singh was not there-
fore in strict accordance with the law of primogeniture. When
Gajpat Singh of Jhind died in 1791 his estates were divided
between his sons Bhag Singh and Bhup Singh. 67 This case and
several others were indeed cited by Ajit Singh to reinforce his
arguments/ 53 But the Government of India in their anxiety to
maintain the integrity of the states definitely discountenanced
any further dismemberment to which the prevalent Sikh practice
would inevitably lead and when Bhag Singh proposed to exclude
his eldest son from the gadi of Jhind by a written testament in
favour of his second son, Pratab Singh, the paramount power
deliberately withheld the necessary sanction. <;u That was in 1813
and they were not likely to revise their policy so soon when the
largest Phulkia state was concerned.

* a The Rajas of the Punjab, p. 14.
66 Ibid pp. 30-31
57 Ibid V: 3*9

68 Pol. 'Progs, 9 Dec. 1825 No. n

* 9 Government of India to Col. Ochtcrlony dated 15 May 1813, quoted
in the Rajas of the Punjab, (pp.339-4i)

28 INTRODUCTION

Of the five Pandits of Delhi who subscribed to the legal
opinion submitted by Ajit Singh we know nothing. One of them
Ramprasad Bhatacharj was probably a Bengalee resident of the
imperial city. On the copy of the Sanskrit vyavasthapatra
printed in this volume only four names Thakurdas, Ramprasad
Bhatacharj, Nika Mishra and Ramkrishna occur. An additional
name Karunasindhu is appended to the English translation 70 of
the document from which it appears that Nika Mishra was also
known as Lachhman Pant.

According to Charles Elliott, the Governor General's Agent,
only two points demanded consideration in relation to Ajit
Singh's memorial. <c ls the half Brother of Maharaja Karam Sing
justified in assuming the title of Maharaja, or is his proper
designation that of Koor Ajeet Sing ? '* "Is the British Govern-
ment prepared to enter on an investigation of his claim to be
put in possession of half the Patiala Raj ?" 7 1

The British Government saw no harm in Ajit Singh's

assumption of a courtesy title in consonance with the custom of

the country particularly as the neighbouring princes and some of
the highest officers of the government had more than once made
that concession in his favour. Nor were they totally averse to
an enquiry into the points raised by him. Ajit Singh's plea
however found no favour with the Governor General and his
political advisers despite the solemn dictum of the learned
doctors of law and the formidable array of carefully selected
precedents. 72 His claims were finally rejected in 1829 and Ajit
Singh was formally reconciled to his brother when an estate
yielding an annual income of 50 thousand rupees was granted
to him. The amicable settlement of the dispute was naturally
welcome to the British Government of India and received their
prompt approval.

70 Pol. Progs. 9 Dec. 1825 No. n

71 Sir Charles Elliott to Government dated the 6th April 1825 (Pol.
Progs, 9 Dec. 1825 No. u)

72 Swinton to Mctcalfe dated the 9th December 1825 (Pol. Progs,
9 Dec. 1825 No. 12).

75 Pol. Letter from Court No. 13 of 1830.

TAI SAHIBA AND BAYA SAHIBA 29

Tai Sahiba and Bay a Sahiba (Document 23)

The next document moots an important and interesting point.
Did the Hindu law-givers of old intend that for purposes of
inheritance the masculine should also signify the feminine ? The
Indian Penal Code has a definite provision to that effect and it
has been specifically laid down that " the pronoun he and its
derivatives are used of any person, whether male or female/' 74
But the Hindu criminal laws did not always recognise the
principle that the sex of the offending person should have
nothing to do in the determination of the penalty. Was
the same discrimination to be made in cases of civil rights ?
Or were the man and wo'man to have identical status in the eye
of law ? TJhat is the question indirectly raised in the two letters.
Balvantrao Bhavani Athavale addressed to the Commissioner at
Bithur and the Governor-General on behalf of his minor grand
daughters Tai Sahiba and Baya Sahiba. The letters state the case
of the young ladies in a straightforward and unambiguous manner
and may be quoted in full :

(0

From Tai Sahiba aud Baya Sahiba auras-putras and recognised
daughters of late Maharaja Eaji Rao, Peshwa, inhabitants of Bitthaur,
District Cawnpore, through their maternal grand-father and guardian
ftalwant Rao Bhawani, dated 26 June 1853 to the Governor-
General.

On m 25th October 1851, Mr. Moreland, the Commissioner,
read out to Dhondu Pant your orders of the 3rd October 1851
that a maintenance -allowance for him from the Government
treasury had been refused on the ground that it had been
previously decided that the adopted sons would not be recognised.
We two daughters of the Peshwa and our two step-mothers and
other dependents were in receipt of 8 lakhs of rupees annually
for our expenses till ^\ years ago. That allowance has been
stopped by the Company. We therefore submit that in reply
to the late Peshwa's application the Company had intimated te

Act XLV, 1860 Chapter II, Sec. 8.

$6 INTRODUCTION

him through the governor of Calcutta that they would provide
8 lakhs of rupees annually for maintenance, and the Governor-
General would consider the questiop of an increase of the amount.
That increase has not been sanctioned till to-day. On the
contrary they have stopped the sum of 8 lakhs which they had
agreed to pay at that time for the maintenance of himself (Peshwa)
and his dependents, although these latter are all alive. What is
the reason of this ? That application should be consulted and
taken into considerations. This has been written for your infor-
mation because it was necessary.

Signed Bajvantrao Athavale
(in hie own hand).

From the same to the Governor-General dated 26 June 1853.

Apprehending that some courts might dispense justice in
the case of the two daughters (Baba Jan) and punish the
misappropriation of the minors' property, Nana Dhondu Pant
with the advice of his friends decided that just as he contrived
by trickery to seize possession of our wealth so also he would
constitute himself the guardian and manager of Tai Sahiba so
that he might not be called upon to render the accounts, in the
event of his own claims being rejected in England. And by
the time Tai Sahiba attained majority he would devise some
means to do away with the life of the two heiresses. By this
means he would continue to enjoy possession of their wealth. With
this end in view he disposed of promissory notes worth ^\ lakhs,
and with the money he has deputed some European as the vakil
and a Muhammadan as a mukhtar to England. It is necessary
therefore to write that Dhondu Pant Nana is a cheat. This is not
our opinion only. Our father was also certain of this, and
considering him to be an enemy, allowed him no hand in his
affairs. Dhondu Pant's workers are even greater cheats than he,
and the Company's servants are in collusion with them. If you
become our guardian and make some settlement (document worn
out}. Dhondu Pant Nana is no manager or guardian of ours.

TAT SAHIBA AND BAYA SAHIBA 31

Our father, the aforesaid Maharaja had appointed our maternal
grand-father and our maternal uncle as our guardians, according
to the Shastras. They are the accredited agents of all our affairs
from here to England. You please write to England that the case
of the auras-putras is pending here; the case of the adopted son of
the Peshwa should not be heard till this suit is decided and
that if the opposite party represents himself as guardian and
manager of -the auras he should be punished (worn out). The
relevant extract from the Shastra written in Sanskrit is enclosed
herewith for perusal. Signed Balvantrao Athavale (in his own
hand).

Pers. Original Receipts 18 July 1853.

Baji Rac>II died in 1851. Of his eleven wives 75 only two
Maina Bai and Sai Bai survived him. Of the offsprings of his
body all but two daughters Yoga Bai and Kusma Bai died in his
life time. Kusma Bai is better known as Baya Bai and Tai Sahiba of
the above correspondence must therefore be identified with Yoga
Bai. Their mother Ganga Bai, daughter of Balvantrao Athavale,
had long predeceased her husband. Of the three adopted sons,
Dhondopant Nana Sahib, Sadashivarao Dada Sahib and Ganga-
dhar Rao Bala Sahib the first and the last alone were alive at
the time of Baji Rao's death. Sadashivarao had left a son Pan-
durang Rao by name.

Shortly after his father's death Dhondopant Nana represented
to the British Government that the ex-Peshwa's pension should be
continued to him. 76 But the Governor- General decided other-
wise. He was of opinion that "the adopted son and dependents
of Baji Rao have no claim on the British Government/' 77 This
decision was communicated to Nana Sahib in October 1851
and was confirmed by the Court of Directors in their despatch

78 On the subject of Baji Rao's descendants see Letter from E. H.
Moreland to J. Thornton dated 17 August 1851 (Pol. Progs, 3 Oct. 1851
Nos. 8- n); and SardesaiAfor^/ Riyasat. Pt., Ill, Vol 3, (Ch. XVIII).

76 Yaddasht of Nana Sahcb to Moreland dated 29 July 1851 (Pol. Progs.
3 Oct. Nos. 8-1 1).

77 Lord Dalhousie's Minute dated i j Sept. 1851 (Pol. Progs. 3 Oct. i8ji

Nos, 8-1 1).

32 INTRODUCTION

No. 1 6 of i852. 78 It is not however correct to assert that the
"adopted sons would not be recognised/' Lord Dalhousie's
minute on the subject runs as follows :

"For thirty three years the Peshwa received an annual clear
stipend of 80,000 besides the proceeds of his Jageer. In that
time he received the enormous sum of more than two millions
and a half sterling. He had no charges to maintain, he has
left no sons of his own ; and has bequeathed property to the
amount of twenty eight lacs to his family.

Those who remain have no claim whatever on the consider-
ation of the British Government. They have no claim on its
charity, because the income left t& them is amply sufficient for
them. If it were not ample,, the Peshwa ouU of his vast
revenues ought to have made it so ; and the probability is that
the property left is in reality much larger than it is avowed to
be. Wherefore under any circumstances the family have no
claim upon the Government ; and I will by no means consent
to any portion of the public revenues being conferred upon it.
I request that this determination of t'.:e Government of India
may be explicitly declared to the family without delay."

Apparently the surviving wives and daughters were not
pulling on well with Nana Sahib at the time and when his
appeal to the Court of Directors failed, 79 they decided to press
their own claims. 80 The daughters obviously fastened their
hopes on the Governor -General's reference to lack of sons and
the anonymous vyavasthapatra appended to their memorial
strove to establish that according to Hindu Law the word son
implies all issues -irrespective of their sex. If that contention

78 Political Despatch from Court No. 16, 1852.

79 Political Cons, i July 1853, No. 68.

80 Secretary in the Foreign Department to the Government of the North
Western Provinces dated 21 May 1852 (Pol. Cons. 21 May 1852 No. 195),
Political Despatch to Court No. 17, dated 3 March 1853; Political Despatch
to Court No. 44, dated 3 June 1853; Raja Anand Rao Bhonsla to Secretary
to the Government of Bengal (Foreign Cons. 12 Aug. 1853 No. 113) ; Order
of Government dated 12 Aug. 1853 (Foreign Cons. 12 Aug. 1853 No. 144);
Petition from Maina Bai and Sai Bai dated i June 1853 ; Secretary in the
Foreign Department to the Secretary to the Qovernrnept of North-Western
Provinces dated 4 Nov. 1855.

RANI SUKHAN'S PETITION 33

was accepted the situation would radically alter and the daughters
would be the rightful heir of their deceased father in lieu of
Nana. For the claims of the "aurasa-putra" or the son legiti-
mately begotten by the father have always been recognised as
superior to that of the "dattaka putra" or adopted son. An
apposite precedent would be found in the case of Baji Rao and
Amrit Rao, the "aurasa putra" and "dattaka putra," respectively
of Raghunath Rao. Unfortunately other papers relating to this
novel claim put forward by and on behalf of Yoga Bai and Baya
Bai have not been preserved but it can be safely inferred that their
plea was rejected, for the Government wanted Baji Rao's widows
to acknowledge Nana Sahilj as the duly adopted son of Baji
Rao. In their Political Despatch No. 35 of 1853 the Directors
observed. *These ladies claim a pension from Government
to which they are in no way entitled, and the inheritance of the
exJ-Jeshwa of whom they are not the legal heirs. They also
complain of oppressive treatment by Dhundoo Panth. From
this they have a just claim to be protected ; but as a preliminary
it is necessary that they should acknowledge Dhundoo Panth
the adopted son of Baji Rao and the head of the family,
which we perceive that hitherto they have refused to do". It
may be added that in all official communications Nana Sahib
has been invariably designated as Baji Rao's adopted son.

Whatevef the grounds of their original antagonism the sisters
and the mothers were finally reconciled to Nana for they shared
his misfortunes after the Mutiny and followed him to far off
Nepal 80 *. Yoga Bai and Baya Bai later rejoined their respective
husband, the former expired in 1880 while the latter survived
till 1 9th June 1917 a sad relic of a forgotten past and a living
monument to the inconstancy of fleeting fortune.

Ram Sukhan's Petition (Document 13).

When a deceased husband's estate is partitioned between two
widows does each moiety acquire the legal status of an indepen-
dent entity or do they still continue to be parts of the original
whole ? Or in other words in case of the death of one of them

*. Sardesai. op. tit.
F. 6

34 INTRODUCTION

is the surviving widow entitled to inherit her deceased co-wife's
share of the husband's property ? This was the point at issue
in the Buria or, to be more accurate, Jagadhri case.

Sardar Bhagwan Singh, Jagirdar of Jagadhri, of the junior
branch of the Buria family founded by Nanu Singh Bhangi,
died 81 in or about 1812. He left an infant son Jawahir Singh
and two widows Rani Daya Kunwar, a princess of the Patiala
family, and jRani Sukhan, mother of the minor prince. Daya
Kunwar was a lady of recognised ability 82 and had administered
her husband's estate even during his life time. Sir David
Ochterlony, unaware of the existence of the junior Rani and
under the wrong impression that Paya Kunwar was the mother
of Bhagwan Singh's heir, recognised her title to manage the
estate for the minor. The baby however died a ' few months
later but Rani Sukhan was held in close restraint and was not
in a position to make any representation to the Governor-
General's Agent. In 1817 her case came before Sir David
Ochterlony, and he frankly confessed that his sanction of Daya
Kunwar's regency was accorded in ignorance of the actual facts. 83
He admitted that the Sikh custom invariably supported the
mother's right to the regency during the minority of the son.
But the minor was already dead, and although the partisans of
Rani Sukhan argued that as the heiress of her son she was entitled
to the entire estate, Sir David suggested that the estate should
be managed by Daya Kunwar as previously and the income
should be equally divided between the two widows. Rani
Sukhan however was guaranteed a reversionary right to the whole
property in case she survived the senior widow. 84 These terms
she persistently rejected. 85 The senior Rani apparently welcom-

8 i D. Ochtcrlony's statement qn the Buriya case (Pol. Progs. 7 Nov. 1817,
No. 68.)

2 See also Ludhiana Agency Records 1808-09, p. 50 (Ochterlony to Edmon-
stonc, 4 Feby. 1809.)

88 Ochterlony to Secretary Adam dated 4 Oct. 1817 (Pol. Progs. 7 Nov.
1817, No. 68).

* Ochterlony's proposal dated 26 Sept. 1817.

88 Ochterlony to Birch dated 29 Sept. 1820 :

Ochterlony to Birch dated 17 Nov. 1820 (Pol, Progs. 16 Aug. 1828,
No. 1 6).

Ochterlony's letter dated 9 May 1822 to Government (Pol, Cons. 3
June 1820, No. 12.)

RANI SUKHAN'S PETITION 35

ed the suggestion and the* Supreme Government authorised
Ochterlony to give effect to his proposal * 'notwithstanding the
rejection of the terms by the younger Rani". The arrangement
however did not work. Daya Kunwar had accepted it with a
mental reservation, confident that once she was placed in charge
of the estate it would not be difficult to defraud her rival of
her legitimate dues. She evaded rendering "the account of the
revenue and expenditure since the death of her husband" for a
long time and when at last she submitted her books they were
found to be entirely false. In his letter dated 9 May addressed
to the Supreme Government, Ochterlony confessed that bis
confidence in "the supreme understanding, goodsense, and gooa
management of the Ranee' ', was ill founded. He was chagrined
to discover that "Her averice combined with dislike to Sookhan
had induced her to do everything in her power to evade the
decfsions of the most noble the Governor General in Council
and to withhold from her rival and tnemy not only the moiety
of the treasures and jewels which she is justly entitled to but
the very necessaries of life". The Supreme Government had
therefore no option but to direct the division of Bhagwan Singh's
estates "between the two Ranees" (Pol. Cons. 3 June 1820, No. 12).
The estates were therefore partitioned between the two widows
with the sole exception of Jagadhri. The town of Jagadhri, in
view of its special importance, was held jointly by both the Ranis,
though the management was left to Daya Kunwar who had
her residence there. Sukhan's agents however were permitted
to watch the collection and examine the accounts. 86

In 1828 Rani Daya Kunwar died 87 and the British Government
decided to resume her moiety of the Jagir. Rani Sukhan
registered her protest against this decision 88 and sent her accre-

8fi Resident at Delhi to Capt Murray dated 4 May 1826 (Pol. Progs. 16
Aug. 1828, No. 16.)

87 She died on 14 April 1828 according to Rani Sukhan's ist petition
to Governor-General (Reed. 2nd June 1828) Pol. Progs, n July 1828,
No. 22.

89 Colebrooke to Secretary Stirling dated 23 May and enclosures (Pol.
Progs. 13 June 1828, Nos. 17-18.)

Rani Sukhan's petition to Governor-Generaf (Reed. 2 June 1828)
Pol. Progs, ii July 1828, No. 22.

36 INTRODUCTION

dited agent, Ghulam Bhika, to plead with the British authori-
ties. 89 Among the papers produced in support of her claims
was the vyavasthapatra now brought to light. She did not
rely solely on the ancient legal texts but cited a number of
cases which she or her advisers considered to be relevant. They
laid special emphasis on Sir David Ochterlony's assurance that
should she outlive the senior widow the entire estate would revert
to her.

The Governor General in Council do not appear to have
taken the vyavasthapatra seriously into consideration. The
Rani was informed that Sir David's guarantee was conditional
on maintaining the estate intact and she could not benefit by an
offer which she had deliberately rejected. By the ^ very act of
partition Daya Kunwar's share of the estate had acquired a
separate and independent entity to which Rani Sukhan could
have no inherent legal claim. 90

The only part of the jagir jointly held by the two widows
was Jagadhri, a commercial town of considerable importance.
The British Government were reluctant to place the town under
Rani Sukhan' s administration as they feared -that the commercial
interests would suffer in her hands. But they readily conceded
that the revenue of the town should now revert to her in conso-
nance with Sir David Ochterlony's original offer. 91

The decision was obviously based more on expediency
than on law or custom, as Gulab Singh of the main branch
of the Buria family was permitted to inherit his brother
JaimaPs share- of the partitioned estate on the death of the
latter in 1816. The entire Jagir would, in any case, lapse to the
Government on Rani Sukhan's death and for her comfort
and sustenance a moiety had been found sufficient during the
preceding eight years.

ey Rani Sukhan's petition (Reed. 18 July 1829) and ursee of Ghulam
Bhika, Agent deputed by the Rani ; (Reed, n Aug. 1829) (Pol. Progs. 14
Oct. 1829, Nos. 147-49.)

90 Pol. Progs. 9 May 1828, Nos. 17-18. Stirling to Colebrooke 16 Aug.
1828 (Pol. Cons. 16 Aug. 1828 No. 67.)

91 Pol. Progs, *4Oct. 1829, No. 150.

CHARKHARI SUCCESSION CASE 37

The Charkbari Succession Case (Document 19.)

Charkhari is a small Bundela principality held by a scion
of the illustrious house of Chhatrasal. The Bundela princes had
scant regard for the law of primogeniture and preferred partition
of the paternal state though the process was not always peaceful.
The extensive territories of Chhatrasal thus inevitably disintegrated
in cour^t of time into numerous petty principalities and
Charkhari fell to the share of one of his many great grandsons,
Khuman Singh. 92 Of Khuman Singh's brothers we are concerned
with only two, Prithi Singh was assigned a distinct jagir and
separated from his elder broker, but Dhund Singh chose to cast
his lot with the ruler of Charkhari. Khuman Singh was succeeded
by his son Bijaya Bahadur, 93 while Dhund Singh had two legitimate
male offspring, Lachhman Singh and Indrajit Singh. Khet
Singh of our records was the son of the former. Bijaya Bahadur
had no less than three legitimate sons but all of them predeceased
him? The bereaved father then applied himself to diverting the
succession in favour of a natural son, Ranjit Singh born of a
servant girl. Ranjit Singh also died when his father was still alive
and Bijaya Bahadur nominated Ranjit's son, Ratan, a minor of six,
as his heir and successor and this nomination was duly approved
by the paramount power. 94 Lachhman Singh, Bijaya Bahadur's

92 'Shumana Simha* of the document. According' to the Genealogical
tree of the Charkhari family given by Luard (Central India State Gazetteer, Vol-
VI- A1 be was the second son of Kirat Singh. Kirat Singh had predeceased
his father Jagat Raj. The latter's death in 1758 was followed by a war of
succession ' between his son, Pahad Singh on the one hand and
Khuman Singh and his brother, Guman Singh on the ottar. In 1761
the quarrel was patched up, and Khuman Singh was assigned the territory of
Charkhari with its revenue of nine lakh rupees (Luard, op. tit p. 208).

93 Also known as Bije Vikramjit (Vijaya-Vikramaditya), He was
ousted from his territory by Arjun Singh of Banda, but in 1789 he joined Ali
Bahadur and Himmat Bahadur in their invasion of Bundelkhand. In .return
for his services he received from the former a sanad for the Charkhari fort
(1798), In 1803 he allied himself with the English and obtained from them a
sanad confirming him in his possession in 1804. He was a patron of litera-
ture and author of a book of devotion entitled Vikr&ma-biradavali. Died in

1829 (Luard op. cit. p. 209).

94 Lt, Moo lie to Government dated 8 April 1822 (Pol Cons. 4
May 1822 Nos. 95-95) and Government to Lt. Moodie dated 4 May 1822 (Pol.
Cons. 4 May 1822 No. 95).

3 8 INTRODUCTION

cousin, treated this nomination as an infringement of his legiti-
mate rights. 95 He left the state in protest and submitted a
memorial to the British Government. 98 His contention was
that the ruler of a Bundela principality was not entitled to dis-
pose of the succession as he liked. His authority in this respect
was strictly circumscribed by family tradition and local custom
and in the absence of a legitimate heir of the ruling prince's body
the gadi devolved automatically on the seniormost mem%er of the
collateral branch, for the bar sinister was for ever a bar absolute
in a princely family, and a son born out of wedlock had no claim
to the father's throne. As for the members of the collateral
branches those who lived in a joint family with the prince con-
cerned had precedence over those who had formally separated
from him, for the latter were held to have renounced all claim to
the joint estate in lieu of the portion sequestrated in their favour.
Bijaya Bahadur, though a man of fairly advanced years, survived
the formal recognition of Ratan Singh as his heir-apparent for
seven years, but Lachhman died in the meantime. 97 His rights
were inherited by his son Khet Singh, 98 who was unrelenting in
his efforts to undo the/0// accompli ." His appeal to the brother
princes met with a ready response and seven Bundela Chieftains
headed by Raja Bikramjit Mahendra of Orcha, the premier Raja
of Bundelkhand, testified to the validity of his claims. 100 A

98 Lt. Moodie to Lachhman Singh dated 29 April 1822 (Pol. Cons. 30
Nov. 1835 No. 15) and ditto to Government dated i August 1823 (Pol. Con.
24 Oct. 1823 Nos. 53-56)

9ft It appears from Khet Singh's memorial dated 10 May 1826 to Lord
Amhersc (Pol. Cons. 30 Nov. 1835 No. 15, that Lachhman Singh left for
Benares as early as 1820 and submitted his claims to Mr J. Mat joribanks, the
Agem of the Governor-General in Bundelkhand. He presented a second
petition in July 1821, which met with the same fate as the first one. He
appears to have finally retired to Cawnpore sometime after 29 April 1822, See
also Lt. Moodie's letter to Lachhman Singh dated 29 April 1822 (Pol. Cons,
30 Nov. 1835 No. 15).

97 Khet Singh's memorial dated 10 May 1826.

99 In his petition of July 1821 Lachhman Singh is said to have declared
that he had transfeired all his rights to Khet Singh and to have claimed for the
latter 'the succession to the Raj of Charkary (sic) after the death of the Present
Rajah.' (Khet Singh's memorial dated 10 May 1826.)

99 For a succinct account of the efforts made by Khet Singh in this behalf
sec Lord Bentinck's Minute dated 8 Jan. 1830 (Pol. Cons. 8 Jan. 1830 No. 90).

100 The testimony was enclosed with Khet Singh's petition dated 10 May
1826 (Pol. Cons. 30 Nov. 1 83 > No 15).

CHARKHARI SUCCESSION CASE 39

natural son, they affirmed, had no right to a Bundela gadi and
Khet Singh, according to them, was the rightful heir of Bijaya
Bahadur. The testimony of the Bundela princes referred only
to the family custom and Khet Singh offered to abide by
their arbitration but the British Government did not deem it
expedient to reopen this inconvenient question particularly after
the formal accession of Ratan Singh to the Charkhari State. 101
Khet Singh maintained that even the traditional law of the
land was averse to the decision of the British Government, and
appealed first to Colebrooke's Mitdkshard (obviously his Digest) 1 **
and later produced a yyavasthapatra 1 ** or authoritative exposi-
tion of the law signed by several learned scholars either attached
to the Sanskrit College or to the Law Courts of Benares. 104 The
Pandits testifying to the cause of Khet Singh represented
different provinces of India. Kasinath Ashtaputre obviously
hailed from Maharashtra and Krishna Charan Sarma 105 was
doubtless a Bengalee as his signature is in modern Bengali
script. Hirananda Chaturvedi was* probably a native of the
United Provinces of today and Shaligram Pandit was probably
the official adviser to the British Judge as he described himself
as a Pradvivdka. The English translation mentions Subba
Shastri, apparently a Dravid scholar, but his signature is not to
be found in the original document.

1 ! The petition was rejected by the Government of India on 7 July
1826 (Pol. Cons. 14 July 1826 Nos. 65-67).

102 The passages referred to were as follows :
"Sec. 9 paras 2 3 page 357.

2. Effects which had been divided and which are again mixed together,
are termed ^ reunited. He to whom such appertain is a reunited partner.
3. That cannot take place with any person indifferently but only with a father
a brother o a pirental uncle Vrihaspati declares "He who being once sepra'
ted unite again through affection with his father, brother or parental uncte is
termed reunited." '

"Sec. 1 2 paras i & 3 page 376.

i Having thus explained partition of heritage, the author next propounds
the evidence by which may be proved in a case ot doubt "when partition" is
denied the f-ct of it may be ascertained by the evidence of kinsmen, relatives
^ witness etc. by written proof or by separate possession of house or field.
(Khet Singh's Memorial of 10 May 1826)."

103 This was enclosed by him with his letter to Sir Charles Metcalfc
sometime before 26 Oct. 1835 (Pol. Cons. 30 Nov. 1835 No. 14).

10 * They are described as 'Pandits of c he Adawlaut of Benares' in the
English translation (Pol. Cons. 30 Nov. 1835 No 14),

105 In tl j C English translation he is described as bearing the surname
'Bhattacharyya/

4O INTRODUCTION

The action of the Government was admittedly hasty
and the justice of their decision not beyond dispute. The
Government of India observed that if Ratan Singh's -claims
were negatived Prithi Singh's descendants would have precedence
over those of Dhund Singh, from whom Khet Singh derived
his rights. 106 This argument could no longer have any force
when Prithi Singh's heirs subscribed to a paper upholding Khet
Singh's claims. 107 When the disappointed prince preferred an
appeal to the Court of Directors 108 he was told that if he had
suffered any wrong it was not due to any action of theirs ; the
responsibility was to be laid at the door of Bijaya Bahadur. 109
But the nomination of the doting grandfather would have little
force in law and fact if it had not been confirmed by the
paramount power.

Lord Bentinck frankly admitted that the Government case
was far from strong. "I am compelled to state", he writes,
that "in my opinion Dewan Khet Singh has good ground,
for being dissatisfied with the determination of Government."
The Governor-General then -goes on to show that in the letter
of Lt. Moodie, Acting Agent? of the Governor General in
Bundelkhand, conveying the desire of Raja Bijaya Bahadur
" that his grandson Rutton Singh should be considered as
Heir to his Possesstions in the event of his not leaving a
legitimate son by one of his Ranees", "no mention however
is made of the claims of the present applicant, or of other
branches of the family". "It appears too from the same letter
that there are no doubts of some form having been wanting
to legalise the marriage of Rajah Bejoy Behadoor with the grand-

106 Stirling to Khet Singh dated 7 July 1826 (Pol. Cons. 14 July Nos.
65-67.)

107 This paper was given to Khet Singh on 'Kartik Sudi 3rd .8.1891'
(4 Nov. 1834) by "Rao Benee Bahadoor Jue Dev, Representative of the family
of Prithee Singh" and it was forwarded by h'm to the Governor-General with
his memorial (datw i Dec. 1834). In this paper Benee Bahadur stated, "We
are six brothers and we acknowledge that we have now no claim to the guddee
and that we do not pretend to dispute the right with Dewan Khet Singh"
(Pol. Cons. 30 Nov. 1835 No, 15).

loe This was done in 1833. The memorial itself is recorded in the
Political Progs 30 Nov. 1835 No. 15.

10 * Political Despatch from Court No, 19, 1837.

CHARKHARI SUCCESSION CASE 41

mother of Rutton Sing and that consequently that person
was not legitimately descended from the Rajah notwithstanding
that Person's assertion to the contrary. On this point however,
the Rajah's own letter is conclusive evidence", "As I have before
said'', continued Lord Bentinck, "I think that Khet Singh has
good Grounds for being dissatisfied with the decision of Govern-
ment and although I am of Opinion that the recognition of Bcjoy
Behadoor's illegitimate grandson was too hastily sanctioned, I do
not contemplate any alteration of that measure ; from the docu-
ment filed by the petitioner it is pretty clear I think that, without
our support the present Occupant Rajah Bejoy Behadoor having
lately died and Ruttun Singh having succeeded him could not
maintain himself in possession of the Raj against Khet Singh's
claims, and that we are consequently bound to require that a
liberal allowance should be made from the proceeds of the Estate
for the support of the latter". The Governor-General concluded
that "all the circumstances of the % case being considered, an
allowance of Twelve Thousand Rupees per Annum should be
allotted for Khet Singh's support''. 110

In passing one may be permitted to wonder why the Gover-
nor-General went out of his way to use the good offices of Raja
Kali Shankar Ghoshal 111 to induce Khet Singh to accept this
allowance and then decline to forward his appeal to the
Court of Directors. Raja Kali Shankar was in all probability
acting in Khet Singh's interest and it is not quite unlikely that
the Governor-General might have informally given expression
to his personal feelings as to the merit of the case as he did in
his minute.

Khet Singh was not unwilling to accept the allowance but
when the Governor-General's Agent wanted him to return to
Charkhari and swear fealty to Raja Ratan Singh he flatly

110 Pol. Cons. 8 Jan, No, 90.

1 ' This is what Raja Kali Shankar Ghoshal wrote to Brigadier General
White in this connexion : "Lord William Bentinck employed me to prevail on
Khet Singh to take the thousand rupees. He told me that Khet Singh's claim
was just, but that as the act of appointing Ruttun Sing was done by his
Predecessor, he could nor alter it. He advised Khet Singh to appeal o the
King m Council and said he had little doubt that he would recover bis Rauj."
(PoK Cons. 30 Nov. 1835 Ko 14).

F. 6

44 INTRODUCTION

refused. 112 In no case would he demean himself by acknowledg-
ing as his sovereign and chief a youngster of tainted origin and
expose himself to the risk of being put to death at his rival's
convenience by transferring his residence to Charkhari.

The case however had a happy ending. If the settled fact
could not be unsettled and the state of Charkhari restored
to him, Khet Sing was called upon by Lord Ellenborough, as
a descendant of Chhatrasal, to rule over another Bundela State,
Jaitpur, in i842. 113 The State lapsed to the paramount
power when he died without issue. Not so Charkhari.
In 1880 Ratan Singh's son Jai Singh poisoned himself, his widow
adopted Malkhan Singh, a descendant of Prithi Singh, and on his
death in 1908 his father Jujhar Singh was permitted to inherit
the gadi.^* Thus did the legitimate representatives of Kirat
Singh's family come to their own.

Documents i ,' 1 1 , 18 and 2 5 .

Of the remaining four dyavasthapatras No. i deals with the
validity of an adoption and incidentally discusses the question
whether a brother's son enjoys in the eye of law the rights and
status of a son in relation to a person without any issue. It
has not been possible to identify the parties concerned, nor is it
known how the point at issue was decided. But the case was
obviously of some importance and- the estates under dispute
not inconsiderable as the Governor-General took the trouble of
referring it to Raja Chait Singh of Benares, with a view to
eliciting the views of the learned |Brahmans of the holy city. In
his letter dated September 4, 1778 Warren Hastings informed the
Raja that the case before the Council was one that should best be
left for the judgment of the Pandits. He therefore requested the
Raja to place the letter before the learned scholars of Benares and
obtain their considered opinion on the subject. The case briefly

told is as follows : Two brothers are in joint possession of an

1 1 2 Khet Singh's petition to the Governor-General written sometime before
13 May i833.(Pol. Cons. 30 Nov. 1835 No. 15).

113 Pol. Cons. 14 Dec. 1842 Nos. 132,133, 14 June 1843 Nos, 795, 9*5
816.

14 Aitchison, Tw$tfa 9 Engagements and Sanads, Vol. V, p. 23,

DOCUMENT II 43

ancestral zamindari. One of them was without any issue while the
other had several sons legitimately begotten. The first adopted a
son though his nephews were alive. Is the adoption valid and will
the adopted son inherit his adoptive father's share of the family
estates and thus exclude the legitimate sons of the other brother
from that part of the joint property ? 115 Chait Singh's reply
forwarding the vyavasthapatra in question was received at Calcutta
on November 7 within two months of the enquiry. "I have
received your letter accompanying a question of law to be settled
by the Pandits. I invited the distinguished Pandits of Benares
and put the question to them. They considered it from every
point of view in the light ofr the Sastra and have arrived at an
unanimous decision. I am sending their verdict on a separate
piece of paper duly signed by them. It is hoped that the Pandits
of Calcutta will be able to explain it to you." 118 ;

In 1778 Calcutta could not claim to be as distinguished a
seat of Sanskrit learning as Benares pr Nabadwip. The reference
of a highly controversial question to the legal luminaries of
Benares therefore meant no slur on Bengalee scholarship and the
signatories really represented the elite of that city, for many of
them appended their signatures to the memorandum of 1787
(document No. 2) testifying to the meritorious deeds of Warren
Hastings. ,

The unanimous verdict was in favour of the adoption.

Another vyavasthapatra (Document n) relates to the
joint property held by Nagar Brahmans. The subject of enquiry
is whether an estate held in common by five Nagar brothers and
their sister should escheat to the King on the failure of male
heirs ? Document 1 8 raises a question of much wider impli-
cation. Can a grant made to a Brahman scholar for the main-
tenance of his family escheat to the State at any time under any
circumstance ? While Document 1 1 bears the signature of
five Brahman scholars of Benares, the majority of whom seems to
have come from the south if their surnames offer any sure clue to

118 Copies of Persian Letters issued, Vol. 10, p. 101 No. 163. English
Translation of Persian Letters issued, Vol. 17 pp. 43-4 No. 69.

116 Original Persian Letter Received, 1778, No. 101.

44 INTRODUCTION

the region of their origin, the value of Document 18 rests
entirely on the authorities and the texts cited, for it derives no
additional importance from the support of any contemporary
jurist of repute. But if we know nothing about the Nagar
Brahman family for whose benefit the former paper was drawn,
it is not impossible to establish the indentity of the parties that
submitted the anonymous one. On the docket of this document
are found two names, those of Lakshmi Bai and Amba Ram
Shastri, Among the records of the Government of India are
several petitions 117 from these two persons, mother and son, for
the partial restoration of a pension which had been granted to
Amba Ram's father, Vyankat Ram, in lieu of rent-free lands
granted to his grandfather, another Vyankat Ram Shastri, by the
Peshawa Balaji Baji Rao in recognition of his piety and erudition.
The hereditai^y inam lands confirmed by successive rulers were
sequestrated after the annexation of the Peshawa's territories.
The petitioners belonged to the city of Mandleshwar in Central
India and had travelled to Calcutta to present their case before
the Governor-General in Council and for some time resided in
the Jorasanko area of the town. Their claims were supported
by Mr. F. H. Sandys, 118 Assistant to the Resident at Indore, even
after the Governor-General in Council had refused to reconsider
the earlier decision. But it is not known whether a more
compassionate view of the case was subsequently taken. In any
case the injunctions of the sacred books had but little influence
on the Governor-General and his Councillors.

The last paper of this group, Document 25, was sub-
mitted by a Punjabi Brahman, Murari by name, in support of
his appeal against the judgment of the Deputy Commissioner,
Gurdaspur, which was later upheld by Mr. Robert Montgomery,
Judicial Commissioner of the Punjab. Murari's father had two
wives, by whom he had three sons, Murari and his step-brothers
Khushal and Narain. They were priests by profession and

117 Pol. Cons. 10 Dec. 1834 No. 42 ; 8 June 1835 Nos. 20-21 and 15 June
1835 Nos. 112-114.

11 * Sandys to Macnaghtcn 20 March and 12 May 1835 (Pol. Cons. 8 June
1835 No, 21); Sandys to John Bax, Resident at Indore dated 12 May (Pol.
Cp ns. 15 June 1835 No. 113).

KANHARDAS'S PETITIONS 45

during the father's life time it was decided by him that the per-
quisites of his office should be divided equally between Murari
on the one hand and Khushal and Narain on the other i.e. Murari
should perform the professional duties for his father's clients
for fifteen days every month, while the remaining half of the*
month would be allotted to his step-brothers. After their
father's death Khushai and Narain refused to abide by this
arrangement and the matter went to the court. In his applica r
tion for revision of the judgment Murari contended that both
the local custom and the traditional law were in his favour.
Raghunathanandana Bhattacharya referred to in the first
of the * legal texts ' was O other than the famous Smarta
Raghunandana. It is remarkable that his authority should be
cited in a law suit in the Punjab. Obviously legal learning did
not recognise provincial limits and wandered far afield in search
of favourable texts. It is to be noted that in the Patiala succession
case also Prince Ajit Singh made a similar plea, but this document
has ceased to be of any practical interest to-day.

PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS

Three Petitions from Kanhardas (Documents 5, 6 and 7*)

Kanhardas, a Brahman youth of Gwalior, came to Benares
in the eighties of the eighteenth century, to complete his educa-
tion. He had brought some money with him to defray his ex-
penses and when his slender funds were exhausted, earned an
easy living, as many of his fellow students in like circumstances
doubtless did, by reciting the Srimad-fthagavata to the devout
people of the holy city. Lodging probably offered no serious
difficulty to a Brahman seeker of learning in those charitable days.
When the first of the following letters was penned Kanhardas
used to lodge at the Daranagar residence of Mankumari in the
neighbourhood of Vriddhakaleswara temple. 119 Mankumari

1 1 9 On Vt iddhakaleswara temple sec Shearing, Sacred City of the Hindus
and Nevill, Gazetteer of the Benares District. The temple lies just to the north of
Bishweshwarganj, close by the old tank known as "Hara Tirath" (Haratirtha)
and is repotted to be one of the oldest Hindu edifices in Benares.

46 INTRODUCTION

seems to have been a lady of affluence as she was the^r// of Raja
Chait Singh's mother. 120 Kanhardas probably joined the
Sanskrit Pathsala founded by Jonathan Duncan in iy92, 121 for
reference is made to the professors in charge of the Pathsala in
the second letter. The course of studies that he had chosen for
his own was a lengthy one. The hardworking Brahman was already
twenty-six and had yet five years to complete his favourite studies.
-He had not started his scholastic career late. Seven diligent
years, three at his native city and four at a now-forgotten seat of
learning, Sihumda, had he devoted to the cultivation of his mind
before he turned his ambitious steps towards the farfamed semi-
naries at the confluence of Varu&a and Asi. There he had
spent another nine years of studious labour and if things had gone
well he might have commenced the struggle for worldly existence
armed with a Benares Degree at the youthful age of thirty one I
Happily the universities of to-day are less exacting and release
their alumni much earlier. <At twenty six an unforeseen misfor-
tune befell our student. His arduous labours had evidently told
upon his health and half an hour's writing and an hour's reading
would cause severe headache and the weary eyes of the unhappy
patient would start profusely streaming. Strive as he might he
could not even glance through the learned tomes he had so assidu-
ously perused. Such medical remedies as his means permitted
proved of little avail. When at the tether's end he sought
inspiration from- his favourite Sastras and concluded that to the
ruler of the land alone could he turn for succour in his distress,
for had not 3ri Krishna himself observed in the second half of the
tenth section of the Srimad-'&bagavata that it is the supreme duty
of the King to relieve the distressed. Charity finds its own
reward in untarnished fame in this world and eternal bliss in the
next. Witness the glorious instances of Hari^chandra, Rantideva,
Mudgala, 3ibi, Bali and the charitable pigeon. To Kanhardas

120 i.e. widow of Raja Balavant Singh. Her name is not known, but
she is probably the same lady whom R. N. Rattray referred to in his letter
dated 23 March 1813 to John Monckton (L R. D. Foreign Misc. Series
No. 76).

i 2 * On this point see Page 50 S infra.

KANHARDAS'S PETITIONS 47

f
Sir John Shore was a "svarat," a king in his own right, a bbUpa

a ruler of the realm, avampuramdara, Lord of the World and
the Governor-General was above all the only refuge of the
learned (yidushamekamasrayam). He, therefore, addressed two
letters to Sir John Shore imploring his assistance in his afflic-
tions. If the Governor-General condescended to recommend the
poor supplicant to a European officer at Benares the latter would
probably provide for his food and clothing as \*ell as for the
treatment of his eyes. If his ailments were cured he proposed to
complete his studies in five years and wherever he might sub-
sequently go his blessings would for ever attend the Governor-
General, whose eulogies he wpuld everywhere sing. If perchance
his sight did not improve he would spend his remaining years at
Benares ever praying for the well-being of his benefactor,.
Although he was not in any way acquainted with Sir John the
fame of his sympathy for the indigent induced him to present his

case for the Governor-GeneraPs consideration.

The letters bear no date but from an entry in English at the
end it appears that the first was received on the 8th November,
1796 (probably) at the Resident's office at Benares and it reached
the headquarters a week later. This conjecture is corroborated by
the second letter, for Karttikasudi afhfami corresponds to the 8th
November. The second letter arrived at Calcutta on the 30th
May of the next year. Kanhardas gratefully acknowledges Sir
John's kindness and refers to his visit to Benares on his way to
Lucknow in January, 1797 (pausamasasya saptamyam guruv&sare).
The third apd the last of the series addressed to the members of
the Supreme Council (received on the zznd May, 1798) after Sir
John Shore had relinquished office and sailed for home (nth
March, 1798) also proves that the poor Brahman's prayer did not
go unheeded. The paper on which it was written testifies to the
improvement in the writer's finances, for unlike the previous
epistles it is liberally bespangled with tiny diamonds in gold.
The gratitude of the Brahman had meanwhile elevated Shore to
the rank and status of an emperor and he tells the Councillors
that the Governor-General had made some provision for him at
Benares wherefrom he had derived considerable benefit. Subse-

48 INTRODUCTION

quently, great favours were conferred on him by the sovereign of
Bundelkhand who also entrusted him with some presents for
Sir John Shore. He, however, learnt that Sir John had left for
home and requested the Councillors to direct him as to whom
and where the presents should be delivered.

Few, if any, student, however poor, would to-day dream

of bringing his woes to the notice of so exalted a personage

as the Governor-General. But in the early days of the

British empire in India the Governor-Generals did not rule in

splendid isolation. The European community even in the

Presidency towns of Calcutta, Madras and Bombay was very

small and tradition demanded th#t the first executive officer

in the land should not be entirely indifferent tp the sorrows

and joys of the Indian notables. Thus, when a marriage was

celebrated in an aristocratic family of Clacutta or an heir was

born to a nobleman of Murshidabad the Governor-General

was expected to send a f letter of congratulations and the

customary khelat. Even an opulent banker of Benares was

consoled in his bereavement with a sympathetic letter and a robe

of honour from the Governor-General. 122 Benares was in those

days far off from Calcutta, but the highest officials were not less

accessible to the poorest citizens than they are to-day. The

civil servants of the East India Company had perforce to

spend their best years in India and during their long sojourn

they learnt to respect the customs and traditions of the country.

It is to be noted that not one of the three letters bearing the name

of Kanhardas was accompanied by an English translation.

We have a Persian version of the first but the other two were

unprovided with any such key. Sir John Shore was well versed

in the ancient lores of the east. He was no stranger to the

charms of Persian poetry or the sublime speculations of Hindu

philosophy. Once he actually contemplated an English translation

of the Yoga-Vatishfba ULarnayana and bis correspondence bears

ample testimony to his profound knowledge of the classics 123 . It

122 See Calendar of Persian Correspondence, Vol. VII No. 1214.

'" 3 Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. XVIII and Memoir of the Lift
and Correspondence of John, Lord Teignmoutb, Vol. I.

KANHARDAS'S PETITIONS 49

was in recognition of his uncommon erudition that the Governor-
General had been elected to succeed Sir William Jones as President
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Sir John Shore could very
well be expected to appreciate the five laudatory verses with
which Kanhardas prefaced his first letter and when the number
of the verses was increased to nine in the second, the ardent
student of oriental styles was probably satisfied as to his corres-
pondent's merit and worth. The student paid no formal compli-
ment to his noble benefactor when he addressed Sir John Shore
as vidvaajjana-kamalakula-prakdsanamdrtandamurtn.

Did Kanhardas appeal to his natural liege lord in the first
instance ? We do not know^ Daulat Rao Sindhia was a powerful
prince, but in November 1796 he was away from his capital. The
future of the Maratha empire and the ruling house of Poona was
then hanging in the balance and the heir of Mahadaji Sindhia
could not afford to remain an indifferent spectator. In hi? own
interest he had to play an effective part -in the making and
unmaking of governments and then followed in quick succession
a dispute for the Holkar's musnadm& the rebellion of the Bais.
From 1796 to 1798 Daulat Rao was too occupied with the
distracting problems of the Maratha state to attend to the needs
of an ailing student at Benares. It is extremely doubtful whether
Kanhardas's letter, if one was ever addressed, could reach the
ruler of Gwalior in the far off Deccan.

