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Published by the Department of Archaeology, University of Pennsylvania 


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^ The Editor determines tlie material to constitute a volume and 
reports to the Committee of Publication on the general merits of 
the manuscript and autograph plates submitted for publication ; but 
the Editor is not responsible for the views expressed by the writer. 





l^tmph QrrljttrfH of Qippnv 



Sixty-eight Plates of Autograph Texts. Twelve Plates 
of Halftone Reproductions 

Published by the Department of Archaeology, University of Pennsylvania 


MacCalla & Co. Inc., Printers 

C. H. Jahbs. Lithographer 

Weeks Photo-Engraving Co., Halftones 




)VIrs* Sallie Crozcr f>ilprccbt 

)VIy Benefactress 

Ha * very small toben of profound and 
tasting gratitude 



About the same time when the children of Israel were invading the land of 
Canaan preparatory to their final conquest these letters {DUB"'"'') were inscribed on 
clay. They form part of the "Temple Archives" {DUB MU"""') of the Cassite 
period, situated on the west side of the Shatt-en-Nil. In all probability these Archives 
were found in one or several buildings (connected with each other), known as the 
iJ.DUB shd il.GAL and including the Temple Library and the Temple School. The 
Cassite Kings at this time were the chief administrators of the affairs of the Temple of 
Enlil at Nippur; for they are known by the title shakkanakku Enlil, characterizing 
them as the representatives of Enlil on earth, who had "to put the seal" {kandku) 
of the god to each and every transaction made by and for the Temple. Nothing 
could be done without their consent, approval, or authority (seal). While the 
' 'Temple Archives" proper give us a picture of the business methods of the Temple 
administration, under the chief supervision of the King, these letters represent the 
correspondence about those methods. 

Among them we find complaints from governors about non-delivery or delay in 
the delivery of goods by the chief bursar of the Temple, medical reports about the 
sickness of certain ladies connected with the sanctuary, complaints about goods 
asked for, but not received, accounts of the disposition of taxes gathered, requests for 
wages, building material, food, clothing, and the like. 

The Temple of Enlil being a richly endowed institution, royal officers kept watch 
over its proper administration and welfare and reported about the various affairs of 
EnliVs property to his earthly representative, the King. Thus we find reports about 
the deplorable condition of canals, about the prospects of the harvests on the fields be- 
longing to the Temple, about building operations with suggestions as to desirable im- 
provements, about certain expeditions undertaken in defence of EnliVs earthly 
possessions, etc. 

Though most of these letters are addressed to the "Lord," i.e., the "King" who 
had his residence at least temporarily in Nippur, some of them may be classified as 
part of an "official correspondence between Temple or State officers." There are 
even letters in these archives written by the kings themselves (comp. Nos. 75 and 93). 


This collection of official letters from Nippur forms an exact parallel to the 
letters from the so-called Kuyunjuk collection of Nineveh, which constitutes the 
remains of the famous library of King Ashshur-bdn-apal excavated by Layard and 

The letters here published have been copied during the winter of 1906-07 from 
the originals to be found in the Babylonian Museum of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania. Nos. 33a, 59a, 60a, 73a and 95-99 have been added after the plates had been 
arranged and prepared for the press (November, 1907) . With the excepition of three 
(Nos. 33a, 84, 85) these letters are mostly fragmentary, badly damaged, and poorly 
preserved. This being the case, it was my aim to reproduce, as nearly as possible, all 
the marks and wedges of every sign in question, bearing in mind that k reliable 
copy must and ought to be an exact reproduction of the "original" as it presents itself 
to the eyes of the copyist, and not of his "thoughts" or of what he "expects" to find 
in a particular passage. This principle having been strictly adhered to, I came to the 
result that the following signs are used interchangeably: (1) di and ki; (2) li, hi, ni, 
ir, lit, sha; (3) ib, ur, lu; (4) ish, ma, ba, zu, shag (libbu), su; (5) ku, shii, lu; (6) im, 
ah, a', mur; (7) du, ush, ta, shd, ra; (8) az, vg; (9) ad, si, mir; (10) be, nu; (11) al, shit, 
etc., etc. 

As the texts here submitted have been written by more than fifty scribes, and as 
each scribe has his own peculiar ductus, I tried to imitate that ductus in the best 
manner possible. This is the reason — apart from the copyist's own ability of writing 
cuneiform signs — for the varied execution of the copy of the letters here published. 
The copyist, in fact, did not try to give in the following pages an exhibition of his 
ability in copying inscriptions, but he rested content with a faithful reproduction of 
all the peculiar characteristics of the ductus of the several scribes. After the letters 
had been copied and translated, the copy was once more compared with the originals. 
In this wise I flatter myself to have obtained an absolutely reliable copy. It is, 
therefore, the fond hope of the copyist that the prospective decipherer will not commit 
a mistake like the one the writer of No. 45 complains of when he writes to his "Lord" : 
' 'I have written concerning 'pots' that they be brought down, but they were 'straw' ! 
What for has my 'Lord' sent this?" The "Lord's" order-filler misread apparently 

the two signs: ^^'"^'^ = KAN.NI"'"'' = diqardti = "pots" for ^4j<-'"'"'' =/iV'"^»'' = 

tibnu'""'' (Hebr. pn) = ' 'straw" ! 

These letters forming, so to speak, the connecting link between those of the 
Hammurabi and Amarna periods on the one hand and those of the later Assyrian and 
Babylonian on the other, it is, of course, quite natural to find that they show the 


several characteristia features of the periods mentioned. Thus the sign PI is still 
used, at least sometimes, for wi; Su t does not yet exist; we have di-im, te-e-ma and 
NE-ma. The latter ought to be transcribed rather by de-ma than by te-ma. The 
q begins to make itself felt in quite a good many instances. Yet, wherever ki is 
written for qi, I transcribed accordingly. 

It will be noticed that I read the name NIN.IB Errish{t). This reading I am 
still prepared to maintain, not only on account of the gloss urash, but also on account 
of the identity of ""NIN.IB and ''''Er{r)ish, see The Monist, Vol. XVII, No. 1 (Jan., 
1907), p. 142. The Aramaic transcription of NIN.IB is not ntJ'-lJK but HtriJN, 
as is now beyond question, it being plainly written in the latter fashion on several 
unpublished tablets in Constantinople, and also on an ostracon from Nippur pre- 
served in the Babylonian Section of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania 
(private communication of Prof. Hilprecht; see also p. 41, note). ni^lJX appa- 
rently does not represent the pronunciation (this is Errish{t)), hni oxi attribute of 
'i^NIN.IB and all those gods who, in the Babylonian "Trinity in Unity," at one 
time or another, played the role of the "Son." It is, therefore, not exclusively 
confined to ''"NIN.IB, the "Son" of ""En-lil. I propose to read n't^MH = en 
usdti = "lord of help," an attribute ascribed, among others, also to ""Marduk, the 
"Son" of ""tl.A; cf. the nom. propr. "" ""Marduk-en-usdti, quoted by Delitzsch, 
H. W. B., p. 1076, under usdti. Instead of usdti we find, at the time of the Cassites, 
also the writing ii-za-ti, cf. B. E., XIV, 125 : 12, "'En-u-za-ti, a noteworthy peculiarity 
which shows that usdti, uzdti has to be connected with the Sumerian A.ZU = dsu = 
"helper, physician." We know that ''"IB (gloss urash) is = ''"NIN.IB (see Bel, 
the Christ, p. 16, note 8; p. 18, III; p. 19, 2), but IB (gloss urash) is also = bariX (II R. 
62, 36a), and 6am is = A.ZU (Reisner, Hymnen, p. 7, 18. 19). From this it follows 
that IB = A.ZU, and ""NIN.IB = ""N IN. A.ZU (cf. II R. 57, 51a,6, where the star (mul) 
''"N IN. A.ZU is identified with ""NIN.IB) . Again, ""IB is also = ""MASH, but mash 
changes with mdsh, cf. mash-pad = mash-pad {E. B. H., p. 256, note 16) ; mash-shu-gid 
(Cyl. A 20 : 5) = mdsh-shu-gid (Cyl. A 12 : 16, 17), and mdsh is likewise = barH = 
A.ZU. I take, therefore, nC'lJN to stand for \ii = en = NIN, and ns:'") = usdti = uzdti 
(the abstract for the concrete noun) = A.ZU =- IB = MASH. In other words, 
""IB or ""MASH is "the helper," "the physician" (hence the patron god of the 
physicians), and ""NIN.IB or ""NIN. A.ZU the "lord of help," the "helping lord." 
As such a "lord of help" he is the veriest "Saviour" — a saviour that saves not only 
from bodily or(!) spiritual harm (notice that sickness is the result of the evil spirits 
within a person; if these demons are cast out, the sick person recovers!), but also 
one who delivers mankind from death, destruction, and the grave. He is the ' 'mer- 


ciful one" {remenu, K 128 = Jensen, Kosm., p. 470), the "merciful god" (ilu remenu, 
I R. 17 : 19), the ''one who gives life" (qa-ish TI.LA, I R. 17 : 19), "who gives 
the spirit of life" {qd'ish napshdti, Jensen, I.e.), "who quickens the dead" {muhallit 
me[tuti], Jensen, I.e.), who delivers the dead out of the nether world: "who has been 
brought down into the nether world, his body thou bringest back again" {sha ana 
aralle shurudu pagarshu tuterra, Bel, the Christ, p. 45, note 2; cf. 4^ ix\. 15, "God 
will redeem my soul from the power of Sheol"; or ^ xvi. 10, "For thou will not 
leave my soul to Sheol"). 

From these considerations it follows that the "Son" of the Nippurian Trinity 
(Enlil — NIN.IB — NIN.LIL = Bau) was the prototype not only of Nin.Girsu in the 
Girsu Trinity (Enlil — Nin.Girsu — NIN.LIL = Bau) or of Marduk in the Eridu Trinity 
(S.A — Marduk — Damkina = Sarpanitum) , but even of Christ in the Christian Trinity 
(Father — Son — Holy Spirit); in each and every case the "Son" was the Saviour, 
the en usdti; hence Christ was rightly called the "Jesus" and was greeted, when 
entering Jerusalem, with joyful "Hosannahs," NJ'J^K'in, "Save (now, O Lord)!" 

While writing this Preface, there lies before me a copy of ' 'The so-called Peters- 
Hilprecht Controversy." Prof. Hilprecht's critics make so much ado about the 
' 'probable" place of provenance of the so-called Lushtamar letter, all of them claiming 
that if the envelope were opened and the contents read, its place of origin would be 
settled for all time to come. This very clamor proves better than anything else that 
those gentlemen never have read a Babylonian letter ! To help clear the atmosphere 
a little in this respect, I may be permitted to say a few words about the place of 
origin of letters in general. 

1. In no letter thus far published is there ever found an absolute reliable indi- 
cium about its place of origin. The only thing in a letter which might possibly help 
solve such a question is the so-called invocation frequently found after the address. 
If, e.g., for the protection of his correspondent, a writer invokes certain gods wor- 
shipped in a certain city, it is probable that that writer hailed, resp. sent, his letter 
from that city the gods of which he invoked. Cf. here No. 89, where the writer 
Pdn-AN .GAL-lu-mur invokes the gods of Dur-ilu for the protection of the addressee; 
hence the probability is that the writer hailed and wrote from Dur-ilu. But this, as 
I said, is and must remain a probability only, for we find in the letters here published 
another example in which the writer invokes the gods of Nippur. This letter (No. 38) 
has likewise been found in Nippur. Now it is not at all likely that the writer, when 
sending his letter to the "Lord" at Nippur, was himself in Nippur. If he were, he 
would most assuredly have appeared before the "Lord" in person, thereby saving 
himself the trouble of writing a letter, which had to be baked, encased in an envelope, 


addressed, sealed and handed over to a messenger in order to be delivered. What 
then is the inference from this invocation? Does the invocation prove that the 
letter was sent from Nippur to Nippur, where it was found? Such a thought would 
be simply ridiculous. All we can say is this: the writer of No. 38, because he invokes 
the gods of Nippur, was in all probability a Nippurian, but was mvay from Nippur 
when writing that letter. The invocation of that letter, then, does not prove any- 
thing at all with regard to the place whence that letter has been sent. 

2. Prof. Hilprecht has some very good, convincing, and absolutely reliable 
reasons why he assigns the Lushtamar letter to the business or administrative 
section of the Temple Library of Nippur. We believe his words a thousand times 
more than those of his accusers, which, at the very best, are merely hearsay. In 
fact, his critics have absolutely nothing to bring forward in corroboration of their 
claim that ' 'the Lushtamar letter did not come from the ruins of Nippur, but from 
those of Sippar." In corroboration of this hearsay talk Prof. Hilprecht's critics now 
point out that the seal impression of the Lushtamar letter mentions certain persons 
who are known from tablets that have been found at Sippar. What is there on the 
envelope of the Lushtamar letter to justify such a strange conclusion? Besides the 
address "to Lushtamar {a-na Lu-ush-ta-mar)" , I find a seal impression which reads: 
Ilu-shu-Ba-ni dam-qar \ mar I-bi-''''NIN.SHAF{ \ ardi ''"NIN.SHAH-ge. The same 
persons occur again on a tablet published in B. E., VI^ 50 : 19, 20, which tablet 
was "probably" excavated in Sippar. .The critics draw the conclusion, it seems, 
that, because the same persons occur on both tablets (the Lushtamar letter and B. E., 
VP, 50), and because B. E., VP, 50, was "probably" found in Sippar, the Lushtamar 
must have been found in Sippar likewise. But can anyone imagine that Ilu-shii-Ba-ni, 
a resident of Sippar, -woxxXd write to Lushtamar, another resident of Sippar, -wYach he must 
have done if the letter had been found at Sippar? If Lushtamar had been a resident of 
Sippar, like Ilu-shii-Ba-ni, is it not much more probable that the latter would have 
gone in person to the former and communicated to him his wishes orally? Instead of 
this contention being against Prof. Hilprecht, it much rather speaks decidedly for him. 
We may admit that the Ilu-shii-Ba-ni of the Lushtamar letter and the Ilu-shu-Ba-ni 
of B. E., VI', 50, are both one and the same person; we also may admit that both 
were residents of Sippar; but from this it by no means follows that the addressee, 
Mr. Lushtamar, lived likewise in Sippar. On the contrary, the fact that Ilu-shu- 
Ba-ni, a possible inhabitant of Sippar, did write to Lushtamar would prove a priori 
that the latter was not a resident of Sippar, but was, as Prof. Hilprecht, for reasons 
given in his "Controversy," quite rightly and correctly claims, a resident of Nippur. 

In conclusion, I must apologize to the Editor and the Publication Committee for 


the length of the Introduction to the letters here published. In view of the extra- 
ordinary importance of these letters for the history, religion, language, grammar, 
and lexicon of the Babylonians, but more especially for a correct understanding of 
the terms "Temple Archives," "Temple School" and "Temple Library," it was 
absolutely necessary that the wrong impressions created by those who hold a con- 
trary view should be set aright. If I have done nothing else but created a basis 
upon which to reconstruct the system of administration, education, and worship of 
the Babylonians at 1500 B.C., I shall be more than repaid for my labors in connec- 
tion with this volume. 

It only remains to thank here the Provost of the University, Dr. C. C. Harrison, 
and the Director of the Museum of Science and Art, Mr. S. F. Houston, for their 
hospitality, kindness, and courtesies shown to me during my sojourn in the Museum. 
To express my gratefulness to Mr. Eckley Brinton Coxe, Jr., through whose gen- 
erosity the Museum is enabled to publish the following pages, gives me special pleasure. 
I am sure I voice the sentiments of all Assyriologists when I say that this noble and 
unselfish benefactor erects by these publications, the elegance of which is not attained 
by any other similar works, much less surpassed, an everlasting monument upon 
which all scholars look with admiration and gratefulness. To my friend and teacher, 
Prof. Dr. H. V. Hilprecht, who so generously and freely assisted me in words and 
deeds during the course of the preparation of this volume, whose valuable time, 
profound scholarship, and learning were at all times most abundantly at my dis- 
posal, who not only read the proof-sheets, but who constantly and continually helped 
me most liberally with his valuable advice, I am especially most grateful. I only 
hope and pray that the work of the pupil may be worthy of the master. It is a 
special delight to be able to express publicly my sincere gratitude to Mrs. Sallie 
Crozer Hilprecht for her most generous benefactions bestowed upon me during the 
last two years while here in Philadelphia. Were it not for her help I never could 
have written this book. May she graciously condescend to accept this work as a 
very small token of my profound and lasting gratitude. 

Hugo Radau. 
Philadelphia, Pa., May 1, 1908. 




A. F Hugo Winckler, AUorientalische Forschungen. 

A. J. S. L. L "The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures," edited by R. F. Harper. 

A. P Bruno Meissner, Beitrdge zum AUbabyl-onischen Privatrecht. 

A. S. K. T Paul Haupt, Akkadische und Sumerische Keilschrifttexte. 

B. A Beitriige zur Assyriologie und vergleichenden Semitischen Sprachwissenschafts, edited by Friedrich 

Delitzsch and Paul Haupt. 

B. E "The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania," edited by H. V. Hilprecht. 

Bel, the Christ Hugo Radau, "Bel, the Christ of Ancient Times." 

C. B. M "Catalogue of the Babylonian Collections in the Archaeological Museum of the University of 

Pennsylvania," prepared by H. V. Hilprecht. 

Creation Story Hugo Radau, "Tlie Creation Story of Genesis I, a Sumerian Theogony and Cosmogony." 

C. T "Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, etc., in tlie British Museum." Printed by order of 

the Trustees. 
E. A. H "The E. A. Hoffman Collection of Babylonian Tablets in the General Theological Seminary, New 

York City." 

E. B. H Hugo Radau, "Early Babylonian History." 

H R. F. Harper, "Assyrian and Babylonian Letters belonging to the K Collection of the British 


IJ. L L. W. King, "The Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi." 

//. W. B Friedrich Delitzsch, Assyrisches Handworterbuch. 

J. A. O. S "Journal of the American Oriental Society." 

J. R. A. S "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society." 

K Kuyunjuk Collection. 

K. B Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, edited by E. Schrader. 

L. C. L C. H. W. Johns, "Babylonian and A.ssyrian Laws, Contracts, and Letters." 

L. S. S Leipziger Semitistische Studien, edited by A. Fischer and H. Zimmem. 

O. L. Z Orientalistische LiUeratur-ZeUung, edited by F. E. Peiser. 

P F. E. Peiser, Urkunden aus der Zeit der dritten Babylonischen Dynaatie. 

P. S. B. A "Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology." 

R "The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia," edited by Sir H. C. Rawlinson. 

S. A. K. I F. Thureau-Dangin, Die Sumerischen und Akkadischen Kiinigsinschrijten. 

U. A. G Hugo Winckler, Unlersuchungen zur altorientalischen Geschichte. 

2. A Zeitschrilt fiir Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, edited by C. Bezold. 





I. Time and Age of the Letters 1-12 

II. Letters between Temple and State Officials 13-28 

III. Letters between Officials of the Temple or State and the King 29-58 

IV. Results: 

(a) The Genealogy of the Cassite Kings of this Period 59-71 

(6) The Seat of Residence of the Cassite Kings 72-76 

(c) The Nature and Purpose of the so-called Temple Archives and 

their Relation to Royal Archives 76-93 

V. Translation of some Specimen Letters 94-144 

VI. Concordance OF Proper Names: 
I. Names of Persons: 

1. Masculine Names 145-150 

2. Feminine Names 150 

II. Professional and Gentilic Names 150-152 

III. Names of Places 153-154 

IV. Names of Gates 154 

V. Names of Houses and Temples 154-155 

VI. Names of Rivers and Canals 155 

VII. Names of Gods 155-157 

VII. Description of Tablets: 

(a) Autograph Reproductions 158-172 

(6) Photograph Reproductions 172-173 

(c) Numbers of the Catalogue of the Babylonian Museum 173-174 

VIII. Cuneiform Texts Plates 1-68 

IX. Halftone Reproductions Plates I-XII 





All the tablets here published are Letters — DUB, dup-pi, dup-pa, IM. 
They were excavated in Nippur during the second to fourth expeditions' of the 
University of Pennsylvania (1889-1900), and form part of the so-called Temple 
Archives' of Nippur, partly published by Clay, B. E., XIV and XV. The facts 
that these letters were found, when unpacked by Prof. Hilprecht, intermingled with 
the tablets of B. E., XIV and XV, which are all dated in the reign of certain Cassite 
Kings, that they are of the same peculiar "color of clay," have the same "form" 
and "writing" as those of the Temple Archives, would, a priori, make it reasonably 
certain that we have to assign them to the Cassite period. Apart from these criteria 
there are others which prove, beyond a doubt, that the letters here published did, 
and actually do, belong to the reigns of either one or the other of the following Cassite 
kings (see Hilprecht, B. E., XX, p. 52, note 1) : 


Rbigned according 
TO "List OF Kings." 

Last Yeau found 
ON Nippur Tablets 


25 (or 27^) 

1450-1423 B.C. 

Kuri-Ualzu* 11 







1421-1396 B C. 

Nazi-Mamttasli Caou^ 




(./•o, (Notice (lis- 


139C-1370 B.C. 

1369-1352 B.C. 

Kadasbman-Enlil II ('son'l . . 

1352-1340 B C 

Kudur-Enlil (l8t(?) son) 

1339-1331 B.C. 

Shagarakti-Shuriash (2d(?) sou) 

1331-1318 B.C. 

Kashtiliashu II (son^ 

1317-1309" B.C. 

' Cf. Hilpreclit, B. E., Series D, Vol. I, pp. 289-568. For the second expedition see also Peters, Nippur, Vol. II, 
p. 188. 

' "Temple Archives," to mention it here, were called at the time when all these documents were written: DUB 
MV""'', DUB shu-ma-(a-)ti, DUB.SHA.RA, DUB MU.BI.IM, DUB GISH, DUB za-kar-tum. For a discussion of 
these terms see below under "Results," p. 83. 

»The last year thus far known was the 25th. Cf. B. E., XIV, 9 : 5ff. '"'b^ENGAR.GAB.A Urnu lO*'"" 
shattu 25*"'" Bur-na-Bu-ri-ia-dsh LUG A L-E. But Prof. Hilprecht informs me that Burna-Buriash II seems to have ruled 



Among these criteria and indicia may be mentioned (a) that the persons intro- 
duced in these letters are to be found — to a great extent at least — also in the dated 
documents of the Temple Archives. The following few examples will illustrate it. 

'"In-na-an-ni, who figures so conspicuously in the texts of B. E., XIV, as one 
who transacts (i-na qdt) the business of the Temple's storehouses at Nippur and 
elsewhere'^" during the 18th,'^ 21st,'' and 23d"' year of Kuri-Galzu'' and the lst'« and 2d" 

at least twenty-seven years, according to a fragmentary tablet of the Cassite period recently catalogued by him (No. 
12907), which though insufficiently dated: "Shabatu, 12th day, 27th year," according to internal evidence must be 
assigned to the reign of Burna-Buriash or Kuri-Galzu, in all probability to the former. After an examination of the 
personal proper names occurring on this tablet I agree entirely with Prof. Hilprecht's conclusions. 

' Tliat this Kuri-Galzu has to be identified both with " Kuri-Galzu, tlie son of Burna-Buriash, " and witli " Kuri- 
Galzu sikru, the son of Kadashman-Harbe, " will be shown below sub "Chronology," pp. fiSff.; hence the "gap" between 
Burna-Buriash and Kuri-Galzu. 

' B. E., XIV, 38 : 15f. ["''*". . . .] umu lO*""* ahattu 23*"'" '■'"[A'»r]-e-[Ga]/-ZM. 

« B. E., XIV, 86 : 15f. (Case) '"'^''ASH.A.AN <lmu u'""" shattu 24*<"" Na-zi-Mu-ru-ut-ta-dnh. 

' B. E., XIV (pi. 61), 114o ( = E. A. H., 179): 5f. '"■(^"SHEG.GA itmu S*""* shattu 16*""" Ka-d<'ish-man-Tur-gii. 

» For tliis ruler see Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 4, and Lc, No. 116 : 8ff. "'^uasH.A.AN sh/iitu 6*""* "■'^Ka-diish-man- 

' This is the last year mentioned in the published texts from the Temple Arcliives that I can find. Clay, B. E., 
XIV, pp. 3, 71 (whom Hilpreclit, B. E., XX', p. 52, note 1, follows), gives the year 9 as the last, referring to I.e., No. 124: 
18f. But here we have cleariy the year 8, for we read: "'^"SHE .ihaltu 8(!)*'"" ^'"^Ku-diir-ri-^'^En-ilil]. I.e., 
123 : 24 and P. 135 : 22 — both of which are hkewise dated in the 8th year. 

'" Hilprecht, B. E., XX', p. 52, note 1, has shown that the tablet B. E., XIV, 139, is not dated from the 22d 
(Clay, I.e., pp. 3, 72), but from the 2d year; hence the last recorded date is found in B. E., XIV, 138 : 32, "'■4"GA.V 
<tmu 10*"" shattu l[2](cf. 1. 2)*"™ Shd-ga-ra-ak-ti-Shur-ia-dsh LUGAL. Cf. also P. Ill : 15 | 131 : 18, and especially 
87 : 14ff. ['">i"]ENGAR.GAB.A Umu 5*^"'" [.■shattu] 12*"'" [Sh(i-gar]-ak-ti-Shur-id-ash ( = 6) [LU]GAL Kl-SHAR-RA 
( = kishshali). 

" B. E., XIV, 144 : 9 [sfiattu] 6*"'" Kash-til-ia'Shu LUGAL-E. For the pronunciation of Bi as Kash in tliis 
name, cf. Thureau-Dangin in O. L. Z., 15th February, 1908, Sp. 93. 

" Or possibly about 1296-1289 B.C. Cf . Ill R. 4, No. 2 (Sennacherib's capture of Babylon, i.e., either the first 
(702 B.C.) or the second (689 B.C.) took place), "600 years after Tukulti-NIN.IB," who reigned seven years over 
Babylon, following immediately upon Kashtiliashu. 

» E. g., Zn-rat-lW^, B. E., XV, Nos. 3, 63, 86. K^r-^'^'NfN.IB'^, B. E., I.e., No. 99. Du-un-rm-a-ki'", I.e., No. 
112. /'•^''Za-rat-Dar-i'''Gu-la''\ I.e., Nos. 114, 128. ^'^''nar-''"Mardul^, I.e., No. 120. Kdr-UD.NUN'", I.e., Nos. 
124, 135. Btt-"'£.KUR-MU-MU, I.e., Nos. 138, 139, etc., etc. See also pp. 81; 85, note 3; 110. 

" B. E., XIV, 29 • 3; 30 : 3. Tlie tablet, I.e., 23 : 8 (dated in the 13th year of Kuri-Galzu), where it is reported 
that KIJ.MUN was paid (jidd-nu) to (or by?) '"In-na-an-nu, was not taken into consideration liere. 

'» B. E., XIV, 35 : 3. 

" B. E., XIV, 38 : 10, where it is stated tliat certain animals, wliich had been loaned out, .are to be returned to 
{inamdin arm) Innanni. 

" From the 22d year of Kuri-Galzu Innanni shared lionors with liis successor, "^Mar-tu-ku, B. E., XIV, 36 : 3. 

" B. E., XIV, 41a (pi. .56) : 3, cf. 1. 12fr.: '"'li''KIN-^'''Innamui shattu l*""" ''"/>/( = Na\)-zi-Ma-ra-ta-dsh. 

'• B. E., XIV, 42 : 2, 19ff. """li^GUD.SI.SH^ di) ihnu 3*""* shattu 2*"'" '^'"■Na-zi-Ma-ru-ut-ta-dsh LUGAL-E. 


year of Nazi-Maruttash' — i.e., during a period of at least ten years' — is represented 
in our texts as the recipient of four letters/ two* of which have been addressed to 
him by "' ^'"NIN-IBiresp. ^"'MASH)-TUR.USH-SE-na.' From the contents and 
the tone of these two letters it is apparent that Innanni was the "chief bursar" 
of the Temple's storehouses, where nothing could be either received or expended 
without his knowledge and consent, and that Errish-apal-iddina was likewise a 
person of no mean rank; for he hires workmen, and dares to command Innanni: 
"Thou, hurry up, give the seed corn to the city."" Apparently then he was at the 
head of a city. More than this, he even had certain prefects Q^azannati) under 
him, for he requests Innanni in another letter: "Thou shalt not accept the sesame 
of the prefects."' This latter passage shows that Errish-apal-iddina, because he 
had authority over hazannati, "city prefects," must have been a "governor," a 
^'hel pahdti."^ Comparing these results with the texts of B. E., XIV and XV, 
we learn that a certain place, called either Dwr-"" ''"NIN.IB-TUR.USH-SE-na''''> 
or Bit-"" ^^"MASWiresp. »" ^^''NIN .IB'')-TVR.USH-SE-na^% flourished as a "barley 
depot" during the 13th year of Kuri-Galzu'^ and the 19th," 22d," and 24th'^ year 
of Nazi-Maruttash — i.e., during a period of at least thirty-two years, including 

' The statement in B. E., XIV, p. 8: "All the tablets in which this name (i.e., Innannu) occurs, with the exception 
of one, which is dated in the reign of Nazi-Maruttash, belong to the reign of Kuri-Galzu," will have to be modified 

'Cf. here also the BU-'^In-na-an-ni (situated in Nippur, B. E., XV, 115 : 5; 135 : 6) which flourished from at 
least the 22d year of Kuri-Galzu (B. E., XIV, 36 : 2, 11) to the 15th year of Nazi-Maruttash {B. E., XIV, 65 : 7, 14). 
Add here to BH-Innanni of B. E., XV, the following references: 66 : 6 | 117 : 2 | 141 : 22 1 155 : 20, 22. A Mdr-"'In-na- 
a[n-ni is mentioned in the 6th and the 7th year of Shagarakti-Shuriash (B. E., XIV, 132 : 22). 

'Nos. 83-86. 

* Nos. 83 and 84. 

' Possibly to be read Errish(t)-apal-iddina. For the possible reading of NIN.IB resp. MASH as ErrishQ), see 
The Monist, XVII (January, 1907), pp. 140ff. Clay reads this name either NIN.IB-mdr-iddina (B. E., XIV, p. 49o) or 
NIN.IB-apal-iddina {B. E., XV, p. 38a). Why this change, considering that in all the passages known to me the 
writing TUB.USH = apalis found? 

• No. 83 : 24 M at-ta ifl-mu-ut-ta oL-koHim-ma SHE.ZER a-na Mu-ki i-din, see p. 112. 
' No. 84 : 3, 8HE.GISH.NI shd Itfl-za^an-na-a-ti la ia-ma-lia-ar at-ta, etc., see p. 114. 

« This follows also from a comparison of, e.g., B. E., XIV, 99a (pi. 59 = E. A. H., 195): 4, 7, 16, 26, 29, 41 with 
B. E. XIV 168 : 59 51, 26, and especially 1. 40, i.e., in this latter tablet, which is an "inventory of cattle," the "shd 
g,-(_OT ilu^i}; JB-TUR.U SH-SE-na" apparently stands for -pi-lifll "* ^'■^NIN.IB-TUR.USH-SE-na. 

» B. E. XIV, 18 : 7 (notice that KI-II refers back to Dur- of 1. 6). In B. E., XIV, pp. 49o, 586, this name 
is read NIN.IB-mdr-iddina''^ resp. NIN.IB-mAr-iddina, but in I.e., p. 58a, DUr-"" ^^'"NIN.IB-mdriread: apaD-iddina'". 

'« B. E., XIV, 76 : 2. 

" B. E., XIV, 79 : 4 1 84 : 2. 

"B. B., XIV, 18 :7, 1. 

" B. E., XIV, 76 : 2, 8. 

» B. E., XIY, 79 : 4, 11. 

»B.E.,XIV, 84: -.2, 9. 


the time during which Innanni was the "chief bursar" at Nippur. Hence 
Innanni and '" '^"Irrish-apal-iddina, the founder, owner, and occupant of Dur 
(resp. Bit)-"" ^'"Irrish-apal-iddina, were contemporaries/ 

Again in No. 9 : 21 a certain "'Bana-a-sha-^'^''Marduk, when writing to his 
"Lord" (be-h), states that he has, in order to corroborate the truthfulness of his 
communications, "made to be his witnesses" a certain "* ''"Nergal-Ba-ni, the prefect 
(ha-za-na) of Rakanu, and the prefect (ha-za-an-na) of Bit-^Ki-din-ni,^ upon whom 
his "Lord" may call, if he desires confirmation of the truth. The "prefect" of 
Bit-Kidinni was, of course, Kidinni.' This statement of Bana-sha-Marduk, no 
doubt, indicates that he stood in some kind of a relation to the prefect Kidinni. 
What this relation was we may gather from a tablet,* dated in the 20th year of 
Kuri-Galzu, which reports that Bana-sha-Marduk received certain cereals^ "on the 
authority" or "by order" of "'Ki-di-nu-u' — the latter apparently being the superior 
of the former. But we can go a step farther. B. E., XIV, 99a ( = E. A. H., 195) : 35,* 

' Cf. here also B. E., XV, 124, where a certain "'Ri-esh-Shamshu(-shu) or "^Ri-esh-Shamshi-shu (this reading prefer- 
able to Clay's Ri-esh-tu-shu (B. E., XV, p. 406) or Ri-esh-iAmi-shu (Z. A., XX (1907), p. 417f.) in view of such names as 
"^Ri-esh-na-pa-afi-shu, B. E., XV, 24 : 7, and "'Ri-esh-'^"En-lU, I.e., 19 : 16) receives from {ina qdt) Innanni a certain 
amount of grain as KU.QAR-wages, which grain was taken from that belonging to {ina libbi SHE shd) "* ^''^MASH- 
TUR.USH-SE-na. The tablet is dated in the 22d year (sc. doubtless of Kuri-Galzu). In B. E., XV, 136 (dated the 
23d year, sc. of Kuri-Galzu), Innannu endorses the payment of GIO ( = kiMtu, "flour," Jensen, K. B., VI, p. 485) to 
certain pa-te-si -'^ "by order of" or "in the employ of" — thus receiving the amount specified "on the authority of," 
i.e., "per" (= qdt; in this differing from Clay, B. E., XV, pp. 5, 6, who translated qdl "in the hands of" or "paid to"; 
fjAt may or may not (as here) be expressed before the second name in "lists of payments") '"' ^ 'MASH-TUR.USH- 
SE-na. These two tablets prove beyond a doubt that Innanni and Errish-apal-iddina were contemporaries during 
the 22d and 23d year (of Kuri-Galzu). 

' Xo. 9 : 21, a-na shi-bu-li-ia""'^'''Nergal-Ba-ni fm-za-rui shd ""'Ra-ka-nuufifl-za-an-nashd Bil-'"Ki-din-ni dsh-la- 
ka-an, see p. 106. 

' Notice that in our letter the prefect of Bit-Kidinni is not mentioned by name, simply because there was no otlier 
prefect of the "house of Kidinni" than Kidinni himself — a fact quite well known to the "Lord." 

« B. E., XIV, 34 : 6. 

^ASH.AN.NA (wheat), GU.GAL (beans), and sib{= ZAG)-hi-U (caper, cf. Hilprecht, B. E., Series D, Vol. I, 
p. 538). 

' Thus I translate, because the name of Kidinu follows that of Ban4-sha-Marduk. 

' Kidinni is a shorter form of Kidin(n)il. The latter is, as the long H indicates, a hypocoristicon of some such 
name as Kidin-NIN.IB, -Nergal, -RammAn (cf. No. 33 : 12), -Sin, -Ulmash, etc. See "List of Names" in B. E., XIV, p. 
466. Cf. also 18 : 22, ""Ki-di-ni; 23 : 23, "'Ki-dinJ'"Marduk, and B. E., IX, p. 616, and I.e., X, p. 536, '"Ki-din. 

' Owing to the fact that the writer was in Europe while reading the proofs of his E. B. H. (thus having no access 
to the E. A. H. Collection), it happened that E. A. H., 195 was erroneously reckoned to the Neo-Babylonian period; it 
should have been read, E. B. H., p. 328 sub e: "The dynasty of the Cassites, 175-195," instead of 194. Clay, B. E., 
XIV, p. 2, note 3, however, infers from this inaccuracy that the writer did not understand the nature of the tablet in 
question. Turning to the "Table of Contents" of B. E., XIV, p. 69, No. 99a, I find that its author does not give its 
contents either. I take this opportunity to state what I regard to be the contents of this and two exactly similar tablets 
{B. E., XIV, 168 and 99), which are interpreted somewhat differently by Dr. Clay, who sees in No. 168 a "record of 


informs us that there lived in the 11th year of Kadashman-Turgu (1. 46) a certain 
""Ki-di-nu-u who was one of the prefects, hazanndti {I.e., col. XV : 22), belonging 
to the pi-hat of '" ''''En-lil-beli = EN)-nishe"""'-shu (1. 41). Now, as '"Ki-di-nu-ii 

collections" (see I.e., p. 73), while No. 99 in the same volume is pronounced to be a "record of the collection of 
taxes in animals" (see I.e., p. 69). All three tablets just referred to are inventories. Cf., e.g., 99a : 46 (and see 99 : 1), 
mi-nu LIT.GUDHl.A d GANAM.LUinA NIN.AN"'^''', "the number of large and small cattle belonging to the 
NIN.AN'"^'''." The latter were two "beings"; one was called NIN AN.OAL, 11. 13, 34 (cf. B.E., XIV, 89 : 1, 9; 
104 : 3; 131 : [1], 18; 136 : 16; 138 : 31), and the other NIN.AN.TUR, 1. 44 (cf. B. E., XIV, 89 : 1, 16; 136 : 29 (!)), 
and, per analogy, we ought to expect a NIN.AN.TUR also in 1. 21. What these NIN.AN'""'' were, cannot be 
made out as yet. From Letter No. 85 (see p. 115) 1 would like to infer that Inbi-Airi was such a NIN.AN or 
qadishtu. From the arrangement of tlie tablet in question we might draw the conclusion that the "large cattle" 
were imder the chief supervision of the kash-shu (not = Cassite) "^Ki-lam-du, 11. 1, 2, 14; while the "small cattle" 
were imder that of the kash-shu ^Amel-Ba-nu-u (if kash-shu were = "Cassite," .\mel-Banu would be one with a good 
Babylonian name), 11. 22, 23, 35 (the traces given in B. E., XIV, are, no doubt, wrong) . Each kash-shu, it seems, had several 
(three or more?) bel pihfili under him. And as, according to our tablet, the three pi-luU included in the kash-shti of 
Kilamdu are exactly the same as those of the kash-shu of Amel-Banfl, it is most likely that a kash-shu is the general 
overseer of either the large or the small cattle, irrespective of territory; in other words, a kashshu has the supervision of 
all small or of all large cattle of a NIN.AN scattered over all the different provinces {pifi&ti). I propose, therefore, 
to derive kashshu from ^VJ2, "to gather" (Jensen, K. B., VI', pp. 322, 562), here in the sense of "one under whose juris- 
diction are gathered a number of bcl -piljflti," i.e., "governor- or overseer-in-chief." A 6^/ pifidti, on the other hand, 
is responsible for the flocks of both the large and small cattle herded in his territory, which responsibility is always expreased 
by q6t = "per", see 11. 11 (cf. 1. 7); 12 (cf. 1. 4); 17, 20 (cf. 1. 16); 32 (notice the u(\) and cf. 11. 29 and 26); 42 (cf. 1. 
41) ; hence we have to translate, e.g., 1. 11, "total 10 (sc. oxen of six years) a-na za-bal KU.QAR """'"RIQ u KA.ZID.DA 
qiU (= SH(J) ™ ^'^"■Shamash-nddin-alie™''^," by "(are employed) for the carrying (zabSl = inf.; cf. our No. 34 : 40, 
i-na ^^'^MAR.GID.DA IN ki-i az-bi-la, when I was bringing straw in the harvest (lit. "long") wagons, the horses, etc.) 
of the KU .QAR-^ngea of the vegetable- and grain-gatherers 'per' {sc. order, information of) Shamash-nddin-ajjfi (the 
hel pi-bat, 1. 7)"; or 1. 17, "total 83 cattle, the property (na-kam-tum) of Mar-Idtnanni-Shamash, 'per' (order, infor- 
mation of) Enlil-bel-nishe shu (the bcl pi-bat, 1. 16)." The territory of a pi-luit was subdivided into two to six (cf. 11. 
2, 3 and 35-40), or possibly more, lyazannati, and each luizannu or "prefect" had one (cf. 11. 2, 3, etc.), two (cf. 11. 27, 
28 and 36, 37) or more na-gid or "shepherds" under liim. The nagid, Itflzannu, bcl piyui, kashshu of this tablet corre- 
spond exactly to tlic nagid, nu-banda(-gud), PA, pa-te-si of the "inventory" lists of tlie Ur dynasty tablets, as published 
in E. B. H., pp. 333-361 (for nu-banda = liazannu see, e.g., Meissner, Ideogramme, No. 1159). It will be noticed that 
the cattle introduced by TA = itti or EN = adi are never counted, hence TA = itti cannot mean here "together with," 
nor can adi be translated by "in addition to". TA = itti has to be rendered by "besides," and EN = adi by "apart 
from." For TA cf. e.g., 1. 43, TA 15 ki-is-bu, i.e., "besides 15 (that were given for a) sacrifice to the dead." For 
kisbu see, besides Zimmern, Ritualt., p. 160, 11; Jensen, K. B., VP, pp. 446, 517; also B. E., XV, 185, I : 5; 200, I : 6, 
ki-si-bu u ri-im-ku. For EN = adi cf. 1. 5, EN 1 shul (not lam, as Clay's copy gives, see XlV, 168 : 16, EN 5 shul-ma- 
ni and cf.. I.e., 1. 15, shul-ma-na-a-tum; XV, 199 : 21, 22; shul{ = DI)-ma-nu)-ma-nu, i.e., "apart from one (that was 
given for a) peace (-offering). " Cf. also 1. 18, EN 2 GUD MU-4 u. 1 LIT shd i-na Kdr-EN.KUR.KUI^ bu-uk-kti-ra, 
i.e., "apart from two oxen, four years old, and one cow which are being taken care of in K&r-EN.KUR.KUR." For 
bukkura cf. also XIV, 168 : 55, shd i-na shattu l**"" bu-uq-qu{^:)-ra, and I.e., 1. 16, tab-ki-ir-QilW , 99a : 10, tab-kir{,\)- 
ti)tum shd ma-du-tu u-pa(])-ak-ki-ru-ni, which shows that we have here a verb baqdru = paqdru = Hebr. 1p3, Piel: 
"to cleave, discern, to look after a thing"; met with also in Neb., Winckler, I : 18 (quoted by //. 11^ B., p. 1816), 
where mu-ba-ak-ki-ir ga-(ir-ha-a-tim aUoulil be translated by "who looks after the fields," i.e., "wlio takes care of them." 
A tapqirtu, accordingly, would be a "flock which requires special treatment," a "special looking after," and XIV, 168 : 
16, quoted above, might be translated: "the flock(s) requiring a special looking after of the several shepherds they 
take care of them." Lastly cf. 1. 43: EN 20 za-bil-U MU ll*"™ i.e., "apart from 20 (special) 'holdings' of the Uth 


(the hazanu and superior of Bana-sha-Marduk') is only another writing for "A'?- 
din-ni (the hazanu of Bit-"'Ki-din-ni and the high and influential witness of Bana- 
sha-Marduk, the writer of Letter No. 9), there can be absolutely no reason against 
our identifying both and establishing the fact that Bana-sha-Marduk, the writer 
of No. 9, must have lived between the 20th year of Kuri-Galzu^ and the Uth of 
Kadashnian-Turgu/ or during a space of about forty-three years. 

In like manner we might go through the whole "List of personal names" or 

year" (cf. 1. 32, si-hi-e-ti = special holdings of the 10th and the 11th year — liere, because nol introduced by EN, tliey 
are counted. Cf. also 99 : 65, 6MjV/lAf.L[;6'" shd si-bi-ti shd '''''Tukul-ti-Be-ll''\ i.e., "small cattle of the special 
holdings of the city T.")- The root of za-hit-ti =si-bi-e-ti = si-hi-ti is H^V, and we have here the same word as ^bitlii, 
whicli Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 5626, 2, translates by " Eigentum." These examples show that the different shepherds 
herding the cattle of the NIN.AN'""^ had among their herds very often animals belonging to other people, which 
animals were designated either by nakamtu, "property" (XIV, 99a : 17), or hy sibitti, "special holdings"; cf. here 
also XIV, 99 : 16, i-na MU 11*"" ^'■"Ka-dash-man-Tur-gu a-di LIT.GUD>i^'^-shu i-na '^^"En-lil''^ it-ta-an-ma-ar [fol- 
lows enumeration], i.e., "in the 11th year of K. there were seen in Nippur in addition to his {i.e., of "* ' [. . . .], 1.1) 
cattle also the following. " Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 52b, also mentions a title or office, ki-mu, as occurring after the name 
Shamash-nudin-alie in 99o : 11, 32. These two references are an evident mistake, yet KI MU does occur in 99a : 38 
(after™ ^'■"Shamash-nusir) and in 1. 40 (after " ^'"■Sfuimash-iqtsha). For still other occurrences of KI MU after proper 
names see, e.g., B.E., XV, 132 : 23, '''Daian-^'''Marduk KI MU '"EN{ = Adi or B cl)-ma-ti-ilu (notice that we have two 
names in ifcis fine only !) ; I.e., 174 : 11 (again in this hne only two names!); i.e., 96: l4,'"Bu-un-na-^''^AG KI MU UD.DA- 
ge; B. E., XIV, 168 : 25, etc., etc. The meaning of tliis expression we gather from B. E., XIV, 168 : 34, 3 LIT.GAL shd 
i-na DUB.SHA.RA shd shattu 10*"'" MU ( = shum) "'Qu-vn-nu-ni shaf-ru, i.e., "3 large cows which are entered (shatru) 
in the inventory tablet(8) (which form part of the "Temple Archives") for the year 10 under the name of Qunnuni." 
KI.MU, when standing between two (proper) names, has to be transcribed ki shum and must be rendered by "for the 
name"; hence "^X na-gid ki shum ""F na-gid is a "shepherd whose name is entered in the inventory tablet 'for' tliat 
of another, the real or original, shepherd who, at tlie time when the inventory was taken, happened to be away from his 
flock"; in other words, '"'X ki shum '"Y is as much as "X, the substitute for Y. " In conclusion I maj' mention here 
that several mistakes are to be found in this tablet, as, e.g., col. VII : 8, read " 19 " instead of "20 " (1. 8, cols. I-V only 19 
cattle are enumerated; the mistake has probably its origin in 1. 8, col. I); col. X : 34 gives as "grand total" 376, but if 
we add together the totals of col. X, as given in the copy, we receive the sum 386, or 10 too many. These 10 "too many " 
are found in col. X : 25, where we ought to read, according to the diflferent items of cols. I-IX, 83, instead of 93, as the 
copy gives it. As the grand total is correctly given as 376, we must suppose that the mistake is not attributable to the 
original, but to the copyist. These notes, I hope, wiU convince the reader that we have to see in B. E., XIV, 99a (and all 
similar tablets, called in Vol. XIV "records of the receipt of taxes in animals") an "inventory" of the flocks (including at 
the same time an inventory of the "butter" {NI.NUN, col. VIII, Obv.) and "wool" {SIG^^", col. XII, Rev.) yielded by 
them) of the great and small cattle of the NIN.AN'"^^ under the chief supervision of two kash-shu. This inventory 
includes such additional notes as might be found necessary to account for certain "absent" or "present" cattle that 
originally did, or did not, form a component part of the flocks mentioned. For inventory tablets from the time of the 
kings of Ur cf. Hilprecht, B. E., Vol. I, part 2, Nos. 124, 126, and my E. B. II., pp. 333-361. 

' Rana-sha-Marduk, tlio contemporary of Amcl-Marduk, No. 3 : 16, has probably to be differentiated from this 
one licrc. The former hved and flourislied during the time of Shagnrnkli-Slnirifish. 

■' B. E., XIV, 34 : 6. 

' B. E., XIV, 99a ( = E. A. IL, 195) : 35. 


"scribes'" and show that they Uved during the reign, or were contemporaries, of 
one or the other of the above mentioned Cassite kings. Seeing that such an investi- 
gation would lead too far here, we reserve it for Series C. 

We need not, however, rely entirely upon the "persons" introduced in these 
documents to establish for our letters a Cassite origin and age. There are other 
means at our disposal which lead to the same result. Among these might be enum- 
erated : 

(6) The Cassite names of the persons mentioned as, e.g., "^Gu-za-ar-AN ( = i7m?),' 
'"Si-ri-da-ash,^ Mdr-"'V-su{\)-ub-Shi-pak,* Mdr-"'tJ-da-shd-dsh,^ '"Na-zi-^'^En-lil," 

' '^Ardi-GASHAN ( = Belli), the writer of No. 5, is mentioned in B. E., XIV, 40 : 3() (dated in the year 
of Kuri-Galzu, 1. 23) as DUB.SAR or "scribe." Cf. also the DUB.SAR Erba-Marduk of B. E., XIV, 127 : 14 
(dated "the beginning of the reign of Sliagarakti-Shuriash " ; for the expression cf. The Monist, XVII (January, 1907), 
p. 1.50), with the writer(s) of Nos. 13, 14 (81?), 82, and see pp. 14, note 7; 117; 121. 

' No. 87 : 3. Cf. ""Gu-za-ar-za-ar-Bu-ga-ash, C. B. M., 3532 : 16 (quoted by Clay, B. E., XV, p. 31a, and I.e., 
p. ix), which, no doubt, is the same as ^Gu-NI(J)-m-ar-Bu-ga-ash (thus read by Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 436, and quoted 
from C. B. M., 3646), seeing that NI might be read znl = zar. The interchange of I and r in the different languages 
is too well known as to require further examples. Ou-zar-zar resp. Gu-zal-zar "might" be an intensive form of Gu-zar, 
which latter we find in our text. If AN be read ilu we would have here a "mixed" name — partly Cassite, partly Baby- 
lonian; for svich names cf., e.g., Kada,ihmnn-^'"Enlll, Ktidur-^'"-Enlil, NIM.GI-shar-lH, etc. In view of such names as 
Guzarzar-Bugash, Guzalzar-Bugash, we might be justified in reading our name laere Guzar-Buga-sh, thus identifying the 
Babylonian AN with the Cassite Bugash and attributing to the latter the role played by AN in the Babylonian pantheon. 

^ No. 28 : 5 in \_Bity^Sl-ri-da{oT shd'!)-ash. Is this name to be compared with Sl-ri-ia, B. E., XV, 198 : 30, and 
Sl-ll-[la; for this emendation cf. Clay, Z.A., XX (1907), p. 417f.], I.e., 88 : 2, with interchange of I and r? 