Who was the King of Bundelkhand who befriended the
indigent Brahman ? There were more than a dozen Bundela
principalities, big and small. Some of them acknowledged the
political suzerainty of the Sindhia, others were directly under the
Peshwa's hegemony. It may not be profitable at this distance of
time to speculate about the identity of the prince whose munifi-
cence led the grateful scholar to indulge in undue exaggeration,
that identified a part with the whole. But one may perhaps be
permitted to hazard a guess, Hirde Shah, the founder of the
ruling house of Panna, bore the title of Raja of Bundelkhand and
Dhokul Singh, his descendant, might by right of inheritance
claim that dignity. He was, however, completely under the
(lomination 'of Ali Bahadur, Naiwab of Banda, and representative
fr\ 7

5O INTRODUCTION

of the Poona Government in Bundelkhand. Chatrasal Bundcla
professed to treat Baji Rao I as one of his sons and had formally
bequeathed one third of his territories to the Brahman general.
Ali Bahadur, as the Peshwa's grandson, might be appropriate-
ly styled as ftundelekhanddkkyarashtradhtfa. This hypothesis
further gains in strength if Sihumda of the first letter is identified
with Sihonda a town in the Banda District, which was part of Ali
Bahadur's dominions. It was the headquarters of a pargana
under Akbar and a capital under the Rajas of Banda. 124 Ali
Bahadur, an heir of Brahman tradition, a representative of a
Brahman state, might have befriended a Brahman student who
once prosecuted his studies at Sihonda.

We do not know whether Kanhardas employed a skilled
scribe to write his petition to so high a personage as the Gover-
nor-General. The letters form good specimens of Devanagari
calligraphy and seem to be in the same hand. The writing is
neat and legible but the text is not entirely free from slips of pen.
One peculiar use of a purely Sanskrit word deserves particular
notice specially as the writer happened to be a genuine student of
Sanskrit. Kanhardas calls his letter an drjavapatra^ but arjava
used in its original sense is hardly appropriate. On the other
hand if it is treated as a sanskritised form of a common Persian
word, ara% t it fully accords with -the real character of the letters.
Kanhardas exercises the time-honoured prerogative of a Brahman
when he . offers his benedictions to the Governor-General and his
Councillors irrespective of their age, rank and status.

Kasmatb Pandit's Petition (Document 8.)

Most Indians in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries
used courtly Persian in their official correspondence, a few pfeferr-
ed their mother-tongue and a microscopic minority, learned
Brahmans as a rule, had recourse to classical Sanskrit. So far
only one instance of a bilingual letter addressed to the Governor-
General of the day in which the Persian text is prefaced by two

(** District Gazetteers of the United Provinces* Vol. XXI, pp. 289-90,

KASINATH'S PETITION 5 1

laudatory Sanskrit verses in a sonorous and difficult metre
(SragdharS) has come to our notice. The writer, Kasinath
Panclit, was the first Rector 126 or the head preceptor, as he is
variously styled in contemporary records, of the Sanskrit College
or Pathsala founded by Jonathan Duncan at Benares and held
that office for nearly a decade. We know very little or nothing
about him except that under his administration the Pathsala
belied the high hopes of the well-meaning founders and became
an object of common ridicule. Kasinath's scholarship has not
been called into question by any of his critics. He was in all
probability a native of Bengal, as one of the eight 120 foundation
professors of the Pathsala, S jjamananda Bhattacharji, is described
as "son of Kashinath". Among the pilgrims and pandits who
in 1787 bore testimony to the character and good government of
Warren Hastings w6 come across two Kasinaths who subscribe
themselves as Maithil and Sarma respectively. 127 Of these,
Kasinath Sarma is probably our man. It is extremely unlikely
that a person of his ambition and enterprise would keep aloof
from a movement set on foot to vindicate the character and ad-
ministration of an ex-Governor-General 128 and a MaithiPs son
does not usually call himself a Bhattacharji. "Sero Shastri Guru
Tarkalankar Cashinath Pandit Juder Bedea Behadut" is probably

12 R Pol. Cons. 16 April 1801 No. no, and George Nicholl's History of
the 'Benares College, p. 4.

1 2 fi In NichoU's work the other names are given as " Bireshur Sheth,
(Bireshwar Shesh ?) Professor of the large Vyakarana of Panini and the Bhasya
of the Rigveda," "Ramchandra Tara, Professor of the Veda and Vedanta,"
" Soolepa (Sooba ?) Shastri, Professor of the Mimamsa." " Gossain Anandgir,
Professor of the Purans and Cabe (Kavya) Shastra," " Luchmipat Joshi,
Professor of the Jotish Shastra," " Gangaram Bhat, Professor of the Vaya
(Ayurveda) Shastra," and " Ramprashad Tarka Panchanan, Professor of
Nyayasastra."

127 DOCUMENT $ in the present collection.

1 * * As a matter of fact in the Sanskrit letter of congratulation addressed
to Hastings by the Benares Pandits on 'the 7 th of the light fortnight of the moon
of Phalgoona in the 1852 of the Samvat ' (15 March 1796) his name appears at
the head of the other signatories. The original letter is not traceable among the
archives of the Government of India, but a translation of it will be found in the
Debates of the House of Lords (1797), pp. 755-768. Here, his name is followed
by the designation " Professor of General Knowledge " as well as his seal,
wherein he is described as 'Ornament of Logic and among Pandits called the
Chief of Science' (Vide ' The Testimonials of good conduct to Warren Hastings
by the Benares Pandits' by P. K. Code, M.A., in Journal of the Tanjore S, M
Library, Vol. II, No. i).

$ 2 INTRODUCTION

the nineteenth century English corruption of the Persian equi-
valent of Sirah Sastri Guru Pandit Kasinath Tarkalankar
Yajurvedi.

Whether the idea of founding a Government school for
Sanskrit studies at Benares qp the analogy of the Madrasa at
Calcutta really originated with Kasinath we do not know. But
in the absence of any evidence to the contrary we need not sum-
marily dismiss his claim as absolutely unfounded. Charles
Wilkins probably experienced some difficulty in securing the
services of a competent Brahman scholar, 129 for in those days
orthodox Brahmans would not ordinarily agree to interpret their
sacred rites and doctrines to a Christian student. Even a perso-
nage of Sir William Jones's rank met with rebuff from certain
Pandits of the more cosmopolitan and less exclusive city of Cal-
cutta. Our records are silent about Wilkfns's suggestion to
Warren Hastings, Kasinath's contemplated journey to Calcutta
and his conversation with Jonathan Duncan. All that we defi-
nitely know is that Duncan suggested to Lord Cornwallis in a
letter dated ist January, 1792, that apart of "the surplus Revenue
expected to be derived from the permanent settlement" "could
not be applied to more general advantage or with more local pro-
priety than by the Institution of a Hindoo College or Academy
for the preservation and cultivation of the Laws, Literature and
Religion of that nation, at this centre of their faith and the com-
mon resort of all their tribes." 130 Duncan believed that two
very desirable objects would be simultaneously attained by the
foundation of such an Academy. The services of the professors
and students might be utilised for the collection and transcription
of rare Sanskrit treatises on religion, laws, sciences and arts and
a valuable manuscript library might thus be "accumulated at only
a small expense to Government/' 131 The British Government

129 That Kasinath was closely associated with Wilkins is attested
by the following passage in the Commentary on Govardhana Kaul's paper on
the Literature of the Hindus published in Asiatic Researches Vol. I ' When Casi-
natha Serman who attended Mr. Wilkins was asked what he thought of the
Paniniya he answered very expressively " It was a forest." * (p. 351).

130 Selections from Educational Records, Part I, p. 10.
1*1 Ibid. p. u.

KASINATH'S PETITION 5 3

would thus gain great credit and popularity with the Hindus in
general by outdoing their own princes in their zeal fot the pre-
servation and propagation of Hindu teaming, and the college in
due course would be "a nursery of future doctors and ex-
pounders of Hindu Law, to assist the European Judges in the
due, regular, and uniform administration of its genuine letter
and spirit to the body of the people". Suqh advantages could
be secured according to Duncan's estimate at the comparatively
moderate cost of rupees 14,000 per annum. The Governor-
General readily approved of the scheme and authorised the Resi-
dent to increase the establishment to Sicca Rupees 20,000 per
annum "from the commencement of the Fussly year 1200"
"provided upon the arrival of that period you shall be of opinion
(of which you will advise us) that the surplus collections will be
adequate to the payment of the amount/' 132 So in due course
the Sanskrit Pathsala was started with eight professors and
Kasinath as Head Preceptor. If he had really exerted himself
heart and soul for ten years with a view to establishing a Sans-
krit Academy, his labours found ample reward in the monthly
emoluments of rupees 200 besides the prestige and patronage
associated with the preceptor's office.

The Governor-General in Council was the official visitor of
the newly-founded institution, but the Resident, as his Deputy,
was the person really responsible for the success of the scheme.
Duncan took every care not to offend the religious susceptibilities
of the Brahmans on whose co-operation the future of the Pathsala
largely depended. One of the rules framed by him definitely laid
down that "the Professor of Medicine must be a Vaidya, and so
may the teacher of Grammar ; but as he could not teach Panini,
it would be better that all except the physician, should be
Brahmans". The next rule provided that the Brahman teachers
were to have preference over "strangers" in succeeding to the
headship, and it was also decided that the discipline of the college
should conform in every respect to the edicts of Manu and the
examination of students in "the more secret branches of learning

ia Selections from 'Educational JLecord$> Part I, pp. 12-13.

54 INTRODUCTION

were to be conducted periodically by a committee of Brahmans"
and the professors were not expected to impart lessons in
sacerdotal subjects in the presence of non-Brahmans. 133 Hindu
sentiments were, therefore, fully taken into account and all pos-
sible concessions were made to Brahman prejudices in recruiting
professors and in framing regulations. There is reason to
suspect that even the professorship of medicine went to a mem-
ber of the priestly caste. 134

The college records are wanting for the first seven years,
and it is not clear when exactly its affairs took an unhappy
turn. Duncan left Benares in 1795 and in 1798 the supervi-
sion of the college was vested iiva Committee consisting of
G. F. Cherry, Samuel Davis and Captain Wilford. 135 Cherry
was a Persian scholar of some repute and met with a tragic
end at Beiiares in January 1799. Davis had interested himself
in the study of Hindu astronomy and Wilford, a devoted
student of Sanskrit, was appointed the Secretary of the
Committee. He was originally appointed to survey the
boundaries between the British districts and the Nawab Vizier's
territories, but the Oudh officers offered all sorts of obstacles to
him and his work had to be suspended. 18fl Meanwhile he had
made good use of his enforced rest, and Jonathan Duncan sugges-
ted to Sir John Shore that Wilford should be permitted to
continue at Benares and complete his researches. In a minute
dated i3th June 1794, Sir John Shore recommended that "Wil-
ford be allowed to remain in Benares in his present situation
with an additional allowance of Rs. 600 p.m., as a recompense
for the expense and labour of procuring materials for and

13 3 Selections from Educational Records, Part I, pp. 11-12 and Nicholls,
op. cit. p. 9.

i 9 * Gangaram Bhatt who was appointed to the post seems to be identical
with the Pandit who signed as " Gangaram Sharma " on the Sanskrit address
referred to in note 128 Supra. His name appears as * Bhutt Gangaram' in the list
of signatories to the Sanskrit Memorandum addressed by the 'Maharashtra and
Nagara' Brahmans of Benares on 16 Nov. 1787 (DOCUMENT 2 in the
present collection).

i* Nicholl's op. cit., p. 5.

136 Wilford to Duncan dated 10 May 1794. Pub. Cons, 1794, Pub. Cons
1794 13 June No, 8 and Duncan to Shore 4 June 1794. Pub. Cons 1794
13 June No 7.

KASINATH'S pEtrrioN 5 5

prosecuting in the above city or elsewhere an enquiry into the
knowledge of the Hindus in Geography as well as other branches
of science and also into their ancient History." 137 The personnel
of the Committee was, therefore, judiciously selected and its
enquiries revealed a sad state of things.

On the 1 3th March 1801, the Committee (meanwhile Cherry
and Davis had been replaced by Neave a-nd Deane) reported that
"of 202 scholars mentioned in the Bill of Kasinath, the Head
Preceptor, only fifty or thereabout attended regularly, that 50 or
70 more attended once or twice a month and the remainder had
hardly been heard of even by name. It further appeared that
for these 5 or 6 years there had only been eleven instead of twelve
Pandits in the College and that the head Preceptor Kasinath had
entered the name of a fictitious Pandit in order to receive his
allowance". 138 Kasinath was further guilty of contumacy and
refused to prepare the pay-roll in accordance with the instructions
of the Committee. He was thereupon dismissed 139 and ordered
to make over the property of the Pathsala to Jata-Sankar
Pandit. Kasinath's defence is offered in the bilingual letter
addressed to Lord Mornington,

That Kasinath had been guilty of serious malversation
admits of no doubt. But in fairness to him it should be pointed
out that he had for his colleagues persons far from competent or
responsible. Soon after Lord Mornington's arrival in India
(the letter was received on the 3rd August 1798), Kasinath comp-
lained to the Governor-General that ''During the last four
months five of the twelve Pundits attached to this Madrasa having
entered into collusion have been in the practice of going daily to
the Omlah of several of the Gentlemen here, in consequence of
which the duties of the Madrasa are impeded. They disregarded

i S7 Pub. Cons. 1 8 June 1794 No 9.
* 38 Pol. Cons. 1801, 1 6 April No no.

1 * 9 This occurred in April 1801 (Pol. Progs. 16 April 1801). ror Jata-
Sankar's appointment sec Pol. Cons. 3 June 1801 No 34. He may
reasonably be identified with "Deeksheeta Jata Sankara, Professor of the Rig
Veda", who was also a signatory to the Sanskrit address referred to in Note
128 Supra. He was replaced by Pandit Ramananda sometime after July
(Nicholls, op. cit> pp, 12 and 14),

5 6 INTRODUCTION

my remonstrances on the subject. I have already mentioned this
circumstance to the Gentlemen of the Court of Appeal as. well as
to the judge of this District who intimated to me in reply that they
could not act in the instance without order from Government. I
have therefore to request that your Lordship will authorise either
the gentlemen of the Court of Appeal or the Judge of this District
to investigate the circumstance and to do whatever may appear to
them to be proper". 140 It appears, that the professors were
permitted to hold their classes at their respective residences and
though in complete conformity with the old traditions of the
country this practice was hardly conducive to strict discipline.
Obviously such discipline as was r originally observed quickly
deteriorated after Mr. Duncan's departure.

Of the foundation-professors Ram Prasad Tarkalankar 141
(also styled as Tarka-Panchanan) enjoyed the reputation of a
learned and conscientious scholar, but he was an octogenarian at
the time of his appointment. Vireswar Pandit, Suba Sastri 142
and Jata-Sankar wanted that their pupils' stipends should be
paid to them, a claim which the Committee was unable to uphold.
According to Mr. Brooke, (who officiated as President of the
Committee in 1804) Jata-Sankar's reputation for learning and
his general respectability did not justify his 'appointment to the
Rector's office. 143 In 1813 the new Rector 144 complained
against Vireswar Pandir, Sivanath Pandit 145 and Jayaram
Bhatta 146 for dereliction of duty. Kasinath's unfavourable
reference to Sivanath Pandit's activities may not, therefore, have
been altogether unmerited. In any case the position of the

140 Secret Cons. 4 Jan. 1799, No 8.

m Nicbolls , op tit* pp .4 and 7. He was the Professor of Nyaya&stra.
He retired in April 1813 at the age of 103 and was granted a pension of Rs 50
per month.

i* 2 Professor of Mrmfimsfl. He was dismissed in 1799. (Nicbolls
op cit y p.i4.) He may be identified with the Dravid scholar mentioned in p. 39.

i* 3 IMJ.p.io.

]i * i.e. Pandit Ramananda. He was a native of Jaipur.

145 Professor of Religious dudes. (Nicholls op.ctt.p.j). Probably the
same as Sivanath Tarkabhusan of the Sanskrit Memorandum drawn up by the
'Bengijli'Pandits of Benares in 1787 (DOCUMENT 3 in the present collection).

Mi Professor of Yajurveda (Nicholls op. cit. p. 7), His name also appears
among the signatories to the Sanskrit Address of 1796 (vide Note 128 Supra)
as well as the Sanskrit Memorandum of 1787 (vide. DOCUMENT a),

KASINATH'S PETITION 57

leader of such a team was far from enviable, and Kasinath's
failure to run the college on proper lines might not have been
due to his own delinquency alone though his stewardship of the
college funds was by no means creditable. He has been accused
of substantially reducing the original salaries of the professors,
but with the limited funds at his disposal he could not possibly
raise the number of professors from eight to twelve without a
cut in their pay.

At least one sfatement of Kasinath has been fully corrobo-
rated by the Comriiittee. He complained that the monthly grant
of the College had been withheld by Captain Wilford since Sep-
tember 1799. The Committee in its letter to the Chief Secretary
to the Government admits that the establishment of the College
ha's been many months in arrears and as on the joth May i8oi,a
bill was presented for the allowance of the entire year of i8oo, 147
Kasirath's charges do not appear to be unduly exaggerated.
It does not redound to the credit of the Committee that it should
permit the professors' fay to fall in arrears for more than twelve
months since its appointment in 1793.

Kasinath's removal from the Rectoi's office did not improve
the administration or the general reputation of the college. His
temporary successor Jata-Sankar was a man of indifferent ability,
the Committee's supervision was neither efficient nor effective and
the early history of the Sanskrit Pathsala does more credit to
Jonathan Duncan's heart than to his discrimination.

(The petition)
Sir,

I beg to state that Mr. Wilford, in order to take possession
of the pathsala withheld its mushahara from the begining of
September 1799 and thought that the students not getting their
mushahara would absent themselves (from attending the classes).
Hearing this I tried my best to run the institution and to maintain
the attendance as usual. One year after Siva Nath Pandit
instigated the Pandits of my pathsala and one day in my absence
he showed Mr. Hawkins 148 68 students as absentees. Having

l * 7 Pol. Cons. 16 April 1801, No. no, and Nicholls, op. tit., p. 7.
1 ** F. Hawkins, Judge of Benares from 1800.
F. 8

58 INTRODUCTION

learnt this my students in a body presented an aa%i before Mr
Hawkins and Mr. Wilford saying that in fact they were present
but they have been shown as absentees by the Pandits simply
to turn them (the students) against me and to bring them under
control, but their representations went unheeded. This fact i>
a well-known affair iq Benares. I have already represented this
fact to you for. your 'consideration. Now on 28 April 1801, I
received a fianvana informing me that under instructions from
you .my pathsala has been closed and directing me to make over
the books, furniture, etc., of the pathsala to Jaya (Jata) Sahkar
Pandit. I accordingly made over the articles to the aforesaid
Pandit. If it is your wish to ha*>d over the control of the
pathsala to Mr. Wilford, I have nothing to say in the matter. I
beg further to say that Mr. Charles Wilkins came to Benares "in
order to study the Sastras. He sent for many learned Pandits
and requested them to teach him the subject. Some of them did
not agree to take up the work while others failed to do it efficient-
ly. Mr. Wilkins then summoned me for the purpose. By the
grace of God I taught him the subject within a short time. With
a view to disseminating the knowledge of the Sastras I spoke to
Mr, Wilkins that since a Madrasa for teaching Persian was set up
in Calcutta, it was but proper that a pathsala for teaching of the
Saastras was established in Benares which is a holy place of the
Hindus. Mr. Wilkins represented this matcer to Mr. Warren
Hastings who approved of the idea and desired me to see him at
Calcutta. I thereupon made arrangements for my departure, but
for want of a proper boat for the journey a little delay occurred
with the result that Mr, Hastings sailed for England and the matter
was held in abeyance. For a period of 10 years I had been busy
h.art and soul in trying to establish a pathsala for imparting
education in the Sastras. On Mr. Jonathan Duncan's arrival at
Benares I spoke to him also in the matter. He (Mr. Jonathan
Duncan) represented the matter to you and with your approval
set up a pathsala and put me in authority and control of it and
issued order to the treasury of Benares to make regular payments
for its expenses. I (in pursuance of the order) had been getting
the mushahara monthly arid distributing it to those who were

STORY of A THEFT 59

connected with the work of the Sastras here (at Benares). The
honour that I am now enjoying had been bestowed on me by you
and I hope that you will also maintain it in future. (Translated
from Persian OR 349 of 1801).

Documents 15, 16 & 17.

The petitions of Nekaram Sarma and Kenartn Sarma tell
the all too familiar story of educated men without employment.
Nekaram obviously failed to pass the qualifying test a'nd as is
usual in such cases prayed for a fresh examination. Though he
politely insinuated that he was a man of known merit and a
personal acquaintance of Macnaghten, 149 the petition itself gives
little evidence of his literary attainments.

The casB of Kenaram, a Bengali Brahman, is slightly
different. He had served as a Pandit under John Ryecroft Best,
Deputy Registrar of Sadar Diwani Adalat, 160 but the death of
his patron led to his loss of livelihood. These petitions are
documents of some psychological interest though entirely devoid
of historical value. How Macnaghten reacted to the importufli-
ties of these two indigent persons of priestly class we do
not know.

The Story of a Theft (Document 24)

Agnihotrl Visvanath Dikshit's story of his loss near the
city of Gaya while on a pilgrimage to that place and the indiff-
erence with which the local officers treated his complaints has
nothing unusual about it. A Bania in charge of a market place
was often in league with the local thieves and the rural police
might also have an understanding with them* But the Pandit's

149 Sir William Hay Macnaghten (1793-1841). He was Registrar of the
Sadar Diwani Adalat between 1822-30.

i fi o Best joined the service of the East India Company as a writer in 1818.
He became Assistant in the office of the Registrar of Sadar Diwani Adalat in
1820, Deputy Registrar of the Sadar Diwani and Nifcamat Adalat in 1826,
officiating Deputy Superintendent and Remembrancer of Legal Affairs in 1827
and Acting Secretary to the Sadar Special Commission in 1828. He became

Judge of Jessore on February 17, 1829. According to the East India Register
e died on Dec. 22, of the same year. DodwelT and Miles give the date
as Dec. 23. (Bengal Civil Servants p. 42-43).

60 INTRODUCTION

demand that the village headman should be held responsible for
recovering the stolen property, or in default, for compensating
him for his loss may at first sound strangely antiquated. It was
however broad based on the age old custom and the traditional
law of the country.

Visvanath was one of the'court Pandits 151 ' of Banni (or Vinaya)
Singh, the- third prince of the present ruling house of
Alwar. As such he was doubtless familiar with the Dharma-Sastra
literature. In his petition to the Governor-General he refers to
the Mitakshara text which had the general support, so far as the
particular point mooted by the Pandit was concerned, of Hindu
lawgivers of other schools. Ajpastamha, for instance, lay
down that the village officers appointed by the King "must
protect the country to the distance of one Krosa from each
village. They must be made to repay what is stolen within
these (boundaries)*'. 152 Kautilya also imposes a similar res-
ponsibility on the village headman 153 . The Vishnusamkita
expected the King to recover goods stolen by thieves and
to restore them entire to their owners irrespective of their
caste. 154 Narada enjoins that "he on whose ground A robbery
has been committed must trace the thieves to the best of
his power, or else he must make good what has been stolen,
unless the foot marks can be traced from that ground (into
another man's ground). When the foot marks after leav-
ing the ground are lost and cannot be traced any further, the
neighbours, inspectors of the road, and governors of that region
shall be made responsible for the loss/' 155

Nor was the practice so unanimously recommended by ancient
Hindu sages discontinued by the Muslim rulers of the land. Ac-
cording to Ain-i-Akbari, the Kotwal was to discover the thieves

181 Mr. S. C. Ghosal informs me that the name of Pandit Visvanath
Dikshit Agnihotri occurs in the Urdu book " Aqwal Banai Sing " at page 66
and Pandit Visvanath is shown as one of the Court Pandits and Astrologers of
Maharaja Vinaya Sim ha. No further information regarding the Pandit is avail-
able.

i* 2 Sacred Books of the East, Vol. VII, p. 15.

i 8 * Shamashastri Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 148.

i ft * Secret Books of the East Vol. VII, p. 20.

l Ibid. Vol. XXXIII, p. 225.

STORY OF A THEFT 6 1

and the goods they stole or be responsible for the loss. 1 ? 6 But in
Sher Shah's time the village headman was held responsible for
such acts of lawlessness as were committed within his jurisdiction.
The Shah "strictly impressed on his amils and governors that if a
theft or robbery occurred within their limits, and the perpetrators
were not discovered, then they should arrest the muqaddams of
the surrounding villages, and compel them to make it good ; but
if the muqaddams produced the offenders or pointed out their
haunts, the muqaddams of the village where the offenders were
sheltered were to be compelled to give to those of the village
where the crime occurred the amount of restitution they had
paid." 157 We have the evidence of a famous traveller, Manucci

fY

that these regulations were actually in force when Shah Jahan
occupied the imperial throne. Manucci writes of Shah Jahan
that "if it chanced that thieves could not be caught, he forced
the officials to pay", and goes on to relate that when the Dutch
factory of Surat was robbed at night the emperor ordered that
the Dutch should be indemnified from his treasury pending the
payment to be made by the Governor (Storia do Mogor Vol. I,
page 204). We learn from the same writer that during Aurang-
zeb's reign if any one was robbed within the jurisdiction of the
Kotwal that officer had to make good the loss (Storia do Mogor
Vol. II, page 421).

The Patil or the village headman under the Maratbas was
responsible for the discovery and restoration of all property
stolen within his jurisdiction, failing which he had to indemnify
the party robbed. Only when the thieves were traced to another
village was he absolved from the responsibility which auto-
matically devolved on the headman and the inhabitants of the
village concerned. This practice survived in the Central
Indian principalities till the middle of the nineteenth century. 158

The Agnihotri's contention, therefore, had not only the
support of most schools of Hindu legal thought but the sanction
of the time-honoured.practice of Hindu and Muslim sovereigns

i** Jarret, Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. II, pp. 41,42.

i 7 Tarikh-i-Sher Shahi of Abbas Khan Sarwni (Elliot and Dowson

History of India as told by its own Historians, Vol. IV p. 420).

18 * Sen Administrative System of the Maratbas % p. 508,

62 INTRODUCTION

as well. When he appealed to the provisions of the Mitakfhara he
was not necessarily looking back to a long forgotten past, for
the procedure he so confidently recommended for the Governor-
General's adoption was still in vogue in some of the states
he knew.

MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS

Complimentary verses by ]adunath bandit (Documents

13 and 22)

The first of these forms an illustration of chitra kavya. The
verses have been so arranged as to represent an umbrella one of
the reputed insignia of sovereignly to which the Governor-
General, according to popular estimation, was entitjed. As only
the year of receipt (1828) is known it is impossible to ascertain
to which of the three Governor-Generals, Baron Amherst who
relinquished office on the loth March, W. B. Bayle, who offi-
ciated from the I3th March to the 4th July or Lord William
Bentinck who took charge of the government on the 4th July,
these verses were addressed. Nor do we know anything about
the author-r-Jadunath Pandit.

The second document is also from the same pen and was pro-
bably addressed to Lord Ellenborough who was appointed
Governor-General of India on the 8th October 1841 and reached
Calcutta on the 28th February 1842. The verse may well have
been composed on the occasion of the victory celebrations
arranged by the Governor-General after the return of the British
armies from Afghanistan and the enemies mentioned here were
doubtless the Afghans.

Yasivantrao Holkar's Rupee (Document 10)

This transcript of the legend of Yasavantrao Holkar's new
silver rupee was forwarded to the Political Department with a
letter dated I2th February 1808 by the Resident at Delhi. The
forwarding letter cannot be traced and the Resident's reason for
taking so much interest in the new coin must remain a subject
of conjecture. The coin was actually issued in 1728 Saka or
1806 A. D. From the numismatic point of view it marks an

YASAVANT RAO HOLKAR*S RUPEE 63

important departure from the previous practice, for a Sanskrit
legend replaced the usual Persian inscription on the Indore coins
for the first time. In the coins of Ahalya Bai and her immediate
successors the emperor of Delhi is mentioned by name, in the
coin of 1806 however the name of the reigning emperor is omit-
ted though in another coin issued a year later (No. 37, page 313
of Allan's Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum
Calcutta Volume IV) we find the name of Muhammad Akbar
Qiran Sani Sultan Sahib in Persian script.

That theMaratha princes should invoke the authority of the
rots faineants of Delhi is no wonder. They had long reconciled
themselves tor the theory of tyloghul suzerainty .though in practice
they paid but scant respect to the emperor. The tradition long
survived the downfall of the Timurids and the Holkar Shahi
coins continued to bear the name of the second Shah Alam as late
as the reign of Tukoji Rao II (1844-1886). Similarly the Gwalior
rupee bore the fragments of Akbar II legend till 1886.

The text of the legend as transmitted by the Resident of
Delhi to Calcutta is not free from errors. It was probably an eye
copy from an actual coin, and as the legend is seldom found in its
entirety on such crude products of the Maratha mints, the copyist,
who was probably innocent of Sanskrit, is not wholly to be
blamed. STUTltft, 33?tef and 5rf*rf% are obviously misreadings of
VWCrftfT, 55 ?f and sfoft. He also reads WT^t, srerft^, and *$
for *J*re^ 5TW?j^and *T$ respectively. He also omits the letter
5f in the last line of the reverse after 7ft3JftR. Cunningham
noticed this silver rupee in his Coins of Medievtl India. A photo
copy of the coin will be found in Allan's Catalogue of Coins in
the Indian Museum (Volume IV, XXIII, 2). His reading also is
not free from objection. He reads for 'RTOfo?T' 'WRFsra*. In
the actual coin, as it appears from the photograph, the letter
between TQ and rT is wanting. Neither our text nor Allan's
reading of the legend represents the actual words as they appear
on the coin. It is also permissible to suggest that Allan mistook
the obverse for the reverse and vice versa. He probably thought the
reference to the suzerain monarch should be found in the obverse
but in Yasavantarao's time this had become an empty formality.

64 INTRODUCTION

Lastly, one may reasonably ask why the Resident at Delhi
should send information to the Government of India about a coin
more than a year after its issue. Probably he did so at the
request of the Calcutta authorities and news did not travel so
quickly in those days.

CONCLUSION

While Persian documents in the Imperial Record Department
count by thousands and each of the principal vernaculars of India
is represented by hundreds of letters, memorials and petitions,
we can present to the interested public no more than twent) five
Sanskrit papers, big and small. During the last quarter of the
eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth^ Persian still
held its place of honour in cultured society and the vernaculars
were fast coming to their own. Sanskrit on the other hand
remained the sacred language of the Hindus and its study was
confined mostly to the priestly class and the students of Ayurveda.
In the every day life of the common people it had no place. On
special occasions a learned pandit is still commissioned to com-
pose an epistle in Sanskrit and when erudite Brahmans from the
far ends of the country meet to discuss a weighty problem of
Philosophy or Jurisprudence Sanskrit still forms the medium of
discourse. Learned commentaries on ancient texts are still
written in the language of the gods and occasionally an original
work may be written in Sanskrit even to-day though its appeal is
extremely limited. The few archives we publish here eloquently
testify to the vitality of the language that ceased to be spoken
centuries ago,

S. N. SEN.

SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS
(TEXT)

I

RULING GIVEN BY BENARES PANDITS ON A
QUESTION OF ADOPTION

(OR 7 Nov. '1778 No. 102)

1 1

^si-

5f.

f aw

SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

JJ

10

3-

la

A QUESTION OF ADOPTION

(ist Column)

(2)
(3 ) 1 6
w (4)
(5)
(6)

(7)

(8) 16

7
)!tf (10)' 8

(n) 19
2) 2
( 1 3 )

: (14)

(i6)

23

(2nd Column)

(19)

SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

7 (21)

: (23)
: 80 (24)
' (25)

(26)

(27)

(29)

(30)

(31)

BENARES PANDITS' MEMORANDUM
ON WARREN HASTINGS

(OR 31 July 1788 No. 433)
[P- 3]

rc fftfasfaf
I : w

few:

[ P. 4 ]

3

SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

Names of Signatories

....

[Pa&e 6 1

/

f

6-3

to

/h

[PfrjM? 9]

J</^

^TSrWSJ^feKff

'&
3fl*3*>*0

^^&-^r^%n>f^s?7a^i ^ *&**&

^J3CF<T5

wsrrfawiS

3. Bengali Pandits of Benares on Warren Hastings, 31 July, 1788.

BENGALI PANDITS OF BENARES
ON WARREN HASTINGS

(OR 31 July 1788 No. 434)

IRII

(sic)

INI

II

12 SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

3 ]

of Qaxi Naqi AH Khan, 1201
( Here follows the Persian translation of the
Sanskrit text )

Names of Signatories

^1,

5 3

^SJ^^J

P<*#e 6 ]

15

l>

cf^cr

tf off

* z

LETTER FROM BAHUJI A1AHARANI
TO LORD CORNWALLIS

(OR 2 March 1791 No. 56)

II
1 1

1 1

II 4

[ Written on the right margin ]

17

1 8 SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

(On the cover]

Seal

PETITION OF KANHARDAS TO
SIR JOHN SHORE

(OR 15 November 1796 No. 456)

vr:

^

]^

q: n^rt 2

H
19

20 SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

iff:

sfa

*rr%: 10

KANHARDAS TO SHORE 21

<-H i^

^

Benares 8th November 1796

PETITION OF KANHARDAS
TO SIR JOHN SHORE

(OR 3oth May 1797 No. 296)

d I 'tf'-d f ^

zz

KANHARDAS TO SHORE 23

3cth May 1797

IT-
'^g^sirfN^i^j^fl^RTFJicq i^i^it ^IO^T

[Page 2]

7

LETTER OF KANHARDAS TO THE
SUPREME COUNCIL

(OR 22 May 1798 No. 320)

^'H^K

rTcf

^FR
2

(On docket)

17987 Rec. 22 May /for translation/
J. Stracey/Sub-Secretary/

(jf a different hand} came by dawk/ without any
letter/accompg therefore/not to be translated.

7. Letter of Kanhar Das to the Supreme Council, 22 May, 1798.

8

LAUDATORY VBRSKS IN KASHINATH
PANDIT'S LKTTER

(OK 3 June 1801 No. 349)

II

II

II

II

9

LETTER FROM THE PURl PRIESTS
TO LORD WELLESLEY

(OR 24 July 1804 No. 345)

II

26

PURI PRIESTS TO WELLESLEY 27

TT-
II

II

II ^TT

f ^ Tit

I
ll 3

:\\ n

u
5<

II 12

28 SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

^rv?

II

[ O// //j^ Margin \

(Col-i)

(Col-3) / Devanagari

x

(Col-z) / Devanagari

^5^R> ^1?!T^-

3-

Rajast/jani ?fHNT^fI ( ^ ? )

Devanagari

(Col-4) In Kanarese

PURI PRIESTS TO WELLESLEY 29

In Devanagari

(Col-j) In Telugu

In Devanagari

(Col*6) ftt Devanagari

In Devanagari

(Col-y) ///

(Co 1-8) In Devanagari

In Bengali ^TKT^I^^Jj: I

//) Mai thili

10

LEGEND ON YASOVANT RAO
HOLKAR'S COIN

(OR 26 February 1808 No. 85)

II

LEGAL OPINION DELIVERED BY FIVE
BENARES PANDITS ON A QUESTION
OF SUCCESSION

(OR 1822 No Date)

[#*##]

32

SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

1*3" rTT

b4

u

LEGAL OPINION ON SUCCESSION

II

n

u

: u

3 8 '

8 9

n

12

LEGAL OPINION ON THE PARTIBILITY
OF ROYAL ESTATES

(OR 6 June 1825)

I fa^TT

: i

n?: f^r^^T: ^?T ?frr ^i^^Hi: 3 1

^

l f^TT

: fa^TT

fl

: i

34

PARTEBILITY OF ROYAL ESTATES 3J

: 6 1 fawp-T

: i

: i

^: i 8 for*rFt *re ^'

ft i

: i

?TRn

20

36 SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

fa

W

i s ? 3

i

^M^T 1

: [%?t] 28 I

PARTIBILITY OF ROYAL ESTATES 37

: I

HHIHW^lf^f

: I

1
I

38 SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

I TR

frt g^I t J

13

VERSE BY JADUNATH PANDIT
(OR 1828 No Date)

14

LEGAL OPINION ON SUCCESSION OBTAINED
BY RANI SUKHAN OF BURIYA

(OR 12 August 1829)
: II Teg:

rl^T

: i

I ^wstf^fsn: i i^l^fcWi: I

40

RANI SUKHAN'S CASE 41

JTIHRT: i

: i 'jsrfa ^ i swf

15

NEKARAM SHARMA'S LETTER TO

MACNAGT-ITEN

(OR 1833, September)

- (.r/V)

: q^Nt ^"

^F^3
: sr-

T SR^ '<>),% g*f

16

KENARAM SHARMA TO MACNAUGHTEN
(OR 5 Oct. 1833)

T^TT

17

KENARAM SHARMA TO MCNAUGHTEN
(OR 12 Oct. 1833)

^i M<jh<=i ti i H

5rt

*u fci

O/i the right Margin:

44

18

LEGAL OPINION ENCLOSED WITH A PETITION
FROM AMBARAM SHASTRI AND
LAKSHMI BAYI

(OR 29 Nov. 1834)

ii sifacT: %3 <rNi

ii

53%

- 1 ^

19

LI-GAL OPINION OF BENARES PANDITS
ON CHARKHART SUCCESSION

( OR 29 Nov. 1835 )

: u

: 351: ti

u

: 12 I"

"g^Vt

4 6

CHARKHRAI SUCCESSION 47

51:

KT ^T'

20

RANA SHARDAR SINGH OF UDAIPUR TO
PANDITARAJA SRI RANGANATHA

OF NEPAL

(OR 1839 No Date )

II

II

1 1 Wl - - - - ^RTT T

II

II g*rfa"d*i:

1 1

1 1
n

another hand) 5 Frfrl < */<4!J f

21

RANA SHARDAR SINGH OF UDA1PUR

TO MAHARAJA RAJENDRA SRI

VIKRAMA SHAH OF NEPAL

( OR 1839 No Date )
I)

1 1

^

1 1 inr^TT srFa ^q"^rFWRTRH; 1 1

II
II

ll

1 1 JTmn 5[rIT
1 1

49

22

VERSE BY JADUNATHA PANDITA
(OR 1842 No Date)

23

LEGAL OPINION ENCLOSED WITH A PETITION
FROM TAI SAHIBA AND BAYA SAHIBA

( OR 18 July 1853 )

351

^frfcl'T VI^
IJ

n ^ ^rr i
II

u

: 3-

35T T I)

JT^T: n ^rf^iw ^RTTF

: 3 u

5 2 SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

fa

24

PETITION OF VISVANATH DIKSHIT
TO LORD DALHOUSIR

(OR 3 June 1854)
ft

II

II

H car 4 (j/v)

r- it
n

53

54 SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

II pi:**** lT]|5Fl

II

II [

II

[On the left margiri\

to]

II '

faf erat ^FN^nl^f rjff fw^r ^ fSirfin5f

VISVANATH DIKSHIT'S PETITION 55

II

II

f%- n
g^irfiwsf ^

II

II

* Tf^T (?I^T) JW^

|| ^^^^TRf ^ TT^- ^ftr |^JM4j| qfJT^f^flr ^TUT

^rf^ ^ =q[

II
II

II wgraRFreq

^ ^ ^f??T: 24

56 SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

(znd Sheet Verso)

II

R i]

VISVANATH DIKSHir'S PETITION S 7

m -$ :i

Sheet, \ -'Vr.ro

[ .]

[ ] 3o m ^o

[ ] Wft ?TT 3

r ^t] ?3# '^

3

fft

n irefa ^t f ^ 4
^ ifmt
v

5 8 SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS

(Col 2)

(Col 3)
V 59

f68

O/?

25

LEGAL TEXTS CITED BY MURARI OF
GURUDASPUR

(OR 17 Feb. 1855 )

SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS
(ENGLISH TRANSLATION)

ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE
DOCUMENTS

DOCUMENT 1

The prosperous Vivevara of Kai is (more and more)
victorious.

The prosperous Ramachandra is victorious.

May the sun god protect (us). Prosperity.

Prosperity : By one who is sonless a son of the same caste
should be adopted according to the* form prescribed by scriptures,
even though % he may have a brother's son (living), as enjoined
by the (following) Vedic text on exclusion from heaven : " He
who is without a son has no place in heaven /' According to
the code of Atri, " Only by the sonless a substitute for a son
should without fail be accepted fibm anyone (he may like) with
a view to ensuring the offer of funeral cake and water (on his
death)/' " The learned' 1 selected (these) as substitutes of sons
in order to safeguard the contiAuance of funeral oblations/'
This is alsoj according to Manu. But since the expression
* only by the sonless ' in the legal code of Atri suggests that
he who has ' already ' a son has no right (of adoption) and
since, again, the following text of Manu, " If one among
several brothers born of the same (mother) gets a son the
rest are also declared by Manu as having become fathers
through that son" implies that the person under discussion is
to be considered father of a son by virtue of his having a brother's
son, it may be questioned what right such a person has to adopt
a son. (Our reply is that) he would certainly be without any
right if the aforesaid text of Maau really establishes the (exact)
identity (of the nephew) with a son. The case however is otherwise.
For the author of the Mitakshara y the IIewadri y the Madanaratna>
as well as the authors of the Vlramitrodaya and the Mayukba and
other writers of juridical works have explained the passage as
implying that the adoption of a brother's son is commendable

6 2 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

and that the latter Is entitled to perform the obsequial oblation
of his father's brother even as he performs his own father's. As
regards the claim of a brother's son who has not been adopted as
a son to the status of a son and to succession to the legacy of one
who is without a son, such a claim is barred being in conflict with
the order of succession contemplated by the ascetic Yajnavalkya,
under which.h e has been allotted the fifth place, as will be found
in the following text, " First wife, then daughters, then parents,
then brothers and subsequent to that brother's sons/' Further,
the following text of Vriddha-para^ara " To one who is sonless
his brother's son should behave as a son ; it is he who shall per-
form the duties of offering funeral cakes and oblations/' makes
it obligatory on the part of' a brother's son to perform the
obsequial rite of his father's brothers in the same way as he does
it in his father's case, but does not establish his claim to the status
of a son (in other respects). As Paragara himself in a subsequent
passage has stated, "a brother's son should perform the pdrvapa-
Sraddba even as a natural-bora son ; having put him in place of
(his) father he should pronounce the (names of) the remaining two
as before/' Therefore, it is clear that sfhce a brother's son cannot
attain the status of a natural born son without being duly.adopted,
the person under discussion, on failure of male issues, is entitled
to take an adopted son. The adoption, as a son, of a brother's
son or other collaterals is valid provided there is an abnormal si-
tuation, there subsists mutual goodwill between the donor and
the donee, the adoptee is not a first born nor is the donor the
father of either one son or two sons. Unless these conditions
are fulfilled such a course is invalid, as it is prohibited by all
treatises including the Mitakshara. On this point 'Manu as
quoted in the Mit&hhara states as follows : " that (boy) equal
(by caste) whom his mother or his father with affection gives
(confirming the gift) with (a libation of) water, in times of
distress (to a man) as his son, must be considered as an adopted
son. The use of the expression "in times of distress'/ implies
that no (son) can be given away unless there is distress. The
use of the expression * affection ' is intended to prevent
donation through fear, greed, etc. So the gifts should not take

DOCUMENT I <$$

place in the absence of mutual goodwill (between the patties)
nor should an only son be given away since the Vasishtha
Smjiti enjoins that " none shall give or receive (in adoption)
an only son/' The Saunaka Sm^iti also enjoins that "under
no circumstances shall a person who has only one son give
away that son (in adoption). Only a father having many
sons is permitted to give away one of them with zeal." Nor
shall a person who has only two sons make a (similar
gift ; for, as regafds the question of acceptability of (such) gifts
from fathers of two sons the above quoted Saunaka text, con-
taining as it does a prohibition in respect of fathers having one
male issue, disallows also fsuch) gifts from a father of two sons
by virtue of the meaning implied in the expression *' only a
father having*many sons etc." Santanu in his speech to Bhishma
also says " a man with one son is no better than one who is
sonless. One eye is as good as no eye, for if it is lost one becomes
blind." Then again the eldest son should not be given away,
even inspite of the presence of many sons, for, according to the
following text he (the eldest) is fittest to perform the duties of a
son : " By the birth of the first borp a man becomes the father
of a male issue. "

It is established therefore that when it is not possible to
adopt a brothers son on the ground that none of the aforesaid
conditions can be satisfied, it will be permissible to adopt any
other person as a son. For Saunaka says " Brahmanas should
procure a son from among their collaterals. Failing them they
should adopt one who is not a collateral. But they should not
seek a son among other (castes)/' Moreover, the adopted son
being the only one among all the non-body-born sons whose
stitus has been recognised in the Kali age he alone is entitled
not only to offer funeral cakes but also to inherit a share (in the
paternal property).

The above opinion is endorsed by Nandapandita. Dharma-

dhikarin*

The above opinion is endorsed by Bhiirama Bhafta bearing
the surname Bharadvaja.

64 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

The above opinion is endorsed by Gahgarama bearing the
surname Josi.

The above opinion is endorsed by Benlmadhava Pathaka.

The above interpretation of law is endorsed by Kjipanatha
Deva.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Vlrevara having
the surname Gavhara (Gahvara?)

Appa^astrin endorses the above interpretaion.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Baijanatha Bhatta
with the surname Dhobala.

The above interpretation is endorsed by DInanatha Deva.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Gune^wara Bhatta.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Bha vanish kara
bearing the surname Thakura. ,

The above interpretation is endorsed by Kjipakrishna
Yajgika.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Rajarama bearing
the surname Ardhamana. '

The above interpretation is endorsed by Ranganatha
3astrin.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Jagannatba Mira.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Govinda bearing
the surname Punyastambhakara.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Atmaramabhatta
bearing the surname Pauranika.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Anantaramabhatta
bearing the surname Bhatta.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Brijanathabhatta
bearing the surname Bhatta.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Dadamabhatta
bearing the surname Bhatta.

The above decision is endorsed by Meghanatha Deva.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Sesha Harirama.

By Govindarama Pandita bearing the surname $esha
the above interpretation is endorsed.

The above decision is endorsed by Nllakantha Barman
the surname Bhatta.

DOCUMENT I 65

Nana Pathaka endorses the above interpretation.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Bharadvaja Sitarama
Bhatta.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Ramachandra
Pandita bearing the surname Da^aputra.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Bhairava Dikshita,
surnamed Tilaka.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Gadegila Bhlshma

Bhatta.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Rahganatha Dik-

shita.

The above interpretation is endorsed by Baijanatha Dlkshita
bearing the surname Dr6na.

DOCUMENT 2

This memorandum is drawn up on (this day, being) Friday
the sixth titbi in the bright fortnight in (the month of) Karttika,
in the 1 844th year of Vikrama (equivalent to) the Saka year 1709.
We, the inhabitants as well as outsiders settled at Varanasi do
(hereby) declare with truth and sincerity that we feel happy
and satisfied on account of several (good) things originating
from the generous and enlightened policy (administration) of the
illustrious noble Mr. Hastings, the Governor-General. Among
these things the first (to be mentioned} is the pain he took to
populate as well as to promote the well-being of the city of
Vifvefvara, the most holy place for all the four castes belonging
to the entire country.

Secondly, he has settled us under his jurisdiction with both
honour and happiness. '

Thirdly, frightened by the high-handedness of the gaftg&putras
few pilgrims previously used to visit this city. But now that
those misdeeds have been suppressed and all other obstructions
removed pilgrims are pouring in the city in large numbers from
all provinces in view of the unprecedented facilities afforded for
their religious rites.

fourthly ', he appointed as Magistrate Nawab * AH Ibrahim
Khan, efficient, upright and well-versed in law, for the maintenance
of law and order and administration of justice in the City of
Varanasi. In the proclamation of his appointment, an appoint-
ment justified by the resulting happiness and comfort that have
accrued to the whole population of the locality, it was ordained
that Brahmana scholars should be appointed for deciding the suits
preferred by the four castes and Muslim divines for (deciding)
those preferred by others. The said Magistrate having efficiently
checked the exactions of bribes and (undue) fines by his subordinate
officers has conferred on the people more happiness than enjoyed
by them even under the rule of Raja Balavanta Simha and Cheta
Simha.

66

DOCUMENT Z 6j

Fifthly, on the occasion of an assemblage of the enlightened
people of the locality which took place during the second visit of
the illustrious governor Mr. Hastings, he charmed everybody
by his elegant and delightful conversation, by his conduct
characterised by unfathomable charity and by his deeds and
thoughts which were solely devoted to rewarding and patronising
the people according to their merits.

Sixthly -, to our great delight, he caused a music gallery to
be built at his own expense at the gateway of the illustrious
VifveSara temple the crest-jewel of all the holy places.

Seventhly, he never deviated from the principles essential
to good government nor cast a look of greed (towards anybody)
nor did he ever wish any ill to abybody.

Thus dp we* truthfully testify to the wise and charitable policy
followed by Mr. Hastings, Jaladat Jang (brave in war). The fame
of the (English) King and the Company, pervading as it does all
the quarters like autumn moonlight, is ever alive through the
length and breadth of (their) far-flung and firmly established
empire. And all of us, who are living in comfort, offer our
prayers for the prosperity of the extensive and well-administered
empire of the King and the Company, who are a veritable
repository of never-failing kindness.

Signatories :

Nilkanth Bhat 1
Bire^war &esh 2
At ma Ram Kale 3
Balam Bhat Kaule 4

1 Nilakaijtha Bhatta. See NOTES, DOCUMENT i. No. 30.

2 Is he identical with' "Bireshwar Sheth, Professor of the
large Vyakarana of Panini and the Bhasya of the Rigveda" refer-
red to by Nicholl in his History of Benares College ? (See also
INTRODUCTION to DOCUMENT 8). In that case he must have been
a Maharashtra Brahman for.

3 Kale is obviously a Marathi surname.

4 Balam Bhatta Kaule Is he the famous Balambhatta,
author of Vyavahgra Balambhatti (Laksbrnwyakhyananfft The latter
is known to have flourished between 1730 and 1820 (See Kane

68 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

Bhairon (Bhairav) Dlchhit (Dlkshit) 6

Megh Nath Dev

Sambhu Dev Dev

Jairam Bhat 7

Jaganath Bhat ukul

Baijnath Bhat Kavimandan 8

Jagaaath Misr 9

Ganga Ram Karlkal 10

Ramchandra Bhat Kotkar 11

Atma Ram Puranik 12

Bhat Ganga Ram Jari 13

History of Dharmasastra y I, p. 462) and must have bqpn living in
Benares at this date. He was a pupil of Nagoji Bhatta, and was
in 1800 appointed by Colebrooke as his Pandit. One difficulty
in accepting the identification is that Balambhatta the jurist
bore the surname Payagunda whereas his namesake of the present
document is surnamed Kaule. *He is certainly not to be identi-
fied with Balambhatta Bfharadvaja whose name occurs among the
signatories to the Sanskrit address presented by the Benares Pandits
to Warren Hastings in 1797. (Gode, Testimonials of good conduct
to Warren Hastings by the Benares Pandits, journal of the Tanjore
S. M. Library, Vol II, no i p. 3). The name of latter will be
found further down in the list (see Note 14 infra)

6 Bhairava Dlkshita ? Perhaps identical with signatory
No. 28 of DOCUMENT i.

6 Meghanath Dev identical with signatory no. 21 of DOCU-
MENT i.

7 Jayarama Bhatta To be identified probably with
'Jayarama Bhatta Professor of Yajurveda' the 35th signatory
to the Sanskrit address presented by the Benares Pandits to
Warren Hastings in 1796 (Gode, Op. tit, p. 2)

8 Is he the same as Vaijanatha Bhatta of DOCUMENT i ?.

9 Jagannatha Migra His name occurs also among the signa-
tories to DOCUMENT i.

10 Karikal is k a mistake for the surname Karlekar ?

11 Evidently the same as "Ramachandra Surnamed Kotakara"
of the document referred to in Note 4 above. The surname Kotkar

is still in use in the Deccan.

12 Atmarama Pauranika Probably identical with signatory
No. 17 of DOCUMENT- i.

18 Jaji Evidently a copyist's mistake for Jade which is
still in use as a surname in the Deccan.

DOCUMENT 2 69

Somnath Bha Navitankar (?)

Bhudev Misr

Bhairon (Bhairav) Dichhit (DIkshit)

Balam Bhat Bharadwaj 14

Gune^war Bhat 15

Baba Dichhit (DIkshit)

Balkishan Dichhit (DIkshit) Mahajan 16

Dadam Bhat 17

Kishan Bhat Arari 18

Sakha Ram Bhat 19

Joge^war Bhat

Hatlkishan Dichhit (DIkshit)

Babu Dichhit (Dikshit) Aylchak (?)*o

Ramltishah Tipathl (TripathI)

Udaya Sankar Pandit

Anna Sastrl

Shada&v Bhat

Balmukund Bhat Khole

14 Same as the 4oth signatory to the Sanskrit address
referred to in note 4 above. *

15 Gunevara Bhatta Same as the signatory No. 10 of
DOCUMENT i.

10 Mahajan is a well known Deccanese surname.

17 Dadam Bhatta Same as "Dadam Bhatta surnamed Bhatta"
of DOCUMENT i and the jth signatory to the address referred
to in Note 4 above.

18 There is one Krishna Bhatta among the signatories to
the Sanskrit address referred to in Note 4 above, but it is difficult
to say whether he is the same as Krishna Bhatta Arari of the pre-
sent document.

19 Evidently the same as c Sakharam Bhatta surnamed
Laghatya' of the address referred to in Note 4 above.

20 The name of one 'Bapu Deeksheeta surnamed Drona'
occurs among the signatories to the Sanskrit address of 1797
referred to in Note 4 ^bove. He is however surnamed Drona,
whereas his namesake jf the present document bears the surname
Ayachaka.

21 Balamukunda Bhatta Khole Probably identical with
Bala Mookoonda" (44th signatory) of the Sanskrit address
referred to in the preceding note. Khole may be a mistake for the
surname Gbule*

JO ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

Balkishan Dlchhit (Dlkshit) 22
Sita Ram Bhat Puranik
Pandit Nana Pathak 23
Balkishan Karikal
Mani Ram Bhat Sadabrati 24
Baijnath Bhat Nagraj
Prem Sankar

Anant Ram Bhat Lachhml Dhar
ambhuji Dlchhit (Di'kshit)
Udayakishan Tevari
Lachhmldhar Dlchhit (Dlkshit)
Lachhman Vyas
Ballabh Ji

Sivdullabh(durlabh) Jl Gopal Ji
Jaikishan Pathak
Anand Ram Anant Ram
. Mayanath Panda
Sadakishan JanI (?)
Panda Nand Ram
Mukund Ram Sukul t<
Kalyanjl Dlchhit (Dlkshit)
Mulnath Rudarjl (Rudraji ?)
Dube Keval Kishan
iv Pran Jlvan
Tevari Bishan Dev 25
Banvari Kanh Dev
Bawan Kishan
Dube Ganpat JI

21 Balak?ishna Dlkshit Probably identical with "Bala
Krishna Deeksheeta," surnamed "Ayacheeta^ of the Sanskrit ad-
dress referred to in the preceding note.

23 Pandit Nana Pathak See Notes, DOCUMENT i, no. 31.

24 Probably Mam Ram Bhatta, who according to Ali
Ibrahim Khan witnessed a trial by ordeal held in Benares under
his administration. See his contribution on the subject of Trial
by Ordeal (Asiatic Researches >, I, p. 983)

26 Tevari is equivalent to the modern surname Tewari
(Trivedi). Bishan Dev is evidently a corruption of Vishnu Deva.

DOCUMENT 2 71

Dube Bishnu Ram

Suraj Kishan

Tevari Kishan Ballabh

Bora Ganga Ram

Bora Bishnu Ram

Pandia Kalyanji

Tevari Motilal

Dube Kanh Ji

Anand Ram Sukul

Ram Datt

Keval Kishan Dlchhit (Dlkshit)

Dlna Nath 26

Ram Kishan Btet Kholp (?) 27

Anant Ram Bhat 28

Maliidhar Dharam Adhikari 29

Balmukund Afarl 30

Hari Bhat Dhoble

Vasudev Bhat Gurjar 31

Sivram Bhat Ghosi (?) 32

Jagannath Dhzcamadhikari

Anant Ram Bhat Patwardfcan

Vinayak Bhat Moni (Mauni ?)

Kirpa Krishan Jakak (Yajnik) 33

26 Perhaps identical with Dlnanathadeva of' DOCUMENT i
(See Notes, p. 129, no. 17).

27 Ramak^ishna Bhatta Ghule ? He is probably to be iden-
tified with "Rama Krishna surnamed Ghoola" of the Sanskrit ad-
dress of 1797 referred to in Note 4 above.

28 Probably to bei dentified with Anantarama Bhatta of DOCU-
MENT i (Notes, p. 129, no. 25).

29 Read Dhirmadhikarin. On the surname Dharmadhi-
karin see Notes, DOCUMENT i, no. 14.

30 May be identical with 'Bala Mookoonda', signatory no.
44^to the Sanskrit address of 1797 referred to in Note 4 above.

31 Vasudeva Bhatta Gurjara may be the same as 'Vasoo
Deva Goofjaras' of the Sanskrit address of 1797 referred to above.

32 Sivarama Bhatta Ghoshi is probably identical with 'Seeva
Rama Ghose' of the Sanskrit address of 1797, referred to above.

33 Kjipa Kfishna Yajnika to be identified with 'Kripa
Krishna Sarma Yajneeka' of the Sanskrit address of 1797 and Kripa
Krishna Yanjika of DOCUMENT i,

71 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

&v Lai Pathak

Lachhman Bhat

Babrupajha (Babhrupadhyaya) Sastrl

Bhavani Sankar Thakur 84

Jogeswar Sastrl

Megha Pat Joshi

Gane Bhat Sarangpani (Sarngapani)

Sivbhadra Pathak 35

Sura j ram Jam

Arat Ram Dullabh (durlabh) Ram

Gobind Ram iv Dat

Benl Ram Bora

Narsijl More^war

Mohan Lai Murlidhar

Dube Chranjiv Ichha^ahka

Dev Karan Bakht Ram

Gauri Sankar Warachand

Nanha Parame^war

Kamla Kiran Achle^war

Dube Binath (sic) Ram

Rameshvar Bikran (Vikram ?)

Kai Ram Rati^var

Rati Ram Sanmukhram

Vidyadhar Udaikiran

Dube ^Izzat Ram Lajja Ram

Sudhare^var * Izzat Ram

Daya Dhar Dlna Nath

Dayanath Bishnu

Kotha (?) Satvik (Sattvik) Krishn Daya^e

Varadhar (Bratadhar) Mangle^var

Reva Das

Jatlne^var (Yatlndre^var ?)

34 BhSvam Sahkara Thakura identical with signatory No.
ii of DOCUMENT i, and 45 th signatory to the Sanskrit Address
of 1797.

35 Sivabhadra Pathaka Same as "Seeva Bhadra Pathaka"
the 63rd. signatory to the Sanskrit address of 1797.

86 Is Kotha a mistransliteratton of Kotakar ?

DOCUMENT 2 73

Amba Sankar Bijai Sankar

Laladhar Rube (Rup?) Ram

Ka&ram

Ka& Ram 6iv Sankar

Jani Reva Dat Biharl Lai

Suraj Ram Mansa Ram

Nana Mogha

Govind Ram Nirvanke^var (Nirvane^var ?)

Hvarji Lakhoji

Jani Anand Ram Sarath Ram

Jagat Ram * Izzat Ram

Muke^var

Rasik Lai Brijlaf

Day^narAi Karnakiran

Ram Dat Sarvankesvar (?)

Sanmukh Ram Uttam Ram

Durga Sankar Daya Ram

Bijai Ram Chasan Ram*
Balmukund Sankar Vallabh

Chandre^var

Hirakiran MotI Kiran

Bishunath Chha Gopl Nath (Visvanath Jha ?)

Jati^var Lachhml Hvar

Prem ^lankar

Mehta Gopal Kishan

Amba Ram Vyas

KrishnjI Joshl

Ram Chandra Vyas

Banwarl Vi^e^war

Dube Suraj JI

Tivari Ratan J!

Tivarl Amba Ram

Ganpat Joshl

Jadupat Joshl

Pandia Mahadev

Bidya (Vidya) Dhar Vaid

Raja Ram Keval Ram

74 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

Dev Dat Bhat

Vidya Nand JoshI

Babre^var (Bapre^var ?)

Mittha Ram Bhat

Ojha Ram Kishan

Tivarl Baijnath

Dube Chaturbhuj

Dube Dev Ram

Ojha Radhe Kishan

Amba Sankar Jail

Anand Ram Vyas

Mansa Ram

R^aghunath Gopal

Dichhit (Dikshit) Gopalji

DIchhit (Dikshit) Had Kishan

Suraj Dat Sukul

Jivan Ram Dube

Krishan Dev Dlchhjt (Dikshit) 37

Gopal Dev

Chitre^var Bhat

Parbhu Dev Vyas , 7

^iv Sankar Dichhit (Dikshit)

Natain Dev

Kirpa Sankar Dichhit (Dikshit)

Gokul Nath Dichhit (Dikshit)

37 Krishna Deva Dikshit is probably identical with "Krishna
deeksheeta Deva Sarma" the 2 5th signatory to the Sanskrit address
of 1796 referred to in Note 7 above.

DOCUMENT 3

This is the submission of people settled in VaranasI as well
as of pilgrims from various provinces to the prosperous King of
Kings, the King of England and the prosperous Company. We
are living here richly blessed by the favour and patronage of the
illustrious Governor-General and chief among men, Hastings
(i). Secondly, as long as the said ruler resided in this country,
he endeavoured in many ways for the promotion of our well-being
and for the maintenance o? our ho&our (2). Again, people came
from all quarters and settled here when they learnt of the great
happiness of us, who reside here in security, thanks to that ruler's
(Mr. Hastings') favour, and of the suppression of the evil-doers.
(3). Further, having considered the propriety of appointing a
magistrate who is intelligent, well* versed in all the sciences,
god-fearing, devoid of greed and competent to adjust the cause
between the followers of * the Vedic religion according to the
Dharma-Sastras and between the Muslims in conformity with
their laws, for the protection of the honest and the chastisement
ot the dishonest, the illustrious ruler, who is known by the name
of Hastings, gave the appointment to the illustrious Nawab Ali
Ibrahim Khan, who fulfilled all these requirements and was a
veritable ocean of virtues, in consequence whereof, we are being
governed much better than under the former Raja (4). Further
when the said ruler came to this city, all who went to see him
were received with respect according to their ranks. (5). Fur-
ther, in order to obtain eternal prosperity in a fitting manner through
the grace ot the Supreme Lord, the said ruler provided for daily
(play of) music in an elegantly fashioned stone edifice built for
the purpose at a considerable expense near the gate of the Lord's
temple (6). So long as he resided in this country he cherished
us in every way like his children. In no respect did he cause us
any loss. We are on that account ever living in happiness. By
these (deeds) the prosperous King of Kings, the King of England,

75

j6 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

the protector and sole refuge of the poor as well as ^ the Company
have gained great reputation. We are also daily offering our
blessings. This is the submission of the inhabitants of the holy
city.

Signatories :

Kfiparam Tarka-siddhanta

Govindaram Nyayapanchan(Panchanan)

Ramaram Siddhanta

Ka&ram Chatjia (Chattopadhyaya)

Pran Krishna oarma

Syam Vidyavagl

Krishnamangal Sarma

Krishna Chandra Sarvabhauma

Yugal Ki^or N(V)andopadhyaya

Krishna Chandra Mukhjia (Mukhopadhyaya)

Ramlochan Mukhjia (Mukhopadhyaya)

Dulal Nyayalahkar

Balaram Vachaspati

Sadananda Tarka Vagi^

Sivnath Tatkabog (bhusAan)

Ananda Chandra Bhattachar y

Ramcharan Vidyavagl^

Ka^inath Maithil

Gangaram Panchan(Panchanan ?)

Ram Prasad N(V)andyopadhyaya

Ramsundar Rai

Vagale^var Panchan(an ?)

Kaliprasad Bhattacharj(ya)

Gahgadhar Vidyavagi^

Krishnanancla Vidyakh^ar

Ramcharan ChakravartI

Haridev Tarkabaos (bhushan)

Ramchandra Vidyalahkar

Ramram Bakshi

Balaram Bhattacharj(ya)

Rudraram Sarkar

DOCUMENT 3 77

Bhavamcharan Sarkar
Ram^ahkar N(V)andyopadhyaya
Chandra Sahkar Vidyavagi^
Sivaprasad Vachaspati
Kaliprasad Siddhanta
Sivnarayan N(V)andyopadhyaya
Darpanarayan Bhattacharj(ya)
Gokul Kishan Vidyalahkar
Ramakanta Vidyalankar
Ramnath Sarma *
Ghandicharan Sarma
Lakshman Vidyavagi^
Ramakanta Vidyalahkar
Gangar3m ?anchan(an?)
Lakshmlnarayan Sarma
Kri^nananda Sarvabhauma

X

Khelaram Sarma
Trilok Chandra Ganguli
Ramram oarma t
Ramji(van?) Ganguli
Kaliprasad Sarma

Jagmohan Mukhojia (Mukhopadhyaya)
Sobhanath Sarma
Ramdas Sarma
K^isnaram Sarvabhauma
Jaykishan oarma
Jayasahkar oarma
Parmananda Ganguli
Nayanananda Sarma
Sambhunath N(V)andyopadhyaya
Jayanarayan Ghoshal
Bhavani^ankar oarma
Gangahari N(V)andyopadhyaya
Ramsantos Chatjia (Chattopadhyaya)
Visvanath Chatjia (Chattopadhyaya)
Ramram Siddhanta
Jagannath Rai
F. ii

7$ ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

Manikchandra Sarma

Gangadhar Vidyavagl^

Rammohan Bhattacharya

Rambhadra Nyayalahkar

Jaydev oarma

Jagannath Sarma

Kasinath Sarma

Devnarayan Sarma

Gopal^ankar Panchanan

Laksmlnarayan Nyayavagi^

Krisnadev Chattjia

Yugalmohan Sarma

Bis'annath G(h)osh

Raghunat(h) Paltha (Palit)

Kalipragad Sarkar

Bhairavcharan l^il

Santos Singh

Ramnarayan Sll

Ramsundar Sayin

Rammohan Paltha (Palit)

Prank-fishna Paltha (Palit)

K^ishnamohan Das

Ram^ankar Bose

Ramharl Das

Ramnidhi Das

Haricharan Malik

Brijkishor Ghosh

Kaliprasad farma

Kali^ahkar

Kaliprasad

Kevalram Bhattacharya

Prannath Thakur

Ratncharan Banojia (Vandyopadhyaya)

Nilmani Thakur

Chaitan(ya) charan Thakur

Harikishan Baid

Bishnu^ahkar Dlcchit (Dlkshit)

DOCUMENT $. 79

Mannu Dlkshit
Ramnath Dlkshit
Vivanath Mir(a)
Vaidyanath Narayan Mi^ra
Aushan Mi^ra
Kalidas Siddhanta.

DOCUMENT 4.

Prosperous Hari
The Prosperous Lord of the world is victorious.

Be it well. May the good wishes of the illustrious Maharaja-
dhiraja rlmanta Gosvaminl rl Maharajnl shed lustre on the great
Governor Lord Cornwallis, the surilike splendour of whose
terrible and firmly consolidated power is scorching the faces of
his enemy's wives. Be it known that 9ur heart, refreshed as it is
by viewing your glory which is a veritable flower garden, and
nourished as it is by the honey emitting from th'e mkny blessings
showered (on you) by God, has become full with joy. For, the
illustrious, even when they live at a distance, cause happiness to
all hearts as they would have done had they been close by. How-
ever, even those who are allied in a temporal way are accustomed
to correspond with each other. It is ^trange, therefore, that
although we are solicitous for r the well-being of the whole world
and are bound (to you) by a spiritual tie of friendship, you who
are a veritable tree of justice, which by its able protection sustains
the whole mankind, do not now even care to address (///. do
not even half -address) any of those letters which, with your own
seal impressed on them, used regularly to flow (to us). Just as
the flower sends out the sweetness contained within its core, dc
you also ever gladden our heart by regularly sending us letters
decorated with scripts expressing your welfare. Further parti-
culars may kindly be learnt from Lala Mayarama's letter. What
more?

May this letter be fixed on the hand of His Excellency Lord
Cornwallis the Governor.

S*al\ Sri Bilakrishna is victorious.
This is the seal of
Maharani Bahujika.
80

DOCUMENT 5.

Prosperity.

Hail ! May the multitudinous blessings of Kamhnaradasa shed
brilliant lustre on the five times blessed Sir John Shore, who is
prosperous, is an ornament to the whole orb of the earth, is shin-
ing among the society of learned men, is the gladclener of the
hearts of all people and who by the river of his established
reputation has whitened all the limitless horizons; who is an embell-
ishment to the society of the most distinguished scholars whom
he has overcome by pleasant polite behaviour and in discourses
on diverse sciences 1 ; who is generous to the extent of making
excessive charities from his treasury abounding in gold and radi-
ant with the brilliant gems of the diadems (wrested) from the
heads of numerous mighty kings overpowered by his uncommon
prowess, augmented (as it is) by the magnitude of his supremely
profound wisdom; who is the abode of a host of virtues and is the
upholder of religion; who is the receptacle of the glory derived
from the destruction of the hosts of his numerous terrible ene-
mies who suddenly waxed powerful by the valour of his more
formidable cavalry, elephantry, chariots and infantry; whose
gateways have been rendered auspicious by the golden (images
of) elephants, horses and palanquins presented to him by the mini-
sters and other officials who adorn the higher societies in the
world.

Verses

Peace prevails here; O ocean of compassion, I pray night
and day for the welfare of your Excellency (and even) while
taking my ablution in the waters of the celestial stream, (i)

May all the gods well-worshipped (as they are by me) protect
you who are an expert in the governance of people, who are
the only refugee of the learned and who are a master of statesman-
ship. (2)

1 This is no empty compliment. Sir John Shore succeeded
Sir William Jones as the president of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal on 22 May, 1794 and well might he be called a vidvajjana-
goshthyalafikara. (See Memoir of the Life and Correspondence of John,
Lord Teignmouth* Vol. I). For his literary contributions to the
Society see Asiatic Researches ', Vol. II, 307-22, 283- 7, Vol. IV,
331-350.

81

8 2 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

(Among) the succession of kings who have flourished from
the time of King Vikramarka down to the present day, in no inst-
ance have we heard of such a matchless maxim of administration,
(ai^ maxim) synonymous with artless freedom from avarice, as is
observed in your case, O lord of the earth, O master, the only
source (lit. bulb) of the delight of the entire mankind ! (3)

Victory to Sir John Shore, the monarch whose unparalleled
fame is (ever) expanding ; who is the wish-yielding vessel which
satisfies all desires ; who is the lion to the elephant-herd that his
enemies are ; around whose feet the crest-jewels of the (subject)
chiefs are waved in adoration ; who is e'qual to the moon which
delights the chakora-\\ke eyes of the meritorious ; (4)

Who is the foremost among the leading victors ; who is a
fire for (the cremation of) his formidable foes ; whose palms
have the colour of the parrot's beak ; who is marked for a sublime
destiny ; (and) by whom all suitors are satisfied and who is like
a wreath on the heads of all the rulers of the earth. (5)

I beg now to submit my case personally to Your Excellency.
This is as follows :

The city called Gwalior is my home, Karfihnaradasa my name,
and twenty-six years my age. There dwells near (the temple of)
Vriddhakale^vara in Daranagara in the Prosperous Varanasi the
illustrious Manakumari, the holy preceptress of Raja Cheta Simha's
mother. At present I am lodging in her house. Three years
did I pass in my own place, four in the town of Sihumda and nine
in VarJnasI studying each day with great assiduity the religious
texts. Lately my eyes have been affected by some malady, in
consequence whereof I am unable to glance over the texts studied
before or to make further studies. After (even) half an hour's
writing and an hour's reading water starts streaming out of
my eyes and severe pain is caused in the head. I got
myself medically treated according to my means, but owing
to indigence I cannot now continue (further) treatment. Hence,
grave anxieties have arisen in me as to what will happen
to me and who will sustain me. It is gathered from the
sacred texts that it is the King who maintains the learned,
the destitute and the distressed Thus is written in the Srimad-

DOCUMENT 5 83

fthcgavata : " The supreme duty of the king is to relieve the
misery of the distressed. " The recompense accruing to the
observers of this duty has been (thus) described by Lord Krishna
himself in the last part of the tenth section. Many like Hari^chandra,
Rantideva, Unchavritti (the gleaner), ibi, Bali, the fowler and
the pigeon attained the eternal state by (sacrificing) the epheme-
ral (body). Elucidation of the above is this : The paramount
monarch, Hari^chandra, reached heaven with the entire population
of Ayodhya because, for the satisfaction of a suitor's need he
sold away his wife and offspring and all his belongings, and
remained unmoved even when reduced to the position of a
chandala's slave. King Rantideva attained to the Brahmaloka
(Brahman's heaven) because he had given away to a beggar what-
ever food and drink he had with great exertions been able to
find although he and his family had been without (even a drink
of) water for forty-eight days. Mudgala, who lived on gleanings
entered the Celestial World for having performed the rites of
hospitality although his family had been living under great priva-
tion for six months (continuously). Sibi, King of the U&nara
country, departed to heaven for having given his own flesh to
the hawk with a view to saving (the life of) a pigeon who had taken
refuge under him. After having extended his conquest to the Celes-
tial World, the paramount king, Bali, presented every thing he had
to Hari masquerading as a Brahmana and (thereby) made that god
his own. The cock-pigeon also went with his hen to heaven in
a celestial car for having offered his own flesh to the hunter who
was his guest. Many people likewise attained the world pf the
immortals by the sacrifice of the mortal body. But no more.
Such rulers as are inclined to take pity on the poor and the help-
less, are however very rare these days. The people of this place,
the great and the learned as well as the poor and the distressed
who have been rendered happy by you are ever reciting the fame
of Your Excellency in every thoroughfare, at every door and in
every house and even on the banks of the celestial river thus :
The paramount ruler, Sir John Shore, who is the God of Justice
incarnate in the Company's abode, is munificent and an afforder
of protection. Therefore, esteemed ruler, you ought to write to

84 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

some European (officer) in Varanasl so that he may make pro-
vision for my food and raiment and arrange for the treatment
of my eyes. If my eyes are cured I shall complete (my studies
of) the s,acred texts in five years and wherever I may go I shall
continue to send my blessings to Your Excellency and sing your
eulogies. If per chance, the ailments are not cured I shall spend
all my life at Kai and ever meditate on Your Excellency's welfare.
Although, O illustrious ruler, I do not happen to be acquainted
with your Excellency in any way whatsoever, yt> being apprised
of Your Excellency's generous disposition towards the indigent
I am addressing this humble petition (with the hope) that you may
show kindness (to me) in all manners. No more (need be said)
to one who is almost omniscient.

Wide-spread indeed, O great ruler, is your fame. Who is the
mortal 2 who can recount it in full ? 3

2 The word * udarambhari ' is usually used to denote a
c gourmand/ But here it seems to have been used in its yaugika
sense, meaning ' that which fills its stomach (with food) , /, e. 'an
animal ', c a mortal .'

8 Literally, * write it out .'

DOCUMENT 6.

Prosperity.

Hail ! May the abundant blessings of Kamhnaradasa find
excessive delight in the five times blessed Sir John Shore, the abso-
lute sovereign, who is prosperous and is an ornament to the whole
of terrestrial globe; who has destroyed a multitude of hostile chiefs
in course of his worthily achieved world-conquest ; who is the
very image of the sun who has caused to bloom the lotus in the
shape of the assembly of scholars ; whose moonlike fame, (the
eulogy of) which is chanted by the worthy people captivated by
the very high reputation secured by the observance of excellent
rules of conduct, has illuminated by its rays the three worlds.

Verses.

One who has lighted up the faces of the horizons with his
sun-like prowess which is manifested by (his) having robbed the
young wives of the enemy kin^s of the vermillion mark (on
their forehead) ; (he) who is auspicious in all his limbs who is
the crest-jewel of all the good kings, who is the abode of virtue,
generosity, conscientiousness and fortitude ; (i)

Who is excellent because of the reputation which his measure-
less qualities have established ; who entertains crowds of living
beings by his daily distribution (of charities) ; by whom the world
has been bathed in the lustre of his very bright fame which is
like a lotus ; who has surpassed (even) Venu by his proficiency
in statecraft and who is resplendent because of the music played
on flutes 1 (in his honour) ; May he be ever victorious, (2)

My submission is that a humble petition was sent by me to
the presence of the illustrious one on the 8th day 2 of the bright
fortnight of Karttika. (i)

1 The meaning is not at all happy. The other alternative
would be to follow tho author of the Vaijayanti and to take the
word * Venu ' to mean the * Vedas/ In that case the expression
should be rendered as * resplendent because of the chanting of
the Vedas*, hardly an improvement.

a 7th November, 1796.

8j
F. 12

86 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

Having looked into it the illustrious and merciful protector
of the people despatched a note to Varanasl with the object of
providing an allowance for me (///. ordering the grant of an
allowance to me), (z)

All the pandits of Varanasl who were in charge of the College
were apprised of the allowance (sanctioned) for me. (3)

Thereafter, on Thursday the yth day 3 of the bright half of the
month of Pausha you arrived to adorn the city of Vara-
nasl. (4) * .

On that occasion, a great longing arose in me for greeting
you with my blessings. But as you were in a hurry to proceed
westward. 4 (5)

It was decided by me that I should pay a visit 10 you on
your return, which did not, however, materialise. (6)

I am, therefore, my Lord, again addressing a letter testifying
to (my) humility, to which you ought to listen. (7)

When I came to Varanasl from Gwalior I had some money
with me for defraying my expenses, by reason whereof, I could
continue my studies. When th^t money was exhausted I earned my
livelihood by reciting the holy Bhagavata. But ever since my eyes
were afflicted I am not being able to do anything whatsoever.
Even an hour's reading causes water to stream out and also causes
pain in the head. The professors of the locality as well as the
residents of the city are all well aware of this (fact). Engaged
as I have been in offering benedictions ( to Your Excellency since
the date when you, O illustrious monarch, were pleased to
improve my affairs, I feel that it has been very proper indeed
that Your Excellency provided for my advancement through the

3 5th January 1797. The date is evidently wrong. Shore
did not reach Benares till the evening of the 5th February, which
corresponds to Sunday, the 8th day of the bright half of the
month of Magha, (Shore to Speke, dated Benares 7th February
Pol. Cons, zoth February 1797, No. 68.

4 Shore left Benares for Lucknow on the loth February
(Shore to Spekc, dated Jaunpore, I2th February 1797. Pol. tons,
aoth February 1797, No. 69.)

DOCUMENT 6 87

agency of a succession of your servants. It is written iii the
Holy 'Bhagavata that the King possesses all the funds necessary
for the relief of the destitute. Therefore, do I pray of you,
O great f uler, who is the universal sovereign and is the veritable-
image of the god of justice (established) in the Company's abode,
that you may by (your) blessed lips issue in my behalf, instructions
to the local officers for (the grant of) a little (as allowance), by
becoming a regular recipient of which I may pass my days in
great enjoyment at VaranasI, having (regular) baths in the celestial
river and offering auspicious benedictions to Your
Excellency. No more (need be said) to one who is almost
omniscient.

DOCUMENT 7.

Hail ! May the multitudinous blessings of Kamhnaradasa shine
brilliantly on the five times blessed members of the (Supreme)
Council, who are prosperous, and are the ornament (as it were)
to the whole of the terrestrial globe ; the river of whose widely-
circulated fame has whitened the limitless horizons and who are
an adornment to the assembly of the most distinguished scholars
whom they have overcome by pleasant and polite courtesies as
well as in discourses on diverse sciences. I beg to submit my
case, which is as follows:

The city of Gwalior is my home, anc 1 Kamhnaradasa my name.
I am now residing in Daranagar in the Holy Var9nasi. I had been
passing (my time) studying, night and day, the sacred texts with
great assiduity but subsequently a misfortune befell me, in conse-
quence of which great anxieties weje caused. Thereupon, I
came to the conclusion that an account of my distress, should be
submitted to the ruler of the people. My misery and the texts
justifying its representation being committed to writing were
submitted to Mr. Shore, the esteemed ruler at his capital named
Calcutta. Some provision was ordered for me by that Paramount
ruler on his having heard of the matter, in consequence of which
my welfare was secured. The ruler of the principality named
Bundelkhand has since become favourably disposed towards me.
Some presents have been sent by him for the illustrious Mr.
Shore, from his own territories. That is lying with me. It is
now heard that he (Mr. Shore) has left for his native land. There-
fore, has this humble petition been addressed to the members of
the Council who rightly constitute the supreme authority for
deciding all doubtful points. I shall carry out whatever they
may be pleased to direct. I shall forward it to them, if so they
desire ; otherwise I shall hand it over to some European gentleman
at Varinasl. My well-being was due to the sympathy of the empe-
ror, illustrious Mr. Shore. I also pray for his prosperity day
and night. Now let me do what the Hon'ble gentlemen direct.
No more (need be said) to those who are almost omniscient.

88

DOCUMENT 8.

Your subjects ever secure under the shade of your arms
sleep without fear; your enemies who wander in terror in all
directions find no sleep at all. You have restored with justice on
earth the long dislocated four footed bull (of Dharma). What
more should I say! You surpass all monarchs of sacred memory,
O Lord Mornington.

Your enemies who, spared in the battlefield by your cle-
mency, have with routed troops fled across the seas, resigning their
interest in the states, strongholds and treasures, still get bewildered
daily in the morning when they see the orb of the burning-rayed
one (/". e. 9 the sun) in the east confounding it with your own orb,
O Lord Mornington.

89

DOCUMENT 9

May the Illustrious LORD, the Sovereign of the
Universe, be our refuge.

May the sincerest felicitations of the entire population of
this city of the Supreme one, wealthy, pious and noble, of the whole
sect of the Vaishnavas, of countless Brahmanas headed by the
Royal preceptor and lastly, of all the attendants of the Deity, like
Krishna Chandra Mahapatra the Chief of the thrity-six holy
offices, shed brilliant lustre on the exalted (personage) Governor-
General, Marquess of Wellesley, known by the following titles,
"one - with- everlasting - fame" (///. may - his - glory - continue)
"the ruler universally accepted/'' "chief among all nobles" and
"wielding lofty titles"; who is devoted to (the task of) bearing the
burden of the earth which testifies to the (unique) virtue of wor-
shipping his illustrious patron deity; who is the repository of a
host of virtues which are being sung by numerous women, who
have been turned into his chattels, inconsequence of his having
extinguished the splendour -of the orb that his enemies are,
included in the globe of the earth, itself held in fee by the exhibi-
tion of his majesty derived from the prowess of his own arms;
to whom the entire world is devoted on account of the repeated
recounting of his noble fame; who is the unrivalled sun that
has caused to bloom the lotus that the English race is ; and
who has besides taken the vow of protecting the gods, the
Brahmanas and the Vaishnavas.

Supported as we are by the solicitous attention of the English
power, our predominance has been established in the holy temple
of our Divine Master Jagannatha partly through the grace of the
Supreme Lord, the illustrious Sovereign of the Universe and
partly through the desire of the esteemed ruler. It is on this
account that security and comfort have come to us according
to our luck. Therefore, we, the people of the holy city are ever
engaged in pronouncing our benediction and we wish to send our
felicitations to your lordship. Further, we cherish but this desire

90

DOCUMENT 9 91

that your authority over this holy city may continue in this way
foe ever. Previously, while pondering on your Lordship's repu-
tation, we became convinced of (the inevitability of ) your control
over the holy temple from reports, discussion, the sacred texts and
the trends (of current events). We are now beholding with our
own eyes exactly what we foresaw. In no instance did we witness
nor shall we ever discern such prowess as we saw when your forces
were preparing for war and again at the time of the defeat and the
expulsion of the enemies. During this period' the entire popula-
tion was protected by you in such a manner that not a single soul
suffered even the slightest loss, and we who were employed in
attending on our Lord were not even aware that a war was raging
in the land. While in the previous regime we had to meet with
obstruction oven in the x smallest matter, we enjoy happiness now in
every respect under your government. Sincerely do we hope that
your lordship will establish justice in the same way as it was done
(of yore) by Brahma and other gods and that having heard of the
security in which our lives and properties are, thanks to the care
of the British authority, people from other places like Vfindavana,
Varanasi, Ramanatha and Dvarika will all come to this city and
having viewed the Deity will ascend to Vaikuntha. And we here
are praying night and day to God that the supremacy of the
English power may last forever, that the Lord by placing your
lordship under his lasting protection may promote your steady
advancement and that, we your well-wishers, being rid of all fear
(worries) under your rule may ever remain engaged in the
service of the Sovereign of the Universe:

Verses.

Such is the virtue of this city of the Supreme Being that
here indulgence (of the senses) brings the same reward as
asceticism, taking of meals in disregard of (caste) rules serve only
to clean the stains of birth and the dust of a slave girl's feet
is capable of purifying even the gods, (i)

The journey (of life) has been rendered difficult by the Vedas
and the Dharma-Sastras. In vain, oh wise men, have you pursued
(your path). Of what use is this labour ? On this sea-coast, beneath

92 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

the banyan tree, is available the nectar of absolute truth for any
one to drink in with his eyes. (2)

(Here) The purifying food even if dropped from a dog's
mouth should be eaten by Brahma and other gods if by luck they
find it. (3)

The light which flashes like lightning in the firmament of the
soul of the ascetic, shines on the Blue Rock in the form of
wood. (4)

Glory to the Lord of the Universe, in partaking of the leav-
ings of whose food the bars of proximity do not operate between
the (various castes) beginning with the Brahmanas and ending
with the dog-eaters. (5)

Where there is prosperity there is no learning; where both
co-exist liberality is wanting ; If three of them nappen to occur
in one place in consequence of numerous meritorious deeds
(done), courtesy does not manifest itself; and where the last-
named is found piety is sure to be absent. But it is in you alone,
that all these shine together through the grace of God. (6)

DOCUMENT 10.

This is the world-renouned coin of Ya^ovanta whose heart
is as the black bee (fixed) on the lotus foot of Lakshmi's lover.
The King who resides in Indraprastha is the Emperor of the world.
This coin which has been struck through his favour is circulating
throughout the world.

In S. E. 1728.

DOCUMENT 11.

Salute to the Goddess of the perfect.

(Five) Nagara Brahmanas who maintained a joint establish-
ment together with their uterine sister were engaged partly in
government service and partly also in private business. Of them
some had issues while others were issueless. Then in course of
time all of them died the survivors being one brother and his wife,
son of one of the (deceased) brothers and his wife, and the grand-
sons of the (deceased) sister. Then after sometime the son of the
brother (aforesaid) went to the other world. Thereafter within
a few days the (surviving) brother also died after making a stipula-
tion to the effect that all the acts of piety or ceremonies performed
by him should be performed in like manner (by his people) the cost
being met from the income of the property granted to him by the
king with a view to ensuring the enjoyment (of the property), (not
only) for a thousand years, (but) for eternity. Among the survi-
vors were his wife, the wife of his brotner's son and his sister's
grandsons. They continued to live jointly, sharing meal and
other (domestic) amenities and fulfilling faithfully the conditions
imposed by him at the time of his death. Now regarding the
entire property including both moveables and immoveables and
consisting of the property acquired by the five brothers jointly,
as well as that bestowed on one of them by the king by
means of a deed of conveyance which stipulated that the
entire property including both moveables and immoveables
should be enjoyed by the donee even as ancestral property and
that all who were his legal heirs should also enjoy it in unbroken
continuity for all times, and regarding also the question of
fulfilling the stipulation made by the donee, have all the surviv-
ors equal claims to inherit the ^property and to fulfil the covenant
or should any one of them (inherit) in the absence of one of the
parties concerned, or does the entire property go to the king even
though all of them may be living ? This is the question which
is put before the learned men of Varanasi on the third day of the

94

DOCUMENT II 95

dark half of the month of Jyaishtha in the vear indicated by the
digit, the sage, wealth and earth.

The reply of the learned men of V&r&nasi. From a study of the
precepts of the great sages like Manu, Vishnu, Narada, Brihaspati,
Yajnavalkya quoted in the Mitdksbard, the Vtramitrodaya the
Vyavahara-Madhavlya and other digests it is clear that the entire
property inclusive of both moveablesand immoveables 'and consis-
ting of his ancestors' earnings, and his own earnings as well as the
gifts bestowed on one of the five brothers by means of the aforesaid
deed of conveyance will devolve first on his wife, failing her on
his brother's daughter-in-law and failing her on his sister's
grandsons. The right to fulfil the conditions imposed by him
should also be settled according to the above principle. For, the
fulfilment of the conditions being exclusively dependent on the
legacy it is the inheritor of the legacy who should logically fulfil
them. While they are alive the king has no right, for it is
known that his right accrues only when heirs of all kinds fail. As
regards the property belonging to (a Brahmin) however he ha^ no
right whatsoever, the king being debarred from taking property
of that description. Much less has he any right to the property
of Nagara (Brahmanas) described above. In the case of the members
of the Nagara caste, although they may have no heirs, the king
has no right owing to the obligation to protect their property.
Moreover, the king should not violate a covenant made by him>
(the deceased). On the contrary he should ensure its fulfilment.
For, according to a text of ISfarada quoted by the Vjavahdra-
Mddhavtya the king should guarantee contracts.

The texts referred to are quoted below:

"The wife, daughters, parents, brothers, brother's sons, colla-
terals, kinsmen, pupils, fellow-students, among these the succeed-
ing inherit the property of a mn dying without male issue, only
in the absence of the preceding ones, such is the law for all castes"
this is the precept of Yajnavalkya as quoted in the Mitdkashara.
c< The wealth of a man who dies without a male issue goes to his
wife; failing her to his daughter, failing her to his father, failing
him to his motker, failing her tp his brother, failing him to his
brother's sons, failing them to fahilyas (descendants in the 4th to

96 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

9th degree) ;. failing them to fellow-students, failing them
to the king excepting in the case of the property being a
Brahmana's/ This is what is enjoined by Vishnu (17,
4, 8). The word c kinsman ' here stands for sapinda,
sagotra and .sakulya. This is the interpretation found in the
Viramitrodaya. The Srimati which is a gloss on the aforesaid
(work) gives the following comment : " Kinsmen stand for
sapindas the latter again may be subdivided into sagoiras and
non-sagotras" The following text of Bjihaspati is found in the
Viratnitrodaya : " In the Vedic literature, in the Smriti texts
and in popular usage as well as by the learned the wife is regarded
as one half of (a man's) body and as having equal share in the
fruits of (his) good and evil deeds. Of the man whose wife is
not dead, one half continues to exist, and while one half of his
body is alive how can any one take (his property) ? Hence in
the case of a man dying without a male issue even though his
father, mother, uterine brothers and sakulyas may be living,
it isy his wife who inherits his property. " " Of the Kshatriyas,
the Vai^yas and the Sudras who are sonless and have neither wives
nor brothers, the property is taken by the king." The above
text of B?ihaspati denying as it does the king's title to the property
of a Kshatriya and others whose wife may be living, suggests
a fortiori the absence of his title when the question pertains to
a Brahmana whose wife survives him. Here the expression 'who
has neither wife nor brother' indicates the failure of all (the
different kinds of legal heirs) including the fellow-students. This is
the explanation found in the Viramitrodaya. The following texts
of Manu are quoted in the Vtramitrodaya'Qn the failure of all
(heirs) the king shall take (the estate)" and " the property of the
Brahmana must never be taken by the king." The same work
also quotes the following text of Narada, c * The king who has
regard for law (shall take the property) from a man other than
a Brahmana". The following text of Yajnavalkya is also quoted
in the Mitakshard" Whatever be the customs, laws and famil)
usages that may be prevailing in a country, that country whei
brought under subjugation should be ruled strictly in accord-
ance with them." These very texts will also be found ir

DOCUMENT II 97

Vyavabarti-Madhivlya. Dated the yth day of the dark fortnight of
the month of Jyaishtha in the year indicated by the digit, the
sage, wealth and the earth.