* No. 55 : 2. For the reading Shi-pak, instead of Shi-^u, see B. E., XV, 190, VI : 15, Me-li-Shi-pa-lakl and Clay, 
I.e., p. 3, note 4. Cf. here the names U-zu{\)-ub-Shi-pak, Scheil, Textes 6lam.Sem., I, p. 93, I, 3; U-zu-uh-lJA.L.A (sle, 
against Clay, I.e., XIV, p. 546), B. E., XIV, 132 : 27, and U-zu-ub-SHI-ia-SAU, Clay, I.e., XV, p. 456. For the inter- 
change of s and z cf ., among others, also za-bit-ti, B. E., XIV, 99a : 30, with si-bi-ti, I.e., 99 r 65, and si-bi-e-ti. I.e., 99a : 32. 
In view of this intercliange we cannot connect U-su-ub = U-zu-ub with 3IK and see in our name a formation similar 
to that of Nabu-u-zu-bu ("Nebo ist Entgeltl"), quoted by Del., H. W. B., p. 356. Uzub, Usub, no doubt, is a .side-form 
of u-zi-ib = e-te-rum, Del., Sprache der Kossder, p. 26 : 42. For the interchange of i and u cf., e.g., lish-ki(.\)-nu, No. 
35 : 33; li-ml-ish-shi-ru-ni, 55 : 12, etc. (J-su-ub-Shi-pak, then, is = Sfir-Marduk, i.e., "Protect, oil Marduk!" Uzub- 
ffA .Z/.4 = " Protect my portion " (.sc. oh god !) ; Uzub-SHI-ia-SA^ —" Protect my face ( = me), oh Shaniash, " or possibly 
"ths protector of my face is Shamash." See here also the remarks to NIM.Gl, introduction to No. 33a. 

^ Thus to be read according to B. E., XV, 168 : 4, where we have ash for dith. According to 55 : 8, 16, 20 this 
person was tlie messenger of King Burna-Buriash, see p. 53, note 2. 

» No. 24 : 25. This half Cassite and half Babylonian name is found again in C. B. M., 3520 : 13 {B. E., XV, p. 
3Srt). Whether the element Na-zl be the same as Na-afi-zi, which Clay, B. E., XV, p. 4, note 2, tliinks to he possible, 
cannot be made out as yet. It is, however, a fact that afe and a' very often change in these texts^a phenomenon 
overlooked by the author of Vols. XIV and XV, as seen from B. E., XV, p. 37, note 1, where we have Mi-na-a-a'-di-a- 
na-AN ( = ilu) for Mind-afiti-ana-ili. Jor this interchange of afi and a' cf. Ki-shd-ak-bu-ut (.34 : 1), resp. Ki-.ihafi-bu-ul 
(35 : 1), with Mdr-'^Ki-shd-a'-bu-ut, B. E., XV, 188, I : 25 (not registered by Clay), II : 13 (/.c, p. 49a, WTongly has 
afi for a'); "'^^Mdr-'^Ba-ah-ln-ti, B. E., XV, 159c : 5 (the ^'''§ih,ni-'"Ba-ali-lu-ti and all others quoted under "'"^iliru 
in B. E., XIV, p. 586, and XV, p. 536, have, of course, to be corrected into ^'"Mdr-; cf. dlu shd Mdr-SMUbi in Scheil, 
Textes Slam. Sem., I, p. 100) with [MAr]-'"Ba-a'-lu-H, B. E., XV, 120 : 3. From this we might infer that Na-ah-ii 
could also be written Na-a'-zi and become Na-zi. But the intermediate form Nakt'-zi has not yet been found ; hence the 
dentification of Nn-nfi-zi and Na-zi must, at the present, be left open. 


'"Me-li-Shi-pak,^ and lastly ""Me-li-'^^Shu-qa-mu-na,^ who, as regards his name, is 
a thorough Cassite, but who, as regards his national sentiments, was a good Baby- 
lonian citizen, for his son' bears the unmistakably Babylonian name " ^'''PA.KU- 
SHESH-SE-na = Nusku-ah-iddina* 

(c) Certain cities or places peculiar to both, our letters here and the dated 
tablets of the Cassite kings. Among these may be mentioned '^^^"Ardi-GASHAN''^ 
{ = Belit); BU-'^Ki-din-ni; BAR.TUR'%' ""Dur-EN.KUR.KUR''',' Diir-"''En- 

> No. 17 : .32. Also mentioned in B. E., XIV, 125 : 8 (13th year of Ki<[ri-Galzu]) and I.e., XV, 190, VI : 15. 

' No. 59 : 14. In B. E., XV, p. 4, this name is considered to have a Babylonian element. As Meli is correctly 
recognized as a Cassite element, the god Shuqamuna is evidently regarded as a Babylonian divinity. The fact, however, 
that Shuqamuna was not known in the Babylonian pantheon till the time of the Cassites proves, apart from other con- 
siderations, that he must have been introduced by them. For Shu- also the writing Shii- occurs, see B. E., XIV, 132 : 
41; XV, 136 :10. 

' On account of miir (not m/ire'"^''^), 1. 14, I do not hold "'Bv-un-na-'^'^^NIN.IB, 1. 12, to be a son of Meli- 

« No. 59 : 13. 

' Nos. 13 : 7 I 66 : 24. In 18 : 19 we have "^"Ardi-NIN ( = Belit)'^ and in 11 : 20 '>'«Ardi-GASHAN''\ The 
latter writing is found also in B. E., XIV, 123o ( = E. A. H., ISO) ; 5 (8th year of Kudurri-Enlil, 1. 13). 

• Nos. 9 : 23 I 44 : 15. For the fhazdnu '"Ki-di-nu-u = '"Ki-din-ni see above, pp. 4ff. 

' No. 53 : 38, to be read (according to Br. 6900) Pa-rak nia-ri''^ (so also Clay, Z. A., XX (1907), p. 417f., cor- 
recting B. E., XIV, p. 57b, jMissim). The mM is, of course, the Nippurian mur mf i^nxi/v, i.e., ^^"NIN.IB. p'rom 
B. E., XIV, 133 : 3, 6 we learn tliat it existed in "tlie seventli year of Shagarakti-Shuriash, " 1. 13. Cf. here also the 
KAS '^'''Parnk-mdri''^ in B. E., XIV, 107 : 3, and see below, p. 10, note 3. 

» No. 17 : 18, 26. EN.KUR.KUR in our letters is used either of ^^""NIN.IB or of ^^"En-Kl, never of Marduk 
of Babylon, see, e.g., No. 24 : 14, 17, and cf. """'Nam-ga-ri-shd-EiX.KUR.KUR in No. 59 : 9. For the omission of ilu 
before names of gods cf. among others, also !a-ma-as-si, B. E., XV, 163 : 38 (the city mentioned in B. E., XV, 159c: 12 
has to be read "'" ^'''En-lil-IGI.BAR.RA, i.e., "Enlil looks favorably upon," and not (Clay, I.e., p. .52a) "'"Bi'l-litn- 
mas-sui"!)) I Ishtar (U.DAR), I.e., 185 : 36 ] 188, I : 13 | V : 15; §arpanitum, I.e., 163 : 31; Slmm{ = {J)-shi, I.e., 96 : 10; 
Shamshui = UDy'"\ I.e., 167 : 33, 34; NIN.AZAG.BI, I.e., 186 : 24; Sin ( = XXX), I.e., 164 : 7 i 166 : 5; 6.A, I.e., 
186 : 6; En-lil, I.e., 132 : 16 | 175 : 65 | 154 : 27; Marduk, I.e., 96 : 20; Nusku, C. B. M., 3472, etc., etc. A Dur-EK .- 
KUR.KVR''^ is mentioned in B. E., XIV, 5 :6 (Uth year of Burra-Buriash). Cf. also "'"Ddr-be-el-KUR.KUR in 
B. E., XV, 64 : 1 and the DUr-EN.KUR.KUR.GAL, I.e., 159c : 10. The correct reading of the different writings would 
be "'"Diir-bH-matdti-{rabA), "the fortress (wall) of the (great) lord of lands, " i.e., of Enhl of Nippur. Now we know from 
such passages as B. E., XV, 37 : 1, that the temple of Enhl as the b(i-mutMi-rabA is very often referred to simply as ^.AN 
= btt-ili, i.e., "the house of the god" par excellenee, and that Enlil himself is very often spoken of as the AN or ilu, i.e., 
"the god" (B. E., XIV, 16 : 1, see below, p. 80); hence EnHl, "the great lord of lands," might also be called "the 
great god of lands." Furthermore, it is well known that KUR.KUR = mdtnti = lands (= "world," "cosmos") is 
also = KALAM = mMCiti = lands ( = Babylonian world = Shumer and .4kkad), hence the reading Bit- ^^UN .GAL 
En-lil'''^ defended in Z. A., XX (1907), p. 419, must be abandoned in my judgment. There is no god UN.GALl B. E., 
XIV, 148 : 15, 18, has to be read 6-AN. KALAM. GAL-EN .LILf"^ = Bit-Ili-mami-r(M Nippur''^, i.e., "the temple of 
the great god of the lands at Nippur," which temple is the 6.KUR inhabited by Enlil-NIN.IB-Nusku or better, wliicli 
is occupied by the Nippurian Trinity in Unity: Enlil (Father) — NIN.IB (Son) — Ninlil = Gula (Mother, resp. wife of 
the Son), cf. for the latter also B. E., XV, 34 : 2, Btt-^'"Gu-la u AN. KALAM. GAL-EN. LIL''\ i.e., "the temple of Gula 
and NIN.IB" ( = Enlil; the temple of the god standing for the god's name, cf. apil-6-shhr-ra — NIN.IB). Cf. here 
also the note on AN. GAL = ^'"KA.DI = Enlil farther below, p. 20. 

FROM THE Temple archives of nippUr. 9 

l^ki.a-r.e.h-H, ^'- DuT-Ku-ri-Gal-zu,' and lastly """''A.AB.BA'''.' 

' No. 39 : 21, or written also DUr-'^^'^Mn-lifi^'^''^ No. 3 : 33, 38, 41, which latter is mentioned in B. E., XIV, 
5 : 10 (11th year of Burra-Buriash) and I.e., 78 : 4 (22d of Nazi-Maruttash). A '""Di3r-''»£n-;a»''"-'^' we find in 
B. E., XIV, 118 : 1, 30 (5th year of Kudur-Enlil), and a ^'"Dilr-'^''^En-lil"'"''-''* in I.e., XIV, 127 : 4 (beginning of the 
reign of Shagarakti-Shuriash). In this last passage the same city is mentioned in 1. 7, where its name is ^''"Dilr-^'"En- 
lil-li-e''^ — a most interesting writing, showing that even at the time of the Cassite kings ^'"EN.LIL was pronounced 
and read Enlil resp. EUil, or still better: Enlilu with a plural Enlilc, the long i2 or (• still betraying tlie fact tliat we have 
here a Semiticized Sumerian word. For such formations cf,, e.g., gu-za — kussil = Hebr. XB3, "throne." Clay's 
view, A. J. S. L. L., XXIII, pp. 269f., tliat Enhl was always pronounced Enlil must be modified, as will be shown 
elsewhere. The name Enlil, signifying originally the chief god of Nippur, was in course of time applied to each and 
every god that played the same role in the religious conception of the Babylonians as did Enlil of Nippur. The same 
holds good of NIN.LIL = BMif, 6.KUR = temple, ''^^Inrmnna = Islitar = goddess, AN = ilu = god; cf. the German 
word "Kaiser" = Ca?sar, etc. In other words: Enlil, originally the name of a god, became later on a lille, as such signi- 
fying "the liighest lord," the hel kot' c^ox'/f, just as ^A' became later on "the god par excellence." Enlil, when 
a name, is read and pronounced Enlil, resp. ElUl, Ijut when a title, it must be pronounced bil. Not only linguisticallj', 
however, but also from a religio-historic standpoint is this name and writing important. It shows us that ever since 
the time of the "kings of Ur and of the four comers of the world," when Enlil of Nippur was referred to as ^'"En-lil-li 
En-lit^-a (E. B. H., p. 272, 1. 5) or as En-lit'Ui *^"En-lil-li (E. B. H., p. 269, note 11; p. 271, 1. 5), i.e., "Enlil of the 
Nippurians" or "the Nippurian Enlil" (for the formation En-lil'"-a = Nippurian, .see OISH-Jj(j''^-a {E. B. H ., p. 
79, 1. 28; p. 81, 1. 55) = O'^^'^GISH.SU'''^ (E. B. IL, p. 76, 11. 5, 8; p. 81, note 1, et pans.). Hrozny's theory, Z. .4 ., 
XX (1907), p. 421f., to read OlSII.flU = Umma or Alma is untenable. From the fact that Ud has the pronunciation 
Umma or Alma, it does not yet follow tliat GISH.f^fJ lias to be read likewise Umma or Alma), tliere came to be known 
in Babylonia a "collection" (fii-c) of Enhls, among them Sin (of Ur), Dagan (of Isin), Slutmash (of Larsa), Marduk 
(of Babylon), AA'-SIIAR = A.fhshur (of .\slihur), and tlie Cassite Enhl = ffarbe, thus demonstrating beyond a sliadow 
of a doubt that Enlil ceased very early to be a name and became a title. There is no old Enlil or BH as over against 
a new or later Bel ( = Marduk), but all gods called Enlil have simply put on the jacket of the chief god of Nippur, 
i.e., they were identified with him — an observation clearly sliowing that the "rehgion" of Nippur formed the pattern 
after which the religion of all other Babylonian cities was formed. Cf. my remarks in Old Penn, February 16, 1907, p. 3. 
This latter statement is not contradicted by B. E., XV, 102 : 13, 14, where we Iiear of two cities called DUr- 
''"MAB..TU-labiru( = SHA)'''^ (Clay, I.e., p. 52fc, DUr-Amumi-ii''^) and KI-II( = Diir-'^'''MAR.TU)-eshshu{ = BIL)''' 
(Clay, ibid., Dur-BIL{NE)'''^), for here labiru, resp. esh.ihu, does not refer to^^"MAR.TU, but to DAr; i.e., we have here 
an "old" and a "new" DUr-'^^^Martv, or two parts (hence no items given for "new" Dii.r-^'"Martu) of one city, cf. the 
German Alt- and Neu-Stettin. 

2 Nos. 45 : 23 | 57 : 15, 20, or only DUr-Ku-ri-Gal-zu, Nos. 13 : 7 | 23 : 29. From No. 13 : 7 it is evident that 
this city cannot have been too far away from Nippur, it being connected with it by a ki-dri = BU)-ti or "stone dam," 
hence the same canal tliat passed by Nippur must have passed by DAr-Kuri-Galzu (and "'"Ardi-Belit) likewise. The 
ruins represented at tlie right of No. I, below No. Ill (see the Plan of Nuffar in Hilpreclit, B. E., Series D, Vol. I, p. 
305, and regarded by Hilpreclit as covering the ruins of the fortified palace of the patesis of Nippur, whicli, like the 
palace of Sargon at Khorsabfld, formed a bulwark in the fortification line of Nippur), in all prolialiility represent those 
of DOr-Kuri-Galzu. Notice also that the "canal" wliich starts from the Shatt-en-Nil (for whicli see No. V), between 
Nos. I and IV, passes tlie lower part of tlie ruins to the right of No. I. The first occurrence of this place is in an omen- 
tablet (inspection of a liver) from the 11th year of Burra-Buriasli, B. E., XIV, 4 : 11, LU.ARDU"'"'' li-mur-ma a-na 
Dur-Ku-ri-[Gal-zu] li-.-the-bi-llam]. This passage is not referred to in B. E., XIV, nor in the corrections, Z. A., XX 
(1907), p. 417f. It is again mentioned in B. E., XIY, 12 : 42, dated i-na '"'i"KlN-''"Innanna It-tu {i.e., .ihanMu) xAd 
shattu 4*°"* Ku-ri-Gal-zu. These two passages prove that this place was founded not by Kuri-Galzu fifirii, but by the 
older Kuri-Galzu. Notice in tliis connection that the last quoted tablet gives us tlie first occurrence of a .lecond Elul 
for the Cassite period, being called there not '"■li''KIN{-i'"Innanna) II'""" (B. E., XV, 46 : 4) nor '"■l>''KlN{-^'«Inminna) (g ^^ xv, 46 : 3 | 69 : 11 1 106 : 5), but '"'b^'KlX-^'^Innantta II-lu. Tliis month liad its origin, as we know, 


(d) Certain peculiarities which our letters here have in common not only with 

at the instigation of Hammurabi, see King, Letters, No. 14 : 6, where it is called '^^^"■KIN-^^^Innanna //*'"™'"°. It was 
not recognized in B. E., XIV, p, 62, No. 12, where the month is left out. 

' Nos. 22 : 15(?) | 37 : 10 = """"TaniiiOT, the "sea country." For the close relation between Babylonia and tlie 
sea country at the time of the Cassites see Weissbach, Babyl. Miscellen, p. 7, where {B. E., 640,5) a certain U-la-Bu-ri-ia- 
ash appears both as "king of "^'^^A.AB.BA " and as "son (TUR) of Bur-mi-Bu-ra{\)-ri-ia-ash" (probably the same as 
Burna-Buriash II, tlie son of Kuri-Galzu I, see p. 71). Cf. now also King, Chronicles concerning Early Babylonian 
Kings, and Winckler, 0. L. Z., November, 1907, where it is recorded that Ulam-Bur{i)ash, the brotlier of Kashtiliashu I, 
conquers tlie "sea country," and that Agum, the son of Kashtiliashu I, "goes out against" the same country and "captures 
DAr-6.A." For the occurrences of A.AB.BA = "sea" or "sea country," see also B. E., XIV, 58 : 50,53 (13th year of 
Nazi-Maruttash) | 168 : 18, 22, 23 | XV, 199 : 26, 27, 33, 38, 40, and the (IIR.IU A .A B.BA in B. E., XIV, 147 ( = E. A. H., 
182) : 6. In connection witli the reading and the signification of the last mentioned expression. Clay, B. E., XIV, 
p. 3, finds sufficient reason to correct a statement made in E. B. H., p. 329, wliere the question was asked, "Is tliis 
latter {i.e., OIR.RI A.AB.BA) to be classed among the kings of this dynasty?" He, altliougli admitting that "it is 
not impossible that it is a ruler's name," thinks, however, that "the fact that there is no gap in that part of tlie list 
of kings wliich these archives represent, into which it would fit, speaks against it being a ruler's name." However, 
what is assumed by Prof. Clay to be a fact, can only be regarded as a theory — a theory from which other scholars, 
tlie present writer included, beg to differ. No valid reason lias as yet been brouglit forward to show that, e.g., Kuri- 
Galzu was the immediate successor of Burna-Buriash. On the contrary, tliere exists a great divergence of opinion with 
regard to the succession of Kuri-Galzu upon the reign of Burna-Buriash. To illustrate this I quote such prominent 
scliolars as Winckler, Das alle West-Asien, p. 21; Delitzscli, Chronologische Tabellen; Weissliach, Babyl. Mi,icellen, p. 2f.; 
Hilpreclit, B. E., XX', p. 52, note 1. The latter, e.g., when speaking of the succession of Kuri-Galzu upon Burna-Bur- 
iasli's reign, expresses himself {I.e.) quite carefully, saying: "Kuri-Galzu, his {i.e., Burna-Buriash's) son and possibly 
not his immediate .iucces,'<or." From this divergence of opinion it will be apparent that it is by no means a "fact" that 
there is no gap in that part of the list of kings which these archives represent. For a full discussion of the questions 
here involved see pp. 59ff. Clay, however, is doubtless correct in denying to GIR.RI A.AB.BA the title "king," and 
likewise in seeing in him no "person" at all. I also accept liis proposition to read Gir-ri TCimtu, but I am unalile to 
agree with his interpretation of Girri-Tumtu as a "place name," as which we find it {I.e., p. 5So) mentioned in the list 
of "Names of Places." For both his reading and its identification with tlie name of a "place" he invokes as "conclu- 
sive evidence" a passage in B. E., XIV, 134 : 2, "where Girru { = KAS) Tam-lim is written," comparing this with 
Oirru ( = KAS) Ddr-ilu''^ {I.e., XIV, 161 : 7) and with Gir{sic Clay)-ir-n«, Mi-is-ru {Trans. Dep. of Arch. U. of P., 
Vol. I, Part 3, p. 223f.). On account of the importance of this new interpretation proposed by Prof. Clay, it is necessary 
to examine tliat author's "places" mentioned under Girru, B. E., XIV, p. 58o, a little more carefully. We begin witli 
B. E., XIV, 134, whicli reads: 3 qa NI DUG.GA | a-na KAS { = girru or tiarrSnu) Tam-lim | "" ^^''NIN.IB-DUGUD- 
SIIESH{.uc copy; sc. '^'''')-shu | GAR-nu \ '"'^''SHEG-a-an \ shattu 8'-"'"" | '^''Sha-garak-te-Shur-id-aisK]; i.e., either 
"3 qa of good oil for the journey to the sea(-country) which N. is making," or, possibly better, "3 qa of good oil which 
NIN.IB-kabtu-aJie-shu { = N. is tlie most important one of his brothers) has put up {GAR-nu = shaknu"" = permansive; 
cf . in tliis connection mci-}ii-ir = permansive, as e.g., B. E., XV, 86 : 6) for {a-na) the KAS, i.e., the journey (lit. the 
way) to the sea." Tlien follows date. According to this translation the "place" Girru-Tam-tim resolves 
{qa) NI GISH.BAR-5-qa \ 37 qaSHE.GISH.NI GISH.BAR-SHE.BA | '"'^i^'DUL.AZAG \ umu 26*"'" | shattu 23*°'" | KAS 
(= girru, fiarrdmi) Dur-ilu^^ I ™N ur-^" DI L.BAT IN.SAR; i.e., "17 qa (in) one vessel, k&su{see Meissner, Ideogr., No. 
2048)-oil, GISH. BAR provender, 18 (qa in one vessel) sesame-oil, GISH.BAR-5-qa, 37 qa of sesame, GISH.BAR provender, 
month Tishri, tlie 18th, year 23. Journey to Ddr-ilu. Nur-DIL.B.\T has entered " {sc. in the "Temple Archives, " (cf. shd 
i-na DUB.SHA.RA .... shiif-ru, B. E., XIV, 168 : 34, 43) as having paid out or received). B. E., XIV, 147 ( = E. A. H., 
182, cf. E. B. H., p. 329) reads: 28 {gur) ZID.DA \ ""l-ll-ish-man-ni | "'■^''SHE.KIN.KUD \ umu l*""" | shattu 10*<"" | 
gir-ri A.AB.BA ; i.e., "28 gur of flour Ili-ishmanni (.sc. has received or put up or given). Adar, tlie 1st, year 10. Journey 


the "Temple Archives," but also with the letters from the Hammurabi and the 
Amarna periods. Among these may be mentioned : 

(a) The use of dlu-ki,^ or a-li-ki,^ "city," for simple dlu. 

{15) The use of DISH before he-h^ — a peculiarity so far met with only in 
tablets of the Amarna" period. 

to the sea. " There is lastly a text which is of the highest importance in this connection liere, but which has not been 
referred to by Clay, it being quoted by him neither under Girru (B. E., XIV, p. ,58a) nor under ^''^BAR.TUR''^ (I.e., p. 
576). Its importance consists in the fact that there is to be found between KAS ( = girru) and iSATil.rC/i?** the determi- 
native for "city," 6lu, thus showing conclusively that KAS does not belong to BAR.TUR''^; if it did, such a place 
would have to be written ''^"KAS.BAR.TUR^\ and not KAS "^''BAR.TUR''', as we find it here. The text, B. E., 
XIV, 107, reads: 34 qa ZID.DA | 24 (qa) SHE.BAR \ KAS ( = girru, ftflrranu) '"'^BAB.TUR'''^ | 2 qa SHE.BAR a-na 
te-e-ni | Amu l?*""" | '^'b^'ENGAR shattu 14*'"" | ^'"Ka-dash-tnan-Tur-gu LVGAL.E; i.e., "34 qa of flour, 24 qa of barley 
(for the) journey to Parak-mari (and) 2 qa of barley for grinding" (tini = iJAR.gAR = KkuA = qa-mu-il = GAZ = 
bash/Jlu, cf. H. W. B., p. 6986, and B. E., XIV, 84 : 4 | 91 : 4 | XV, 171 : 11, KU.QAR GAZ ZID.DA). Then follows 
date. In tlie above given texts, then, the KAS Tam-tim, KAS Dilr-ilu''\ Gir-ri A.AB.BA, KAS ''''"BAR.TUR''^ are 
not "places," but "journeys" to the place.? named after KAS resp. Gir-ri, and the tablets in which these expressions 
occur do not represent "payments" (Clay, Table of Contents, B. E., XIV, p. 71f.), but are what the Germans would 
call "Verproviantirungs-Bescheinigungen" resp. " Anweiffimgen." As such they are exactl.y .similar to, e.g., that pub- 
lislied by Thureau-Dangin, R. T. Ch., No. 3.51, which reads: "X. qa zid-gu lugal \ vd 3*°™ shag uru \ X. qa zid KAS(\)- 
shii I Gimil-l-U lugh \ u Ib-ku-shd dumu nu-banda | A.AB.BA(l)-shil mu-gha-shii gin{ = DU)-na"; i.e., "so and so many 
qa of GU-flour, royal qualit}', for (a) three days (stay) in the city, so and so many qa of flour to Gimil-Ih, the sukal, 
and to Ibkusha, tlie son of the nu-banda, for the journey (KAS-shii) to the sea {A.AB.BA-shii) which tliey make (lit. 
'go') for the (shu) of fishing (mu-gha)." Here is KAS-shii A.AB.BA-shU exactly the a-na KAS Tam-tim of 
B. E., XIV, 134. A journey to the sea from Nippur demanded on account of its distance and duration some kind of 
"Verproviantinmg." This, likewise, is true of a journey to Dur-ilu on the Elamitic boundary, and if so, then Parak- 
m&ri cannot be sought in tlie immediate neighborhood of Nippur, but must have been some distance away from the 
latter place. This note, I trust, will have shown the necessity of removing the KAS resp. Girru-Tamtim and the Girrv- 
DAr-ilu'^'^ from the list of "places, " and of assigning to Girru-Misru, i.e., "The Misru-road " = "road to Misru " its proper 
place among the "highways" of Babylonia. 

' Cf . Nos. 24 : 22 I 27 : 20 I 28 : 17 I 34 : 39 I 38 : 6 I 52 : 6, 20 I 66 : 14, 27 I 83 : 17, 26. See here also 6lu-ki karU Ash- 
tah-gan-tug, B. E., XIV, 23 : 2; Mu-ki, B. E., XIV, 5:3; dlu-ki-Kal-bi-ia, B. E., XV, 66 : 2. Whether KA A.GUR.DA- 
tdu-ki, B. E., XIV, 29 : 2, may be mentioned in this connection, or whether &lu be here = ri (cf. the god Za-m-ru and 
Za-za-rl, E. B. //., p. 53, note II, 10), i.e., whether we have to read Pt-ndriri-ki, must remain, in view of B. E. XIV 
35 : 12, Pi-i-Na-a-ri'^^, doubtful. For the Amarna period see the passages cited by Bezold, Oriental Diplomacy, p. 
71; for the Hammurabi period cf., e.g., C. T., VI, 276 : 17, 24, 30, Mu-ki; C. T., IV (Bu. 83-5-12, 689), pi. 45 : 21, 
dlu-ki UD.KIB.NUN''\ and for the time of Naram-Sin, see Scheil, Textes £lam. Sem., II, pp. 3, 13. 

2 No. 29 : 14. This is, however, doubtful, for a-li-ki may be taken here also as a first pers. praet. (sic]) of np'? 
and be translated "(as many as) I have taken," see pp. 100, note; 108, note 1. 

'No. 20 : 1, 8, 9, 11, but in 1. 4 it is omitted. 

* Bezold, I.e., p. XVI, says that DISH is found in the Amarna letters of the L. collection before aiab "foe, " iashi 
"me," amelu "man," Ijflzanu " prefect, " mdra "son," ramdm-ia "myself," a.nA .tharru "king," but he omits £iV = belu 
In view of our letter, quoted above, we have to see in places like Amarna, L. 16 : 1, 21 or L. 52 : 1, pass., where the sign 
for EN has the pecuhar form of I-en, the determinative DISH + EN and read either "'EN = belu or lEN = hClu. 
Knudtzon, Die Et-Amarna-Tafeln, has, quite correctly, recognized this DISH. 


(y) The use of hal,^ also written dsh-dsh, to express the plural. 
(e) Even glosses^ seem(!) to appear in our letters — an observation showing 
that we have to do here with an originally now-Babylonian people. 

' No. 33a : 3, 21, OliM'; I.e., 1. 15, an-nu-u-tum ( = plural) 6lu^^. Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 58a, is inclined to regard 
tliis in I.e., 166 : 25 (read 24) as a new city, ^^"ffAL or Bdru, but there Alu^"' is a plural, as a comparison with 11.4, 
8, 13, 16, 19 clearly shows. An ^'■^fJAL (Clay, corrections in Z. A., XX (1907), p. 4171.) does likewise not exist in 
B. E., XV, 132 : 1, where we are told what amounts of grain were paid out (nad-nu) in tlie cities (Mu^^) of Ishtar- 
apal-iddina, who, therefore, must have been a bel piJidti with several lyazannCiti (city prefects) under his command. 
For other occurrences of lyal = dsh^h see, e.g., B. E., XIV, 18 : 2, dludth.dih-^ B. E., XV, 185 I : 6 | 200 I : 7, 
jg ANdah.dsh-^ B. E., XV, 178 : 3 I 200 IV : 9, MU'i'h.dah (Clay's copy gives in the last quoted passage zer for MU, but 
this may be a peculiarity of the scribe). These passages quoted from Vols. XIV and XV for the use of fial as a plural 
sign may be compared with King, Letters, 39 : 5, ^S'" rfZu^', and Bezold, I.e., p. 71, under Alu. 

' While we have in No. 6 : 7 only ISH, and in No. 24 : 9 ip-ru, we find in No. 53 : 36, [...]+ 10 gur ISH e-pi-ri, 
with which cf. Amama, L. 16 : 3, ISH, i.e., e-bi-ri. Is No. 28 : 24, A mu-il ma-a'-du u zi-na-nu it-tal-ku, to be com- 
pared with Araarna, L. 31 : 10, A'"*''', i.e., mi-ma'! 




The letters published in this volume may be conveniently subdivided into three 
classes : 

(a) Letters of diverse writers addressed a-na be-Pi-ia, "to my Lord," i.e., letters 
written by various royal and Temple officials and addressed to the king, Nos. 1-74. 

(6) One' letter from a king (LUGAL) to Amel-Marduk, or, more specifically, 
a letter of King Shagarakti-Shuriash to his sheriff-in-chief and attorney of state 
{GV.EN.NA), No. 75, see pp. 132ff. 

(c) Letters of several writers to certain persons named in the address; in other 
words, letters constituting an official correspondence between officers of the Temple 
and the State, Nos. 76ff. 

For the sake of convenience and in order to show the fundamental difference 
between the letters of Class (a) and those of Class (c), as regards their "address" 
and ' 'greeting," we begin with the letters between Temple and State officials. Among 
these letters we find : 

1. One^ addressed by a father to his son. Both hold official positions in store- 
houses (karu), but neither the name of the father nor that of the son is given. 

2. One' written by a certain "' ''"A-shur-shum-etir(KAR) to the governor'' 
"• '^"En-lil-lbeli = EN)-nishe'"''''-shu]; who flourished at the time of Kadashman- 

3. Two written during the reign of Burna-Buriash by the celebrated trader in 
slaves, "" ^'"En-lil-ki-di-ni," and addressed 

' In all probability No. 93 is a fragment of a royal letter. 
' No. 76. For a translation see below, p. 144. 
» No. 77. 

* The bvl pifidti; this follows from tlie greeting in 1. 5, u a-na pa-l!fi-t[i-ka] lu-u shul-mu. 

' Thus I propose to read his name, identifying liim with the bel pifiOti mentioned in B. E., XIV, 99a : 16, 41; cf. 
ibid., 11. 17, 20, 42 (dated the 11th year of Kadashman-Turgu) . He was a contemporary of the JaztJnu "^Ki-di-nu-u 
and of '"'Bana-a-slm- '^Marduk, the writer of No. 9, see p. 5. 

• For further details see below, pp. 54£f. 


(a) To ""A-hu-shi-naJ 

(b) To ""Im-gu-ri.^ 

4. Eight letters, addressed to certain officials, in which the writer calls himself 
"brother," ahu,^ of the one to whom he addresses his letters. Among these the 
following are to be mentioned : 

(a) One' written sometime between the 12th year of Nazi-Maruttash and 
the 14th year of Kadashman-Turgu and addressed by "' ^'''En-lil-mu-kin-apal 
( = TUR.USHY to ""A-mi-mi-ia.' 

(b) Two from "'Erha-'^Marduk' and addressed 

(a) To the sheriff -in-chief at the time of Kudurri-Enlil, "" Ahu-ii-a-Ba-ni," 
(Ji) To ^''''^Da-ni-ti-ia.' 

' No. 78. An ""A-ku-shi-na is mentioned also in B. E., XIV, 25 : 12, 15, 23 (17th year of Kuri-Galzu) and in 
I.e., 167 : 11, 12 (25th or better 26th year, which can refer only to the reign of Burna-Buriash, because Enlil-kidinni 
is mentioned in all other tablets as living only under that ruler's reign). From this we may infer that King Burna- 
Buriash reigned in fact at least twenty-five or twenty-six years. See also p. 1, note 3. 

' No. 79. This person, although not mentioned in B. E., XIV, XV, has to be identified with "^Im-gu-rum, the 
writer of Nos. 22, 23. See introduction to No. 23, below, p. 94. 

' Tliis, no doubt, is to be understood cum grano salis and parallel to Burna-Buriash's calling himself "thy brother," 
when writing to tlie king of Egypt (cf., e.g., Amarna, L. 2). That we are in many cases forbidden to take the term 
"brother" Hterally is shown, e.g., by C. T., XXII, PI. 3, No. 11, where the writer "'SHESH""''''-MU-^'"Marduk addresses 
his letter to his "brothers," SHESH'^"'', among whom is to be found another '"SHESH"'"''-MU-^^"Marduk. If 
"brotlier" were to be taken in its literal sense liere, we would have two brothers o/ the same name — a thing impossible even 
among the Babylonians. Aftii in this connection means probably nothing more than "friend." 

* No. 80. 

» Cf. B. E., XIV, 55 : 4 (12th year of Nazi-Maruttash) ; I.e., 56a : 24 (13th year of ditto) ; I.e., 60 : 2 | 62 : 2 (14th 
year of ditto); I.e., 65 : 12 (15tli year of ditto) ; I.e., 99a : 20 (11th year of Kadashman-Turgu); I.e., 106 : 2 (14th year 
of ditto). 

' In this form it is found neither in B. E., XIV, nor XV. Is "^A-mi-lu the ma(\)-i,i-su (sicl not ZU.QI.^U, Clay, 
B. E., XV, p. 266; cf. H. W. B., p. 400a, and Meissner, A. P., p. 115, note 1), I.e., XV, 37 : 15 (13th year of ?) to be 
compared with Amili-ia as "Kosename" ; cf. the German "mein Mannchen." 

' Erba-Marduk, the author of No. 81, hailed eitlier from Larsa or more probably from Sippar, while the writer 
of No. 82 was, no doubt, a Nippurian, see p. 23. The latter I would identify with the DUB.SAIi Erba-Marduk of 
B. E., XIV, 127 : 14 (dated in the beginning of the reign of Shagarakti-Shuriash) and with the writer of Nos. 13, 14. 
The former, being a contemporary of Al^u-u-Ba-ni, lived during the time of Kadashman-Enlil (see following note) 
and Kudur-Enlil. Cf. also Mar-Innibi, 81 : 9, with Innibu, B. E., XIV, 56a : 20 (13th year of Nazi-Maruttash) and 
Ilu-MU .TU K.A-remu (Meissner, Ideogr., No. 3857), 81 : 16, with the person of the same name in B. E., XIV, 116 : 6 
(6th year of Kadashman-Enlil) and I.e., 124 : 17 (8th year of Kudurri-Enlil). For possibly still another Erba-Marduk, 
see introduction to No. 35, p. 121, and cf. p. 107. 

' No. 81. A son of A}!,u-u-a-B[a-ni\, Nur-Shuqamuna by name, is mentioned in B. E., XIV, 119 : 32 (5th year 
of Kudurri-Enlil). The father, then, probably lived during the time of Kadashman-Enlil and possibly was still alive 
during Kudurri-Enlil's reign. 

• No. 82. Before Danitia there is neither a DISH nor a SAL to be found. As in the texts of this period all 
nam. propr. have either the "male" or "female" determinative, it is apparent tliat Danili-ia must be a kind of "Kose- 
name" or possibly one signifying a "profession." Notice in this connection the difference between TUB.SAL '"(!)Afd- 


(c) One^ from "'Gu-za-ar-AN'^ to the Temple official '"In-nu-u-a." 

(d) One^ from ""Pdni = SHI)-AN .GAL-lu-mur,^ an inhabitant of DUr-ilu^', 
to a high Temple and State officer of Nippur, ""NIN-nu-ii-aJ' This letter, although 
it had been sent to "'"UD.KIB.NUN''', i.e., to Sippar, where "'NIN-nu-ii-a 
happened to be at that time, was found by the Expedition of the University of 
Pennsylvania at Nippur. 

(e) One" written during the time of Burna-Buriash and addressed by "'1-Vi-ip- 
pa-dsh-rd' to ["']Dail)-li-li-sh[d?y 

if) One' from "• ''"Sin{ = XXX)-erish( = ENGAR)^\"' a storehouse official, 

du-du (B. E., XV, 163 : 13), on the one liand, and TU R.SAL (sM) ma-an-di-di (B. E., XV, 155 : 7 | 164 : 4) resp. TUR 
shd-an-gi-e (B. E., XV, 168 : 17) on the other. Cf. also our "Smith" and "smith." Notice further tliat whenever a 
nom. propr. is found without the determinative DISH (or SAL) it does not signify the name of a person (kings are 
excepted because they are godsf), but a place called after that person, see, e.g., ^^"Shamash( = UD)-tu-kul-ti isic\ with- 
out dlu, DISH, and ki), 16 : 8, 12; '^^"Gir-ra-ga-mil, 3 : 13, 17, 20, but also ''''"Gir-ra-ga-mil, 3 : 38, 40 + fr. d, resp. 
Alu il^Gir-ra-ga-mil, 3 : 31. The name Daniti-ia by itself looks like a feminine of DanH (for which cf. H. W. B., p. 
223«) + ia, but if it were a feminine then the ka-.'<hd (1. 5) and (a-ash-pu-ra = second pers. (1. 10) would be, to say 
the least, quite strange; we would expect kashi resp. tashpuri. The name is not to be found in B. E.. XIV, XV. 

'No. 87. » For this name see p. 7, n. 2. » No. 89. • Seepp. 19ff.;25,n. 4;27,n.8. 

' In view of the fact that NIN has very often not only the pronunciation NI but also that of IN, we would 
be justified in identifying "'Nin-nu-u-a (No. 89) with ""In-nu-u-a (No. 87). For NIN = NI cf., e.g., ^'^ ("')NIN. 
j]^f(mu-rufi^ III R. 68, No. 3, 51, and see II R. 60, 23« + 226; ^'"NINC'')-.'^a-a, III R. 69, No. 5, 64; iluf^iN(,L^_ 
GA .KAS, III R. 69, No. 4, 64 (see also ''u^^vC"™). GA .KAS in III R. 68, 21o) ; ^'"NIN.PISH has the gloss m( = NIN) 
+ ki-li-te (= PISH), III R. 68, No. 3, 46. For NIN' = IN cf., e.g., ^'''C'')NIN ner-gal nin-e-ne-ge = ''"di«o e-lel-lit 
be-li-e-ti, A. S. K. T., No. 11, col. Ill, 61f. (=11 R. 18, 63); IV R. 55, 86, with ^'''NIN ner-gal sag-gig-ga, IV R. 56, 
12a; 296. Tliis shows conclusively that NIN = NI = IN, and hence ^NIN-nu-ii-a "miglit" be read ^In-nu-ti-a and 
be identified with tlie addressee of No. 87. Neither "'In-nu-u-a nor ^NIN-nu-u-a are to be found in B. E., XIV, 
XV. Comparing these two names with such formations as '^A^.u-ii-ai-Ba-ni, No. 81 : 1), '"In-na-an-nu-u-a (B. E., 
XV, 37 : 24), it would be better to transcribe "^In-nu-r-a, "'NIN-nu-v-a and regard the va as the pron. suffix of the 
first person,"my." In that these two names would be either " Kosenamen" or hypocoristica. 

• No. 88. 

' For the writing NI.NI = l-fi, a plural of majesty signifying always the highest god, whether lie be Anu, Enlil, 
Sin, Dagan, Shamash, Marduk, Ashshur, etc., see The Monist, XVI (October, 1906), p. 637, and I.e., XVII (January, 
1907), p. 145, where it was shown that NI.NI may change with DINGIR.RA, AN, AN'"^''^ and AN.AN. An 
"^Ilu(=AN)-ip-pa-dsh-ra, the father of NIN.IB-Ba-ni, is mentioned in B. E., XIV, 2 : 9 (6th year of Burna-Buriash). 

* The Da might possibly be ik or SHESH, and the shd ia. To judge from ka-shd (not kashi), 1. 5, this name 
is tliat of a male person. A ^Da-li-lu{])-shd ( = male) occurs in B. E., XV, 156 : 23, but in I.e., XIV, 58 : 7 (13th year 
of Nazi-Maruttash) ; XV, 163 : 8 | 188 II : 17 (liere li = NI) that very same name is a female. If, after all, this name 
should have to be read as given above and should prove to be (notwithstanding the ka-shdin 1. 5) a female, then cf. B. E., 
XV, 163 : 35, ^In-na-ni-ia (not Un-na-an-ni-ia as given by Clay, List of Names, I.e., pp. 34a, 48a) with "'In-na-an-nu-u-a, 
B. E., XV, 37 : 24. Dalili-ia, considered by itself, might be taken as a hypocoristicon and be translated "my obedience " 
sc. "is towards that or that god" — a name applicable to both male and female persons. 

» No. 90. 

'" According to B. E., XIV, this person lived during the 24th year of Nazi-Maruttash {I.e., 86 : 14) and the 7th 
(J.C., 94 : 5), 10th (I.e., 98 : 4), and 14th year of Kadashman-Turgu {I.e., 106 : 12 | 111 : 6). From these passages we 
learn that he was the son of ^NAr-{ . . . . ] and the father of Af^udutum and Nergal-nddin-aliS. 


stationed, as it seems, at different points' at various times, and addressed, no doubt, 
to ""Mm (Meissner, Ideogr., No. 3857) -shu-^'^N IN. I B,^ the chief bursar at Nippur 
during the time of Kadashman-Turgu. 

(g) One' written by the royal official (probably itu) ""Il-li-ia' during the reign 
of Nazi-Maruttash and addressed, as it seems, to the chief bursar of Nippur, Martuku} 

5. Four" letters addressed to ""In-na-an-ni/ the chief bursar of the Nippurian 
Temple storehouses during the reign of Kuri-Galzu. 

(a) Two' of these were written by the governor "" ''"NIN.IB (or MASH)- 

(b) And two" by a lady of high rank, in all probabiUty aiV/A^.^lA^.G^L'" or high 
priestess, 'In-bi-Ai-ri^^ by name. 

6. One'^ from '" ''''D(T)ar-hu-nur( = SAB)-gab-ba,'' a merchant, to "[DJm 
( =[DI]-KUD)-li-[mury' 

' In B. E., XIV, 86 : 3 lie appears as a witness at a transaction in the storehouse of Kar-Zi-harJ'^ ; in I.e., 
98 : 2 the cliief bursar of Nippur, '"Irimshti-^'"NIN.IB, transacts business for {ki qM) "* ^^"Nergal-nadin-alie""', son of 
"'^'''Sin(= XXX)-erish(.^'h at Kar-'''"Ba-u''^; in I.e., 106 : 12, he is found among certain witnesses at ^^^Shar-mash; 
in 111:6™ ^'"Nergal-nMin-abe'"''''', son of "" '^^"Sin-cri.Mi''') , receives grain from (ina qCit) "" ^^^ En-lil-zu-lu-li and 
"^Mm-shti-'^^^NIN.IB at the storehouse (i-na bit fcani) of Nippur; and in our letter he seems to have been connected with 
^'"DUr^. . . . ], 90 : 5. 

' Although the name is broken off, yet tlie circumstances of the time and the contents of the letter justify such 
an emendation. For tliis official see also Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 8. 

'No. 92. 

* A person with this name occurs B. E., XIV, 48a : 7 (6th year of Nazi-Maruttasli) . That he was a royal official 
I conclude from 92 : 24f ., lia-mu-ut-ta sM-up-ra-am-ma a-na LUGAL hi(])-ta-pu-ush u nikasi{= NI(G).SHIT)-ni 
it-ti a-Jia-mi-ish t ni-pu-ush-ma, and that his position must have been a high one, such as was that of an itA, follows 
from 92 -.9,11 SHE. BAR ma-{ d.l.22\]bm (= EN)""'''' pi-{ia^ti, cf .1.20; . . . .]uli-ma-gu-ru .... 

' The name is broken off. The contents of the letter and the time when it was written justify this emendation. 

« Nos. 83-86. ' See pp. 3ff. ; llOff. 

« Nos. 83, 84. » Nos. 8.5, 86. 

'" Or possibly a NIN.AN.TUR. For both of these expressions see pp. 4, note 8; 115. 

" This "fruit of Ijjar" is not mentioned in B. E., XIV, XV. Because she was writing to Innanni, she must have 
flourished during the time of Kuri-Galzu. For further details see "Translations," pp. llSf. 

" No. 91. 

" The first sign in this name is the last variant given in the "Sign List" of B. E., XIV, No. 28; cf. B. E., XV, 
151 : 2, ™Lu-dar{V)-be-h. For the identity of Tar-ku, Tar-ku, Tur-gu, see Hilprecht, Assyriaca, p. 119. Tar-liu. being 
called here "tlie light of everything ( = the whole == the world)", is as such identified, not only with Shamash (cf., e.g., 
Ranke, B. E., Series D, III, p. 147a, Shamash-nu-ur-ma-tim) , but also with Sin (Ranke, I.e., p. 163a, Sin-nAr-mdti; 
see also Clay, B. E., XIV, 19 : 23). *'»Sm (= XXX) is according to II R. 48 : 33 = TUR.KU (gloss du-mu-gu), 
hence D(T)ar-}i,u = Sin = Tur-k(g)u. As regards the linguistic difficulties cf., for the change of a and u in proximity 
of an r, Hilprecht, B. E., XX', p. 17, note 4, and for the change of k and fe, cf. kammu and fiammu, Jensen, K. B., VI', 
pp. 385, 568. After -ba there is broken away a -ma. 

'• As the D/ and mur are missing, we possibly might read ["'I-na]-sil{'=KUD)-li-[. . . .]. With "\D'^n-K-{mur], 
i.e., "may he see judgment," cf. 27 : 18 '^Di-in-ili{= AN)-lu-mur, "may / see the judgment of god." Neither Tarbu- 
nUr-gdbba nor Din-limur is mentioned in B. E., XIV, XV. 


7. To this class have been added, after the plates and the MS. had been prepared 
for the press, several fragments, of some of which it may be doubtful whether they 
belong here or to the letters addressed "to my Lord."' 

As only one' letter from this period has been published so far, it would seem 
advisable to treat of this class of literature in its general aspects more fully here. 

Each and every letter consisted originally — as it does at our present time — of 
two integral parts: the envelope and the letter proper. None of the envelopes 
of this class of letters has been preserved to us — an unmistakable sign that all these 
communications had been received and read by the addressee. From the analogy 
of other letters known to us and partly preserved in the collections of the University 
of Pennsylvania, we may, however, conclude that the envelope originally exhibited 
(a) an address, reading either (a) a-na "F., i.e., "To '"F." (here giving the name of 
the addressee)^ or {(3) dup-pi ""X. a-na ""F., i.e., "Letter of ""X. ( = writer) to "Y." 
(= addressee) ,'' and (6) the seaf impression of the writer. In no case, however, 
was a date or the place of the writer or addressee ever put on the envelope — an 
omission which seriously hampers us in determining the time when or the place 
where or to which each letter was written. 

The fact that all of these letters have been found at Nippur does not yet justify 
us in maintaining that they have been originally addressed to that place; for it 
can be shown that at least one of them, though found in Nippur, was yet sent to 
Sippar, whence it was brought back to the city of Enlil and deposited there with 
the rest of the Temple Archives. The purpose of the envelope, then, was to insure (1) 
privacy, (2) safe delivery to the person named, (3) authenticity. 

The contents of the letter proper divide themselves easily into three parts: 

' Nos. 93ff. 

' This is to be found in F. E. Peiser, Urknnden aus der Zeit der dritten babylonischen Dynastie in Ursckrift, 
Umschrijt und Ueberseizung, Berlin, 1905, under P. 114. Its introduction reads: 

A-TM '^A-mur-ri-ia ki-be-ma | [um]-ma "" ^^"Sini^ XXX)-MU-[SE]'"' SHESH-ka-ma \ ^'''Sin (^ XXX) a-ab 
AN""'''' kul-lat I nap-fihd-H-ka li-iz-zu-ru, which cannot be rendered witli Peiser by "Sin der Valer der Goiter moge all 
deine Seelen bewahren," but must be translated by: "Sinand(!) the father of gods may protect all thy souls"; this follows 
clearly from li-iz-zu-ru = plural ! Altliough tliis letter is very fragmentary, yet this much can be made out witli certainty : 
The boundary stone of a certain piece of property could not be found, and hence its boundaries could not be determined 
exactly. A certain "• ''"Sm(= XXX)-ta6-m-w?ur knew the position of that stone; he, therefore, was asked: al-ka-ma 
mi-is-ri-ti kul-li-im ii ku-du-{ur-m ....], i.e., ''come, show the boundaries and the boundary stone." The rest of the 
letter is too fragmentary to warrant any translation. 

' Cf . the celebrated Lushtamar tablet with the address a-na "'Lu-vsh-ta-mar or tlie letter from the Sargonic 
period which is written a-na Lugal-ushumgal. 

* Cf . per analogy the address of No. 24, dup-pi '"Kal-[h(] a-na be-h-shu. 

' Traces of a seal impression are still discernible on No. 24. On tlie Lushtamar and the Sargonic tablets the seal 
is quite distinct and clear. 