The above interpretation is approved by Prabhakara Sarman
having the surname Bhatta. Approval is accorded by Sri Prana-
nathacharya to the above interpretation. This is approved by
Sada&va Sarman bearing the surname Ghule. This interpretation
is approved by Krishna Sarman bearing the surname Sesha. Tatya
Ganaka approves the above interpretation.

DOCUMENT 12.

Prosperity.

As regards the question, in case a raja, not of the
caste of twice-born, effects a partition with his eldest son
begotten on one (of his wives) and then gets a son by another
(woman lawfully) married to him aq^l belonging to the same
caste, what division of property should take place, on his demise,
between the separated son and the 'one born after the separation,
the decision of the Sastras is that the son born after the partition
will take the entire property owned by his father in his own
right whether equal or unequal in value to the eldest son's
share and that the eldest will retain the portion obtained by
previous division whether (that is) equal or unequal in value (to
that of the younger).

On this point, Manu (says,) " a son born after partition is
alone entitled to the property of the father, or in case any (of the
other sons) have reunited with him he shall share with them."
Bfihaspati also (says,) " when step-brothers born of different
mothers or uterine brothers have come to a partition with their
father those born subsequently shall take their father's share. The
son born before partition has no claim to the father's property nor
has the son born after partition a claim to the separated brother's
property. Any property that the father may acquire subsequent
to the partition with the sons will lawfully be the property of
the sons who may be born after the partition. Those born before
it can have no claim to it. This is the rule." Yajnavalkya (says,)
** For the sons who have received any division of property whether
large or small, what has been arranged by the father should be
regarded as lawful." Narada (says,) "For persons who have
been allotted shares, whether equal or unequal, by their father, that
(father's arrangement) should be regarded as valid. Father has
control of everything." Bjihaspati says, " Those whose shares
have been settled by the father whether in equal or in unequal

DOCUMENT 12 99

Ipts should abide by that (division). Otherwise, they become
deserving of punishment."

If there be any doubt as to the division, that which is deserving
of investigation should be enquired into. Should it however
be undecided the procedure is that the property is to be again
divided. On this point Yajnavalkya says, " In case of a doubt
arising regarding the fact of the distribution, the real nature of
tjhe distribution should be ascertained with the help of collaterals,
delations, as well as witnesses and written documents, taking
into consideration each house, each piece of landed property
rightfully belonging to the parties. In case of a doubt arising
regarding the principle of distribution, the settlement of the
distribution should be made with the help of relatives, witnesses
and documents but no ordeal is to be resorted to." Narada
says, " In cases of doubts regarding the principle of distribution,
the settlement of inheritence etc. (should be done) by means of
(an indication of the parties running) separate establishment,
with the help of collaterals and documents relating to the allot-
ment." We have it on the authority of Manu that "in case a
doubt arises between the coparceners regarding distribution, it
is necessary to make a fresh distribution notwithstanding that
they live separately."

If it shall appear desirable to make a fresh division
of property, both (sons) shall make a division of all the
effects in equal portions whether inanimate or animate, moveable
or immoveable, either adjusting the shares according to their
mothers or per capita. This is the procedure. On this
point Yajnavalkya says that "after the death of both father
and mother the sons shall divide in equal shares their (parents')
assets as well as liabilities." Narada says, " Therefore shall sons
divide the property of their father equally between them." Manu
says " After the death of the father and the mother the sons
shall assemble and divide amongst themselves in equal portions
the ancestral property. They have no right '(of property) as long
as they are alive." Hereinspite of the use of the word 'and' the
simultaneous death (of both the parents) is not intended. Thus
(we have) in the Madanaratna-smtiti-samgraha^ " The property of

IQO ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

the father may be divided even during the life-time of the mother,
she having no independent power over the property in the absence
of her husband." Bi;ihaspati says, " When there are many sons
sprung from the same father equal in caste and number, (but born
of different mothers), an equitable division may be effected by
adjusting the shares according to their mothers conformably to law.
When however they are of the same caste but differ in number it is
the per capita division which is valid." ^ 7 v.^sa says, "For those who
are born of one (person), are equal in caste and number, but have,
different mothers, the division according to mothers is to be
advocated."

Although the (allotment of) the preferential share at the time
of partition after father's death is prohibited (always) in the case
of the udras and in the case of those who are equally proficient
in their work, and in the case of step brothers of the same caste
in the Kaliyuga, the intention is that the king should make a
special case of the eldest and make the other two (brothers)
recipients of equal shares. On this point the Tattvafuktl says
" A udra can have a wife of his own caste only and no other.
Sons born of her, even though they number a hundred, shall be
entitled to equal shares. Of the sons who are born to the twice^
born and belong to the same caste the eldest shall be given a
preferential share and the rest should take equal shares. There
is to be no preferential share ' out of ten ' if all the brothers are
efficient in their occupation. Some little thing however shall
be allowed the eldest as a mark of distinction." According to
the VyavahSramaytikha this preferential share is prohibited in
the Kali age because of the text " excluding the Kali age," See
also the text of Brihaspati quoted above which runs, " If there
are many sons from the same father etc," Also the above cited
texts of 'Yajnavalkya, Narada and Manu which enjoin that " sons
should make a partition after the death of the father etc." Manu
has "Thit the substitute is equal to the principal is not valid
according to law. The father is the principal in procreation and
therefore one must give a share, conformably to law." Among
the aboye cited texts that of Tattvafukti which begins with
" Some little should be given " is also authoritative. * Alternati-

DOCUMENT I a 1 01

vely, partition according to the custom established locally among
a caste or in a family is good law/ As Katyayana says M He
shall settle partition of estates according to the customs which
are prevalent in a tribe in a guild or in a village Bhrigu."
(Here) the implication is ' so says Bhrigu. ' " Established usages
whether localised in a territory or obtaining among a caste or a
clan as well as village usages are (to be regarded) as valid and
should be accepted provided they are not in conflict with the
existing body of laws ". This is the view of Madanaparijata.
Va&shtha says that " Law is that which is enjoined by 6ruti and
Smfiti. Failing that the practice of wise men is authoritive."
Manu says, " That land, created by the gods, which lies between
the two divine rivers Sarasvati and Drishadvati (the sages) call
Brahmavarta The plain ot the Kurus, the (country of) the
Matsyas, Panchalas, and Surasenakas, these (form) indeed the
country of the Brahmarshis (which ranks) immediately after Brahma-
varta. From the eldest brothers born in this country all men
on earth shall learn their several courses of conduct/' The gist
of all the texts quoted above is therefore that the judge should
make a slight distinction in the case of the eldest and after
that treat him as equal with the younger.

Nor can it be urged that this interpretation of law is invalid
in the present case, it being corroborated only by texts bearing
on the general law of inheritcncc. For, we do not find any texts
dealing with extraordinary rules specially applicable to each (class
of people) of varying character and profession like the king,
executive officials, ministers, priests, physicians and learned men.
Nor there need be any apprehension that royal estates are indiv-
isible on the ground that there are no texts bearing on its divisibil-
ity. On the contrary, it is clear from the scriptures that the division
of (such) estates has been resorted to in all ages. Here is (a text)
on this contrary view. " Hear now, o virtuous king, about the
family of Priyavrata who after having obtained the spiritual en-
lightenment from Narada and having enjoyed the earth for some
time and thereafter dividing it among his sons went to the divine
abode. " In the Ehdgavata The sons of Agnidhra who had
by their mother's grace been fully developed in stature and

F. 14

102 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

strength even at their birth, came, in consequence of a partition
by their father to possess the (different) divisions of Jambudvipa
bearing their respective names, each receiving his allotted share.
Similarly in the MarkandeyapurZnam (we., have) "Thereupon, O
Brahman, did the royal sage Nlpa impart to the noble souled
Bhananda instruction in the entire science of war. When he had
mastered the art of war he demanded of his cousins Vasurata and
other sons of the noble Dishtya the half share of his ancestral
kingdom to which he was (legally) entitled. " In the Ramayaya
again, " Having installed the heroic Kua in Kosala and Lava in
the Northern region, Rama bestowed oft each of the noble-souled
(princes) gifts consisting of 3,000 chariots, 10,000 elephants, and
10,000 horses. Endowed with abundance of jewels and provisions
and attended by an army of sturdy and cheerful men the brothers
Kua and Lava were sent to their respective cities/' These again
are the words of Vidura to Dhritarashtra in the 3rd canto (of the
Bhagavata.) : " Restore the ancestral estate to Ajata&itru, who
has put up with your offences, and with whom there is the angrily
hissing terrible snake in the form of Brikodara and his younger
brothers of whom you are much afraid. " Again in the 9th canto
we have, " Nabhaga was a son of Nabhaga, to which poet, after
he had returned back, his brothers restored his inheritence
although he was the youngest and had been a brahrnacharin."

" Panidu was a noble-souled king with world-wide renown.
He was the sovereign and these his sons are entitled to the
inheritence left by him. Do not continue the conflict my son,
give away one half of the kingdom." " Whither Bhlshma goes
Drona will follow. Therefore should you carry out what Bhishma
as said. Give then the one halt of the kingdom to Pandu's sons,
o slayer of enemies." " How can you appropriate this kingdom,
thou obstinate one, inherited by your opponents according to
(rules of) succession. Having freed yourself from false vanity
give away one half of the kingdom with robes of honour and
riding animals." " Having returned to the sons of Pandu their
rightful shares, O Bull of the Bharata's race and having (thus)
allayed the distress of your friends rule your own rightful king-
dom." "Do not, O son, treat with contempt the prosperity which

DOCUMENT 11 103

is eagerly embracing (you). By bestowing the half (of the king-
dom) upon sons of Pritha you will attain great renown/' These
are the words addressed to Duryodhana by Bhlshma, Drona,
Dh^itarashtra, Gandharl and Srik^ishna respectively in the
Udyogaparvan. The following again are the words addressed by
Arjuna to Srlkrishna in the same work. '* That one half of the
kingdom would be ours according to the final settlement arrived
at previously has been circulated to all the kings. If he restores
this to us voluntarily showing us (due) respect and offering us no
insult I shall be happy, O great-armed one, and they will get rid
of a great hazard."

ttf Mahananda's heroic son, Your Majesty, borij of a udra
woman will be Mahapadma Nanda, the destroyer of the kshatriyas.
He will have eight sons of whom the eldest will be Sumalya and
all of whom will enjoy the earth as kings for a period of hundred
years." This text occurs in the twelfth canto (of the Bhagavata).

(The matter is) to be settled with (the help of) texts establishing
the fact of division of inheritance by father or by brother in
respect of royal estates from the end of the Krita age down to
the Kali age.

No need of further amplification.

Pandita Thakuradasa, Ramaprasada Bhattacharja(ya), Nika
Ramakrishna.

DOCUMENT 13.

Goddess of Fortune is Victorious

This sunshade, made of beautiful pearl-like letters and con-
veying a very good sense, befits the king who is (himself) the
bearer of shades (on many). Here then is the umbrella-shaped
stanza formed by interchange of initial (letters) and displaying
infinite complexity of construction :

'* O protector of the earth, O Lord of the treasury and
harbours, may goddess KalJka, who is of pure lustre, who
illumines the divine progenitors and whose splendour influences
gods such as Siva, Brahman, and Vayu, bestow on you peace and
prosperity along with renown.

104

DOCUMENT 14.

Salute to Ganea. A woman whose son had died and her issue-
less co-wife took steps immediately on the death of their husband
and the (aforesaid) son to divide between themselves all the estates
and treasures including moveables and immoveables belonging to
the deceased husband and son, and lived separately. Supposing
(now) that one of them dies will the surviving co-wife be entitled
to the inheritence being next in kin to her ?

The decision of the law books. (on the question) is that as the
entire property left by an issuelcss wife who had been married
.according to the Brahma or any, other of the five modes of
marriage goes to her husband, and failing him to those proximate
to him and as among the latter, in the absence of sons etc., the
wife is most proximate (to the husband) it is the co-wife who by
virtue of her being the principal ought to inherit the property.

Thus says Manu, as quoted by Apararka, "Whatever. belongs
to a woman (who has been married) according to the Brahma, Dai-
va, Arsha, Gandharva or Prajapatya form of marriage, shall belong,
in the event of her dying issuless, to her husband only/' Again
in Yajnavalkya (we have), cc So far as the four (approved) forms
of marriage including the Brahma are concerned, the property of a
issueless wife shall devolve on her husband. If she has left daughters
(the property) should go to them. In the other forms of marriage
it goes to the parents (of the deceased)/' The meaning of the
passage according to the Viveka is (as follows). When a wife who
.has performed her nuptials according to the Brahma, Daiva, Arsha
or Prajapatya mode dies, her property is inherited by her husband.
-In his absence those who are closely related to the husband's family
get it, . In theii? absence those who are closely related to her
father's family obtain it. In the case of one who has obtained the
wife's status through any one of the remaining modes of the wife's
statue marriage, that is to say, according the Asura, Gandharva,
H3k$hasa oc Paiiacha form of marriage, her property is inherited
-by the mother and the father. "First comes the mother. Failing

IOJ

to6 ENGLISH TRANSLATION Ot 7 THfi DOCUMENTS

her comes the father, failing him the relatives connected through
the father's family and failing them those who are closely related
to the husband's family should obtain it." This is the view of the
Madanaparijata. The MiffiksharZ (contains the following note): "If
the aforesaid women having attained the status of a wife according
to the four forms of marriage namely, Brahma, Daiva, Arsha, and
Prajipatya should die issueless the property aforesaid goes to her
husband, in the first instance. In his absence it goes to those
closely related to him. In the event of the marriage having been
performed according to other forms of marriage, vi2, : Asura,
Gandharva, Rakshasa and Pai^acha the property of the issueless
woman goes to her parents. TH^HIw (in the text) means 'that
which reaches ffaM which is a compound word formed of THcfT
and flRir. But as has already been pointed out (elsewhere),
in spite of the rule of ekafesha (under which only one
of the compounded words is retained) it is the mother who should
obtain the property in the first instance. In her absence it should
devolve on the father and in his absence on those closely related
to him. Whatever be the form of marriage if the woman has
been *prasUta y that is to say, has issue, the property should belong
to her daughters. Here the teim ' daughters' indicates 'daughter's
daughters'. As regards daughters they become entitled to the
property in accordance with the text/'

As regards the very close proximity of the co-wife to the
husband (the following texts may be cited):

"Wife, daughter, parents, brothers, brother's sons, sagotras,
kinsmen, pupils, fellow-students; among these the succeeding
inherits the property of a man dying without male issue, only in
the absence of the preceding one. Such is the law for all castes 7 ',
Yajnavalkya. "In the revealed texts (of the Vedas), in the tradi-
tional law (of the Smritis) and in popular usage, the wife is dec-
lared by the learned to be half the body (of her husband), equally
sharing the outcome of good and evil acts. Of him whose wife
is not dead, Half of his body survives. How could anyone else take
the property while half his body lives?" B?ihaspati. " The wealth
of a man who dies without issue goes to his wife; failing her
to her daughter; failing her to his father, failing him to his mother

DOCUMENT 14 107

failing her to his brother, failing him to his brother's son, failing
them to his kinsmen, failing them to the sakulyas, failing ttyem
to fellow-students, failing them to the king excepting in the case
of the property being a Brahmana's." The above text of Visjhnu
also supports (our contention). No need of further amplifi-
cation. Be there prosperity and peace.

DOCUMENT 15.

O prosperous and brave master Macnaghten, 2 of exalted glory,
O moon to the council of His Excellency the Governor-General
illumined by your excellent qualities, great power and fair fame,
O moon among the assembly of ministers, O cherisherof the poor,
blessings to you. A strange phenomenon indeed has lately been
experienced in this world. Iron when brought into contact with
touchstone ceases to be apprehended (as iron). (It) becomes trans-
formed into gold and gold (only) by virtue of its contact with the
latter. (But) after an elephant has been actually observed, the
observer need no longer take the trouble of inferring it from its
trumpeting. That which can be apprehended through perception is
not a matter for inference. Therefore, while waiting here I remain
in grave doubt, O (my) master, who are a veritable touchstone, or
is that maxim according to which one trying to avoid one failure
involves himself in another, applicable here ? Having therefore
decided that I should personally return to my native place I would
beg to submit before you that nobody is to blame. The very root
'dush' seems to have undergone the 'guna' operation to increase
my Mosha' (faults). For, nobody should be made accountable
for either one's happiness or one's sorrow. But let this be my
standing prayer to you, who are proficient in all the sciences, that
you should hold without delay another examination and arrange
to provide me with employment. As for others, they are awaiting
your orders. You are therefore the sole authority to decide.

Samvat 1890, Sri Nekarama Sharman earnestly prays that
peace should prevail everywhere. Such is the auspicious
resolution (made) on the 8th Bhadra II, Saturday.

108

DOCUMENT 16.

The Supreme Lord is ever Triumphant.

To prosperous and ever fortunate master William Hay Mac-
naghten endowed with great fame, proficient in the sciences with-
out number, foremost among the accomplished, virtuous and
most-respectable .

This is the humble petition of $ri Kenarama Deva-
arman. Having studied all the sciences beginning with grammar
and ending with jurisprudence I was ^enabled for quite a long time
to support those who were absolutely dependent on me through
the generosity of the late Mr. John Ryecroft Best by working as a
Pandit under him. Thereupon luckily for us he retired to the other
world. Being without support I appeared at an examination
before the Chief of the celebrated Examination Committee as well as
the assemblage of god-like examiners, and also secured a diploma
bearing the signature of your illustrious self. But so far no
benefit has accrued to ne who continue to be helpless. Now
therefore I solicit your help only ; for, if through the patronage
of your illustrious self I succeed in securing a government employ-
ment that will surely lead to the enhancement of your reputation.
This is what can be stated with brevity.

Verse

Purchase (this my) life which is my only wealth. No-
thing else have I got but you have your (many) meritorious
acts. O lord of my life, O munificent one if you acquire the
reputation of being charitable towards us, I shall also be able to
continue singing it. Of jri Kenarama Devagarman.

109
F. 15

DOCUMENT 17.

Goddesses of Learning and Prosperity are ever
Victorious.

To ever prosperous and fortunate Mr. William Hay Macna-
ghten, our patron, who is best among the most glorious, is a veri-
table repository of excellent qualities, is the chastiserof the wicked
and pacifier of the good. This is the humble petition of Sri
Kenarama Deva^arman, pandit of the late John Ryecroft Best.
On the 2oth day of this month I sent a petition to your excellent
self together with a diploma. T solicit now a kind reply to that as
well as the (return of) that diploma so that I may succeed in my
object.

This letter is dated zyth of A^vina. The petition is from
Kenarama Devaarmai\,

DOCUMENT 18.

That the property of a Brahmana even if he is without an heir
should never be an escheat to the king is clearly stated in the sec-
tion dealing with kingly duties in Manu's code, in the Miffiksbarft
as well as in other (legal treatises). It is clear that the Vedic
Scriptures also prescribe that the property of a Brahmana learned
in the Vedas, because he is to be cherished even as a natural born
son by the king, cannot be escheated under any circumstances,
whether he may be living or may have died leaving behind him
sons or grandsons. On this point the following texts of Manu
has been cited in the Mttakshara and other works. " The
property of a Brahmana must never be taken by the king, that
is a settled rule etc/' Having ascertained his learning in the
Vedas and the purity of his conduct the king shall provide
for him means of subsistence *n accordance with the sacred
law, and shall protect him in every way as a father (protects)
the lawful son of his body. Whatever meritorious acts (such
a Brahmana) performs under th^ full protection of the
king, thereby the king's length of life, wealth and kingdom
increase/' "For when these creatures, being without a king,
through fear dispersed in all directions, the Lord created
a king for the protection of this whole (creation); taking (for that
purpose) eternal particles of Indra, of the Wind, of Yama, of the
Sun, of Fire, of Varuna, of the Moon, and of the Lord of Wealth
(Kubera). Because a king has been formed of particles of those
of the gods, he therefore surpasses all created beings in lustre;
and like the sun, he warms eyes and minds nor can anybody on
earth ever gaze on him. Through his supernatural power he is
Fire and Wind, he is Sun and Moon, he the Lord of Justice
(Yama), he Kubera, he Varuna, he great Indra", " Penance is
declared the highest (virtue) in the Satyayuga, (acquisition of)
knowledge in the Tretayuga, (performance of) sacrifices in the
Dvaparayuga and charity alone in the Kaliyuga/' cc One derives
twice as great merit by protecting and cherishing others as from
the charities bestowed by him. Of munificence and protection

in *

112 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

certainly the latter is more commendable than the former. One
secures only heaven by (practising) munificence, but one
obtains the state of imperishable existence by (affording)
protection (to others)/' " The king shall protect the inherited
{and other) property of a minor, until he has returned (from his
^teacher's house) or until he has passed his minority."

DOCUMENT 19.

Four sons were born to a certain chief named Jagadrajasimha
viz., Senapatisimha, Pahadasimha, Keharisimha, Kiratasimha. Of
them the one named Kiratasimha begot on his first wife three
sons, the eldest of whom was called Shumana Simha, the second
Prithvisimha, and the youngest Dhundhasimha. Of them the se-
cond, Prithvisimha separated (from the family) while the eldest
and the youngest viz. Shumanasimha and Dhundhasimha continued
to live jointly. Thereafter the eldest had a sonnamed Vijayabaha-
dura and the youngest had one named Lakshmanasimha. Vijaya-
bahadura h?d by his married wife three sons of the name of Igvarl-
simha, Puranamala,andGovindadasa. They however died childless
even while their father was alive. The latter had by a ^udra
concubine a bastard called Ranajitsimha. Khedasimha is the issue
of Lakshmanasirpha, Vijayabahldura's paternal uncle's son and
Ratanasimhaisthe son of Vijayabahadura's illegitimate issue, Rana-
jitsimha. Now that Vijayabahadura is dead, the question at issue
is which of the two survivors, viz. the deceased's paternal uncle's
son, Khedasimha and his bastard's son Ratanasimha, will succeed to
the Chiefship handed down in regular succession in an undivided
state. The answer (is as below). Since the unmarried consort
had the status of a slave, Ranajitsimha begotten on her as well
as Ratanasimha, Ranjitsimha's son has no claims whatsoever.
The texts in support of this conclusion are as follows ;

"The woman acquired by purchase shall not be raised to the
status of a wife. Neither shall she be permitted to offer oblation
to gods or ancestors. She is termed a slave by the sages/' Here
the term "acquired by purchase" means acquired by gifts, not by
wedlock, for thepurpose of cohabitation. The son begotten on a
{Qdra woman by the Brahmana, Kshatriya or Vaiya is not enti-
tled to inheritance, so says Manu. From the terming of a woman
acquired by purchase as a 'slave' in the above text (it is clear
that) all unmarried (consorts) are to be taken as ^udra. "One
begotten on a udra woman by a person of the twice born caste

113

114 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

has no claims to a share in (ancestral ) estates." The above text
of Devala, which by asserting the incapacity of thosebegotten on
a wedded slave to succeed to (ancestral estates) renders the claims
of a son born out of wedlock doubly invalid, makes it quite clear
that Ratanasimha has no right to the Chiefship. Yajnavalkya
of course lays down that one though begotten on a concdbine by
a $udra is entitled to a portion in the patrimony if (so) desired
(by the father). (But here) if we follow the explicit statement
in the printed edition of the Viramitrodaya (p. 192) the
specific mention of the word 'J^udra' implies that those begotten
by the twice-born on concubines are, inspite of what their fathers
may have wished to the' contrary, not entitled even to a fraction
of the property, let alone the whole of it.

Yajnavalkya and others having advised partition by rules
which enjoin that shares should be four parts, three, two or one
according to the order of the marriages (contracted by the deceas-
ed), and the implication (of the rules) being that in the absence of
marriage sons born of women of the same caste (as father's) are
entitled to no share, and nonfc of our authors having said express-
ly in (favor of) a share for the sons and grandsons of this descrip-
tion, Ratanasimha has right only to maintenance and to nothing
else. Thus runs the text of Brihaspati as cited in the Madanaratna:
"The son born of one who is (otherwise) childless by a $udra wife,
if obedient, shall receive maintenance and the rest (of his pro-
perty shall go to collaterals (sapindas}" . Gautama also has it that the
son begotten on a $udra woman by one who is (otherwise) child-
less, if dutiful, shall receive a maintenance on the analogy of a pupil.
These two tfexts by establishing the invalidity of the claims of the
itesue of an unmarried concubine to the property of a person separa-
ted from the family and the validity of the claims of the collaterals,
only makes it clear that the right of succession to an undivided state
belongs only to collaterals. Moreover, the son born of a concu-
bine being given the term paraava> which means a living corpse,
according to the following text of Manu "He (the son of a Brah-
mana by a $udra) is as a corpse even. though living and he is called
parafava (the live corpse)', just as the corpse has no title to proper-
ty, the illegitimate son who is almost a corpse has no right what-

DOCUMENTS 19 115

soever even though he may be living. This being the clear impli-
cation (of the text) Ratanasimha has no valid claims to the Chief-
ship. (The right of) succession therefore belongs to Khedasimha.
This is the opinion supported by all legal codes.

This interpretation is approved by I^varadatta^armapandita

Approval (is accorded) to this interpretation by Ka^inatha-
astri surnamed Ashtaputra

Narayana $astrin endorses this interpretation. Approval (is
accorded) by Pradvivaka $alagrama Pandita

Approval (is accorded ) to this interpretation by Viththala-
astrin

This interpretation is approved by Umarava^armapandita
surnamed Sukula.

To this interpretation (is accorded) the approval of Chatur-
veda Hirananda^armapandita.

By jrikfishna Charatia Barman approval (is accorded) to this
interpretation.

DOCUMENT ?Q.

(Divine Rama is Victorious
Divine Ekalimga Ji)

Hail. May this letter commencing with the salutation of
Maharajadhiraja Maharana His Majesty $ardara Simha Deva
from the prosperous Udayapattana find delight in the best
of preceptors His Holiness Ranganatha, the prince among
panditas endowed with th^ assemblage of all the virtues.
Peace (reigns) here through the grace of the Divine (Lord).
We wish the same to (accrue to) Your Holiness in ever increasing
degree. Further the letter conveying Your Holiness's benediction
arrived here and the news were learnt. Your Holiness is our well-
wisher. Further, Jamadara Vatn^araja, Jamadara Prltama Simha,
Subakrishna and Narayanamalla came here with presents from
there and having delivered (their) to the best of rulers
(Maharajdhiraja Maharana His Majesty Javana Simha stayed here
(for some time). Thereafter a commission was given hence that
they should after arriving there communicate the news of this
place. What else to one who is better informed. No need of
(further) amplification.

This letter is written on (this day) the 3rd. day of bright fort-
night of the month of A^vina, Samvat 1895.

(In another hand) On the 2nd day of the dark fortnight of Kar-
ttika,

On the cover

To the prince among the panditas, Chief Preceptor gri Raijga-
nitha this letter (is addressed).

116

DOCUMENT 21.

Divine Rama is Victorious
Rama Ekalimga

Hail. Of the best among princes the Maharajadhiraja Maha-
rana His Majesty jardara Simha, (who is) the ornament of
the house of the thousand-rayed (deity) and who by his devo-
tion to the lotus-feet of the Lord of $ri (^rlnatha) has attained
all his desires. Prosperity to Maharaja Rajendra !rl Vikrama
Jahavarman, the rise of whose fair fame is being constantly
chanted by the poeple of all the quarters illumined by the moon
in the form of his multitudinous glories derived from the
victory over his enemies achieved by the excessive valour which
he has gained by virtue of his worship of the feet of the divine
Pagupatlgvara, and who by the radiation of the rays emanating
from the Sun in the form of very brilliant statecraft learnt by him
from the teachings of Manu and others has dispelled many assem-
blages of darkness in the form of wicked people and has (thereby)
delighted his numerous subjects.

May exceeding delight accrue to this news-bearing epistle
which begins with the name of the blessed (Lord). Peace (prevails)
here through the grace of the Divine Lord. The abundance
of the same we wish to (you) who are entitled to prosperity.
Further, Jamadara Vam^araja, Jamadara Prltama Simha, Soba-
kjishna and Narayanamalla who were deputed by you reached
this place with presents. Having delivered (them) to the
best among rulers Maharajadhiraja Javana Simha they
stayed here (for some time). Thereafter they were given permis-
sion to depart for your place. Arriving there they will make
known the news hereof. Your Majesty is of our family. There-
fore the customs of this and your place are to be considered as
identical. You should always delight us by sending letters. The
rest of the news should be learnt from the letter of Maheta Rama
Simha. What more to one who knows all. No need of further
amplification. The letter is written on this day the nd day oj
the dark fortnight in the month of Karttika, Samvat 1895.

F. 16

DOCUMENT 23

1

(The Goddess of Prosperity is victorious.)

May your arrival which is li'ke the fresh appearance of the
mooif and which dispels the darkness in the shape of the
enemies (bring) delight to us by the increase of (your) splendour.
This is the benedictory verse of Yadunatha Pandita,

11*

DOCUMENT 23.

The term to be considered here is 'aurasaputra' (son of the
body). In the particular expression 'aurasaputra, the qualifying
word 'aurasa' which is a taddhita derivative in form is used with
reference to issue personally begotten by one. As regards the
term 'putra' it is universally known that it is a synonym of the
term 'issue'. Here are the authorities regarding this sense of the
term 'putra'. TheKoSa, forinstance, says, "The terms atmaja,tanaya,
sunu, suta and putra when put in the feminine gender are under-
stood by everybody to signify 'daughters' only' J . The meaning of
(the passage in) the Ko/a is as follows. The above group of words
which begin with 'atmaja' and end with 'putra' are all equivalent
to the word 'issue.' But when used in a specific sense to denote
female species comprehended within the (generic) term 'issue' they
appear in the feminine gender. In that case the forms 'atmaja',
'tanaya', *sunu', and c putr^' are to be used. But when that sense is
not intended, (the forms) should be simply 'atmaja' etc. A supple-
mentary hymn attached to the Rigveda runs, "Thou who bringest
forth many putras shall never suffer from sorrow/' (Here we have
to explain) bahuputrani. The supplementary verse is certainly refer-
ring to the state of becoming the mother of many issue. Nor is
here an intention to denote issues having no sex. On the con-
trary the intention is clearly to refer to issue of both the sexes.
Thus a word denoting issue in the generic sense is used in the
neuter gender. In the specific sense of male issue, however, the
form should be masculine 'putra.' Words implying a genus are
in the neuter gender. 'Manu has, "In cases of bequests etc. shares
accrue to putras who are mithuna without any distinction what-
soever, this is the injunction of Svayambhuva Manu." Mitbuna,
that is to say, both male and female. Mitbuna and dvanda
stand for 'male and female,' this is (gathered) from the Ko/a.
Manvarthavivaranam and Nirukta-Vedanga also are of the opi-
nion that putras of both sexes are entitled to become heirs. If
(it is urged) that putra should be used i:q its specific sense because

119

120 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OP THE DOCUMENTS

of out awareness of the use of the word in the sense of male issue
only among the uncultured-Non-Aryans, that also is not (valid).
For it is opposed to the commentary to the Afvalayana Sutra
which notices the use of the term putra to denote both
male and female issue in Aryan as well as Non-Aryan usage.
The word putra is noticed in common usage as being used
in the sense of daughter, e.g., 'come O Son'. 'Common usage*
(referred) to here no doubt will be meaningless unless taken
to cover the Non-Aryan 'usage. Therefore it is clear that
the interpretation of the word putra as both female and
male issue is justified by usage also. That one should not
wrongly think that the word putra does not comprehend the
term kanya is clearly shown by the commentary to the Vyakarana
Kaumudl entitled Manorama as follows: "the word putra (also)
conveys the sense of female issue/' Thus after considering the
term putra with the help of diverse authorities it becomes clearly
established that it is capable of denoting both male and female
issue. Therefore both male and female issue should be
considered as aurasa putra or son of the body.

DOCUMENT 24

Prosperity.

May the endless prayers offered by Pandit VHvanatha Dfk-
shita Agnihotrin the protdge of the chief among the great princes
Maharaja Rao Raja Vinayasimha, the ruler of Alwar in the western
region, shed lustre on that illustrious chief of the Europeans, who
is the most excellent among the excellent rulers, resident of the
city of Kilakila and is the principal refuge (of all); who is
designated as Judta Saheba the paramount ruler; around whose
lotus feet are waved in adoration the crest-jewels on the head of
numerous princes; and who has attained the sovereignty of the
earth by virtue of his devotion to the unknowable supreme
spirit which is without parallel and is the embodiment of being,
consciousness and beatitude. Peace (prevails) here. I have been
residing in (the city of Gaya in the province of KIkata till this day,
Monday of the dark fortnight of Jyaishtha in the year Kshaya,
observing the rites of agnihotra with my pupils and family. The
matter which deserves n^>w to be brought to the notice of your
Lordship is as follows. Having eecured the permission of the
illustrious Maharaja for pilgrimage we arrived at Prayaga by the
route of Argalapura. Having resided there for a few days we came
to Kal where also we halted. Thereafter while proceeding
to Gaya we being invited by the merchant HIralala of the shop at
the village of Raja Modanarayanasimha lying 5 krosas from Gaya
to the west, we made a settlement as regards charges, took up our
lodging in his market place and finished our (usual) business
including meals as on other days. At night while we were
asleep thieves belonging to the village came in and seized
my ornaments, cash (and other belongings). As they were
making off a Brahmana of our party woke up and caught a
thief by his knees. Thereupon the thief having struck the
Brahmaija on the head with a dagger and having given him
a kick on the chest the latter fell into a swoon. After this all
of us belonging to my party woke up. An attempt was made
to bring a lamp but although all the people of that road were

121

122 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

conversing with each other in their respective houses none of them
came forward inspite of a cry being raised that the thieves were
going away; nor did anybody open their door to lend a lamp.
Then the o^ner of the market place was sent for. He also did not

come. Thereupon we called for He however came after

some interval and made a light. While looking round (he came
across) the unconscious Brahmana. After the latter had been
brought round (it was found) in the course of the inspection of
the goods thereof that (the thieves) had collected property
to the value of four thousand including gold, pearls, silver,
jewellery and gold and silver coins. He then (reported the matter)
to (an officer of) the rank of barakandd^a and brought him in the
space of a prahara from (Panchanapura). Both of them having
arrived at the place made a local inspection but remained unen-
lightened at the time. (Thereafter) having arrived at a place called
Panchanapura (there in a certain house) we found four iron imple-
ments of the burglar viz., first, dagger, second, (the tool) called
knife, third, (the tool) called tongs, fourth, the implement called
'keys'. Even though they discovered there not less than 15
keys they observed that these were the (legitimate) property
of the owner of the hq^ise and closed the door. The next day
an officer of the designation of ]amddara came fromt he town of
Takari two krosses off. He made an enquiry here and there and
having taken written depositions from two or three persons or-
dered everybody to return to their own residence. After this
we came to Gaya from Panchanapura and submitted a representa-
tion to the Magistrate. He received it and went through it but
did not give any reply. Thereupon waiting silently for 10 to 15
days we again made a representation explaining our object.
Having seen it he passed the following order; "It is for you
to search for the thieves. What have we to do V 9 Thereafter we
moved about hither and thither for about twenty days, and having
got some clue we again submitted a representation praying that
officers might be ordered to search in the house suspected by us.
An order was issued to that effect. The next day we went with
the officer concerned to the house of a certain gambler. While
making the search a bodice which formed part of my articles

DOCUMENTS 2d 12$

stolen by thieves was" round, me gamoier was thereupon taken
into custody and we came to the place called thana (police sta-
tion). Being questioned by the Officer of that station as to how
that article came to his house he put in writing that this was given
to him by the proprietor of the very marketplace in the village
Panchanapura where these gentlemen had taken up their lodgings,
and attested to it of his own free will.

On the third day when questioned on his arrival in the pre-
sence of Magistrate, he submitted a rambling account different
(from the previous) concealing (the nature of) his own profes-
sion as tutored by others. Having (thereafter) received the
official order that he should go home after making over the article
to the officers, he went a\vay. Then the recovered bodice was
made over to me and order was given to us that we should
go on with further search. Now, if the ruler continues thus to
take sides with thieves what help is there for wayfarers as well as
subjects (in general) ? Moreover, it is testified by the Mitakshara
in the section on law-suits that it ;s not possible for a ruler to
cherish his subjects without chastising the wicked. After stat-
ing that "the king should investigate law-suits himself" (the
text goes on to say) that "the king should appoint as assessors
men who are learned, studious, well-versed in law, truthful and
impartial to friends and foes alike. Those assessors who act
contrary to the texts of law out of passion, greed or fear are each
to be punished with a fine of double the amount of the disputed
sums." Hence, these people as they fall under the operation of
the above quoted (text) ought to be severely dealt with. Again,
it is the duty of the Chief Judge to punish a thief as well as res-
tore the property stolen by him'in accordance with the text that
"the thief should be recognised by the police by (his possession) of
stolen goods, by means of footprints, by his having committed
(similar) offence previously and by his living in disreputable houses/'
(He is) to investigate a law suit immediately according to the text
which begins withthe word "violence, theft, abusive speech/' Since
a wayfarer like me who has been robbed of his property cannot
know that these (persons) in the village are thieves and these are
honest it may be asked what right I have to enter into a discussion

124 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE DOCUMENTS

of this kind about this place. I have no right. But (I have been
induced to do so) out of the conviction that the disrepute of
the agent also devolves on the principal. Whatever the local
officers of this place do contrary to law they ascribe to their
master, though Your Excellency has not the least fault in this
matter. Your Excellency has done nothing except issuing inst-
ructions that law suits should be conducted strictly in accordance
with the legal texts. My feeling in this respect is that the former
rulers used to appropriate for themselves any treasure taken by
others after penalising them. Now there is not the least cove-
tousness for such things. Such is Your Excellency's regard for
the maxims of law that no one can escape by giving even a
crore in cash such penalty as he deserves. As regards the goods
stolen from me your esteemed lordship should kindly take into
consideration every fact in accordance with the usage (enjoined
by) the text, "when reinvestigating a law-suit which was ill-inves-
tigated the king shall impose a fine of double the disputed sum
on the assessors as well as the winning party," and order the
chief magistrate of the locality to get the thief traced and property
restored with the help of the village chief, in compliance with
the following text of the chapter on theft in the Mitakshard Smriti;
"The responsibility of a theft or an assault lies with the Ijeadman
of a village or the proprietor of an enclosed ground (as the
case may be) as long as it can be shown that the culprit has not
gone out of the village or the ground in question, and with the
policeman, if it is committed on the road or in a place other than
an enclosure/' If the thief cannot be tracked it behoves you to
issue orders that the lost property should be restored to me
and to do whatever is necessary for recovering the stolen
goods. It will be superfluous to write further to your esteemed
lordship who is experienced (in this matter).
Names of the (lost) articles in vernacular :

Gofbs y 2 pairs, 36 tolahs (Rs.) 612

Pafha/J i pair, 12 tolahs (Rs.) 204

Kamgand 2 pairs 4 tolahs (Rs.) 68

Hasuli (small) 6 tolahs (Rs.) 102

Sari i, 13 tolahs (Rs.) 221

DOCUMENT 24 125

Vindali i pair 4 tolahs (Rs.) 68

(Lacunae covering 4 lines)

( ) rings of ( )

These are the articles of gold set with stones.

Jaipuri coins 20 at Rs. 15 each (Rs.) 300

Coins of Maharaja !aar(?) 5 (Rs.) 7*

Coins of Lucknow (Rs.) 16

Putali i (Rs.) 5 1

Tikali 5 tolahs (Rs.) 30

A necklace of go/fitpga (Rs.) izj

Ketaka 2 totahs (Rs.) 34

Rakbadt i (Rs.) 17

Mathekd-phnl i tolahs (Rs.) 17

Gathali (Rs.) 25^.' '

Nrf//6 W0// aw A/rJ wall i (Rs.) 2024

i pair of kap (Rs.) 150

Moti ka dand vina voy (Rs.) 100

NUa (nlla) 10 (Rs.) 20

Pusbparag 10 (Rs.) 20

Sdtphullmoti (Rs.) 28

i pair of bbokrS (Rs ) 5 o

i pair of chaukada (Rs.) 216

Ka^ori 2 pieces Rs. 23

Chamachya (Rs.) 5

P*/ i (Rs.) 6

Pohacha 5 (Rs.) 5

i pair of kadd 5 (Rs.) 5

i pair of toda (Rs.) 50

i pair of bicboya (Rs.) 14

i pair of maso\d (Rs.) 7

i pair of ball jhumkd (Rs.) 50

4 pairs ot />/'/// (Rs.) 5

i pair otphulpavak (Rs.) 3

i pair of ghumghuru (Rs.) 12

i Piece of silver (Rs.) 8

Cash Rs. 240

These include only the silver articles

Three bodices of women

One brass trunk containing cloths for tying up ornaments
and clothe for tying up cash as well as ornaments,

P. '7

DOCUMENT 25,

(*)

(It is tound in) in Kalpataru and Ratnakara that Katyayana
speaks of- partition being made also according to differences of
locality etc. * Whatever may be the custom obtaining in a locality, a
Community a guild or a village that very custom should be followed
in effecting a partition, Bhrigu,' that is to say, c so says Bhrigu.'
This opinion is clearly expressed in the Vyavabaratattva compiled
by $ri Raghunathanandana Bhattacharyya.

Jimutavahana makes the following remarks : "Vyasa,
accordingly, propounds" 'that division according to mo-
thers is prescribed for the sons who are sprung from the
same father and are equal in caste and number but have different
mothers'. Brihaspati also state that "when there* are many sons
sprurig from one father equal in caste and number but born of diffe-
rent mothers, a legal division may be effected by adjusting the
shares according to the mothers." Here caste and number being
the same the division (of shares) between stepbrothers cannot be on
the basis of their individual rights. The rule enjoining divisions
according to mothers makes the mother the principal (party in
the transaction). (Hence) the division should be made taking
into view that it is not a (case of) division among sons but (one of)
division among their mothers. This is the interpretation. There-
fore as in (the case of), other wealth of the mothers here also,
mutual division among sons is invalid in the life-time of the moth-
ers. Hence the increase in righteousness from division spoken
ot by Gautama and others is to be understood (as accruing) on
mother's death only."

Since (to consider divisibility of) fathers' estates as depen-
dent on mother's death leads to the fallacy of construing a
purport not perceived, that (view) has already been refuted.
These are the opinions of Vyasa, Byhaspati and Gautama (as
auoted) in the Viramitrodaya. Peace.

NOTES

NOTES

DOCUMENT 1

The document is written on a sheet of country-made paper
measuring 20" by 10". The script is Devanagarl. As regards
orthography the following points may be noted : the letters n
and m when followed by a consonant are replaced by anusvara,
an exception being provided by n followed by m. The practice
of duplicating consonants after r is confined to dentals only, e.g.
karttavya. The b sound is represented by v. There is one
slip of pen. The word satve'pi in line 4 should read sattve*pi.
As regards punctuation the only point that may interest readers
is that stops of all varieties are represented by dots. Two vertical
lines indicate che beginning of a fresh line.

i,. Aitareya Brahwatta> 7. 13 (12"), Bonn, Univ. Edn. 1879.
Satftkhyayana tfrautasiitra, 15. 17* (Bib/. Ind. Series).
xa. Quoted in the Dattaka Mimawsa^ III, 36.

2. Manu IX, 180. The first two charanas of the verse read ;
" kshetrajadln sutan etan ekada^a yathoditan."

3. MMU IX, 182. Biihler translates the verse as : " If among
brothers, sprung from one (father) one have a son, Manu has
declared them all to have male offspring through that son/'

4. Mitdkshard-kara Vijnanesvara, who was a contemporary
of Vikramaditya of Kalyana (1075-1127).

Hetnadri author of the Chalurvarga-chintdmatii (1260-1309), an
imposing dharwanibandha consisting of 5 big chapters. He was
the minister and secretary (Srikaranadhipa) to Mahadeva (1260-
71) and Ramachandra (1271-1309), the two powerful rulers of
the Yadava dynasty. %

Madanaratna or more properly, the Madanaratna-pradtpa* a
huge encyclopaedia of law in 7 books compiled most probably in the
latter half of the i7th century (Hindu Law and Customs, pp. 80-8 1).
The author of the work was Madanapala. "As he glorifies Delhi
and polemises against the authors of the South and East ", he
probably belonged to the North West.

Viramitrodaya the legal digest (and not the commentary of
the same name) by Mitra Mi^ra, the court poet of Vira Simha, the
Bundela King of Orchha. The latter was a contemporary of
Akbar and lived up to Shah Jahan's reign.

MaySkba or more properly, Vyavaharamayukba being one
of the 12 sections (mayukhas) of Nilakantha's famous work,

"7

tl8 NOTES

fchagavanta-Bhdskara. This was written by the author in honour
of the Rajput prince Bhagavantadeva of the family of the Sengaras
of Bhareha at the confluence of the Jumna and theChambaLin
the North Western Provinces. (Hindu Law <k Customs, p. 04).
His date has been fixed as falling between 1610 and 1645 A.D,

5. Yajnavalkya. The reference is to Yajnavalkya Smriti,
ft* 8, 135-136. N.B. According to the Smjiti (III, no) Yajna-
valkya is said to have composed a treatise on Yoga^astra also.

6. Vfiddha-Pardfara. Also known as B?ihat-Paraara, is
an extensive work about 5 times the bulk of Para^ara and is
really an enlarged version of Para&ra (Jolly, Hindu Law and
Customs^ p. 5 1). It must be a very late work, as the earliest treatise
to mention it is Bhattoji's comment on the ChatttrviwSatimata (p.
138). The verse in question has also been quoted by Nanda-
pandita in his Dattakamimamra (p. ;6).

7. Parafara Kane places him about the jth century A. D.
Paraara-smriti has been published in the Bombay Sanskrit Series.

8. Mitaksharavaw yathaha Mitakshara, 130 (see Nirnaya-
sagara Press edition of Yajtiavalkya smfiti> p. 213). The verse of
Manu is taken from Manusamhita, IX, 168.

9. dpadgrahandd etc Mitakshara, 130.

10. tathd ekaputro etc. Mitakshara, 130- Vasishtha, XV, 1-8.

n. Saunaka Probably Saunaka Smriti. So far only one
manuscript of this work has been found (vide B.B.R.A.S., Cat.
p. 208). But it is not known if the verse quoted occurs in this
manuscript. The verse however has been quoted by Nanda-
pandita in the DaPtakamlmdmsd^ 54.