(a) address, (b) greeting, which is coupled in some instances with an invocation to 
the "gods" to bless and protect the addressee, (c) subject matter. With the excep- 
tion of No. 76, where the subject matter of the communication is introduced quite 
abruptly by "thus (saith) thy father" (um-ma a-hi-ka),^ the address of these letters 
is clad, in sharp contrast to those published under Nos. 1-74, into one of the 
following two formulas: 

Into (a) a-na- "F. ki-be-ma^ um-ma '"X.-ma,^ i.e., "to Y. speak, thus saith X."* 

Into (6) a-na^ ""F.' ki-be-mxf um-mxi ""X. ahu^-ka-ma^, i.e., "to Y. speak, thus 
saith X., thy brother."'" 

In none of these letters, then, does the writer ever call himself "thy servant,^' 
nor does he ever express the humble petition, ' 'before the presence of my Lord may I 
come!" — an observation which is, as we shall see, of the highest importance for the 
correct understanding of the nature of the letters here and those of Nos. 1-74. 

The greeting, whenever it occurs in one of these letters, invariably takes its 
place after the emphatic -ma terminating the address." Its simplest form is a-na 
kdsha^^ W^ shulmu,^* i.e., "unto thee greeting." If the addressee happens to occupy 
an especially high position in life, the writer may extend his greeting, as is done in 
No. 77, even to "the house" and the "domain" of his correspondent: a-na ka-a-shd 

' This peculiar introduction of what the father liad to say to his son is, no doubt, due not so much to the parental 
or any otlier relation as to tlie mental strain under which the father labored at the time when writing the letter. The 
son wa.s negligent in making his report (di-e-ma) to the "barley overseer" (6e-e? »S//E./?.4 if), who in turn caused the 
"father" to delay his report to the "Lord" or King. For a translation of this tablet see below, p. 144. 

' Nos. 77, 78, 79, 83, 84, 85, 86, 91. 

' Also written ki-bi-ma, so in Nos. 77, 81, 82, 88, 91. 

* This emphatic -ma is invariably found at the end of the address, and a.s such a -ma lengthens the preceding 
syllable, the name of the writer of No. 85 cannot be fin-bi-Ai-ri-im, but must be 'In-bi-Ai-ri. 

' This is also the stereotyped formula used by Hammurabi when writing to his subjects, such as, e.g., Sin-idinnam. 
For a justification of the above given translation of this formula see King, Letters of Hammurabi, Vol. Ill, p. XXV, 
note 1; Delitzsch, B. A., Vol. IV, p. 435 below; Nagel, B. ^., Vol.IV, pp. 477ff. Knudtzon's translation {Die El-Amarna- 
Tafeln, pass.), "hat gesprochen,'' is out of place. 

« Nos. 80, 81, 82, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92. 

' In case the writer wishes to express his particular devotion to liis correspondent he may add after a-na '"Y. 
some such words as shd a-ra-ynu-shu, "whom I love," cf. No. 89. 

« Written either SHESH-ka-ma, Nos. 80, 81, 87, 88, 89, [90], 92, or a-fiu-ka-ma. No. 82. 

• As aliu-ka is here the attribute to '"X., hence an inseparable part of the latter, the emphatic -ma naturally takes 
its place after the attribute. 

'" For the signification of this term see already above, p. 14, note 3. 

" I.e., after '"X.-ma or after al^u-ka-ma. 

" Written either ka-shd, Nos. 82, 87, 88, 89 [90, 92], or ka-a-shd, Nos. 77, 81. 

" Written lu in Nos. 88, 89, or lu-u in Nos. 77, 81, 82, 87. 

'« Shul-mu in Nos. 77, 81, 82, 89 [90], or shu-ul-mu in Nos. 87, 88, 92. Dl-mu has not yet been found. 


bi[ti-ka] u a-na pa-ha-t[i-ka] lu-u shul-mu, i.e., "to thee, thy house, and to thy pah,dt 
greeting." In many cases there is coupled with this greeting an invocation to the 
gods of the writer's city in the form of a prayer for the well-being and protection of 
the addressee. These invocations are of the highest importance, both for deter- 
mining the exact domicile of the writer and for a correct understanding of the 
religion of the Babylonians. To illustrate this by one example I may be permitted 
to quote the "invocation" of No. 89 in extenso, gathering from it the facts that (1) 
Pdn-AN .GAL-lu-mur (i.e., "May I see the face of AN. GAL"), the writer, was a 
resident of Dur-ilu''\^ whose gods he invokes, and that (2) the "divine court" of 
Dur-ilu^^ was formed after the pattern of the Nippurian court, as such consisting 
of Father {AN. GAL), Son {TAR), and Mother {N IN. LI L) —three persons, though 
distinct, yet one: a veritable Trinity in a Unity.' It reads (89 : 4f.) : 

4 AN.GAU it ''^NIN.LIL ''"TAR u AN. GAL and NIN.LIL, TAR and GU, 


' See also 89 : 24, 26. 

' Cf. The Monist, XVII (January, 1907), p. 148, and Old Penn, V, No. 21 (February 16, 1907), p. 3, col. III. 

'That the divinity AN. GAL cannot be here = ''".4i (II R. 57, 13a), the m(e of ^'"SHAG.ZU (= Enlil, Sin, 
Ramman, Shamash, Marduk), a female, but must be a male, is apparent from his being coupled with ^^^NIN.LIL. 
AN. GAL u ^^"NIN.LIL are male and female, husband and wife. A male AN. GAL as god of Dur-ilu'''^ occurs also in 
Jensen, K. B., VI, p. 64, 21 (cf. I.e., p. 62, 20, where the verb i-pu-la = masc. (not ta-pu-la\) refers back to AN.G.iL). 
Among the tablets of the Ur dynasty, now being copied and published by Dr. Myhrman, I saw a variant of date No. 12 
(E. B. H., p. 255), reading mu AN .GAL[Diir-rab-ilvJ''^'\ e-a ba-lur, instead of, as it is commonly found, mu ^'■'^Ka-di DAr- 
rab-ilu e-a ba-tur, i.e., "in the year when AN.GAL was brought into his temple in Dur-rab-ilu ," see also Thureau- 
Dangin, S. A. K. /., p. 229, 7. This proves that AN.GAL = ^^^Ka-di, and if AN.GAL be a male, tlien ''"Ka-di must 
be a male likewise. Again, in an inscription translated in E. B. H., p. 255, note 12 (see Thureau-Dangin, I.e., p. 176, 2) 
AN-mutabil, the shakkarmkku of Dur-ilu , calls himself the m.i-gir ^^"Ka-di na-ra-am ^^^Innanna, i.e., "tlie favored 
one of Kadi, the beloved of Ishtar." Here Kadi is coupled with and in opposition to Ishtar, lience must be a male 
and the husband of Ishtar (= NIN.LIL). Lastly, in II R. 57, 54a ''^Ka-di is identified with ^'"Nin-Gir-su and with 
'■'"NIN.IB, botli being male divinities and gods of thunder and lightning; hence Thureau-Dangin (I.e., p. 176, 2, and 
passim), Huber (Die Personennamen in den Kdlschrijturkunden aus der Zeit der Konige von Ur und /sin, A. B., XXI, 
p. 174, note 14, who thinks that Kadi "war die Ilauptgottin von Dur-ilu, die Gemahlin des '^GAL") and others, who see 
in ^^"Ka-di a female, are wrong. The pronunciation of the name of this god is neither Ka-di nor Ka-silim (Huber, 
I.e.,) but ^^"Gu( = KA)-sir{ = DI= NUl); as such he is the same as '^'^GU.NU-ra (= Gu-sir-ra). For the reasons of 
this identification see ray forthcoming volume on the Religious Texts of Nippur. '■'^NIN.LIL, here coupled with 
AN.GAL, hence his wife, is, of course, the same who otherwise is known as "the wife of Enlil," and who, as 
wife of Enlil, is "the mistress of En-lil''\" i.e., ^'■^NIN .EN .LIL''\ II R. 59 : 9. But in the passage just 
quoted she appears not as the wife of Enlil, but as that of ^^'"NIN.IB or ^^^MASII. We have seen above that AN.GAL 
or ^^"Ka-di was identified with ^^^NIN.IB. From this it follows that Kadi originally played the role of the "Son" 
(just as Enlil did in the Trinity: AN-EN.LIL-ANi), but was, when he became the chief god of Ddr-ilu, identified also 
with the Father, i.e., with Enlil, whose wife now becomes also his (i.e.. Kadi's) wife. In the role of the " Son " we find Kadi 
also in such proper names as ""'"Xa-di-rfa-bi-ib (6i, 6a ;/?.£., XIV, 14 :4; XV, 36 : 18, etc.), i.e., "Kadi is speaking," 
sc. through, or by means of, the thunder; "* '^^^Ka-di-da-bi-En-lU''H B. E., XV, 119 : 10. Omitted by Oay. Thus 
I read on account of the i in hi), which name might be translated either by " Kadi is the good (= t&bi, sc. child) of Nippur" 


(i.e., Enlil; cf. Marduk apil Eridu, where Eridu, the city of god E.A, stands for the god himself), or by "Kadi is the 
dabi ( = SHACH = lium?iru = "pig," the emblem of NIN.IB, see The Monist, XVII (January, 1907), p. 143) of Nippur 
(= Enlil)." Again, if XIX. LIL, "the mistress or queen of Nippur," becomes the wife of AX.GAL, the higliest god of 
Dur-ilu, she ipso faclo acquires also the title "mistress or queen of Dur-ilu." Tliis now helps us to understand the 
passage in Meissner, Bauinschriften Assarhaddon's, B. A ., Ill, p. 238, 42f. = I.e., p. 297, 42 (K. 2801), together with its 
parallel text and variants in I.e., p. 307, 34f. (K. 221 + 2669), wliich lias been completely misunderstood by all who 
took AX.GAL resp. Kadi to be a female. The passage reads: AX.GAL shar-rat Dur-ilu''^ ^'"§ir ^^"Be-lit-baldli 
(= TI.LA) ^'"Dur(= KU)-ru-ni-tum ^^''SAG '"'^^Bu-bi-e ki-rib bUi a-na Dar-ilu''^ dli-shu-nu u-lir. It will be seen 
that in this passage the gods of Ddr-ilu are not connected by "and," but are simply enumerated in their succession. 
From what was said above it follows that we have here "three pairs" consisting of husband and wije; liave, therefore, 
to translate: "AX.GAL (and) the queen (= XIX. LIL = bclit = sharrat) of D6r-ilu [variant: ^'"GASHAX (= BHit, 
mistress of) Di-ri. (= Dur-ilu)], ?ir (and) the BNit-baliUi (= "mistress of hfe") [variant: ^'"EX.TLLA = "lord of 
life"!], Dur-ru-ni-tum (= fem. of ''"K(7(<'"-''"-"°).V.4, III R. 68, 9a) (and) SAG in the month Bu-bi-e into the temple 
in Dur-ilu, their city, I brought." 

According to the Nippurian pattern we can now establish the following Trinity for Diir-ilu : 

, , , , ^ , , f Bclit-baldfi (wife of the Son) 1 ( Sharrat DUr-ilu (Mother) 

AX.GAL (Father) ?ir (Son) | b^^.,,^;^^^^ (,„^^_,j | = j ^^./^ Di-ri 

which corresponds exactly to that of Nippur, viz. : 

I Ba-u (Gula) (wife of the Son) | 

! XIX IB Cmasc ') 
EX. LIL (Father) XIX. IB (Son) ^ j^j^ j^j\r duq g 4 1^ = XIX. LIL (Mother) 

[ XIX. EX. LI Ll"^ " J 

In the Nippurian pattern XIX .IB appears as the ur-sag, "chief servant," or sukkal, "prime minister, ambassa- 
dor," or apil, "son" of Enlil, and ^tr is called in the Dur-ilu Trinity tlie me-ru, "son" (or if read ship-ru, then = "mes- 
senger") of (shi) ^'"Ka-di, see Scheil, Textes 6lam. Sim., I, p. 91, 23 (= Plate 17). XIX.IBis the apil E-shhr-ra,a.nd in 
V R. 52, I : 19, 20 ''"yjfiris identified with ^^^She-ra-ak and termed the ra-bi-i? 6-shdr-ra, "the watchman of Esharra," 
i.e., of the house of the totality, tlie Universe. XIX. IB as *'"// or as ^^'"En-kur-kur is tlie same as his father Enlil, and 
in V R. 31, 2, Rev. 30, ''"^ir is identified with his fatlier ^'"Ka-di. XIX.IB is bo(h male and female. As male he is 
the husband and called also ^^"IB, and as female he is the vnfe, then known also as Ba-il, Gula, or XIX.DIN.DUG.GA = 
muballitat miti, "who restores the dead to life" (.see also The Monist, XVII (January, 1907), p. 141f.). The wife of 
$ir appears here likewise both as^a female (Bclit-baMfi, "mistress of life") and as a male (Bcl-baldti, "lord of life"); 
hence she is paralleled exactly by XIX.DIX.DUG.GA = Ba-U = XIX.IB: female and male! From this we may infer 
(1) that i$ir played the same role in Dflr-ilu as did XIX.IB in Nippur; (2) that Kadi must have been the "god of Esharra" 
according to the people of Dur-ilu, just as Enlil was the "god of Esharra" according to the Nippurians, i.e., Kadi = 
Enlil, and the wife of Kadi = XIX. LIL (cf. here also the name AX.GAL = Kadi with AX.GAL.KALAM.MA, the 
name of Enhl of Nippur; B. E., XIV, 148 : 15, 18 | XV, 34 : 2); (3) that the "Son" in each and every case is the same 
as the "Father," XIX.IB = Enlil; §ir = Kadi; (4) that the "wife of the Son" is = the "Son" (lience male and female) : 
they are "one flesh." Again, the "wife of the Son" is also identified with the latter's "Mother": ^'■^XIX.EX.LIL'^^ = 
Ba-u — XIX.DIX.DUG.GA is also = '''^XIX.LIL, the BClit nar' iioxvv, who otherwise was known also as 
Ishtar. But Ishtar is, as is well known, male and female and appears in the inscription of AX-mulabil as the wife of 
Ka-di, while in our letter the wife of AX.GAL (= Kadi) is called ^'^XIX.LIL; hence Ishtar is = ^'"XIX.LIL and 
both are male and female. (Cf. here also the ^^"Gd-ra = AX = Antum = XIX.LIL, the wife of ^''^6-kur = AX = 
Anu = Enlil, hence Enlil = AX and XIX.LIL = AX: both are one — male and female; see Bel, the Christ of Ancient 
Times, \>. 17) . No w if the wife of Kadi = A X.GA L be male and female, then the same observation applies, mutatis mutandis , 
also to Kadi, i.e.. Kadi, the husband of XIX.LIL = Ishtar must be also a female ; as such a female he appears in II R. 
57, 18a and in Sp. 1, 331 {= Z. A., VI, p. 241) compared with Reisner, Ilymnen, p. 146, 44, The net result of this 


last observation is this: (1) tlie wife of the Son is not only one with the Son, but is also the same as the "Mother"; 
(2) the Mother being identified with the Father, the Father is thus proven to be one with the Mother (or tliird person) 
and one with the Son (second person) ; in other words the divine court of each and every city, though consisting of 
three persons, clearly distinct: the begetter (Father), the conceiver (Mother), the begotten (Son), are yet one: clearly and 
unmistakably a veritable Trinity in a Unity. 

But how are we to account for '^^"Dtir-ru-ni-tum and ''"S.IG on the one, and ''"jf'.l/J and '■^"GU on the other 

If ^^"Dur-ru-ni-tum be not only a fem. of ^"'■Du{r)runa, but also the wife of ' "S.IG, as was claimed above, it 
would follow that ''"S.4G is the same as ^^"■Du{r)runa, the masc. of Durrunitum. From III R. 68, 9a we learn that 
^"'■Du{r)runa was the first (SAG) of the seven [gud'?]-balanga (or is [gud]-balanga to be read here = rabisu"!) AN.NA-ge, 
i.e., "tambourines" (= tambourine-beaters, heralds, creatures who proclaim "the glory of God") of AiV.A'^^l. In Pinches, 
/. R. A. S., January, 1905, p. 143f. (= 81-8-30, 25), Obv. col. II, 7, 6, ''"SAG is called SAG.GAR, i.e., "Haupt- 
macher" = captain, chief (= the first {SAG), cf. Du{r)runa, the first of the "seven"!) and is identified with ^^^MIR, 
which latter is according to I.e., 11. 19, 20, not only = ^'■'^IM, "the god of lightning," but also = En-di-zu-gim= GU 
(Pinches, I.e., 1. 4). In our letter ''"Gf/ is coupled with ^^"^TAR, who is to be read according to III R. 68, No. 2, 53, ki- 
tam-ma, and is called there the LUGH or sukkallu '■^"Ka-di-ge, i.e., "the (chief) messenger of Ka-di." Taking all these 
passages togetlier we miglit derive the following results: 

1. God TAR, the messenger of Kadi, being coupled with GU, must be the latter's husband — in other words, 
GU \s here a female. 

2. GU, although a female, appears also as a male, being identified not only with MIR but also with IM — both 
male gods, and gods of thunder and lightning — nay, even with SAG. 

3. »S-4G being coupled with the female ^'^Diir-ru-ni-tum, and being identified with MIR, IM and GU, must be 
a male and the masc. counterpart of Diir-ru-ni-tum, i.e., he is the same as Du(r)runa. 

4. GU, the wife of TAR, is the same as SAG, the husband of Durrunitum — i.e., husband and wife are one, hence 
also male and female. (Cf. for TAR + GU also AN + KI = shame + irsitim = Anu + Antum = husband and wife = 
AN + AN = AN, Bel, the Christ, etc., p. 20f. Is the ^^"Tar-gu an artificial (foreign, Cassite?or Elamitic?) name, 
consisting originally of ^'"Tar and ^^^GU = husband and wife = one: ^'■^Tar-gul). 

5. SAG, because called "Hauptmacher" and identified both with the "god of storm and lightning," and with 
^ "Dur(r)una, the first of the seven heralds of AN.NA, must have been the "Hauptmacher" or chief, the first of the 
"seven," which seven can only be the "sevenfold manifestations" of the powers of nature, i.e., of the lightning and 
storm. The "seven" correspond on the one hand to tlie "seven sons" of Bau (Creation Story, pp. 45 and 23, note 6), 
and on the other liand to "the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost" or the "seven archangels," or the "seven virgins," the 
emblem of tlie church, the sphere of the Holy Gliost, the "bride of the Lamb," " tlie}!ODY(!) of Christ." These "seven" 
were in the Babylonian religion always identified not only with the "Son " whose "servants " (nu-bahda = ekdUti = fi/azAnxi) 
they were, butalso with the "Mo</(er,"resp. "the wife of the Son" — hence I/ofeartw (Myhrman, Z.A.,XVI, 153 = Weiss- 
bach, Babyl. Miscellen, p. 42) and Ishtar had "seven names" (Reisner, Hymnen, p. 109, 57f.), hence also the remarkable 
name of ^'"(NIN.LIL = ) NIN.GAL in V R. 30, 46a, where she is called ^'"Si-VII-bi, i.e., "the goddess Seven." (Cf. 
here also the seven names of ^'"NIN.LIL, III R. 68, 5c, dff. = III R. 67, 20a. 6f., the fourth of which is ^^"-Su-kur-ru, 
who is identified in Thureau-Dangin, R. T. Ch., 10 : 3, with Im-gig-ghu, a cognomen of ^'"Nin-Gir-su = '■'"NIN.IB, the 
god of thunder and lightning. See further the "seven sons" of ^''^NIN.KA.SI or i'^('^-"-'')RIQ (tlie wife of Ka-di), 
111 R. 68, No. 1 , 26e. /ff. ; "the seven sons " of '■^"Pap-nigin-gar-ra and ^^'^Nin-pap-nigin-gar-ra (i.e., of NIN.IB and Gula) 
in III R. 67, No. 1, 25c, dff. ; the seven sons of ^'"En-me-shar-ra, III R. 69, No. 3, 64a, b, etc., etc.). This name shows clearly 
that "the seven " were considered to be "one" (notice also that in the religious texts very often the singular is used in connec- 
tion with the »'"F//-6i) — just as the "sevenfold gift " of the Holy Ghost is the Holy Ghost in her ( ! ™afe is feminine) com- 
pleteness, oras the "seven virgins" are "the Church," the "brideof the Lamb." These "seven," when pictorially repre- 
sented on seal-cylinders, etc., appear as seren weapons — six of them are to be found generally on the back of tlie god or 
goddess and one (the twin-god = Shar-ilr and Shdr-gaz, etc.) in his or her hand, or as seven curls, braids (Gilgamesh! 
Samson: in the hair lies the strengtli!), or as seven rays or beams of light, etc., etc. And as these seven represent the 
fulness of the power of the divinity, the number seven became in course of time the " number of the fuhiess of the 


5 AN""''' a-shib E-DIM.GAL- the gods that inhabit E-DIM.GAL- 


6 nap-shd-ti-ka li-is-su-ru may protect thy life (lit. souls), 

7 ki-bi-is-ka li-shal-li-mu keep thy steps! 

8 libbi''' a-na a-ma-ri-ka (How) my heart has urged me 

9 is-si-ha-an-ni? to see thee! 

10 man-nu pa-ni-ka ba-nu-ti li-mwf Whosoever may be permitted to see thy 

gracious face 

11 M da-ba-a¥ [ffl ( = tab)"'']' and who is of "good words," 

12 kiC^y-na NINi?)-[ . . . .] to ... . 

godhead," it became the divine and sacred number par excellence. Cf. the i.evenfold candlestick, the emblem of the 
fulness of the divinity in the Old Testament. See here my article " The Latest Biblical Archaeology " in the Homi- 
letic Review, February, 1908 (written March, 1907J, pp. lOOff. To make the certain doubly certain I may 
mention in this connection that there appears in III R. 68, 11a, as the third of the seven tanibourine(-beaters, heralds, 
angels) a certain ^^"Galu-An-na, to be read in Assyrian ^'^Amel-ili, who is in Hebrew none other than the well-known 
Gabri-el, "the man of El or ilu" — one of the seven archangels, the heralds and proclaimers of the glory of God when he 
appears under thunder and lightning and througli whom he reveals himself! For a full discussion of all questions 
raised here see my forthcoming volume on the Religious Texts of the Temple Library of Nippur. In conclusion I shall 
give here the two parallel Trinities of Dur-ilu as gathered from our letter and from the building inscriptions of 
Assarhaddon : 

AN. GAL (Father) ^'■^TAR (Son) ""^GU (wife of Son) = ""NIN.LIL (Mother) 

AN.GAL } ., ■ ( i'^Bclit- ) ( ''"Shar-rat DAr-ilu''^ 

"■^^Ka-di ) ^ ( ''«iJ<'/- I ( ^'"Belit-Di-ri 

Tlie first of the seven manifestations of the powers 
of nature (= Son). 

^''';S.4G (husband) ^'"Durrunitum (wife) 


' If the Trinity of Dur-ilu be formed after the pattern of the Xippurian, it follows that the temple of that city 
must bear the same or similar names as that of Nippur. S-DIM.GAL-KALAM.MA means "The temple (£) which 
is the great (gal) firmament (lit. 'band,' DIM = riksu) of the world (sc. here the 'Babylonian world' as microcosmos 
formed after the macrocosmos) ." Among the names of Enlil's temple at Nippur we find, e.g., Dur-an-ki, i.e., "the 
firmament (dur = riksu) of heaven and earth (i.e., tlie world, the macrocosmos)"; see also Bi-l, the Christ, etc., p. 21 
and notes. 

^ P of n'X. Cf. N. E., 63 : 50, in-ba na-shi-ma a-na a-ma-ri sa-ai-ali and see Jensen, K. B., VI', pp. 411, 440, 469. 

' That is, "all who are in thy immediate entourage, who have the privilege of appearing before thee, who are 
thy friends and equals." Cf. here the New Testament phrase, "to see the face of Christ" = "to be hke Christ," the 
highest honor conferred upon Christians. 

* Tliose "of good words" (lit. "speaking") are the friends outside the immediate environs of a person. All 
persons, near and far, who are not slanderers may listen. 

' Supplemented according to 38 : 7f., ma-an-nu pa-an ba-nu-tum shd be-h-ia li-mur ["] man-nu da-ba-ba Ul-ab 
( = fclb) [a-na] be-h-ia li-il-te-mi um-tna-a a-na be-h-ia-ma. 

' According to the passage quoted in the preceding note, we would expect here a-na aki-ia or better a-na ™NIN- 
nu-xl-a. The traces on the tablet are, however, as reproduced. The sign NINC!) looks rather like a SAL + ma = 
mimma; besides, if NINC!) were the beginning of NIN-nu-ii-a, we miss a DISH before the nom. propr. 


13 lish-te-[me] may listen! 

14 um-ma-[a a-na ahi-ia-ma] The following to my brother: 

Again, Nos. 81, 82 seemingly appear to have come from the same writer, Erba- 
Marduk. Yet the fact that the writer of No. 81 invokes "Shamash and Marduk,"' 
while he of No. 82 implores "the significant lord,"^ speaks, no doubt, in favor of a 
separation of both writers. I believe, therefore, that the author of No. 81 was an 
inhabitant of either Larsa or Sippar,' and that the writer of No. 82 hailed from Nippur,^ 
being at the time when this letter was written away from his seat of residence. To 
deduce from the invocation in each and every case the exact domicile of the writer is, of 
course, not possible, because we do not know as yet all Babylonian cities with their 
chief gods. Thus it would, e.g., be useless trying to determine the habitat of the 
writer of No. 87, who invokes for the protection of the life of his brother ' 'the gods 
that inhab t the great heavens."" An argument ex silentio is rather precarious, yet 
the complete absence of any form of greeting or blessing or endearing term as "brother" 
in all letters addressed to "'In-na-an-ni,'^ the severe and sometimes disagreeable' 
chief bursar of the Temple storehouses at N'ppur, is significant. 

The subject matter of a letter, following, as it does, immediately upon the address, 
or, if the address be coupled with a greeting* resp. an invocation, upon the latter, is 

' No. 81 : 4, ''"t/D u ^'^Marduk nap-shd-ti-ka li-is-^u-rum. 

' No. 82 : 6, he-h kab-tum [nap-sh<i]-ti-ka li-is-sur. Kahtu, wlien used figuratively, has the signification "heavy" 
{sc. in quality, not quantity), gewichtig, bedeutungsvoll, significant, weighty, important, foremost, first (= asharidu), 
and when attributed to a god makes tliat god play the role of the "Son"; i.e., an ilu kabiu is in every case the god 
of "liglitning, thunder, and storm." This title is attributed, among others, to Nab A (the preacher, or lieraldof the Fatlier, 
IV R. U, No. 3 : 13, 14), NIN.IB (cf. the nom. propr. "" ^'^NIN.IB-kabtu (= DUGUD)-ab<iO.)-shu, B.E., XIV, 134 : 3. 
Only by reading ah' (even if written without me or mesh) instead of a}ii (Clay) does this name give any sense: "NIN.IB 
is the weighty one among liis brothers"), En-lil (IV R. 24, No. 2, 11, 12, 23, 24. Enlil is here not the "god of heaven 
and earth," but "the lord of tlie LIL or storm " — one of the few passages which betray the fact that Enlil originally 
played the role of the "Son," and this he did in tlie Trinity: .4 V (Father), ^^"En-lil (Son), AN = ^^"■NIN.LIL (Mother)). 

' Seeing that Larsa {UD.UNUO^'') is mentioned neither in these letters nor in B. E., XIV, XV, while Sippar 
(UD.KIB.NUN''^) occurs quite frequently (see, e.g., No. 89 : 24, 26, and the Kar-UD.KIB.NUN''\ B. E., XV, 109 : 1), 
I prefer to regard Sippar as the home of the writer of No. 81. 

* Where NIN.IB was worshiped as the "Son," the be-h kab-tum. 

' No. 87 : 5, AN""^'^ shd a-si-bu ina .Hha-me-{e rabdti]. Thus I propose to read, and by doing so I take the sign 
looking like rat to stand for sha-me-[e]. Cf. here an analogous passage in B. E., X, 96 : 5, wliere Clay, I.e., p. 69a, 
finds a city Kab-ri{tal)-li-ri-im-me-shi, but where me-shi has to be separated from tlie name of the city and lias to be 
read sha ina (= me) p/lni (= shi); see The Monist, XVII (January, 1907), p. 154. 

• Nos. 83-86. 

' This apphes also to .\bushina (78 : 1), as the expression li-ti-ga-am at-ta shows. The slave-dealer Enlil-kidinni 
was dissatisfied with the actions of Abushina. 

' In 39 : 2 the introductory um-ma-a a-na be-h-ia-ma stands, quite strangely, before the greeting. 


invariably introduced directly, either without' or with the help of um-ma-aj' or 
um-ma-a a-na "'Y.-ma.^ As most of the letters published in this volume do not 
deal with one subject only, but discuss, on the contrary, very often as many as ten 
different affairs, it is of the highest importance to be acquainted with certain particles 
and phrases that are employed to introduce either (a) a completely neiv subject 
matter, not referred to in a previous communication, or (b) the answer to a former 
inquiry or note. 

Among the particles or phrases used by the writer in order to introduce his 
answer {um-ma-a'^) to a former note or inquiry may be found the following : 

(1) dsh-shurn' ; (2) sM"; (3) i-na hu-uP ; (4) shd ta-ash-pu-ra^ ; (5) shd x.x. shd 

' So among otlier places also in Nos. 76 : 2 | 78 : 4 | 84 : 3 | 85 : 3. Cf. here for tlie letters discussed under 
Chap. Ill, Nos. 3 : 4 I 7 : 4 I 8 : 3 I 12 : 4 I 21 : 4 i 22 : 5 I 23 : 4 I 33 : 7 I 35 : 4 I 37 : 7 I 40 : 3 I 49 : 2 I .52 : ,5. 

' Nos. 81 : 5 I 83 : 3. This introductory um-ma-a is not to be found in Nos. 1-74; cf. the following note. 

' Nos. 80 : 4 I 82 : 8 I 87 : 7 I 92 : 4. To the um-ma-a a-na "^Y.-ma corresponds in Nos. 1-74 an um-ma-a a-na 
be-Ti-ia{-a)-m.a, wliioli is most generally found in connection with the, ardi-ka '"X. a-na di-na-an be-li-ia lul-lik, 
where it follows either (o) immediately upon lullik, so in Nos. 1 : 3 | 4 : 4 | 21 : 3 | 29 : 3 | 39 : 2 | 40 : 2 | 41 : 2 | [45 : 3], 
or (6) upon the "greeting," as in Nos. 9:5| 11 : 3 | 26 : 3 | 27 : 3 | 34 : 5— but in 39:2 it stands before the 
greeting! — or (c) upon the "invocation," so in No. 38 : 11. In connection with the address: a-na be-li-ia ki-be-ma um-ma 
"'X.-ma ardi-ka-ma a-na di-na-an be-Vi-ia lul-lik it is found in tliree passages only, viz., in Nos. 13 : 4 | 14 : 4 | 17 : 6. In 
No. 26 : 3 we have wrongly be-h-ia for be-Vi-ia-ma. 

* Sometimes also um-ma, instead of um-ma-a, is found. Notice here that the um-ma-a resp. um-ma, in connection 
with these particles or phrases, may (1) introduce the answer to an inquiry (= "I beg to state that"), (2) introduce a 
qtiotation from a previous commimication (= "saying"), (3) may be left out altogether. For examples, see under the 
following notes, passim., and cf. below sub 11, pp. 26 and 27, note 8. 

''I.e., "as regards." Cf. 81 : 6f., dsh-shum mfirff^''^'^ Ni-ib-bu-rum shd GlI.EN.NA-ka ash-shii-mi-ka im-ia-na- 
ahrhfl-rum um-ma-a a-na Mur-'^In-ni-bi a-na di-ni [. . . .]; i.e., "as regards the Nippurian.? wliom tliy (deputy) sheriff 
has received on thy account (= upon thy command) (sc. for the purpose of holding tlieni as pri.soners), the following: 
'To Mdr-Innibi for judgment [they have been brought, or he has brought them].'" Cf. here also Nos. 11 : 4 | 14 : 5 | 
23 : 33 I 26 : 8, 12, 17 | 27 : 15 | 28 : 5 | 34 : 19 ] 35 : 13, 15, 25, 30 | ,57 : 2, 4 | 60 : 8 | 69 : 3. 

" With the same meaning as dsh-shum, i.e., "as regards," Nos. 83 : 8. 15 | 86 : 16 | 87 : 8 (followed by .ihii iq-ba-{a], 
cf. p. 25, note 36; p. 26, note 5). See also Nos. 3 : 21, 24 | 17 : 7, 8 | 31 : 11, 15, 25, 27 | 34 : 33 | 60 : 9. 

' With the same or .similar meaning as shd or dsh-shum, sec also p. 25, note 4, and cf. 83 : 19 (context mutilated), 
translation on p. 112. Among the letters addressed to the "Lord" we find it, e.g., in 44 : 7, i-na bu-ut KU^^" be-l\ la 
i-sa-an-ni-iq-an-ni, cf. below, p. 109. Tlie i-na bu-ut di-qa-ra-ti a-na ra-di-i o/-ta-[par] of 45 : 10 does not belong 
here; see p. 142. , 

' "With regard to what tliou liast written," or "replying to your recent communication," so far not yet found 
in this class of letters. It corresponds in the letters, Nos. 1-74, to shd be-Vi ish-pu-ra, "with regard to wliat my I^ord 
has written," whicli latter may be found either with, so in 3 : 29 | 26 : 3, or without following um-ma-a, cf. 39 : 38, "xx. 
concerning which my Lord has inquired {sc. I beg to say that = um-ma-a) a-na be-h-ia ush-te-bi-la, 'I have sent (it) to 
my Lord.' " Cf. here also 62 : 7? Um-ma-a in 33a: 6 introduces a quotation from a previous communication; the 
answer to this quotation begins with um-ma-a a-na be-li-ia-ma, 1. 9; for a translation see p. 137. Cf. here also 34 : 18 
and [i-^na-a]n-rm ki-i shd be-h i-shd-pa-{ra] in 3 : 60. 


ta-dsh-jm-ra} , or abbreviated, shd x.x. ta-dsh-jm-ra? ; (6) dsh-shum x.x. shd ta-ash- 
pu-ra?; (7) a-na bu-ut x.x. shd ta-ash-pu-ra^ ; (8) x.x. shd tash-pu-ra resp. taq-ha-a'; 

' "With regard to x.x. concerning whom (whicli) tliou hast written (ht. sent)," see No. 86 : 18f: shd '"E-mi-da- 
''^Marduk shd ta-dsh-pu-ra ul na-ka-rum shd-ii a-Jiu-ia um-mi a-bi-ta lu shu-pi-is-su at-ta am-mi-ni ki-i ar-di te-le-pu 
VLS-su; i.e., "as regards Emida-Marduk concerning whom thou hast written {sc. I beg to state = um-ma-a) 'he is not the 
enemy (evil person), he is my brotlier,' (therefore), pleads {um-my,) grant him his wish, etc." Notice in this connection 
that lu is connected here with the Imperative. Or have W3 to suppose that shupissu is = shupussu, Permansive III'? 
Prof. Hilprecht translates differently, regarding the lu as a mistake for ku{ — ka), " thy," and taking abita in the sense 
of command, order, edict, in whicli it generally appears in the letters of the Kuyunjuk Collection: " As regards Emida- 
Marduk, concerning whom thou hast written: ' he is not the enemy, he is my brother,' (I beg to state) thus: ' make 
him execute thy order (abitaku).' " Cf. in this connection p. 110, note 3. 

' The a in ra shows that this is a relative clause, i.e., that a shd has to be supplied before ta-dsh-pu-ra. (For another 
similar abbreviation see below, note 3). Cf. 86 : 4, shd AZAGOI ta-dsh-pu-ra um-ma-a shd m(1re"'^''^ EN.LIlJ"' 
AZAG.GI feas(!)-sit-na(!) shil-u i-na EN.LIL^'^ "'"^'"DAM.QAR'"'"'', etc.; i.e., "as regards the gold (kurdfu) concerning 
which thou hast written I bag to say {um-ma-a, so better than 'saying,' and making what follows a quotation): 'he 
of the Nippurians who keeps tlie gold is in Nippur, may the merchants, etc' " Notice here the form ^a^-su-raa = relative 
clause as indicated by the a of na. It must be a Permansive II'; but how is the a of feaj to be explained? We would 
expect ^us-su-na. Have we to suppose that }ias had also the value Jiust The forms ba'i = bu't, Delitzsch, Gram., p. 270; 
Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 350, or ba'amma = bu'amma, Jensen, I.e., p. 372, are hardly analogous here, because in these 
latter forms the u is due, no doubt, to the 6. In view of the imperative rammik, Gr., I.e., for rummik, we might see 
in kassuna a dialectical Nebenjorm of the Permansive for fiussuna. Prof. Hilprecht regards l^assuna as being differen- 
tiated from the regular l^us^una, Perm. II', under the influence both of the final " a " of this word and of the " d " in the 
preceding (^urasu, to facilitate the pronunciation of the two words (containing both J and j) by avoiding three " u" 
words immediately following each other. Per analogy, we would expect in Nos. 1-74 a phrase like: shd x.x. shd be~h ish- 
pu-ra, but tliis is not found in our letters. Instead of it we have, so far, only dsh-shum x.x. shd be-h ish-pu-ra; see the 
following note. 

^ Witli the same signification as shd x.x. shd ta-dsh-pu-ra, cf. also shd and dsh-shum. Cf. 82 : 9, dsh-shum 
""""ItiAZ.lG.GIMi^kudimmu) [shd] la-ash-pu-ra, context mutilated. This phrase corresponds in Nos. 1-74 to (a) dsh-shum 
X.X. shd b--h ish-pur-ra, so in 14 : 16 | 23 : 19 | 26 : 15, for which .see pp. 99, 119. Cf. also 27 • 12, dsh-shum NI.GISH 
pish-shal bU be-h-ia shd be-h ish-pu-ra 1 (gur) 24 (qa) NI.GISH pish-.<<hnt shaiti l'""" 1 qa NI.GISH ulad-din, i. >., "as regards 
the oil, ointment for the house of my 'Lord,' concerning which my 'Lord' has written {sc. I beg to state tliat) 'of the 
1 gur 24 qa of oil. ointment for one year, I have not (yet) given (paid, delivered) a single qa.' " Or 27 : 18, dsh-shum 
"^Di-in-ili-lu-mur shd be-h ish-pu-ra um-ma-a a-bu-us-su-ii sa-ab-ta-ta i-na Mu-ki i-na a-shab be-h-ia a-na be-li-ia [a]fc-^a?]-6c 
(or bi'!)-ma; i.e., "as regards Din-ili-lumur, concerning whom my 'Lord' has written, saying ( = um-ma-a, introduces here 
quotation from previous communication, rwt the answer): 'Art thou interceding for him?' (the long i! in a-bu-us-su-ii 
indicates a question, Gr., p. 215, 7) {sc. I beg to s.'ty that = um-ma-a = answer to inquiry) 'I have spoken in the 
'city' {i.e., Nippur) in the presence of my 'Lord' to my 'Lord,' etc' " See here also 27 : 27 | 57 : 2 | 59 : 16. (6) To 
dsh-shum x.x. shd be-h iq-ba-a, 23 : 14, 24, see pp. 98, 99. (c) To dsh-shum x.x. be-h ish-pu-ra {sc, shd before 
be-h and cf. above, note 2). cf. 26:17 (see p. 119); 28:5, dsh-shum '"Iz-gur-''''DIL.BAT shd i-n[a Btt]- 
"^Si-ri-da-nsh be-h [Uh-pu-r]a [u]m-7)ia-a IMER.KUR.[RA"'^'''-ia !i-i]m-ta-ali-ra-ni m a[n-nu-um-ma i]q-ta-ba-a um-/n[a-a 
IMER].KUR.RA^^'^ am-ma-ar-ma mdr ship-ri-ia i~li-ki-ma i-lak; i.e., "as regards Izgur-DIL.BAT (= Ishtar), who is 
(at the present) in Bit-Siridash, concerning whom my 'Lord' lias written, saying {um-ma-a— quotation): 'let him receive 
my horses' (I beg to say, sc, um-ma-a) : 'Beliold he spoke as follows {um-ma-a) : "I shall (will) examin tlie liorses, but 
my messenger shall (will) take (them) and go."'" Notice the peculiar form i-ZaA;= i/fafc! (A reading i-sAe< =" he 
shall run, i.e., go away, leave instantly with the horses," might also be possible.) 

* This is used here in apparently the same signification as shd resp. dsh-shum x.x. shd ta-ash-pu-ra — hence i-na 
or a-na (see instantly) bu-ut = shd resp. dsh-shum (cf. p. 24, note 7). See here 89 : 15f.: a-na 6[u-u]< [sc, dtni ameU] 



(9) the "object" concerning which there was a reference in a former letter, and to 
which now the answer is to be given, is placed at the beginning of the sentence 
without any introductory part'cle whatever"; (10) shum-ma ta-sap-pa-ra or ta-al-ta- 
al-ma' ; (11) um-ma or um-ma-a''; (12) if more subjects than one are referred to in 

shd ta-ash-jiu-ra um-ma-a] n-mi-li-e K[U.DA] ki il-qu-il-inil il-ta-al-aM-nu-ti u it-ta-an-na shd-nu-li, i.e., "replying to 
your recent communication [concerning the judgment (or fate) of the men] I beg to state tli3 fallowing {um-ma-a) : 
'he has examined the men after they liad taken (stolen?) the wheat flour, and (in consequenc of this examination: 
u = result; the u may be translated here also by hut; cf. for this u between sentences, Jensen, K. B., VI', pp. 325, 336, 
337, 339, and Johnston, ./. A.O.S., XIX, p. 50) acquitted them.' " For P nhaVilu, used of judicial cross-examination, see 
Jensen, I.e., p. 531. It-ta-an-na-shu-nu-ti I take as P p** (from which we have annu, "Zusage"): i'-ta-rmna, itta- 
nana, itlanna; the a at the end indicates the third person of a cliief sentence. A "possible" derivation from Hebr. 
T\iV, "to answer," which "might" seem to be preferable hereon account of the following (1. 21) um-ma-a (seep. 27, n. 8), 
does not fit. Or should we derive it from njK, H. W. B., p. 986 (from which we have mdnO,, "Ruhelager"), and 
tran.slate "he impriso led them"? The "he" according to the context must be some unnamed GU.EN.NA, "sheriff," 
or possibly a judge or king. Among the letters addre.ssed to the " Lord " we find a similar expression, e.g., in 39 : 4, 
i-rm hu-ul A.SHAG'"^''' shd Tuk{= KU)-kul-H-^.KVR''^ shd He-h] ish-pu-ra ik-te-di-iri-rul], see translation on p. 127. 
" "(As regards) the x.x. concerning whom (which) thou hast written or spoken" is, after all, only a shorter form 
of shd, dsh-shum, or i-na {a-na) bu-ut x.x. shd la-ash- jm-ra, cf. (5)-(7). Although not to be found in Nos. 76ff., it does 
occur, e.g., in No. 27 : 35, ii "™'^"SHA.KUD.DA (= mdkisu, tax-gatherer) shd be-h i.ih-]:{u-ra . . . .}-ma i-la-am-mi- 
[i]<i, "and as regards the poll-gatherers concerning whom my Lord' has written (I beg testate that) 'he ... . and shall 
find out.' " No. 34 : 17, u SIG SIIIG shd be-h iq-ba-a [tish]-she-bi-la, "and with regard to the 'good wool' about which 
my ' Lord ' has spoken (.sc, in a former letter, I beg to state that) ' I have sent it.' " 

" This is a still further abbreviation of (8); in other words, it is the same as (5)-(7) with both .'shd, dsh-shvm, 
i-iui {n-na) bu-ut and shd tashpura (resp. shd be-li ishpura) left out, so that only the x.x. = object remains. Cf. here 
35 : 10, u 70 Bi'hpu^j^Djjmesh ^f^^ be-h-ia iq-bu-u, "and as regards the 70 (gur) of kasH-root (see MeLssner, Ideogr., 
No. 3796) belonging to my ' Lord ' (sc. concerning which my ' Lord ' has written, I beg to state that) 'they informed me 
that, etc' "; see translation, p. 123. See also 42 : 4, A.SHAG"^'^'^ shd be-h id-di-na "'U-bar-ru a-na be-h-ia iq-bu-u um- 
ma-a A.SHAG^"'^ un-di-shi-ir a-na-ku ul ush-shi-ir: "as regards the fields, which my 'Lord' has given and concerning 
which {iq-bu-u = relative!) Ubarru has reported to my 'Lord' saying; 'he has forsaken (them),' (.sr. I beg to state 
that) 'I have not forsaken (them).'" A construction like this elucidates clearly the terseness and basinesslike 
character of these letters. 

' " (And) when thou writest or askest " is found in the letters addressed to the ' ' Lord " (Nos. 1-74) under the form 
shum-ma be-h i-sap-pa-ra or shum-ma be-h il-ta-al-ma. For the former see 31 : 9, shum-ma be-h i-sap-pa-ra li-sha- 
nim-ma{7) a-na-afi zi-li-shi-ma;i.e., "(and) when my 'Lord' writes: ' they (one) may repeat ' {sc. the treatment formerly 
applied to the sick person, I must tell my Lord that) ' her side (= Hebr. J'/S) is too weak (.sc. for such a repetition).' " 
In this connection notice the shi after zi-li for shd, due to assimilation, facilitated by the preceding sibilant and 
repeatedly known also from the tablets of the MurashCl archives. For the latter of. 56 : 5, shum-ma be-h il-ta-al-ma 
"'[/.[§[/] + SI shd ru-ku-bi shd be-h-ia i-pu-shu a-na-ku lu-us-ba-at-ma lu-pu-ush-{ma]; "when my 'Lord' asks that 
they make the pole(s or shafts) for the chariot of my 'Lord' {sc. may I beg my Lord that) I be permitted to take hold 
of it (them) and make it (them)?" For ''■'^jJ .JjU 4- SI cf . B. E., XV, 32 : 1, '''''u-bi-nu; for ^U + SI see Meissner, 
Ideogr., No. 1206 = binnu, and for femnu, Del., H. W. B., 284a: Bi'l'ffU + SI. MA = bi-in{-nu, sic\) e-lip-pi = "ein Theil 
eines Schiffes." All of which passages sh ,w that ffU -t- <S/ has here the pronunciation fern and that ""''(/ .^{7 + SI has 
to be read accordingly ^^"u-bin. It must be here the "shaft" or "pole" of the wagon and is distinct from the Jin (not 
ubin\) of a ship. The "'""'t/'-fei-nw of 91 :-5 was probably a stone of the shape of a "pole," i.e., "finger," and the 2 
u-bi-in-nu burd^i of Str., IV, 116 : 2 (cf. I.e., 220 : 12, "5 ti-fei-nw") are, therefore, "2 gold bars." This would prove 
that the Babylonians had besides " the money in rings " also that " in bars." 


the letters, they are introduced either (a) directly or (6) by u' or (c) by ii and one 
of the above given particles or phrases.'" 

Letters not in answer to a previous communication are much simpler in form 
and construction. In these the subject matter is stated either diredly,^^ or the 

* Whenever these particles are found they take up either (a) the um-ma after ki-bi-ma or (6) the um-maa of the 
introduction: um-ma-a a-na "^Y.-ma resp. um-ma-a a-na be-h-ia-ma or (c) some otlier um-m.a{-a) in tlie text of the 
letter; they are, therefore, nothing but particles that introduce direct speech by quoting either from a previous com- 
munication or by gi\ing the answer to an inquiry or note; see p. 24 notes 2, 4. For um-ma 86 : 18ff. is instructive. 
Wliile 1. 19 contains the "answer" (with um-ma-a omitted) to the 'Lord's' inquiry concerning Emida-Marduk, we still 
find another sentence introduced by um-ma in 1. 20. This um-ma must take up a preceding um-ma{-a), to be found 
either in tlie text of the letter or in the introduction, seeing that it otherwise stands quite isolated. I think we may trans- 
late this um-ma by: '(seeing that this is so) therefore, please {um-ma), grant him his petition (or will), i.e., let him doit 
(but cf. p. 25, note 1).' For um-ma-a cf., e.g., 89 : 21f. L.c, 11. 17f. (see p. 25, n. 4), contain the answer to an inquiry 
of '"NlN-nu-u-a with regard to the fate (judgment?) of certain men who had taken (stolen?) wheat flour. L. 21f., 
introduced by um-ma-a. which latter takes up the [um-ma-a] of 1. 14, contains an answer to another inquiry, resp. repri- 
mand, which had been expressed (in a former letter addressed to Pdn-AN.GAL-lAmur) in probably some such words as 
"Why hast thou not communicated by a messenger the result of the trial of these men long ere this?" Answer: 1. 21f., 
um-ma-a mAr ship-rl-ia shd a-na^'^'^EN .LIL^^ a-na mufi sharri (= LUGAL) ash-pu-nt (erasure) ki (erasure) i-mu-ru-ka 
ma-la a-sap-rak-ku iq-ba-a um-rmi-a i-na ^^^UD.KIB.NUN'"' shu-il mar ship-ri-ia ul ash-pu-rak-ku mdr ship-ri-ia 
a-na ^^^UD.KIB.NUN^^ al-tap-rak-ku um-ma-a a-na '"'NIN-nu-u-a-ma de{= NE)-im-ka u shu-lum-ka shu-up-ra; 
i.e., "(But as regards thy reprimand in thy letter of recent date I beg to assure thee of) the following 
{um-ma-a) : ' my messenger whom I had sent to Nippur to the king was, when he saw ( = would 
see) thee, to have told everything I had written thee. But he (the messenger, when he had returned to me) said 
{um-ma-a): " he {i.e., '"NIN-nu-ii-a) is in Sippar." (This is the reason why) I have not sent my messenger to thee 
(and why) I have (now) dispatched my messenger to thee at Sippar with the following note {um-ma-a) : " To ™NlN-nu- 
u-a. Send thy news and thy greeting {i.e., with this letter, asking for an answer by "return mail")." ' " The events dis- 
cussed in tliis letter are the following: (a) NIN-nu-u-a of Nippur has written to Pdn-AN .GAL-lumur of Dur-ilu concern- 
ing the fate of certain men who had taken wheat flour, at the same time reprimanding him for his negligence in not 
having communicated to him by messenger the outcome of the trial long ere that. (6) P&n-AN .GAL-lAmur, wishing 
"to kill two birds with one stone," entrusted the answer to the inquiry and reprimand to his messenger, whom lie had 
to send to the king at Nippur anyhow, (c) The messenger found the king at Nippur, but not NIN-nu-u-a, being informed 
that the latter had left for Sippar, where he could be addressed, (d) Pdn-AN.OAL-lAmur, anxious to avoid receiving 
a second reprimand and to show his "brother" (1. 3) that his accusation of negligence was unmerited, at the same time 
wishing to assure him that "he still loves him" 0. 1), and that " he wants to see him personally and explain matters to 
him " (1. 8f.), dispatches at once, in order not to lose further time, his messenger with this letter to Sippar, asking for a 
reply, (e) Tliis letter was received by NIN-nu-u-a at Sippar, brought back with him to Nippur, deposited by him 
among the "Temple Archives," where it was excavated by the Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, 
and carried thence to Philadelphia to the Museum of Science and Art. To the um-ma{-a) of these letters corresponds 
an um-ma-a a-na be-li-ia-ma of Nos. 1-74. See 33a : 9, 12, 18 compared with 1. 5 (see pp. 137f.); 45 : 18 compared with 
1. [3] (see p. 143); 48 : 26 compared with 1. 3. 

« Cf. e.g., Nos. 11 : 19, 20, 22 ] 12 : 14 | 17 : 27 | 24 : 24, 32, 36 | 26 : 20 | 27 : 30, 32 | 28 : 16 | 34 : [16], 17 | 35 : 10, 
17, 24 I 37 : 15, 20 | 39 : 7, 12, 17 | 45 : 7, 10 | 48 : 16, 20 | 58 : 7, 12 | 60 : 9, U | 66 : 27 | 81 : 15, 18 | 83 : 19, 24, 27 | 
84:11,13 192:9. 

'" f? shd, 3 : 40 + fr. d. I 27 : 38; u x.x. shd be-h ish-pu-ra, 27 : 27; I'l shd be-Pl ish-pu-ra, 34 :'l8, etc., etc. 

" Cf. 76 : 2, i-din pa-nu-ii-ka; 78 : 5, li-ti-ga-am at-ta; 84 : 4, la ta-am-lia-ar at-ta; 85 : 4, 9, 11, i-di-in: 83 .: 3 begins 
with aquestion expressing asurprise : aw-wi-ni ash-pu-r[a-ak-ku]la ta-al-li-i-m[a% which is introducedby um-ma-a,!'. p. 1 1 1 . 


writer may use as a kind of introduction some such words or phrases as: enni,'^ 
eninna,^ inanna,^ anumma* he-Ti i-di kt,^ etc., etc. 

' No. 40 : 8, [eniyni, "behold." 

' "(Behold) now." Written either e-nin, 34 : 6; or e-nin-na, 34 : 41; or e-ni-en-na, 20 : 6 | 43 : 11 | 69 : 5. Cf. 
also the following note. 

' "Now." Cf. 3 : 19 (cf. with parallel passage in J. 30, where we have i-na-an-na-a{\) , and see a-nu-um-ma-a, 
note 4). 40 I 24 : 27 I 31 ,: 35 ] 58 : 2 I 3 : 60, [i-na-a]n-na ki-i shd be-h i-sh/i-pa-r[a.]. See also u i-na-an-na, 11:9; 
[I'l] i-na-an-na a-na be-h-ia al-lap-ra, 3 : 23; m i-na-an-na be-h it-ti-di, 24 : 26. Cf. also preceding note. 

' "Now." See 86 : 8, and cf. an-nu-um-ma-a, 24 : 11, with i-na-an-na-a, note 3. 

' "My Lord knows that," 42 : 16 | 43 : 4; be-h i-di shd, 71 : 15; a-na be-h-ia al-tap-ra be-h lu i-di, 11 : 28. 





Even a most perfunctory perusal will and must convince the casual reader 
of the fundamental difference in language and address as exh'bited in the "letters 
between Temple and State officials" and those to be discussed here. In the former 
the writer addresses his correspondent, whose name he always mentions, simply 
by "thou": ^'thou shalt do this and that," "to thee I have sent," "with regard to 
what thou hast written," etc., etc. In the latter the addressee is invariably ' 'the Lord," 
without ever being mentioned by name, and is spoken of as "my Lord": "may my 
Lord do this and that," "to my Lord I have sent," "with regard to what my Lord 
has written," "the following to my Lord," etc. Surely such a formality must have 
a historic basis, must have been required by etiquette, must have been rigidly 
enforced, and must have been absolutely necessary. Considering, furthermore, the 
fact that the various writers who sent their letters to this "Lord" lived at diverse 
periods during a space of about 150 years, it at once becomes evident that the 
term "Lord" here employed cannot have meant a sinxfle person, but must have 
been applied to several individuals holding the office of "Lord." Taking these 
a priori considerations as my guide, I was able to collect and publish in this volume 
seventy-eight letters (Nos. 1-74) addressed to the "Lord" — fifty of them having the 
address "to my Lord," etc., either completely or partially preserved, while the rest 
(twenty-eight) refer to the "Lord" in their text. 

In the Table of Contents has been given a complete list of all writers addressing 
their letters to the "Lord"; we may, therefore, dispense with a recitation of their 
names here, though this would, in many cases at least, help us materially towards 
a right appreciation of the exact position and relation of the various writers to their 
"Lord." An investigation of this kind would necessarily lead us far beyond the 
scope of these introductory remarks here ; it must, therefore, be reserved for Series C. 
All we are concerned with here is to determine, if possible, the meaning of the expression 
' 'my Lord," he-ll or EN-li; and by doing this we will, ipso facto, it is hoped, arrive at 
tangible results which are both absolutely necessary for a correct understanding of 


the nature of these letters here published, and of the highest importance for deter- 
mining the exact relation between Temple and State, or, to express it in more modern 
phraseology, "between Church and State," as represented by Enlil, the god of 
Nippur on the one hand, and the Cassite king or kings on the other. 

The question, then, has to be asked and answered: Who is the BE.NI, i.e., 
be-h, or "Lord," of these letters? 

When trying to answer this question it would seem necessary to discuss in 
extenso here all those passages which may or may not, as the case may be, shed any 
light upon this term. The most important among these passages are (1) the address; 
(2) the greeting; (3) such incidental references in the text of the various letters which 
elucidate the position of the ' 'Lord" in his relation to the writer or the Temple. 

All letters to be discussed in this paragraph, like those treated in the previous 
chapter, were orig'nally enclosed in an envelope, which was sea'ed with the writer's 
seal and addressed, as may be gathered from No. 24,' where, fortunately, a portion 
of the envelope has been preserved, as follows: 

dup-pi "X. (giving here the name of the writer) a-7ia he-h-shii; i.e., "Letter 
of X. to his Lord." 

The fact that a letter could be addressed to and safely received by a person 
called simply "Lord" suffices to call our attention to the pre-em"nence of the 
addressee: he must have been a "Lord" par excellence, a "Lord" Tke unto whom 
there was none other — a person who went and was known throughout the country 
by the title he-li. 

Unfortunately for our investigation, there have not been published among the 
so-called "Letters of Hammurabi"^ any that are written to King Hammurabi 
himself. If such letters were known to us, it would be a comparatively easy task 
to ascertain how he as king was addressed by his subjects. And yet, thanks to 
Hammurabi's well-known habit of quoting frequently from his correspondent's 
letters when answering them, we are able to establish the important fact that Ham- 
murabi, though king, was yet addressed by his subjects' not as LUGAL = sharru, 

' Here we have to read; dup-pi '^Kal-{bu], a-na be-lt-shii. "'Kal-bu was the writer, according to ^c, 1. 9. 

' L. W. King, The Letters and Inscriptions of fjammurabi, Vols. I-III. 

' In King, I.e., Vol. I, No. 1,11. 8f., Hammurabi quotes from a letter of Sin-idinnam, saying: "And thou (i.e., 
Sin-idinnam) answeredst: 'Those four temple servants he (i.e., Ibni-*'"MAR.TU) caused me to conscribe as per his 
sealed contract, but one of them, a certain Gimillum, I {i.e., Sin-idinnam) sent a-na ma-fiar be-h-ia, before my Lord 
(i.e., Hammurabi).' This is what thou hast written. Now they ha\-e brought before me (a-na ma-a^-ri-ia) that certain 
Gimillum whom tliou hast sent." Cf. also the quotation from Sin-idinnam's letter, King, I.e., Vol. I, No. 4, 1. 13: be-h 
li-ish-pur-am, "my Lord (i.e., Hamnmrabi) maj- send," and also that in King, I.e., Vol. I, No. 8, 1. 10 (compared with 1. 14) : 
shum-ma be-Vi i-ya-ah-bi, "if my Lord (again Hammurabi) thinks." Taril)atum spealvs to Hammurabi, King, I.e., Vol. 
HI, p. 02 (No. 75), 1.5: " the crews of tlie ships shd be-h i-si-fia-am, which my ' Lord ' has desired," a,adJ'''"EN.ZU-ma-gir 
refers to the seal of Hammurabi as the ka-ni-ik be-h-ia, "the seal of my 'Lord,' " ffing. I.e., Vol. I, No. 26, 7. 


"King," but as be-h or "Lord." It must, however, be conceded here that at the 
time of the Hammurabi dynasty the title be-h was not exclusively used of a king. On 
the contrary, several letters are known to us, written by persons calling themselves 
"thy servant" (ardi-ka) and addressed to the "Lord," where the title be-li expresses 
nothing but the position of a "higher" with regard to a "lower" person; i.e., where 
be-h indicates simply the rank of the "master" as opposed to that of the "servant" 

Again, when we examine the so-called Tell-Amarna letters (written at 
about the same time as those published here) with regard to the usus loquendi 
of the title "Lord," we find that both governors' and kings^ may be designated 
by it. 

The fact, however, that the title "Lord" might be and actually ^vas used both 
during the Hammurabi and the Amarna periods as a title of the king is not yet proof 
sufficient to warrant a conclusion that the be-h of our letters designates in each and 
every case a king likewise. Such a conclusion must, in order to stand the closest 
scrutiny and severest criticism, be absolutely beyond the pale of skepticism and 

' Cf., e.g., C. T., II, p. 19 (Bu. 91-5-9, 290), a-na be-Ci-ia ki-bi-ma urn-ma Be-el-shu-nu ardi-ka-ma. C. T., II, 
p. 20 (Bu. 91-5-9, 294), a-na be-h-ia ki-bc-ma um-ma ^'^UD-ra-bi-ma (.nc\ without ardi-ka-ma). C. T., II, p. 48 (Bu. 
91-5-9, 2185), a-na be-li-ia ki-be-ma um-ma Ib-ga-tum ardi-ka-ma. C. T., IV, p. 19 (Bu. 88-8-12, 278), a-na be-h-ia 
ki-be-ma um-ma Ardi-'^"Ul-mash-tum-ma (without ardi-ka-ma]). C. T.,\l, p. 27 (Bu. 91-5-9, 413), a-na be-h-ia ki-be- 
ma um-ma Ta-tu{1)-ur-ma-tum amat{= GIN)-ka-ma. C. T., VI, p. 32 (Bu. 91-5-9, 585), a-na be-h-ia ki-be-ma um-ma 
''"EN .ZU-ta-ia-ar-ma (without ardi-ka-ma). Cf. also C. T., IV, p. 1 (Bu. 88-5-12, 5), ki-ma be-h at-ta ti-du-u, with 
C. T., II, p. 20 (see above), 1. 4, ki-ma be-h i-du-u. 

^ Cf., e.g., Amarna, B. 219, [a-na]'^""^'"G.iL '"EN-iia ki-bc-ma um-ma] Ba-PI{= ia)-di ardi-[ka-ma], to wliich 
title Winckler, K. B., V, p. xxxiv, note 2, remarks: " Zu diesem ivird hier geradc so gesprochen, wie sonsi zu dem Konig. 
Man komml auj die Vermutung, dass der Schreiher gemeint hat den 'grossen Kiinig' {xharru stall amelu)." Seeing that 
we find the same address in B. 146, [a-na <""]'^'" GAL EN-ia [ki-be-ma um-ma] lJi-bi-PI{ — in) ardi-ka (cf. 11. 8, 
11; Rev. 11. 7, 8) I do not think that "'"'''"ff.l/. is here a title of the kins, but in all probability that of a high official 
(governor?) of the king. In Amarrm, B. 40, Aziri addre, his "father," tlie governor of .Xmurru (1. 15, cf. wntli B. 
92 : 1, """''" ^'"A-mu-ur-ra) an follows: a-na "'Du-ii-du "'EN-ia a-bi-ia um-ma "'A-zi-ri nu'ir-ka ardi-ka. Winckler, 
A. O. F., Vol. II, p. 312 (whom Johns, L. C. L., p. 330, follows) finds in the expression {a-na) a-PI-lim shd ^'"Mardiik 
xi-ba-nl-la-lu-shx'i , i.e., "the man whom Marduk may keep alive" {V . A. Th., 793 = Meissner, B. .X., II, p. .579), tlie 
title of a (the) king during the Hammurabi dynasty. Tliough amelu is used in the Code of Hammurabi for "noldeman," 
"one that lives in a palace," I cannot accept this view, .simply and solely because we find in tlie plirase just quoted 
besides amelu (see also C. T., II, p. 29; C. T., IV, p. 24) akso shd-bi-ri-ia (C. T., IV, p. 12; cf. witli this title also our letters 
No. 52 : 11, shd-pi-ri-shil-nu; 21 : 20, shd-pi-ir-[. . . .]; Delitzscli, //. W. B., p. 083;;; Johns, A. D. D., Ill, p. 327) and 
a-bi-ia (C. T., VI, p. 32). 

' See here, e.g., the letter of Akizzi addressed to the king of Egypt in the following words (Amartm, L. 37), a-na 
"'Nam-mrir-[ia]m('ir "UD be-h-ia um-ma "\A-ki-iz\-zi """''"ardi-ka-ma, and cf. B. 29, a-na be-h (.tic)) LUG.\L 
'"^^''■^i-{T)Mi-is-ri-e a-bi-ia ki-be-ma um-ma '"Zi-i-[ka]r mCir LUGAL m&r-ka-ma; i.e., "to the Lord {sic\ not 'my Lord,' 
which had to be be-h-ia), the king of the land of the Egyptians, my father, etc.," instead of the more commonly used 
a-na LUG.AL be-h-ia LUGAL Migri or a-na LUGAL Misri be-h-ia. 


reasonable doubt; in other words, it must be warranted by facts which cannot be 

Somewhat farther we would advance, it seems, if we were to compare the 
"address" as exhibited in the letters to the "Lord" with that discussed in Chapter 
II. While the address in the "letters between Temple and State officials" runs 
simply "To Y. speak, thus saith X.," it reads here either 

(a) ''To my Lord speak, thus saith '"X. ( = name of writer), thy servant," which, 
with the exception of two letters (Nos. 8 and 46), is invariably followed by what 
might be called a "Hoflichkeits" -formula: "before the presence of my 'Lord' may I 
come"': a-na he-h-ia^ ki-he-ma um-ma ""X. ardi-ka-ma^ a-na di-na-an* be-h-ia lu- 
ul{or lul)-li-ik{ov lik)-' ; or 

(6) "Thy servant "X. ( = name of writer). Before the presence of my 'Lord' 
may I come": ardi-ka "'X.-m(a)'' a-na di-na-an be-h-ia lul-lik{ov lu-ul-li-ik) J 

The difference in the address between the letters written to the "Lord" and 
those discussed in Chapter II is marked and fundamental and may be briefly summed 
up as follows: 

(1) In the letters spoken of above the writer never called himself ardu or 
"servant;" on the contrary, if he wanted to express any relation at all, he did so 
by applying to himself the term ' 'brother," ahu. 

(2) He never addressed his correspondent by be-li, "my Lord," but simply 
mentioned the name of the addressee without any title whatever. 

(3) He never used the phrase "before the presence of my 'Lord' may I come." 
The last mentioned peculiarity is also the distinguishing feature between our 

letters here and those of the Hammurabi period, in which the writers, it is true, 
called themselves "ardu" and their addressee be-li, but in which they never used 
the " Hd{iichkeits"-f ormula a-na di-na-an be-li-ia lul-lik. On account of the 
absence of this phrase the letters of the Hammurabi period prove themselves 
at first sight — without even considering their contents — to be nothing but simple 
epistles of an inferior (servant) to a superior person (lord). 

' For a justification of this translation see below, pp. 58, note 2; 104, note 1. 

* Notice here the difference between the address of tlie letter proper and that of the envelope. While the 
former is always addressed "to my(!) Lord," a-na he-h-ia, the envelope lias "to his(!) Lord," a-na be-Vi-shu. 

' That this emphatic -ma indicates the end of the address proper we have seen above, p. 18, notes 4, 9. 

' So always; a possible di-na-ni has not yet been found in these letters. 

s Nos. 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 12, 13, 14, 1,5, 16, 17, 19, 20, 25, 30, 37 [43, 44, 49, 50, 51]. 

• For -ma cf. No. 4 : 1 ['"]A-na-ku-rum-ma; the -ma in No. 21 : 1, ^llu-MU .TUK.A-rvma"^ (Meissner, Ideogr., 
No. 3857), may(!) be a phonetic complement to r^u; for m cf. Mukallim (Nos. 31, 32, 33), Shiriqtum (No. 38), 
Ubarrum (Nos. 39, 40), etc. This -ma or m terminates the address proper, see note 3. 

' Nos. 1, 4, 9, 11, 21, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28 29, 31, 32, 33, 33a, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42 [45, 47, 48]. 


It would seem, then, that a correct interpretation of the words "before the 
presence of my 'Lord' may I come," as regards their appUcation to persons, might bring 
us somewhat nearer to a vahd understanding of the term ' 'my Lord." Examining 
all letters so far published with regard to the usage of the phrase a-na di-na-an be-li-ia 
lul-lik, we find that it may be employed in letters addressed either (a) to an official 
called '""'"'LUGH = sukkallu' or (b) to the King, LUGAL = sharru? Now, as the 
""^'"sukkallu as "ambassador" or "chief representative" (for that is the meaning 
of the term sukkallu in those letters) shares the king's honors, we might suppose 
that the he-li of our letters was such a chief representative of the king or kings of 
the Cassite dynasty. As representatives of the Cassite kings — especially with 
regard to the affairs of the Temple, resp. its storehouses — appear, as we learn from 
B. E., XIV, XV, a certain Innanni, the chief bursar during the time of Kuri-Galzu, 
and his successors Martuku (time of Kadashman-Turgu), Irimshu-NIN.IB 
(time of Kadashman-Turgu and Kadashman-Enlil), etc' That none of the 
three chief bursars just mentioned can be meant by the he-Vi here is obvious. For- 
tunately we possess four letters, addressed to Innanni, which are absolutely void 
of any of the three fundamental criteria; in them the writers do not call them- 

' See e.g., H., VII, 748, ardi-ka "" ^'^ AG-u-shal-Um (cf. also below, H., VII, 747, a letter by the same writer 
addressed to the king) a-na di-na-an ""^^'"LUGH be-h-ia lul-lik um-ma-a a-na be-li-iii-a-ma. H., VIII, 781, ardi-ka 
"• ^'"Marduk-SHESH-ir a-na di-na-an '^•^'■^"■LUGH be-h-ia lul-lik ^^i-nim u ^^'^Ish-tar [a\-na '"^'"LUGH be-h-ia 
lik-ru-bu um-ma-a a-na """"'"LUGH be-h-ia-a-ma. H., VIII, 805, ardi-ka ""Mar-duk a-nij, di-na-an '""'^'"[LUGH be-h-ia, 
cf., 1. 5] lul-lik ^^"AG [ii ^'"MariuJfc] a-na be-h-i^ lik-ru-b[u um-ma-a] a-na '^"'^^^LUGH be-h^ia-a-ma\. H., VIII, 844, 
ardi-ka "* ^^"EN-shu-nu a-na di-na-an '^^"^"■LUOH be-h-ia lul-lik ^^"Marduk u ^^"^ar-pa-ni-tum a-na be-h-ia lik-ru-bu 
um-ma-a a-na be-h-ia-a-ma. 

' In connection witli a modified form of address (a) — see p. 32 — we find it, e.g., in H., V, 516, a-na LUGAL be-h-ia 
ardi-ka "* ^^"EN-SE-na a-na di-na-an LUGAL be-li-ia lul-lik '^^"AG u '■''"Marduk a-na LUGAL be-h-ia lik-ru-bu um-ma-a 
a-na LUGAL be-h-ia-a-ma. H., VIII, 793, a-na LUGAL be-h-ia { = Ashshur-etil-ili"'"^, son of AshshuY-bdn-apal) ardi-ka 
m iluE] a-na di-na.{an] LUGAL be-h-ia lul-lik ^'^"AG u ''"[Mardufc] a-na LUGAL be-h-ia lik-[ru-bu]. 

In connection with address (6) — ^see p. 32 — it occurs, e.g., in H., IV, 422, ardi-ka "'AD-ia-KI-ia a-na di-na-an 
'^"^LUGAL.GLNA (= Sharru-ukin) be-h-ia [sc, lullik, left out here] lu-u [sc, shul-mu] a-na '''^LUGAL.GLNA be-h-ia 

um-ma-a a-na LUGAL be-h-iii-a-ma. H., VI, 542, ardi-{ka "^X a-na di-na-a]n "^LUGAL-u-kin LUGAL SHU 

( -= kishshatu) be-h-ia lul-lik ^'"AG u ^'■^Marduk a-na LUGAL lik-ru-bu um-ma-a a-na LUG.iL be-h-ia-a-ma ilmu"'^-us-su 
a-na ba-lat Z/""^»''(= napsMti) sha LUGAL be-h-ia ^^^EN u ^'''AG u-sal{= NI)-li. H., VII, 698, ardi-ka "■ ''"£V. 
BA.SHA a-na di-na-an LUGAL [sic] H., but nothing is missing] sha be-h (! = the king of the lords) be-h-ia lul-lik 
*'"A(? u ^^"Marduk a-na LUGAL be-h-ia lik-ru-bu um-ma-a a-na LUGAL be-h-ia-a-ma. H., VII, 721, {ardi\-ka 
"* ^'"Marduk-MU-SE-na [a]-na di-na-an LUGAL be-h-ia lul-lik um-ma-a a-na LUGAL be-h-ia-a-ma. H., VII, 747, 749, 
ardi-ka "" ^^^AG-u-shal-Um (749 has "* ^^^AG.DI-im, cf. also above, H., VII, 748, a letter by the same writer addressed to 
the '^""'^"LUGH) a-na di-na-an LUGAL be-h-ih lul-lik um-ma-a a-na LUGAL be-h-ih-a-ma. H., VIII, 803 [ardi-ka 
m iluMar]duk-MU.MU ""'^^'^ EN .[NAM a-na di]-rui-m(!) LUGAL be-h-ia [lul-lik ^'"AG u ''"] Marduk a-na be-h-id. 
lik-ru-hu [um-ma-a a-na be]-h-ia-a-ma. H., VIII, 832, 833, 835, 836, 837, ardi-ka " ^'"AG.EN.MU'""'' a-na di-na-an 
LUGAL be-h-ia lul-lik um-ma-a a-na LUGAL be-h-ia-a-ma. 

' Cf. Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 8. 



selves ' 'thy servant," nor do they beg to be permitted ' 'to come before his presence," 
nor do they term him "my Lord." 

Though we d d not yet arrive at a positive result, we may claim at least a nega- 
tive one, and that is: the be-Vi of these letters cannot have been a representative of 
the Cassite king, such as Innanni, the chief bursar of the Temple storehouses at 
Nippur, was at the time of Kuri-Galzu. 

Trying to determine the exact significance of the expression be-Vi, we get, it would 
seem, a good deal farther in our investigation if we examine the formula of greeting,^ 
a-na .... shul-mv? (which here, as in the letters above, is very often coupled with 
an invocation), and all those incidental references in the text of the letters which allude 
to the personality of the bearer of this title. In doing this we learn that the Lord was in 
possession of (1) a "house," hitu^ ; (2) a "house and field," hitu ii stru* ; (3) a "house, city, 
and field," bitu dlu-ki ii sirv?; (4) a "field," eqM; (5) a "city and field," dlu-ki u 
siru (resp. strw*')'; (6) a "city, field, and house," dlu-ki siru (resp. si-ri) ii bitu"; 
(7) "large and small cattle," LIT.GUD"'" ii GANAM.LU'-'-""; (8) "young cows 
and oxen," Idti bu-ra-ti u alpe bu-ru-ti"'; (9) "harvests of the land and [pastures] of 
the field," i-bu-ri shd m[a-ti ii n-/]i(?) sirw"; (10) "canals and ditches," ndru", nam- 
ga{r)-ra}^; (11) "messengers," mar ship-ri^*; (12) "workmen," resp. "soldiers," 

' With the excpption of No. 39 to be found always after lullik and before the introductory vni-ma-a a-na 
be-li-ia-ma. No. 39 has the greeting, quite strangely, after the last mentioned introductory phrase. 

' Always written either shu-ul-mu or shul-mw, DI( = shid)-mu has not yet been found. 

' Nos. 22 : 4 I 23 : 3 (writer "^Im-gu-rum) ; 35 : 3 (writer ™Ki-sha-ti-bu-ut, cf . also note 5) : a-na 6 he-h-ia shii-ul-mu. 
Cf. also the bab shd ^ be-li-ia in 26 : 19 and tlie NI.GISH pish-s}iat & be-li-ia in 27 : 12. 

* No. 11:2 (writer "'Be-la-nu) : a-na 6 u EDIN shd be-li-ia shul-mu. For EDIN cf. p. 75, note 1. 

' No. 34 : 2 (writer "'Ki-shd-ali-bu-ut, cf . also note 3) : a-mi 6 be-li-ia <ilu-ki u [EDIN shd be-l^i-ia, shu-ul-mu. 
' Cf. No. 46 : 5, A.SHAG-ka, "thy field," i.e., the Lord's. 

'No. 9 :3 (writer "'Bana-a-s)M-^'''Mardtik): a-na Mu-ki ii EDIN shd be-li-ia shu-ul-mu. No. 17 :5 (writer 
'"^'"NIN.IB-GA.BU-AN'""''): a-na dlu-ki u EDIN''' shd be-h-ia shi([l-mu]. 

' Nos. 26 : 2 I 27 : 2 I 28 : 3 (writer '"Ku-du-ra-nu) : a-na dlu-ki EDIN (26 : 2, ?i-ri) it 6 be-h-ia shu-ul-mu. 

• No. 51 : 4 (name of writer broken away): \a.-na LIT.GUD^^" ii\ G AN AM .LU^'" shd [be-h-ia shul-mu]. No. 
16 :4 (writer "» ^'"NIN.IB-[. ...]): a-na LIT.GUD^'-'' ii GANAM.LU^^'^ sh[u-ul-mu] ii shd be-Ti-ia shu-ul-mu, i.e., 
"to the large and small cattle, greeting; and to all that belongs to my Lord, greeting!" For LIT.GUD^'-" m GANAM. 
Li/hia (= alpe u ?ene) cf. also B. E., XIV, 99 : 1 | 99a : 46 | 132 : 1 

'" No. 10 : 4 (writer [. . . .''"] Marduk) : [a-na LIT"""*" bu-ra-ti] it GUD"'^''' bu-ru^ti]. Cf. also No. 60. 
" No. 25 : 4 (writer "'UR-''^'^NIN .DIN .DtJG.GA): a-na i-bu-ri shd mia-ti ii ri-t]i{?) EDIN shu-ul-mu. 
"He was at least co-owner, cf. No. 40 : 21 (writer "'U -bar-rum): me-e "''''«( = A.GUR) Ilu( = AN)-i-pu-ush ii 
me-e ""'■«(= A.GUR) Na-la-ah me-e zi-it-ti shd be-h-ia; for translation seep. 132. Cf. also the mA (='A) be-h-ia in 1 : 11. 
" No. 40 : 15, M shii-u a-na pa-an nam-ga-ri shd be-h-ia a-shi-ib; I.e., 1. 20, nam-gar-ra shd be-h-ia li-mash-shi-ir. 
" No. 8 : 17 (writer '"Ba-il-^'''Marduk) : mdr ship-ri shd be-h-ia. Cf . [34 : 21] | 53 : 37, mdr ship-ri-ka. 


ummdni (= SAB^^"), sdbe (= SAB'""''')'; (13) ''servants," ardu'; (14) shattam 
and "-"''"PA-ENGAR'; (15) itu*; (16) "tax-gatherers," mdkisu'; (17) "sheriffs," 

' No. 39 : 17 (writer '^U-bar-rum) : ^AB^'-" slid be-h-ia. Cf. 46 : 9, ,«I.4B4'''-{jfco] and 58 : 12, ^AB^^'^ shd be-h 
im-hu-ru. From 9 : 17, 100 ^AB-^-^il) gi-in-na-ta ki-iig-nu-na §AB""''^(\) shd be-h-ia ir-ta-pi-is, it is apparent that 
there seems to have been a difference between ^.IB-'" and ^.IZi'"'''''; the former are = "men," wliile the latter are = "sol- 
diers"; for a translation see p. 106. In B. E., XIV, XV, ^AB^'" and ^AB"'^"'' are used interchangeably; cf., e.g., I.e., 
XIV, 56a :26, PAD 27 ^.-IB""^''' shd il-ga-ri-e i-pu-shu, i.e., "food (wages) for 27 'men' who have tilled (made) tlie 
fields," and according to I.e., 1. 30, tlie """'"lilQ and KA.ZID.DA have S.IB'"'''''. 

' This follows not only from the term "servant" whicli the various writers apply to themselves when writing to 
their "Lord," but also from the fact that very frequently other persons are referred to in these letters as "thy {i.e., tlie 
Lord's) servant," ardi-ka. Among the persons thus spoken of as the "Lord's" servant we find, e.g., '"'Erba-'' "^Marduk, 
27 : 30, 32 I 29 : 4 [5] I 35 : 17 I 65 : 9 (cf. here also ^Erba-'i^''Marduk, the writer of letters Nos. 13, 14, 81, 82); 
m iluNiN.IB-SIIESII-SE-na, 1 : 16, 17; '"BA.SHAJ'^IM, 34 : 34, 35; ""l-na-tl.KUR.GAL, 24 : 32; "" ^'"DIL.BAT- 
Ba-ni, 14 : 18; "'Ku-du-ra-ni, 35 : 31 (cf. also the writer of Nos. 26, 27, 28); '"Me-li-Shi-pak, 17 :32; ""iVa-ali-zi- 
[''"Mardufc], 42 : 12, 13; ""SHESlI-shd-dsh-ra, 45 : 7; ""^.SAG.lL-zu-ri-ia [ardi-ka], 9 : 15. Cf. 21 : 27,// ardi-ka. 

'No. 39 :3 (writer "^U -bar-rum); [45 : 4, name of writer broken off]: a-na SHAG.TAM (or possibly better 
A.SHAG, cf. 39:4) ii """"'"PA.ENGAIi shd be-h-ia shu-ul-mu. To SHAG.TAM ( = UD) = plural and without 
amelu, cf. 35 : 33, be-h a-na SHAG.TAM li-ish-pu-ra-ma NI.GISH shub( = RU)-ta lish-ki-nu-{ma], see translation p. 125. 
See also 21 : 4, i-tu """''^SHAG.TAM shd a-na shul-mi-shu al-ii-ku shu-ul-ma shd be-h-ia ish-ta-la-an-ni (original gives 
ir), "the it& of the shattam for whose welfare (interest) I have come, has asked me about the welfare (here = 'news,' 
as in de-im u shu-lum = 'good news') of my 'Lord' "; 27 : 15, dsh-shum NI.GISH i-tu-u SHAG.TAM-mi e-she-ir, "as 
regards the oil (sc. concerning wliich my Lord hiis written, I beg to state tliat) 'the itil of the shatammi (.so, no doubt, 
better tlian: "as regards tlie oil of the ilH, the shattammi, etc." and this because (1) the letter is addressed to the "Lord"; 
(2) shattammi, terminating in i, requires a noun on which it is dependent ; (3) if shattammi were the subject we would 3xpect 
a form esh{i)ru) is taking care of it;' " 54 : 25, "■""'^'^SHA[G-T]AM. The SHAG.TAM, in all passages quoted, being 
closely connected with the watching, guarding, taking care of (27 : 15) or storing (35 : 33) of the NI.GISH or sesame 
oil, must have been an official in charge of the oil of the Temple or Palace. Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 696a, 
"ein Berujsmime" \ Meissner-Rost, B. S. S., Ill, p. 359, and Zimmern, Ritualt., p. 93 = zammeru, "Sanger"; 
Jensen, K. B., VI', pp. 531, 532 = shaknu, qepu, " Statthalter" ; King, Letters of ijammurabi. III, p. 57 : 3, "overseer of 
cattle" ; Delitzsch, B. A ., IV, p. 486, on the basis of Letters of gammurabi, 39 : 5, SHAG.TAM'""'' shd &^'^ ANb^^-ka 
compared with I.e., 37 :7 and No. 15 = " Tempelverwaltung, ein hoheres Tempelvenoaltungsamt." ""'^'^PA.ENGAR 
is hardly better than <"nelu gM^j^g^j^^ gggj^g that the sign PA looks rather like GISH. """^'^PA.ENGAR = 
akil errisM, ikkari, "overseer of the farmers or irrigators." If read <"««'" "^''ENGAR, this official would be one who 
had charge of the "works of irrigation:" "'""'"nartabi, see also p. 127, note 2. 

* "'Ki-shafi-bu-ut, the writer of No. 35, after having passed through the positions of na-gid, ENGAR, RIQ, calls 
himself, i.e., 1. 25, a-na-ku i-tu be-h-ia. As itd he was in charge (of the storehouse affairs) of the city Dur-^'"PA.KU^^ 
(see below, p. 120). "'Kal-bu, the writer of No. 24, who had been entrusted by royal grant with the administra- 
tion of the city Mannu-gir-^'-^IM, calls himself. I.e., 1. 36, a-na-ku i-tu [be-h]-ia. In 26 : 17 the i-tu-u '"Iz-gur-^'"NIN.IB 
"puts up" shu-ki-i: dsh-shum shu-ki-i shd i-tu-u '"■Iz-gur-''^*'-NIN.IB shd-ak-nu-ma be-h ish-pu-ra a-na bdb shd bit be-h-ia 
ul i-la-ak; for translation see p. 119. Cf. also 21 : 27, GAL i(?)-<u? Also other persons had an itU. The writer of No. 
11, "'Be-la-nu, says. I.e., 1. 21, i-tu-u-a ma-am-ma ia-a'-nu, and "* ^^"-EnAil-ki-di-ni, the slave dealer, commands '"'A-lyu- 
shi-na (78 : 4): Mdr-^'Mu-ra-ni i-tu-H-a li-ti-ga-am at-ta. In 21 : 4 we have an i-tu '"""^"■SHAG.TAM, and in 27 : 15 
an i-tu-u SHAG.TAM-mi (see preceding note). Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 157a, gives only "itd, ein Berufsname." The 
root of this word is nnX, "to see"; to the same root belongs also another itH, "side, boundary." A side of a house 
(or of a piece of land, etc.) is any of its four extremities which "looks" towards a certain direction, either north, south, 
east, or west. Tlie extremities of a piece of land which look towards or in the different directions are its ittl, pi. itd, or 
"boundaries"; hence the person called itH is "one who looks out towards or in the different directions, or sides or bound- 


GU.EN.NA"; (18) na-'i-ri-e na-'i-ra-a-ti SAL E-di-ir-ti ii hiM ; (19) "cities," dlu^''] 

aries — may they be those of property or of other business interests — of his master," "one who looks out that the various 
sides of his master's interests be protected." Such a person who "looks out" for his master's interests (as did Kalbu, 
after having been entrusted by royal grant with the administration of Mannu-gir-'^^'^IM) at the time of Ur-Ninna, king 
of Shirpurla, was called an A.iV/.r,4 = "one who is at his side." The latter, then, is the exact Sumerian counterpart of 
the Semitic-Babylonian i7il = itu + Aju, = "one who is at the side of somebody, who guards his interests" (cf. 
NippurU = Nippur-Aju, one who lives at, belongs to, Nippur, a Nippurian), "his administrator, his representative": 
just as the sides (itii) represent a piece of property, guard it against trespassing, so an itH represents and guards and 
looks out for the interests of his master. 

« No. 27 : 35 (writer '"Ku-du-ra-nu) : <""'''"5//.4( = NIG).KUD.DA shd be-h ish-pu-{ra]. For SHA.KUD.DA cf., 
besides the passages quoted in B. E., XIV, XV, also I.e., XIV, 5 : 5 | 18 : 2 | 125 : 14 | XV, 122 : 7 | 131 : 17 | 157 : 25 | 
166 : 18, etc. 

• For this officer see introduction to No. 75, below, pp. 133f. 

' The passages in which this plirase occurs as part of the greeting are the following. No. 36 : 3 (writer ["* ''"]/Af . 
LUGAL.AN'"^'^) : [a-na .... SA'\L E-di-ir-tim [ii ^ he-Vv-ia sh]d-ul-mu [. . . . ma-a'}-di-ish shd-ul-mu; 31 : 3 
(writer '"Mu-kal-lim) : a-na na-'i-ri-e na-'i-ra-ti u S be-ll-ia shd-ul-mu SAL E-di-ir-ta li-pi-tu an-ni-tum il-ta-pa-as-siC? or 
su?) a-na TUR.SAL '"Ku-ri-i it TUR.SAL "'Ahu(.=SHESH)-m shu-ul-mu shi-ir-shi-na da-ab; 32 :4 (writer "'Mu- 
k[al-lim]): [a-na] na-'i-ri-e rux-'[i-ra-ti SAL] E-di-ir-ti [u] E be-l\-ia shu-ii[l-mu]; 33 :4 (writer ['"M]u-kal-[lim]): [a-na] 
na-'i-ri-e na- i-ra-a-li [SA]L E-di-ir-t^i] u J$ be-lt-ia shd-ul-mu. nd'irc, nd'irdti are participles masc. and fem. plur. of 
"^^i, which Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 4396, translates by "sehreien, brullen." Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 588, assigns to 
nd'ru a signification "klagend." We have to combine both significations here and translate nd'iri, nd'irdti by "howlers 
(masc. and fem.) of lamentations" = "lamentation men and women," who began their operations, as is well known, 
at the time of sickness, death, or funeral of a person. This is apparent also from the texts quoted above, for all of 
them are nothing but reports of a physician about the progress of the sickness of certain ladies connected, no doubt, 
with Enlil's sanctuary. Cf., e.g., 31 : 9f., shum-ma be-h i-sap-pa-ra li-sha-nim-ma, a-na-aJi zi-li-shi{\)-ma (for trans- 
lation see p. 26, n. 7) shd TUR.SAL ™Mush-ta-li (cf. 32 : 7) i-shd-ta-tu ba-al-da shd (cf. 32 : 13) pa-na i-gi-en-ni-fiu 
i-na-an-na ul i-gi-en-ni-ili shd TUR.SAL '"Ilu(— AN)-ip-pa-dsh-ra II i-shd-tu shd ub-bu-ra-tum shi-i-pa it-tor-di, etc. 
For i-shd-ta-tu, II i-shd-tu cf. I.e., 1. 26, mi-shi-il i-shd-ta-ti [shdC!) Mfe]-feu-ra; 1. 28, i-shd-ta-tu shd ^i-li (cf. zi-li, 1. 10 = 
Hebr. i'/X, "side") shd ub-b^-ra, and 33 : 24, i-shd-ta-tum. IshdtAlu (ti, turn) is either a plural of ishdtu = "fire, 
fever" (for formation cf. DeUtzsch, Gr., p. 188), or, less probably, a plural of ishdtu (= eshttu?), syn. of ka-ra-ru-u, 
which Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 1436 (sub eshttu), translates by " eversiones." The // i-shd-tu is, no doubt, "the double 
fever" in the sense of either "intermittent fever" or, more probably, of "chills and fever." Ba-al-da = Permansive 
I', third pers. plur. fem. after ishdtdtu. For gandbu cf. the Talmudic lexica sub njj = "to suffer from angina pec- 
toris," and for shipa nadd, "to grow, become old," see Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 511; here, because used of sickness, it has 
the meaning "to become chronic." Ihe passage, then, might be translated: "With regard to the daughter of Mushtali 
(I beg to report that) the fevers are improving; what was suffering before is not suffering any more now. With regard 
to the daughter of Ilu-ippaslira (I beg to report that) the 'double fever' which is remaining (= third pers. sing. fem. 
Perm. II' after // i-shd-tu = singl.) has become chronic," i.e., it appears at regular intervals. Cf. also 33 : 7f., dmu 
28(?)*'"" shd mu-shi ish-te-en a-ka-la it-ti pa-pa-si u-ul u-ga-at-ti ba-ra-{a]r-tum ki-i ig-tu-d um-mu [t?]-?a-6o<-si, and I.e., 
1. 25f., Hmu 29 "* ^^"UD na-pa-{bi] mdr ship-ri-ia ul-te-sa-a ki-i shd be-l'i iq-ba-a te{\)-e-im mu-shi a-lam-ma-ad-{ma{'!) 
i-n}a ^^^UD na-pa-bi a-^hd]-ap-j^a-r]a [te-e]-im su-ma-nu a-{lam-]ma-ad-{ma m(?) a-n]a ra-bi-e a-[.s/j4-a]p-pa-ra [shdC!)] 
dup-pa a-na [mub] be-h-ia [ul-te]-bi-la. With the exception of ishten akdla itti papasi everything is plain. Is this a 
food prepared with the papasi? For papasu cf. also B. E., XIV. 163 : 42, /// '^"^tallu (= RI) pa-pa-su ^'■^A.GUR, 
which shows that papasu was taken from the river, and is probably the "slime" of the river; cf. also Kiichler, Medizin, 
p. 128, "Brei, ScKUxmrn." Also in B. E., XV, 44 : 23 it is paid, Hke MUN, GV.GAL, OtJ.TUR, sib-bi-U, to certain 
(work)men; is, therefore, different from pappasu, Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 534a (against Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 28, note to No. 
8, 1. 4). From the above given passage it appears that the nd'iri and nd'irdti began their operations {ba-ra-ar-tum =^ 


"guards," massartu"; "fortress(es)/' bi-ir-ta^" ; "chariots," ^^"narkahM^ and sak- 
shup-par"; (20) " carriages," • ru-ku-bi" ; and last, but not least, (21) "creatures," 

"lamentation"; Del., H. W. B., p. I880, mentions only a bararum, syn. ikkillum, "Wehklage"; see also 47 : 4) while the 
lady was still under treatment (ul ugalli) and sick. No wonder, then, that she was seized with fever iummu) after 
those men and women had finished their lamentations. In the closing lines Mukallim reports that he will send out his 
messenger early at dawn of the 29th day, "as his 'Lord' had commanded," in order to learn through him how the sick 
person had passed the night (te-e-im mu-shi) and how the su-ma-nu (= samdnu, the u on account of the rre, H. W. B., 
p. 503; Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 574?) was progressing. Women, by the name (S.IL E-di-ir-tum, are mentioned in B. E., 
XIV, 40 : 3, 12, 14, 19 (21st year of Kuri-Galzu, 11. 31, 23) and a TUR.SAL GAB E-dUr-tum occurs in I.e., 58 : 42 
(13th year of Nazi-Maruttash). As this lady is closely connected witli the lamentation men and women, it seems 
probable to suppose that she was at the head of that profession. Wliat the real meaning of U-pi-tu an-ni-lum il-ta-pa- 
as-si (or sul = il-ta-pa-at-shi or -shu, i.e., i/n37, so, no doubt, better than a "possible" \/62li> or n3B') in No. 
31 : 5 is, is not clear to me. With lipil{t)u lapdtu cf. Amarna, B. 6, Rev. 3, 7, 9; 13. 218, Rev. 3, 4. It is construed 
with double accusative, as here, also in IV R., 15*, col. I : 14, 15, ap-pa u ish-di i-slia-a-li lu-pu-ut-ma ana tnar?i si-bit- 
li-shu-nu ai it-liu-u; but neither the signification given by Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 382a, "umslurzen, anruhren," nor that 
by Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 379, "beriihren, schlagen, werfen," nor King's (Letters of ffammurabi, III, p. 279), "to over- 
throw, to destroy," nor Nagel's (B. A., IV, p. 479), "zogern, verzogern," nor even Kuchler's {Med., p. 75), "stossen, 
anslossen, beriihren, umstossen, vernichten, anlippen," seem to fit here. Cf. also the li-bir-it ilim(= AN), "visitation of 
god," ffam. Code, XXXVIII, 77, and our letter No. 47 : 9, 14, a-di shd me-e la-pa-ti. Also this letter treats of 
sickness, cf., e.g., 1. 18, u shd pa-na ma-a'-da i-ni-i'-i-shu i-na-an-na ul i'-i-ish — an expression exactly parallel 
to shd pa-na i-gi-en-ni-}iu i-na-an-rux ul i-gi-en-ni-i}i in Nos. 31 : 13 | 32 : 13; hence eshd must signify a 
suffering from a certain malady and not merely a "Verwirren," Kuchler, Med., pp. 137, 138; Delitzsch, 
H. W. B., p. 143a. What .sickness this was is indicated in 1. 4, i-rw, ba-ra-ri (cf. above ba-ra-ar-tmn) ki i'-i-shti. 
Another letter that touches upon sickness, to mention it here, is No. 22 : 8 (writer '"Im-gu-rum), di-im mur-^i-shd 
ki ish-a-lu-shi ri-ik-sa ki e-si-fiu u-ra-ak-ka-su-shi. "'Mu-kal-lim, the writer of Nos. 31, 32, 33, and possibly 
of 47, was, no doubt, a physician. And as physicians are always under the patronage of goddess Gula, the azugallatii 
rabttu or "great physician," the one who muballitat miti, "quickens the dead" {sicX), I propose to identify our writer 
with the "^Mu-kal-lim mentioned after the bit '■'■"Gu-la in B. E., XIV, 148 : 9 (tlie 17th year), who lived during the 
time of Burna-Buriash. As such a physician and priest in the Temple of Gula he had to look after the welfare of the 
"ladies of the sanctuary," for notice that Mukallim sends not only greetings (shulmu) and good wishes {da-ab = 10. 
fa-ab, 31 : 8) for the well being (shi-ir-shi-rm, lit. their flesh, their body) of "the daughter of Kurl" and "the daughter 
of Abuni," who had, no doubt, recovered from their sickness under his care, but he reports also about the sickness of the 
following women: (1) "The daughter of Mushtali" (31 : 11 | 32 :7); (2) "the daughter of Ilu-ippashra" (31 : 15); 
(3) the lady La-la (? or shd) (31 : 20); (4) the ''"A^.-la-mi-ti {i.e., "the nomad"; 31 : 25 | 32 : 8. Cf. also B. E., XV, 
188 V : 11, SAL Afi-la-mi-tum, and ah-la-mu-u, I.e., XIV, 16 : 6; XV, 154 : 26, besides the passages quoted by Clay in 
I.C., XV, p. 51a); and (5) the daughter {TUR.SAL) of the lady (SAL) Ush (or Ba)-ba-{. . . .] (31 : 27). 

' No. 33a : 3, a-na uiM*"' mas?artu{-EN .NU .UN) shd be-Vi-ia shd-ul-[m]u. For dlu^'^'- = plural, see p. 12, note 1. 
» For EN.NU.UN = EN.NUN = massarlu see Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 478a, and cf. //., II, 187, Rev. 5 (a letter 
of '"Ishdi-^'-^PA to the mdr sharri be-li-ia), shulmu ( = Z)/)"" a-na EN.NUN""'''' gab-bu, "greeting to all the guards," 
and H., II, 186, Rev. 1 (by the same writer), EN.NUN shd LUGAL. 

«> No. 33a : 31, 36, bi-ir-ta shd be-li-ia. 

" No. 33a : 6, 10, 13, 22, 29, 31, 34, 35. Cliariots are also mentioned in B. E., XIV, 124 : 10 | XV, 13 : 2 | 21 : 7; 
they are to be distinguished from the ru-ku-bi and ^'■''^MAR.GID.DA, see below, note 13. 

'^ No. 33a : 27f ., um-ma-a a-na be-Vi-ia-ma be-l\ a-na sak-shup{ = RU)-par lig-bi-{ma\ II ^"narkablu a-na gir-ri shd 
he-Vi i-gab-bu-u lil-li-ik ii a-na-ku lu-uk-kaAi-ma i-na II ^"■narkabtu bi-ir-ta shd be-R-ia lu-uf-^ur; for translation see 
p. 139. InB.K, XV, 154 :41 (notmentionedby Clay) a sa/c( =5.4 G)-s/tMp-parZ/f/[G/li] is mentioned, and from Z.c, 13:5 
(not mentioned by Clay) we learn that a certain "'Er-ba-a-tum, the [s}a-ak{sic\)-shup-par, received (iw-Ju-Mr) from {i-na 


NI{G)-GAL-tum nap-ti. On account of the difficulties that are to be encountered 
in this expression it is necessary, it would seem, to give the passage in which it 
occurs in full. It is found in the ' 'greeting" of a letter (No. 38) written by a certain 
""Shi-ri-iq-tum, an inhabitant of Nippur {alu-ki, 1. 6), whose gods he invokes for 
the protection of his "Lord." The writer, unfortunately, is not mentioned in any 
of the tablets published in B. E., XIV, XV. Though a "'Shi-riq-[tum] is to be 

qdt) "'Mar-tu-ku, the cliief bursar of the Nippurian Temple storehouses during the reign of Nazi-Maruttash, J ma-na ZAG.SA 
(a metal, or a kind of leather?) a-na lia-d{t)il (or -bit; -bat; -ziz) shd '■^"narkabtu; i.e., eitlier for the "mounting" (metal) or 
"covering" (leather) of a chariot. Seeing that a saA;-s/tM/>-par is in each and every case closely connected witli "chariots," 
which lie may command when they are sent out on an expedition (see p. 139, 11. 28ff.), we may conclude that a shup-par 
is a "charioteer," and a sak-shup- par, a, " chief, commander, captain, general of the charioteers." The word shup-par 
has to be derived fom 13E', "to govern," from whicli root, as Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 440, has shown, we liave also 
the words ishpar (a form like ikribu, irrishu) = eshpar = (Sum. ESH.BAR =) "Zaum, Ziigel," shipru, "Zaum, Gebiss" 
and ushparu= "Insignie des Konigs" = "Zaum." With ishpar Jensen, I.e., quite correctly compares the Syriac X'lDSX 

= "Halfler" (for such changes of radicals cf. e.g., Sum. SHU.NIR = Assyr. shurinnu; Assyr. lajj-ru = Hebr. ^HT, 
etc.). According to this a shuppar would be "one wlio governs, directs the chariots by having hold of tlie ishpar, eshpar, 
ushpar" = Syr. K'IDSX, or "bridle" of the horses. DeHtzsch, //. IF. C, p. 685a, mentions an officer called °""''"sfc»- 

UD-SAG, "Oberst, General." That this cannot be read with Delitzsch, I.e., shud-shaqA, but must be transcribed with 
Winckler, Forschungen, 1, p. 476, 2 (and before him Guyard, Notes de lexicographie Assyrienne, Paris, 1883, § 33) by 
shu-par-shaq (or better saq) is evident from the passages quoted above. Furthermore, in view of the analogy that 
exists between sak-shuppar and shuppar-saq on the one hand and gal + galu = lugal (cf. gal + ushum = ushumgal, 
etc.) on the other hand, I propose to identify both. As gal + (ga)lu, "tlie great one among men" (cf. GAL.SAG =- 
rab-saq = the great one among the saq) becomes the "great man," /car' e^oxr/n, i.e., the lugal or "king," so 
sak-shuppar, "the chief among the cliarioteers," becomes the shuppar-sak, i.e., "the charioteer of the chief," and as 
such the "chief's (i.e., of the kings) foremost charioteer," "the charioteer-in-chief." From this, however, does 
not yet follow that we have to correct with Hoffman, Z. A., II, p. 54f.; Marti, Gram, des Bibl. Aram., p. 53, the 
KOD"13K, Ezra 5 : 6 (cf. also Ezra 4 : 9, XOilD"p3N, N;D";3X) into ^<"^D^^D in order to make it agree with shupip)ar-saq(k) . 
A change from K into D is much harder to imagine than a simple aberration of the eye from one to another D, which 
took place if we suppose that K"3D13N stood for KODIDBK, i.e., 103X, emphatic X1D3K (which is the Syr.-Aram. word 
for "Haljler" (Jensen), better "bridle," "bridle-holder" = Assyr. a{i, u)shpar — the ushpar as insignia of the king 
represents him as one who "holds the bridle" = who "governs" the people) + (St')3D (= sa-aq{k)). The K'3013N = 
K'3D1D3X, then, were "the bridle-holders," "govcrnors-in-chief." This also against Hinke, B. E , Ser. D, IV, p. 185. 