12. The Mahdbharata, I, 100. 67 (Bombay Edition).

13. Manu IX, 106.

J3a. Quoted in the Dattakamlmatnsa, p. 24- But there the
word asapinda appears in the vocative case.

14. Nandapandita. The epithet Dharmaclhikarin indicates
that he was a member of the famous Dharmadhikarin family of
Ben&res. Two other members of the same family vis:., Jagannath
Dharmadhikarl and Mahidhar Dharmadhikarl appear among the
signatories to DOCUMENT 2- On the Dharmadhikari family
See Mandlik, Hindu Law, LXXII, p., n 3. According to* him the
founder of the family was Lakshmidhara, a resident of Bidar who
had migrated to Benares. The most illustrious member of thefamily
was Vinayaka Pandita 1595-1623), author of the Dattakamimarfisa.

15. Gaftgarama Joshi. He fnay be the same as 'Gangarama
Sarma/ the jth signatory to the Sanskrit address of congratulations
sent by Benares Pandits to Warren Hastings in 1796 (Dehatis

bOCtJMENT 1

of House of Lords, 1797, pp. 755-768 quoted in the Testimonials
of good conduct to Warren Has I ings by the Benares Pandits A. D.
1796, by P. K. Gode, Journal of Tanjore S. M. Library , Vol. II,
no- i,pp 10-14).

1 6. Vaijanatha Bhatfa may be the same as the signatory
no 10 to DOCUMENT 2-

17. Dinanatha Deva perhaps identical with, c Dinanatha' of
DOCUMENT 2-

1 8. GuneSvara Bhatfa same as 'Gune^var Bhat ' of DOCU-
MENT 2.

1 9. Bhavani/aftkara identical with "Bhavani Sankara surnamed
Thakura " the 45th signatory to the Sanskrit address of congratula-
tions sent by the Benares Pandits to Warren Hastings in 1797
(Gode, Op. cii). His name occur also among the signatories
to DOCUMENT 2 in the present collection.

20. Kripa-Krishna Yajnika his name occurs among the
signatories to both DOCUMENT 2 and the Sanskrit address
referred to under note 19.

21. ArdhamanopanSn/aka Rajarawa identical with signatory
no. 39 to the Sanskrit address referred to in note 19 above. The
surname Ardhamana is evidently the Sanskritjsed form of Adantane.

22. Jagannatha Mi^a his name occurs among the signa-
tories to DOCUMENT 2-

23. Punyastambhakara Sanskritjsed form of the surrame
c Puntamabekar'.

24. Pauranikopakhya Atwarama'$hatta Signatory, no. 14 to
DOCUMENT 2.

25. Same as * Anant Ram Bhat' of DOCUMENT 2. He
is referred to as one of the prominent pardits in Benares in the
note on the Trial by Ordeal among the Hindus contributed by Ali
Ibrahim Khan to the Asiatic Society of Bengal {Asiatic Researches ',
Vol. I., p. 389).

26. Same as ' Dadam Bhatta Sarma, surnamed Bhatta' of
the, Sanskrit address referred to in note 19. He was also one of
the signatories to DOCUMENT 2- .

27. Meghanatha Deva Same as ' Meghanath Dev ' of DOCU-
MENT ^ .9.

28. Sesha Hari Rawa Same as 'Sesha Hari Rama Panta''
of the Sanskrit address referred to in note 19 above.

29. It is not known whether this Govinda Rama was identical
with the * Govinda Rama', the court Pandit referred to by Ali
Ibrahim Khan (Asiatic Researches, Vol. I., p. 389).

136 NOTES

30. Nilakanfa man His name occurs first in the list
of signatories to DOCUMENT 2-

31. Nana Pafaka He was also among the signatories to
DOCUMENT 2- He is mentioned as a Benares Pandit in the
note on Trial by Ordeal contributed to the Asiatic Society by Ali
Ibrahim Khan (Asiatic Researches, Vol. I., p. 389).

32. Is he the same as SIta Ram Bhatta Puranic of DOCU-
MENT 2 ?

33. Bbairava Dikshita Perhaps the same as signatory no. 5 of
DOCUMENT 2-

34. Bbishma Bhafta He is referred to by Ali Ibrahim Khan
in his note on Trial by Ordeal (Asiatic Researches, Vol. I., p. 389).

DOCUMENT 2

The collection in which the document occurs consists of 2
pages each measuring 9.5" by 6". The first two pages contain
t?he Persian translation of the address. The third page begins
with a seal in Arabic of Qazi Naqi Khan, dated 1201 A. H., who
is probably to be identified with * Ali Naqi, Vakil of ' Ali Ibrahim
Khan, Magistrate of Benares (Calendar of Persian Correspondence,
Vol. VII. no. 1046). The seal is followed by the address which
occupies pp. 3 and 4. Pp 5-8 contain the names of the signatories
in the Persian script. Most of the names have been mis-trans-
literated.

The address is evidently a copy. It is written in Devanagari.
There are several spelling mistakes which must be attributed to
the copyist. As regards orthography the following points may
be noted: 4 m ' and n ' when followed by consonants are usually
substituted by m, but there are exceptions to this practice, e.g.
Kawpani, samay&nti\ distinction, between v and b has not always
been observed ; e.g. avda (in place of abda), vritmah (in place of
brSmah), As in DOCUMENT 1, consonants retain their single
form after r. An exception is provided by dentals.

Full stops are indicated by means of double vertical bars
and shorter pauses by means of blanks between sentences or
clauses.

A free English translation of this document has been preserved
in TRANSLATIONS OF ORIGINAL LETTERS RECEIVED, 1788 B., p. 56.

DOCUMENT 2 13!

Another inaccurate rendering has been published in the
Proceedings at the Trial of Warren Hastings.

1. Yugakrita 'Four followed by four', dbfiti 18. The
year is therefore 1844 V. S.

2. Navaptirnatyasbfi Nine preceded by zero and seventeen
i. e. 1709.

3. Adhiguhatithi Tithi presided over by Guha or Karttikeya
i.e., the 6th lunar day. The date corresponds to 16 November,
1787.

4. Hastings framed a number of regulations for the im-
provement of the administration, trade and commerce of Benares
and he wrote in a letter to Wheler, " I have the happiness to find
all men satisfied and happy in the excellent administration of
Benares." Forres*, Selections from State Papers, Vol. Ill,
pp. 816-17, 1095, 1117 and 1119.

5. GaAgaputra. According to V. S. Apte, "a Brahmana
who conducts pilgrims to the Ganges ". From the ENGLISH TRAN-
SLATION OF PERSIAN LETTERS RECEIVED (1788, Vol. 28, p. 57) it
appears that the term used to be applied to the officiating priests
in general. In Bengal the Doms in charge of the cremation grounds
on the banks of the Ganges are alsc styled as GaAgaputras.

6. In his letter to Wheler, already referred to, Hastings
opined that the pilgrims should be encouraged in every way.
In 1781 he abolished the pilgrim-tax and framed a few regulations
to protect them "against every means of oppression/' Forrest,
Op. cit y p. 1117. Also see Calendar of Persian Correspondence , Vol.
VI, pp. 535 and 808.

7. Ali Ibrahim Khan served under Alivardi Khan and Mir
Qasim with distinction. He was appointed Chief Magistrate of
Benares in i 78 i , and held that office till his death in 1 793 . Hastings
thought very highly of his character and ability and alluded to the
Chief Magistrate's "character for moderation, disinterestedness and
good sense" in a note to the Council. Forrest, Op. cit. % p. 816.

8. See Forrest, Op. *//, p. 816 and Calendar of Persian
Correspondence, Vol. VI. p. 292.

The relevant part of the proclamation is as follows: "In all
cases which depend on the particular laws and institutions of the
parties, the said President and Judges shall adjudge the right
as established by those facts according to the respective laws and
institutions of the parties, whether they be Mussalmen or Hindus
and for this purpose they shall be assisted by two Maulvis versed

in the Sheriat .and two Pundits versed in the Poefcee of

justice." Forrest, Op., tit, p. 817; Calendar of Persian Corres-
pondence ? Vol. VI ? p. 292,

13* NOTES

9. Balavant Singh, Raja of Benares, (1739-1770), was
succeeded by his son Chet Singh, who was deposed by Hastings
in 1781.

10. Hastings visited Benares on the i3th March 1784 on his
way to Lucknow. During the return journey he spent about a
month (i3th September to zznd October) at the holy city. Calen-
dar of Persian Correspondence* Vol. VI, pp. 985, 992, 998 and 1421.

n. For correct transliteration of the names see English
Translation.

DOCUMENT 3

This document like the previous one consists of 12 pages
measuring 10" by 6.5". The first page corttains the Sanskrit add-
ress; the third AH Naqi Khan's seal and a Persian translation of
the address. The names of the signatories occur on the 4th, the
5th and the 6th pages. As in the previous document most of the
names have been mis-copied.

The address is written in the, i8th century Bengali script
normal a good many examples of which will be found in theP/w/6/ff
Bangala PatraSankalan* published by Calcutta University in this
very series. There are several .^lips, all of which must have been
due to the copyist. Shorter pauses are indicated by means
of single vertical bars and larger ones by double vertical bars.

An inaccurate English translation of the document occurs
in the TRANSLATIONS OF ORIGINAL LETTERS, RECEIVED, 17888.,
P- 58.

DOCUMENT 4

It is written on one side of a sheet measuring 15" by 6".
The document is lavishly ornamented with gold. The script is
Devanagarl. There are several errors both in grammar and
orthography. Double vertical bars indicate the beginning of
a fresh line. The cover of the document bearing the seal of
the writer has been preserved with the document. A Persian
abstract of the document will be found in the ABSTRACTS OF
LETTERS RECEIVED, No. 56, p. 3,

i. YiamnavdliSa Assimilation of rn into mn is a characteris-
tic of Western Prakrits, e. g. Satakamni<Satakarni (Rapson ?

DOCUMENT 5 .133

Coins of the Andhra Dynasty, pp. 4, 29, 38, 40). Parallels also occur
in Kharohthi Prakrits, e. g. Ktnna">urna (Burrow, The Language
of the Khar os t hi Documents, p. 13).

2. Samiryamtaiti Sami + iryamte + iti.

3. Formed by adding kan to the honorific, ftabuji.

DOCUMENT 5

Written on both sides of a sheet of hand-made paper
measuring about 18" x u". The script is Devanagaii. As
regards orthography almost the same peculiarities are noticed
as those exemplified in DOCUMENT 1. As in that document no
distinction is maintained between " v " and " b". There are
a few slips towards the end of the petition. Stops are indicated
by means of blank spaces between words and sentences.

Regarding the date of this and the two following documents
see INTRODUCTION. All three seem to be in the same
hand.

The document has a Persian abstract annexed to it. Another
Persian abstract has been preserved in ABSTRACTS OF LETTERS
RECEIVED, no. 322, page 8.

1. This and the following verse are in the A nushtubh metre

2. The metre is Sardulavikrldita.

3. This as well as the next verse is in Malini.

4. A case of sdpekshatve* pi gawakalvat sawasa.

5. Sihumda ^INTRODUCTION. It is evidently to be iden-
tified with Sihonda a town in the Banda District. It is situated
on the ri'ght bank of the Ken river about 12 miles south of the
town of Banda. During Akbar's reign it became the headquarters
of a pargana of the Kalinjar j^r^r in the Subah of Allahabad and
throughout the Mughal period it continued to be the seat of the
civil administration of that Sarkar. Under the Bundelas Sihonda
became the headquarters of the Jagir allotted to Diwan Kirat
Singh, son of Jagatraj. But it steadily declined in importance
after the headquarters had been transferred to the town of Banda.
The town was incorporated into the dominions of Ali Bahadur
in or about 1792 when the latter drove away Bakht Bali, nephew
of Guman Singh from Banda. (District Gazetteer of the United
Provinces, Vol. XX, pp. 289-90; E. T. Atkinson, Statistical and
Historical account of the North Western Provinces of India, pp. 129-
30 and 582). Prof A. H. Nizami tells me that Sihonda finds

134 NOTES

mention in the Vtrabhanudaya Kavya (p. 44) > a Sanskrit historical
poem of the i6th century.

6. Ramayana, I. Mahabharata, II, 12 ; III, 77, Bhagavata, XI,
7, Mirkandeya Puraria, VII.

7. Bhigavata, IX, 21. The story occurs in a slightly different
form in the Nakulakhyanam (Mahabharata, XIV, 90)

8. Mahabharata, XIV, 92. 6

9. ibi-charita m Mahabharata III, 197 and yena-Kapotiya,
Mahabharata, III, 130-131.

10. Bhagavata, VII, 22 ; and Mahabharata, II, 47, III,
272.

n. Vyidhakapotakhyanam (Mahabharata, XII, 243-248).

DOCUMENT 6

Written on a sheet of hand-made paper measuring 16" by
12* . There is nothing special to observe regarding the script,
the language or punctuation. Here also, no distinction has
been observed between " v " and " b ".

1. The metre is fardula-vikrtdita.

2. The reference is evidently to the mythic king, Vena
(also spelt as *' Venu, " vide, the Medini\ father of P?ithu. Maha-
bharata, VII, 69; XII, 28; Bhagavata, IV, 13; Vishnupurana
I, 23).

3. The metre is Malint.

4. This and the next six verses are on the Anushtubh metre.

DOCUMENT 7

The document measures 16.5" by 6* in size. It is written
on indigenous hand-made paper, lavishly ornamented with squares
in gold.

1. Kaufaladhisbfh8trishu The names of the Members are:
Lt. General Sir A. Clarke, P. Speke and Wl Cowper.

2. Bundtlakbanddkhyflrasbtradhifa Set INTRODUCTION.

DOCUMENT 9

DOCUMENT 8

As pointed out in the INTRODUCTION the petition
which is prefaced by the Sanskrit verses in question is written
in Persian. The document is 39" x 6.5" in size. It is written
in good ink on country-made paper and is bespangled with gold-
squares. The Sanskrit portion is written in clear and bold
Pevanagari script, the Persian portion in shikasta. As regards
orthography the only points to be noted is that the author uses
anusvara in place of m> n and //, when they are followed by con-
sonants, and that he uses double / after r. The rule of ' natva'
has been violated in the spelling of the word Marnfina. The
word tyakta has been wrongly written as tyatka in the first line of
the second verse.

The document itself does not contain the name of the writer.
But there is a copy of it in the COPIES OF PERSIAN LETTERS
RECEIVED, vol. 13, p. 385, which bears the following superscrip-
tion in English: " Letter of Kashinath to Lord Mornington Go-
vernor General Received Third June 1801,"

DOCUMENT 9

The document is 19.5" x 9" in size and is written in beauti-
ful Devanagarl characters on country-made rag paper which has
been treated with gold wash. Although some ot the letters are
faded the document is on the whole in a good state ot preserva-
tion. As regards orthography there is no peculiarity to observe
except that the practice of duplicating the consonants after r
has been observed only in case of /. N, #, and ^, when followed
by other consonants, have invariably always been represented
by an anusvara. The n> sound has been represented by v with a
dot put below it. The b sound is indicated by the letter v.

1. The expression suggests a comparison of the addressee
with the Boar incarnation of Vishnu.

2. Ar. Nawab Must at db

3. Ar. Muala-i-alqab

4. Ar. Ashraf-ul-ashraf

5 . Marquess Wellesley

6. Governor-General

7. Ar. Dam-i-Iqb-al-e-bu

NOTES

8. Probably stands for sants and mahants. Many among
the signatories are mahants and at least two of them call themselves
sants.

9. Jagannatha Rajaguru, last among the signatories. Pro-
fessor G. S. Das of Ravenshaw College is inclined to identify
him with the Jagannatha the rebal, who was responsible for a
small uprising in Khurdah just after the British occupation.

10. i. e. The 36 orders into which the immediate attendants
on the god are divided. The Raja of Khurdah, the representative
of the ancient royal house of Orissa holds the lowly office of
sweeper to the god. According to Hunter (Orissa, Vol. I, p.
128) the Raja himself is the traditional head of the 36 orders. Prof.
G. S. Das of Ravenshaw College informs me that the title borne
by the Raja of Khurdah is that of the Adhinaya&a of the 36 orders
and that under him there is another officer called ndyaka. The
present holder of the office is Dwarkanath Patjoshi Mahapatra.
It is therefore evident that Krishna Chandra Mahapatra was not
the head of the 36 orders but only a nayaka. The Raja's deflection
from loyalty to the British power about the date of the present
document perhaps explains why it is not he but Krishna Chandra
who is signing on behalf of the 36 orders.

11. Is this a reference to the following text in the Bhagavata
Purana :

Tato * shtau yavana bhavya chaturdaa cha Tushkarah.
bhuyo daa Gurundac^ha Mauna ekadasaiva tu ?

The belief that the Gurunda in the above text stands for
Englishmen and that in the above passage the Puranic author
predicted the British conquest of India is at least as old as the
time when Cunningham completed his History of /he Sikhs (1849).
He informs us in that work that the Hindus ot his time used to
take the word Gurunda in the Bhagavata text as referring to the
English (p. 328 n). The belief may have been actually much
older. It may be noted however that the word is most probably
a copyist's mistake for Murunda. The mss of the Vayu and the
Brahmanda Purarias give the latter reading. For further discussion
on Gurunda see infra DOCUMENT 24> notes.

12. Mr." G. S- Das informs me that the loka occurs in a
slightly modified form in the Kshetra^-mahatmya, Utkalakhanda
of the Skandapurana, and that there the word brahmadyairapi has
been substituted by brahmanenapi.

13. The three Goswami signatories, according to Mr. G. S.
Das belonged to the famous Goswami family of Puri. The family

DOCUMENT II 137

traces its descent from Nityananda. It is reported that SltalSnanda
and Krishnachandra died at Athgarh near Cuttack and that their
samSdbis can still be found there.

DOCUMENT 10

The document consists of a single sheet, 13* x 9* in sise,
folded breadthwise about the middle.

The portion containing the text has been repaired with tracing
paper, other portions by hand-made paper.

On the docket appears the entry : " Pol. 1 808 Dept. (In a
letter from Rest at) Delhi dt/iz Feby/Recd 26 do Translate
accompd." The forwarding letter referred to is not traceable
among the records of the Political Department.

On the second page of the reverse side occurs the Persian
translation of the text bearing the following superscription:

" Sanskrit copy and Persian/Translation of the inscription
on the rupee lately coined by Jeshavaot Rao Holkar."

For comments on orthography see INTRODUCTION.

DOCUMENT 11

The document is written on an oblong sheet measuring
25.5" by 8" made of country-made rag paper. The sheet is
badly torn along the left margin and many of the words in the
first 25 lines are lost. On the bottom of the sheet there is
an embossed stamp containing the expression khdjdnd dmdrd
in Dcvanagarl, Bengali and Persian scripts, with its English transla-
tion " Treasury". This indicates that the paper must have been
submitted by the party concerned to the Treasury office.

The document consists of two parts, the first containing the
question put to the Benares pandits and the second the answer
given by the latter. The first part is written in the Marathi script
while the second is in Devanigarl. As regards orthography the
same peculiarities are noticed as in DOCUMENT 9. While the

t$8 NOTES

first part maintains the distinction between v and b sound?
this has not always been done in the second part.

1. There is a lacuna of four letters.

2. A lacuna of two letters.

3. A lacuna of four letters.

4. A lacuna of about six letters.
j. A lacuna of five letters.

6. A lacuna of two letters.

7. A lacuna of seven letters.

8. A lacuna of five letters.

9. A lacuna of three letters.

10. The syllable though somewhat faded can be read as fa.

n. Two letters missing.

12. Evidently a slip.

13. One letter missing.

14. Eight letters missing.

1 5 . One letter missing.

1 6. Three letters missing.

17. Ahosvit a particle implying do^bt.

1 8. Amkarsbi-vasu-vasundhara. A chronogram for 9781 which
when inverted yields the figure 1879. If this is referred to the
Vikrama era it would become equivalent to 1822 A. D. The
date of the ist part of the document therefore will be Thursday,
9 May 1822.

19. Two letters missing.

20. The famous work by Vijnane^vara.

21. See DOCUMENT i, Note 4.

22. Vyavabara-rxadhaviya the Vyavahara section of the
commentary by Madhvacharya on Para^ara Smriti entitled the
Paraara*Smriti-Vyakhya and known popularly as Para^ara-
Madhava. Madhvacharya was the guru and minister of King
Bukka, who has been identified with Bukka I (1276-93), the famous
ruler of Vijayanagara. (Hultzsch, Epigraph* a Indica> III, 36 and
South Indian Inscriptions^ I, p. 161).

23. A lacuna of about five letters.

24. A lacuna of four letters.

25. A lacuna of three letters.

26. A lacuna of two letters.

DOCUMENT 12 139

27. A lacuna of three letters.

28. ta(da)bhdve i.e. sarveshdm ddyabhdjdmabbdve

29. One letter missing.

30. Four letters missing.

31. Naradavachatiat The text referred to is not traceable
in the published Ndfada-S^fiti (Sacred Books of the East}.

32. Four letters missing,
* 33- Do.

34. Yajfiavalkya, II, 135-136.

35. Four letters are missing.

36. Vishnu (Sacred Books of the Ea$t\ 17. 4-8.

37. $rimati No commentary of this name is traceable. Is
it to be taken as a synonym of the luakshm-vyakhyana by Balam-
bhatta, which is an elaborate commentary on the Mit&kfhara.

38. Brihaspati, 46-48 (Sacred Books of the East, Vol.XXXIH).
In the Mit'askhara the 3rd verse is quoted as follows "Kulyesb**
vidyamdnefhu Pitribhrdtrifandbhithu asutafja pramitasya patnl tad-
bhdgahdrini (Nirnayasagara press edition, p. 21 7). Jolly takes the
reading pitfimdtri instead of pitnbhrdtfi.

39. Ye putrd etc. Brihaspati, XXV, 68 (Sacred Books of the
East, Vol.XXXHI, p. 380).

40. Sarvabhdve etc. Manu, IX, 189.

41. Aharyam etc. Manu, IX, 189.

42. Narada, XIII 52. According to Jolly the expression
'anyatra brdhmanat* kinHf (unless it should be the property of a
Brahman) should read together with the last sentence of the
preceding verse: "In default of all, that goes to the king.^ It has
no syntactical connexion with 'raja dharmapafayana', (Sacred
Books of the East, Vol. XXXHI, p. 201-2).

43. Ya$min de/e etc. Yajfiavalkya, I, 23, 343.

44. ]yaishthdsitasaptamydm This would fix the date of the
vyavastbdpatrct as Monday, I3th May 1822.

DOCUMENT 12

The document has two copies. The first is written on an
oblong sheet of rag paper measuring about 23.5" by 9.5". It bears
no date and no signature. The docket reads: Persian 1801. !>/>/-
Two le tiers from Rao Punfdit Perdaun one to A^eimjool omra Babaaoor

140 NOTES

and the other to Nawab Aseif Jah/Bahadoor, enclosed in a \let
JV#*//D/28 Nov. Evidently the docket has been put on The docu-
ment by mistake. A clue to the author of the document is supp-
lied by the 2nd copy which is also written on country-made paper
and measures 22.5* by i<A It was found in the same collection
with 10 other Persian documents. One of these is the Persian
translation of the Sanskrit text in the present document. Another
gives the history of the quarrel between Karan Singh and
Ajit Singh, and the rest are documents submitted by the latter |s
evidence in support of his case. From an entry on the last page
of the document it is clear that the original of these documents
were taken back by the agent of Ajit Singh and what we have
here are mere copies. All these appear to have been received in
the Persian Department on 6 June 1825, and this definitely proves
that the date on the docket of the first copy is entirely wrong.

The second copy gives the names of the four of the five pandits
who endorsed the document (see INTRODUCTION). The text of
the first copy is however less corrupt than the second and we have
generally followed this copy. Important variations in reading have
been noted in their proper places. As regards orthography the
chief point to be noted is that no distinction is observed between
the *b' and the *v' sounds. In other respects also the copies show
the same peculiarities as DOCUMENT 1. Stops are indicated by two
vertical bars in red in the first copy, at-d single vertical bars in
black ink in the second copy.

1. Manu, IX, 216.

2. B^ihaspati, XXV, 17-20.

3. Yajfiavalkya, II, 8, 116.

4. Narada, XIII, 15.

5. Brihaspati, XXV, 4.

6. Yajfiavalkya, II, 8, 149.

7. Vibhdgadharma This verse cannot be found in the pub-
lished text of Yajfiavalkya. The loka however is quoted in the
Vjavabara-Mayukba (p. 60), where it is attributed to Vjiddha
Yajfiavalkya. See also Smriti-Cbandrika y ed. J. R. Gharpure,
p. 311.

8. Narada, XIII, 34.

9. Not traceable in the published texts of Manu. But the
verse is quoted in the Sntfiticbandrikd (311).

10. Yajnavalkya, II, 8, 114,

n. Narada, XIII 2; Jolly translates the word c samam' as 'as
they ought' (S.B.E., Vol. XXXIII, p. 189). But Dr. G.N. Jha reads
the word to mean "equally" (Manuswriti y Notes, part III, p. 726).

3. Yajftavalkya, II, 17-20.

DOCUMENT 12 141

12. ftrddhvam etc. Manu, IX 104.

13. Cha/abdopaddne'pi etc. This is also the interpretation
suggested by Kulluka, Raghavananda, Narayana Nandana,
Para^ara Madhava, Vlramitrodaya and VyavaharamayQkha. The
last work says that even though the text repeats the particle
'cha' yet it does not mean that both the parents should die
before the property is divided (p. 41, ed. Gharpurf, Bombay
1911).

14. Yadyekajata etc. Brihaspati, XXV, 15, 16.

1 5 . Read Sdpatndstai in place of Sdmdnydkshai.

1 6. Vjdsa - A very frequently quoted verse of the Vyasa-
sm:fiti. For a quotation by Jimutavahana see DOCUMENT 25-
Cf. Vyavaharamayukha , p. 45 ; Vyavahdraprakdfa y ip. 451.

17. The reading given is that of the second copy. The first
copy has Satnajdtivimdtrijeshu.

1 8. The second copy reads Samdnd for Satnarnfd.

19. The reading here is that of the second copy. The first
copy reads jdta in place ofjata.

20. Siidrasyatw etc. Manu, IX, 1 5 7

21. Samavarndstu etc. Manu, iX, 156.

22. Uddhdro na dafasu etc Manu, IX, 115. The word daiasu
"out of ten" should be read in context with Manu, IX, 114,
which provides that the eldest r entitled to the best of ten
animals as part of his preferential s'hare.

23. Tattvafukti The name of this treatise is otherwise un-
known. Neither Kane nor Jolly seems to have been aware of
its existence. The name also is not traceable in Aufrecht's
Catalogus Catalogorum.

24. Manu, IX, 121

25. Kdtydyana See Kane, Kdfyayana-Swritisaroddbdra, p.
107

26. Vasishtha, I, 5-7.

27. The reading again is that of the second copy. The first
copy reads famchalasurasetajab.

28. The second copy reads brahmaprade&a

29. Manu x - II, 17, 19-20. The word agrajanmanab has been
wrongly taken by the authors of the document to mean 'from an
elder brother (earlier born)'. The real meaning according to
Biihler (Laws of Manu > p. 33) is 'from a Brahmana'

30. The reading is that of the second copy, the first copy gives
the reading bibhajjeshu.

31. Read prati$ak*mksbdydm.
F- 1

142 NOTES

32. Vamia Prtyabratasya etc. Bhagavata, V. i. Priya-
brata was a son of Svayambhuva Manu. He was invested by
Brahman with the sovereignty of the whole world. On his
death he divided the continents entrusted to him among his
seven sons.

33. Agriidhrasuta Bhagavata, II. Agnidhra was invested by
his fathefr Priyabrata with the administration of Jambudvlpa.
While he was practising austerities on the mountain Mandara he
come across a celestial nymph called Purvachitti. From their
union sprang nine sons who gave name to the 9 /subdivisions of
Jambudvlpa.

34. Ntpa Markandeyapurana, 114-116.

35. Ehalanda Read Bhananda. (Markandeyapurana 114-116.
Bhananda was the son by a Vaiya woriian, of Nabhaga, son of
Dishtya. The story is that he fwas Heprived of his -inheritence
by his uncles. But he received his training in the art of war
from the royal sage Nipa. On his rettfrn he claimed back his
territories. The issue was decided in his favour by a civil war.

36. Bhagavata, III.

37. -do -IX, 4.

38. Read BhJshma-Drona -Srlkrishna-Gandharl-vakyakrama.

DOCUMENT 13

The document is written on a sheet of hand-made paper mea-
suring 19.25" by 6.5". The writing is mostly in black excepting for
the word chhatrdbamdha chitram, which is in red. The letters com-
posing the chhatrabandha have each been placed in a square made of
red lines, and the squares have been arrariged together in the form
of an umbrella. The figure of the umbrella is followed by two
other figures each made up of similar squares. The first consists
of two vertical columns (each containing two rows of squares).
The tops of the columns are joined by a pair of curve lines in red
thus giving the figure the appearance of an archway. The second
figure is in the shape of a column made of three rows of
small square. In each row we have the following letters
arranged vertically: kalikamamalabhachaya^alaturasapate. The
same letters are to be found in the four rows composing the
first figure but arranged in a reverse order. The document is
decorated with small squares in gold. It also contains a
translation of the introductory verse in Urdu.

DOCUMENT 14 143

Put in prose order the verse would read (He} chayafdldturasa-
pate rasapa amaldbhd mamaldbhdcha Kdlikd ja/d te dm Idtu.

Chayafdld - cbayasya said ot a place for storing wealth, treasury
(see A.bhidbdnachintdmani).

A.turasd -harbour (from dtu c a ship' and rasa c a place'.)
Rasapa - rasdm pdti ///, protector of the earth.
Amaldbhd - of pure lustre.

Mamaldbhd - she whose splendour (abha) affects $iva (ma)
Brahman (ma) and Vayu (la).

Kdlikd - kdn (i. e.. divine progenitors) alati (bhftshayati} iti
kvlih. "Kah prajapatiruddishtah" (Amarakosha). By adding kan to
the word kali we have kalikd^ meaning 'she who illumines the
divine progenitors/ The second expression kdlikd signifies the
goddess Kdlikd.

Ya/a- 1m (Lakshmlni) afnute it tena i.e with renown.

A.m - mamgalam. Peace and prosperity (pujdydm chdpi mdngalye
dkdrah parikirtitah Amarakosha)

As in the preceding document no distinction has been observed
between V and V.

DOCUMENT 14

Written on hand-made paper. Measures 33.5" by 6.5".
the script is Devanagarl. The text is full of misspelt words and
in many cases words and even sentences are found missing. Besides
the SansVtit vyavasthd the sheet also contains a free translation of
it in Persian, which is followed by the following words written in
Devanagarl kritardshadhl SamiihadrolpadhJ karunanidhib sadhanyo-
bidhih. Apparently the document is a copy made by a transcriber
who was innocent of Sanskrit. That this is a mere copy is also
clear from an original Persian document annexed to the vyavasthd,
which bears the seal of Ghulam Bhika, the agent of Rani Sukhan
of Jagadhri who, it appears from Political Proceedings, {14 Oct.
1829, nos. 147-49, made a petition on the latter's behalf to the
Supreme Government. It appears from the Persian document that he
had taken back the original Sanskrit vyavasthd with its Persian
translation on 28 Sept. 1829, It further appears, from the Political
Proceedings referred to above that this vyavasthd along with Ghulam

144 NOTES

Bhika's petition was received by Government on n August
The document itself bears no date, and has been wrongly docketed
as follows: "i829/ In a letter from the/ Acting Chief Secy. Bombay/
Dt, 14 July/ R iz Aug/ no 4y6/with translation". Evidently the
docket belongs to some other document.

1 . Apararka or Aparaditya author of YdjnavalkytyadharmaSdstra-
nibandha. According to Biihler he belonged to the Konkanese
branch of the Silahara dynasty and wrote between 1140-1186 A. D.,
(Kashmir Report, p. 52)

2. Manu IX, 196. The verse appears in Apararka, p. 753,
(Anandashrama edition, 1903).

3. Yajnavalkya II, 8, 185.

4. Viveka Smfitiviveka of ^ulapani , (c. 1200 A. D.)?

j. Madanapdrijata A treatise on law written by Vivevara-
bhatta under the auspices of Madanapaia (dated c. 1375 A. D. ).
Published in Bibliotheca Indica Series. +

6. TatpratydsanndndMThs text of the Mitdkshard contains
the word sapinddndm after Tatpratydsanndndw (Nirnayasagara Press
edn., p. 229)

7. Ekafeshanirdishtdyd The reference is to the following
passage in the Mitdkshard: yadyapi yugapadadhikarana-vachana-
tayam dvandvasmaranat ;tadapavadatvadekaeshasya dhanagrahane
pitroh kramo na pratlyate tathapi vigrahavakye matjfi^abdasya
purvanipatadeka^eshabhavapakshe cha matapitaraviti matrigabda-
sya purvam ravanat patha-kramadevarthakramaddhanasam-
vandhe'pikramapekshayam pratltakramanurodhenaiva prathamarn
mata dhanabhak tadabhave piteti gamyate .

The passage is translated by Colebrooke as follows :
" Although the order in which the parents succeed to the estate
does not clearly appear from the tenour of the text, since a con-
junctive compound is declared to present the meaning of its
several terms at once ; and the omission of one term and retention
of the other constitutes an exception to that (complex expression),
yet as the word 'mother 1 stands first in the phrase into which
that is resolvable, and is first in the regular compound matapitarau
* mother and father ' * when not reduced (to the simpler form
pitarau parents) by the omission of one term and retention of
the other; it follows from the order of the terms and that of
the sense which is thence deduced, and according to the series
thus presented in answer to an enquiry concerning the order of
succession, that the mother takes the estate in the first instance ;
and, on failure of her, the father. (Two Treatises on the Hindu
Law of Inberitente, p. 344).

8. Taddbbdvt pitus This is wanting in the published text
of the Mi&kshari,

DOCUMENT 1 6 145

9. Maturduhitarah iesham The reference is to Yajnavalkya,
II, 8, 117.

10. Patn* dubitaraetc. Yajnavalkya, II 8, 135-6.

11. $arirardham etc. See DOCUMENT 12, Note 32.

12. Supply the following words after taddbhdve duhitrigawh
tadabhave pitfigdmi tadabhave matrigdmi. Vishnu, XIII, 4-17.

DOCUMENT 15

Written on one side of a sheet of what seems to be country-
made paper. Measures 10.5" by 5.5". The document bears
the signature of the author. The text is apparently in the hand
of the signatory. The date of the document is given in the con-
cluding sentence as the 8th day (bahula divasa) of the second
month of Bhadra, V. S. 1890 = Saturday 17 Sept. 1833. The
style is faulty and there are a good many spelling mistakes.

1. l^atasdhevababddvrasabhasoma Macnaghten was at this
date in charge of the Secret and Political Department of the
Fort William Government and rightly deserved the honorific
bestowed on him.

2. Gharib parwar (Persian) 'cherisher of the poor'

3. Obviously a slip. But it is difficult to guess the word
the author had in mind.

4. There is a play on the word guna y which is used here to
indicate both 'merit' and the grammatical rule under which the
vowels V, V etc. change into V, V etc. The meaning of the
sentence is, "though the term guna usually signifies merit, by coming
in contact with the root dush it has led only to the enhancement
of my demerits (doshaf .

j. Read < mitirittham'.

DOCUMENT 16

Written on one side of a sheet of English paper measuring
xo* by 8*. The watermark reads, 'G. Wilmot 1831. The signa-

146 NOTES

ture is that of the author, and the text appears to be in the same
hand. The date of this letter is given as "the zoth day of tlie current
month" in document no. 17. As the latter document is dated the
27th of Agvin, the 'current month' should be taken to mean the
month of Agvin. This would fix the date of the document as 5th
October 1833, if we refer it to the Bengali era. From the docket
also it appears that the letter was delivered on the jth October.

i. Ryecroft Best see INTRODUCTION, p. 59 n

DOCUMENT 17

Written on one side of a sh^et of wliat seems to be country-
made paper. The paper bears no watermark. Measures 12.5"
by 8". Bears the signature of the author. The text is also in the
author's hand. The date given is zyth A^vin which, when referred
to the Bengali era, corresponds to i8th October 1833.

1. Reference is to DOCUMENT no. 16.

2. Read Afvinasya.

DOCUMENT 18

Written on one side of a sheet of English paper measuring
8.7* by 14*. The watermark reads, "Green and Sons 1832".
The document bears neither any signature nor any date. The
docket reads "i834/In a petition from Umbaram Shastree/the
surviving son & Luchmee Bhyse/the widow of the late Venkat
Ram Shastree. D/R (i.e. Receipt) 29 Novr." The script
is Marathi, and the text is on the whole free from corruption.

1. The Mitdkshara, Nirnayasagara Press edition, p. 223,

2. Manu, VII, 135-136.

3. Ibid, VII, 3-7.

4. Ibid, 86.

5. Ibid, VIII, 27.

DOCUMENT 19

The Document is written on one side of a sheet of hand-
made paper measuring about 1 2. 75" x 15.75". The watermark

DOCUMENT 19 147

reads 'Webster/1833'. The actual writing occurs on the left half of
the sheet and covers an area of i5.75*x 5.5". A space of about two
inches intervene between the text and the superscription. Charac-
ters are bold and regular. The script is. Devanagarl. No dis-
tinction is observed between *v' and 'b'. N, *n' c n' and m* do not
change into anusvara when preceding other consonants. The rule
under which consonants become duplicated after r has been
scrupulously followed. Full stops are indicated by two vertical
bars, shorter stops by single bars, and inverted commas by a
pair of small vertical bars written on the top of the initial and
final letters of the quoted passage. The document bears the
signatures of its .authors, but gives no date. The date
can be approximately fixed with the help ot the docket which
reads: i833/In a Ir from the offg. Secrety/to the Government of
Agrah/Dt. 3ist Octr/R/24/Nov./T.A. On the reverse side of
the sheet occurs the following : Baiwasta, or opinion of the/
principal pandits of Benares, declaring the/person named Rutton
Singh who now 7 sits on the guddy of Chirkhauri, to have/no right
to it, and that Deewan Khait Singh/ Son of Luchman Singh is the
rightful/owner. A translation in English/accompany s this". The
document itself gives only 8 signatures, which shows that a por-
tion of the document containing the 9th signature has been
torn away. The name of the 9th signatory is given as Subba
Sastri in the English translation. (Pol. Cons. 30 Nov. 1835
no. 14).

j. ]agadrajaslmha Second son of Chhatrasal according to
Luard (Central India State Gazetteer, P. 208) and third son accord-
ing to Aitchison (Treaties , Engagements and Sanads, Vol. V. p. 16).
He is said to have received Jaitpur, Ajaigarh and Banda at the time
of the partition of his father's territories in 1732. In 1739
Jagatraj called in the Peshwa to assist him against Muhammad
Khan Bangash. Died in 1758.

2. Luard (Lot. tit} mentions eight sons, instead, of four, and
gives their names in the following order : Kirat Singh, Pahar Singh,
Bir Singh, Senapat, Kehri Singh, Hate Singh, Khet Singh, Arjun
Singh, Devi Singh, Kharg Singh and Kalyan Singh. All were
not possibly legitimate issue. Bir Singh, for instance, was an
illegitimate son according to Aitchison (Treaties, Engagements and
Sanads, Vol. V,p. 24).

3. According to Luard the fourth son of Jagatraj, He
succeeded to the latter's territories in Dalippur (C. I. State
Gazetteer, p. 208.)

4. Evidently the same as 'Pahar Singh' of Luard's Genealogi-
cal" Table (Op. tit.}. He was the second son of Jagatraj. On the
latter's death he ousted his nominee Guman Singh from the
Chiefship of Jaitpur and forced the latter to take refuge in the

148 NOTES

tort of Charkhari. In 1761 however he came to torms with his
nephews and assigned them territories. Guman Sin^h received
Banda and Ajaigarh while Khuman Singh the Chiefship of Char-
khari.

5. Kehari Singh. According to Luard's Genealogical Table
the fifth son of Jagatraj who was settled in Toria Kulpahar.

6. Kirata Singh, the eldest son ot Jagatraj according
Luard's Table. He pre-deceased his father.

7. Shumanasimha Khuman Singh of Luard's Table. On
him see INTRODUCTION.

8. Same as Dhundsingh of Luard's Table.

*

9. 'Bijai Bahadur* of Luird's Table. On him see
INTRODUCTION.

10. Only the last of the three princes viz. Govindadas is men-
tioned by Aitchison (Treaties^ Engagements and Sanads> Vol. V,
p. 22) and is described by him as the 'only legitimate son of
Bijaibahadur*. He died in i8."2.

11. On Khedasimha (Khet Singh) see INTRODUCTION.
i la. The verse is quoted by Smritichandrika (p. 290).

12. Manu, IX, 155.

13. Devala according to Kane flourished some time between
the second or fourth century A. D. The original texts of Devala
arc lost, but fragments still survive in the form of quotations in
later works like the Mitaksbara, the Smritichandrikd etc. The
verse is quoted in a number of legal commentaries, e.g. Vjavaha-
ramayukha (p. 85), the Mitakshara, (p. I2j) and the Parafarawa-
dbavJja, (p. 506.)

14. Yajnavalkya, II, 133.

15. Reference is evidently to the edition of Vlramitrodaya
brought out by Calcutta Sanskrit Press in i8ij.

16. Yajnavalkya, II, 125.

17. Madanaratna (Bikanir Manuscript Library No. 142, vide
L. S. Joshi, Dharmakosha> Vol. i,p. 1403). The verse also occurs
in tbt Dayabbaga,\>. 141.

1 8. Gautama Dbarmasutra, 28, 39 (Sacred Books of the East,
Vol. II).

19. Manu, IX, 168,

DOCUMENT 20 149

DOCUMENT 20

Written on side one of a sheet of indigenous hand made paper
measuring 8" X 10.5". Characters are bold and regular. The
script is Devanagari. The beginning of a fresh line is indiicated
by two vertical bars, which are also used t > denote full stops. As
regards orthography the only point to be noticed is that m follow-
ed by consonants is substituted \*yanUsvaras. Exceptions are pro-
vided by m preceding gutturals and palatals. In one case nt has
been changed into mt. The rule of repeating consonants after r has
been followed only in one case. The cover, wh : ch is made of
the same paper as the document, has also been preserved. For
date see notes 7 and 8 infra.

i. The name of Sri Rama is used presumably because the
Ranas of Mewar face their descent directly from him. All official
documents of the Udaypur State begin with this superscription.
(cf. Vir Vinod, Pt. XVI, pp. 1795, 1806.)

2. 1 ELkalimga 'with one limga', the name undej which

is worshipped by the i^i^odia dynasty as its patron deity. The
temple of Ekalimga is situated at a place called Eklingji 12 miles
to the north of Udaipur. The original building is believed to
have been constructed by Bappa Pawal and was destroyed by the
Muslims. The present temple is of unique design "having a
double storeyed porch and sanctuary, the former covered by a
flat pyramidical roof composed of many hundred circular knobs,
and the latter roofed by a lofty tower of more than ordinary
elaboration ',. The image is that of a fore-faced god and is made
of black-marble, (Fergusson, Picturesque Illustrations of Ancient
Architecture^ 1848). Since Bappa's time the Chiefs of Mewar
have been vicegerents of Ekalimga.

3. Panditaraja Sri l&Mmganatha The following entry about
him occurs in Foreign Department Miscellaneous Series, Vol. 135
(Gentlemen having dealings with the British Government, 1814-
18): "He is also styled Rajgooroo having been officially as such
for 13 years while Gajraj Misser was in Benares to which place
he had retired during the disturbance created by Ran Bahadur.
Ranganath is Guru to the Ranees as to the most of the Principal
Satfdars who in like manner have their gooroos ". It is learnt
from the same source that his brothers I^shen Pandit Bishnoram
and Narain were also at the Nepalese Court. Principal Rudraraj
Pande of Katmandu College tells me that Raipmganatha was a
brother of the famous 'Raghunath Pandit', Prime Minister of
Nepal between 1837 and 1838, (Hunter, Life of 'Brian Houghton
Hodgson^ pp. 160-63).

4. Sardarasimha On him see INTRODUCTION, p. 14, Note n.
He belonged to the Bagot family and was adopted by Jawan

F. 20

1 50 NOTES

Singh. He succeeded the latter on 3oth August 1838. He was
very unpopular with his nobles and with a view to consolidating
his power tried to subsidise a regiment of infantry to be stationed
in his capital. This move however did not succeed as the pro-
posal did not find favor with the paramount power. He died
on the 1 4th July 1842 and was succeeded by his brother, Sarup
Singh, whom he had adopted. (See Erskine, Mewar Residency ', p.
27; Vir Vinod, Part, XVII; J. C. Brooke, History of Mewar,
Calcutta ? 1859).

5. Javana Simha i e. Jawan Singh (1828-38). He succeeded
his father Bhim Singh II on the 3ist March, 1828. During his
regime the tribute to the paramount British authority fell heavily
into arrears, and he bequeathed to his successor a debt of about 19
lakh rupees. He died on 10 Bhadra, bright fortnight, V. S. 1895,
(3oth August, 1838). For the events of his reign see Vir Vinod,
Part XVI. According to this work he was a very popular
ruler, highly esteemed for his kind disposition and munificence.
Three wives and six concubines became sati with him, (Ibid, p.
1808).

6. Afoja vernacular corruption of A/vina.

7. The date when referred to the Northern Vikrama era,
corresponds to 2ist September 1838.

8. Karttika-krishna-dvitiyd i. e. jth October 1838.' The
first date probably refers to the one jn which the letter was
actually drafted, and the second, the one on which it was delivered
to the Nepalese Mission. It appears from Col. Spier's letter
to Hodgson dated 14 Oct. 1838 (Secret Consultation, 21 Nov.
1838 no. 169) that the mission actually left Udaipur on the latter
date.