" No. 56 : 6, "'"''U.gU + SI ( = u-hin, "pole, shaft," seep. 26, n. 7) shd ru-ku-bishd be-li-ia, cf. also the '''''gU + SI. 
SI shd be-li-ia in 51 : 18. See in tliis connection also Friedrich, 0. L. Z., .\ugust, 1906, 465, on ^^ru-uk-bu. Rukubi 
are to be distinguished from "'^''MAR.GID.DA, which latter signify, at this time, either "harvest wagons" (lit. "long 
wagons" = eriqqu, Meissner, Ideogr., No. 4148, cf. No. 34 : 39, i-na i'"''MAR.GID.[DA] IN ki-i az-bi-la IMER.KUR. 
RA"^"'^, etc.; i.e., "while I was fetching the straw in the harvest wagons, the horses, etc.") or "wagon loads," cf. the 
''"''Af.47J.G/Z).I>/l"""''<e-?i-tom = " the wagon loads of the crop, harvest (sc. of grain)," No. 52 : 35andB.£., XIV, 118 :1, 
29, 30. In B. E., XV, 91 : 1, 2 (cf. our No. 54 : 7; 52 : 33), the harvest (te-li-tum) of the pa-te-si is computed according to 
'"'^MAR.GID.DA, "wagon loads." For the various amounts of grain paid as "hire" (ID) for "harvest wagons," see, 
e.g., B. E., XIV, 144 : 6 | XV, 28 : 11 | 101 : 12 | 103 : 10. In B. E., XV, 1.55 : 36 a certain amount of grain is men- 
tioned as bi-la-al ^'■'"^MAR.GID.DA ; as this here can mean nothing but "hire for harvest wagons," we have the proof 
that ID = "hire" has to be read bi-la-at, from biltu, "Abgabe,Steuer, Tribut" (H. W. B., p. 232), and "hire." Cf. 
also the SHE shd ei'h^AR.GID.DA"'^''' napliar shd a-na dli (= Nippur) shu-m-bu, B. E., XV, 107 : 6, and see 
the ""'•■MAR LUGAL (?l) in B. E., XIV, 124 : 16, and the "^'''MAR AZAG.UD in our No. 28 : 16. 


found in a letter of "'Gu-za-ar-AN to '"In-nu-u-a (87 : 8), we are still unable to 
assign No. 38 definitely. In all probability Shiriqtum lived sometime during the 
reign of Kuri-Galzu, i.e., somewhere between 1421-1396 B.C. That part of the 
letter with which we are concerned here reads (38 : Iff.) : 

1 ardi-ka "'Shi-ri-iq-tum a-na d[i-na-an] Thy servant Shiriqtum; before the pres- 


2 be-h-ia lu-u-ul-li-[ik] of my "Lord" may I come! 

3 ''"SUGH' u shar-rat ""EN.LILl'^'] SUGH and the queen of Nippur 

' From a religious standpoint this greeting is most important. It teaches us that the Nippurian Trinity — EnUl, 
NIN.IB, Ninlil or Gula (Bau) — was known also as 

SUGH (Father) NIN.IB (Son) ^'"NIN.MAGH^Mnte of tlie Son) = shar-rat ^'"En-lU''^ (Mother). 

Without going into details here (see my forthcoming v^oluni3 on the Religious Texts from the Temple Library of 
Nippur), I may be permitted to show briefly that the gods mentioned in this letter form indeed a parallel "Trinity 
in Unity." 

''^SUGH (thus the sign has to be read, and not DAR (Jensen), see my forthcoming volume) was originally 
the name of a god playing the role of the "Son." This is still evident from II R., .57, Obv., 1. 35, c, d, where 
^^'^SUGH (with the gloss Tishfiu) is identified with ^'"NIN.IB, who in our letter occupies the position of the "Son." 
Cf. also ''''SUGH EN um-ma-ni, "the lord of hosts," Zimmern, Shurpu, IV, p. 24, 74; ^'"-SUGH (gloss sud) NIGIN = 
mu-bal-lu-u ai-bi, "the destroyer of the enemy," K. 2107, 19 — two attributes of the "Son," who, as the personification 
of the powers of nature ("the seven," "the Igigi" and "the Anunnaki," etc.), protects the faithful and destroys the 
wicked. Just as '''^NIN.IB (the Son) was also = ''"IB, and this one = ''"^.KUR, "the god of Ekur," i.e., Enlil (see BH, the 
Christ, p. 17), so ''"■SUGH (originally the Son) appears in this letter at the head of the Nippurian Trinity — is, therefore, 
here= '''^Enlil, the "Father" or "first person," and as such clearly a Wiaic. SUGH = Enhl, as the higliest god of Nippur, 
is, of course, "the king of Nippur," and his wife would naturally be called "the queen of Nippur," shar-rat En-Hl'". 
The latter is coupled in this invocation witli SUGH; hence SUGH and shar-rat En-lifi' are husband and wife. That 
the "queen of Nippur" was indeed none other but ''"■NIN .LIL follows also from other considerations, of which I shall 
mention only one: NIN.IB, "tlie son of Enlil," is called in K. B., I, p. 175, 18, the ilitti Ku-tu-shar blllu, "the one borne 
by Kutushar, the mistress (bcitu = NIN) " ; but Kutushar is according to III R., 38, 3a = shar-ra-tu or "queen." Hence 
sharratu must be the wife of Enlil (= SUGH), i.e., she is ''"^NIN.LIL, the "queen of Nippur." Furthermore, Enlil, 
the "Father" or "first person of the Nippurian Trinity," is in every cjise identified with his wife, the "Mother," or 
"third person of the Trinity": they are, as "husband and ^vife," "one flesh." This Unity is still clearly attested to 
by the inscriptions themselves. Above we saw that SUGH or Enlil was a male divinity, but ''"SUGH is according to II 
R., 35, 18a the same as "Ishtar of Eridu," generally iialled An-nu-l(not ni)-tum or Antum. Antum again is identified 
with '''^Gd-ra, the wife ''"^.kur^ Enlil (see Bel, the Christ, p. 17). The wife of Enlil is called also Ninlil or sharral 
En-lil'" (our letter), hence ''''SUGH is on the one hand the same as ''"Enlil and on the other = ''"Ninlil; i.e., the "Father" 
and the "Mother," or the "first" and the "third person" of the Nippurian (and of any other Babylonian) Trinity are 
one: male and female in one person. What this Unity means we know: it is nothing but the Babylonian prototype of the 
Greek Oiipavdc Kal Tula, "the heaven and earth" or "the firmament of heaven and earth" ; the upper part, "the firmament 
of heaven," or "heaven" is the husband or "Father," and the lower part, the "firmament of earth" or "earth" is the 
"Mother": "Mother earth." This oneness, this unity, is also expressed in such names of Enlil as '^'"Dur-an-ki or 
''"Dur-an or AN, the Sau/? 6 Kda/ioc BoSuAuwof (see Bel, the Christ, p. 21). 

The "heaven and earth" or cosmos had a son, called '''^NIN.IB. The Babylonian name for cosmos is not only 
an-ki, but also 6.KUR or J^-s/iar-ro, hence NIN.IB is termed tlie bu-kur Nu-gim-mut i-lit-tiS.KUR, K. B., I, p. 52 : 2; 
the apil i.KUR, I R. 15, VII : 55; the bu-kur ''"En-lil bi-nu-ut i-shdr-ra; I R. 29, 16 (= iiL. B., I, p. 174 : 15, 16); 


4 nap{sicl)-ti be-h-ia li-is-m-rum may protect the life (lit. souls) of my 


5 ""NIN.IB u "-NIN.MAGH a-shib NIN.IB and NIN.MAGH who inhabit 

the dumu-iish (= apil) E-shAr-ra zi-kir-shu, Craig, Rel. Texts, I, p. 43 : 17; the apil E-shdr-ra, IV R. I, 34a. Seeing 
that the "cosmos" is represented by Enlil (= SUOH) and Ninlil (= sharrat Enlil^^), NIN.IB appears also as the 
EN dumu<^^'V'''En-lil-lal-ge = mar ^'"ditto, Reisner, Hymnen, p. 123 : 6f., or as the L '^'■'^i'' NIN.IB diimu ^ingir^ 
K. 170, Rev. 14, and as the ilittu Ku-tu-shar (= s/iarraiu, see above) bcllu, K. B., I, p. 175 : 18. As such a "Son" he is 
his Father's "voice" {qiilti, cf. the 7lp of Jahveli), III R. 67, 68c, d, through whom the Father speaks and reveals him- 
self; he is his "messenger," the sukkal E.KUR, V R. 51 : 26n, whose business it is to enforce and guard the commands 
of his Father: ^'"NIN.IB nti?ir (SHESH) pumssii (ESH.BAR) a-bi ^'"En-lil, II R. 57, Obv. 24, 25c, rf. He can do it, 
for he is the ur-sag kal-ga, "the mighty hero" (lit. "head-servant"), "wlio has no equal" (gab-ri nu-tug-a), and he does 
do it by means of his "seven sons" (cf. ^^^NIN.IB = ^'^Pap-nigin-gar-ra, II R. 57, Rev. 576, who, according to 
III R. 67, No. 1 : 25c, dff. (=11 R., 55 : 59o, 6), has "seven" sons, among whom (1. 35) is to be found a certain ^'"l^r- 
NUN-ta-v[d-du-a]. The latter appears also among the "seven" sons of Bau and Nin-Oirsu {Creation Story, p. 23: 6, 
where E-nun must be read, instead of katam)), who are his TUR.DA or ekdiXti, "mighty ones" (German: Recken). The 
chief one {NU or ma-lik) among these "seven mighty ones," since the time of the kings of Ur, is ^'^PA.KU or 
Nusku, while ''"NIN.IB himself is the ^'''LUOAL.TUR.DA, "the king of the mighty ones." That these "seven sons" 
are notliing but the sevenfold manifestations of the powers of nature, i.e., of NIN.IB, the god of lightning and storm, 
has been indicated on p. 21, and will be proved in detail in my forthcoming volume. And as the "seven powers of nature," 
headed by Nusku, are simply manifestations of the "Son" or NIN.IB, through which he reveals himself, Nusku came 
to be identified with NIN.IB (see Bel, the Christ, p. 2, note 10, and p. 3, notes Iff.). NIN.IB, again, was, as "Son," 
identified with his "Father," Enlil; cf. here the names *'"L, ^'"EN.KUR.KUR, ^'"SUGH, all of wliich stand for Enhl 
and NIN.IB; hence the "Father" is = the "Son" and the latter is = Nusku, the (chief of the) seven powers of nature: 
all are one and yet distinct. In this wise it happened that "the seven" came to stand for the "fulness of the Babylonian 
godhead," just as in the Christian religion the "seven gifts" of the Holy Ghost stand both for the "fulness of the Holy 
Ghost" and for "the godhead," or as the sevenfold candlestick represented the "fulness of the godhead" in the Old 
Testament. On account of this symbolic significance, the "seven" was looked upon as the most sacred and the most 
evil number: it being both holy and tabd. So is also the Holy Ghost. He is on the one hand the most gracious comforter, 
and on the other the only being that does not pardon a sin committed against him : the sin against the Holy Ghost being 
unpardonable (see here also my review of Prof. Hilprecht's B. E., XX', in the Homiletic Review, February, 1908, pp. lOOff., 
which was written, however, in March, 1907). 

""NIN.MAGH, who appears also in III R. 68 : 2lg, h (cf. 11. 19, 17) as the DAM-{BI-SAL] of ""NIN.IB, must 
be here likewise (because coupled with him) the wife of NIN.IB. But in II R. 59: 19; III R. 68 : 19g, h (cf . 1. 17) there 
appears as the wife of ""MASH = ""NIN.IB the goddess NIN.EN.LIlJ'^, i.e., the "mistress of Nippur," who was, as we 
saw above, the same as Kti^tu-shar, the "queen and mistress of Nippur." Again, in Reisner, Hymnen, p. 47, No. 23, Rev. 
22, 23, NIN.MAGH is called the AM ( =ummu), "mother, " of ""IB.A = "'^NIN.IB. From this it follows that the "wife 
of the Son" is the same as the "Mother" or the "third person" of the Babylonian Trinity; in other words, the "Son" 
marries or may marry his own "Mother"! The explanation of this extraordinary phenomenon is simple enough. The 
"Mother," we saw, was the earth, and the "Son" was said to be the powers of nature: the wind, rain, storm, lightning, 
etc. The "Son," although begotten by the "Father" and borne by the "Mother," marries every spring his own "Mother"; 
i.e., the rains of the spring unite themselves with "Mother" earth, in consequence of which she becomes, after the dead 
and barren season of the winter, fructified, brings forth new life, quickens the dead {muhallitat miti): the vegetation 
and the (seven) equinoctial storms (the seven sons). And because the "Son" marries his own "Mother" he now 
becomes "one flesh with her," hence ""NIN.IB and ""NIN.MAGH {gic\ not NIN.ENGARXI) are identified, are one: 
III R. 68 : 18?, h (cf. 11. 21, 17). Cf. also ""NIN.MAGH = Antum, II. R. 54, No. 2, 1. 2 (Hommel, S. L., p. 48, 36). 
Antum=''^'" NIN.IB, Bel, the Christ, etc., pp. 16, 18. "^'"AT/A^.M^Gi/ is, therefore, a name signifying the "Son," the 
"wife of the Son," and the "Mother." 

In conclusion I may add a few words about the pronunciation of ""NIN.IB. In my review of Clay's volume 


6 shd dlu-ki NI{G = GAR, sha)-GAL the city {i.e., Nippur) may protect 

{ = ik)-tum nap{sic\)-ti-ka thy creatures (subjects)! 

7 li-is-su-rum ma-an-nu pa-a-n} Whosoever 

* 8 ba-nu-tum shd he-h-ia li-mur may see the gracious face of my "Lord" 

9 [w?^] man-nu da-ha-ha tdh{ = ffl)'^ [and] whosoever be of "good words" 

.10 [a-n]a he-h-ia li-il-te-mi may Hsten to my "Lord"! 

11 [um]-ma-a a-[na ^e-l^i-ija-lma] The following to my "Lord": 

Two pecuharities of this text require some words of explanation. The first is 
the word nap-ti in 11. 4 and 6. According to the greeting of 89 : 6' we would expect 

entitled Business Documents of MuraskA Sons of Nippur ( = B. E., X) I tried to show (see The Monisl for January, 
19()7 (Vol. XVII, No. 1), p. 139) that NIN.IB was originally an Amurritish god coining from the "westland," where he 
had been identified with ^^"MAR.TU, and where he was called Irrishu, resp. Irrishtu. Three months after my review had 
appeared. Dr. Clay read a paper before the American Oriental Society, on April 5, 1907, in which he had reached the 
same conclusion, viz.: NIN.IB has to be identified with ^^"MAR.TU. Though I naturally was sorry not to find in his 
treatise any reference to my review, and to learn from p. 2 of the J. A. 0. S. for 1907 that the reading Irrish(t)u was 
known to him only from "private commiuiication," I still greeted Clay's discovery with rejoicing. Upon the basis of 
his investigations Clay thought to be justified in rejecting any and all readings of the name HiyUX so far proposed. 
He accordingly proceeded, being encouraged in this by Jensen's reading {'nwusht = namushtu = namurtu), and identified 
ntyiJK (thus has to be read, see "Preface") with En-washtu = Enmashtu = En-martu. The objections to such a reading, 
however, are evident to every Assyriologist : MAR.TU, a Summon ideogram, cannot be treated as an Assyrian word, 
martu, to which one appUes Semitic-Babylonian phonetic laws (the change of r to sh before t), making marlu mashlu. 
Surely, every Assyrian would unhesitatingly translate a word En-mashtu (martu) by "the lord of the daughter" or "owner 
of a daughter." A Sumerian ideogram MAR.TU, signifying "westland," according to Assyro-Babylonian grammar, 
cannot become a "daughter," or martu. The god MAR.TU played in the westland the same r61e as did, e.g., Enlil in 
Nippur, or Sin in Ur, or Marduk in Babylon, i.e., he was the highest god among the Amurrites, hence being identified 
not only with '^^^KUR.GAL, "the god of the great mountain" or "world" (an attribute of Enhl, Sin, Marduk, etc.; 
this shows that KUR.GAL cannot be read in each and every case Amurru, but must be understood quite 
frequently of Enlil or Anu or Sin or Marduk, cf. ^^"BE = bel = Enlil and Ea), but also with 'Ur = IT* (cf. here 
also C. T., II, 12 (Bu. 88-5-12, 212), 1. 30, ^'"^Marduk^l) it. ^'"En-zu-'""MAR.TU, i.e., "Marduk and Sin-Amurru"). 
There were known in Babylonia a "Sin of Ur, " a "Sin of Harran, " a "Sin of Amurru," a "Sin of Nippur" (cf. here 
the date of Dungi, E. B. H., p. 256, 15: mu '^^^''Uru-ki En-lil'^ 4-a ba-tur. Of this Nippurian Sin we have quite a 
number of hymns and prayers in our Museum), and many others. I also beg to differ from Prof. Clay's explanation 
of the dingir dingir in the name Warad-dingir-dingir-Mar-tu, found in his paper referred to above (p. 7 of the reprint), 
in which, upon the suggestion of Prof. Jastrow, he states with regard to dingir-dingir that it is a pluralis majestatis 
corresponding to the Hebr. D'hSn. Tliat name has to be read Warad-AN-^^^M AR.TU and shows that MAR.TU was 
identified, as is to be expected, with the highest and oldest Babylonian god AN. AN-^^^MAR.TU is, therefore, parallel 
to the AN si-m-um ''^"EN.LIL (Code of ffammurabi, I : 1, see The Monist, Vol. XVI (October, 1906), p. 634) or to the 
well-known ^'^"■EN.LIL Hi ^^^^Marduk. Cf. also for the formation Warad-AN-^'-'^MAR.TU names like Galu-''''^Ba-il- 
Mar-tu (or is Mar-tu here a title?), Reisner, Telloh, 159, VI : 23; Galu-'''''DISH-AN, Reisner, I.e., 154, III : 4. This 
last name is especially interesting, showing us that ^^"DISH was not only *'".^.4 (Br. 10068), but also ^A'^; notice also 
that DISH is = 60, which is the number of AN, and 4A^ is = ilu. 

' For this and the following see above, p. 22. 

' The traces visible seem to be against such an emendation, but the parallel text, 89 : 1 1, justifies it, see p. 22, 

J jifpnah ^_gf^^ t!.DIM.GAL.KALAM MA nap-shd-ii-ka li-if-fu-ru. 



here the word nap-shd-ti for nap-ti. Should the writer have made twice the same 
mistake of omitting sha, or have we to see in naptu a synonym, resp. side form of 
napshdti? As I personally cannot imagine that our writer could be guilty of com- 
mitting the same error twice in a space of only three lines, I prefer to consider nap-ti 
not as a mistake for nap-shd-ti, with the shd left out, but as a synonym of napishtu, 
from the root tijx(?)> "soul," "Hfe. " The second pecuHarity is met with in 
the expression NI{G).GAL-tum nap-ti-ka. If these two words have to be connected, 
thus taking NI(G).GAL-tum as the nomen regens of nap-ti, we will have to admit 
that this is a rather singular status constructus relation. We would expect either 
NI{G).GAL-tum shd nap-ti-ka or NI{G).GAL{-ti, -at) nap-ti-ka. However, such 
status constructus relations may be paralleled, cf. e.g., ul-tu Hmu""' (for Hm) sa-a-ti. 
Neb., V R. 64, 1:9; kima purim seri, hardnam namrasa, quoted by Delitzsch, Gram., 
p. 192, note. If, then, NI{G).GAL-tum nap-ti-ka be one expression we may com- 
pare with it the well-known NI{G).ZI.GAL = shiknat napishti = NI(G).GAL-tum 
+ ZI = shikittum nap-ti = creatures — an attribute ascribed not only to *'"A^/A^(var. 
SAL)-in-si-na, the dm kalam-ma ZI.GAL kalam gim-gim-me, "the mother of 
the world, who creates the creatures {ZI.GAL = NI{G). ZI.GAL = shiknat napishti) 
of the world," E. B. H., p. 202, note I, 1, but also to Shamash, the he-el shik-na-at 
napishtim'^"", IV R. 28, No. 1, 7, 86. This gives us the important result that the 
writer Shiriqtum ascribes in this passage divine attributes to his "Lord," which would 
be not at all surprising if it can be proved that the "Lord" was in each and every 
case the ' 'King" ; for we know that the Cassite kings of this period, like their Egyptian 
contemporaries, were deified, as is indicated by the sign ilu,^ so very often found 
before their names. The intended signification of this passage, then, is clearly this: 
"May SUGH and the queen of Nippur protect 'the life of my Lord'," i.e., my Lord 
himself, ' 'and may NIN.IB and NIN.MAGH that inhabit the city (sc. of Nippur) 
protect my 'Lord's' creatures" — a prayer for the protection of the "Lord" and his 

' See CTay, List of Names, B. E., XIV, and especially Hilprecht, B. E., Series A, Vol. XX, Part 1, p. 52. 

'' If it were possible to read instead of ki (in dlu-ki) = DUL (of. Clay, List of Signs, B. E., XIV, No. 136) we 
might be tempted to transcribe 1. 6, shd '^^"DUL.iVI (G) .GA L-tum nap-ti-ka, and translate: "that inhabit the 'mountain 
of creatures,'" tlms taking DUL.NI(G).GAL-tum to be another name for DUL.AZAG, "the lioly mountain" of the 
nether world, of which ^'■"NIN.IB was, as we know, tlie "king" (LUGAL). But this cannot be done, simply because 
ki is absolutely certain. A third explanation might be suggested by taking N I (G) .GA L-tum nap-ti (1. 6) as standing in 
opposition to nap-ti = "soul" (1. 4); SUGH and tlie queen of Nippur may protect the "soul" of my Lord, and NIN.IB 
and NIN.MAGH may protect "thy body." Tliis would fit very well, for we know that the wife of NIN.IB was "the 
great physician," who fared for tlie "spiritual" (mipti) and "bodily welfare" (NI{G).GAL-lum napti) of her people. 
However, a signification "body" = N I (G) .GA L-tum. napti is not known to me. Hence the only translation that seems 
Jinguietjcally justified is the one given above. For ZI.GAL cf. also Jensen, Z. A., VIII, p. 221, note 5. 


Even though it be admitted that the "Lord" was in possession of all that has 
been enumerated above, it might still be objected that, e.g., a sukkallu or the "king's 
representative" was designated here by the title be-li, and this the more as he "appa- 
rently shared honors with his royal masters" ; for we saw on p. 33 that certain writers 
used the phrase "before the presence of my 'Lord' may I come" not only in their 
letters to the king, but also in those which they addressed to his ' 'representative." 
Surely such a high officer of the king would naturally have been in possession of 
cities, guards, houses, lands, wagons, chariots, fields, cattle, and servants. Or it 
might be said that a governor, bel pahdti, was meant by be-h in our letters; for he 
as the head of a government and the superior of the hazanndti or city prefects had, 
as a matter of course, under his command cities, chariots, servants, houses, lands, 
etc., etc., and writers, addressing their letters to such an official, would quite natur- 
ally include in their greeting some kind of a wish for the prosperity and the safe- 
keeping of their "Lord's" possessions. 

Fortunately for our investigation here we have a letter, published in this volume, 
that has been written to a governor. And how does the writer address the governor? 
By be-l\ or "Lord"? Does he beg to be permitted to "come before the face" of his 
Lord? Does he call himself "thy servant"? Nothing of the kind. The writer 
simply names his addressee by name and extends his greeting to him, his house, and 
his government. An address in a letter to a governor at this period, then, reads 
(No. 77 : i ff.) : 

1 a-na "'^''En-lil-[bel{ = EN)-nishe"'"''- To Enlil-bel-nishe-shu 

2 ki-bi-[ma um-ma] speak, thus saith 

3 '"^'"A-shur-shum-etir{ = KA[Rf-ma] Ashur-shum-etir: 

4 a-na ka-a-shd bi[ti-ka] to thee, thy house 

5 u a-na pa-lia-t[i-ka] and thy government 

6 lu-u shul-[mu] greeting! 

Again, in No. 24 Kalbu, the writer, itH, ' 'dust and loving servant," after having 
reported to his "Lord" that a city and its gate had been destroyed, adds in 1. 29fif.: 

29 iiMdr-% . . .] AlsoMar-[. . . .], 

30 bel pahati ( =EN.NAM^) a-na ardi- the governor, when he had come to thy 

ka ki-i il-li-ku um-ma-a servant {i.e., to the writer), said: 

' For this emendation and for the time when this governor lived (11th year of Kadashman-Turgu) see p. 13, n. 5. 
' For EN. NAM = Ul paidti see DeUtzsch, H. W. B., p. 5196, 


31 abulla{=KA.GAL)'" i-ma-ad-di' tu- "They make lamentations on account 

shd-an-na-ma taddan{ = SE)-na^ (of the loss) of the gate. Duplicate 

• (it)." 

In this passage the "governor" evidently is quite a different person from the 
he-Vi or "Lord"; nay, he, although a hel pahdti, has to go to the itu Kalbu with the 
request, no doubt, that the latter report the loss of the gate to the "Lord," in 
order that a new one be made. 

That also a "representative" or sukkallu of the king cannot be meant by the 
"Lord" in our letters is evident from a passage of No. 35 : 24ff., which reads: 

24 u lihittu ( = SHEG) ia-a'-nu There are also no adobes ! 

25 dsh-shum a-na-ku i-tu be-h-ia As regards this that I, the itil of my 


26 al-li{l or lal)-ka a-na '"Erba-^'"Mar- have come (gone up to thee saying) : 

duk ' 'Send to Erba-Marduk 

27 shu-pu-ur-ma a-na ""Ku-du-ra-ni that he send to Kudurani" — - 

28 [li]-ish-pu-ra-ma sukkalmahhu " so may the sukkalmahhu (i.e., Erba- 

( =PAP.LUGH.'MAGH) li-i[q-bi] Marduk) finally give orders (sc. to 


29 libittu ( = SHEG)"""'' li-il-bi-nu that adobes be made (lit. that they 

make adobes)." 

A beautiful example of ' 'red tape" for this remote period ! The sense of this pas- 
sage is apparently the following: Kishahbut, the writer and itu (p. 35, n. 4), living in 
Dur-Nusku during the reign of Kadashman-Turgu, had at some previous time gone 
(up) to his "Lord" with the request that the sukkalmahhu (a higher officer than 
a sukkal) Erba-Marduk be instructed to issue orders to Kudurani (the chief brick- 

' In view of the fact that maltX = LAL (S'' 142), which latter in the Temple Archives of this period signifies 
"a minus," "a loss," one might be inclined to translate "the gate is gone." Against this must be said, however, that 
bdb-GAL.LA = abullu is feminine, hence we would expect ta-ma-ad-di. I-ina-ad-di I take, therefore, as a third pers. 
plur. for imaffil. For {, instead of iJ, cf. Delitzsch, Gram., p. 252, and for the signification "klagen, stohnen u. dergl.," 
Jensen, K. B., VI', pp. 364, 557: "They (i.e., the inhabitants, or the German indefinite man) make lamentations 
on account of the gate," i.e., "they deplore its loss." 

' By translating as given above I consider tushannama tadanna as a continuation of tiie "speech" of the governor, 
and not as a request of the writer. If the latter were to be preferred we should expect a phrase he-l\ Ushanna-ma 
(= lushanna-ma) , cf. 1. 34, be-h a-mu-a.'i li-mur-ma. Tushannama ladanTia is a iv /tiii Mmv= "thou shalt duplicate and 
give" = "thou shalt give again." 

^ For PAP.LUGH = LUGH = sukkaUu cf. Ill R. 67, 55, ^^"LUGH = ditto (i.e., ^^""PAP.LUGH). 


maker) that adobes be made. The writer, after having returned from his ' 'Lord," 
and having waited for some time to see whether his request had been compUed 
with or not, finds that this had not been done. He, therefore, takes in this letter 
another opportunity to remind his ' 'Lord " once more of his former request. ' 'May," 
he says, "the sukkalmahhu Erba-Marduk upon thy command now finally issue 
orders for the making of adobes. This is very urgent, seeing that there are abso- 
lutely no adobes at hand" (1. 24). The "red tape" in connection with this order 
(the itu writing to the be-li that he give instructions to the sukkalmahhu that this one 
issue orders to the chief brickmaker that the latter induce his men to make adobes) 
shows clearly that the sukkalmahhu was the inferior of the be-h: he had to receive 
instructions from his "Lord" before he could issue the necessary orders, and the 
writer, knowing this, does not write directly to the sukkalmahhu, but directs his 
request to the proper authorities, the be-li. Only by doing this could he (the writer) 
expect that his wishes were ever conformed with. The be-li, being here the superior 
of the sukkalmahhu, cannot possibly have been a sukkal. 

There is, however, still another and last possibility to be considered in connec- 
tion with this title. In Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 457a, we are told that the mnnzaz 
pdni, i.e., "one who takes his stand before the king,"' was the "Ranghochster, 
hochster Wiirdenstrdger" (sc. of the king). Is not perhaps- this highest of all royal 
officials intended by be-l\ in our letters? The answer to this supposition is given 
by a letter (No. 48 : 27) in which the writer, whose name is unfortunately broken away, 
assures his "Lord," be-li'^ ul mu-shd-ki-lu^ a-na-ku lu mxm-za-az pa-ni a-na-ku, 
i.e., "not a mischief breeder, but a manzaz pdni am I." Surely, no manzaz pdni 
could or would ever speak to another manzaz pdni in this manner, because (1) there 
was not or could not have been another highest (!) official by this name; (2) even if 
there were, no official would ever humiliate himself as far as to call his brother officer 
"my Lord," nor would he humbly beg "to be permitted to appear before his equal's 
face"! Such things might be possible at present, but they are absolutely excluded 
and wholly unthinkable, nay, absurd for a period to which these letters belong, 
the time of the Cassite kings, when petty jealousies reigned supreme. If, then, 
the "Lord" of this manzaz pdni could not possibly have been a "brother" officer, 
but was, as the title indicates, that official's "Lord," then the only conclusion to be 

' Cf. Scheil, Textes 6lam. Sim., 1, p. 97 : 13, ma-an-za-az pdni (= SHI) LUGAL. 

' Cf . 48 : 2, a-na di-[na-]nn be-l\\-i]a lul-{lik], and I.e., 11. 3, 26, um-ma-a a-na be-ll-ia-ma. 

' III' ot akiUu = muaha'kilu, sc. qar?e, lit. "one that nourishes false accusations." Of. here also No. 20 : 6, 
e-ni-en-na an-nu-tu-ma-a ka-ar-^u-u-a-a shd a-na be-h-ia i-ku-lum um-ma-a ''^ be-Vl a-na pa-ni-shti ul-te-shi-ba-an-ni , 


arrived at under these circumstances is that the "Lord" of the manzaz pdni must 
have been and actually was the King. 

We need not, however, content ourselves with emphasizing merely what the 
"Lord" was not or could not have been. Thanks to the wonderful collection of 
Babylonian letters preserved in the Museum, of which only a very small part is 
published here, there are abundant direct proofs at hand which, if correctly explained, 
establish once and for all the truth of the conclusion above arrived at by a process 
of elimination. 

To enumerate all the data which furnish direct proof for our conclusion would 
lead me far beyond the scope of the present investigation. I must content myself, 
therefore, with the following: 

(a) The address as it is found in No. 24 could never have been written to any 
official, high or low, but the King. It reads (No. 24 : Iff.) : 

A-na be-h-ia: ' 

1 As-mi lu-ul-li-i zerff^ ishtu{ =TA) shame{ = AN)-[e] 

2 la ma-ir^ an-ni ' gu-ra-di li-e-i it-pi-sh[if 

3 nu-iir ahe{ =SHESH)'""''-shu* Pl-in-di-^ na-ma-a-ri 

' In view of sucli forms as lu-u-ul-li-ik, No. 38 : 2; li-ish-pu-u-ra-{am-']ma, No. 39 : 23, and many others, one 
might be inclined to see in this sign a variant of ik and read lu-ul-li-i-ik, "may I come." But against this is to be 
said that (1) in all texts of this period only the regular form for ik, as given by Clay, Sign List, B. E., XIV, No. 257, 
is to be found; (2) the TA.AN [+ one sign] would be completely left in the air; (3) having examined this sign 
repeatedly, I am absolutely confident that it is none other but ZER = zeru, "seed." The TA .AN then is easily amended 
to ishtu shame-[e]. For an analogous attribute of a Cassite king cf. the inscription of Agum-Kakrime (Jensen, K. B., 
Ill', p. 134, col. I : 3), where this king calls himself zcru el-lum shd '■'"Shii-qa-ma-nu, "the pure seed of Shuqamuna." 
Cf. also in this connection the sign of god, ilu, before the names of the Cassite kings of this period. 

' So rather than la ba-ir an-ni, "who does not deny grace." The attribute here ascribed to tlie "Lord" has its 
origin in the fact that the writer had to report to his be-lk rather sad news, wliich possibly might be attributed to liis 
(the writer's) negligence, see 11. llff. 

' For it-pi-shi see Hilprecht, B. E., XX', p. XII, note 7. 

* In this expression two divine attributes fall together, viz., nAr mdti resp. niXr dli-shu or nUr gab-ba, ascribed 
especially to Sin, Shamash, and D(T)ar-liu (p. 16, n. 13), and asharid aJie-shu^sha) , found in connection with NIN.IB 
and Ishtar, i.e., with all gods who played the role of the "Son" and " his wife." 

' Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 532a, mentions a word pinde, which he takes to be a plural, quoting III R. 65, 96, "wenn 
ein neugeborenes Kind pi-in-di-e ma-li voll ist von p." In our text Pl-in-di-e is apparently a noun in the genitive 
(after ana, 1. 1) and the regens of na-ma-a-ri. As such a noun it is a 'jit'M of mi: vit-di-e = vid-di-e = vin-di-e 
= vi-in-di-e, which latter, when graphically expressed, becomes Pl-in-di-e. This "Lord," being the "light," i.e., the 
first and foremost of his brothers, has, of course, the power, authority, and right to "order," "appoint" the namdri 
— a function of the sun in the early morn; he is, therefore, identified here with the moon, who as "Father" asks his 
"Son" (the sun) to do his bidding: "to lighten the world." Hilprecht takes Pl-in-di-e as a la"al form : vaddaj = 
vadde = vande = vende (a with following n is often changed to e or ») = vinde = " appointer, commander." 



4 ki-ib^ kab-tu-ti 

5 e-pi-ir^ um-ma-ni 

6 e-tel ki-na-te-e-shu* 

7 u ''"Be-lit-i-l\{ =NI.Niy 

pa-dsh-shur ni-shi 
shd ^""A-nu ^""En-lil u ''"J^.A 
ki-ib-ti^ du-um-ki 

' Ki-ib, ki-ib-tu = qipu, qiplu. Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 584a, defines a qlpu to be one "der mil eiwas betraut ist," 
and of qtptu he says, I.e., that it is a "Darlehen, spec, zinxenjreies Darlehen(?) ." On the basis of our passages here it 
would be better to see in a qipu "one (may lie be king, governor or common man) who holds something in trust as 
a gratuitous gift from a higher person (god or king), for whom he administers, rules, governs it." This "something" 
thus held, administered, governed is a kiptu. What this "something" in each and every case is has to be determined 
by the context. It may be a city, or money (cf. here the faithful steward of the New Testament who used or adminis- 
tered the kiptu, i.e., the talents gratuitously given him, wisely), or even an empire. As the "Lord" here referred to is 
the King (see under 6), the kiplu is the "kingship" held in trust by him as a gratuitous gift from the gods of the whole 
world, for whom he has to administer it in such a way as to tend towards "grace and righteousness," hence dumki u 
mishri are objective genitives. To take them as subjective genitives would be senseless, because everything that 
comes from the gods is in itself gracious and righteous. A king that administers his kibtu in such a way is a shar 
mi-shd-ri-im, Neb. Grot., I, 1 . For ki-ib =qtpu, see also 46 : 17, ki-ib-ka {i.e., the Lord's) a-a-um-ma ul i-mu-ur. 

^ A plural of rashbdnu, and this a form in -dn (which forms adjectives and nouns, Delitzsch, Gram., J 65, p. 175, 
No. 35) of rashbu. 

' E-pi-ir .... pa-dsh-shur. The correct explanation of these words depends upon whether we see in them 
participles or nouns. If e-pi-ir be the participle of eph^, "sdttigen, versorgen" (Jensen, K. B., VI', pp. 438, 572) 
we might see in it a translation of the well-known title of, e.g., the kings of Isin, Larsa, Warka, who call themselves 
in their inscriptions tJ.A = epirum,zdninum (Delitzsch,//. W.B.,p. 115b). Cf. for the kings of Isin: Sin-mdgir (Thureau- 
Dangin, A. S. K. I., p. 204, No. 4, 1. 2), Ishme-Dagan {I.e., p. 206, No. 5, 1. 2); for the kings of Larsa: Sin-iddinam 
{I.e., p. 208; No. 5, 1. 3;. p. 210, 1. 8 above; d, 1. 3), Arad-Sin {I.e., p. 2126, 1. 5; c, 1. 7; p. 2\U, 1. 8), Rim-Sin {I.e., p. 
216a, 1. 13; p. 218c, 1. 10; p. 220, 1. 11 above; /, 1. 11); for the kings of Warka: Sin-gdshid {I.e., p. 222c, 1. 8). If cpir 
be a participle then pashshur must be one likewise, in which case the latter might stand for pdshur = pdshir, Delitzsch, 
H. W. B., p. 5496: "Loser, der sich gnadig annimmt, Erbarmer" (cf. V R. 21, 53a, 6; 65a, 6, nap-shu-ru syn. of re-e-mu). 
As, however, a writing pa-dsh-shur for pdshir would be somewhat strange for this period, it is preferable to take pa-dsh- 
shur in the sense of pashshAru, "platter," and then, of course, e-pi-ir not as a participle, but, on account of the parallelism, 
as a stat. eonMr. of epru (so also Hilprecht and Hommel in personal communications), "the food of people, the platter 
(mmf) of men," from which, i.e., from whose (the Lord's) grace they all eat. For epcru as a divine attribute 
cf. also the proper names "* ^^^En-lU-e-pi-ir, B. E., XV, 181 : 12; "* ^'^En-lil-e-pir {sie\ neither tu. Clay, I.e., p. 286, nor 
"perhaps" tir, Clay, Corrections(!) in Z. A., XX (1907), p. 417f.), I.e., 37 : 9; ""XXX-i-pi-ra-an-ni, I.e., 180 : 17; 
lBelit{= GASHAN)-e-pir-ra-at, I.e., 155 : 27; "" ^'''SHlJ .UD.DA-e-pir{ir) {sic\ Clay, I.e., p. 336, wrongly Ilu-shu-urra-e- 
pir{ir)). I.e., 186 : 10. For SHff.UD.DU cf. the proper name in R. T. Ch., 330, Rev. 2, a name like ^Mar-duk. From 
this it follows that the "Lord" as e-pi-ir um-ma-ni has a divine attribute: he was deified. 

* The long e in ki-na-te-e-shu is noteworthy. I take kindte as a plural of kindtu, H. W. B., p. 3386. Cf. also 
H. Ill, 333 : 1, LUGAL ki-na-a-te. Besides this plural the B. E. publications give us two others: ki-na-ta-ti, B. E., IX, 
5 : 3 1 22 : 7, and ki-na-at-ta-ti, ^c, 45 ; 6 | 106 : 5. Hilprecht ascribes the long S to the open syllable under the verse accent. 
' Notice here the u before Belit-ili and the u between Enlil and E.A. The first three gods represent the "whole 
world," the cosmos as it was known since the time of the Enuma elish epic, i.e., since the time when Babylonia proper 
{Ki-en-gi-ki-BUR.BUR = Shumer and Akkad = kala.m= "high and lowland") had extended its confines south over tlie 
ioiolands as far as and embracing the Persian Gulf ("the lower sea" = apsu) and nortli over the Armenian mountains 
and the "westland" (notice that these two lands are likewise known as BUR.BUR = Akkad = highlanda) up to and 
including the Mediterranean Sea ("the upper sea"). In this wise it happened that the kalam became a kur-kur and 
Vcie'^^^^^'^LUGAL.KALAM.MA a,'^^'^'''LUGAL.KUR.KUR; in other words, the microcosmos became a macrocosmos 
which included the two oceans and was called 6-shiir-ra, being as such inhabited by Anu (lieavenly ocean = upper sea), 


8 ii mi-ish-ri-e^ ish-ru-ku-ii-shu 

9 be-li-ia ki-be-ma um-ma ""Kal-hv? ip-ru 
10 ii ar-du na-ra-am-ka-ma? 

To my "Lord"— 

1 Glorious in splendor, Seed out of heaven ; 

2 Not summoning punishment, Strong, powerful, wise one ; 

3 Light of his brothers, Ordering the dawn ; 

4 Ruler of mighty. Terrible lords ; 

5 Food of the people. Platter of man; 

6 Hero of his elan, Whom the triad of gods 

7 Together with Beht Presented a fief 

8 Tending towards grace And righteousness — 

9 to my "Lord" speak, thus saith Kalbu, thy dust 
10 and thy loving servant: 

The attributes here ascribed to the ' 'Lord" — such as ' 'the strong one, the power- 
ful, the wise one," ' 'the ruler of weighty and mighty ones," ' 'hero of his family" ; his 
being identified with the gods, as such being called "seed out of heaven," "light of 
his brothers," "theordererof the dawn"; his holding in trust the administration of a 
"fief tending towards grace and righteousness", which was gratuitdusly given him 
by the gods of the whole world and not by any human being, shows absolutely 

and conclusively that we have here a divinely appointed ruler, who holds his king- 

_r.^ — - — ^ — , — ^ — _ 

Enlil (kur-kur= kalam, the terra firma, as consisting of the upper (= BUB. BUR) and the lower (ki-en-gi) firmament), 
E.A (terrestrial ocean = apsu = Persian Gulf), see BH, the Christ, p. 14, note 3. B61it-ili, because identified in the 
inscriptions with Antum, Ninhl, and Damkina, represents here the feminine principle of the "world," "cosmos," 
Esharra. What the writer, then, wants to say with these words is tliis: "the whole world, as represented by its triad 
of gods, united in bestowing upon the Lord the ki-ib-ti du-um-ki il mi-ish-ri-e" — not a ruler made by man, but a 
divinely appointed sovereign is the "Lord" of the writer Kalbu. 

' Though we have forms with e, instead of i, in the third pers. singl. or plur. (cf. e-si-ki-ir-ma, 3 : 18; e-pi-(it-)te-ma, 
3 : 19, 30, 32; e-ri-ba-a, 26 : 13, etc.), yet we never find an e used as a phonetic complement in these forms, hence I read 
here not e-ish-ru-ku-ii-shu, but }ni-ish-ri-e{\) ish-ru-ku-u-shii. Mi-ish-ri-e I take as a plural of misharu = mishru 
(cf. epiru, epru; gimiru, giinru; Delitzsch, Gram., p. 105, § 45), "righteousness" (hence not of meshrU, "riches," H. B. W., 
p. 688a), and dumqi, on account of the parallelism, in the sense of "grace," //. W. B., p. 2226 (against Jensen, K. B., 
VI', p. 448, "Schonheit, Gutheit, gute Beschaffenheit"). The e may(!), however, stand for t(cf. 92 : 27) = "behold!" 

' Neither the name of this writer nor that of any other person occurring in this letter (cf. "^E-tel-bu mdr '"Ush- 
bu-la, 1. 12;'"I-TM-^.KUR.GAL, 1. 32; "'Na-zi-^^^En-lil, 1. 25, and tlie city '^'"Man-nu-gi-ir-""IM, 11. 13, 18) is mentioned 
in B. E., XIV, XV. See now, however, the Bit-'^Ush-bu-la, Neb. Nippur, III, 5 ( = Hinke, B. E., Series D, IV, p. 148) . 

^ In view of 89 : 1, shd a-ra-mu-shu, "whom (the addressee) [ (the writer) love," I prefer to translate ar-du na-ra- 
am-ka-ma as given above, and not as "thy beloved servant." It is hardly to be expected that the "Lord" loves the 
'dust," but the "dust" loves his "Lord," is deUghted to come in contact with his Master. 

Prom tae temple archives of nippur. 40 

ship by the special favor of, and governs his people for, his gods in order that gracious- 
ness, truth, and uprightness may forever reign supreme. As such a divinely 
appointed ruler, he has, of course, also the bodily welfare of his people at heart — 
he is both their ' 'food " and their "platter" : by him and through him the gods are both 
the "givers" and the ''gift." 

(6) To make the certain doubly certain we may be permitted to consider briefly 
another section of this letter. The paragraph, important for our discussion here, 
reads (24 : 18ff .) : 

18 u '^'''Man-nu-gi-ir-''"IM'^ shd LUGAL Even the city Mannu-gir-Ramman, with 

ra-in ga-[tif which the King is entrusting me 

{i.e., which I hold as fief of the king) 

19 u be-l\ a-na rid-sabe ( = MIR.NIT. and which my Lord has handed over to 

TA^) an-nu-ti id-di-na* these conscribers, 

' A city called after the name of a person. In such cases the DISH before the proper name is, if preceded by 
aiu, always omitted, cf. '^'"Ardi-GASHAN, 66 : 24; '"" ^'^Gir-ra-ga-mil, 3 : 31; '^'''Gir-ra-ga-mil, 3 : 39; or only ^'"Gir- 
ra-ga-mil, 3 : 13, 17, 20; ''"UD-tu-kul-ti, 16 : 8, 12, but BU-"^Ki-din-ni, 9 : 23, so always after BU- in our letters. The 
name of the person means "who is like Ramman," and corresponds to the Suraerian A-ha-'^^^"IM-gim. The gi-ir, 
therefore, in this name represents the Sumerian GIM or the regular Babylonian kima (or ki). As the a in ana or ina 
may be omitted and tlie n assimilated to the next consonant, so the a of kima has been omitted here and the m assimi- 
lated itself (by first becoming an n) to the following r, but this it could do only if ^^"IM was actually read ^'^Rammdn. 
This writing, then, proves that '''^IM was not read, at the time of the Cassites, Adad but ^'^Rammdn. For the change 
of fc to 3 cf. akanna = aganna, p. 53, note 6. 

' The li which is broken away stood originally on the right edge of the tablet, in the break indicated in the copy. 
Ra-in — ra-im, m before q (even if the q belongs to another word, cf. ana, ina, kima above) may become an n, Delitzsch, 
Gram., § 49a. For DX1 c. double ace. see H. W. B., p. 604a, 2, "Jem. mit etwas begnaden, d. h. beschenken" ; here 
lit.: "with which tlie king entrusted my hand." It is the term, technicus used in the so-called "boundary stones" for 
a "royal grant," cf. e.g.. Scheil, Textes Elam. Sem., I, p. 89. Our writer Kalbu, then, has received the city Mannu- 
gir-Ramman by "royal grant." 

' MIR.NIT.TA. King, Letters of ffammurabi, III, p. 99, note 5, was the first to recognize that the sign which 
looks like §1 has to be read MIR. It is found with either two (Letters of ffammurabi, 3 : 7, 11 | 26 : 10, 16 | 36 : 14 | 
43 : 4, 7, 19, 23, 27, 29) or three (B^, 418 ( = C. T., VI, 27) : 14) or four {Letters of gammurabi, 1 : 19, 22) wedges at 
the beginning. Delitzsch, B. A., IV, 485, read this sign BARA which in our letters looks quite differently, cf. 3 : 13 | 
41 :8 {BAR = -parakku .^hd}iu-lu-up-pi) \6(3 -.7 (parakku^'^En-Kl). Cf. also Z. A., XVIII, 202f. and I.e., p. 393; Harper, 
Code of gammurabi. List of Signs, No. 135. The latter quotation shows that the signs wrongly read IP.USH or TU. 
USH (E. B. H., p. 423 passim) are to be transcribed MIR.NIT. Although Delitzsch read wrongly BARA for MIR, 
yet he was the first to recognize its true meaning. Wliile King, I.e., translated our signs by "captain of troops," "driver 
of slaves," and Nagel (B. A., IV, 437) by " Truppenfuhrer," Delitzsch rendered it (I.e.) by " Militdrbehorde." The 
an^nu-ti shows that MIR.NIT.TA must be masc. plur. TA apparently contains only the "overhanging" vowel 
of USH = NIT. MIR.NIT.TA is = rid-sabe = a composite noun in the plural, in which case only the last noun 
has the plural form. Harper, Code of gammurabi, p. 183, probably gives the best translation of rid-^ab6, rendering 
it by "recruiting officer; one wlio impresses men for the corv6e." In view of the fact that the phrase of the Hammurabi 
Letters, ana MIR.NIT shatdru resp. mullO, (Delitzsch, B. A., IV, 487 = conscribere) , corresponds exactly to our a-na 
MIR.NIT.TA naddnu, I prefer to translate as given above. From this it is evident that Kalbu held the city Manuu- 
gir-Rammto by "royal grant," subject to mihtary service. All royal "grants" were, therefore, fiefs. 

* iddina = relative after shd, 1. 18. 



20 i-na la-me-e^ na-di zu-un-na i-na is destroyed by inundations: rains out 

sha-me-e of the heavens 

21 M mi-la i-na nak-hi? ki-i i-di-nv? and floods out of the depths are, when 

sha*-ku (after) he had handed her over, 

overflooding her! 

22 dlu-ki shd be-h i-ri-man-ni i-na la- Yes, the city with which my Lord has 

me-e entrusted me is destroyed 

23 na^-di a-naba-la-ad a-i-ka-alul-lik by inundations! Where shall I go to 

save my life? 

Kalbu, "the dust and loving servant," reports here to his Lord, who is gracious 
and pardoning, that a great misfortune had overcome the city with which he had been 
endowed by royal grant: a tremendous flood has destroyed it. As a result of this 
the writer is in danger of losing his own life, crying, therefore, out in despair: 
"Where can I possibly go to save myself?" The change of tenses in 1. 18 (ra-in 
ga-ti) and 1. 22 (i-ri-man-ni) pictures quite vividly the progress of the flood. While 
in 1. 18 Kalbu is still the possessor of the city, holding it in trust for his Lord, he 
has lost it in 1. 22, appearing as one that has been holding it. ' 

If we compare in this paragraph the words "the city Mannu-gir-Ramman 
with which the KING is entrusting me" (1. 18) with those of 1. 22, "the city with 
which my Lord has entrusted me," we will have to admit that the writer refers 
in one sentence to the KING and in the other to his LORD as the one who had given 
him (the writer) authority over the city. But if we admit this, then we will have 
to admit also the other, viz., that the Lord (BE=L1) is the King (LUGAL). 

(c) And because the "Lord" is the "King," therefore could our writer, in one 
and the same letter, speak of his master as be-h and as LUGAL, when he complained 
in the closing lines as follows (24 : 36f.) : 

' La-me-e is apparently used here in the same sense as edclu, 1. 15. Literally translated it means "is cast into 
encircling." What this encircling was the words that follow tell us: it was an encircling caused by "rain and floods," 
hence an "inundation, a deluge." 

' To "rains out of the heavens and floods out of the depths" cf. the parallel expressions of the biblical flood story, 
D:p»'n-;p DE'.^n and Dinn rirj;p. Gen. 7 : 11.12 18:2. 

' To i-di-nu, -which refers back to id-di-na, 1. 19, hence = id-di-nu, cf. besides 1. 37, i-di-na-an-ni, also 83 : 29, la 
ta-di-in; 87 : 17, shd la-di-na and 57 : 18, kemu (= KU) ma-aA-gan (cf. B. E., XIV, 106c : 2; XV, 181 : 4; Delitzsch, 
H. W. B., p. 436a) shd lu-la-tu (root HkS?, Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 366a, Jensen, A'. B., VI', p. 442. Notice that 
lu'tu, pi. lu-la-tu is a syn. of mur?u = GIG.BA, which latter we find again in KU.GIG.BA = kibMu (Jensen, K. B., VI', 
p. 485), hence lu-la-tu, a kind of coarse, dirty flour) a-na PAD 6-AN li-di-nu. A possible derivation from dinu or 
even danAnu is out of place here. 

* Tills older form of shd I found, so far, only here. Cf., however, B. E., XIV, Sign List, No. 272. The permansive 
expresses here the idea that the overflooding is still going on. 

' Notliing is missing before na-di. 


36 ii a-na-ku i-tu b[e-h]-ia a-na a-la-a-ki And I, the itH of my "Lord," though I 

have written to the "King" concern- 
ing my going (away, i.e., leaving) 

37 a-naLUGALki-iash-[pu-r]aLUGAL yet the "King" has not given me (an 

uli-di-na-an-ni • answer or permission to do so'). 

Kalbu, who was looking out for the interests of his ' 'Lord" continually and in all 
directions (itu), feels somewhat slighted that he should be treated by the "King" 
in the way he was. He had, in a previous note dispatched to the King, asked 
"where to go" (cf. also 1. 23), but the King had not advised him what to do, hence 
his renewed complaint here. 

(d) At the same result we arrive if we study another letter published under 
No. 55. Though the beginning^ and the end of that letter are broken away, yet the 
passage important for our investigation is, fortunately, preserved and clear. From 
this epistle we learn that the King {LUGAL, 1. 8), upon the instigation of "* ''"fin- 
lil-ki-din-ni, commanded his messenger Mdr-"'tJ-da-shd-dsh to "go and send certain 
persons" (1. lOf.). But in 1. 20 of this very same letter the royal messenger refers 
to his King's command by saying (1. 21f.), "when "• ''"En-lil-ki-di-ni had spoken 
to my Lord {he-Vi-ia), my Lord {he-h) sent word to me saying: send the 
persons, etc." (follow the exact words which the king had spoken to his messenger 
and which the messenger now quotes, 1. 9f .) . Here, then, again one and the same 
person is referred to as both King {LUGAL) and Lord {he-h). But this could 
be done only if the Lord was indeed the King. The letter, as far as it concerns 
us here, reads (55 : 2f.) : 

2 Mar-"" V-su-ub-Shi-pak i-di ii lu-ii Mar-Usub-Shipak knows. And with 

TUR.TUR["'''''Y regard to the young slaves 

3 shd na-shd-nu* li-il-ta-a'-a-lu um- whom we are holding prisoners let them 

ma-a i-na a-[ma-as-su-nu] inquire as follows : 

' Or " adjudged me worthy of an answer," see p. 104, note 5. :- 

^ On account of the absence of the address it is very doubtful whether this letter -belongs to those " addressed 
to the ' Lord ' " or whether it ought to tal^e its place behind No. 75. 

' TUR.TUR"'"^, to be read according to 1. 5, fi-ili-ki-ru-ti, are here "youngsters," "young slaves." Cf., however, 
H., in, 289, a-mat LUGAL a-na amelu ""^^''Tam-lim-a-a "melu^ggj^me^h „ rp^i^meshf^,-^ ardi^"''-iii (see also H., 
Ill, 296, 297, V, .518) with H., Ill, 295, a-mat LUGAL a-na amelu ""^"^Ra-sha-a-a o.meluj,^Qg^me,h „ ^•j(^ j^^X)- 

* Perm. I', first pers. plur. for nasM-ni of XB'J; here with the same meaning as, e.g., Letters of Sammurabi, No. 
1 : 23, ka-an-ki-im shd Ib-nir>^'^M AR.TU na-shu-ii, "the contract which Ibni-Martu holds," i.e., "which he has in his 
possession, which he keeps"; it being above in opposition to mushshuru, "dismiss," 11. 12, 13, requires here some such 
signification as "to hold as prisoner." 


4 ma-ti shd-a'-ma-tu-nu' u TUR. "When are ye finally going to decide 

TUR'""'' na-shd-nu-ma' their affairs, seeing that we are hold- 

ing the young ones as prisoners?" 

5 Mdr-"'Ash{'!)-pi-la-an-du^ si-ih-hi- After Mar- Ash (?)pilandu had committed 

ru-ti ki i-ki-ba-na-shi* to us the young ones 

6 ki-i ni-il-li-ku a-na "* ^""En-lil-ki-din- and we had gone we spoke (as com- 

ni manded) to Enlilkidinni. 

7 ni-iq-ta-bi '" '^""En-lil-ki-din-ni a-na And after Enlilkidinni had informed the 


^ ki-i iq-hu-u LUGAL Mdr-"'lJ-da- the KING gave orders to Mar-Udashash 


9 di-nuv" il-ta-ka-an um-ma-a shii-pu- as follows: "Send 

ur-ma , 

10 ""'''"DAM.QAR'""'' 11 TUR.TUR"'"'' the agents and the young slaves 

' Shimu c. ina, "to decide," "determine the fate with regard to something," "to give a decision witli regard to 
something," "to decide an affair." • 

' See note 4, page 51. 

' The reading of this name is not certain. If the dsh which is written here strangely at the lower end of DISH 
does not belong to the name we might read M&r-'^Pi-la-an-du. Also some such readings as Mdr-^Ash-pi-la-^'^DU 
or Mdr-™Pi-la-^'^DU might be possible. A reading M6r-'^Na-dsh-la-an-du (resp. ^^^DU) is, however, less probable. 

* For qipu (here c. double ace.), "to entrust something to somebody," see p. 47, note 1. 

' Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 412, doubts whether shakdnu may be construed with double accusative. Here and p. 125, 
n.8, it is. Dima ( = tema) shakdnu c. aec., lit. "to make news to somebody," i.e., "to make them known to somebody," 
"to report," and as it is here the king who "makes these news known to his messenger," it is equivalent to "to order," 
"to command." It is interesting to observe that the following verbs may be used in connection with (eniu: 

(a) tamddu, "to learn news," here only \vith tlie first pers. of the verb, hence = "to inform one's self of some- 
thing." Cf. 57 : 21; di-im E.[AN] a-la-ma-ad; 33 : 28, te(!)-e-im mu-shi a-lavi-ina-ad; 33 : 30, [te-e}-im su-ma-nu a-lam- 
ma-ad. See also C. T., VI, 34 : 24, a-na te-im a-va-tim shii-a-ti la-ma-di-im. 

(b) naddnu, "to give news," "to inform." Cf. B. E., XIV, 114 : 4, shd IIA(= fish) LUGAL di-e-mi l-din-{. . .]. 

(c) sha'dlu, "to ask for news about something," "to inquire about it." Cf. 22 : 8, di-im mur-fi-shd ki ish-a-lu-shi. 

(d) shakdnu, "to give news," "to report," "to command," "to order." Cf. 59 : 10, di-e-ma i-shd-ak-ka-nu; 67 : 6, 
di-ma lu-ush-ku-naCl); 80 : 13, di-ma shu-kun-ma; 92 : 21, 31, te{\)-e-ma shu-kun; 9 : 16, shakin (= GAR)"'- de{= NE)- 
mi (here not an "officer," but a permansive : "is reporting concerning (shd) BU-Sin-issa}ira") . From this it will be evident 
that an "'""''"shakini-in) (cmi may be (a) either a "reporter," who keeps his "superior " informed about the affairs of certain 
cities or territories, etc., or (6) he may be (if he be, e.g., a king, etc.) one that "gives commands" to his inferior. Cf. 
furthermore 55 : 9, di-ma il-ta-ka-an; 55 : 23, [di-ma i^-ta-ak-na-an-ni. In view of the two latter plu-ases we cannot 
explain 34 : 38, be-li di-e-ma il-KU(\)-na-an-ni as standing for belt t&ma il-qu{\)-na-an-ni — which would be without 
any sense — but we must, seeing that the sign KU has also the value tuk(g), postulate that value here and read il-tuk(])- 
na-an-ni, or we must suppose that KU could be read (besides tuk(g)) also tak(g): il-tak{=KU)-na-an-ni. In the latter 
case we would have here a new value for KU, viz., tak(g). 

(e) shapdru, "to send news." Cf. 53 : 40, di-im ta-sap-pa-ra-am-ma; 84 : 11, di-im ta-ash-pu-ra; 57 : 17, di-e-ma 
li-ish-pu-ra-am-ma; 76 : 5, di-e-m^ shu-up-ranim-ma; 94 : 8, te(!)-mo shu-up-ra; 89 : 29, de(= NE)-im-ka ii shii-lum-ka 
shu-up-ra — the latter phrase being used for "a request of a letter in answer to a note sent." 

(/) lurru, "to return news," "to advise," "Bericht erstatten." Cf. 76 : 9, di-e-mi a-na be-el lu-te-ir. 



1 1 shd " ^'^''En-lil-ki-di-ni shu-pu-ur-ma 

12 li-mi-ish-shi-ru-ni^ 

13 mdr ship-ri LUG AD a-na mu-ush- 


14 ki-i il-li-ka shii-ii ki u-si-bi-ta-na-shi 

15 a-na mu-uh LUGAL ul-te-bi-la-na- 


16 LUGAL a-na Mdr-"'ti-da-.shd-dsh 


17 shd-al-ma-at* aq-ta-ba-ak-ku um-ma 

18 ta-al-ta-pa-ar-ma TUR.TUR'""'' 

19 shd "" ^'^^En-lil-ki-din-ni un-di-ish- 


20 Mdr-'"V-da-shd-dsh a-ka-an-na-a^ 


21 um-ma-a "* ^'"En-lil-ki-di-ni a-na 


22 ki-i iq-bu-u be-Vi a-na ia-a-shi 

23 [di-ma i]l-ta-ak-na-an-ni um-ma-a 

24 [shu-pu-ur-m\a """'"DAM.QAR""'"' 

ii TUR.TUR"f"J 

of Enlilkidinni — send, that 

they dismiss them (i.e., set them free)." 

(Now) when the royal messenger had 

come for the purpose of dismissing 
us (i.e., of securing our release) (then) 

he, after he had seized us, 
brought us before the KING. 

Whereupon the KING said to Mar- 

Udashash : 
' 'Have I not sent greetings (i.e., a letter 

containing greetings) unto thee and 

commanded thee saying: 
'Thou shalt send that they ' 
dismiss the young slaves of Enlil- 
Mar-Udashash answered under those 

as follows: "After Enlilkidinni had 

spoken to 'MY LORD,' 
commanded me saying: 
' Send [that they dismiss] the agents and 

young slaves [of Enlilkidinni], etc' " 

' stands for In + umashshird-ni. Lu + u- (if 3 pcrs.) or lu + i- = ti, so always/ For the i in mi-ish = mash cf . also 
un-di-ish-shi-ru-ni-i, 55 : 19; li-si-el-li-lu-ma, 66 : 22; e-ki-ir-ri-im-ma, 23 : 10; li-ri-id-du, 60 : 13; u-^i-bi-ta-na-shi, 55 : 14; 
li-§i-bi-lu-shu-nu-ti, 58 : 11; i-di-ik-ku-il, 40 : 7, etc., lieuce an emphatic a with i preceding or following may become 
an i. 

' The royal messenger here referred to is Miir-'" tj -da-shd-dsh, 1. 8. 

' Lit. "for our dismissal"; the infinitive being treated here as a noun, hence -ni for -na-shi (11. 14, 15). 

' Shd-al-ma-at here not a plur. of shalimlu, but a permansive = (Jlu) shalm&l{a), "peace (greeting) be unto thee." 
This would make it appear that the Cassltc kings, when writing to their subjects and using any greeting at all, employed 
the following formula: shulmu iashi 10, shalmata, "I am well, mayest thou be well." The later Babylonian resp. Assyrian 
kings said, as is well known, in its stead, shulmu iashi libbaka lH }dbka (resp. libbakunu III (dbkunushi). 

' UndishshirH = umdashshirH. The long i in ni-i I take as the sign of a question, hence standing for original u: t 
instead of u on account of the i in ni. 

' Cf. here also a-ka-an-na, 3 : 35, 37 | 41 : 4 | 63 : 2 | 95 : 8. B. E., XIV, 2 : 13 | 8 : 10, 13; a-ka-an-na-ma, 67 : 7. 
See also e-ka-an-na-am, 52 : 25, on the one and a-ganr\na\, 21 : 9, 14; a-ga-an-na, 71 : 9, on the other hand. For the 
last cf . also Behrens, L. S. S., II', p. 2. 

' To be completed and translated according to 11. 9f. 


We need not, however, be satisfied merely with the result that the "Lord" is in 
each and every case the ' 'King," but we can go a step farther and identify definitely 
the King of No. 55. 

Enlilkidinni,' who plays such an important role in this letter and who clearly 
must have been a person of influence and affluence, he being in possession of ' 'young 
slaves and agents" and -having access to the King (who listens to his entreaties and 
acts accordingly), appears also as the writer of the two letters, Nos. 78, 79, and is as 
such a contemporary of Usub-Shipak,^ of Mar-Udashash,' of Ahushina (78 : 1). The 
last is mentioned as patesi in the 17th year of Kuri-Galzu {B. E., XIV, 25 : 12), 
receiving P^D LU.ARDU in the 26th(!) year (of Burna-Buriash, B. E., XIV, 167: 
12, cf. 1. 11) and KU.QAR '"'narkabtu in the 3d year (of Kuri-Galzu, B. E., XV, 21 : 7), 
and is found together with a certain Mufanu in a tablet from the time of Kuri-Galzu 
(cf. Innanni, 1. 25), B. E., XV, 194 : 7, 8, This Muranu' was a son of Meli-Shah and a 
patesi, living during the 18th year of Kuri-Galzu, B. E., XIV, 28 : 5. A "son of 
Muranu," Mar-'^Mu-ra-ni, who likewise is a patesi, is mentioned not only during 
the 13th year of Ku[ri-Galzu, sic! against Clay], B. E., XIV, 125 : 6, 8,13, but he 
appears also in the letter No. 78 : 4 as a contemporary and itu{ !) of Enlilkidinni. From 
No. 79 : 1 we learn that Enlilkidinni was a contemporary of Imguri, who again, as 
writer of Nos. 22, 23, is contemporaneous with Huzalum (22 : 6) and Kidin-Marduk 
(23 :23). But Huzalum as well as Kidin-Marduk figure as witnesses in certain 
business transactions executed between Enlilkidinni and some other parties at the 
time of Burna-Buriash, more particularly Huzalum^ is mentioned as witness in the 
21st year of Burna Buriash {B. E., XIV, 8 : 30) and Kidin-Marduk" in the 
19th (or 18th?) year of the same king, B. E., XIV, 7 : 34. Taking all 
these passages together, there can be absolutely no doubt that the Enli kidinni 
of Nos. 55, 78, 79 is the same person as the one who appears in the tablets of B. E., 
XIV, as liv ng during the 3d (^.c, 1 : 6, 30, Clay wrongly 1st) 6th {I.e., 2 : 7, 19, 
29), 19th {I.e., 7 : 14, 38) and 21st {I.e., 8 : 22, 25, 33) year of Burna-Buriash. From 
this it follows that the "Lord" and "King" of No. 55, the contemporary of Enlil- 
kidinni, was none other but King Burna-Buriash. 

Having established the identity of the King, we can now more specifically de- 
termine the occupation of Enlilk'dinni. Above we saw that Enlilkidinni was in 

' Written either "» ^^""En-lil-ki-din-ni, 55 : 6, 7, 19, or ^ ^^"En-lit-ki-di-ni, 55 : 11, 21 | 78 : 3 | 79 : 3. 

' Identical with Uzub-Shipak in Scheil, Textes Elam. Sim., I, p. 93, 1 : 3 (a kudurru from the time of Kashtihashu). 

' The name of this royal messenger is, so far, not mentioned again. 

* The Muranu of B. E., XIV, 128 : 8, living at the time of Shagarakti-Shuriash (1st year) is another person. 
"Son of "■ ^^''En-lil-bel(= EN)-AN'"^''' 

• The father of '"Torki-shum. 


possession of agents (DAM.QAR), young slaves {TUR.TUR'""'' = si-ih-hi-ru-ti) and 
of an itu, "one who looked out for his superior's interests." If we compare this 
with the tablets of B. E., XIV, we find that Enlilkidinni was the son of "* ''"NIN. 
IB-na-din-SHESH"''"' {I.e., 1 : 6 ] 7 : 14, here: SE-SHESH.SHESH), living in Bit- 
»» ''^En-lil-ki-di-ni {I.e., 2 :8), where he kept slaves {NAM.GALU.LU . . . . ka- 
lu-ii, I.e., 2 :6, 8), whom he bought from {KI . . . . IN.SHI.IN.SHAM, I.e., 1 : 4, 
8 I 7 : 12, 15) other slave-dealers {DAM.QAR, I.e., 1:4); he had even his own 
agents (No. 55 : 10, DAM.QAR"""'') and representatives {itu, Mar-Murani by name. 
No. 78 : 4) who had continually to look out for their employer's interests. Here 
it is especially interesting to note that one and the same person could be a pa- e-si 
and at the same time also an itu for a dealer in slaves, as was the case with Mar- 
Murani. This business must have been quite profitable and must have carried with 
it a great influence at the King's court, for Enlilkidinni need only appear before 
King Burna-Buriash, requesting the release of his slaves, and his wishes are instantly 
complied with. No wonder then that the "house of Enlilkidinni" became rich and 
powerful, flourishing as late as the time of Ramman-shum-usur and Meli-Shipak. 
The boundary stone, Ijondon, 103,' the provenance of which is unknown, has been 
stealthily abstracted (by some workmen employed by the B. E. of the University of 
Pa.?) from the ruins of Nippur. On this stone are mentioned not only the GU.EN.NA 
or "sheriff" of Nippur (I: 20, 48, III: 7) and the "pihat of Nippur" (III: 42)— which 
by themselves would show whence that stone came — but also such names as Bit-"" ''"En- 
lil-ki-di-ni (IV : 29, 44; V : 31) and Ahu-da-ru-u, the "son" {mdr,^ i.e., = "descend- 
ant") of "" ^'""En-lil-ki-di-ni (IV : 13, 40; V : l),' who was, as we just saw, a rich 
and influential slave-dealer at Nippur during the time of Burna-Buriash. Cf. fur- 
thermore the writer of No. 25: 2, "'Ur-''''NIN.DIN.DUG.GA, with the person bearing 
the same name 'n London, 103, 1:6; also the ''''"Parak-mdri''' {I. c, V, 15, with our 
No. 53 : 38) and the "canal of Diir-''''Enlil," Nam-gar-Dur-''^Enlil, I. e.. Ill, 23, with 

' Preserved in the British Museum, No. 103 of the Nimroud Central Salon, and published by Belser, B. A., IT, 
p. 187f. A translation was given by F. E. Peiser in K. B., IIP, p. 154f. 
' For mdr = "descendant," see below. Chapter IV, pp. 64, 65. 
' The following members of the "House of Enlilkidinni" are known: 

m ilv-NIN .IB-na-din-SHESH'"^''' (or SE-SHEH.SHESH). 

"* ^'^En-lil-ki-di-ni, the founder of the house. 
I ? (mdr here "descendant.") 

""Aliu-da-ru-il (see K. B., IIP, pp. 158, 160, IV : 12, 45). 

"" ^'"^En-lil-shum-iddina (= MU.MU). 

Aku-dard lived during the time of RammAn-shum-u?ur and Meli-Shipak, and Enlil-shum-iddina during the 
latter's reign. 


our Nos. 3 : 33, 34, 38, 41 | 39 : 41; B. E., XIV, p. 58a; XV, p. 52a; X, p. 70a. 
Such identity of names and places cannot be accidental. 

(e) If now it be admitted, as it undoubtedly must be, that the "Lord" of our 
letters is always and invariably the ' King," then, of course, it is not at all surprising 
that we should find in this collection epistles written by the King himself. Prof. 
Hilprecht informs me that he has seen several of them (one of them sent by King 
Nazi-Maruttash) while examining in Constantinople the tablets of the Nippur find. 
Fortunately I am in the position to publish at least one' of them here. It is a 
"royal summons" sent by King Burna-Buriash to his sheriff {GtJ.EN.NA), 
"'Amel-^'^Marduk, to arrest certain men accused of lese majeste? 

(/) At last we are in a position to account for the peculiar characteristics of 
the Amarna Letter, B. 188 — characteristics which put this letter into a class all by 
itself, as such separating it from all the rest of the Amarna Letters, whether they 
belong to the Berlin or the London collections. The peculiarities of this letter 
consist in the wording of its "address" and its "greeting," forming, as it were, an 
exact parallel to the address and the greeting of all of our letters addressed to the 
"Lord," he-li. Seeing that this letter does form such a striking corroboration of 
our contention, I shall give it in full, though its lamentable condition would hardly 
warrant a complete and satisfactory translation. The letter^ (Amarna, B. 188) 

1 a-na ""be-li-ia To my "Lord" 

2 ki-be-ma um-ma speak, thus 

3 TUR.SALLUGAL-ma saith the princess: 

4 a-na kasha '''''narkabdti^"'^'''^-ka Unto thee, thy chariots, 

5 [d^M*"' u btti-ka] thy cities, and thy house 

6 lu-u shu-ul-mu greeting! 

7 AN""''' shd "'Bur-ra-Bur{\)-ia-dsh The gods of Burra-Buriash 

' Another royal letter is possibly that published under No. 93. 

' No. 75. For a translation see below, p. 135. 

' Since the above has been written there appeared in the Vorderasiatische Bibliotkek a new translation of the 
Amarna letters by J. A. Knudtzon. This scholar, when speaking of this letter in the Preface to his translation, says 
{Die El-Amama-Tafeln, pp. 20f.): "Der erstere (i.e.. No. 12 = B. 188) stammt Tiach seiner Schrift wohl am ehesten aus 

Babylonien, was auch nach dem Ton moglich und nach dem wahrscheinlichen Inhalt von Z. 7 das Niichstliegende ist 

Wenn mit dem, was iiber die Herkunft dieses Briefes gesagt ist, ungefahr das Richtige gelrofjen ist, so ist der "Herr," an den 
er gerichtet ist, kaum anderswo als in ^gypten zu suchen." Kundtzon differs (Lc, p. 98, No. 12) in the following points 
from the translation (and emendation) as given above: 1. 5, [a]-TO[i]-/[M-<}i for dlub"' (but cf. Rev. 1. 5); 1. 11, 'i(\)-ir-ma, 
wandele; Rev. 1. 3, ?i-ir-pa he translates by "gefdrbten Staff," but then Rev. 11. 5f. is left in the air. Rev. 11. 7f., it-tiQ) 
lH\)-bi-ka, 8 Z[a] to-[d]a-[6]u[-M]6 — -9 u ia-a-shi it-ku l[a ] te-te-en^dor-ni wliich is rendered by "Mit deinem Herzeh wirst 
(or soUst) du r)[ic\lit r^e^e^n . . . ., und mir toirst (od. sollst) du . . . . n[icyu errichten." 



8 it-ti-ka li-li-ku 

9 shal-mi-ish a-li-ik 

10 u i-na shd-la-me 

11 ti-ir-ma hiti-ka a-mur 

12 i-napa-[. . . .] 

Reverse : 

1 a-ka-an-n[a .... 

2 um-ma-a ul-tumf"'Gi-[ . 

3 mar ship-ri-ia si-ir-pa 

4 u-she-bi-la a-na 

_ 5 dlu''''-ka u bUim'''"-ka 

6 lu-u [shu sicV^-ul-mu 

7 it-ti-[nu, sic]] i-na bi-ka 

8 . . . . 

9 ii ia-a-shi id ma-la 
10 te-te-en-da-ni 

may go with thee! 
Walk in and out 
in peace! 

Thy house, I behold, 
in former times [. . . 


11 ardi-ka ""Ki-din-^HM 

12 i-shd-ak-ni 

13 a-nadi{\)-na-an 

14 be-Vi-i{a !] lu-ul-lik 

but now .... 

thus: "Since I sent Gi- . . ., 

my messenger, with a letter 


greeting to thy cities 

and thy house, 

they gave upon thy command 

and with regard to me remember (know) 

all thou hast told me." 

Thy servant is 


Before the presence 

of my "Lord" may I come! 

The writer of this letter is a "daughter of a king," a ' 'princess." She addressed 
her epistle to "my Lord." This "Lord," being the "Lord" of a "daughter of 
a king," cannot be anyone else but a "king." Now I cannot agree with Winckler, 
K. B., V, p. X, that this letter was addressed to the k'ng of Egypt. On the con- 
trary, the princess, by using a "greeting" and a "phrase" {ana dindn beli-ia lullik) 
so far met with in no other Amarna Letter — a "greeting" and "phrase" paralleled 
only by our letters here published — shows that she was of Babylonian origin, i.e., 
she was a Babylonian princess, having been given in marriage to the king of Egypt.' 
We have to see, then, in this letter a "copy"^ of an original sent to her father, the 

' From Ainama, London, 1, e.g., we know that a sister of Kadasliinan-Enlil liad been given in marriage by. her 
father, the king of Babylonia, to the Egyptian king. It may not be impossible that this princess is that very same 
sister about whom Kadashman-Enlil complains in a letter to the king of Egypt that "nobody has ever seen her, whether 
she is alive or dead," and that this letter is an assurance on her part that she is still well and among the living. 

^ Which happened to be preserved with the other Amarna tablets in the same way as was the "copy" of the 
letter of Ni-ih-mu-a-ri-a, the king of Egypt, to Kadashman-Enlil (Amarna, L. 1). For its being a "copy" speaks also 
the hastiness and carelessness in which it has been written, cf. e.g., ul-mu for shu-ul-mu (R. 6), be-l'i-i for be-l\-ia (H. 14), 
id for i-di (R. 9), il-ti for it-ti-nu (Rev. 7). For several other Egyptian copies among the Amarna letters see also 
Knudtzon, /. c, p. 16. 



"Lord'' and "King" of Babylonia. This princess, after having communicated 
her wishes to this "Lord," finds that, according to good woman fashion, a postscript 
is proper and in order. She forgot to introduce Kidin-Ramman, who, no doubt, 
brought this letter to the Babylonian king, as ' 'thy servant," assuring in this wise 
the king that the servant is reliable and may be entrusted with an answer to her 
letter. Nay, more than this. The princess, finding, after her extended sojourn 
in the land of the Nile, that she had not employed the correct form of address custom- 
ary among Babylonians^ when writing to their "Lord" and "King," as we know 
now, adds another postscript, saying: a-na di-na-an^ be-li-ia lul-lik, "before the 
presence of my Lord may I come." And by using this phrase as well as the greeting, 
"to the cities and thy house greeting" {a-na dlu'^"' u bitim''^"'-ka lu-u shii-ul mu, 
Rev. 5f.), the princess proves herself to be a real daughter of the Babylonian king, 
who, when addressed by his subjects, is always called "my Lord," be-li. 

' When foreigners like, e.g., an Egyptian king write to a Babylonian king they never fail to mention the exact 
title of the king of Babylonia, calling him invariably shar (= LUGAL) ^'^''^Ka-rn-^^'''Du-ni-ia-ash, Amarna L., 1, et 
passim. For ^'■'"■Du-ni-ia-ash see Hiising, O. L. Z., December, 1906, p. 664, on tlie one, and M. Streck, Z. A., January, 
1908, p. 255f., on the other hand. 

' For din&nu cf . also 24 : 33, ash-shu di-na-{ni-]ia, "on my account " = ash-shiimi-ia. Knowing, as we do, that the 
highest honor conferred upon a servant of the king is to see the king's "face," and remembering that mortal beings 
always pray for their being permitted "to see the face of sucli and such a god" (cf. '"Pdn-AN .GAL-lu-mur and the 
New Testament promise that the faithful shall see the "face" of Christ, shall see him from "face to face," i.e., shall 
be admitted into Christ's presence), I translate dindn by "presence," though its real signification is "Selbst, Selbst- 
heit." By doing this I am, however, unable to find the difficulty which Behrens, L. S. S., II', p. 27, thinks he finds; 
for it is, of course, self-evident that the writer did not mean to imply in these words that he himself may be permitted to 
appear before the presence of the Lord. AU the writer wants to convey through these words is tliis; may I by and 
through the mediation of this letter appear before the Lord ; in otlier words, may the King himself graciously condescend 
to listen to me by means of this letter when I speak a.s follows to my Lord {%im-ma-a a-na be-lt-ia-ma) . The writer 
thus pleads that his letter may not be prevented by tlie "rod tape" surrounding the person of the King from reaching 
his "Lord" and master. He wants a personal interview, he desires that the King himself shall see the letter, and if the 
writer's wish be granted he, facto, is admitted through his epistle to tlie presence of the King, to tlie King liimself. 
Nor are the words mor shipri-ia ana .ihulmi sharri sise u sabc allapra, occurring in //., VII, 721 : 5 (writer "^ ''"'Mardxik- 
MU-SE-na) and H., VIII, 832 : 5; 833 : 5; 835 : 5; 836 : 5; 837 : 5 (all written by "■ ^'"AG-EN-MU'"'^''') to be trans- 
lated with Behrens, I.e., by "meinen Boten habe ich mil Gejolge (Pferde u. Krieger, d. i. berittene Krieger"!) zur Begriis- 
sung des Konigs geschickt." The sise ii sabc belong, on account of their position, to tlie king, thus making him a king 
of "horses" = cavalry (cf. the "liorses" = cavalry of the Old Testament, as, e.g., in Deut. 11:4: the army of Egypt — 
their "horses" (= cavalry) and their chariots) and of "men" = infantry — a veritable "war-lord." 



The fact that the be-li in all our letters is the KING is of the highest importance 
for a correct understanding of (a) The genealogy of the Cassite kings of this period; 
(b) Their seat of residence, and (c) The nature and purpose of the so-called Temple 

(a) The various investigations conducted by scholars' with regard to the gene- 
alogy of the kings of this period has, as was to be expected, led to widely divergent 
results. Without going into any controversy here, I shall confine myself to stating 
what seems to me the most probable solution of this rather difficult, tangled up, and 
knotty problem. 

From the so-called Synchronistic History'' (= S. H.) we learn that at the 
time of Ashshur-uballit, king of Assyria,' the Cassites (SAB""'''' Kash-shi-e)* had 
revolted and killed ""Ka-ra-ffar-da-ash, the king of Babylonia,' the son (TUR) of 
"'Mu-bal-li-ta-at-^'"She-ru-u-a, a daughter of Ashshur-uballit, raising a certain 
""Na-zi-Bu-ga-ash to the kingship over them." Whereupon Ashshur-uballit, to 

' Cf. e.g., Wiiickler, Das alte Weslasien, p. 21f. ; Uelitzscli, Chronolocjische Tahellen (not accessible to me); Weiss- 
baeli, Babylonisclie Miscellen, p. 2f.; Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 3 (see p. 10, note 3); IJilprecht, B, E., XX', p. 52, note 1; 
and Thureau-Dangin in Z. A., XXI (1907-1908), p. 176ff., a reprint of which has just reached me. After a lengtliy 
discussion of all historical data furnished, this liist scholar established a clironology all his own and confesses: "Seule 
la dunnie de Nabonide, relative a Shagarakti-Shuriash serait inexplicable: si, en effet, suivant Vhypothese la plus probable, 
les 800 an< sonl comptes de la fin du rkgne de Shagarakti-Shuriash a I'avinement de Nabonide, ce chiffre serait trap fort de 
pres d'un siecle (exactement de 90 an.s). Our scheme given on p. 1 does justice both to Nabonid's statement with regard to 
Shagarakti-Shuriash (so. that the latter lived 800 years before him, i.e., 539 (end of the reign of Nabonid) + 800 = 1339; 
above we gave 1331-1318 as the probable time of Shagarakti-Shuriash), and to that of Seimaoherib (p. 2, note 12). 
But, more than this, I believe, with Thureau-Dangin and Ed. Meyer (Das chronologische System des Berossos in Beitriige 
zur alien Geschichte, III, pp. 131ff.), that the beginning of the first dynasty of Babylon has to be placed at 2232, and 
Hammurabi, its sixth ruler, accordingly at 2130-2088. Now, if Nabonid informs us that Hammurabi lived 700 years 
before Burna-Buriash (II) (see Bezold, P. S. B. A., Jan., 1889), the latter ruler must be put somewhere between (2130 — 
700 =) U30 and (2088—700 =) 1388 B.C. On p. 1 we assigned to Burna-Buriash the time between 1450-1423; hence 
our chronology, given above, comes as near the trutli as it is possible at the present. 

' See Winckler, U. A. G., p. 148 (= K. B., I, p. 194), 11. 8f. 

' "^Ashshur-ii-TI.LA MAN ""^'"Ashshur. 

* Not necessarily "Cassite soldiers," for §AB"'^''' at this time is used simijly for ummdni, "people," changing 
frequently with ^AB^'-'^, see also p. 35, note 1. 

i MAN'^^'Kar-Du-ni-ash. 

• A-na LUGAL-u-te a-na muirshu-nii ish-shu-ii. 



avenge ['"Ka-r]a-In{T) -da-ash (notice this name), went to Babylonia, killed [""Na]- 
zi-Bu-ga-ash, made [""Ku-rji-Gal-zu si-ih-ru, the son (TUR) of ""Bur-na-Bur-ia-ash, 
to be king, and put him "upon the throne of his father" {ina "''''GU.ZA AD-shu). 

The questions to be asked and answered in connection with this text are the 
following : 

(1) Why should the S. H. say that Ashshur-uballit went out to avenge Kara- 
Indash? We would expect that the king of Assyria went out to "avenge rather the 
murdered Babylonian King Kara-Hardash." Who is this Kara-Indash, that 
Ashshur-uballit should display such an interest? In what relation does he stand 
to the king of Assyria on the one hand and to the murdered king of Babylonia, 
Kara-Hardash, on the other? 

(2) What do the words ' 'put him {i.e., Kuri-Galzu sihru) upon the throne of his 
father" mean? Does ' 'father" refer here to Burna-Buriash or to Kara-Hardash? If 
it refers to the former, then who was Burna-Buriash? In what relation did he 
stand to Kara-Indash or Kara-Hardash or to the Assyrian king that he (the latter) 
should be so anxious as to secure the Babylonian throne for his (Burna-Buriash's) son, 
Kuri-Galzu? Why was the son and heir of the murdered Kara-gardash not put 
upon the throne of Babylon? But if the term "father" refers, as we would expect, 
to Kara-Hardash, thus making Kuri-Galzu sihru the son and successor of his mur- 
dered father, then why should Kuri-Galzu be called here (and elsewhere) the ' 'son 
(TUR) of Burna-Buriash"? 

Some of these questions we can answer with the help of Chronicle P. ( =Ch. P.)/ 
where we are told that a certain '^Ka-dash-man-Qar-be was the son (TUR) of ""Kar- 
In^-da-ash and of {sic\ cf.. I.e., 1. 12) Muballitat-Sherua,^ the daughter of Ashshur- 
uballit,* king of Assyria ; hence Kara-Indash (S. H.) = Kar-Indash (Ch. P.) was the 
husband of Ashshur-uballit's daughter, Muballitat-Sherua, and the father of Kadash- 
man-Harbe. Ashshur-uballit in avenging Kara-Indash acted, therefore, in the 
interests of his nearest relations — his daughter and his son-in-law — to preserve the 
Babylonian throne for the rightful heir. But the rightful heir in this case was 
the "son of the murdered King Kara-Hardash." This would force us to the con- 
clusion that the term "father" of the *S. H. meant Kara-Hardash and not Burna- 

' So called after its discoverer, Theodore G. Pinches, J. R. A. S., October, 1894, p. 811 (= p. 816), 11. 5f. Cf. 
also Winckler, Altorienlalische Forschungen, I Reihe, p. 298(= p. 115)f. 

^Tliis IN, according to Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna-Tajeln, p. 35, and Delitzsch, Abh. der sacks. Ges. d. Wiss., 
Vol. XXV, is absolutely certain. So also Ungnad, O. L. Z., Marz, 1908, Sp. 139. Peiser, ibid., p. 140, and Winckler 
A. 0. P., I, pp. 116, 298, read Ka-rn-Sar-da-aS. 

' Written >Mu-bal-li}-ai-^^"EDIN-u-a. 

* Written "AN-SHAR-DIN-it. 



Buriash, and that Kara-Hardash (S. H.) is only another name for Kadashman- 
Harbe. This is corroborated by the further statement of Ch. P. which relates (col. 
I, lOf.) that the Cassites* revolted against and killed "'Ka-dash-man-l^ar-be', and 
raised "to the kingship over them"^ a certain ""Shu-zi-ga-ash, a Cassite, "the son of 
a nobody." Whereupon Ashshur-uballit, the king of Assyria, went to Babylonia* 
to avenge ""Ka-dash-man-Qar-he, "the son of his daughter^" [killed] ""Shu-zi-ga-ash 
and put {""Ku-ri-Gal-zu sihru, the son (sic\) of ""Kaydash-man-^ar-be, upon the 
throne [of his father]." 

If we were to arrange the genealogies as given by S. H. and by Ch. P. in parallel 
columns we would have to do it as follows : 

Synchronistic History, 
babylonia. assyria. 

Burna-Buriash Ashshur-uba Hit 

Kara-Indash Muballitat-Sherua 


Kuri-Galzu sifiru 

Chronicle P. 


Kar-Indash 3Iuballitat-Sherua 


[JCuri- Galzu] 

All scholars have — and, no doubt, correctly — admitted the identity of Nazi- 
Bugash and Shuzigash^; we need, then, not lose any words about this point. But 
if we do admit their identity we cannot very well deny the other, viz., that Kara- 
Hardash and Kadashman-Harbe are likewise only two different writings of one and 
the same person. And here it is that I beg to differ from all the other scholars who 
either take Kara-Hardash to be a mistake for Kara-Indash (so Winckler), or who 
remove him altogether from the list of kings (so Weissbach). What might possibly 

' Here nisM (l/iV)™*"'' Kash-shi. 

' Notice that the shu in 1. 10 refers back to 1. 5. 

' A-na LUGAL-ii-tua-namufi-shu-nu. 

A '"'ii^Kar-^'^Dun-ia-ash. 

' TUR TUIi.SAL-shu = MubaUitat-Sherua. 

• The words in [ — ] are broken away, but they have been added here because they are the only rational and 
logical emendation of the text. See for tliis emendation also Winckler, AUorienlaiische Forschungen, I.e. 

' Denied now, as I see, among others, also by Knudtzon, Die El-Amama-Tajeln, p. 38. The reasons — if they 
may be called so — adduced by Knudtzon against the identity of these two persons are not at all convincing, in fact, 
they are against both the S. H, and the Ch, P, 


have been the reason of these two seemingly widely divergent readings, Kadashman- 
Harbe {Ch. P.) and Kara-Hardash {S. H.)1 

If I were to put before the various scholars in the realm of Assyriology a com- 
bination of signs, such as "''''KU ''"L, asking them to transcribe, read, and translate 
it, what would be the result? One would read it kakku ''''NIN.IB, the other kakku 
''"Enlil, the third kakku ''"Nin-Girsu, and translate it "the (a) weapon is (of) 
NIN.IB, or Enlil, or Nin-Girsu." A fourth, if he suspected a nomen proprium in 
that combination and knew that it was taken from a tablet belonging to the Cassite 
period and was aware that, at the Cassite period, the names of "cities called after a 
person" may be written without the determinative DISH (cf. ^'"G\r-ra-ga-mil, ^"UD- 
tu-kul-ti, etc., in "List of Cities"), might read that very same combination Tukulti- 
''"Enlil {NIN.IB, Nin-Girsu) and think it represents a "city." A fifth, again, would 
object seriously, pointing out that the "names of the Cassite kings" are likewise very 
often written without the DISH (cf. e.g., Burna-Buriash in B. E., XIV, 1 : 30 | 2 : 29 | 
4 : 18, etc., etc.), and read accordingly (translating it back into Cassite) Kadashman- 
^^"IJarbe (or Enlil, or NIN.IB, or Nin-Girsu). A sixth, lastly, would maintain that 
Cassite kings were gods or were identified with gods, hence a name ""''KU ''"L should 
express the "name" or the ' 'attribute" of a god ; he accordingly would see in that com- 
bination such an attribute and would read and transcribe it by "weapon of god 
L," which would be in Cassite — what? And why is there such a difference of opinion 
among scholars when reading and transcribing personal names? Answer: Any 
modern Assyriologist has, or he thinks he has, the privilege to transcribe ideographic- 
ally written names — be they those of persons or of gods — according to his own 
notions; thus one may see in the name ^'"SUGH a male, the other takes it to be a 
female, and the third declares both are wrong: ''"SUGH is a "hen (-goddess) ". To 
be sure, all three are right and all three are wrong. What modern scholars do now, 
the old scribes did 3,000 years before them. The name Kadashman-I^arhe means 
in Cassite "my support is I^arbe," and Harbe translates the Babylonian ''"Enlil. 
Kadashman-H,arhe, when written ideographically, may be "''''KU -"^'"EN .LIL 
{^'"^.KUR, ''"L, etc.), but this might, per se, be translated also by "the (my, a) 
weapon is (of) Enlil {^.KUR, L, etc.)." Should the writer of the S. H. have mis- 
taken the o'^'^KU = tukulti, "support," for "''''KU = kakku, "weapon," and have 
it translated back into the Cassite language by kar{a), "weapon"? If we knew 
the Cassite word for "weapon" it would be a comparatively easy task to ascertain 
whether this suggestion or supposition might hold, but unfortunately we do not 
know it — at least I do not; and as long as this word is not known to us just so long 
the hypothesis will have to stand that the writer of S. H. mistook the '^^KU = 


tukultu = Kadashman, "support," thinking it was the same as "''''KU = kakku 
= kar(a), "weapon". And if ""''KU could have been mistaken for kar(a) 
(instead of tukulti), the ideogram expressing IJarbe = Enlil might likewise have 
been mistranslated by H.ardash. If Hardash be a composite word consisting of 
ffard + ash we might compare it with Bugash = Bug-ash. Should Hard + ash be 
= 5 (x) 10 = 50 = ''"L, and Bug + ash = 6 (x) 10 = 60 = ^A^ or ilu (see p. 7, note 2, 
under Guzar-AN)1 If this could be proved then the original ideographic writing of 
this name might have been ''''''KU-'""L. : S. H. translating it hy Kar (a) -Hard + ash 
= a weapon of (is) ''"L and Ch. P. by Kadashman-Harbe = my support is Enlil. 
For ''"L = ^'""Enlil, see p. 40, note. (The ash in Hard-ash resp. Bug-ash is hardly the 
same as iash = mdtu = KUR; if it were. Hard-ash might represent either S.KUR 
or KUR.GAL, likewise names of Enlil and AN). If, on the other hand, ^ardash 
be a simple (not composite) name, it might translate such ideographs as ''""NAB 
( = Enlil, V R. 44, 46c), "M5 ( = Enlil, III R. 67, No. 1, Obv. 11a, b; cf. 1. 20, 
^"NIN.LIL dam-bi-sal, i.e., of ''"AB = ^"Enlil; in Weissbach, Babyl. Miscellen, 
p. 7 {B. E., 6,405), 1. 8, ''MjS is = Anu (AN): ''M5( = AN) ""SAR.SAR ( = 
Enlil) ''"SUR.UD (= £.A.) ii "^NIN.MAGH = fern, principle of the world, cf. 
No. 24 : 6 (p. 47, n. 5), Anu, Enlil, H.A, Belit-Wi), or ""IB ( = Enlil, AN, NIN.IB). At 
any rate, the circumstance that we are not yet able, owing to our ignorance of the 
Cassite language, to say definitely which ideographic writing was before the eyes 
of the compiler of S. H. does not preclude the possibility that Kadashman-Harbe 
and Kara-Hardash are one and the same person. This much we can say, however, 
that the original ideographic writing consisted of "'"''KU + a name of a god which 
could be translated both by H,arbe and by Hardash. We must maintain the identity 
of Kara-Hardash and Kadashman-Harbe till we know that it is wrong and abso- 
lutely impossible. 

Somewhat more difficult is the task to reconcile the two genealogies of Kuri- 
Galzu. If we knew nothing about the >S. H. and had only the Ch. P., in which 
Burna-Buriash is not mentioned with one syllable, nobody would ever have attempted 
to amend the broken text of Ch. P. differently from what was done above, viz., 
that Ashshur-uballit went out to avenge Kadashman-Harbe, • ' 'the son of his daughter 
(i.e., his grandson)," who had been killed by the Cassites and whose throne had 

' Notice here the difference between S. H. and Ch. P. According to the former Ashshur-ubalHt went out to 
avenge his "son-in-law, Kara-Indash" ; and according to Ch. P. the same king wanted to avenge his "grandson, Kadash- 
man-Harbe." As the latter statement is far more to tlio point, it shows tliat the narrative of Ch. P. is to be preferred 
to that of S. H. Cf. also the writing Kara-Hardash {S. H.) with Kadashman-Harbe {Ch. P.); the latter, no doubt, 
represents the better tradition. 


been usurped by Shuzigash, in order to regain and preserve, of course, the Baby- 
lonian throne for the rightful heir of his grandson. But the rightful heir in this case 
was none other than the son of Kadashman-H.arhe, Kuri-Galzu, who naturally 
must have been still a "little child," a sihru,^ seeing that his great-grandfather, the 
Assyrian king Ashshur-uballit, was still living. But if Kuri-Galzu was according to 
Ch. P. the son and rightful heir to the throne, it follows that the words of S. H., 
"put him upon the throne of his father," can mean only that Ashshur-uballit 
put Kuri-Galzu sihru upon the throne of his murdered father, Kara-Hardash = 
Kadashman-Harbe ; hence the word "father" in *S. H. does not refer to Burna- 
Buriash, as the interpreters want it, but must refer to Kara-Hardash. Thus, even 
according to S. H., Kuri-Galzu sihru may very well, yes, must have been the son of 
Kara-Hardash = Kadashman-Harbe. And by being put upon the throne of his 
murdered father, Kuri-Galzu ipso facto was put also upon that of Burna-Buriash, 
seeing that the son^ of Burna-Buriash, Kar(a)-Indash, was his (Kuri-Galzu's) 

But if Kuri-Galzu was the "son of Kara-Hardash = Kadashman- 
Harbe," as has been maintained, then he cannot have been, at the same time, 
the "son of Burna-Buriash," as S. H. informs us. Weissbach, who was the last to 
discuss the genealogies of this period, failed utterly, simply and solely because he did 
not recognize the true meaning of "son" {TUR) in Kuri-Galzu TUR Burna-Buriash. 
In the Black Obelisk of Shalmanassar H (858-824 B.C.), inscription to pictures H 
(cf. also III R., 5, No. 6, 11. 25, 26), we are told that Jehu ("'la-ii-a) was the "son" 
(TUR) of Omri {""liu-um-ri-i). But according to what we know from the Old 
Testament, Jehu was by no means a son (II Kings 9 : 2), but simply a ruler in "the 
land of the house" of Omri, being the fourth in the succession of his so-called father. 
Hence the TUR = mar, "son," in Kuri-Galzu TUR Burna-Buriash does not neces- 
sarily have to signify "son," but may, and here must, mean "a later (descendant 
and) 'ruler of the house' of Burna-Buriash," "one that was of the 'line of reign' 
of Burna-Buriash." This follows also from the following consideration: from 
several inscriptions published by Hilprecht' we know that Nazi-Maruttash was the 

■ For sihru in this sense cf. also //., Ill, 289 : 2; 296 : 2; 297 : 3; //., V 518 : 3, ffn'«ylB.B.4'"''»'' ii TUR""'''', 
which ch.anges in //., Ill, 29.5 : 2, with mluAB.BA"""'' u sib{ = NE)-ru-ii-ti, thus allowing that ?ibru "young" is in 
opposition to AB.BA = shebu, "old." 