DOCUMENT 21

Written on one side of a sheet of country-made paper', a
little yellowish in colo* and thicker and smoother than the paper
used for the previous document. Size 13.75" x 8". Letters
arc bold and regular, and are probably in the same hand as the
previous document. The document is heavily ornamented with
squares in gold. As regards orthography almost the same
characteristics are to be observed as in the previous document.
The rule of duplicating consonants after r has been followed

DOCUMENT 22 15!

in two cases only, e. g. varyja and durjjana. As regards punctuation
the same observations hold good as made in respect of DOCU-
MENT 20. The date of the document is Karttika-kftshna dvitiya,
V. S. 1895 (=5 Oct. 1838).

i. //f/rf Reference is probably to the god Srindtba^ who has
his temple at Nathadwara, a town 30 miles north by north-east
of the Udaipur city. This image is said to have been originally
placed by Vallabhacharya in a temple at Muttra in 1495. Ex-
pelled by Aurangzeb from that town, his descendants wandered
about Rajputana till 1671, when MaharanaRaj Singh invited some
of them to Mewar. A village was endowed for the worship of
Srlnatha, a temple was soon erected for his reception, and a town
was built and called Nathadwara (the Portal of God) after his
name. The Ranas of Mewar have therefore every right to
des cribe thems elves as frl a-pada-pamkaja-sevanavdpta-sakala-
manoratha.

2. Pafti^afifvara i/ e. Pasupatinatha, the guardian deity of
Nepal. The temple at Pashpati, a small town near Katmandu,
is considered to be the most sacred of all Hindu shrines in Nepal.
The emblem of the deity together with the legend Pa^upati have
been found inscribed on a number of Nepalese coins (Cf. Walsh
Coinage of Nepal, Plate I, no 10) and his image is depicted in the
royal arms of Nepal.

3. }Ldjendra$rivikrumdaha on him see INTRODUCTION.

4. Asmadvaw/ya On the tradition regarding the relation
of kinship between the Sesodia dynasty of Udaipur and the Gurkha
dynasty of Nepal see Vir Vinod y Vol. XVI, pp. 1848-49 and
Perceval Landon, Nepal Vol. I, pp. 40, 42.

5. Mahetd-&.ama-Slmha Dewan of Mewar, The name is
spelt as Mahatarama in Vir Vinod (p. 180). For the English trans-
lation of the letter referred to see INTRODUCTION, p. 23, note 53.

DOCUMENT 22

Written on one side of a sheet of indigenous hand-made
paper measuring 8*x6.5*. The writing is in the same hand
as that of DOCUMENT 12. The letters are bold and regular. The
script is Devanagarl. The document is embellished with small
squares in gold. The Sanskrit text is followed by an Urdu
translation which covers 3 lines. The document bears no
date.

IJ2 NOTES

DOCUMENT 23

Written on both sides of a sheet of hand-made paper mea-
suring iz* x 7.75*. Both paper and ink are in a good state
of preservation. The lettering is regular and the language free
from errors. As regards orthography the only points noticeable
are (i) substitution of d, m> % and n by ^ before consonants and
(2) use of single consonants after r. Full stops are indicated
by double vertical bars and shorter pauses by single ones. The
document contains neither any date nor any signature. But
its approximate date can be fixed with the help of two other
documents which have been found in the same collection, viz.
two petitions in Urdu dated 26 June, 1853 from Tai Saheba and
Baya Saheba, daughters of Baji Rao II (vide INTRODUCTION,
pp. 29-30), The present document was enclosed with the second
petition.

1. Amarakosha, VI, 27.

2. Rigveda-khila, 10.85 2a.

3. ftf anu VIII, 193. The sloka is quoted in Nirukta, III, 4.

4. Ajtnarakosha, V, 39.

5. Reference is probably to Manvartha-vivyiti by Narayana
Sarvajtu (1100-1300 A. D.).

6. Niruktaveddmga i. e. Nirukta of Yaska.

The passage referred to h probably the following :

" praSasti vodha santana karma ne duhituh putrabhavam. duhita
durhita. dure hita, dogdherva. naptaramupagamat dauhitram
pauttramiti. vidvan prajananayajnasya. retaso *va. angadangatsa-
mbhutasya hridayadahijatasya matari pratyritasya vidhanam
pujayan. avi^eshena mithunah putrah dayadah iti," (111,4), Yaska's
Nirukta^ vol. I, ed. V. K. Rajavade, p. 44. The above text is really
a comment on the Rigveda hymn III. 31.1., which Yaska con-
siders as establishing the daughter's claim to succession to paternal
estates. But Yaska himself admits the possibility of the text
being interpreted in a different way and states, no. duhitarah ityeke
(i, e. according to some daughters are not entitled to inheritence).
He quotes the following passage from Maitrayani Samhita (4.
6. 4) in support : t as mat pumdn d.iyado* day add stn.

7. Afaaldyana-gribya-siitravritti The reference is not readily
traceable, but the Vedic literature abounds with examples of the
vtotdputra being used in the generic sense of 'issue': e. g. Pumdmsam
putram janaya (Atharvaveda, 3.23. 3a) ; Pumdmafp putram ddbehi
f&igvada-khila, 10.184.3); Puman pu/ra jay at* vindatt vasu
(yajisineyl Safphiti, 8. 5. 6). The U vat abbas hy a (commentary on
Suklayajurvedasarphita) interprets the passage as follows;
"dubitdpi pHtrafabdtnochyatt ityatab pumdnitivifeshyatt".

DOCUMENT 24 IJ3

8, Vydkaranakauwudt i. e. the 'Siddhanta-Kaumudl' of
Bhattojidik?hita (c. 1630-93 A. D-)

9. Manorama Praudhamanorama, a commentary on the
'Siddhanta-KautnudI' written by Bhattoji himself.

DOCUMENT 24

The document consists of two detached sheets each measuring
10.5" x 8.125". The paper is indigenous and hand-made, and
is of light blue colour. Eich sheet- has been placed in a separate
folder, apparently under the impression that they are parts
of two entirely different documents. That this view is wrong
will be clear from the following considerations. The paper of
both the sheets is of the same texture, thickness and colour. The
writing is in the same ink and the same hand. The forms of
the letters and their arrangement show the same peculiarities.
The style of the text in each case exemplifies the same eccentri-
cities and mannerisms and even the same errors in grammar and
diction. The text on the first page of the first sheet ends abruptly,
and there is a gap between this and the second page, which
is very easily filled in by the texts on the second sheet, even though
the closing words on the first page of the former are lost. The
text of the first page gives the superscription, the formal com-
pliments used in petitions of this kind and part of the narrative
the petitioner relates. The first page ot the second sheet continues
the narrative and the text of the petition ends on the second page
of the sheet. This is followed by a list of the articles lost by
the petitioner. This page contains only 6 items, each being a
gold ornament. The second page of the first begins with the
names of a few more ornaments. At the end of the names we
have the remark " all these are articles made of gold set with
gems," which clearly proves that the list is really a continuation
of the list on the second page of the second sheet. We may there-
fore safely conclude that the two sheets originally formed parts
of a single sheet, which later tore into two pieces through some
accident. Being separated from each other, the pieces were
easily mislaid and were 'treated as two separate documents at
the time o^ repair. The text on the sheet therefore should be
rearranged in the following order: (i) the text on the first
sheet, page i, (2) that of the second sheet, page i, (3) that of
the second sheet, page z, and (4) the text on the first sheet,
page z.

154 NOTES

This view is further confirmed by the fact thaf the date of
petition indicated in the text on the first sheet is identical with
that given in the statement attached to the second sheet.

The script used in the text is Devanagarl. The forms of
letters are regular and neat. There are very few noticeable
peculiarities about orthography. The letters tf, #, m, and n before
consonants invariably always change into anusvdra. Consonants
do not undergo any change after r. In two cases cbcbb has been
replaced by chh. The style is faulty. The rule samdnakartTikebhyah
tumun has been consistently violated e. g. chaurastu brcfomanatirasi
fastram prabfitya urasi lattd-prahdram kfitvd mTtrchitah* (here the
verb murchita is not governed by the subject of the lyavanta verbs
prahfitya and kritva). Examples of subjects without finite verbs
are numerous. The subject vayam, for instance, in the sentence
immediately following the expression nivtdaniydmfastu has no
finite verb to agree with it. In a number of cases, again, the
nominative in an active construction has been m?de to govern
a passive verb, e. g. vayam patncbdnapuratab gaydm samdgatya vijnapti-
patram dattam ". In the following example the nominative absolute,
appears with the first case-ending whereas its verb appears with
the seventh case-ending : Sa pfishte.

The space between the maftgaldcharana and the actual text
of the letter has been filled in by the following remarks in
English : " The humble petition of Bishnath Dikshit Pundit erf
Beenoy Sing/Rajah of Ulwar near Jeypore./The petitioner requests
that the Govt order which will be passed on this petition/may
be forwarded to him at Ulwar near Jeypore. " The ink used
is different from that in which the text is written.

At the bottom of the text on the second sheet, page 2 occur the
following remarks in Persian script Hukm sbud kih sail darfehdst-
/- khud pesbgah sahib leftant governor bebddur bangdl gu^rdnad, faqat
tabrir tdrikh 23 jun 1854 isavt (i. e. ordered that the petitioner
should present his application to the Lt. Governor of Bengal,
that is all, written on 23 June 1854 A. D.)

On the right margin of the page appear the following words
in Persian script : * num i j j Pandit Bisbunafb Dikthit Agnihotre
gayd.

Evidently both these writings are in the hand of some em-
ployee of the Persian Branch or the late Foreign and Political
Department.

The statement annexed to the second sheet reveals that the
letter was dated i j May 1854 and was received in the Persian Office
on 3 June. The order given on the petition reads: " Petitioner/
shd address/to the Lieut Gov. of Bengal/J.D." The initial is

DOCUMENT 24 155

evidently that of J. W. Dalrymple, the then offiicating Under
Secretary to the Government of India.

1. Gaurdmda Evidently the same as the word gurunda which
occurs in the ftbavishydnukirttana Section of almost all the principal
Puranas. The word is known to have been used in the sense
of Englishmen 'or Europeans as early as the middle of the i9th
century (see Supra DOCUMENT 9, Note n). It was probably on
the strength of the following passage in the Matsyapurana that
the word came to be interpreted in this way : "The earth is
remembered as belonging to the Tukharas 7000 years. The
13 future Gurundas along with low castemen, all of Mlechchha
origin, will enjoy it half four hundred years." (Matsyapuranam y
Anandasrama edition, p. 273). As the word Tukharas could easily
be taken to mean Turks or Muslims it must have appeared
quite logical to identify the gurundas with white men, who, in
popular view, were of Mltfchchha origin. Platt vouches for the
word gorand which, obviously, is a corrupt form of gurunda, being
used in the Hindi dialects in the sense of 'destroyer of religious
faith" (i. e. Mlechchas) at the time when he compiled his
Dictionary (1884). There seems, therefore, little doubt that the
petitioner has taken the word to mean ' Mlechchha ' or white
men ^nd has changed it into Gauramda to make it look more
Sanskritic.

2. Kilakila apparently a Sinskritisation of the word
Ktilikdtd (Calcutta). Literally the word would mean wife of Kila-
kila ($iva) or Kali. As Calcutta is popularly known as the city
of Kali, it would be quite appropriate to equate the name with
Kilakila. The term however may have been derived in a
different way. In the Matsyapaurana the term Kilakila is used to
represent a group of foreign rulers who were destined to rule
the earth at some future date. The corresponding passage in
the Vishnupurdna gives the name of the race as the Kailakilas,
and describe them as Yavanas. Since Europeans could very
easily be termed Yavanas, it must have seemed very appropriate
to the petitioner to identify them with the Kilakilas or Kailakilas
and to term their city Kilakila. That the Kailakila kings had
their seat of power in a city called kilikild is vouched for by a
passage in the Bhdgavata-purdna (Ganapat Krishnaju Press edition,
XII, 32). Calcutta has certainly some claim to be considered
the city of the Europeans par excellence.

3. Alavara Alwar.

4. Rdvaraja Rao Raja, the title of the Chief of Alwar.

5. Vinayasimha on him see INTRODUCTION, p. 60.

6. Vifvandtha Diksbita See INTRODUCTION, 'p, 60, n. 115.

7. iKshaydbda Kshaya is the name of the last year of the
famous Bjihaspati chakra system of calculation found in the

156 NOTES

siddhanta. The ist of the 84th cycle according to this system
commenced in 1794. As the cycle consists of 60 years, the

last year of the 84th cycle would correspond to 1854. '*

i?

8. Jyesfba-krishna 3 corresponds to 1 5 May 18^4. This,
incidentally, is the date of the document as stated in the Statement
attached to this letter. >

9. KiJka^a i. c. South Bihar. The word Klkata pccurs in
the Rigveda (III 53.14) as the name ot a tribe. Yaska|(Nirukta,
VI. 32) declares it to be the name of a non-Aryan country. But
in later literature it is given as a synonym of Magadha.f

10. Argaldpura No place of this name is traceable. Is it
a Sanskritiscd form of Agra ?

n. Modandrayanasimhagrame Evidently it was a village or
a market place named after Raja Modanarayanasimha (Modanarayan
Sinh), son of Maharaja Miuajit Sina of Tikari. (Hunter, A^
statistical Account of Bengal, Vol. XII, p. 52; Bengal District;
Gazetteer: Gaja, p. 238). No village bearing the name however
is traceable.

12. Sastram Used probably not in the generic sense of a
weapon, but in the specific sense ot a astri or dagger, cf. panya-
strishu vivekakalpalatikdfastrishv rajyate kab.

13. luattdprahdram* Molesworth explains the expression as
vigorous or active ktckmg ' (Marath ; and English Dictionary).

The word lattd occurs m Ardhamagadhi Prakrit literature in the
sense of kicking. (Muni Sri Ratnachandraji, An illustrated
Ardha-Mdgadhi Dictionary}. It is evident that the word has been
borrowed by Marathi from Ardhamagadhi, which was one of the'
most influential Western Prakrits.

14. Barakanddja Arabic-Persian Barqanda^, literally a lighte-
ning-tl ^wer, hence an armed foot-solaier. According to Platt
the word can also denote a peon trom a police station, whicli is
the sense in which it has been used here.

1 5 . Parnchdnapura Panchanpur, (* Pochanonpur ' of Bu-
chanan, Journal kept during the Survey of the District: of Patna
and Goya] a village 13 miles west of Gaya, situated on the West
bank of the Mohrar river, just near the place where it meets the
Buddh river.

1 6. Kartari Marathi derivative from Sanskrit Kartari
scissors.

17. Chlmtd a Desl word of unknown origin, meaning tongs.

1 8. Kuipji Marathi and Hindi derivative trom Sanskrit
Kiincbika ' keys '.

19. Takari i. e. Tekan, town in the Gaya Sub-division
on the lett bank of the Morhar river 16 miles north west of Gaya.

DOCUMENT 24 157

It is the ancient seat of the Tekari family and contains the fort
of the Rajas (Bengal District Gazetteers: Gaja, p. 237)

20. JamSdara Persian Jamadar> literally, head of a body
of men. ^ The word usually denotes a native officer of the second
rank in a company of sepoys, but it is also applied to officers of
police second to the darogha (or Sub-inspector).

21. Majishtara a corruption of the world 'magistrate'.

22. T ban's Hindi derivative from Sanskrit sthdna (a station
or post). Here used in the sense of a police station. Cf. Marathi
Thane (a post or station under the civil authority), Bengali thdnd
(a police station), and Sanskrit <thanadhyaksha (a police officer).

23. Vyavahardnnripah pa/yet vidvadbhih brdhmanaih saha y
dharma/dstrdnusdrena krodhalobha-vivarjitah, Yajnavalkya II. i.

24. frutddhyayana etc Yajnavalkya, II, 2.
25., Kdgdllobhat e%. Yajnavalkya, II, 4.

26. Grdhakairgrihyate etc. Yajnavalkya, II, 266.

27. Sdhasasteyaparushyagobhifdfatyaye striyam,

visbadayet sadya eva kdlonyatricchhaya smfitah Yajnavalkya, II, 12.

28. Durdrishtatnstu etc. Yajnavalkya, II, 305.

29. Gbafite'pahrite etc. Yajnavalkya II, 271.

30* Gothd probablj the same as gbfh which, according to
Jnanendramahan Das (Bang/a Abhidhdn) means a chain-like girdle
for waist. In Upper India the word is used to denote a wristlet.
Considering that the ornament was 1 8 tolahs in weight the second
meaning should be more appropriate.

31. To 36 1 17 is not very intelligible. Perhaps the meaning
is c 36 tolahs, one tolah being equivalent to Rs. 17.' On this
view 36 tolahs would cost Rs. 612, which is exactly the figure
quoted on the left of the word gothajodi. That figure, theretore,
should be taken as representing the price of the ornament. That
the petitioner has calculated the cost of all his gold ornaments at
the rate of Rs. 17 per tolah will also be clear from the figures
he gives for the other items in his list. The cost of i pair of
pat alt weighing 12 tolahs is given Rs. 204, that of
2 pairs of kamgand weighing 4 tolahs as Rs. 68, that of hasuli,
weighing 6 tolahs as Rs, 102, that of sari weighing 16 tolahs as
Rs. 221 aric$tittt of vimdali weighing 4 tolahs as Rs. 68. This
would leave very little room for doubt that the figures on
the left represent the value of the items listed in terms of
Rupees. f \

32. Fatal J Marathi patall, a bracelet of gold and pearls
(Molesworth Marathi English Dictionary).

F. 21

NOTES

33. Kam&na Hindi derivative from Sanskrit kankana
(bracelet), c. t, Marathi kamgano. j

34. HasulJ a collar of gold etc. Platt derives the word from
Prakrit bamsaullia.

5Jt Sari a chain of twisted gold or silver wire. Derived
from Sanskrit san and ika according to Platt.

36. Vimdali Is it the same as Marathi bindale (derived from
Sanskrit bindu) meaning an ornament for the wrist of children, or
is it rather not a derivative from the Hindi word bindi (or Marathi
bindi) meaning an ornament or fillet worn by women on fore-
head? Cf. tikaU>nkS.

37. 20 da i 15 would mean C 2O at Rs, 15 each'. Da is
evidently an abbreviation of dar c price / On this view the figure
300 on the left of the word mobara jayapuri should be taken as
representing the total value in rupees of 20 coins.

38. Maharaja Sahara (?) The name is not easily identifiable.
But from the figure on the left side it appears that the coins
referred to were of the same value as Jaipuri coins.

39. Mvhara "Lakharii Lucknow coin i. e. gold coin issued
from the Lucknow mint. It appears from Prinsep's Useful Tables
that the Lucknow gold coins had a fweight of 166 grains and
contained 164-70 grains of pure gold. Its price was accordingly
slightly higher than Jaipuri gold coins which weighed 174.99
grains and contained 164.05 grains of pure gold.

40. Putall The fact that putalts have been valued at
Rs. 5 \ each argues in favour of the word being taken as Marathi
pufa/J meaning a gold coin valued at Rs. 4/- each. The word
may also mean a statuette.

41. Tikalt an ornament worn on the forehead, probably
derived from Sanskrit \ika meaning a spangle on the
forehead.

42. Gofyiipga the word is not traceable in any of the standard
dictionaries. Is it a homonym of gofirsba or sandal wood ? In
that case goffitpgpmala would mean a rosary of sandal beads.

43. Ketaka Is it the same as Hindi katak meaning * a bracelet*
(see Platt) ? It is probably derived from Sanskrit kafaka ' a
bracelet of gold*.

44. Rakbadt * a kind of ornament worn by women on the
forehead' (Platt).

4j. Matb*-kd-pbul literally c a flower on the head". Perhaps
an ornament for the coiffure.

46. Gafbali probably the same as Marathi gdfhale which
means a necklace of gems or coins (Molesworth, Op. tit.)

DOCUMENT 24 159

47. Nath motl wa blra vail a nose-ring studded with pearls
and diamonds. Mot* is a Hindi derivative from Sanskrit
mauktika.

48. Kap a Marathi word meaning an ear-ornament for
females.

49. Moti kd ddnd vind voy Seed pearls without holes.

50. Nil a Marathi derivative from Sanskrit rii la and has the
same meaning as Hindi riild 'a sapphire/

51. Pushpardga topaz, cf. Hindi pokhraj.

52. SdtphulJ mott literally * seven-flowered pearl'. Pro-
bably a nose- top consisting of a gold bit shaped like a seven* petalled
flower and set with a pearl (Molesworth, Op. tit}.

5 3 . Bhokrdjon read bhokrdjodt probably the same as Marathi
bhokar meaning the pendant of an ear-ring (Molesworth, Op.

at.)

54. Cbwkadd a Marathi word meaning an ornament made
of four golden rings each having a pendant of pearl (Moles-
worth, Op. tit}

55. Katorl do tukad two fragments of a bowl. The word
kafort occurs both in Hindi and Marathi. The forms kaford
katora and kaftoraka are found in medieval Sanskrit literature.
The word tukad is evidently a variation of Marathi tukada meaning
a fragment, a broken p.-rt.

j 6. Cbamacbyd 'a spoon", derived from Persian chamchd.
Cf. Sajjskrit chamasa and Marathi cbamacbd.

j 7. Pela a Marathi word meaning a cup or a bowl, derived
from Persian piydld. Cf. modern Hindi and Bengali piyald.

58. PohachJ Platt spells the word as pabunchi which means
a wrist-ornament, specially a bracelet of gold beads strung together
and fastened with a clasp. In Marathi the word is spelt pohancbi
and means a wrist ornament for males.

59. Kadd a Hindi word meaning a bangle.

60. Todd In Marathi the word means a ring of gold or silver
for the wrist or ankle. In Bengali the word stands for an anklet,
Platt derives the word from Sanskrit trotaka (Prakrit todaa)> and
explains it as a gold or silver chain for the neck or a similar
ornament for the ankles usually consisting of 3 chains.

61. Vicbbayd The same as bicbbud or bichbavd of Platt. It
means a ring worn on the great toe. This signification arises,
according to Platt, trom the shape of the ring resembling that of
a scorpion's sting.

6z. Masofa Evidently the same as Marathi Mdso\i meaning
a fish-formed ornament for females (Molesworth, Op. tit.}.

l6o NOTES

63. Bali jbumka bSlJ in Sanskrit means a kind of earring
passing through the centre of the ear. ]humkd in'Marathi and
Hindi is a bell-shaped pendant of an earring. The compound
word would therefore mean a pendant with an earring.

64. Pille a word of unknown derivation.

65. Phulpavak not traceable in any of the standard diction-
aries.

66. Ghumghuru (Hindi) an ornament composed of little
bells worn on toes by females.

67. Tukadd chamdi a piece of silver. Chamdi is probably
a derivation of Sanskrit chamdra meaning gold.

68. Nagad Arabic naqd, 'cash'.

DOCUMENT 25

The document consists of two detached sheets of hand-made
paper measuring about 4.5* by 5.5" and 4.75" by 8" respectively.
None of the sheets bear any watermark, and each possesses a tex-
ture altogether different from the other. Ihe writing on each sheet
is in a different hand. The ink used on the second sheet is darker
and much brighter than that on the first sheet. The tex^ on the
first sheet purports to be a quotation from Raghunandana's
Vyavahara-tattva, that on the second is a quotation from the
Viramltrodaya (JL>ayabhagaprakaranatn> p. 54).

The sheets are preserved in the same collection with an appeal
in Persian, dated ist January 1853, from one Murari, son of Dusant
(Dushyanta?) against an order of the court of the Judicial Commis-
sioner of the Punjab (see INTRODUCTION, pp . 44-45). The appellant
clearly states that he submitted with his appeal a vyavastba in
support of his claims and there is little doubt that the texts repro-
duced are the vjavastba referred to by him. In the appeal the name
of the author is given as Ojha Ram Pandit Amar Sankar. As they
are in diverse hands it is reasonable to argue that none of them
are in the hand of their author, but are mere copies.

From a statement attached to the document it appears that
it was received in Calcutta on 17 February 1855. The toljbwing
observation in Persian occurs at the bottom of the second page
of the petition. "Ordered. Not fit for interference by
this Department dated 23 March 1855." This bears no
signature.

DOCUMENT 25 l6l

The cover of the document has been preserved. The addres
reads "Ba-bu%ur fal^-^ahur khudawand-nit ' wafaiya^-aman janab
governor-general bahadur kishvar-i-Hind lat sahib bahadur dama-iqbalahu
To his Excellency, the benevolent, the master of boons, the most
benign of the times, Janab Governor-General, the brave of the
country of Hind, the Lat Sahib Bahadur, may his good fortune
endure for ever).

i. Kalpataru K^ityakalpataru, a legal treatise composed by
Lakshmidhara, a minister of Govindachandra, the Gahadavala
king of Kanauj (1104-1154 A. D.). The treatise has not yet
been published, the most complete manuscript being in the Library
of the Maharana of Udaipur.

Ratnafeara Vivddaratndkara of Chande^vara, (Bibliotheca
Indica series). Chande^vara is said to have been a minister of
Harisiiphadeva of Tirhu: who \vas defeated and routed by Ghiyas-
uddin Tughluq in 1324. The Katyayana passage quoted occurs
on p. 505' ot the printed edition. (See also Kane Katyayana-
smritisdroddhdra, p. 107).

2. Kaghundthanandana Bbatfacharya In the colophons to
his works the author of Vyavahdratattva usually describes himself
as Sri-Vandyaghatlya Harihar? bhattacharyatmaja-Raghunandana-
Bhattacharya. The addition of the word Natha to his name may
have been due to a confusion between him and Raghunatha iro-
mani, the great exponent of Nyaya philosophy. That many are
still labouring under the same confusion will be clear, if one
reads the biographical note, given on him in Kane's History of
Dharmasdstra and Sarvadhikari's Tagore Law Lectures. According
to Jolly Raghunandana flourished early in the i6th century.
Aufrecht places him between 1430 and 1612 A. D.

3. Yathaha The published text of Vlramitrodaya reads
tathdha.

4. Nanyatra These words are omitted from the published
text of Vlramitrodaya.

5. ]imutavdhana Reference is to Jimutavahana's Ddydbhaga
(chapter III, Sect, i, 12-14, Colebrooke, Two treatises on the Hindu
ILaw of Inheritence, p. 57). The date of Jimutavahana has been
fixed as c. 1090-1130 A. D.

6. Vlramitrodaya see DOCUMENT 1, note 4,

AUTHORITIES CONSULTED

1. Manuscript Sources in the National
Archives of India.

Abstracts of Letters Received being a shjrt summary in English
of letters received by the East India Company's Government
in India from Indian rulers, chiefs, notables etc.

Copies of Persian Letters Issued by the East India Company's
Government i:i India to various addresses.

English Translation of Persian Lottery Received by the East
India Company's Government in India from Indian rulers,
chiefs, notables etc.

Foreign Consultations, being the Original Consultations of the
Foreign Department of the E*st India Company's Govern-
ment in India

Foreign Department Miscellaneous Scries Vil. 135 (Cen lemen
having dealings with the Britisu Government, 1814-18).

Original Persian Letters Received by the East India Company's
GDvernmont in India from Indian rulers/'chiefs, notables etc.

Political Consultations, being the Original Consultations of the
Political Dapt. of the East India Company's Government in
India.

Political Despatches from the Court of Directors to the Supreme

Government in India.

Political Despatches from tho Government of India to the Court
of Directors. '

Political Letters from the Court of Directors to the Supreme
Government in India.

Political Letters from the Government of India to the Court of
Directors.

F. 21

164 AUTHORITIES CONSULTED

Political Proceedings of the East India Company's Government
in India.

Public Consultations, being the Original Consultations of the
Public Department of the East India Company's Government
in India.

Secret and Separate Consultations, being the proceedings of the
Secret and Separate Committee of the East India Company's
Government in India,

Secret Consultations, being the proceedings of the Secret Depart-
ment of the Eist India Company's Government in India.

2. Printed documents, Articles in Periodicals and
other published sources.

Abhidhdnacintamani, see under Hemacandra.

Abul Fazl. Ain-i-Akbari, tc. by H. Blochtmnn and H. S.
Jarrett. 3 Vols, Calcutta, 1873-94.

Aitareya BrJhmana, el. by Aufrecht, B^nn University, 1879.

Aitcliison, Sir C. U. A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and
Sunads relating to Inlia etc., Calcutta, 1931-33. 5th edn.

Ali Ib:ahim Khan. Triil by Ordeal, a note contributed to
Asiatic Researches. Vol. 1, p. 389.

Allan, John. Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum,
Calcutta, including the cabinet of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal Vol. IV, London, 1928.

Anrira Siinha. NamiHftjanusdsanam y edited by Haradatta
Sharmi. Po^na Oriental Series, Pojna.

Asiatic Researches, or transactions of tfie Society instituted in
Bengal for enquiring into the history an I antiquities, the art y
sciences, and literature of Asia, Calcutta, 17884836.

Atharvaveia. The Atharvavzla, by M. Bloomfield. Strassburg,
1899. (Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Piiilologie und Alter-
tumskunde Band II Heft I B).

AUTHORITIES CONSULTED 165

Aufrecht, Theodor. Catalogus Catalogorum. An Alphabetical
Register of Sanskrit Works and Authors, I-IIL Leipzig,
. 1891-1903,

BilaTibhatta Payagunde. Vyavahara Balawbhattt, Commentary
on the Mitdksara, ed. by J. R. Gharpure, Bombay.

Bengal Government. District Gazetteer, Vol. 3, Gaya. Calcutta,
1906.

Bhagavatapuranam, ed. by V. L Phanasikar, Bombay, 1905.

Bhattoji Diksita. Caturvims'ati-muni-'mata-vyakhya, ed. by
Sihityopadhyaya N3pali Pandit Devddatta Parajuli, Benares,
1907-1908. (Benares Sanskrit Series Nos. 137 and 139).

Brihaspati Brihaspatismriti, tr. by J. Jolly in the Minor Law
Books, 'Oxford, 1889. (Sacred Books of the East, Series
2, Vol. 33).

Brooke, J. C. History of Mewar, Calcutta, 1859.

Buchanan, Francis, sea under Hi; A iilton.

Buhlei, George, fapirt in search of Sanskrit Manuscripts in

Kashmir. Journal Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society,

1877, Extra No. pp. 259 sqq.
Buhler, George. The Laws of Mann, translated with extracts

from seven commentaries, Oxford, 1886 (tiacrtd Books of the

East, Series 2, Vol. 25).
Buhler, Gx>rge. The Sacred Laws of the Aryas as taught in the

Schools of Ap istamba, Gautama , Vasisfha and Baudhayana,

2 parts, tr. by G. Buhler, Oxford, 1879-1882 (Sacred Books

of the East, Series 1, fc)k II and XIV).
Burrow, T. The Language of the Kharoshfhi Documents,

Cambridge, 1937.
Calendar of Persian Correspondence, Vols I-VII (1759-87),

Imparial Record Department (National Archives of India),

Calcutta/Delhi.

Candesvara, see under Vivadaratnakara.
Colebrooke, Henry Thomxs. A Digest on Hindu Law on Con-

tracts and Successions with a Commentary of Jagannatha

1 66 AUTHORITIES CONSULTED

Taroapanehanana translated from the ^original Sanscrit,
4 Vols., Calcutta, 1797-93.

3olebr )oke, H3n:y Thonu. Ttvo Trzitise* on thz Hindu Ltw of
Inheritance, , Calcutta, 1810.

Cunningham, Major-General Sir Alexander. "Coins of Medieval
Inii^,from the seventh century down to the Muhammadan
Conquests, London, 1894.

Cunningham, Joseph Davey. History of the Sikfis from the
origin of the, nation to the battle of the Sutlej, with a map,
London, 1849.

D as, Jnanendramohan, Bcngala Bhashar Abhidhana. 2nd
edition, Calcutta, 1937.

Dattakn-Mimawsd by Nanda Pandita with the Commentary of
Bharatachandra Siromani, Calcutta, 1857.

and Dattakacandrika by Devtaam a ] hatta (or Kuvera), tr.

by J. C. C. Sutherland, 2nd edition, Calcutta, 1834. See also

under Vyavxhara Maytikha.
Dattakamimamsa of Nandapzndit t, with Bengali translation by

Bharatachanira Siromaai, Calcutta, 1885.

Dayabhtga, see JimQfevahana.

Debates of the House of Lords on the evidence delivered in the
trial of Warren Hastings Enquire ; Proceedings of the East
India Company in consequence of his acquittal and testii

monials of the British and native inhabitants of India

1797.

Dictionary of National Biography. Edited by Leslie Stephen
and Sidney Lee, London, 1908.

District Gazetteer of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, ed.
by H. R. Nevill and others, Vol. 21, Banda, Lucknow, 1909,
Vol. 26, Benares, Lucknow, 1922.

Doiwell, Edward and Miles, James Samuel. Bengal Civil
Servants, in 1 Vol. fro x 1780 to 1838, -69 Cornhill, London,
1839.

AUTHORITIES CONSULTED 167

East India Register and Directory, The, 1812-42, in 33 Vols. Ed.
by John Mathison and Way Mason, East India House,
London.

Elliot, Sir Henry Miers. The History of India as told by its own
historians. Ed. by John Dowson. 8 Vols. London, 1867-77.

Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ed. by James Hastings. 12
Vols. Edinburgh and New York, 1908 and 1918.

Erskine, Major K. D. Mewar Residency, Ajmer, 1908.

Fergusson, James. Picturesque Illustrations of Ancient Architec-
ture in Hindustan, London, 1348.

Forrest, G. W. Selections from the Letters, Despatches, and other
State papers preserved in the Foreign Department of the
Government of India, 1772-1785, 3 Vols. Calcutta, 1890.

{Stautama-dharma-sutra, see under Biihler, Sacred* Laws of the
Aryas, Part I.

Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency y Vol. I, pt. 1, History of

Gujarat, 1&96.

Vol. II, Surat and Broach, 1896.

Gazetteer of the Phulkian States (Punjab State Gazetteers,

Vol. XIII), Lahore, 1904.
Oharpure, J. R. ed. Smrticandrika.
<3ode, P. K. The Testimonials of Good Conduct to Warren

Hastings by the Benares Pandits (Journal of the Tanjore S. M.

Library, Vol. II, No. 1).

<3overnment of the Punjab, Records of the Ludhiana Agency,
Lahore, 1911.

Griffin, Sir Lepel H. The Rajas of the Punjab, being the history
of the principal States in the Punjab and their political
relations with the British Government, Lahore, 1870.

Orowse, F. S. Mathura, a district memoir, 2nd edn. Allahabad,
1880.

Hamilton, Francis Buchanan. Journal kept during the survey
o/ the districts of Patna and Gaya in 1811-12, edited with
notes and introduction by V. H. Jackson, Patna, 1925.

1 68 AUTHORITIES CONSl LTED

Hemacandra Abhidhanacintamani with a glj>seaiy, Calcutta^
1877.

History of the Sect of the Maharajas or VallabJtacaryas of Western
India, London, 1865.

Hunter, Sir William Wilson. A Statistical Account of Bengal,
20 Vols, London, 1875-77.

Hunter, Sir William Wilson. Life of Brian Heighten Hodgson,
London, 1896.

Jlmutavahana . Dayabhaga, translated by H. T. Colebrooke,
Calcutta, 1868.

Jolly, Julius. Hindu Law ard Custcm, tr. by Batakrishna
Ghosh, Calcutta, 1928 (Greater India Society Publication,
No. 2).

Jolly, Julius. The Minor Law Bocks, Narada, Brihaspati
etc., Oxford, 1889 (Sacred Becks cf the Eatt, series 2,
Vol. 33).

Joshi, Laxmanshastri. Dhaimakosa, Vol. T, Wai (Satara), 1937.

Kaviraj, Shyamaldas. Vlra-Vinoda,i\. d.

Kane, P.V. History oj Dharmafastra.

Kttydyana smrti-saroddhara by P. V. Kane.

Kautilya's Arthatistra, by R. Shamasastri, Bangalore, 1915,

Landon, Perceval. Nepal, 2 Vols. London, 1928.

Luard, Captain C. E. Central India State Gazetteer, Vol. VI-A,
Lucknow, 1908.

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Madanapala, Madanaparijata, ed. by Pandit Madhusudana
Smritiratna, Calcutta, 1893 (Bibl. Ind. Series).

Madanaparijata, see under Madanapala.

Madhavacharya, Sayana. The Para/ara Madhavfya or the
Commentary of Sayana Madhavacharya | on Para/arasmyiti,
ed. by V. S. Islampurkar, 2 Vols, Bombay, 1893-1906.

AUTHORITIES CONSULTED 169

Mahabharata, see

Manava-dhaima-tfastra, Institutes of Mann with the commen-
taries of Medhatithi, Sarvajna-narayana, Kulluka, Ragbava-
nanda, Nandana and Ramacandra, and an appendix by
V. N. Mandlik, Bombay, 1886.

Mandlik, V. N. Hindu Law. *

Manucoi, Niccolao. Storia do Mogor or Mogul India, 1653-1708,
tr. with notes by W. Irvine, 3 Vols. London, 1907.

Manu-smrli, the laws of Mann with Bhasya of Medhatithi, ed. by
G. N. Jha with English translation and textual, explanatory
and comparative notes, 12 Vols. Calcutta, 1954.

Markarideya Purtxa, the, tr. by F. E. Pargiter, Calcutta, 1888
etc.

Srtman Markandcyapuranam, Bdiibay V S. 1959.
Matsyapuranam, the, Calcutta. 1876.

-- tr. by <A. Taluqdar of Oudh' 1916 (Sacred Books of the
Hindu*, Vol. XVIII).

Mediniy ed. by Somanatha Sarman, Calcutta, 1878.

Mitra Misra, V/ramitrodaya. Translated by Golapchandra
Sarkar with the original text in Sanskrit. Calcutta, 1879.

Molesworth, J. T. and George and Thomas Candy. Dictionary,
Marathi and English, 2nd Edition, Bombay, 1857.

Narada, Naradiya Dharmasastra or the Institutes of Narada,
notes by J. Jolly, London. 1876, see also Brihaspati.

Nevill, H. R, and others. District Gazette : rs of the United, Pro-
vinces of Agra and Oudh, Vol. 21, Banda, Lucknow, 1909,
Vol. 26, Benares, Lucknow, 1922.

Nicholls, George. Sketch of th< } Rise of the Benares Pathshala

or Sanskrit College forming the Sanskrit Department of /he

Benares. Coll g^ Allahabad, 1907.
Patafara Mtdhava, see Madhavticarya Sayana.
Parafarasmriti, ed. with noten by Chandra Kanta Tarl al mkara.

3 Vols. Calcutta, 1890-92. (Bib. Ind. Series), see also

Madhavacarya Sayana.

17 AUTHORITIES CONSULTED

Platt, J. T. A Dictionary of Urdu, Classical JHindi 'and English,
London, 1911.

Prinsep, James. Benares Illustrated in a series of drawings,
Calcutta, 1831.

Prin;ep, Jarnes. Useful Tables of Indian Metrology, 3 pts.
Calcutta, 1834-38. * V

Punjab Government Records, Vol. 2, Ludhiana Agency, 1808-
1815, Lahore, 1909.

Ramayanam, the, ed, by Kasinath Pandurarg Parab with the
Commentary Tilaka of Rama, 2nd edition, Bombay,
1902.

SrJmad Valwiliiya Bawayara, a ciitical edition with the
commentary of Sri Govindaraja, 7 Vols. ed. by T. R.
Krishnacharya, Bombay, 1913:

Rapson, E. J. Catalogue of the Coins of the Andhra Dynasty, the
Western Ksatrapas, the Trcikutaka Dynasty etc., wilh maps
and plates, London, 1908.

Rat lachanclraji, Muni Sri An illustrated Ardha-Magadhf Die-
tionary, Literary, Philosophic and Scientific uith SansArit,
Gvjarati, Hindi and English equivalents. Introduction by
A C. Woolner, 5 Vols. Limbdi, 1923-39.

Rgieda sawhita uith the commentaries of S^yar.acarya^ ed. by
V. K. Rajwade and others, Poona, 1933.

Rgveda-Satihita Indian Research Institute Publications, Vedic
Series. Parts I-V1, Calcutta, 1933-36.

Rgveda, Hymns from the, ed. with gayana's commentary and
translation by Peter Peterson, 3rd Edition, Bombay,
1905

Rgvedakhila. Rgreda-SaMhitJ, ed. by Theodar Aufrecht, 2nd
edn. Bonn, 1877. Vol. 2 pp. 672 ff.

Satikhyayana-Smulasiiira^ ed. by A. Hillebrandt, 3 Vols.
Calcutt i, 1888-1 891 (Bib. Ind. Series).

Sardesai, G.S., Marathi Riyasat.

AUTHORITIES CONSULTED I^i

Sen, Sarendranath. Administrative System of the Marathas, 2nd
edn. Calcutta, 1925.

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in Oriental Languages, Vol. I).

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1839. Calcutta, 1920.

Sherring, Rov. M. A. The Sacrel City of the Hindus: an Ac-
count of Henares in ancient and modern times. With an
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jisdpa!ava'lln,. With the commentary (Sarvankasa) of Mai-
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SrlMtn-Ma^abharatarn, ed. by T. R. Krishn.xcharya and T. R.
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Vijasaneyimwhita in the Madhyandina and the Ka^va-Sakha
with the cjmmentary of Mahidhara. Ed Albr. Weber,
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Maharaja?.

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Yivada ratndkara of Candesvara, edited by Pandit Dinanatha
Vidyalankara (Bibliotheca Indica Series GUI), Calcutta,

1885-87.

AUTHORITIES CONSULTED

Vyavaharamaytlkhaed. J. R. Gharpure, Bon*>ay, 1911.

Vyavaharamaytlkha of Nilakantha, ed. P. V- Kane, Poona, 1926*
(Bombay Sanskrit Series).

Walsh, E. H. Coinage of Nepal. (Royal Geographical Society,

. 1908).

Wilson, H. H. Works etc. 12 Vols. London, 1862-71.
Yajnavalkya. Yajnavnlkya Smrti with the commentary Mitaksara

of Vijnanrsvara, Bombay, 1926 (Nirnayasagara Press),
Yaska, Nirukta edited by V. K. Rajavade.

INDEX TO THE TEXT

Adhiguhatithi, 5.

Adhikarin (officers), 5, 55.

Adrishtarthapatti, 59.

Advaita, 53.

Agai (god), 45.

Agnldhra, 37.

Agnihotrin, 53.

Agrajanman, 30.

Ahosvit, 31.

Alavara (Alwar), 53.

Ali birahim Kha, Ali Ibrahlma

Khana (Ali Ibrahim Khan),

5,11.

Amaradhun! (the Ganges), 23.
Amguthi, 57.

Atfikarshi-vasu-vasurrvlhara-
^ mitabda, 32.
Anrnaya, 33.
Am^aharatva, 3.
'Amtevasin, 47.
Anarntarama Bhatta, 3.
Anila (god), 45.
Apanastha, 53.
Apararka, 40.
Appa^astrin, 3.
Ardhamana (surname), 3.
Argalapuramarga, 53.
Arjavapatra, 24.
Arjavapatrika, 22.
Arka (god), 45.
Arsha (form of marriage), 40.

Avsarapha- Alia- Asarapha ( Ashraf-

ul-ashraf), 26.
Ashfami, 22.

Ashtaputra (surname), 47.
Aslhpadya, 50.
Aoja (Asvina), 48.
Asura '(form of marriage), 40,
A^valayana-gtihya-sutra-vritti,

51.
Atmarama Bhatta Pauranikopa*

khya, 3.
Atri, 1.

Atyashti (seventeon), 5.
Aurasapufcra, 51-52.
Aurasatirikta, 3.
Avibhakta, 31,46-47.

B

Bade Samta, 29.

Bahadura (bahadura), 17-18^

26, 42.

Bahujlkayah, 18.
Bahvrichsakhakhila, 51.
Ball Jhumaka, 58.
Bamdhu, 32-33.

Barakamdajapadavaehyam, 54.
Bhagaharim, 33.
Bhagavata, 20, 23, 37.
Bhairava Dikshiba Tilaka, 4.
Bhalamda (Bhanamda), 37.
Bharadvaja Bhairama Bhatta, 3.
Bharadvaja Sitarama Bhatta, 4.

173

*74

INDEX JO THE TEXT

Bhatta (surname), 3, 33.
BhavanHamkara Thakaropana-

maka, 3.

Bhishma, 2, 37-38.
Bhlshma Bhatta Gadegila, 4.
Bhokara, 58.
Bhratribhaga, 34.
Bhfigu (law giver), 36, 59.
Bichhaya, 58.
Brahma (god), 27.
Brahma (mode of marriage), 40.
Brahmarshidesa, 36.
Brahmavarta, 36.
Brihaspati (law giver), 32-36,

41, 47, 59.
Brindavana, 27.
Bundelakhamdakhyarashtradhl^a,

24.

Chamachya, 58.

Chamdra (god), 45.

Chamdravasara, 53.

Chaturveda (surname), 47.

Chaukada, 58.

Cheta Simha (Chait Singh), 5,

20.

Chetanadasaji, 28.
Chhati^amyoganayaka, 28.
Chhatrabamdha, 39.
Chhote Samta, 29.
Chimatapadavaohya, 54.

D

DJdama Bhatta, 4.

Daiva (form of marriage), 40.

Daivakikriya, 35.

Dama-akvala-hu (Dam-i-Iqb*al-

e-hu), 26.
Danapatra, 31-32.
Daranagara, 20, 24.
Da&tmaskamdha, 20.
Daslja, 47.
Datrima, 2.
Dat^inishtha, 2.
Dattaka, 3.
Dayabhaga, 34, 36.
Dayabhak, 32.
Dayada, 35, 40, 45.
Devala (law giver), 46.
Deyanishtha, 2.
Dharmadhikarin (surname), 3.
Dharmarat, 45.
Dharmasastranibandha, 47.
Dhobala (surname), 3.
Dhri* arashtra (epic hero), 37.

)hriti (eighteen), 5.

)hundhasimha, 46.
Dlnanatha Deva, 3.
Dishtya (Puranic hero), 37.
Drishadvati (river), 36.
Drona (surname), 4.
Drona (epic character), 37-38.
Duryodhana (epic hero), 38.
Dvarika, 27.
Dyutasakta (Dyutasatka), 55.

E

Ekalimga, 48-49

Ekj amineshankamitadhyaksha
(Superintendent, Examina-
tion Committee), 43.

G

Gadegila (surname), 4.

INDEX TO THE TEXT

175

GaLvara (surname), 3.
Gamdhari (epic heroine), 38.
Ganaka (surname), 33.
Gandharva (form of marriage),

4041.