' It should be noticed, however, that there is, so far, no inscription known which states that Kar(a)-Indash was 
the "son of Burna-Buriash." The above conclusion is nothing but an inference from S. H.'s words: "Kuri-Galzu, 
son of Burna-Buriash," see below, pp. 6.5ff. 

'See, e.g., Hilprecht, B. E., I', Nos. .53, .5.5, 56, 58, 78, 75 + 136 + 137 (cf. Ziramem, Z. A., XIII, p. 302); 
B. E., XIV, 39 : 9. 


son of Kuri-Galzu, and from a boundary stone of Nazi-Maruttash' we learn that 
this latter ruler was "the son {TUR) of Kuri-Galzu and the SHAG.BAL.BAL of 
Burna-Buriash." Now SHAG.BAL.BAL means in each and every case nothing 
but "one who is of the reign(ing house) of," lihhi -pale. Hence the mAr {TUR) of 
the S. H., because it corresponds here to SHAG.BAL.BAL, must likewise be taken 
in the signification of libbi pale; in other words, the expression mar (TUR) Burna- 
Buriash of S. H. designates Kuri-Galzu not as son, but as "one who belonged to 
the line of rulers of the house of Burna-Buriash." As such he may have been the 
third, fifth, tenth, or hundredth in the line.^ Kuri-Galzu was, and still is, the son of 
Kadashman-Harbe = Kara-Hardash, and this he was and is not only according 
to B. E., XIV, 39 : 8f. {ish-tu Ku-ri-Gal-zu TUR ''"Ka-da-dsh-man-Qar-be a-di 

' Scheil, Textes Slam. Sem., I, p. 86 (cf. plate 10), col. I, 11. 1-5. 

' Weissbach, Babyl. Miscellen, pp. 2f., by first trying to establish for SHAG.BAL.BAL an impossible meaning, 
"Enkel," puts the cart before the horse, and at the end of his investigations ha.s to admit after all that 5/M6'.B/lL. /J/1 L 
in all pas.sages cited by him means either "Urenkel," "femen Nachkommen," or "einen urn, Jahrhunderle spdteren 
Nachknmmen." This alone ought to have been sufficient to convince Weissbach that SHAG.BAL.BAL in IV iJ.', 
38, I, 20-26, could likewise not have the signification "Enkel." Not heeding tliis warning, Weissbach arrived at results 
which were both impossible and disastrous: he hiid to maintain three Marduk-aplu-iddinas, three Kadasliman-Harbes, 
three Kuri-Galzus; had to remove Kara-Hardash altogether from the list of kings and make Kuri-Galzu siliru, "the 
son" of Burna-Buriash, the afew abi, the "brother of the father" of Kadashman-Harbe, i.e., had to make him a brother 
of Kara-Indash. Such manipulations are altogether too subjective to be taken seriously, and overlook tlie fact that 
a person at this time is designated only as "X., the son of Y."; in no case is there ever mentioned a grandfather. 
"X. mdr Y . mAr Z." means at this time "X., the son of Y., belonging to (the house of) Z"(!) and st.amps such a person as 
being of high, special, influential, or distinguished rank. Hinke's {B. E., Series D., IV, pp. 13.3, 174) NabA-zcr-luhir m/ir 
Itti-Marduk-bali'i{u mAr A rdiS..A , p.arallel to SMpiku mCir Itli-Marduk-baUlpu SH.AG.B.i L.BA L A rdiS.A , makes 
Ardi-S.A the founder of the distinguished and celebrated surveyor family of which the two brothers, NahA-zcr-Ushir and 
ShApiku, were later members (not raecMtSan/?/ gi-andchildren). Again, if mdr he = SHAG.BAL.BAL = "belonging to 
the reign (ing house) of," then it is, of course, quite natural that Meli-Shipak should call liiiiiself (B. E., 637S = Weissbach, 
I.C., p. 2) mdr Kuri-Galzu. Why? Because Meli-Shipak was an usurper. But someone might object that in London, 
103 (Belser, B. A., II, p. 187f. = Peiser, K. B., Ill', p. 160), IV, 31, the immediate predecessor of Meli-Shipak, 
Rammdn-slium-usur, is referred to as "thy {i.e., Meli-Shipak's; cf. I.e., 1. 17) father (a-bu-ka)." How can he be a 
usurper if his father occupied the throne before him? Apart from the list of kings, where Me-li-Shi-pak is not designated 
by TUR-shu {i.e., the son of Rammdn-shum-usur), the fact that a father, bearing a Babylonian name (as Ramman- 
shum-usur undoubtedly docs), would call liis .son (Meli-Sliipak) by a Cassite name is simply impos.sible in the history of 
the Cas.sites and without any piirallel. Only the opposite may be admitted, i.e., a Cassite father may call his son by a 
Babylonian name; but never would a Babj'lonian degrade himself so far as to acknowledge his oppre.s.sore by naming 
his son with a name which was despised among tliem. Meli-Shipak, then, by calling liimself m6r Kuri-Galzu, lays 
"rightful" claim to the inheritance of the throne of Babylonia, which he would have as "one belonging to the house" 
{m/ir) of Kuri-Galzu. The same desire is evidenced by Meli-Shipak's son, Marduk-aplu-iddina (notice the Cassite 
father and the Babylonianized son!), who does not call himself (IV R.'', 38, I, 20-26 = K. B., IIP, p. 162) grandson of 
Rammdn-shum-usur, but "the .ion {TUR) of Me-li-Shi-pa-ak (cf. also List of Kings: "" ^'"SHU-A-MU TUR-shu, i.e., 
son of Meli-Shipak), the SHAG.B.\L.BAL of Kuri-Galzu LUGAL Ja-a sha-na-an\" For a later example of mAr (resp. 
aplu)'= "of the," or "belonging to the, house of," cf. Rimill{-^^^MASn) aplu shn MurAshu, and see Hilprecht, B. E., 
IX, p. 15. 



^'"Na-zi-Ma-ru-ut-ta-dsh TUR ''"Ku-ri-Gal-zu) , but also according to Br. Mus., 
83-1-18/ where he (written here ^'"Ku-ri-Gal-zu) calls himself "the mighty king, 
the king of Babylon, the son (TUR) of ^'"Ka-ddsh-man-ffar-be, the king without 
equal (LUGAL la shd-na-an) ."'' 

But though it might be admitted, as it must, that Kuri-Galzu, "the son" 
of Burna-Buriash of *S. H., was de facto the ' 'son of Kadashman-Harbe (Ch. P.) 
= Kara-Hardash", as such belonging to the reigning house of Burna-Buriash (TUR 
= SHAG.BAL.BAL = libbi pale), we still owe an explanation of the fact that there 
are other tablets in existence in which this self-same Kuri-Galzu is not only called, 
but even calls himself "son (TUR) of Burna-Buriash."' The question is this: 
Why should this self-same Kuri-Galzu (sihru) call himself or be called on the one 
hand "son of Kadashman-JJarbe = Kara-Hardash," and on the other "son of 
Burna-Buriash" ? What were the reasons, if any, for this playing hide and 

We learned from S. H. and Ch. P. that the father of Kuri-Galzu, Kadashman-Harbe 
= Kara-Hardash, was killed by his own kinsmen, the Cassites, who had revolted 
against him, and who went even so far as to put a king of their own choice and 
liking, viz., Nazi-Bugash = Shuzigash, upon the throne of Babylon. We also 
heard that Kuri-Galzu did not occupy the throne of his murdered father by the 
wish and the consent of the Cassites, but, on the contrary, by and through the grace 
of his great-grandfather (on his mother's side), Ashshur-uballit, who forced him while 
still a child {sihru) upon the dissatisfied Cassites. Is it not more than natural to 
suppose that the Cassites would feel rather inimical towards their new king, who was 
in their eyes nothing but an usurper,^ occupying the throne of Babylon and swaying 
the royal scepter over them by the intervention and brutal force of a foreign king so 
inimical to their own interests? And was it not a wise and diplomatic stroke of 

' See Winckler, Z. A., II, p. 307f. 

^ Tliis very same attribute is a-scribed to Kuri-Galzu also in a boundary stone (IV R}, 38, I, 20-26 = K. B., 
Ill', p. 162) quoted p. 65, n. 2. Kuri-Galzu, "the son of Kadashman-Harbe," is identical with Kuri-Galzu, the prede- 
cessor of Meli-Shipak and Marduk-aplu-iddina (see p. 65, n. 2, end). 

> See, e.g., A. R. C. 146 (Lehmann, Z. A., V, 417); Ililprecht, B. E., I', Nos. 35, 36, 39; I.e., V, 133 (see also 
Zimmern, Z. A ., XIII, p. 304) ; Scheil, Textcs 6lam. Sem., I, p. 93, col. I, 18. 

* One of the maxims in Babylonian history is that whenever a ruler or king terms himself "the legitimate" this 
or that, such a ruler is invariably an usurper. The truth of this maxim is clearly established also in Kuri-Galzu's case. 
One of his favorite titles is rOjaum kinum, "the legitimate shepherd," see Hilprecht, B. E., V, Nos. 41 -I- 46 : 3 
(cf. Hilprecht, I.e., p. 32, and Zimmern, Z. A., XIII, p. 304); I.e., V, 133 : 5, 6 (Zimmern, I.e.). Also Kuri-Galzu's 
son, Nazi-Maruttash, claims this very same title, Hilprecht, B. E., V, Nos. 75 + 136 + 137 (Zimmern, I.e., p. 302): 5. 
What Kuri-Galzu lacked in favor from his subjects he made up in empty assertions. 


policy on Kuri-Galzu's part not to call himself "son of Kadashman-Harbe, " thus 
avoiding to remind continually the enraged Cassites of their revolt and their murder 
committed? The Cassites hated any and every allegiance with the Assyrians, 
thrust upon them by the marriage of Kar(a)-Indash to Muballitat-sherua, knowing 
quite well that such a friendship would eventually lead— as it actually did — towards 
disaster. They preferred to have their country return to the status quo it occupied 
before this infamous intermarriage — to the first years of the reign of Burna-Buriash, 
"the ancestor" of Kuri-Galzu, when he warned the Egyptians, in a letter addressed 
to their king Ni-ip-hu-ur-ri-ri-ia ( = Amen-hotep IV; Amarna, London, No. 2 : 31f.), 
not to listen to the machinations of the Assyrians, "my subjects" (da-gi-il pa-ni-ia). 
Kuri-Galzu, knowing this and eager and willing to appease his dissatisfied Cassites, 
did not — great diplomat and "king without equal" who he was — call himself "son 
of Kadashman-Harbe, " "but "descendant (mar) of Burna-Buriash"; thus he main- 
tained on the one hand his "rightful," "legitimate" (kinum) succession to the throne, 
and on the other he avoided to remind the enraged Cassites of their revolt and 

From all this it would follow that Kuri-Galzu sihru was de facto a "son of 
Kadashman-Harbe," whom he followed upon the throne of Babylonia, but de arte 
diplomatica a "son of Burna-Buriash"; hence we have to place between the reigns of 
Burna-Buriash and Kuri-Galzu those of Kar(a)-Indash, Kadashman-Harbe = 
Kara-Hardash, and Nazi-Bugash = Shuzigash.^ 

With the publication of these letters the period just discussed receives some 
new and additional light. Above we showed that all letters addressed to the ' 'Lord " 
were intended without any exception for the "king." Who this "king" is or was 
cannot be said, except it be determined in each particular case from the so-called 
"internal evidence" as gathered, e.g., from the names of persons occurring in a 
specific letter, from the circumstances of time and place, etc., etc. We also saw 
that the letter published under No. 24 was especially instructive in this respect. 
And this it was not only because of its wonderfully poetic introduction^an intro- 
duction such as may be found only in a letter addressed to a king — but also because we 
learned from it that the writer had been entrusted by a ' 'grant" from his ' 'Lord " and 
' 'king" with the supervision {iiu) and administration of the city Mannu-gir-Ramman. 

' I.e., at least "not generally." 

^ Hilprecht's statement, B. E., XX', p. 52, note 1, "Kuri-Galzu, his (i.e., Burna-Buriash 's) son, hut jMS-iiUy not 
his immediate successor," I would like to modify by substituting: "Kuri-Galzu, the son of Kadasliman-Harbe, the 
descendant of Burna-Buriash, the successor of his murdered father." Clay's view (B. E., XIV, p. 9), "there is no gap 
in that part of the hst of kings which these arcliives represent," differs from what I have above stated, p. 10, u. 3- 


Now it happens that the writer of No. 24, Kalbu by name, mentions in the course of his 
communication, addressed to his Lord and king, the latter's father, "'Na-zi-^'"En-lil. 
A priori we are justified in assuming that if the "Lord" to whom Kalbu addressed 
his letter was a "king," the "Lord's" father was in all probability one likewise. If 
so, we would have to see in ""Na-zi-^'^En-lil a new and, so far, unknown king of the 
Cassite period. The question then arises to what time of the known Cassite 
kings have '"Na-zi-''"En-lil, together with his son, the be-h of No. 24, to be 

The passage which mentions this new king is unfortunately somewhat mutilated, 
so that its real sense has to remain, for the present at least, still doubtful. If I 
understand the paragraph in question correctly, it would seem that Kalbu, after 
having communicated to his "Lord" the news about the dreadful flood which had 
overtaken the city Mannu-gir-Ramman and himself, threatening him even with the 
loss of his own life, complains here that the same flood had destroyed also the ' 'gates, " 
together with the "herds" which were kept in their environs, in consequence of 
which destruction and loss he is left without any means of subsistence both for him- 
self and for the inhabitants of the city. In fact there is nothing left that could be 
"taken" or "given." That portion of the letter which mentions the "Lord's" 
and "king's" father, "'Na-zi-'^^'En-lil, may be transcribed and translated as follows 
(24 : 24f.) : 

24 u abullu ( = KA.GAL) erU, {URU- Also the mighty bronze-gates together 

DU^meshi D^me,h2 ^ lahvu { = GA- with the two-year-old ewes which 

NAMYshattu-II shdish-tuh[e\-na-ti* (were kept there) since the time 

25 sha '"NA-zi-^'"E7i-lil a-bi-ka ii adi of Nazi-Enlil, thy father, even unto 

( = EN) urmr^ (this) day, 

' Abvllu eru'"^^ is a composite noun in the plural, for the formation of which see Delitzsch, Gram., p. 193, § 73. 

^ DA here to be taken probably in the sense of le'u, Abel-Win ckler, Keikchrijltexte, Sign List, No. 221; Meissner, 
Ideogramme, No. 4762. 

' For GANAM = faferw, "ewe," see E. B. H., p. 343, and for MU-II, ibidem, pp. 369fif. 

* Ish-tu b^eyna-ti. . . .11 adi ( = EN) ilmi"'^. The ish-iu bc-na-li, standing here in opposition to adi umi, 
must signify in this connection some kind of a terminus a quo. Bendti is, no doubt, related to bennu, which Delitzsch 
H. W. B., p. 1806, translates by "father"; cf. also Zimmern, Shurpu, p. ,54, 35, who renders it by "Ahnherr." If this be 
true, I would like to see in bcnuti either a plural of benutu = {binnutu =bini1itu = ) binuttu, wliich latter word occurs also in 
Amama, B. 24 : 22, m&r ship-ri-ka i-na bi-nu-ut-ti[ki-i]il-li-ka,i.e., "when thy messenger came formerly," or a forma- 
tion like .^utu, afirati, di'irati, ruquti, for wliicli see Delitzsch, Gram., p. 189, and I.e., | 6.5, No. 37, on p. 177, above. Bax'ti 
in our passage refers vmdoubtedly to the "times of the father" of the "Lord," hence must mean something hke "tin.e 
of preceding generation, " "the time when one's father was living. " The root, then, would be barvA, from which we have 
hAniX; "father, begetter." Adi Umi'"^ stands here for adi Umi an-ni-i. 


26 [e\-ka-ku^(l) u i-na-an-na be-li it-ti- (the floods) have destroyed. And now 

[di shaf my ' 'Lord " knows that 

27 [i{l)-laj-ka-an-ni i-na-an-na ki-i i-li- they (the inhabitants of the city) will 

[ka-an-n]i^ come to me (sc. for pay, 1. 29). 

Now, when they have come (i.e., 
when they are there), 

28 [ii zu-un-n]a^ LC/(?) "'"•''' lahru ( =GA- what shall I take and give (them), see- 

NAM) shaMu-II i-si-ru* mi-na-al'lf ing that the floods have encircled 

the flocks and the 

29 [lul]-qa-am-ma lu-ud-di-in" two-year-old ewes? 

As the succession of the Cassite kings from Kuri-Galzu sihru down to Kashtiliashu 
is well known and absolutely controllable both by the publications of the B. E. 
and the "List of Kings," and as Nazi-Enlil cannot have reigned before Burna- 
Buriash — for no documents of the Cassite period have been found at Nippur which 
antedate the last-named ruler — it is at once evident that Nazi-Enlil, together with 
his son, the he-li of No. 24, must have reigned during the time that elapsed between 
Burna-Buriash and Kuri-Galzu sihru. 

We saw that the Cassites revolted during the reign of Kadashman-Harbe = 
Kara-Hardash against their king, killing him, and selecting in his stead a king of 
their own choice, a certain Nazi-Bugash or Shuzigash. We also heard that Ashshur- 

' E-ka-ku. One might expect e-ka-lu, but against this is to be said: (1) tlie ku, although somewhat doubtful, 
cannot be very well lu. Having examined the sign repeatedly I am unable to discover even the faintest indication of a 
middle perpendicular wedge; (2) if this were a form of akdlu, one would look for i-ku-lu. A present tense, e-ka-lu = 
ik-ka-lu, is senseless here. In view of these difficulties I am incHned to connect this form with akiXkdli{']) , H. W. B., 
p. 53a, which Delitzsch, however, leaves untranslated. Seeing that akAkAti is a syn. of a-sham-shu-tum and this = 
IM.GHUL.LA resp. IM.Rl.GHA.MUN (Del., I.e., p. 146a, Orkan) I propose to translate akHkdli by storm-flood (cf. 
also Jtl.GHA.MUN, an attribute of Ramman, the bel abAbu), used either literally or figuratively. In the latter sense it 
is used also of "spears," which are "thrown" in such numbers into a city that they practically "pour down upon" or 
"overflood" a city. In this meaning it is to be found in Sarg. Ann. 164, ana puliur AlCinishunu a-ku{'T)-ka-a-li ad-di-ma, 
"into all their cities I threw a veritable flood (of spears)." The root of e-ka-ku would be pp}) or "l^i', it standing 
for i 'kakA = ikakA, with a in the Preterit. The subject of ekaku is the zunnu u mila in 11. 20, 21 : the floods have 
overflooded = destroyed. 

' These emendations are, of course, very doubtful, but tliey seem to me the most probable ones. For aldku c. 
ace., "to go, come to," see besides Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 66a, also Jensen, K. B., VI', pp. 464, 475. If the emendations 
be correct, these forms would stand for i-fa(resp. i-li-)-ku-in-ni. 

' The traces of these signs cannot possibly be amended to KA.GAL erA""'^'' DA"""'', 1. 24. For LU = UDU = 
isy, see E. B. H., pp. 343fr. 

• EscTu, "to encircle," is here parallel to lamA, used of "floods"; see above, 1. 20, i-na la-me-e na-di. 

' Hardly anything missing after mi-na-a. 

•For the force of this iv Aa Smlv cL,e.g., B. E., XIV, 38 : 9, 10, "that and that," ™X. i-liq-qa-am-ma a-na 
"y. t-nam-dm, " X. shall take and give to Y.," i.e., "X. .sliall pay back to Y.," and i.e., Ill : 10, 11, "the grain .... 
at harvest time," is-si-ra-am-ma i-nam-din-ma, "he shall put up and give," i.e., "he shall return." 


uballit, king of Assyria, eager to secure and preserve the Babylonian throne for 
his great-grandchild, Kuri-Galzu, went out, killed Nazi-Bugash and put Kuri- 
Galzu upon the throne. Now it is not at all likely that the Cassites would have 
acquiesced in such a despotic act of the Assyrian king as to kill the king of their 
choice and liking ; nor is it human nature to suppose that the enraged Cassites would 
have joyfully received the new child-king by the grace of Ashshur-uballit. On the 
contrary, they will have endured this insult only as long as they had to; they will 
have waited eagerly for the first moment, for the first opportunity to strike back 
and rid themselves of a king who was forced upon them. This opportunity came 
when Ashshur-uballit died, which he, no doubt, did soon after Kuri-Galzu had 
been seated upon the throne, seeing that he must have been well advanced in years 
if he could put a great-grandchild upon the Babylonian throne. With Ashshur- 
uballit out of the way and Kuri-Galzu still a child, the time was propitious to strike 
and to strike hard. And the Cassites did strike. The result of this "striking" is 
embodied in letter No. 24: they put up a king who was a king indeed — a king by 
the voice of the people. Et vox populi est vox dei: he was a divinely appointed ruler, 
a ruler "whom Anu, Enlil, E.A, and Belit-ili themselves had presented with a king- 
ship excelling in grace and righteousness." I see then in the be-lt of No. 24 a counter- 
king of Kuri-Galzu during at least the first years of the latter's reign. But if the 
be-li was a contemporary of Kuri-Galzu, then the Lord's father, Nazi-Enlil, must 
have lived at the time of Nazi-Bugash. In view of the fact that both these names 
begin with Nazi, and considering how easy it is to misread and mistranslate the name 
of a god when ideographically written, I propose to identify both. The Synchronistic 
History is, as we saw above, rather arbitrary in transcribing names expressed by ideo- 
graphs. Now as ^'"Enlil may also be written ^^"E.KUR, which latter is according to 
II R. 54, No. 3, 10, identified with Anum,' and as Anum changes with Bugash in such 
proper names as Gu-zar-AN and Gu-za-ar-za-ar-Bugash, Gu-zal-za-ar-Bugash, it is not 
unlikely that the name Nazi-Enlil was written Na-zi-''"E-KUR in the original from 
which *S. H. compiled his story. This Na-zi-''"E.KUR S. H. read Nazi-Bugash,^ and 
Ch. P. shortened it to Shuzigash. 

Furthermore, Kalbu, the writer, praises his Lord and king as "light of his 
brothers," which implies that the he-Vi had brothers. It happens that there is 
mentioned in B. E., XIV, 10 : 56, a certain '"E-mid-a-na-''"'Marduk, who is termed 
TUR LUGAL, "son of the king," and who lived, according to that tablet, in the 
first year of Kuri-Galzu (1. 1). This Emid-ana-Marduk cannot have been the son 

' See also my Bel, the Christ, pp. 17, 16. 

' Thus identifying ^^^S.KUB according to II R. 54, No. 3, 10 with AN^^Bugash), instead of ^^"EN.LIL. For 
AN mti name of ^^^Snlil see p. 80, 



of Kuri-Galzu, because the latter was himself a child, nor can he have been a son 
of Kadashman-Harbe, i.e., a brother of Kuri-Galzu, because if he were he would 
have to be a younger{\y brother; but a younger brother of a sifiru, "a child," would 
not receive "salary," nor can he have been an Assyrian prince — his name speaks against 
such a supposition ; hence the only conclusion at present possible to reach is that 
Emid-ana-''''Marduk was a son of Nazi-Bugash = Nazi-Enlil and a brother of the be-ll 
of No. 24.^ 

On the basis of the above-given investigations we are prepared to establish the 
following succession of the Cassite kings covering both periods, the Amarna and 
that which follows immediately upon it. During the latter our letters here pub- 
lished have been written. 





Kara-Indash I 

Buma-Buriash I 

Kadashman-Enlil I 

Kuri-Galzu I ; daughter 

Buma-Buriash II, " ances- 
tor of Kun-Galzu II " 
I (son ?) 

' For footnotes see page 72. 

Kar(^d)-Indash II ; U-la- 

Bu-ri-ia-ash,^ king of 


Kadashman-Harbezz. Kara- 


zz Shuzigash 

Kuri-Galzu II, sihru,'^ " of 
the house of Buma-Buriash" 

(to be followed by the kings 
as given above, p. 1.) 


Nimmuria {zz Amen- 
hotep III) 

, ^ , 

daughter ; Naphuria 

(zz Amen-holep IV) 

zz "'Na-zi-^^'Kn-lil 

, A 

be-ll (No. 24) ; Eniid-ana- 


(b) The seat of residence of the Cassite kings at the time when the letters here 
pubhshed were written. 

' If he were the older brother, he (and not the cliild Kuri-Galzu) would have been the rightful heir to the throne 
of Babylon. 

' For a complete rendering of this letter see below under "Translations." 

' Mentioned in B. E., 6405 (WeLssbach, Babylonische Miscellen, p. 7), where he is called the "son (TUR) of Bur- 
na-Bu-ra(])-ri-ia-(ish." Cf. now also Thureau-Dangin, O. L. Z., January, 1908, Sp. 31f., who is of different opinion. 

' Through the kindness of tlie Editor, Prof. Hilprecht, who gave me special permission (letter of June 22, 1908) 
to do so, I am enabled to add liere a note about the several papers, treating of the same period discussed above, wliich 
have appeared since the MS. liad been approved and sent to the press. Tluise papers are (a) F. E. Peiser, Chronik P 
und synchron. Geschichte, O. L. Z., January, 1908, Sp. 7f ., and again, I.e., Sp. 140f . ; (6) A. Ungnad, Zur Chronologie der 
Kas.ntendyna.itie, I.e., Sp. llf., and ibidem, Sp. 139f.; («) J. A. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna-Tafeln, pp. 34ff., especially p. 
38 (reached me March, 1908); (rf) Tliureau-Dangin, Z. A., XXI (1907-8), pp. 176ff. (see also above, p. 59, note 1); 
O. L. Z., January, 1908, Sp. 31f.; Journal Asialique, Janv.-F6v., 1908, pp. 117fT. (received July 1, 1908), and the correc- 
tions to the paper, O. L. Z., June, 1908, Sp. 275f. (wiis not accessible to me till July 14, 1908). 

Peiser' s and Knudtzon's genealogy of the kings of this period is nothing but Weissbach re-edited with some sUght 
modifications, hence we need not dwell on their arrangement here. Ungnad omits Buma-Buriash I (why?) and Kara- 
Indash II. About the latter he remarks {I.e., Sp. 13): " Ein anderer Karaindai war wohl der Gemahl der Muballifal- 
SerAa,isl aber selbst kaumKiinig gewe-ien." It is liardly to be expected that the Assyrian king A shshur-uballif with his 
pronounced intentions towards the Babylonian throne would give in marriage liis daughter Muballipat-Sherua to a Baby- 
lonian prince who was not, at some time or another, destined to become the king of Babylonia, nor would he have been so 
anxious to avenge his "son-in-law " if it liad not been for the fact that he wanted to preserve the throne of Babylon for 
"his own family," i.e., for the descendant of his own daughter. Ungnad's (and Knudtzon's) reading Kadashman-ljarbe 
(instead of Kadashman-Enlil) is quite arbitrary. Tliough the Cassite IJarbe was identified witli Enlil, from this it does 
not yet follow tliat Enlil in Oassite namt!s has always to be read Harhe. We know that ^'"Enlil is = ^'"Ekur = 
An, but it would be preposterous to read ^'^Enlil = An, or An = ^^'^Enlil (see also Thureau-Dangin, J. A., 1908, p. 121, 
17). Though Ungnad establishes otherwise the same succes.sion as the one given above, yet I cannot agree with 
him in details. His argument. I.e., Sp. 12, 2, based upon the expression ishlu .... adi of B. E., XIV, 39 : 8, to 
show that Kuri-Galzu, the son of Kadashman-lJarbe, was the same as our Kuri-Galzu I, the son of Kadashman-Enlil I, 
contemporaries of Amen-hotep III, are contradicted by No. 24 : 24, ish-fu bc-na-ti .ihd "^Na-zi-'-^^Enlil a-bi-ka{V) 
li adi ■Ami, for which see above, p. 68, note 4. Ungnad's statement (^c, Sp. 12, note 1) tliat abbu (with double b) 
has to be always a plural is simply an assertion witliout any argument. Ahhu, like aliliu, is very often nothing 
but a grapliic peculiarity of these times. With regard to the investigations of Thureau-Dangin the following: 
In his latest attempt (O. L. Z., 1908, Sp. 275) this scholar arranges the predecessors of Kuri-Galzu (the father 
of Nazi-Marutlash), to whom he assigns the 22d place among the Cassite kings, in the following fashion: (16) 
Kara-hidnsh I; (17) Kadashman-Ijarbe I, liis son; (IS) Kuri-Galzu I, his son (contemporary of Amen-hotep III)', (19) 
Kadashman-Enlil I, his son; (20) Burna-Buria.ih, his son (contemporary of Amen-holep IV); (21) Kara-Indash II, "pelil- 
fdsC!) de liurna-buriah" \ (Nazi-Bugash, "u.mrpaleur") ; (22) Kuri-Galzu, " seeond{'!) fUs de Buma-buriai" and father of 
Nazi-Marutlash. A comparison of tliis arrangement with the one postulated above will show the following differences: 
(a) Kadashman-IJarhe = Kara-fjarda-ih is left out. The reason for this omi.ssion is given by Tluireau-Dangin, J. A., 
1908, p. 127, in the following words: " Kara-^rda) et Kara-indai mentionnis par I'Histoire synchronique reprisentent le 
meme personnnge (liut why?). On a suppose que Kara-indai pourrait Hre le pbre de Kara-Jmrdai. Mais le rcdaeteur n'a 
pu vouloir dire qu'Aiur-uballif etait venu pour venger le pere du roi assassine." But this is exactly what he did want to 
say, see above p. 60. (6) With regard to Kadashman-Qarhe Thureau-Dangin (O. L. Z., 1908, Sp. 275) refers to Ivnudtzon, 
I.e., p. 34, note 2, to Ungnad, O. L. Z., 1908, pp. 12, 15, and to his own remarks in J. A., 1908, p. 128, where he says: 
" V introduction de ce personriage a peut-Hre son explication dans le fait que le rcdaeteur de la Chronique P aura eonfondu 
Kuri-galzu le Jeune, fds de Burna-buriai, avec Kuri-galzu I", fils de Kadashman-barbe. II faut sans doute restituer d 


Prof. Winckler, when discussing the Elamitic invasion under Kitin-hutrutash^ 
at the time of "^ ''"EN.LIL.MU.MU (i.e., Enlil-nddin-shumu, genersdlf-. read BM- 
nddin-shum) , who is mentioned in the ' 'List of Kings" immediately aiter Kashtiliashu 
II, says {Das alte Westasien, p. 20) : "Unter deni nur 1^ Jahre regierenden Bel-nadin- 
shum I, fdllt Kitin-Jiutrutash, Konig von Elam, in Bahylonien ein, verwustet Dur-ilu 
.... und erobert Nippur, das von den Kassiten Konigen bevorzugt und loohl vielfach 
als Residenz henutzt wurde." 

Indeed, Nippur has been the favored city of the Cassites since they ascended 
the throne of Babylon, for already Gandash^ the first of the Cassite kings, called 
Nippur "my city",-^ but that it ever had been used as a Cassite residence has, 
though it was surmised by Winckler, never been proved. 

Without going into details here, I am prepared to maintain, upon the basis of 
the evidence furnished by these letters, that ever since the time of Burna-Buriash II till 
Kashtiliashu II, and possibly longer, as the campaign of Kitin-hutrutash against Nippur 
would indicate, Nippur was, if not the, then at least a royal residence of the Cassite 

Vhistoire de Kadashman-liarbe, pere de Kuri-gahu I"", le recit de la guerre conlre les Suteens." He accordingly assigns to 
tliis Kadashman-ffarbe, the son of Kara-Indash (Ch. P., I, 5f.), place No. 17, and identifies him witli Kadashman- 
Barbe, the father of Kun-Galzu I {B. E., XIV, 39: 8; Winckler, Z. A., II, p. 309). Though the latter identification is 
undoubtedly correct (see above, p. 64), yet tlie Kuri-Galzu, the son of Kadashman-Harbe, is not Kuri-Galzu I, but Kuri- 
Galzii II, sil!:ru (see above, p. 64). From this it follows that Ch. P. did not only not confound Kuri-Galzu, the son of 
Burna-Buriash, with Kun-Galzu, the son of Kadashman-fjarbe, but, on the contrary, knew that both Kuri-Galzus were 
one and the same person. For the reason w^liy Kuri-Galzu sifiru should have called himself both "son of Burna-Buriash" 
and "son of Kadashman-ffarbe" see above, p. 66. (c) With regard to No. 19 I may be permitted to ask: "On what 
authority does Thureau-Dangin maintain his statement that Kadashman-Enlil I is the son of Kuri-Galzu It" (d) 
Burna-Buriash, whom he mentions under No. 20, Thureau-Dangin identifies on the one hand with [ . . . . ]-ri-ia-ash, 
the son of Kadashman-Enlil (Hilprecht, 0. B. I., I', No. 68), and on the other with the Burna-Buriash known from 
Knudtzon, I.e., 9, 19 (cf. No. 11, Rev. 19), where this ruler calls Kuri-Galzu "my father," a-bi-ia, maintaining at the 
same time that the expression "father" has to be taken in the sense of "ancctre" (0. L. Z., 1908, Sp. 275). Though 
it is true that abu may, and very often does, mean "ancestor" (Tigl.-Pil. I, col. VIII, 47; Knudtzon, I.e., 16 : 19, com- 
pared with M. D. 0. G., No. 25, p. 40) — ^just as TUB = maru very often means "descendant" — yet Thureau-Dangin 
still owes the arguments resp. convincing reasons that abu of Ivnudtzon, I.e., 9, 19, has to or must be taken in the sense 
of ancestor. Again, the name [. . . .]-ri-ia-ash of 0. B. I., I', No. 68, may be read with Hilprecht, B. E., XX', p. 52, 
note 1, [Sha-garak-ti-Shu\-ri-ia-ash (the space is large enough for this emendation), see above p. 1. Thirdly, following 
Thureau-Dangin's methods, we might quite as well maintain that the dumu-sag of 0. B. I., V, No. 68, means "principal 
descendant," thus making Shagarakti-Shuriash a "grandson" (instead of a "second? son") of Kadashman-Enlil. By the 
way, on what authority does Thureau-Dangin claim that Shagarakti-Shuriash was the son of Kudur-Enlilt (e) Why does 
Thureau-Dangin (following Ungnad) omit Burna-Buriash It Does he identify him with Burna-Buriash, the son (resp. 
grandson) of Kuri-Galzu I and ancestor (resp. father) of Kuri-Galzu II, ?i}trut What are his arguments for doing so? 
The result : Thureau-Dangin has failed to bring in any convincing arguments wliicli would force us to modify the above- 
given arrangement. 

' See Ch. P., col. IV, 14f. 

' Written ""Ga-ad-ddsh {= UR). 

* Ali-ia Ni-ip-pu (sicl), see Winckler, U. A. G., p. 156, No. 6, 1. 11. 



kings. This follows (1) from the fact that these letters, having been addressed to 
the he-lh, i.e., to the king, were found in Nippur: letters, if discovered at Nippur and 
found to be addressed to the king, presuppose that the king must have lived at that 
place; (2) from internal evidence, (a) Kishahbut, when answering an inquiry of the 
king concerning "wool," says, 35 : 13, dsh-shum SIG^""" i-na En-lil'" a-na be-h-ia 
aq-ta-bi, i.e., ''as regards the wool (I beg to say that) I have spoken about it to my 
'Lord' in Nippur." This shows that i?^'s/lafe6^t<, although "out of town " when he wrote 
his letter, must have been at one time in Nippur, where he reported to his "Lord" 
about the disposition of the wool; but this he could not do except the king himself 
was residing in Nippur. Now, as Kishahbut was a contemporary of Kadashman- 
Turgu (see below, pp. 120ff.), it follows that this king hved in Nippur. (/3) 
Pdn-AN .GAL-lu-mur, a resident of DUr-ilu, when explaining to NIN-nu-u-a why 
he had not sent a messenger previously, says, 89 :21f. : mar ship-ri-ia shd a-na 
"'"En-lil''^ a-na muh LUGAL ash-pu-ru ki i-mu-ru-ka yna-la a-sap-rak-ku iq-ba-a, i.e., 
' 'my messenger whom I had sent to Nippur to the king was, when he would see thee, 
to have told everything I had written thee." Nothing can show more plainly than 
this passage that the king actually did live and reside in Nippur, where he received 
not only the reports of his trusted servants,' but where he also (y) gave orders for 
the disposal of certain goods, see 27 : 29f . : // biltu shd En-liV'' shd be-li u-she-bi-la 
it XX ma-na shd ardi-ka "'Erba-'''^Marduk id-di-na ki-i ii-za-i-zu XL ma-na SIG'"'"^ 
ir-te-hu-ni-in-ni; i.e., "(and with regard to) the two talents (of wool) of ( = for) 
Nippur which my 'Lord' has ordered to be brought and the 20 ma-na which thy 
servant Erba-Marduk has paid, (I beg to state that) after they had divided them, 
they left me (a rest of) only 40 ma-na." The ' 'Lord" to whom Kudurani sends this 
letter (No. 27) is again Kadashman-Turgu ; hence also according to this epistle that 
king must have resided in Nippur. 

The king, however, did not always stay in Nippur, but made, like every good 
"father of his country," occasional visits to other towns, where he condescended to 
hear the complaints and grievances of his subjects; of such an incident we read in 
23:33f.: dsh-shum """'"USH.BAR""'" an-nu-ti shd i-na ''''"Pa-an-Ba-li''' ka-lu-ii 
i-na tj-pi-i''^ a-na be-h-ia aq-ta-bi u shd-la-shi-shii a-na mu-uh. be-h-ia al-tap-ra 
• be-h li-ish-pu-ur-ma li-il-qu-ni-ish-shu-nu-ti , i.e., "as regards these weavers who are 
being held in Pan-Bali, (I beg to state that) I have not only spoken about them 
to my 'Lord' in Upi, but I have written three times to my 'Lord.' My 'Lord' may 
at last send that they take them away {i.e., that they be liberated)." According to 

' Cf. here also such passages as 27 : 20: i-na dtu-ki i-na a-shab be-li-ia a-na be-h-ia aq-ta-bi-ma; i.e., "in the city 
(i.e., Nippur) in the presence of my 'Lord' I have spoken to my 'Lord.' " See also 3 : 22. 


this the king was at one time in Upi, where he received the writer [Imgu]rum in 
audience. The king had promised him to ''do something" for the imprisoned 
weavers, but had, after leaving Upi for Nippur, forgotten all about his promise. The 
writer was determined that the weavers should be liberated; he had written four 
times to his Lord, reminding him of his promise, by addressing this (No. 23) and 
three previous communications to him at Nippur. As Imgurum, the writer, was a 
contemporary of Burna-Buriash (see below, p. 94), it follows that also Burna-Buriash 
must have resided in Nippur. 

In this connection a passage of Ch.P., col. Ill, 9, receives a new and welcome light. 
There it is recorded that Kuri-Galzu, after having conquered the "'"""Tam-tilm, col. 
II, 1. 6], added also Babylon and Borsippa unto his country.' How could this be 
done, seeing that Kuri-Galzu had been seated by Ashshur-uballit upon the throne of 
Babylon? How could he possibly have added Babylon and Borsippa to his land, if 
he resided, as ' 'king of Babylon, " in Babylon? Surely, if we are able to read between 
the lines, the succession of events during the reign of Kuri-Galzu must be recon- 
structed in the following fashion: Ashshur-uballit, after having killed Nazi-Bugash 
and after having proclaimed his great-grandson king of Babylon, foresaw, no doubt, 
some such event as was pictured on p. 70, i.e., he feared that the Cassites would arise 
again and, if possible, get rid of his "child-king." In order, therefore, to insure the 
safety of Kuri-Galzu he established him, not in Babylon, nor perhaps even in Nippur, 
but possibly in DUr-Kuri-Galzu — a fortress founded by the older Kuri-Galzu^ 
and situated near Nippur. Here he probably lived as long as the he-h of No. 24^ 
had power enough to maintain his independence. As soon as Kuri-Galzu felt that 
he was sufficiently strong to cope with his enemies, he went out and conquered them, 
first of all the Cassite party in allegiance with Nazi-Bugash or his sons, then the sea 
country, in order to prevent a possible attack from the rear, and last of all Babylon. 

As soon as Kuri-Galzu had gotten rid of the he-h of No. 24, he established, as is 
to be expected, his residence in Nippur, where he lived till he had conquered Babylon. 
After the conquest of Babylon he possibly might have resided also in that city, 
though there is as yet no proof to that effect. 

' Ch. P., Ill, 9, DIN.TER''^ u Bdr-saj^''- muh ?en{ = EDlN)-ia lu-u-sha-af-tir; i.e., "Babylon and Borsippa I 
caused to write ( = I liad them written, added by means of a treaty after a successful war) to my land (lit. field)." 
To EDIN cf. here the greeting, "to the field (EDIN), etc., of my 'Lord' greeting," which shows that EDIN in the 
passages given above (p. 34) means the whole territory over which the "Lord" was king. 

' Cf. B. E., XIV, 4 : llf., wliere DAr-Kuri-Galzu is mentioned in the 11th year of Burna-Buriash. See already 
.above, p. 9, note 2. 

' Who Ukewise must have resided— for a time at least — in Nippur, or else this letter could not have been 
excavated there. 


As long, then, as we have such indisputable evidence as to the royal residence 
of the Cassite kings at this period we will have to look upon Nippur as a, if not the, 
residence of all Cassite kings from Burna-Buriash II to Kashtiliashu II ; and if so, we 
will surely find, at some future time, if the excavations of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania are to be continued, as is to be earnestly hoped and desired, a royal palace 
befitting the glory and splendor of the "king without equal," of Kuri-Galzu sihru 
and his descendants. Prof. Hilprecht regards the largely unexplored lofty group of 
mounds forming the eastern corner (cf. the map in Series D, Vol. I, p. 305) of the 
temple complex as the probable site of the palace of the early patesis of Nippur and 
also of the Cassite rulers — a palace which, like the Sargon palace at Khorsabad, at 
the same time constituted the strongest bastion in the huge outer temple wall.' 

(c) The nature and purpose of the ''Temple Archives,'^ including the letters 
here published, and their relation to "Royal Archives." 

When I studied Prof. Clay's introduction to B. E., Vol. XIV, purporting to 
give a general survey of the nature of "Temple Archives," as far as they had been 
published by him, the questions uppermost in my mind, about which I hoped to 
receive some information and instruction, were: What are "Temple Archives"? 
What is their nature and purpose? What do they represent? Clay answers these 
questions in the following manner (5. E., XIV, p. 5): "With the exception of 
about fourteen^ documents these inscriptions {i.e., the 'Temple Archives') are 
records of the receipt of taxes or rents from outlying districts about Nippur; of 
commercial transactions conducted with this property; and the payment of salaries 
of the storehouse officials as well as of the priests, and others in the temple service. 
In other words, they refer to the handling and disposition of the taxes after they 
had been collected. " If I understand his explanation of the contents of these tablets 
correctly, I gather that, according to his interpretation, "archives," such as have 

'Cf. Hilprecht in B. E., Series D, Vol. I, p. 485, and "The So-called Peters-Hilprecht Controversy, " p. 254. 
See also above, p. 9, note 2. 

'The fourteen documents which form the exception are enumerated. I.e., p. 2, note 1. They are Nos. 1, 2, 7, 
8, 11, 39, 40, 41, 119, 123, 127, 128a, 129, 135. It will be noticed that, e.g., neither the "inventory" tablets nor the te.xt 
published in B. E., XIV, 4, are enumerated among these exceptions. I therefore drew the natural inference from the 
above given enumeration that tablet No. 4 {B. E., XIV) was likewise regarded by the author of the volume as "a 
record of the handling and the disposition of the taxes," etc., especially as in the "Table of Contents," I.e., p. 61, sub 
4, not a word was said with regard to the peculiar contents of tliis tablet. Cf. my statement in Old Perm, February 16, 
1907, p. 3, col. Ill, below. However, in a later issue of Old Penn (February 23, 1907, p. 8, col. Ill), my attention was 
called to a passage occurring in Clay's "Light on the Old Testament from Babel," p. 312, from which I learned with pleas- 
ure that the true nature of the text in question was stated tliere. Cf. now also Jastrow, Die Rel. Bab., p. 277, note 4. 
As a religious text of a similar type as those known from the Library of Ashurbtoapal it is preferable to exclude this 
tftblet No. 4 from our present discussion, 


been published by him, are "records of the handling and the disposition of the taxes 
from ovtlying districts about Nippur after they had been collected^ Clay's reasons for 
calling these archives Temple Archives are the following {B. E., XIV, p. 6). The 
taxes are temple revenues because: 

(1) Payments are made out of the mashsharti shd ekalli (written E.GAL), 
' 'temple stipend" (XV, 47) ; out of the GISH.BAR.GAL bit-ili, ' 'full tax of the house 
of god" (XV, 37) ; to the ardu and atntu ekalli ( = S.GAL), ' 'male and female temple 
servants" (XV, 152 : 15 and 200, III(!) : 9, 38). 

(2) "Priests" (ishshaku), "the temple gateman" {a-bil bdbi btt-a-nu (sic), XV, 
93), "the temple shepherd" {ndqidu shd Uti, XIV, 132 : 15), "the singer" (zammeru, 

XIV, 6 : 4) are salaried officers. 

(3) The property handled is spoken of as the possession of the god, cf. VI 
(sic, read / SHtJy gur she'um GISH.BAR.GAL sha Hi (XIV, 16 : 1), ' '60 gur of grain 
of the full tax the property of the god. " 

(4) The temple in these archives is usually called bttinu, "our house," cf. VI 
gur LXXXIV qa SHE.BA(l) a-mi-lu-ti sha bUi-nu, "VI gur LXXXIV qa, wages 
for the men of our house" (no reference given^), or simply bitu, "house," cf. ipru 
mare biti(-ti), "wages for the sons of the house" (XV, 200, I : 38). 

With regard to the relation of the Temple to the State, Clay, I.e., p. 6, comes 
to the following conclusion: 

"There is little in the documents (i.e., the Temple Archives) to show that the 
revenues were collected in the interests of the State, or that the king was a bene- 
ficiary, imless perhaps tablet No. 26 : 3 of Vol. XV, which reads: sha a-na SHE.BAil) 
Nippur''' ii Dur-Ku-ri-Gal-zu, "which is for the maintenance of Nippur and Dur- 
Ku-ri-Gal-zu. " This statement is made even in view of the fact {I.e., p. 7) that 
"amounts are also paid (XIV, 148), sha si-ri-bi-shu sha sharri, a-na nu-ri sha 
sharri, a-na sharri." 

It was necessary to state Clay's views about Temple Archives at some length 
here, because I beg to differ from him upon important points. But before stating 
my own view with regard to the character and contents of the Temple Archives, 
it seems desirable to add a few words about two terms often occurring in these texts. 

The chief reason why Clay did not recognize the true character and nature of 

' SHtJ is an abbreviation of shu-shu = soss = 60, just as ma is abbreviated from ma-na. For SHU cf. also B. E., 

XV, 19 : 20 I 73 : 15 I 149 : 44 | 154 : 45 ! 199 : 29, 40, and see tlie later KU = rubii or "prinee" among the numbers, 
which shows that KU has to be read shu{shu). 

2.But:see B. E., XV, 41 : 3. 



the "Temple Archives" is to be found in the fact that he failed to see any difference 
between S.GAL = ekallu = "palace," sc. of the king, and £j-7iu, "our house," . 
"our temple." 

tl.GAL or ekallu in our letters as well as in B. E., Vols. XIV and XV, does 
not signify the "temple" (Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 6; XV, p. 18, transl. of No. 7, above), 
but always the "royal palace." This follows evidently from B. E., XV, 50 — a tablet 
which I translate and interpret differently than Dr. Clay; see I.e., p. 17, No. 7. 
On accouat of its importance I may be permitted to reproduce it here in transcrip- 
tion, adding to it the translation as given by Clay : 

1 3 (GUR) 90 (Clay wrongly 84) (qa) 3 gur 84 qa of ashanna grain of the full 


2 m ii"XXX-is-sah-ra • 

3 ''""'^DUB t].GAL { = ekalli) 

4 u-she-is-sa-am-ma 

5 a-na ""In-na-an-ni 

6 i-na-an-din 

7 "'-"ASH. A. AN 

8 shattu 15*"" 

9 3 {GUR) 90 (Clay again wrongly 84) 

{qa) - ''«XXX-("') 

10 ASH.AN.NA {''") is-sah-ra 


12 En-lil''' 

13 "* ''""XXX-is-sah-ra 



(under) the seal of the temple 

carried away, 

and to Innannu 

he shall pay. 


3 gur 84 qa of ashanna grain 


in the royal seed gur 

of Nippur [shall measure.] 

[Seal of] Sin-issahra. 