Gane&t (deity), 40.
Gahgaputra, 5.
Gahgarama Jasyopanama, 3.
Garibaparavara (Gharib par-
war), 42.
Gathali, 57.
Gaurarndamukhya, 53*

Gautama, 47, 59.

Gavaranara (Governor), 17.

Gavarnara (Governor), 0.

Gavarnara Janaral (Governor-
General), 5.

Gavarnnara-Jannerla (Governor-
General), 11.

Gaya, 53-54.

Glmle (surname), 33.

Ghumghuru, 58.

Goplnathadeva Gosvami, 29.

Goranara-Janarala (Governor-
General), 26.

Gosrimgamala, 57.

Gosvaminl, 17.

Gotha, 57.

Govinda Punyastambhakaropa-
khya, ?.

Govindada-^a, 46.

Govindarama Sevshopanamaka,
4.

Gramabhartri, 56.

Griha-sodhana, 55.

Guha, 5.

Gunesvara Bhatta, 3.

Gurumukha Dasaji, 28.
Guruvasara, 22.

Guvaliyara (Gwalior), 20, 22,
24.

H

Hari(god), 21.
Haridantarala, 49.
Hari^chamdra (epic hero), 20.
Hasull, 57.
Hatta, 53, 55.
Hattasvamin, 54-55.
Hemadri, I.

Hestimsa (Hastings), 11.
Himdostana (Hindustan), 6.
Hiralalavanij, 53.
Hiranandasarmapandita Cha-

turveda, 47.
Hishtimsa, Hishtlna (Hastings),,

6.

I

Imgareja (English), 26-27.
Imlenda, Ihlenda (England),

11.

Tndaralalajl, 28.
Indra (god), 45.
Indraprastha, 30.
Isvaradattasarmapandita, 47.
Isvarisimha, 46.
Itastatovritta, 55.

Jagadl^asvamin (synonym of

Jagannatha), 26.
Jagadrajasimha, 46.
Jagannatha (deity), 26-28.

i 7 6

INDEX TO THE TEXT

Jagannatha MUra, 3.
Jagannatha Rajaguru, 29.
Jaladajjamga (Jeladat Jang),

6.

Jaimdara, 48-49.
Jamadarapadavachya, 54.
Jambudvlpa, 37.
Jana Raikreshta Veshta (John

Rycroft Best), 43-44.
Janaba (Janab), 42.
Javanasirnha, 48-49.
Jayapurl, Mohara, 57.
Jimutavahana (jurist), 59.
Jivachchhavatva, 47.
Jyaishtha, 32.

K

Kada, 58.

Kaimutikanyaya, 33.
Kalakatta (Calcutta), 24.
Kalikatamaharajadhanyain, 58.
Kalpataru (legal treatise), 59.
Kamchuka, 55, 58.
Kamgana, 57.

Kamnavalisa (Cornwallis), 17.
Kamnharadasa, 19-20, 22, 24.
Kampani, Kampanl, Kaiixpani

(Company), 6, 21> 23.
KanavaHSa (Cornwallis), 18.
Kapa, 57.

Kapatodghatana, 54.
Kartaripadavachya, 54.
Karttikasudi, 22.
Kasi, 1, 22, 24, 53.
Kasika (inhabitants of Kasi),

Ka^inathasastrin Ashtaputra, 47.

Katorl,|f>8.

Katyayana (law giver), 36, 59.

Kauravanandana (synonym of

Bhishma), 2.
Kausaladhisthatri (Members of

Council), 24.
Kausalya, 17.
Keharisimha, 46.
Kenaramadeva^arman, 43-44.
Ketaka, 57.
Khedasimha, 46-47.
Kikatavishaya, 53.
Kilaldll (Calcutta), 53.
KIratasimha, 46.
Kompani (Company), 11-12.
Kosa (Amarako^a), 51.
Kosala, 37.

Kripakrishna Yajnika, 3.
Kriplnatha Deva, 3.
Krishaachandra Mahapatra, 26.
Kpshnachandra Mahapatram-

kara, 28.
Krishnachandradeva Gosvaml,

29.

Krishnasarman Sesha, 33.
K^ita, 5.
Kshayabda, 53.
Kshetravasin, 26.
Kurnjlpadavachya, 54.
Kurukshetra, 36.
Kusa (epic hero), 37.
Kutasthaparamatman, 53.
Kuvera (god), 45.

LakhanI, Mohara, 57.
I Laktflunxnasirnha, 46.

INDEX. TO THE TEXT

J 77

Lakshml (goddess), 28.
Larda (Lord), 1748.
Lata (Lord), 25.
Latasahaba, 42.
Latasaheba, 53, 58.
Lattapraharam, 53.
Lava (epic hero), 37.
Liphapa, 58.
Lokachara, 33.

M

Madanaparijata, 36, 40.
Mad.anaratna, 1.

Madanaratnasmritisamgraha, 35.
Mahamta, 28-29.
Mahamta Jayaramadasaji, 29.
Mahananda (Magadhan prince),

38.
Mahapadma (Magadhan prince),

38.

Maharaja Sasara Mohara, 57.
Maharajadhiraja, 48-49.
Maharana, 48-49.
Maharam, 18.

Mahatani (of mahantw), 26.
Mahendra (god), 45.
Mahetaramasimha, 49.
Majishtarasaheba, 54-55.
Mali Alkava (Muala-i-alqab), 26.
Mamjusha, 58.
Manakumarl, 20.
Manorama (gloss on the Siddha-

ntakaumudi), 52.
Manu, 1-2, 32-36, 40, 45.
Manvarthavivarana, 51.
Marakoisa (marquess), 26.
Markandeya, 37.

Marntina (Mornington), 25.
Masola, 58.
Mathekaphula, 57.
Matribhaga, 35, 59.
Matsya, 36.
Maulya, 53.
Mayukha, 1.
Meghanatha Deva, 4.
M^kalatana, Mekanatana (Mac-

naghten), 42-44.
Misra (surname), 3.
Mistara (mister), 6.
Mitakshara, 2, 32-33, 41, 45,

55-56.

Mitaksharakara, 1.
Mohara Jayapuri, 57.
Mohara LakhanI, 57.
Moti ka dana vina voy, 57.
Mud gala (epic character), 20.
Mudraksharapustaka (printed

book), 47.
Mustatava (Mustatab), 26.

N

Nabhaga, 37.
Nagada, 58.
Nagarabrahnmna, 31.
Nagarajatiya, 32.
Nana Parhaka, 4.
Nandapand ita, 3.
Narada (law giver), 32-37.
Narayanamalla, 48-49.
Narayanasastrin, 47.
Natha moti va hlra vali, 57.
Navaba (Nawab), 5.
Navava (Nawab), 26.
Nckaramasarma, 42,

I 7 8

INDEX TO THE TEXT

Nibarpdha, Nibandha, 2, 32.

Nibandhakara, 1.

Nika Mi&a, 38.

Nila, 57.

Niladri, 28.

Nilakantha Sarnmn, 4.

Nipa, 37.

Nlrajita, 53.

Nirukta, 51.

Niyoga (appointment), 5.

Padasaha, Pada&ha (Padishah),

6.

Pabadasirnha, 46.
Pai^acha (form of marriage),

40-41.

Pamchala, 30.
Patfcchanapura, 54.
Pamdu (epic hero), 37.
Para&ira, 2.
Paraava,47.
Para^avaputra, 46.
Parvana, 2.

Pachatyadea (Western India),
53.

Pa^upatl^vara (deity), 49.

Patall, 57.

Pathaka (surname), 4.

Pathasaladhikarin, 22.

Pauranika (surname), 3.

Paushamasa, 22.

Pela, 58.

Phulapavaka, 58.

Pill!, 58.

Pindadatva, 3.

Pindodakakriya, L

Pitfibl|aga 3 34.
Pitrya, 34.
Pohaehi, 58.

Prabhakarasarman Bhatta, 33.
Pradhana (principal), 36.
Pradvivaka fSalagrama Pandita >

47.
Prajapatya (form of marriage) >

40-41.

Prananathacharya, 33.
Prayaga, 53.
Piitamasimha, 48-49.
Pritliak karyapravartana, 35.
Prithvisimha, 46.
Priyavrata, 37.
Pulaka, 43.
Pumbhaga, 35.
Puranamala, 46.
Purna (zero), 5.
Punitthottama (surname of

Jagannatha) N 27.
Purushottainakshetra, 26.
Pushparaga, 58.
Putali, 57.
Putrikarana, 2.

R

Raghur athanandana Bhatta*

eharya, 59.
Rajaguru, 26.
Rajamodanarayanasimhagrama,

53.

Rajaraja, 11.

Rajarama Ardhamanopanamaka
v 3.
Rakham, 57.

INDEX TO THE TEXT

Rakshasa (form of marriage),

40-41.
Rama, Ramachandra (epic hero),

1,37.
Ramachandra Pandita Daa-

putropakhya, 4.
Ramaktishna, 38.
Rsmanatha (Ramcswar), 27.
Ramanuja (the philosopher),

29.

Ramaprassda Bhatfacharya, 38.
Ramasevaka Dasaji, 29.
Ramganatha D'kshita, 4.
Ramganatha Panditaraja, 48.
Ramganathasastrin, 3.
Ramtiileva, 20.
Ranajitsimha, 46.
Ratanasiinha, 46-47.
Ratnadasa, 28.
Ratnakara (Vivadaratnakara),

59.

Ratnanrisimhachari Svami, 28.
Rav^araja (Rao Raja), 53.
Ravi, 1.

Rikthabhagin, 32.
Rikthasadhyatva, 32.

Sabhapati, 56.
Sabrahmacharin, 32-33.
Sachchidanamda, 53.
Sadasivasarman Ghule, 33.
Sagotra, 33.
Sahaba (Saheb), 42.
Sahadhyayin, 32.
Sahasramsuvam^abharana, 49.
Sahara (Saheb), 19, 21, 24.
F. 22

Saheva (Saheb), 43.
Sakshika, 55.
Sakulya, 32-33.
^alagramapandita, 47.
Samta, 28-29.

Sapi da, 2, 47.

Saptami. 22.

Saradarasimha, Saradarasimha-

deva, 48-49.
Sarasvatl (goddess), 28.
Sarasvati (river), 36.
Sari, 57.
Sarjana Sora (Sir John Shore),

19, 21-22.

Sahara Mohara, 57.
Sasta (magistrate), 5.
Sat am (of s.xnts), 26.
Sataplmll Moti, 58.
Saumyajamatraji, 29.
Saunaka, 2.
yavakalpa, 47.

Savarna, 1, 34-36.
Senapatisimha, 46.

Sesha (surname), 33.

Sesha Harirama, 4.

Shadtrimsanniyoganayaka, 26*

Shumanasirrjha, 46.

Siddhaisvari (goddess), 31.

Sihunida, 20.

^italanandadeva Gosvami, 29^

Sivi, 20.

Smriti, 27.

Smiititattva, 33.

Soma (god), 45.

Sorabhupa (Sir John Shore),
19.

I8D

INDEX TO THE TEXT

SorasShava (Sir John Shore),
19, 24.

Sovaktishna, 49.

Sphira, 5

Sri, 1.

Sribhaj, 49.

Jrigopalajl, 28.

Jiikfishna (of epic), 37.

{rimamdira, 26.

rimanta, 17.

Srimati (legal commentary) ^ 33.

Snrama (epic hero), 47-48.

Thakara (surname), 3.

Thakuradasapandita, 38.

Thanapadavachya, 54.

Tikali, 57.

Tirumala pichiipdi Verpkatacha-

rasvami, 29.
Toda, 58.
Tukada chamdi, 58.,

u

Udayapattana, 48.
Uddhara, 35-36.

Srirama Adhikari Naraj r anadasa, i Uliyama He (William Hay),
. 29, I 43-44.

Mahamtarama, 28.
^riramadasaji, 29.
^riramaji, 29.
&rlfci, 49.
grjyuta, 17.
^rutavritti, 45.
$ruti, 27.

Steyaprakarana, 56.
$ubakrishna 5 48.
.Sukula (surname), 47.
umalya (Magadhan prince), 38.
'Suradasu Guruji, 28.
urasena, 36.
Sureindra (gods), 45.
Svajanyam apatyam, 51.
Svargataramgini (the Ganges),
21.

Taddhitaata,51.
Takarinagara, 54.
Tattva^ukti (legal treatise), 36.
TJtyalarman Ganaka, 33.

Sukula,

47.

Unchhavritti, 20.
Upashtambhaka, 46.
Usinara, 20.

Vaijanatha Dhovalopakhya, 3.
Vaijanatha Dikshita Dronopan-

amaka, 4.
Vaikumtha (Vishnu's heaven),

27.
Valabamtasimha (Balwcant

Singh), 5. '

Valajali (Wellcsley), 26.
Vali, 20.

Vamsaraja, 48-49.
Varan Hishtimsa (Warren

Hastings), 5.

VaranasI, 5, 11, 20-22, 24, 32.
Varnachara (letter), 49.
Vartina (god), 45.
Vasishtha (law giver), 2, 36.

INDEX TO THE TEXT

181

Vasurata (mythic character),

37.

Vayu (god), 45.
Vedamga, 51.
Venlmadhava Pathaka, 3.
Venu (mythic character), 22.
Vibhagadharma, 35.
Vibhakta, 34, 47.
Vibhaktaja, 34.
Vijayabahadurasimha, 46.
Vijnaptipatra, 54.
Vikrama (legendary founder of

the Vikrama era), 5.*
Vikramarka* (legendary founder

of the Vikrama era), 19.
Vikramasahavarma, 49.
Virnd'ali, 57.
Vinayasimha, 53.
Vlramitrodaya, 1,

59.

Vires vara Gahvaropanamaka, 3.
Viseshanlbhuta, 51.
. Viseshavivaksha, 51.
Vishnu (law giver), 32-33, 41.
Vi^vanatha Dikshita, 53.
Vi^ve^vara (name of Siva),

1,6.

Visvesvaranagari (Benares), 5.
Vithi, 54.
Vittesa (name of Kuvera),

45.

32-33, 47,

Vitthala&dtrin, 47,
Vivltabhartri, 56.
Vriddhaparasara, 1.
Vrijanatha Bhatta, 3.
Vrikodara (name of Bhima),

37.

^Vrittigramtha, 51.
Vrittimula, 47.

Vyakaranakaumudlvyakhya, 52.
Vyasa (law giver), 35, 59.
Vyavaharadar^ana, 56.
Vyavaharamadhava, Vyavahara-
madhavlya (legal treatise),
32.
Vyavaharamayukha (legal

treatise); 36.

Vyavaharcitattva (legal treatise),
59.

Yadunathapandita, 50.

Yajnavalkya (law giver), 32-36,
41, 47.

Yajnika (surname), 3.

Yasavatnta (Yashovant Rao

Holkar), 30.
Yavana (Muslim), 5, 11.
Yogiyajnavalkya, 1.
Yuga, 5.

GENERAL INDEX

Numeration in bold indicates the pages of the
Introduction

Abhidhanachintamani, 143.

Adam, John, 34n.

Adhinayaka, 136.

Adoption, 61-63.

Afghan War L 24n.

Afghanistan, 62.

Afghans, the, 62.

Agnldhra, son of Priyavrata,
101,142.

Agnihotra, 121.

Agra, city in U. P., 147, 156.

Ahalya Bai, Maratha regent of
Indore, coins of, 63.

Ain-i-Akbari, 60, 6 In-

Aitareya Brdhmana, 127.

Ajaigarh, Sanad State in Centra)
India, 147-48.

Ajataatru, a name of Yudhis-
thira, 102.

Ajeet Sing, see Ajit Singh.

Ajit Singh, Prince of Patiala,
25-28, 25n, 26n, 45, HO.

Akbar, Mughal emperor, 50, 127,
133.

Akbar II, Mughal emperor, 63.

Ala Singh, Raja of Patiala, 27.

Alavara see Alwar.

Ali Bahadur, Nawab of Banda,
37n f 49 50, 133.

Ali Ibrahim Khan, Chief Magis-
trate of Benares, 4-6, 5n, 66,
70n, 75, 129-31'.

Vakil of, see Ali Naqi Khan,

Qazi.

Ali Naqi Khan, Qazi, vakil (?)
6f Ali Ibrahim Khan, Ma-
gistrate of Benares, 130, 132.

Alivardi Khan, Nawab of

Bengal, 131.
Allahabad, 121, 133.
Alves, Col. N., Gov. Gen.'s
Agent for Rajputana, 15,
2 On, 21; reports on progress
of Nepalese Mission to the
Court of Udaipur, 17-20.
Alwar, State in Rajputana, 60,
121, 154-55.

Maharaja of, see Vinaya

Singh.

Court Pandit of, see Visva-

nath Dikshit Agnihotri.
Amar Singh, Raja of Patiala,
. 25n, 27.
Amarakofa, 143, 152.
Amba Ram Shastri, son of
Lakshmi Bai, petition for
partial restoration of pen-
sion, 44, 146.
Amba Ram Vyas, 73.
Amba Sankar Bijai Sankar, 73.
Amba Sankar Jali, 74.
Amherst, Baron, Governor-
General of India, 38n, 62.
AmilSy 61.
Amrit Rao, adopted son of

Raghunath Rao, 33-
Anand Ram Anaiit Ram, 70.
Anand Ram Sukul, 71.
Anand Ram Vyas, 74.
Anand Rao Bhonsla, Raja, 32n.
Ananda Chandra Bhattacharya,

76.

Anand agiri Goswem't, professor
of Puranas and Kavya Sastra
at Benares Sanskrit College,

183

1 84

GENERAL INDEX

Anandgir Gossain, see Ananda-

giri Goswami.
Anant Ram Bhat, 64, 71, 71n,

129.

Anant Ram Bhat Lachhmi

Dhar, 70.
Anant Ram Bhat Patwardhan,

71.
Anant Rao, Maratha Chief,

repulsed by Rani Sahib

Kanr, 25n.
Anantarama Bhatta, see Anant

Ram Bhat.
Anna Shastri, 69.
Anutfubh, Sanskrit metre, 133-

34. ,
AparSrka (Aparaditya), author

of YajMvalkyiyadharma/as-

tra-nibandha, 105, 144.
Spastamba, 60.
Appa Saheb, of Nagpur, 21.
AppaSastrin, 64.
Aqwal Banai Sing, 60n.
Arat Ram Dullabh (Durlabh)

Ram, 72.
Ardhamagadhl Prakrit, a branch

of Prakrit literature, 156.
Argalapura, 121, 156.
Aijavapatra, 50-
Arjun Singh, son of Jagatraj,

37n, 147.
Arjuna, 103.
Arfa, a form of marriage, 105-

06.

Asapinda, 128.
Asi, river on the south border

of Benares, 46.
Asiatic Society of Bengal, 49,

81n.
President of, see Jones,

Sir William ; Shore, Sir John.
Asura, a form of marriage, 106.
A/valayana Sutra, 120, 152.
Atharvaveda, 152.
Athgarh, chief village in

Athgarh State, Oriasa, 137.
Atma Rani Kale, 67, 67n.

Atma Ram Puranik, Atmarama,

Pauranika, see Atmarama*

bhatta PaurJnika.
Atmaramabhaa' Pauranika,

64, 68, 68n, 129. * *

Atri, Code of, 61.
Aturasa, a harbour, 143.
Aurangzeb Alamgir, Mughal

emperor, 9, 61,.l51.
Aurasa-pntra, 29, 31-33; in-
terpretation of the term,

119-.0.
Aus Kaur, Rani, Karam

Singh's mother, 24n, 2r>,

25n*
Ausan Misra, see Aashan

Misra.

Aushan Misra, 3, 79.
Ava, old capital in upper

Burma, 16.

Ayodhya, sacred town in
- Fyzabaddist, U.P ; 83.
Ayurveda, 51n, 64.

B

Baba Dichhit (Dikshit), 69-
Babresvar (Bapresvar ?), 74.
Babrupajha (Babhrupadhyaya)

Sastri, 72.

Babu Dichhit (Dikshit) Aya-
* chak, 69-

Baghat, Simla Hill State, 24n.
Baghela (Rajput clan) Raja,

see Jai Singh Deo.
Bahuji Maharaja, head of

Maharaja Sect at Surat,

7-9, 80.
Bahuji Maharani, see Bahuji

Maharaja.
Baijanatha Bhatta Dhobala^

64, 68n, 1?9.

Baijanatha Dikshita Drona, 65
Baijnath Bhat Kavimandana,

68-
Baijnath Bhat Nagraj, ^n.

GENERAL INDEX

I8J

Bale, the, widows o Mahadaji

Sindhia, rebel against

Daulat Rao Sindhia, 49.
Bajirao I, Peshwa, 50, 147-
Bajirao II, ex-Peshwa, 29-33,

31n, 152.
Bakht Bali, nephew of Guman

Singh, 133.
Bala Krishna Deeksheeta

Ayacheeta, 70n-
Bala Mookoonda, 69n, 7 In.
Balaji Baji Rao, Peshwa, 44.
Balakrishna, a name of Visnu,

Hindu deity, 80.
Balakrishna, head of one

branch of Maharaja Sect, 9-
Balakrishna. Dikshit, 70,JOn.
Balam Bhat Bharadwaj, see

Balambhatta Bharadvaja.
Balara Bhat Kaule, see Balam-

bhatta Kaule.
Balambhatta, author of

i a com-

mentary ou Mi'akfara,

67w, 139.
Balambhatta Bharadvaja, 68n,

69, 69 n.
Balambhatta Kaule, 6?, 67n,

68n.

Balambhatta Payagunda. 68n.
Balamukunda Bhatta Khole,

69, 69n.

Balaram Bhattacharj(ya), 76.
Balaram Vachaspati, 76.
Balavant Singh, Raja of

Benares, 46n, 66, 132.

Balayanta Simha, see Balavant

Singh, Raja.
Bali, king of the demons,

46, 83-

Bali Jhumka, 125/1 CO.
Balkifrbaii Dichhit (Dikshit),

see Balakrishna Dikshit.
Balfeishan Dichhit (Dikshit)

Mahajan, 69, t)9n-
Balkishan Karikal, 70.

Balkrishnaji temple, also
known as Goswami Maha-
raja temple, at Surat, 9.

Ballabh Ji, 70.

Balmukund Arari, 71.

Balmukund Bhat Khole
(Ghule ?), see Balamu-
kunda Bhatta Khole-

Balmukund Sankar Vallabh,
73.

Balvantrao Bhavani / thavale,
grand father of Tai and
BayaSahibas, 29-31-

Balwant Rao Bhawani, see
Balvantrao Bhavani A tha-
vale.

Banda, town in IL P, 133,
U7-48.

Nawab of, see Ali Bahadur-

Banni Singh, see Vinaya
Singh.

Bans Raj, Bansaraj, see Vam-
sarnja.

Banur, ID Pat : ala State, Pun-
jab, 25n-

Banvari Kanh Dev, 70-

Banwari ViSeswar, 73.

Bappa Rawal, 149.

Bapu Deekshoeta Drona, 69n.

Bar Sinister, effect on succes-
sion in the princely fami-
lies of Bundelkhand, 38-

Barakandaja, see Barqandax.

Bari Doab, tract in the Pun-
jab, 25n.

Barqawlax, 12'?, 156.

Bawan Kbhan, 70-

Bax, John, Resident at Indore*
44n

Baya Bai, see Baya Sahiba*

Baya Sahiba, daughter of Baji
Rao IT, 29-31 ,32n, 33,152.

Baylr, W. B., 62.

Beenoy Sing, see Vinaya
Singh.

Bejoy Bahadur, Rajah, see
Bijaya Bahadur, Raja.

GENERAL INDEX

Benares, holy city in United
Provinces, 2-4, 6,13, 21-
22, 38n, 39, 42-43, 45n,
45-49, Sin, 58-59, 68n,
7<>n, K6, 128-29, 131-32,
137, 147, 149; see also
Kasi; Varanasi; Visvesvar,
City of.

-Chief Magistrate of, see
AH Ibrahim Khan.

Raja of, see Balavant

Singh; Chait Singh-

Resident at, 47-

Benares Sanskrit College, 39,

46, 51 53, 55, 57-58.
Benee Bahadoor Jue Dev,

Rao, 40n.
Bengal, 3.

Asiatic Society of, 8 In.

Bengali Residents at Benares,

4, 56n

Beni Rain Bora, 72.
Benimadhava Pathaka, 61.
Bentinck, Lord William
Cavendish, Governor

General of India, 38n> 40,
40n, 41,4ln,62.
Best, John Rycroft, Deputy
Registrar of Sadar Diwani
Adalat, 59, 59n, 109-10,
146.
Bhag Singh, son o Gajpat

Singh, 27.
Bhagavnnta-Bh&skftra, by

Nilakantha, 128.
Bhagavantade va, Raj put
prince of Sengara family
of Bhar^ha, 128.
Bhfgavata, 45-46, 82-83, 86-87,

' 101-03, 134, 136, 142, 155.
BLagwan Singh, Sardar, Ja-
girdar of Jagadhri, 34-35.
Bhairama Bhatta Bharad-

vaja, 63>
Bhairava Dikshita, 68, 68n,

130,
Bhairava Dikshita Tilaka, 65.

Bbairavcharan Si), 78.
Bhairon (Bhairav) Dichhit
(Dikshit), see Bhairava
Dikshita
Bhairon (Bhairav) Dichhit

(Oikshit), 69,
Bhalanda, see Bhananda.
Bhanauda, son of

102, 142.
Bharata, 102. ^
Bharatpur, State in Eaj-

putana, 17.

Bhareha, at the confluence of
Jumna and Chambal, 128*
Bhat Ganga Ram Jari, 68,

68n. .

Bhattojidlksita, author of
Sirtdtoantakaumudf and
Praudhamanorama, 1 28,
153.

Bhavanicharan Sarl^ar, 77.
Bhavanisankar Sarma, 77.
Bhavauisankar Tha^ur, see
Bhavanisankara Thakura.
Bhavrnisankara Thakura, 64,

72, 7;Jn, l"9.
Bhim Singh II, Maharana of

Udaipur, 1^0.

Bhimsen Thuppa, Prime
Minister of Nepal, 16,
16n, 17n.
Bhirian, 25n.
Bhisma, 63, 102-03, 142.
Bhlsma Bhatta Gadegila, 65,

130.

Bhokrajpdi, 125, 1*9
Bhokrajnri) see Bhokrajo4i.
Bhrgu, 101, 126.
Bhudeva Misra, 69.
Bhnp Singh, son of Gajpat

Singh, 27,

Bhutt Gangaram, 54n.
Bichoya, li>5, 159.
Bidar, former division in

Hyderabad State, 128.
Bidya (Vidja) Dhara Vaid,
73.

GENERAL INDEX

i8 7

sou

Bihar, 3.

Bihari Charan Sil, 3.
Bijai Ram Chasan Ram, 73.
Bijaya Bahadur, Raja, son of

Khuman Singh, 37-41,

37n, 113, 148.
Bije Vikrarajit (Vijaya-Vik-

ramaditya), see Bijaya

Bahadur-
Bikanir Manuscript Library,

US-
Bikramjit Mahendra, Raja o*

Orchha, 38
Bir Singh, illegitimate

of Jagatraj, 147,
Birch, Capt. George,
Bircshur fe'heth, Bireshwar

Shesh, scb Bireshwar Sheth.
Bireshwar Sheth, Professor of

Vyakarana of Pa9ini and

Bhasya of Rgveda at

Benares Sanskrit College,

51n, P7n.
Bireswar Sesh, 67.
Bisaunath G(h)osh, 78.
Bishnath Dikshit, Bishunath

Dikchit Agnihotre^'ee Vis-

vanath Dikshit Agnihotri-
Bishnoram, see Vishnurama-
Bishnu*ankar Dicchit (Dik-

shit), 78.
Bishunath Chha Gopi Nath

(Visvanath Jha?), 73-
Bishweshwarganj, a mahalla

at Benares, 45n.
Bithur, town in Cawnpore

Dist>lJ. P.,29-
-- Commissioner of, see

Moreland, R. H.
Bitthaur, see Bithur.
Boar incarnation of Vishnu,

135.

Board, Ft. William, 4, 47, 83.
Bombay, 48.
Boondee, see Bundv
Bora Bishnu Ram, 71.
Bora Ganga Ram, 71.

Brahma, Hindu deity, 91-92*

104-06, 142-43.
Brahma, a lorm of marriage,

105-06.

Brahmaloka, 83.
BrahmSyda Tirana, 136.
Brahmivarta> 101.
Bthaspati, 39, 95-9fi t 98, 100,

106, 114, 126, 139-41.
Brhaspati Cakra System, 155.
Brhat-ParSfara, see Vrddha

Par a far a.

Brijanathabhatta, P4-
Brijkishoi Ghosh, 7 Q .
British, the, in India, see

East India Company
Brkodara, 102.
Btndaban, sacred town in

Muttra DistoU.P. 13,91.
Brooke, T-, 56.
Buddh. river in Gaya Disk,

Bihar, Ififl.
BukkaL 138.
Bundelkhand, 37n, 88.
Bundi, State in Rajputana,

19n.

Buns Raj, Banse Singh, Jema-
dar, Kaja, see Vamsaraja.
Buria Case, see Jagadhri Case.
Burma, 16-

C

Cabe Sastra, see Kavya astra

Calcutta, 30, 43-44, 47-48,
52, 63-64, 88, 155, 160;
Madrasa at, 52, 58-

Campbell, A., officiating Resi-
dent at Kathmandu, 15n-
17n, 16-17.

Campbell, Col. A., instruc-
tions re* care of temple,
priests and pilgrims at

* Puri, 10-li.

Catide^vara, minister of Hari-
simhadeva of Tirhut and
author of VwUdaratnfjt-
kara t 161,

i88

GENERAL INDEX

Gd*di> sacred book of the

Hindus, 23
Caturvarga-cintamani, by He-

madri, 127.
CaturviM&atirnata, 128.
Cawnpore, city and dist in

United Provinces, 38n.
Ckadar dalna, a sy.-tem of

marriage in the Punjab,

27.
Chait Singh, Raja of Benares,

42-43,66,82, 132-
Chaitan (ya) Charan Thakur,

78.

Chamachyn, 125, 159.
Chambal, river in Central

India, 128.

Chfvdi Tukada, 125, 160.
Chandicharan Sarma, 77.
Chandra Sankar Vidyavagis,

77.

Chandresvar, 73.
Charkary, see Charkhari.
Charkhari, State in Central

India, 37-39, 37n, 41-

42,147-48; fortof,37n. ,
Rnler of, see Bijaya

Bahadur; Jai Singh; Jujhar

Singh; Khuman Singh;

Malkhan Singh; Ratan

Singh.
Charkhari Succession Case,

37-42,113-15.
Chatrasal. see Chhatrasal.
Chaukada, 125, 159.
ChayatilS, 143.
Cherry, G.F., 54-55
Chat Singh, Cheta Simha, see

Chait Singh , Raja of Benares
Chhatrasal, ruler of Bundel-

khand, 37, 42, 50, 147.
CUmfS 9 156.
China, Nepalese agents sent to,

16.

Chirkhauri, see Charkhaxi.
Chitoor, see Ghitor.

Chitor, town in Rajputana, for-
mer capital of Alewar, 2 1 .

Chitresvar Bhat, 74.

Citra Kavya, 62.

Clarke, Lt. General Sir A.,
member of Board, Port
William, 134.

Coins, of Gwalioj, 63 ; of
Indore, 63 J Jaipuri, 125 ;
of Lucknow, 125; of Maha-
raja 'Sasara (?), 125, 158.

Colebrooke, H. T., 3.9, 68n.

Colebrooke, J. E,, Resident at
Delhi, 35n, 36n.

Company, se. East India Com-
fxny.

Cornwallis, Marquis of, Gover-
nor-General of India, 6-7,
52-53, 55-56, 58, 80.

Council, see Board, Ft. William.

Court of Directors, E. I. Coy.,
4,31-33,40-41.

Cowper, W., Member of Board,
Fort William, 134.

Crimiaal Law, see Hindu Crimi-
nal Law,

Cuttack, 9-11.

Civil Commissioner at, see

Melville, John.

Military Commander at, see

Campbell, Col. A.

D

Dadam Bhat, Dadatri Bhatta
$arma, Dadamabhatta, see
Dadam Bhatta.

Dadam Bhatta, '64, 69, 69n, 129.

Daiva, a form of marriage, 105-
06.

Dalhousie, Lord, Governor-Gen-
eral of India, on claims of
adopted sons, 3 In, 32.

Dalippur, 147.

Dalrymple, J. W., 155,

GENERAL INDEX

189

Daranagar, a mahalla at Bena-
res, 45, 82, 88.

Daranagara, see Daranagar.

Darbhanga, dist. in Bihar, 3.

Darogha, 157.

Darpanarayan Bhattacharj(ya),
77.

Das, G. S., Professor at Raven-
shaw College, Cuttack, 136.

Dattakammama, 127-28.

Daitakaputra, 33.

Daulat Rao Sindhia, 49.

Davis, Samuel, 54-55.
^Daya Dhar Dina Nath, 72.

Daya Kunwar, Ram, wife of
Sardar B hag wan Singh, 84-
36, 35n.

Dayabhaga, 148,160-61.

Dayanand Karnakiran, 73.

Dayanath Bishnu, 72.

Deane, J., 55.

Deccan, the, 49, 68n.

Deeksheeta Jata Sankara, see
Jata?ankar Pandit.

Delhi, 26, 28, 127.

Emperor of, 6, 63.

Resident at, 35n; forwards
Yasavantrao Holkar's new
silver rupee to Pol. Dept.,
6264.

Dev Dat Bhat, 74.

Dev Karan Bakht Ram, 72.

*Devala, U3-14, 148.

Devanagarl, Sanskrit script, 3,
50, 127, 130, 132-33, 135,
137, 143, 147, 149, 151, 154.

Devi Singh, son of Jagatraj, 147.

Devnarayan Sarma, 78.

Dharma/astras, 24, 60, 75, 91.

Dharwadhikarin, 7 In, 128.

Dhokul Singh, descendant of
Hirde Shah and ruler of
Panna, 49.

Dhondopant Nana Sahib, Dhon-
du Pant Nana, Dhundoo
Panth , see Dundhu Panth.

Dhttarastra, 102-03.

Dhund Singh, Khuman Singh's

brother, 37, 40, 113, 148.
Dhundhasimha, see Dhund Singh.
Dichhit (Dikshit) Gopalji, 74.
Dichhit (Dikshit) Hari Kishaiu

74.

Dina Nath, 71, 129.
Dinanatha, see Dina Nath.
Dinanatha Deva, 64, 71n, 129.
Distya, 102, 142.
Doms, 131.
Drona, 102-03, 142.
D^sadvatl river, 101.
Dube Binath Ram, 72 .
Dube Bishnu Ram, 71.
BubeChaturbhuj, 74.
Dubc Chranjiv Ichhasankar, 72.
Dube Dev Ram 74.
Dube Ganpat Ji, 70-
Dube Izzat Ram Lajja Ram

72.

DubeKanh Ji, 71.
Dube Kcval Kishan, 70.
Dube Suraj Ji, 7H.
Dulal Nyayalankar, 7().
D'incan, Jonathan, 4-5, 46 r

51-54, 54n, 5658. .
Duodhu Panth, also known as

Nana Sahib, adopted son

of Baji Rao II, 29-33-
Durga Saukar Djiya Ram, 73.
Duryodhana, eldest son of

Dhftarastra, 103.
Dusant (Uusyanta ?), father of

" Bharata, 160.
Dutch factory, see Surat Dutch

Factory.

Dv^para age, 11L
Dv^parayuga, see Dvapara

age.

Dw^rika, see Dwarka.
Dvarka, port and place of

pilgrimage in Amveliprantf

Baroda, 13, 91.
Dwarkanath Patjoshi Maha-

patra t 136.

190

GENERAL INDEX

East India Compauy, 5, 59n,
67, 76, 83, 87 ; servants of,
48.

Edmonstone, Neil Benjamin,
34n.

Ekalimga, a name of Siva,
worshipped by the Sisodia
dynasty as patron deity,
149.

Eklingji, in Udaypur State,
temple of Ekalimga at, 149-

Ellenborough, Earl of, Gover-
nor-General of India, 42,
62.

Elliot, Sir Charles, Governor-
General's Agent at Delhi,
28, 28n.

England, King of, 67, 75.

Escheat, king's rigbt to, 94-97.

Factory, Dutch, see Sarat

Dutch Factory.
Fakeer, see Faqtr.
F v aqin 22.
Funeral Cakes, 61-63.

Gajpat Singh, 27.

Gajraj Misser, 119-

GandharT, queen of Dhrtar-
atfara, 103, 142.

Gftndharva, a form of marri-
age, 105-06-

<3an,es Bhat Sarangpani (Sarn-
gapani), 72*

Gafle&i, Hindu deity, 105-

Oanga Bai, mother of Tai
Sahiba and Baya Sahiba
and wife of Bajirao II, 31,

Gangadhar Rao Bala Sahib,
adopted son of Baji Rao
11,31.

Gangadhar Vidyavagis, 76.

Gangadhar Vidyavagis, 78.

Gangahari N(V)andyopadh-
yaya, 77.

GaiigSputras, 3-4, 131 ; high-
handedness of, ti6.

Gangaram Bhatti, Pandit, pro-
feSsor of Ayurveda at
Benares Sanskrit College,
51n, 54n

Gangaram Karikal (Karle-,
kar ?), 68, 68n.

Gangaram Panchan (Pan-
chanan?), 76.

Gangaram Panchan (an?), 77.

Gangaram Sharma, 54n.

Gangarama Joshi 64, l'J8.

Gangarama Josi,s<?6 Gangarama
Joshi

Gangarama Sarma, 128.

Ganpat Joshi, 73.

Ga.thall, 125; 158.

Gauri Sankar Warachand, 72,
Gautama, 114,126.
Gautama Dharmasutra, 148-
Gaya, town and dist. in Bihar,

59, 121-22.

Ghazeepore, see Ghazipur.
Ghazipur, town in U. P., 22-
Ghiyasuddin Tughluq, Hari-

simhadeva defeated by, 161
Ghosal, SO., 60n.
Ghulam Bhika, agent to Rani

Sukhan of Jagadhn, 35,

36n> 143-44.
Ghupghuru 125, 16).
Gobind llam Siv Dat, 72.
Gokul, village near Mahaban,

Muttra* headquarters of

Vallabhaeharya Sect, 7, 9-
Gokul Kishan Vidyalankar, 77
Gokul Nath Dichhit (Dikshit),

74-

GENERAL INDEX

Gokula,

Gopai Dev, 74. >,

Gopalsankar Panchanan,

78.

Goray* > see Gurunda.
Gosaiji, Sri, see Vitthalanath.
Gotfrsha, 158*
QofriVgcij necklace of, 125,

158.

Gofrimgam*la, 158-
GosvaminT Maharajnl, Gosva-

mini Maharani, see Bahuji

Maharaja.
Goth, 124, 157.
fathajoji, Io7.
Govardhana Kaul, 52n-
GoVernor General in Council,

5,35-36,44,53,
Govinda Punyastambhakara,

64,129.
Govinda Ram Nirvankesvar

(Nirvanesvar ?),73-
Govinda Rania, see Govinda-

rama Sesha^ Pandita.
Govindachandra, Gahadavlla

Kin^ of Kanauj, 16l
Govindadusa> son of Bijaya

Bahadur, 113, 148,
Govindaram Nyayapanchan

(panchanan), 76.
Govindarama Sesha, Pandita,

64, 129.

griffin, Sir Lepel, 27.
uha, see Karttikeya.
Gujarat, country in western

India where Gujarati is

spoken, 2-3.
Gulab Singh, of Buria family,

36.
Guman Singh, brother of Khu-

man Singh, 37n, 133, 1*47-

48-
Gunesvar I?hat, Gunesvara

Bhatta, Guneswar Bhat,

see Guneswara Bhatta.
Guaeswara Bhatta, 64, 69, 69n,

129.

Gurdaspur, town and district

in Punjab, 44.
Gurunja, Englishmen or Eu-

ropeanF, 136, 155.
Gwaiior, 16, 45, 49, 63. 82,

86, 88 ; coin of, 63.
Ruler of, see* Daulat Rao

Sindhia*

H

Haidarabad, see Hyderabad-

Hara Tirath, see Haratutha.

Hiradatta Pandit Nepalese
Agent, 21.

HaratTrtha, an old tank at Be-
nares, 45n.
.Harcourt, Col. G., 9, 12-14.

Hari, a name of Vi?nu, Hindu
deity, 83,

Hari Bhat Dhoble, 71.

Baricharan Malik, 78.

Haridev Tarkabaos (bhushan),
76.

Harihara Bhattacharya, father
of Raghunandana Bhatta-
charya, 161.

Harikishan Baid, 78.

Harikishan Dichhit (Dikshit)>
69.

Harirama Sesha, 64, 129.

Haridehandra, 46, 83-

Harisimhadeva, King of Tir-
hut, defeated by Ghyasud-
dinTughluq, 161.

Hastings, Warren, Governor-
General, 2-6, 42-43, 51 ,
5ln, 52, 58, 66-67, 68n, 75,
128-29, 131-32-

Hasull* 124, 157-58.

Hate Singh, son of Jagatraj,
147.

Hawkins, F., Judge of IJena-
res, 57, 57n, 58.
, E., 5n.

GENERAL INDEX

HemSdri, Minister and Secre-
tary to Mah^deva and Ra-
maohandra and author of
Gaturvargacintamapi, 61,
127.

Herta, province in Afghanis-
tan, Nepal<$3e agents sent
to, 16,21.

Himmat Bahadur, 37n.

Himmat Singh, elder brother
of Raja Aniar Singh, 27.

Hindu Criminal Law, 29.

Hindu Law, 1, 24, 32.

Hirakiran Moti Kiran, 73-

Hiralala, merchant, 121.

Hirananda Chaturvedi, 39,
115.

Htranandasarmapandita, Cha-
turveda, see Hirananda
Chaturvedi-

Hirde Shah, founder of the
ruling house of Panna, 49.

Hodgson, Brian Houghtoti, 15,
20, 20n, 21, 21n 23.

Holkar, see Tukoji Rao Hol-
karl.

Hyderabad, 16

Imperial Record Department,

Jee National Archives of
ndia.

Indian Penal Code, 29.
Indore, coins of, 63.
Resident at, see Bax, John.
Ruler of, see Tukoji Rao

Holkar I & II; Yashvaatrao

Holkar.

ludra, Hindu deity, 111.
Indra Bir Khatri, Capt*, 21.
ludrajit Singh, son of Dhund

Sit^gh, 37.
Indraprastha, ancient name o

Delhi, 95.

Inheritance, Brhaspati, 95-
96, 98, 100,aO*6, ll4;Manu,
9596,98-101, 105, 113/119
Narada, Virnu and Yajna-
valkya, 95; Katyayana, 101;
Vedic and Smrti texts, 96;
woman's laim to, 105-07.

Iran, Nepalese agents sent to,
16.

Isvaradatta^armap^indita, 115.

I^varisJmha, son of Bijaya
Bahadur, 113. v

Isvarji Lakhoji, 73.

Jaclanath Panclit; 62, 118.

Jadupat Joshi, 73.

Jagadhri, town in Ambala

Dist., Punjab, 34-36, 143-
Rani of, see Sukhan, Rani.
Jagadhri Case, 33-36, 34n.
Jagadrajasimha, see Jagatraj.
Jag:.nath Bhut Sukul, 6S.
Jaganath Misr, see Jagannatha

Misra.
Jagannath, a name of Vinu,

Hindu deity, temple at

Puriof, 11-13, 9U.
Jagannath Dharmadhikari,

71, 128.

Jagannath Rai, 77.
Jagannath Sarma, 73.
Jagannath Tarkapanchanan,

eminent Bengali Pandit,

12.
Jagannatha, rebel raja of

. Khurdah, 136.
Jagannatha Misra, 64, 6S, 68n,

Jagannatha Rajaguru, 136.
Jagat Ram Lszat Ram, 73.
Jagatraj, son of Chhatrasal,

37n, 113, 133, 147-48^
Jagtjer.iaat, see Jagannath. ^
,Jaggerna.ut (place), see Puri.

GENERAL INDEX

Triveni, see
Tarkapan-

Jaggernaut of

Jagannath

chanan*
Jagir, 25-26, 32, 35-37.

Jagirdar of Jagadhri, see

Bhagwan Singh, Sardar.
Jagmohan Mukhojia (Mukho-

padhyaya), 77.
Jai Narayan Ghosh al, see

Jayanarayan GhoshaU
Jai Singh, son of Ratan Singh,

42.
Jai Singh Deo, Maharaja of

Rewah, 15, 15n, 19.
Jaikishan Pathak, 70.
Jaimal, brother of Gnlab

Sinsh, 36.

Jaimal Singh tKanheya, Sar-
dar. rnler of Bari Doab,

25n.
Jaipur, State in Rajputana,

16, 19, 19n, 154.
Jairam Bhat, 63-
Jaitpnr, 42, 147.
Jal'idat Jang (brave in *var),

see Hastings, Warren.
Jamad'ir, l'- ; 2, 157.
Jamftdara, see Jamadar.
JambudvTpa, mythological

name of India, 102, 142.
Jani Anand Ram Sarath

Ram, 73.

Jani Reva Dat Bihari Lai, 73.
Jashvant Singh, Raja of

Nabha, 25n.

Jatasankar Pandit, Rector of
% Benares Sanskrit College,

55, 55n, 56-58.
Jatinesvar (Yatindresvar?),

72.

Jatisvar Lachhmi Isvar, 73*
Jauupore, 86n.
Javan Sim^a, JavSna Simha,

see Jawan Singh.
Jawahir Singhi son of Sardar

Bhagwan Singh of Jaga-

dhri,34. ,

Jawan Singh, Maharana of
Mewar (Udaypur), father
of Maharana Sardar Singh,
14n, 15, 116-17, 149-
50 ; death, 20, 23n

Jayanarayan Ghoslial, 3, 6,
77. .

Jayarama Bhatta, Professor
of Yajurveda at Benares
Sanskrit College, 56 f
56n, 68n.

Jayasankar, Pandit, see Jata-
sankar Pandit.

Jayasankar Sarrna, 77.

Jaydev Sarma, 78*

Jaykishan Sarma, 77.

Jepur, Jeypore, Jeypur, see
Jaipur.

Jeshavant Rao Holkar, see
Yashvantrao Holkar.

Jessore, Dist- in Bengal, 59n.

Jhind, see Jind.

Jimutavahana, 126,141,161.

Jind, State in Punjab, 25n,
27.

Jivan Ram Dube, 74.

Jodhpur, 16, 19n.

Jogeswar Bhat, 69

Jogeswar Sastri, 72.

Jones, Sir William, President
of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal, 49,52, 8 In.

Joondah Woond, custom of
equal division of property
amongst Ranis of Patiala,
26.

Jorasanko, an area in Cal-
cutta, 44.

Jujhar Singh, father of Mai-
khan Singh, 42.

Jumna, river of Northern
India, 26, 128.

GENERAL INDEX

125, 159.
Kailakilhs, the, a race of

mythical people, 155.
Kali age, 63, 100, 103, 111.
Kali Shankar GhoshalT Raja,

41,41n.

Kalidas Siddhanta, 79.
Kfflika, Hindu deity, 104,

U3

Kalik*tfi, see Calcutta.
Kalinjar, town and hill-fort

inBandaDist, U-P.,133.
Kaliprasad Bhattacharj (ya),

76.

Kaliprasad Sarkar, 78.
Kaliprasad Sarma, 77.
Kaliprasad Sarma, 78*
Kaliprasad Sarma, 78-
Kaliprasad Siddhanta, 77.
Kalisankar Sarma, 78-
Kaliyuga, see Kali age-
Ralpataru, see Krtyakal-

pataru*
Kalyan Singh, son of Jagat-

raj, 147-
Kalyana, 127.
Kalyanji Dichhit (Dikshit),

70.

Kafogan*> 124, 157-58.
Karphnaradasa, see Kanhar-

das.

Kara la Kiran Achleswar, 72.
Kanhardas, Brahman of Gwa-

lior, 45-50,81-82,85,88;

petitions to Sir John

Shore for assistance, 47,

85-87.

JTap, 125, 159.

Karam Singh, son of Maha-
raja Sahib Singh of Pati-

ala 24, 24n, 25, 25n, 26,

140.
^Karan Singh, see ^ Karam

Singh*
Kariari, 156.

Karttikeya, Hindu deity, 181-
Karunasindhu, 28.
Kashinath, see Kasinath

Pandit. .
Kagl, 61, 84, 121 ; see also

Benares VaranasI ; Vi^ve-

^vara, City of.
Kasi Rain Ratisvar, 72.
Ka>i Ram Siv Sankar, 73-
Kasinatlji Ashtaputre, see

Kasinatha Sastri Ashta-

putra-

Kasinath Maithil, 3, 51, 76-
Kasinath Pandit, Rector of

Benares Sanskrit College,

50-53, 55-57, 52n, 135 ;

teaches Sastras to Charles

Wilkins, 58.
Kasinath Sarma, 78.
Kasinatha SastrT Ashtaputra^

39, 115.
Kasiiani) 73^
Kasiratn Chatjia (Chatto-

padhyaya^ 76.
Kathiuandu, capital of Nepal,

18, 15*1 ; British embassy

at, 15,
-Resident at, see Camp*

bell, A,

Kathmandu College, princi-
pal of, see Rudraraj

Pande-

Kaforl 125, 159,
Katyayai.a, 101,126, Ul, 161.
Kautilya, 60.
KavyaSastra.Sln.
Kehari Singh, Kehri SingK>
son of Jagatraj, 113, 147-

48.
Ken, river in Bundelkhand,

133-
Kenaiam Sarma, see Ken*-

rama Deva^armau.
Kenarama Deva^arman, Ben-
gali Brahman, petitions

for employment, 59,

109-10.

GENERAL INDEX

195

Keonthal, Simla Hill State,

24n.

Ketaka, 125, 15S.
Keval Kisban Dichhit (Dik-

shit),71..
Kevalram Bhattacharya,

78.
Khait Singh, see Khet

Singh

Khareeta, see Kharita.
Kharg Singh, son of Jagatraj,

147.

Khar it a, 19n.
Khedasirnha, see Khet Singh,

son of Lachhman Singh.
Khelaram Sarma, 77.
Khelat, 48.
Khem Kaur, Rani, widow of

Raja A mar Singh, 25n
Khet Singh, son of Jagatraj,

147,
Khet Singh, son of Lachhman

Singh, 37-42, 38n-42n,

113, 115,148.
Khuman Singh, son of Kirat

Singh, 37, 37n, 113;

assigned chiefship of

Charkhari, 148-
Khurdah, v village in Puri

Disk, Orissa, 136.
Khusal, a Punjabi Brahman,

step brother of Murari,

44-45.
Klkata, ancient name of

- Sb'uth Bihar, 121, 156.
Kilakila, 121, 155.
Kirat Singh, son of Jagatraj,

37n, 42, 113, 133, 147-43.
Kiratasimha, see Kirat Singh.
Kirpa Krishan Jakak (Yaj-

nik), Ktipa Krishna Yaj-

nika, see Kripa Krishna

Sarma Yajnika.
Kirpa Sankar Dichhit (Dik-

shit); 74.
Kishan Bhat Arari, see

Krishna Bhatta Arari-

Kishen Pandit; see Krishna

Paddita.
Ko^a, LI 9.

Kosala, two tracts corres-
ponding roughly to Oudh

and Cbhattisgarh, 102.
Kotah, -State in Rajputana,

19n.
Kotha (?) Satvik (Sattvik)

Krishan D&yal, 72, 72n.
Kotwal, 60.
Kripa Krishna Sarma Yaj-

nika, 64, 71,71n, 129.
Ktipanatha Deva, 64.
Kriparam Tarkasiddhanta,

76.
Krishan Dev Dichhit (Dik-

shit), see Krishna Deva

Dikshit.
Krishna, a name of Vishnu,

Hindu deity, 46, 83, 103,

142.

Krishna Bhatta, 69n.
Krishna Bhatta Arari, 69,

69n.
Krishna Cjiandra Mahapatra,

10, lOn, 12, 90, 136.
Krishna Chandra Mukbjia

(ivlukhopadhyaya\ 76.
Krishna Chandra Sarvabhau-

ma, 76-
Krishna Charan Sarma (Bhat-

tacharyya^, 39, 39n, 115.
Krishna Deeksheeta Deva

Sarma, 74n
Krishna Deva Dikshit, 74,

74n.

Krishna Mohan Das, 3, 78.
Krishna Pandita, brother of

Ranganatha, 149.
Krishna Sarman Sesha, 97.
Krishnachandra Goswami,

reported death at Atbgarh,

137.

Krishnamangal Sarma, 76*
Krishnananda Vidyalankan

76, ,

GENERAL INDEX

Krishnji Joshi, 73
Krisnananda Sarvabhauma,

77.

Krisnarara Sftrvabhauroa, 77.
Kfta age. see Satya age-
Krtyakalpataru, by Laksmi-

dhara, 126, 181.
, Ul

era according to

the calculation <>f Bfhas-

pati Cakra System, 155-56.
Kub< ra, ill.
Kulluka. 141.
Kuqiji, 156.
Kurus, 101.
Ku&, 102.
Itusma Bai, see Baya Sahiba.

Lachhman Bhat, 72.
Lachhman Singh, sou of

Dhund Singh, 37 38, 38n,

113, 147.

Lachhman Vyas, 70.
Lachhraidhar Dichhit (Dik-

shit), 70.
Lachroan Pant, see Nika

Misra-
Laohman Rao,.Maratha Chief,

repulsed by Kani 8ahib

Kauri 25n.

Lahore^ capital of the Pun-
jab, Nepalese agents sent

to, 16.
Lakshman Singh* son of

Maharaja Jai Singh Deo,

15n, 23, 23m
Lakshman Yidyavagis, 77.
Lakshmanasimha, see Laohh-

man Singh.
Lakshmi Bai, mother of Amba

Ram Shastri, 44, 146.
Lakshminarayan Sarma, 77*
Laksmi, Hindu goddess, 03*

Laksmidhara, minister of

Govindachandra of Kana-

uj, author of Rttyakafc

pataru, 16K
Lak?rnTdhara, migrates from

Bidar to Benares, 128
Lak?minarayan Nyayavagis,

78,
LakfmtvyakhyZna, by Balam-

bhatta, a commentary on

M&akw*, 139.
Laladhar Rube (Rup?) Ram^

73,
La Id as, emi-sary of Rana of

Udaipur, 21.
Lava, 102.
Luchman S ngh, see Lachh*

man Singh*
Luchrnee Bhyee, see Lakshmi

Bai.
Luchmipat Joshi, ' professor

of Jyotish at Benares

Sanskrit College, Sin.
Lucknow, 47, 86n, 125, 132,

158.

M

Macnaghten, Sir William

Hay, ISn, 17 V 17n, 2Qn,

21n, 44n, 59, 59n, 108-

110, 145-

Madanapala, 127, 144.
Madanap3r*j3ta> by Visves*

varabhatta, 101, 106, 144.
Madanaratna, see Madana*

ratvaprad*pa*
Madanaratnapradipa, I^y

Madanapala, 61, U4> 127,

148

99-

Maddock, Sir Thomas Her-
bert, Secretary to the
Oovt* of India, 22.

Madhvacarya, guru and
rainl-ter of King Bukka I

GENERAL INDEX

Madras/ 48.

Madrasa Benares, * see

Benares Sanskrit College*
Madrasa, Calcutta, see Cal-

cutta, Madrasa at.
Magadha, ancient name of

South Bihar, 156.
Mahabharata> 128, 134.
Mahadaji Sindhia, 49.
Mah&deva, ruler of Yadava
' dynasty, 127.
Mahananda, 103-
Mahapadma Nanda, 103-
Maharaja $aga r a (?), gold

coins of, 125, 1^8.
Mahlrajadhiraja Srimanta

GosvamitU Sri Maharajni,

see Bahuji Maharaja..
MahMstra, 3-4; paudits of,

3 ; residents at Benares,

4-
Mahatarama, Maheta-Rama-

Simha, see Mehta Earn

Singh.
Mahidhara Dharam Adhikari,

see Mahidhara Dharmadhi-

kari.
Mahidhara Dharmadhikari,

71, 128.
Maina Bai, wife of Baji Rao

II, 31, 32n.

Maitrayap? Saphita, 152.
M#lin* f Sanskrit metre, 133-

31.
Malkhan Singh, son of Jujhar

Singh, adopted by Jai

Singh's wife, 42.
ManakumM, see Manku-

Mandara, hill, 142.
Mandleshwar, town in Indore

State, Central India, 44.
Mani Ram Bhat Sadabrati,

70.

Mani Ram Bhatta, 70n.
Manjkchandra Sarma, 78.
Manjah Doabuh, 26.

Mankumari, guru of Raja

Chait Singh's mother,

45-46, 82.
Mannu Dicchit (Dikshit), 3,

79*
Manorama, see Praujha-

manorama*
Mansa Ram, 74.
Manu Savhita, 53 4 61-62, 95-

96, 98-101, 105, 111, 113,

117, 119, 127-28, 139-41,

144, 1*8, 148, 152.
ManuccU Niccolao, 61-
Manvarthavivaranam, 119.
Manvarthavivrti, by Na-
* rayana Sarvajna, 152.
Maratha War II, 10
Marjoribanks, J., Agent of

Gov. Gen. in Bundel-

khandi 38 n,
M&rkandcya Purfya, 102, 134,

142. '

Masola, 125, 159-
Mathe-ka-phul, 125, 153.
Matsya Purana, 155.
Matsyas, the, 101.
Mauktika, 159
Mayanath Panda, 70.
Mayaram, Lala, Dewan of

Tegh Bakht Khan, 7, 9,

80-
MayBkha, see Vyavaharama-

yfikha.

Medin^ 134.
Megh Nath Dev, Meghanath

Dev, see Meghanatha

Deva.

Megha Pat Joshi, 72.
Meghanatha Deva, 64, 68,

68n, 129-

Mohta Gopal Kishan, 73-
Mehta Bam Singh, Dewan of

Mewar, 23, 117, 151.
Melville, John, 1041,13*14
Metcalf e, Sir Charles Theo-

phihis, Resident at Delhi,
, 39n.

198

GENERAL INDEX

Metres, Sanskrit, see. Anu?~
fubh ; Malm? ; Sardfila-
vikridita ; Sragdhara.

Mewar, see Udaipur.

Military Commander, Cut-
tack, see Campbell, Col. A-

Mfm#fos3 9 system of Hindu
philosophy, 51n,56n.

Mttaktara, 39, 60, 62, 61-6?,
95-9ri, 106, 111, 123-24, 1:8,
139, 144, 146, 148.

Mitak?arakara, see

vara-
Mitia Mi^ra, Court poet of

Vlra Simha and author of

Viramitrodaycii 127-
Mitrajit Sinh, Maharaja of

Tikari, 156
Mittha Ram Bhat, 74.
Mlechchha/ 155-
Modanarayan Sinh, Raja, son

of Maharaja Mitrajit Sinh

of Tikari, 121, 156.
ModanSrayanasimha, Raja, see

Mcdanarayan Sinh.
Modanarayanasirnhagrama, a

village in Tikari, 121, 156.
Mohan Lai Murlidhar, 72-
Mohara Jayapuri, Jaypuri

gold coins, 158-
Monara Lakhaui, gold coins

from Lucknow mint, 158-
Monckton, John, 46n-
Montgomery, Robert, Judicial

Commissioner of Punjab,

44.
Moodie, Lt. Thomas, Acting

ag^nt of Gov Gen. in Bun-

delkhand, 37n, 38n, 40-
Moreland, E. H., Commis-

sioner of Bithur, 29, 31n-
Morhar, river ia Gaya Dist-,

156.
Mornington, Earl of, see

Wellesley, Marquess of.
Moil A:3 dana vina voy, 125,

159.

Mudgala, 46, 83-

Muhammad Akbar, Sultaa
Sahib Sani, see Akbar II.

Muhammad Khan Bangash,
Peshwa's aid sought by
Jagatraj against, 147.

Mukesvar, 73.

Mukund Ram Sukul, 70.

Mulnath Rudarji (Rudraji ?)>
70. .

Muqadclams, 61.

Murari, son of Dusant, 44-45,
160.

Murray, Capt- William, 35n,

Murshidabad, town in Bengal
and former capital, 48.

Munipda, 136-

Muslims, the, 75, 131, 155.

Musnad, 49.

Mussalmen, see Muslims, the.

Mutiny, 33-

Muttra, city and dist- in Uni-
ted Provinces, 7, 9, 151.

N

Nabadwip, ancient town in

Nadia Distj Bengal, 43.
Nabha, State in Punjab, 25n,

27.
Nabhaga, son of Dishtya, 102>

142.

Nagad> 160-
Nagar Brahmans, 3-4, 43 f

54n, 94-95.
Nagoji Bhatta* 68n-
Nagpur, 21.
Nahan, Capital of Sirmur

State in Punjab, 25n.
Naipaul, see Nepal.
Nakulakhyanam, story in

Mahabhftrata* 134-
Nana Mogha, 73-
Nana Pathak Pandit, Nan*

Pathaka, 65, 70, 70n, 130.

GENEBAL INDEX

199

Nandapandita Dharmadhi-

karin, 63, 128.
Nanha Parameswar, 72.
Nannidh Rai, Rani Aus

Kauir's minister, 24n
Nauu Singh Bhangi, founder

of Buria family of Jaga-

dhri, 34.
Naqi Khan, Qaii, see AH Naqi

Khan, Qnzi (?).
Narada, 60, 95-90, 98-101,

139-40.
Narain, step brother of Mu-

rari, 44-45.
Narain, brother of Rang:i-

natha, at Nepalese IJourt,

149-

Narain Dev/74.
Na r ay a na Naudana, 141.
Naiayana Sarvajna, author

of Manvarthavivrti,

152.

Narayana Sastrin, 115.
Naiayanamalla, 116-17.
Narsiji Moresvvar, 72.
Nath moli wa hira rali, 125,

159.

Nathadwara (Nathdwara), wal-
led town in Udaipur State,

migration of one branch of

Maharaja Sect to, 9; Sri-

natha temple at, 151.
National Archives of India,

64.
Naubat Khana, music gallery,

near Visweswar temple,

Benares, 4.
Nawab Vizier, see Oudh,

Nawab Vazir of.
Nayaka, 136.
Nayanauanda Sarma/77.

Neave, , 55.

Nekaram Sarma, applies for

employment to Macnagh-

ten, 59, 108.

Nekarama Sharman, see Ne-
karam Sarma.

Nepal, 14-19, 17n, 21-22,

33, 151.
Maharaja of, see Rajeadra

Vikram Sail-
Maharani of (Senior

queen), sends presents to

Udaipur, 17; death, 17n- .
Prime Minister of, see

Bhimscn T hap pa ; Raghu-

nath Pandit.
Rajguru of, see Ranga-

natha.

Nepal War, 24n.
Nepalese Mission, 14-24.
Nepaul, sec Nepal.
Nika Mishra, see Nika Misra-
Nika Misra, 28, 103.
Nila. 12o, 159-
Nllakantha, author of Jihaga j

vania-tthaskam, 127-28.
Nilakantha Bhatta, Nilakan-

tha Sarman, Nilkanth

Bhut- sec Nllakantha

Sarman Bhatta,
Nilakaritha Sarman Bhatta,.

64, 67, 67 u, 130.
Nilmani Thakur, 78-
Nlpa, 102, 14?.
Nirukta, by Yaska, 119, 152,

^ 156.

Nitjananda Gos\vSmi, 136-37.
Ni/.ami, A. H., 133-
North Western Provinces,

jGJovt. of, 32n.
Nyayctj system of philosophy^

51n, 56n, 161.

O

Obsequial rite, 62.
Ochterlony, Sir David, 26*
27n, 34, 34n, 35-36.

Ojha Radhe Kishan, 74.
Ojha Ram Kishan, 74-
Oodeypoor, Oudeypoor, see
Udaipur.

20O

GENERAL INDEX

Orchha, State in Bundel-
khand, Central India,
ruler of, see Bikramjit
Mahendra ; Yira Simha.

Orissa, 136

Oudb, Nawab Vazir of, 54.

Pahad Singh, Pahadasimha,
see Pahar Singh*

Pahar Singh, son of Jagatraj,
37n f 113, U7.

Paifaca* a form of marriage,
.105-06.

Pamc^napura, Panchanapura,
see Panchanpur*

Pancalasi the, 101-

Pancbanpur, a village near
Gaya, 122-23, 156.

Panda Nand Ram, 70.

Pandia Kalyanji, 71.

Pandia Mahadev, 73*

Pandit Nana Patbak, ace Nana
Pathaka Pandit*

PSndu, 102.

Pandurang Rao, son of Sada-
sbivarao, 31.

JPBpfoft,51n, 52n, 67n-

Panna, State in Bundelkhand,
Central India, 49*

Para&ra, 62, 114 L 128, 138-

jpara/aram(idhava> see Para-
sarasmfttvyUkhyU.

Parafaramtidhaviya, 148-

Para/arasmrtivyakhya, com-
mentary by Madhvachar-
ya on Parafara Smrti, 138,
141-

Parbhu Dev Vyas, 74.

Parmananda Ganguli 77.

PStvfflaftfddha, 62.

Parwana, 58*

Pa^upati, small town near
Kathmandu in Nepal, tern-
pie of Pa^upatinatha at ;
151-

Pa^apatinStha, a name of

Siva, guardian deity of

Nepal, 117,151.
Pa^upnti^vara, see Pa^nDati-

nStba*

t 124, 157.
) see Patali*
Pathsala, see Benares Sanskrit

College.
Patiala, State in Punjab, 24,

24n, 25, 25n, 27, 45.
Raja of, see Ak Singh ;

A mar Singh ; Sahib Singh.
Patiala Succession Case, 24-

28, 45.

Patil village headman, 61.
Patna, city in Bihar, 21.
Peking) in China; 16.
Pela, 125, 159.
Peshwa, 147 ; sec also t Bajirao

I ; Balaji Baji Rao ; Baji'

rao II.

Phoolkee, see Phulkian States.
Phulkian States, group .of

thraa Sikh States in Pun-
jab, 26-27.
Phulpavak, 125, 160.
Pilgrim Tax, at Puri, 1041,

.13-14; abolished at

Benarefi, 131.
Pille, Pilli, 125, 160.
Pochanonpnr, see Panchanpur.
Pohacha, Pohach*, 125, 159.
Poona, 49.
Prabhakara Sarman Bhatta,

97 \
Prtyviv&ka, adviser to a Judge,

see Shaligram Pandit

Prajapatya, a form of marri-
age, 105-06-

Pran Krishna Sarma, 76.

Prananathacharya, 97.

Prankrishna Paltha (Pa lit),
78.

Prannatb Thakur, 78-

Pratab Singh, of Jind, son of
Bhag Singh, 27*

GENERAL INDEX

2O I

Pmudhamanoramn, a com-
mentary on Siddh&nta-

kaumufe, 120, 15B.
Prayaga, uee Allahabad.
Prern Sankar, 70.
Prem Sankar, 73.
Primogeniture, law of, 27, 37.
Prinsep, Jame?, 4.
Pritaraa Siihha, JamaJara, of

Nepalese Mission, 18, 18n,

116-17-
Prithi Singh, Khuraan Singh'.,

brother, 37, 40, 40n, 42,

113.
Priyavrata, son of Svayam-

bhuva Manu, 101, 14.
P?fcha, mother ot the Pan-

davas, 108-

Ptthu, son of Vena, 134.
Prthvi Singh, PrthvTsimha, sec

Prithi Singh.
Puntambekar, Punyastambha-

kara, see Govinda Punya-

stambhakara.
Puranamala, son of Bijaya

Bahadur, 113.
Puri, town in Orissa, 944,

90-92, 136.
Purvacitti, a celestial nymph.

14'.

Pufparaga, 125, 159.
Put alt, 125, 158-

Qasid> messenger, 8.

Qasim Ali Khan, popularly

known as Mir Qasim,

Nawab of Bengal,

R

Ragh avan an d

author of Vyavah3ratattva,
45, 126, 181.
Raghunath Gopal, 74.

Ragbunat (h) Paltha (Palit),

78*
Raghunath Pandit, Prime

Minister of Nepal, 149.
Raghunath Rao, 33.
Raghunatha SiromOi, great

exponent of Nyctya philo-

sophy, 161.
Raghunathanandana Bhatta-

chary a, see Ragkinandana

Rahdari, passport, 17.

Raj Singh, Maharana of
Udaipur, 151.

Raja Ram Keval Ram, 73.

Ra jar am a Adamane,
Ardbamana, 64, 129-

Rajendra 8rlvikramas|ha, Ra-
jendra Vikrama ahavar-
man, see Rajendra Vikram
Sah, Rajendra Vikram Sab,
Maharaja of Nepal, 14-15*
17n, 19-20, 23, 23n, 117,
1*1.

Rajputana, Governor-Gene-
raPs Agent for the States
of, see Alves, Col. A.

Rakhadl, 125, 158*

RQkfqsa. a form of marriage*
105-06,

Ram Chandra Vyas, 73.

Ram Chund, see Ram^hand*

Ram Dat Sarvankesvar (?), 73<

Ram Datt, 71.

Ram Kishan Bhat Khole (?),
71.

Ram Pandit Amer Sankir
Ojha, 160.

Ram Prasad N(V)andyopa*
dhyaya, 76.

Ram Prasad Tarkalankar (Ta
kapanchanan), foundatior
professor of Nyftyafastra
at Benares Sanskrit Col-
lege, Bin, 56, 56n.

Ram Sankar Basu^ see Ram-
sankar Bose-

2O2

GENERAL INDEX

Ham Sundar Sahu, 3.

llama, Ramacandra, 61, 102,

' 116, 149.

Ramabhadra Nyayalahkara,

78.
Ramacandra Tara, professor

of Veda and Vedanta at

Benares Sanskrit College,

5ln.
llamacandra Vidyalankara,

76.
Ramacaran Banoj'a (Vand-

yopsdhyaya^, 78-
Ramachandra, ruler of Yada-

va dynasty, 127.
Ramachandra Kotakara, 68n.
Ramachandra Fandita Dasa-

putra, 65.

Ratnacharan Chakravarti, 76.
Ilamacharan Vidyavagis, 76.
llamadas Sarraa, 77.
Ramakanta Vidyalankara, 77.
Ramakanta Vidyalankara, 77.
Ramakrsna, 28, 103-
Ramakrsna Bhatta Ghnlc,

Tin."

Ramakt?na Qhooia, 7 In.
Ramananda Pandit, Rector of

Benares Sanskrit College,

55n, 56n.
Raraanath Dicchit (Dikshit),

3,79.

Ramanatha, OL
llamaprasada Bhattacharja(yaX

28,103.

llamarara Siddhanta, 76
Rama ifana, 102, 134.
Ramchanti, 12.
Ramchandra Bhat Kotkar, 68.
llameshvar Bikran (Vikram ?),

72.

Ilameswaram, town with sacr-
ed temple in Madura Disk,

Madras, 13.

llamganatha, see Ranganatha*
Ramhari Das, 78
llamji (van ?) Gahgnli, 77.

Ramkishan Tipathi (Tripathi),

69. ^

Ramkrishria, sec RamRkrsna,
Ramlochan Mukhjia (Mukho-

padhyaya), 76.

Rammohan Bhattacharya, 78.
Rammohan Paltha (Palit), 78.
Ramnarayan Sil, 78-
Ramnath, see Rameswarain.
tlamnath Sarma. 77.
Ramnidhi Das^TS.-
Ramprasad Bha(a:harj, see

Ramaprasada Bhattacharja

(ya).

Ramram Bakshi, 76-
llam^am Sarma, 7?.
Ramram Siddhanta, 77.
Ramsankar Bosc, 3, 78.
Ramsankar N(V)andyopadh-

yaya, 77-
Ramsantos Chatjia (Chattopa-

padhyaya), 77-
Ramsundar Rai, 76
Ramsundar Sayin. 78-
llan Bahadur, 143.
Ranajitsimha, see Ranjit Singhi

son of Bijaya Bahadur.
Ranganatha, Rajguru of Nepal,

14,22, 116, 149.
Ranganatha Diksita, 65.
Ranganatha Sastrin, 64.
Ranjit Singh, son of Bijaya

Bahadur, 37, 113.
Ranjit Singh, founder of the

Sikh Kingdom, 16n, 25n,
Rantideva, 46, 83-
Rao Raja, see Vinaya Singh.
Rasik Lai Brijlal, 73.
llatan Singh, llatanasimha,

Ruler of Charkhari, 37-

42,115-15, 147;".
Rati Ram Sanmukhram, 72-
fiatnSkara, ^ VivMaratria-

kara* v -

llattray, R. N. r 46n.
llavaraja, see Vinaya Singh,
lleva Das, 72.

GENERAL INDEX

2O3

llewah, ruler of, see Jai Singh
Deo.

Rgveda, 5 In, 55n, 67 n, 152,
156-

Roberts, Arthur Austin, assis-
tant under Commissioner
of Benares Division, 22.

Iludraraj Pande, Principal of
Kathmandu College, 149 .

Rudraram Sarkar, 76.

Rungnath, sec, Ranganntha- t

Rupee, Gwalior, 63; Yashvant-
rao Holkar's, 1,62-63,93,
137.

Rntton Singh, sec llatari fc^ugh.

Sadakishan Jani (?), 70.
Sadananda Tarka Vagis, 76.
Sadar Diwani A da hit, 59, 59n-
Sadar Nizamat Adalat, 5^n.
Sadashivarao Dada Sahib,

adopted son of Buji Rao II,

31.

Sadasiva Sarmari Ghulo, 97.
Sagptra, 96, 106.
Sahib Kaur, Rani, sister of

Maharaja Sahib Singh, 25,

25n.
Sahib Singh, Maharaja of Pa-

tiala, 24, 24n, 25, 25n, 27.
Sai Bai, wife of Bail Rao II,

31,32n,

Sakha Ra m Bhatta, fij).
Sakharam Bhatta Laghatya,

Suknlya, 9S
agrama
r&ka* sec Slialigi'am Pandit,

Sambhu Dev Dev, 6S.
Sarobhuji Dichhit (Dikshit), 70.
Sambhu nath N (V) andyopadir
jaya, 77.

F. 24

Sa# khyayana Srautastitra, 127.
Sandys, Capt. F. H., Assistant

to Resident at Indore, 44,

44n.
Sanmuk Ram Uttam Ram,

73.
Sanskrit College, Benares, see

Benares Sanskrit College.
Sant Singh, 3.
Santanu, 63.
Santos Singh, 78*
Sairinda. 90, 114.
Saraswati, river, 101.
Sirdar Singh, Maharana of

Ildaipur, adopted son of

Jawan Singh, 14, 20,20n,
, 2_3, 23n, il6-l7,-149-5l).
Srd^j-asiihha, see Sardar Singh.
Sdrrtiilapikridita, Sanskrit me-
tre, 133-34.
Sari, 124, 157-58.
Sarup Singh, Maharana of

Udainur, 150.
Sati, 150,

Sati)huHwol*, 125, 159.
Satya age, 108, 111-
Satyaynga ,see Satya age.
faunaka Swrti., 63,128-
Scripts, see Devanagari ; Shi-

kasta-
Scova Bhadra Pathaka, see

Sivabhadra Pathaka.
Seeva Kama Ghose, 71ru
Sonapat, .son of Jagatraj, 113,

147, ^

Sonapatisiihha, see Senapat.
Sengaras, of Bharoha, 128
Sero ShastriGuru Tarkalankar

Cashinath Pandit Juder

Bedea lioliadut, see Kashi-

nath Pandit-
Servants, E. I. Coy's, 48.
Scsha Hari Rama Panta, see

Harirama Sesha.
Shadasiv Bhat, 69.
Shah Alam II, Mughal emperor,

204

GENERAL INDEX

Shah Jahan, Mughal emperor,
61, 127.

Shaligraia Pandit, Pridwivaka,
official adviser to British
Judge (?),39 f 115.

Slier Shah, Afghan emperor of
Delhi, 61.

Shikasta, Persian script, 135. '

Shivaji Pandit, 14

Shore, Sir John, Governor-
General of India, 47-49, 54,
81-83, 8ln,8%86n, S8-

Shumana Simha, see Khuman
Singh.

Skujqa, 6.

$ibi, king of U&nara country,
46,83-

Sibicharitam, story in Maha-
bharata, 134*

SiddhSntalcaumttd*, by Bhatto-
jidikshita, 120, 153-

Sihonda, town in Banda Dist.,
U.P.. 46,50, 133-34.

Sihunida, see Sihonda (?)

Sirah Sastri Guru I'andit
Kasinath Tarkalankar Ya-
jurvedi, see Kasinath Pan-
dit.

Sisodia, ruling dynasty of
Udatpur State, 149, 151.

Sisodiya^see Sisodia.

Sita Ram* Bhat Puranik,

Sita Ram Bhatta Puranik, see
Sitarama Bhatta Bharad
vaja.

Sitalananda Goswami, report-
ed death at Athsrarh, 136-37.

Sitarama Bhatta Bharadvaja,
65, 70, 130.

Siv Ul Pathak, 72.

Siv Pran Jivan, 70.

Siv Sankar Dichhit (Dikshit),

A 74.

Siva, Hindu deity, 104, 143;
see also Ekalimga ; Pa^u-
patinatha ; Vi^ve^vara-

^ivabhadra PSfhaka, 72,72n.

Sivanath Pandit, Professor of
religious duties at Benares
Sanskrit College, 56, s6n
57.

Sivanath Tarkabhusan, Pro-
fessor of religious duties
at Benares Sanskrit Col-
lege, 56n.

Sivaprasad Vachaspati, 77.

Sivarama Bhatta Ghoshi (?),
^ 71, Tin.

Sivbhadra Pathak, see Siva-
bhadra Pathaka.,

Sivdullabh (durlabh) Ji Gopal
Ji, 70.

Sivnarayan N(V)andyopadh-
yaya, 77.

Sivnath Tarkabos (bhushan),
76.

Sivram Bhat Ghosi (?), see
.Sivarama Bhatta Ghoshi.

Skandapurana, 136-

Smrti, 96, 1U 1, 106; see also

Bfhaspati 5 Dayabhaga ;
Devala ; Gautama ; Kafcya-
yana ; Manu ^ Samhita: ;
Narada; Paras a ra ; Va-
si;ha; Vi?nu Samhita;
Vrddha Parasara; Vr-
ddha Yajnavalkya; Vyasa ;
Yajnavalkya.

Smrtivirek-ii by
144.

Sobhanath Sarma, 77-

Somnath Bhat Navitankar (?),
69.

Sonour, fort and town of,
given to Rani A us Kaur
by Karam Singh, 25n.

Sooba Shastri, see Subba Sas-
tri.

Soobah Kishan Narayun, see
Suba Krishnanarayana-
malla.

Sookhan, see Sukhan, Eaoi.

Soolepa Shastri, see Subba
Sastri.

GENERAL INDEX

20J

Speke, P., Member of Board*
Fort William, 86, 134.

Spiers, Col- Alexander, Poli-
tical Agent of Udaipur,
15, 15n, 17, 20, 20n, 21n,

, 150.

SragdharU, Sanskrit metre,

, 51.

Srikaranadhipa ^Secretary),
of Mahadeva and Rama-

, chandra, see Hemadri-

Srimat*, a commentary on Mi-
taksara, 9ti, 139.

&rluatha, a name of Visnu,
U7,15K

Srisa, see Srlnatha.

Stirling, A., t Secretary to
Govt. of India, 35n, 36n,
40n*

Suba Krishna, Suba Krishna-
narayauaruilla, of Nepalese
Mission, 18, 18n, 116-17.

Subba Sastri, Professor of
Mim ws(i at Benares Sans-
krit College, 39, Sin, 56,
56n.

Subhadra Kumari, daughter
of Maharaja Jai Singh
Deo, 15n

Subsidiary alliance, 16,
16n

Sudharesvar Izzat Ram, 72.

Sukhan, Rani, wife of Bhag-
wan Singh, Jagirdar of
Jagadhri, 33-36, 35n, 36n,
143.

'-Agent of, see Ghulam
Bhika.

ouldayajiirvedasamhita, 152.

^Qlapani, author of Smfti-
vivelca, 144-

Sumalya, 10^.

SurajDatSuknl 74.

Suraj Kishan, 71-

Suraj Ram Mansa Ram, 73.

Surajram Jani, 72.

Surasenakas, the, 101*

Surat, 6-8 ; Gosavi Maharaja's
temple at, 9.

Nawab of, see Tegh Bakht

Khan. f

Surat Dutch Factory, 61.

Survasiddhanta, 155-56.

Suttjtorland, Lt. Col- J., officiat-
ing Agent to Govj Gen-, 22.

Svayambhuva Manu, 119, 142.

Swinton, G., 28n.

Syam Vidyavagis, 76.

Syamananda Bhattacharji, son
of Kasinatn, foundation
professor of Benares Sans-

, krit College, 51.

Syena-Kapotlya, story in
Mahabharata, 134.

Tai Sahiba, daughter of Baji

Rao II, 29-31, 33, 152.
Takari, see Tekari.
Tapti, river in Western India,

9.

Tattvafukti, 100, 141.
Tatya Sarman Ganaka, 07.
Tegh Bakht Khan, Nawab of

Surat, 7.

Tekari, town and estate in
^GayaDist, Bihar, 122, 156.
TAvari Bishan Dev, 70, 70n.
Tevari Kishan Ballabh, 71.
Tevari Motilal, 71.
Thakuradasa Pandita, setfTha-

kurdas Pandit
Thakuradwara, 7-8.
Ttiakurdas Pandit, 28, 103.
Thana, a police station, 157.
Thomas, George, military

adventurer, 25n.
Thomas, H. H-, Agent to

Governor-General at Be-

nares, 2 r l, 2ln,23, 23n.
Thompson, G. N-, Hastings'

attorney, 5, 5n,

206

GENERAL INDEX

Thomson, , see Thompson,
G. N.

Thornton, J- 31n.

Tikali, 12* 158.

Tivari Amba Ram, 73.

Tivuri Baijnath, 74.

Tivari Ilatan Ji, 73.

Toda, 125, 159-

Toria Kulpahar, 148-

Torrens, Henry, 2 In.

Tretaage, 111.

TrcfUyugn, see Treta

Trial by Ordeal, 7()n.

Tribeni, place of pilgrimage
in Hooghly Dist., Bengal,
12

Trilok Chandra Ganguli, 77.

Trivcni, ftcr Tribeni.

Takadd Oh3w<li, see Chavdi
Tukada.

Tukharas, Turks or Muslims,
155.

Tukoji Rao Holkar I, Maha-
raja of Indore, 49.

Tukoji Rao Holkar II, Maha-
raja of Indore, 63

U

Udaipnr (Mewar), State in
Kajputana, 9, 14-17, 17n,
20-23, 116, 149.

Maharana of, 15-19, 21-

22 ; see also Bhim Singh
II; Jawan Singh; Raj
Sing ; Sardar Singh ;
Sarup Singh.

UdayaSankar Pandit, 69-

Udayakishan Tevari, 70,

Udayapattana, Udaypur, see
Udaipnr. *

Udyogaparran, of / jj\lah#~
bhSrata, 103. M

Ulwar, see Alwar ; jjf

UmSrSva^arrna Sukula Pari-
4ita, 115. ^

Umbaram Shastree, see Amba

Rara Sha-tri.
Unchavrtti, 83-
ll^nara, 83-
UvatabhaQya, commentary on

SuklayajurvedasawhitS,

152.

Vagalesvar Panchan(an? f , 76.
V^aidyanath Narayan Misra,

79.
Vaijarjatha Bhatta, see Baija-

natha Bhatta Dhobala.

Vaikuntha, V^l.
Vaisnavas, tho, 9, 90
Vajasancyisamhita, 152.
Vallabhacarya, 8, 151-
Vallabhacarya Sect, at Surat,

9.
Vaiiisaraja, Jamadara, Raja, of

Nopaiese Mission, 17-18,

18n, 20-22, 24, 116-17.
Varadhar (Bratadhar) Mang-

lesvar, 72.
VaranasI, 66, 75, 82, 84, 86-88,

91, 91-95 ; f see also

Benares ; Kasi ; Visves-

vara, city of.

Varnna, Hindu deity, 111.
Varnna, river near Benares,

46.'

Varfistha, 63, 101, 128, 141-
Vasoo Deva Goorjara, Tin-
Vasndev Bhat Gnrjar, Vasn-

dova Bhatta Giujara, 71,

71n.

Vasnrata, 102.
Vaya, see Ayurveda.
Vayu, Hindu deity, 104, 143-
Vayu Parana, 136.
VodSntn, Sin.
Vedas, the, 51n, 91,106-
Vena, father of Ptthu, 85,

134.

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA

INTRODUCTION

Page Line

l 11

5 4

6 27

9 11
16 f.n. 7
18 !

33 3

31

37 f.n. 15

39 f.n. 8

40 f.n. 5
48 15

50 1

51 2

58 1

59 14

60 12

For other paper
Mr. Thomson

without^any busi-
ness public or
private

seat a Gokula
from 1804 to 1839

Jemadar Raja
Bunse Singh 29

"aurasa-putra"
(Document 13)

Vikrdma-llrada-
vali

brother o a paren-
tal uncle

99 byhm

Clacutta

Chatrasal

Sragdhara

aazi

John Rye croft
Best

Apastamha

Read other papers
Mr. Thompson

without any busi-
ness, public or
private

seat at Gokula
from 1804 to 1837

Jemadar Raja
Bunse Singh 39

,, <{ aurasa putra"

(Document 14)>

5> Vikrama-biradavali

brother or a paren-
tal uncle

by him

,, Calcutta

Chhatrasal

Sragdhara

arzi

John Rycroft Best

Apastamba

Page Line

1 3 For
15

2 3
5 after

TEXT

Read ^:

insert sip

Page

2 10 for f^T^5 read

19 after T53^ insert sic

;> 25 * ,, s^^T^JIFTt sic

3 1 for =5TRBTf^f^Frf read
5

10

6 1 a/fer f^n^n^c^ insert sic

,, 3 /or W read q^f

,, 5 a/Fer *w: insert sic

6 2 /or *rg*i read *T^

11 6-7 after ^jp*T iWiseri sic

10 for ^TTFTT^ reac?

23

*9 ^^ 99 *^J^I\H y>

12 1 ,, TrTn

17 3 ,, ^RF?T ,,

99 18 ,, ?R^Tf^?Tf5T ,,

99 99 99 W^T^T 99

20 1 ,, f^tynr^T

20 3 ^ftRT

99 6 ^g^ ,,
13

99 *^^i J>

99 J.*-* J9 Nllll^^l 5^

18

24

^1 *^ 99 ^l<^JIH*Vn ,5

12 -*. -JTJT

99 X ^ >9 ^ *1*1 ^ 3)

22 7 f^ft^BT

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99 " 99 ^^^^ 99

f* .

99 9 ^Trn

27 1 JTPW

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6 ^T^^ft

30 2 after %?RT insert sic

9? 2 ^tlfrrt^ , ?

Page Line
31 5 for ^teNfcr read

99 ** >,

38 1

>j

9 >

23

' 5$5K^

, *T^T ,,

2 /or JR^rr: read

2

99

n

99 ' 99 Ni-^ i ,,

9

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99

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""^ 9 ^

>

32

1 99

,, 23 a/fer at^^if^sr: w*er* sic

25 ,/or trc-qf+Hrwt read

33 8 after ff/eqffr insert sic

10

N* * * * '

34 13 for ^fNr: rmcZ

35 13

^nsert sic
reac?
37 1 a/fer 5^7 insert sic

1 -9 -

99 5 after ^f^n* insert sic

5> ^ 'or T^rft reae?

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*> I 6 > *rfiC

40 6 after w^W^f% insert sic

8 /or tf^l+li^ reac?

** 9 -i^~1I~l 9 >

^3 6 5 , ^nf^4|cr 99

99 6 ,, ?T%3?*Tr- ,,

99 7 after ^T% insert sic

Page Line

44 1 for sffaf^frF read
5 STTtfta

45 3 after qfo^r insert sic
7 /or ^fcRT read

ft lo 9 > fll^J^l^n f

46 22 ,, 5pfc
22 ^TT
25 ,, cfijT^ft . ,,

47 18 ,, ^^f?f
18 ,, STTf^rera ,,

48 2 ,, $rf^T^ft ^^T^sft (sic)
3

3 after if^TT insert sic

49 3-4 for ^^i^ read

I? ,, ^K^^T 99

50 3 after qfog^reft insert sic

51 9-10 /or T^^ rmrf
9 12 ,, ^ft^T ,,

,, 13 9} ^FCTR 99

52 6 after S^r l insert sic

53 6 /or qT^Tc*r^rr^ffa read
., 24

<

54 V ^rf^r^
20 i^^r 99

Sf ff f\ >^_ _ , . . i-

oo y ., cprar?fcf ,,

59 10 ,, FTr:

i> 15 ,, *nn~<ui 9

* ' .*

55 6 N.B. The reading in the original manuscript

Dyiitasatka is probably correct. The
word *a<a is frequently found in
Medieval Sanskrit texts as being used in
the sense of "belonging to' 'pertaining
to* 'addicted to' cf. Adht/vara-satkam,
tatsatka (Bharataka-Dvatrim^ika, ed. J.
Hertel, pp. 29,' 32, 55).

ENGLISH TRANSLATION

Page Line

63 33

67 f.n. 4

77 31

105 30-31

109

110
116

121
122

10

7
13

14
22

after Nandapandita
for Nicholl
Jayanarayan

of the remaining
modes of the wife's
status marriage

John Ryecroft Best

if

Subak?ishna and
Narayana Malla

delete full point
read Nicholls
Jayanarayan

,, of the remain-
ing modes
of marriage

John Rycroft
Best

, f Subakrishna
Narayana
Malla

(in the city of Gaya f t (in the city of)

Gaya

fromt he town of from the town

of

NOTES

Page Line
Document 1-

128 13 For Bhattoji

43

Document 3.
132 7-8

Document 6.
184 11

Document 7.
134 4

Document 9.
136 6
11

,,

Dehatis

Bengali script
normal

On

Kau^aladhishthat*

rebal
Orissa

Read Bhattoji
,, Debates

normal Ben-
gali script.

n

Kaualadhish-
thatrishu

rebel
Orissa

Page Line

25 for

4* OV) <

ekada^aiva
brahmadyairapi

read ekada^aiva

brahmadyai-
rapi

137 3 odd "The script used by the signatories is

therefore Bengali and not Maithili as
presupposed in the Text, p. 29."

Document 10-
137 78

for "The forwarding letter Department"

read "In the forwarding letter (Pol. Con.
29 Feb. 1808 No. 49) Archibald Seton,
Resident atDelhi, expressed the apprehen-
sion that the real object of Yasavant Rao
in issuing the com was to deprive the
king of Delhi of the sole right of issuing
coins which he had so long enjoyed.
This apprehension was allayed by
Edmonstone in his letter of 29 February
in which he rightly pointed out that the
term 'paramount sovereign' in the coin
legend did not refer to Yasavant but to
the King of Delhi and that Seton's fears
were based on a mistranslation of the
text."

Document 11.

139 2

Doctament 12.

140 8

11

141 34

>9

Document 14.

144 44

145 6-6

for ta(da)bhave

read ta(da)bhve

34 add

Karan Singh
Original

Pamchalasurasena-
jah

The reading should be

,,

Karam Singh
Originals

P amvhalcisu-
rasenajah.

42 for prattpakdmkshdydm

tadabhave

read PratJpakakam-
kshaySm.

tadabhave.

Page Line
Document 15.

145 note 4. The full text from which the half -verse has been
taken is : Tata Bahvata ma rodih Karmano gatir-
fdri&Dushadhatorivasmakam dosha-sampattaye gunah.
The half- verse should be rendered: "As in the case of
the root dush (which becomes dosha as soon as it is
subjected to the guna operation) my guna (merit) has
resulted only in dosha (defect)."

Document 16.
146 note 1

Document 20.

149 line 39

150 note^ 6

Document 21.

151 line 13
24

Document 24.

155 line 44

156 36

157 17
20
,. 22

Document 25.
161 line 34

for Ryecroft

Rammganatha
Afvina

Nathadwara
/

Srivikramasaha

p. 60 n. 115
Mohrar
parushya
ghatite
Jnanendramahan

Dayabhaga

read Ry croft.

Ramganatha.
A/vayuja

99

Nathadwara
Srivikrama-

p. 60, n. 151.
Morhar
parushya
ghatite

Jnanendra-
mohan

Dayabhaga.