Against this translation is to be said: (1) The expression ina SHE.BAR GUR 
LUGAL En-liV'^ (11. 11, 12) can never mean "in the royal seed gur of Nippur," but 
would have to be translated, if En-liV'^ really does belong to the preceding line, ' 'in (or 
"according") to the grain-measure of (a) GUR of the king of Nippur"; (2) but this 
translation shows at once that Enlil'"' cannot belong to LUGAL, because, firstly, the 
Cassite kings, though residing at Nippur, do not take the title "king of Nippur," and 
secondly, a royal gur was everywhere the same, the Nippurian did not differ from that 
of Babylon or Sippar; (3) the expression "'"''^DUB ^.GAL u-she-is-sa-am-ma (11. 3, 4) 
can be rendered only "per sealed order {"'""'DUB = anything that is sealed, "letter," 
"order," "decree," etc.) of the tl.GAL (as such to be distinguished from the DUB 
tl-nu, B. E., XV, 36 : 19) he caused to go out, " or ' 'he caused to carry away. " Sin- 


issahra comes to Innanni, the chief bursar of the Temple storehouse, with a sealed 
order of the 6.GAL calling for 3 gur and 90 qa of wheat. Innanni honors this order 
at once and gives permission to Sin-issahra to have it removed, but stipulates 
that the wheat is to be returned or paid back to him again. Accordingly 11. 1-8 
are a "statement" of Innanni in the "form of a note of indebtedness" (Schuldschein) , 
and as such quite different from a simple "note of indebtedness." (The latter 
would have to read : X gur of wheat Sin-issahra has per order of the £l.GAL received 
(imhur) from (ina qdt) Innanni. DUB '" ^'""XXX-issahra). But any "statement 
in the form of a note of indebtedness" has, if it is to be valid, to be signed by the 
debtor. Sin-issahra, being the debtor, signs it in the briefest possible way: "3 
gur 90 qa of wheat Sin-issahra {sc. has received) according to the GUR{ha.r\ey)- 
measurfe of the king. — Nippur. — Sin-issahra." Taking 11. 9ff. in this sense they 
contain the signature of the debtor in the form of a receipt, which makes the ' 'state- 
ment of indebtedness" a regular ' 'note of indebtedness." But, and this is important 
here, Sin-issahra wants grain "per order of the iJ.GAL,'^ and receipts for it as having 
been given him "according to the king's, i.e., the royal GUR." This shows quite 
clearly that in orders for the tl.GAL royal measures were or had to be used, hence 
S.GAL cannot be the "Temple," but must have been the palace of the king. At the 
same conclusion we arrive when considering sundry other passages. Cf. e.g., B. E., 
XIV, 167 : 10, where the amount of grain designated as PAD ^.GAL is differentiated 
from that intended for the BAR ( = parakku) ^'"En-lil (1. 8), etc., etc. If, then, the 
S.GALhe the "royal palace," we have to see in the karii J^.GAL a "palace or royal 
storehouse." Such a storehouse is mentioned in the archives and is called karH 
ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUG"'.' Wheat which was paid at the karU ASH.TAB.BA. 
GAN.TUG'''' is called in the closing paragraph (B. E., XV, 38c : 27), ASH.AN.NA 
shd i-na mah-ri-im im-hu-ru a-na ZER t^.GAL nadna""; i.e., "wheat which they 
(= German "man") received formerly and which was given (paid) for (as) seed- 
corn of the 'palace.' " Again, B. E., XV, 96 is, as Clay correctly recognized (I.e., 
p. 22), "almost identical" with B. E., XV, HI, which was written two years later. 
As both tablets are payments of salaries to various officials whose names are iden- 
tical, or nearly so, in both tablets, and as the one (No. Ill) mentions ASH.TAB.BA. 
GAN.TUG'"^ (1. 24) as the place where the payments to these officials were made, 
while the other (No. 96 : 1, 25) informs us that it was Kan-du-ru-[u''% we are justified 

' B. E., XV, 135 : 7, so and so much flour (ki-mu), interest (UAB.RA), a-na kartX 6.GAL a-na karil ASH. TAB. 
BA.GAN .TUO''^ '^Nu-im-ak-te ish-shi, "to the palace storehouse, i.e., to the storehouse of (or "called") ASH.TAB.BA. 
GAN.TUG Nunakte took." Cf. here also the b/irrdn Ash-ta-ba in Bu. 91-5-9, 381 (C. T., II, 37), 1. 6. 

' B. E., XV, 38c : 1, ASH.AN.NA shd i-na karH ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUG''' GISH.BAR 5 qa nadnu''''. 


in identifying both: ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUG^' is = Kan-du-ru-[u''J , maintaining 
at the same time that both were a "palace storehouse."' As over against the ti.GAL 
or "palace" (sc. of the king) the "Temple" is called l^.A-nu, i.e., "House of 
A-nu," B. E., XV, 93 : 5. Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 6, reads Ut-a-nu, "our house." 
But in view of the fact that (a) such a monstrous Babylonian form — half Sumerian 
and half Semitic : S.A-nu = bit-a-nu = hiti-nu — would be, to say the least, very strange 
for this and later periods,-' (6) that in our letter, No. 35 : 15, tl.A-nu is followed imme- 
diately by hah A-n[u-um];* (c) that the determinative for "god," ilu, is very often 
omitted before the names of gods in these texts, I prefer to read as given above. 
But in this connection it ought to be remembered that A-nu is simply the semiticized 
Sumerian for Uu, signifying in each and every case the highest god of a city, whether 
that god be AN or Enlil or Marduk, or whether the city be Nippur or Babylon or 
Dur-ilu, etc. In this way it happened that Enlil, the god of Nippur, was simply 
called AN {B. E., XIV, 16 : 1 | 132 : 3, 4, 54; XV, 97 : 3 | 115 : 11 | 143 : 2 | 163 : 28), 
and the Temple of Enlil at Nippur was termed not only k.KUR {B. E., XIV, 148 : 2), 
but also 1J.AN.KALAM.GAL, "the temple of the great god of the (Babylonian) 
world" (B. E., XIV, 148 : 15, 18; XV, 34 : 2), or merely ^.AN {B. E., XIV, 24 : 16; 
XV, 37 : 1). That this i].AN or "Gotteshaus" was indeed the temple of Enlil of 
Nippur is evident from a passage in B. E., XV, 128 : 14, which mentions the il.AN{^) 
En-lit^ shd i-na libbi-nu, "the house of god ( = temple) of Nippur which is in our 
midst." Of this house the Nippurians speak as the ^.AN'tj-nu, the "house of 
god our temple," B. E., XIV, 159 : 2, or simply as tl-nu, "our temple"; see, among 
other passages, also 5. E., XIV, 148:45, 47; XV, 38 : 2 | 44 : 6 | 71 : 6 | 73 : 10 | 77 : 5 | 
79 : 4 I 89 : 3 I 92 : 16 I 127 : 5 I 154 : 21 I 168 : 26. As there was a DUB ^.GAL 
{B. E., XV, 50 : 3) so there existed also a DUB iJ-nu {B. E., XV, 36 : 19), as there 
are mentioned ardi resp. amat ^.GAL (see p. 77) so there occur also a-mi-lu-ti 
shd iJ-nu {B. E., XV, 41 :3). All this, then, forces us to separate the ^.GAL or 

' Also written Kan-du-ri-^^ , see List in B. E., XV. It is also mentioned in our letters 18 : 38, [. . . .]""^«'' shd 
Kan-du-ri-e [. . . .]U-ta-al-ku-ni [....] a-na mu-uk-fii he-Vi-ia [ul-te-la\-a. Cf. here also kadurrO, = kaddurrA = kandurU, 
Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 319o; B. A., IV, 485, and Nagel, I.e., p. 482 : (1) Frohndiensl, (2) Frohnarbeiter, Leibeigener. 
The city read by Clay, B. E., XV, p. 53&, Sfie{'!)-du-ru.-u-er-tu''^ has to be transcribed, of course, kan-du-ru-d ^i^UD^^. 

' For other occurrences of 6. GAL cf., e.g., the ardi £.GAL in letter No. 34 : 11 and B. E., XV, 84 : 2 | 152 : 15 | 
200 III : 38; V : 6; amat {GIN) i-GAL, B. E., XV, 200 II : 33, 37; III : 2, 9, 21; libitlu{'>) 6.GAL, letter No. 50 : 11; 
shd-lam-ta-shii a-na M-GAL sh:i-bi-lam, 59 : 4; mash-shar-ti shd Fl.GAL = "special fund (of 10 GUR) set aside by the 
palace for the payment of certain officers or otherwise," B.E., XV, 47 : 1 . For mashshdrtu = "special fund," see p. 96, note 4. 

' Cf. here also the amelu shd muh, S.A-nu, i.e., "overseer of the house of god," H., VIII, 855 : 1, and see the EN tl 
inB. B.,XIV, 122 : 4. 

* And is differentiated from the 6.GAL which precedes the 6.A^rm\ 


"palace" from the S-nu resp. £.AN, tl.A-nu or "Temple."' If we thus distinguish 
between t.GAL and tl.A-nu, the tablet published in B. E., XV, 93, becomes 
of special importance. We learn from it that a certain ""Amel-Ba-nu-u, who is a 
a-bU bdbi ^.A-nu, a "doorkeeper of the Temple," i.e., a Temple official, receives 
a certain amount of grain in "'"Kan-du-ri-e''' from Innanni, the chief bursar of the 
Temple storehouses during the time of Kuri-Galzu. But Kandure was, as we saw 
on p. 80, the same as ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUG'", the "Palace storehouse "—hence a 
Temple official is paid out of the Palace storehouse, and Innanni, the chief bursar of 
the Temple storehouses, appears here also as the chief bursar of the Palace store- 
house; in other words, Innanni, the chief bursar, and Amel-Banu, the gatekeeper 
of the 6.A-nu, were both Temple and Palace, i.e., royal officials, otherwise Innanni 
could not have exercised authority over the royal storehouse, nor could Amel- 
Banu have been paid out of it. No wonder, then, that Martuku, who succeeded 
Innanni in the capacity of chief bursar of the Temple storehouses during the reign 
of Nazi-Maruttash, is called in B. E., XIV, 56 : 9, a-rad LUGAL, "servant of the 

Is it under these conditions to be wondered at that even the king himself — 
directly or indirectly — should appear as a beneficiary of the revenues of Enlil of 
Nippur? In proof of our contention that the king actually was such a beneficiary 
cf. the following expressions, occurring in the "Temple Archives": bil-la-ti shd 
LUGAL, B. E., XIV, 116 : 1; e-li LUGAL, I.e., XV, 33, 34; bronce a-na i-ter {hardly 
shul, kar, see p. 88, note l)-ti ^'''MAR LUGAL, I.e., XIV, 124 : 16; a-na LUGAL, 
I.e., XIV, 148 : (43), 44, 46; na-gid shd LUGAL, I.e., XIV, 132 : 17; sak-shup-par 
LUGAL, I.e., XV, 154 :41; a-ra-ad shar-ri. I.e., XV, 199 :30; a-rad LUGAL, I.e., 
XIV, 56 : 9; '""''-SAG LUGAL, I.e., XIV, 132 : 2; GU.EN.NA EN.LIIL"'], I.e., 
XIV, 136 : 1, etc., etc. Cf. also the facts indicated on p. 79, namely, that a royal 
measure (gur LUGAL) is employed in a Temple storehouse, and that Sin-issahra, 
though acting as the head of the Palace storehouse of Kandure and as such giving 
grain a-na tl-nu, i.e., "to our Temple" {B. E., XV, 89 : 3), receives grain "per order 
of the Palace" {tl.GAL) from Innanni, the bursar-in-chief of the Nippurian Temple 
storehouses. Cf. also the ina muh LUGAL, p. 84, note 9. 

This result, derived solely from the "Temple Archives" as published by Clay, 
is more than corroborated by several passages from the letters here published. 

' See here also the ^'' = MH in B. E., XV, 200 I : 17, and the ku-tal ^'\ "the rear palace of the ^'V' in '-C-, XV, 
80 : 11 (of. Letters, No. 23 : 13, ku-tal; 23 : 8, ku-tal-li, and 60 : 8, zer ku-tal). An EN ^ = bfl btti occurs, e.g., in B. E., 
XIV, 122 ■. 4. Whether this £*' means "palace, " or more probably "temple " cannot be made out as yet with certainty. 
The bel 6 is, no doubt, the same as the amelu shd mub 6.A-nu, cf. H., VIII, 855 : 1. 



In Chapter III we have shown that all letters addressed to the be-l\ or "Lord" 
were intended for the king. Bearing this in mind I included in this collection, for 
definite reasons, the peculiar tablet published under No. 60. Whosoever merely 
glanced at the "Temple Archives" known from B. E., XIV, XV, will recognize a 
similar document in the Obverse of No. 60, while the Reverse apparently is a letter 
addressed to the "Lord" (be-h) or king, in which an unknown writer begs him to 
command that, among other things, certain oxen of the yatesi's be brought down.' 
Now, as the Obverse is a record concerning the receipt of grain (SHE) from certain 
crops (har-bu) of the patesi's, and as the Reverse contains a letter addressed to the 
king, the natural inference to be drawn from this letter is that the king was the person 
to whom such records had to he sent. In other words, this tablet proves that the 
Temple Archives loere records made and kept for the king, as the highest official of the 
Temple of Enlil at Nippur. The "Temple Archives," therefore, at the same time are 
Royal Archives. 

What was the purpose of these archives? Kishahbut, when answering an 
inquiry of king Kadashman-Turgu whether sesame-oil had been forward e(J or not, 
writes to his "Lord" as follows (35 : 30ff.) : dsh-shum shamnu ( = NI.GISH) shd be-Vi-ia 
na-shii-[ma'!] il-ta-na-su a-na ""Ku-du-rla-ni] [ardi]-ka ki-i aq-bu-ii um-ma-a shamnu 
{=NI.GISH) i-na qdti-ia [i-din] be-h a-na shatammi ( ==SHAG.TAM) li-ish-pu-ra-ma 
shamnu ( = NI.GISH) shub{ = RU)-ta lish-ki-nu-[ma] , i.e., "As regards the sesame- 
oil of my 'Lord' (I beg to report) : 'It has been removed' they read, when I spoke 
to Kudurani thy servant: 'Give the sesame-oil to me.' My 'Lord' may now send 
to the shatammi that they store up the oil." 

The expression il-ta-na-su (P of nOtJ') refers here apparently to the action of 
consulting a tablet recording that such and such an amovmt of sesame-oil had been 
removed (nashi) by a certain person in the name of the king or "per order of the 
palace," "''""DUB 1).GAL. Everything that was either received from (shd ina 
qdt .... mahru) or paid out to {shd ina libbi shd .... ana .... nadnu) or 
removed (shd ishtu .... nashd) or taken away from (shd ishtu .... laqil) or 
delivered to (shd ana .... shuld) or taken to (shd ana .... nashii, resp. laqu) 
the different storehouses or possessions of the Temple under royal administration 
had to be faithfully recorded on tablets under the name of the donor or recipient, for 
future reference (as here) or for the examination by the king, resp. his representatives. 
Hence the Temple Archives primarily are "Records" embodying statements about 
many things in connection with the royal administration of the Temple property; 

' No. 60 : 9, « shd alpe^"'^ shd pa-te-si^"''^ .... be-l'i li-ish-pu-ra-am-ma li-ri-id-du-[. . . .]. 


they are "Administrative Records," more particularly "Royal Administrative 
Business Records in connection with the Temple property, resp. its revenues." As 
such they give us an insight into the methods employed by the king, resp. his repre- 
sentatives, while administering these revenues. 

The action of recording a certain item under the name of a person, city, etc., or 
names of persons, etc., in the so-called "Temple Archives," is referred to in such 
expressions as xx. ska i-na DUB.SHA.RA' . . . .MU "'X shat-ru {B. E., XIV, 
168 : 34, 43) or [xx. sha] i-na DUB shd '"" Ardi-BelU{ = GASMAN)''' shd-at-ru 
{B. E., XV, 199 :37). "To record," then, is shatdru ina, arid "Temple Archives" 
are called DUB, resp. DUB.SHA.RA. Besides these two there occur still the 
following names for "Archives," viz., DUB shii-ma-ti* (thus especially where several 
items are recorded under various names), or [DUB] shu-ma-a-ti^ , or dup-pi shu-mn-ti^, 
or dup-pi shu-ma-Hi-ti,' or DUB MU'""'',^ or only MU'""'"; thus apparently desig- 
nated on account of the expression MU.BI.IM^" = shumdti, found so often on tablets 
of this character. And as we meet instead of MU.BI.IM also GISH^^ or za-kar( \)-tum^^ 
we may not be wrong in saying that "Temple Archives" were termed also DUB 
MU.BI.IM; DUB GISH"; DUB za-kar-tum; DUB MU.BI.'* At the end of each 

' If the document records that the items are for a certain period, say, e.g., a year, this is entered here, thus shd 
shaUi a;.*""', i.e., "for the year so and so," of., e.g., B.E., XIV, 168 : 33. 

»0r we might transcribe DUB.SHA.Rt{ = uru). 

' Tliis shows clearly that Ardi-Bclit, because a tributary storehouse to that of Nippur, had to keep its own 

• B. E., XIV, 168 : 55; XV, 199 : 33, 37, 38, 44. 
' B. E., XIV, 168 : 22, 58. 

*B.E.. XIV, 99 : 66. 
' B. E., XIV, 99 : 31. 
» B. E., XIV, 168 : 17. 

• fin-bi-A-a-ri writes to the chief bursar Innanni, 85 : 8, SHE.BA MU'""'' a-na "» ^'"XXX-is-safe-ra i-di-in, 
"tlie wages for those persons (= MU'""'') give to Sin-issafira," i.e., the wages as recorded on the tablet giving the 
"names" of the persons hand over to Sin-issa}ira; so, no doubt, better than shu'atu, because in business transactions 
the amount of wages must always be specified. But the specification was to be found on a tablet containing the MU'""'' 
= MU.BI.1M or "names." See p. 116, note 6. 

'» See B. E., XIV; XV passim. For MU.BI.IM we have also MU.BI, e.g., B.E., XIV, 51, 1. 

" B. E., XV, 59 : 2. 

" B. E., XIV, 89 : 3. 

'=Cf. here also the interestmg variant in B. E., XV, .59 : 12, SHE.gAR.RA GISH-rum{\) which corresponds 
to I.e., 11. 1, 2, SHE.QAR.RA .... GISH, hence GISH. = GISH-rum = zikarumT'"" = za-kar-tum. 

" Cf. here also the MU-NE.NE in Cassite Tablets published by F. Peiser, e.g., P. 89 : 15; P. 100 : 6 (1. 5 only, 


year, i.e., either in the second' (so most generally), or the last,^ or the sixth/ in other 
words, around the end of the first resp. sixth month, the different heads of the store- 
houses or of the possessions (e.g., flocks, etc.) of the Temple were required, it seems, 
to make their yearly^ reports, i.e., "to draw the balance of accounts" (epesh nikasi,^ 
resp. ri-ha-a-nu ska DUB. SHAR""'''^) or "take the inventory" of the stock (mi-nu 
shay in the presence of {sha ii-kin-nu) a royal{\) official, either the """"'"SAG LUGAL' 
or the GU.EN.NA, i.e., sheriff," of Nippur, when they (the shepherds or other parties 

'Cf. B. E., XIV, 57, SHE GISH.BAR 6 qa shd i-na libbi te-li-ti shd shatti 12*"'" '■^"Na-zi-Mu-ru-ut-ta-dsh i-na 
Za-rat-IM''^ a-na pa-te-si^'-" rmdnu"'^, but dated, I. 35, '"'ti'^GUD.SI.Si shatlu la*""". B. E., XV, 23 : 7, ak-lu ishtu 
'"•4"G[/D.S/.S2 shd shatti s'""" adi '"'li"GUD.SI.S} shd shatti 9*""". B. E., XV, 25 : 6, ak-lu GISH.BAR SHE.BA 
ishtu '"■k«GUD{shd)shatti 9*<"" adi '"'li"GUD(slid)shatti lO*""". B.E.,XV, 28 : 1, SHEASH.AN.NA shatti 11(!)'='"", but 
dated 1. 12,'"'<i"GUD.SI.Sl shattu 12*°'". See here also B. E.,X1V, 133:10, ak-lu 12 ( Clay 's copy is wrong and misleading) 
arhu ishtu Ami 1*<"" shd '"'li'^GUD.SI.Sl shd shatti 6*<"" adi Ami 30*"'" shd '"'^''BAR.ZAG.GAR shatti 7*'"". The dup-pi 
ri-ki-ish-ti (B. E., XIV, 42) was drawn up at the end of the year, i.e., at the time of the epesh nikasi. Here probably 
belong also tablets like B. E., XIV, 48 : 20 | 52 : 1 | 80a : 9; B. E., XV, 112 : 9. In view of these examples it is most 
likely that also at the time of the kings of Ur the yearly epcsh nikasi did not take place in the first Q^^SHE.IL.LA) 
but in the second C^"GAN.MASH) month — just as at our present times, when the books resp. their accounts are bal- 
anced in February. Dr. Myhrman informs me that he has definite proofs which show that not GAN.MASH but SHE. 
IL.LA was the first month of the year at the time of the kings of Ur. GAN.MASH is mentioned so prominently in 
the tablets of the Ur dynasty because it was, as second month, that of the epesh nikasi. See Dr. Myhrman's forthcoming 

' B. E., XIV, 58 : 51, so and so much shd ishtu '"'li^'BAR shd shatti IS*""* adi '"'li''SHE.KIN.KUD shd shatti 13*"'" 
.... nadnu""^. Cf. here tablets like B. E., XIV, 124 : 18; B. E., XV, Nos. 12, 52, 53, 119, 120, 130. In B. E., XIV, 
123a : 2 the copyist (Clay) must have made some mistakes. While we read I.e., 1. 13, naplyar 13 ma-na 19i I'll {sc. 
URUDU) ZI.GA MU 8(!)*"'", the copy reads in 11. 1, 2, URUDU ZI.GA .... ishtu '"'b'^KIN (so the traces given) 
shd shatti 7( !)*<"« adi '"'^^"SHE shd shatti s'""". According to this the ZI.GA would extend over a space of one and a 
half years — a thing absolutely impossible and against 1. 13 where tlie ZI.GA is onl}^ for the 8th year; hence read in 1. 2, 
ishtu "'•6"Bire(!) shd shatti 8( !)*"'" adi """S^SZ/fi shd shatti 8*"*". 

' B. E., XV, 16 : 10, ak-lum .... ishtu "'■b'^KIN shd shatti 4*"'" adi "''b^KIN shd shatti S*""", dated, 1. 13, 
'^'■b<^KIN-^''^Innanna Amu 29*"'" shattu 5*"'"— hence the last month excluded. B. E., XV, 10 : 11, ishtu arbuj^j^Jlu 
Innanna shd shatti 1*"'". adi '"'b'^NE.GAR shd shatti 2*"'", i.e., both months included. 

* For half-yearly reports see, e.g., B.E., XIV, 56a; 31, ishtu "^'buDUL.AZAG adi '"^^"■BAR.ZAG.GAR. B.E., XV, 
111 : 1, ishtu '"'b^DUL.AZAG shd shatti 20*"*" adi '"'b'^BAR.ZAG.GAR shd shatti 21*""", i.e., the last month e.xcluded, 
cf. 1.23; so also i.e., 96 : 1., XIV, 117 : 1, i5WM"''4''Df/Lodi"'"6"S//fi,t.e.,bothincluded.,XIV, 91a :2, 
ishtu "■''b'^BAR adi '"'b"KIN shd shatti 3*""", i.e., the last month included. I' or quarterly reports cf. e.g., B.E., XV, 7 : 10, 
ishtu "'b'^ASH.A.AN adi "'buoUD.SI.lSl]. 

' Cf. Letters No. 86 : 2S,uat-ta [NIG].SHIT-shuC!) e-pu-ush-ma; 92 : 26, ii NIG.SHIT-ni it-ti a-ba-mi-ish i ni-pu- 
ush-ma; B. E., XIV, 99: 3Q,NIG.SHIT i/y-shu; I.e., 140 : 4, ishtu NIG.SHIT-shuip-shu; I.e., 168:23; i-na NIG.SHIT 
shd shaUi 1*""*; B. E., XV, 39 : 16, i-na NIG.SHIT KU.DA ul id-di-in shu-il i-pal. 

• B. £., XIV, 136 :1. 

' B. E.. XIV, 99 : 1 I 99a : 46 I 132 : 1. 

» B. E., XIV, 132 : 1, [mi-nu LIT.GUDb'"] u GANAM.LUb'" shd i-na shatti 6*"'" Shd-ga-ra-ak-li-Shur- 
id( = abnu)-dsh [""AmelC!)-""] Marduk """'^'^SAG.LUGAL li-kin-nu-ma. Cf. p. 134. 

' B. E., XIV, 136:1, ri-hfl-a-nu shd DUB.SHAR""^^ shd NIN.AN"'^''' shd ""Amel-'^" Marduk Gtj.EN.NA 
En-li[l''^] i-na "'"^" NE shd shatti 9*"'" Shd-ga-ra-ak-ti-Shur-ia-dsh i-na muli LU[G A L] ii-kin-nu. For tlie signification of 
Gtj.EN.NA = sheriff, see "Translations," pp. 133f. Notice the ina muh LUG-iL = "for (in place of) the King," 


concerned) had to testify to the truth of their statements' before "God" {AN = 
Enlill). This having been done the "records" were sent to "headquarters," i.e., 
to Nippur. For how could it possibly happen, I ask, that, e.g., a document like 
that of B. E., XIV, 37, was found in Nippur — a document which records how much 
grain {SHE) was received {mah-rum) and stored up {tah-ku) in the storehouse {i-na 
karu) of Bu-un-na-''''Marduk'"' during the 22d year of Kuri-Galzu? Surely, 
the fact that this document was excavated in Nippur shows that the "head" of the 
storehouse at Bunna-Marduk had to make his report and send it to Nippur. In 
this connection our letter published under No. 76 is especially interesting. In it 
the father asks his son, "Send the report to the 'lord of the barley'," i.e., the store- 
house official, ' 'in order that I may send my report to the 'Lord {he-el) '."^ No better 
evidence than the one contained in this letter could be expected to establish our conten- 
tion that the archives are ' 'administative records." Or, I ask again, why should B. E., 
XIV, 65, have been dug up in Nippur, seeing that that tablet states the amount 
of grain {SHE) which Apil-Rammdn has removed {ish-sha-a) by means of ships 
{i-na "^^''MA) from {ish-tu) Du-un-ni-A-hi''^? And again the answer has to be: 
It is a "record" of the expenditures in connection with the storehouse in Dunni- 
Ahi^ during the first month of the 15th year of Nazi-Maruttash which had been 
forwarded to headquarters. In this wise it happened that we found among these 
"Temple Archives" so appallingly many documents which apparently came from 
other places than Nippur.^ Nippur, therefore, must have been the central ' 'record- 
ing office," the executive department of the administration of the Temple properties 
under royal supervision. Such documents, thus forwarded and excavated in Nippur, 
cannot but be records (yearly, half-yearly, etc., as the case might be) of the receipts, 
resp. expenditures of grain, etc., in connection with the particular "depot" or 
"storehouse" from which they come; in other words, they are business records giving 
us an insight into the administration of the several "depots" or "storehouses" connected 
with that of the Nippurian Temple under the chief supervision of the Cassite kings; 
they are administrative business records of the Temple properties, resp. its revenues, ■ 
made and kept for the king. 

These administrative records, having arrived at and been received by the executive 

' More particularly to three things: (a) shd pi {==KA) ki-ni (= col. I); (b) [shd a-na e-s]i-ri nadnu^" (resp. shda-na 
e-si-ri kun-nu, col. II) ; (c) m RI.RI.GA na-gidF"'''' a-na pfin ( =SHI) AN (= Hi = Entil) ish-pu-ru (resp. shd a-na mab-ri 
AN shap-ru, col. Ill), B. E., XIV, 132. Notice tliat amounts of cols. II + III are= col. I! 

' See below, under "Translations," p. 144. 

' Cf. here the "List of Places" a.s given in B. E., XIV, XV, and notice that Innanni, the chief bursar of Nippur, 
had authority not only over the Nippurian Temple storehouses, but also over all those mentioned above, Chapter I (p. 2, 
note 13); yes, even over the taru j^.G.-li, ASH .TA B.BA .GAN , TUG , resj). Kandure; see pp. 81, 110. 


department in Nippur, had necessarily to have a place where they could be deposited 
for future reference, resp. for inspection by the king or his representatives. This 
place was the S "''""DUB' or also called iJ ku-nu-uk-ki,^ resp. S "^""DUB shd t^.GAL,^ 
where they have been excavated by the Babylonian Expeditions of the University 
of Pennsylvania. And as Hill VI (Hilprecht, B. E., Ser. D, Vol. I, p. 305, Plan of 
the Ruins of Nuffar) represents the place where all the "Temple Archives", together 
with the letters here pubUshed, have been found, there is nothing which might prevent 
us from identifying the ruins of Hill VI with the t '"''""DUB shd S.GAL, so called 
because the tl.GAL or "Palace," resp. its occupant, the be-li or king, had to administer 
the temporal affairs, resp. earthly possessions, of the "Temple of Enlil at Nippur." 
This he did either personally or through his trusted servants, the arad LUGAL (cf. 
Martuku, the "servant of the king," who is the chief bursar at the time of Nazi- 
Maruttash, B. E., XIV, 56 : 8). Now we also understand the reason why the Cas- 
site kings of this period very often ascribe to themselves the title which precedes all 
others — even that of "king of Shumer and Akkad," resp. that of "king of the four 
corners of the world" — the title GI R.N IT A or shakkanakku ''"Enlil.* 

' B. E., XIV, 104 : 6. Cf. Letter 84 : 7, 10, p. 114. 

' B. E., XV, 53 : 12. Notice in this connection the a-na Eti-lil^^ after E ku-nu-uk-ki, thus showing that this 
building was indeed situated in Nippur. 

' B. E., XIV, 124 : 6. 

* Cf., e.g., the inscriptions of Kun-Galzu {^iUru) in I R., 4, XIV, Nos. 1-3; Winckler, K. B., IIP, p. 154a-c. For 
other occurrences of shakkanakku see, e.g., Gudea, Cylinder B, VII : 20; VIII : 7; Statue B, IV : 13; E. B. H., p. 255, 
note 12 {AN-Mu-ta-hil the shakkanakku oj Dur-ilu'^^), and Hinke, B. E., Ser. D, Vol. IV, pp. 312a, 173. For the read- 
ing of the ideogram GIR.NITA (not NER.ABAD) see Thureau-Dangin, Z. A., XV, p. 46f. With GI R.N IT A is 
closely connected the well-known official title GIR, so often found in tablets from the second dynasty of Ur. In my 
E. B. H., p. 424, I said: "The GIR seems to liave been an officer resembling very much a 'quartermaster.' He had to 
look after the food of the royal officers as well as that of the priests, and even of the royal flocks." This will now have 
to be modified. The GIR who figures so conspicuously in the Ur tablets was what we might call an "auditor." one 
who had to approve the expenditures, resp. receipts, mentioned in those tablets, who had to "0. K." them — put, so to speak, 
his seal to them. Such a fmiction of an "auditor" was also exercised by Innanni and his successors as chie] bursars of 
the Nippurian Temple storehouses. This is evident not only from the "checkmarks," but also from such tablets as 
B. E., XV, 1 and 2; I.e., XV, 8 and 9; I.e., 23 and 25. Clay, who translated the first two mentioned, thinks that they 
were "salary payments," adding, "in tliis class of tablets the seal impression of. anotlier is frequently made upon the 
document, evidently by an officer who recorded the payment or delivered the goods mentioned" (B. E., XV, p. 19; 
cf. B. E., XIV, p. 14). This latter explanation contains the reason why Clay misunderstood the character of the tablets 
just mentioned. The seal found on a tablet always proves that the person to whom the seal belongs was the debtor, was 
the one who "received" the amount specified in the tablet. Payments of salary at the time of the Cassite kings were 
well regulated, as is apparent from, e.g., B. E., XIV, 58. If B. E., XV, 1, 2 were, as Clay claims, such payments of salary, 
there would be, at least in Innanni's case, no regulation whatever; i.e., the so-called salary received by Innanni for the 
fifth day of the first month (B. E., XV, 2) would be completely out of proportion to that received for the period extending 
from the first dayof the tenth to the fourth day of the first month (B.^.,XV, 1). No, not salary payments are those tablets, 
Bor do they indicate that payments had to be or were made to Innanni. They are nothing but .inweisungen, or "cheques" 
or "drafts" on certain storehouses endorsed by the cliief bursar; they were "bills" "O. K."-ed by Innanni. When some 


From the position the Cassite kings hold in relation to the administration of 
Enlil's earthly possessions, it is at once evident that shakkanakku cannot be derived, 
with Delitzsch and others who follow him, from "sha" + "kanakku" and be trans- 
lated "Verschliesser, Thilrhuter, Vorsteher, Machthaber" (Deliztsch, H. W. B., p. 338a), 
or "the one of the door" (Jensen, Z. A., VII, p. 174, 1), but that it must be taken ^ 
as standing for "sha" + "kandku" (= qandqu), i.e., ' 'the one who exercises the function 
of the 'sealing,' one who 'seals,' the man of the 'seal' of Enlil." The Cassite kings 
of this period, then, are t}ie authoritative representatives of Enlil, through whom 
Enlil, ' 'the king of heaven and earth," exercises his power and his authority, through 
whom he administers his kingdom, through whom he shepherds and feeds his people 
— they are "the food of the people, the platter of man."' Nothing could be done, 
nothing could be either removed from or be added to the possessions of Enlil, except 
the king first gave his authorization (seal) ; and if the king did, Enlil acted through 
and by him. The king's approval is Enlil's seal and authority. In this sense the 
Cassite king, as shakkanakku of Enlil, was but the earthly representative of his god 
— a representative whose business it was to administer and ' 'regulate the tithes of 
£\KC/ft and Nippur."^ Now, as the "Temple Archives," i.e., the Archives of the 
Temple t^.KUR, the sanctuary of EnUl of Nippur, concern themselves with the 
administration of Enlil's possessions, and as the king as shakkanakku ^'"Enlil has to 
seal, to approve them, it follows that these "Temple Archives" are at the same time 

governor or other person sent his mdr shipri to the chief bursar with the request that certain amounts of grain or certain 
cattle were to be given to the writer, tlie chief bursar, after having satisfied himself that the request wa.s justified, sat down, 
wrote an Anweisung to the storehouse, stating what was to be given to tlie bearer of the draft or Anweisung (who in this 
case was the miir shipri), at the same time "endorsing " it (that it was "O. K.") by putting his name to it. The head of the 
storehouse, not knowing the mCir shipri, thus not being sure that the things asked for would fall into the right hands, asked 
for identification. The mdr shipri identified himself by producing the endorsed or "O. K."-ed draft of the eliief bursar. 
Whereupon he (the mdr shipri) received the goods, but had to give up the draft, which now insured tlie head of the 
storehouse against any loss or fraud, for he (the head) could cover the expenditure with the certified draft of the chief bursar. 
These drafts, together with the DUB MU^"'^ to wliich they belong, were sent to the executive department and, after 
having been examined, were deposited in the 6 "''""DUB. In case where such a draft bears the "seal" of a certain 
person, this seal proves that person, tlius represented by it, to be the one who "had actually received" the goods speci- 
fied in the tablet or draft, and served thus as a safeguard not only for the chief bursar, but also as a means of preventing 
the head of a storehouse from "cheating " — from saying that certain goods had been delivered to a certain party, while 
in fact they were not — for the head of a storehouse might possibly imitate an endorsed draft, but he could not very 
well imitate a "seal impression." Lastly, the "recipient" by putting his seal on the draft could not venture to deny 
the receipt of the goods, which he otherwise miglit possibly do by saying that the head of the storehouse had delivered 
the goods to another party or had forged the "draft." Cf. in this connection the interesting passage in 83 : 35, 36, where 
Innanni is threatened with an accusation, "thou hast given to Mdr-Tddu (i.e., to another person) an order on my barley." 
"To give to somebody an order on sometliing" means at this time "ushshuru a-na "'X. i-na libbi xx." 
» No. 24 : 5. 
Sa-dar DI.KA (I = satuk) 6.KUR ii EN.LIL''\ Hinke, B. E., Ser. D, IV, p. 144, II : 3. 


Royal Archives; hence the tl "'"'''DUB is at the same time an j^ "'^''DUB shd S.GAL, 
because it contained the official administrative documents of the Temple as approved, 
sealed by the king. 

Right here some one may object that the E "''"''DUB, resp. the ^ '''"'"DUB 
shd iJ.GAL, if certain passages of B. E., XIV and XV, and Letter No. 84 are taken 
into consideration, was used also for "storehouse" purposes. Upon closer observa- 
tion this objection will be found to be of no avail. In B. E., XIV, 104 : 3 we read 
of a certain amount of butter (NI.NUN) belonging to the NIN.A[N""'''] shd i-na 
shatti 13*"™ Ka-ddsh-man-Tur-gu "'Irim-shu-''''NIN.IB im-hur-mn a-na J5 "'""'DUB 
ii-she-ri-bu a-na4:'""''^"'SAG{?) shd-pi-ik, "which Irim-shu-NIN.IB received in (during) 
the 13th year of Kadashman-Turgu and which he (they?) caused to bring to the 
^ "'"'"DUB, having it put up (or putting it up) in 4 SAG-']ars." B. E., XIV, 124 : 6f. 
informs us of two amounts of bronze {eru) which ""Ilu-MU.TUG.A-ri-ma receives 
(ma-hi-ir). The first of these amounts is specified as shd S "^'"'DUB shd 6.GAL shu- 
us-si shu-sa-a, i.e., "which the 6 "''"''DUB shd tl.GAL caused to go {i.e., sent) out," 
and the other as coming shd qdt "'Na-ah-zi-''''Marduk, "per order of Nahzi-Marduk." 
Both amounts were received a-na i-ter{1)-ti'^ "''''MAR LUGAL "as an indemnity for 
the royal wagons (chariots)." B. E., XV, 53 : llf. mentions wheat flour (ZID.DA 
ASH.AN.NA) shd tl ku-nu-uk-ki a-na En-lil''' ts/i(? or na?)-shu-u, "due to (or 
belonging to) the S .ku-nu-uk-ki (and which) they brought to Nippur." Finally 
Letter No. 84 : 5f . contains the following exhortation addressed to Innanni : ' 'ma- 
an-nu SHE.GISH.NI li-is-hu-tu-u-ma NI.GISH a-na S "''"''DUB li-she-ri-bu u 
at-ta SHE.GISH.NI-ka su-hu-ut-ma NI.GISH a-na 6 """"DUB shu-ri-ib," i.e., 
"All who press out sesame must bring oil (in) to the 6 "'"'"DUB, therefore press out 
thy sesame and bring the oil (in) to the ^ "''""DUB."' 

Examining these passages we find that B. E., XV, 53, is an administrative 
record (having been forwarded to Nippur from Za-rat-IM'''), which enumerates 
the expenditures in wheat made during the course of a year, being therefore dated 
from the 29th day of the 12th month. At the end of the regular expenditures two 
additional notes are added, one of which, quoted above, implies that the E ku-nu- 
uk-ki at some previous time must have sent orders to Zarat-IM ' that they 
(=German ' 'man") take wheat flour to Nippur. The ^ ku-nu-uk-ki here apparently 
denotes as much as "the head of the 6 ku-nu-uk-ki," and is as such exactly parallel 
to our "such and such a house has ordered these and those goods." The same is 

' For i-fer-tum, "indemnity," see Hilprecht, B. E., IX, 41 : 7, e-Per-H i-nam-din-u' a-na, "shall pay an indemnity 

' Cf. here p. 114, notes 3, 4. 


true of B. E., XIV, 124, where the tl '^^DUB shd tl.GAL, i.e., the head of the 
house mentioned, shussi shusd the bronze. These two passages, then, show that 
orders were sent out from the J& "'"'''DUB to certain men or branch storehouses.' 
But this could be done only if the 6 "'""'DUB of Nippur was a building containing 
the administrative and executive department of the various branch storehouses con- 
nected with the Temple of Nippur. From here orders were sent out for the delivery 
of goods to this building, and, after having arrived there, they were distributed 
to wheresoever it was found necessary. It served, therefore, as a kind of a central 
clearing house, which again is paralleled at our present day by the fact that a great 
business corporation, such as the Temple of Enlil must have been, has likewise a 
central clearing, house which is generally connected tvith the main office or executive 
department. In this sense B. E., XIV, 104, and Letter No. 84 have to be under- 
stood. Is it under these circumstances at all surprising that in this central executive 
office, from which the manifold possessions of the Temple of Enlil were administered, 
letters should be found which were addressed to the administrator-in-chief, the 
representative of Enlil, the he-Vi or king? 

We had to find such documents in this building, because each and every corre- 
spondence carried on about the administration, resp. methods in connection with 
the administration of EnliVs property, had necessarily to be addressed (a) either 
to the highest official, i.e., the king as "shakkanakku of Enlil," or (6) to the king's 
representative, i.e., his chief bursar, etc. And, if so, we had to find a correspondence 
also between "officials and officials," i.e., between officials outside of Nippur and the 
king^s representatives at Nippur. Both classes of correspondence are represented: 
Nos. 1-74 contain letters addressed to the king, and Nos. 76fT. are those addressed 
to the king's representatives in one capacity or another. With these facts before us, 
the title of this volume, "Letters to the Cassite Kings," is not only justified, but is, 
in fact, the only proper one. 

But the question may be asked, and quite rightly, how have we to account 
for the fact that letters written by the several kings themselves were recovered 
from this S "''""DUB shd t^.GAL, which was, as has been claimed, the adminis- 
trative department (of the king as highest executive officer) of the Temple of Enlil? 
Then, again, numerous scientific, historic and religious texts, such as omens, hymns, 
prayers, incantations, etc., have been found in this "administrative building (resp. 
buildings connected with each other)." How, I ask, can we account for the presence 
of such texts in the ^ "'"'"DUB shd S.GAL? A comprehensive answer to the latter 

' Resp. that the heads of the storehouses sent tlieir "orders" to the "central" office at Nippur to liave them 

"filled," see No. 45, pp. 142f. 


question will be given when the several classes of texts will be published. At the 
present only this much: At the time of the Cassite kings the ^ "''""DUB shd ^.GAL 
enibraced in its walls the administrative resp. the executive department of the Temple, 
by which and through which the shakkanakku ''"Enlil, the king, governed and 
officially directed both the temporal and the spiritual affairs of the worshippers of 
Enlil. In this wise it happened that the 6 "'""'DUB shd 6.GAL became the ' 'Min- 
isterium" with its different departments — administrative, religious, educational — as 
such containing tablets which are either "administrative records" (Temple Ar- 
chives) or religious (Temple Library) or educational (Temple Library and Temple 
School) in character. This I maintain in the face of and notwithstanding the 
clamor of certain men who, on account of their inability to read and interpret cunei- 
form inscriptions or who on account of their lack of acumen to discern between the dif- 
ferent classes of texts, can, in the ruins of Hill VP, not see anything but a "kitchen 
midden," and in the tablets there excavated, but so much "dried mud," "potsherds," 
"dead, meaningless, insignificant bricks." 

The tablets recovered from the ^ "''""DUB shd tl.GAL form thus an exact 
parallel to those found in the rightly famous Library of Ashshur-bdn-apal. To 
uncover here all the various parallels with regard to the several classes of texts would 
lead me too far, and is, in fact, beyond the scope of these introductory remarks. How- 
ever, as we are concerned with the "Letters" of the ^ "''""DUB shd S.GAL, I 
may be permitted to compare these briefly with those of the K. Collection, i.e., 
with those letters which form an integral part of the Royal Library of Ashshur-ban- 

1. Though we find in Ashshur-bdn-apal' s Library^ some letters that are addressed 
to the "prince," TUR LUGAL,' "princess," TUR.SAL LUGAL,* or "queen 
mother," AM LUGAL,"" by far the greater number are written to the "KING," 
LUGAL. Of the one hundred and three letters here published seventy-eight" are 
addressed to the be-li or king. 

2. In the Library of Ashshur-bdn-apal, Royal Library as it undoubtedly was, 
we also find a correspondence between officials; thus we meet with letters addressed 

' Situated on the west side of the ShaU-en-NU; see Hilprecht, B. E., Ser. D, I, p. 305, Plan of the Ruins of Nuffar. 

^ Here I take into consideration only those letters which are designated as "K," omitting the D. T., Bu., and 
all other collections. 

^Cf. K. 641 (H., I, 10) ; K. 629 (H., I, 65); K. 1101 + K. 1221 (H., II, 152); K. 614 (H., II, 175); K. 589 (H., 
II, 187); K. 1048 (H., II, 189); K. 1303 (H., V, 500). 

« K. 476 (H., I, 54). 

» K. 478 (H., Ill, 254); K. 825 (H., Ill, 263); K. 523 (H., Ill, 324); K. 980 (H., VI, 569). 

• Nos. 1-74 + 33a, 59a, 60o, 73a. 


to the (a) '"""'"ENGAR^ or ikkaru, originally "farmer," here probably a high 
official; (6) ''"'''"[A.B]A KUR; ''secretary of the State"; (c) ^"'''"A.BA £:.GAL,' 
"secretary of the Palace"; (d) ""^^''ndgir S.GAL,* "major domo" ; (e) """'^""LUGW 
or stikkallu, "ambassador"; (/) """^'"/rZ" or abbarakku; (g) """'"GAL-SAG' or 
rab-shaq; (h) """'"EN.NAM^ or bel pahdti, "governor"; (i) amelu shd muh S A-nu," 
"man who is over the house of God," i.e., "the Temple superintendent." In the 
administrative department of the Temple under the Cassite kings we also have a 
correspondence between "Temple resp. State officials.""" If it be objected to 
my including such letters into a volume ostensibly called "Letters to the Cassite 
Kings," I ask my would-be critics why they do not object to calling the Library of 
Ashshur-ban-apal a Royal Library, seeing that it includes not only a correspondence 
between "officials and officials" but even such unmistakably "private^^ documents" 
as letters from "* ^'"AG-EN-shu-nu to "" Ashshur-mu-dam-me-ik" ; from '"Um- 
ma-ni-id to '''A-ma-'-gu-nu,'' "his brother"'' (SHESH-shu); from "" '^"Nergal- 
SHESH-ir to - '"^AG-u-shal-lim,'' "his brother"" (SHESH-shu); horn "• ''"EN-u- 
gU to ""Ku-na-a,'" "Yii^ father"^' {AD-shu); from "'MU.GI.NA to "" ^'''Nergal- 
SHESH-ir^^ ; from "'A-qar-[''''EN-lu-mur] to ""EN-ib-ni^^ ; from an unknown writer 
to " ''"PA-IK-shi,^" and last, but not least, a letter to ""XXX-man-nu-GAR-l . . .] 
from ""XXX-KAK-lni?],'' "thy servant" (ardi-ka), etc." If it be not objected 

' K. 568 (H., I, 4); K. 1197 (H., I, 15); K. 1049 (H., I, 38); K. 113 (H., II, 183); K. 112 (H., II 223); K. 13,000 
(H., Ill, 332); K. 88 (H., VIII, 816). 

' K. 547 (H., I, 62); K. 175 (H., II, 221). 
' K. 1274 (H., II, 220). 

• K. 485 (H., I, 112). 

» K. 1070 (H., I, 70); K. 655 (H., II, 132); K. 986 (H., VIII, 844). 

• K. 910 (H., II, 145). 

' K. 597 (H., Ill, 283). 
' K. 1376 (H., VIII, 830). 

• K. 1226 (H., VIII, 855). 
'» Cf. Nos. 76-99. 

" PrivateO), because both the writer and the addressee appear in these letters without any titles whatsoever. 

" K. 1396 (H., II, 185). 

" K. 831 (H., II, 214). 

" Cf. above. Part II, p. 14, note 3. 

" K. 1228 (H., Ill, 229). Cf. K. 830 below, note 18. 

'• K. 1239 (H., II, 219). 

" Cf. our Letter No. 76, which is written by a "father" to his "son," p. 144. 

» K. 830 (H., V, 527). Cf. K. 1228 above, note 15, 

» K. 1158 (H., VIII, 854). 

»K. 578 (H., Ill, 273). 

" K. 585 (H., V, 523). 

» Gf. K. 186 (H., II, 222), / 


to such apparently "private' letters forming part of a Royal Library, it need not 
worry us to have included in our volume of "Letters to the Cassite Kings" twenty-four 
specimens representing a correspondence between officials and officials. 

3. But the most remarkable of all is that there have been found in the Library 
of Ashshur-ban-apal letters — decrees — written either by himself or by other kings. 
We have "royal decrees" {a-mat LUGAL a-na) to "the Nippurians" ("""''"EN. 
LI[L'''-a]y ; to "the people of the sea country, old and young, my servants" 
C""''" """"Tam-tim-a-a '^"'au^B.BA"''"' u TUR"^"^ ard&"''''-iay; to "the Gambulseans" 
{"'"''"Gam-bu-la-a-ay ; to "the Rashseans, old and young" {""'''" "'^''"Ra-sha-a-a 
"""^"AB.BA"''''' u sih{=NE)-ru-u-tiy; to "Shadu and the people of Erech, old and 
young, my servants" {""Sha-dv? ii ""^eiujjj^ ameiu^^^^^meah ^ TUR""^'' 

arde""^'''-iay ; to "Nabu- .... and the people of Erech, old and young, my servants" 

(or KAKy; to "• ''''XXX-tab-ni-usur ( = SHESHy; to "" ''"AG-ibashi = I K)-shi'''; to 
"'A-shi-pa-a'' ; to "^ ^""EN-etir ( = SHUR^'' ; to "" ^"XV-lnd'id ( = I)]" ; to ""Zeru-u-laf* ; 
and last, but not least, a royal decree to "the 'Not-Babylonians' " (a-mat LUGAL 
a-na la """''"DIN. TER''''^'''y\ We furthermore find in this Library royal ' 'orders ' ' (or 
decrees, a-bit LUGAL a-na) to "the Babylonians" {'"'''"'KA.DINGIR''''"''''y'' ; to 
r" ii^PA-shar( = MAN)-ahe{ = PAP)'^''''-shu''; to the "queen-mother" (SAL AM 
sharri ( = MANy^; to ""Man-nu-ki-MM'^ ; to '"A-shi-pa-a"' ; to "" ''''PA-dur( = BAD)- 

' K. 94 (H., Ill, 287). 

* K. 313 (H., Ill, 289). 
' K. 1054 (H., Ill, 293). 

* K. 1139 (H., Ill, 295). 
»Cf. K. 5457 (H., VII, 754). 

* K. 1162 (H., Ill, 296); cf. 83-1-18, 27 (H., V, 518). 
' K. 1271 (H., Ill, 297). 

« K. 95 (H., Ill, 288); K. 828 (H., Ill, 291); K. 938 (H., Ill, 292). Cf. also 67-4-2, 1 (H., IV, 399) ; 82-5-22, 
97 (H., IV, 400); 83-1-18, 31 (H., IV, 402). 

» K. 824 (H., Ill, 290). 

'• K. 1085 (H., Ill, 294); cf. 82-5-22, 91 (H., V, 517). 

" K. 1883 (H., Ill, 298); of. a-Ht LUGAL a-na '"A-shi-pa-a, K. 592 (H., Ill, 305). 

" K. 13135 (H., Ill, 299). 

" K. 13154 (H., Ill, 300); cf. a-bit LUOAL a-na " ''" XV-nd'id (= 7), S. 1942 (H., IV, 417). 

"83-1-18, 30 (H., IV, 401). 

" Bu. 91-5-9, 210 (H., IV, 403). Though numbered "Bu." tliis tablet undoubtedly belonged originally to the 
K. Collection. 

•• K. 84 (H., Ill, 301). 

" K. 96 (H., Ill, 302). 

" K. 486 (H., Ill, 303). 

'» K. 533 (H., Ill, 304). 

» K. 592 (H., Ill, 305) ; cf . a-mat LUGAL a-na '"A-shi-pa-a, K. 1883 (H., Ill, 298). 


usur ( = PAPY; nay even an ''order" of a "princess" to ' ^'"Ashshur-sharrat (a-bit 
TUR.SAL LUGAL a-na SAL ^'''SHAGi = lihhu) .ER-shar-mty and a letter of a 
"prince" {IM TUB LUGAL) to the """""Sha-na-i'. How have we to account for the 
presence of royal letters in a Royal Library? Did Ashshur-ban-apal extend his 
activity in procuring the best and choicest specimens of Babylonian and Assyrian 
literature as far as to have his scribes copy even royal letters? Or are we to suppose 
that those royal decrees have never been delivered to the various addressees, thus 
happening to be found in this Library, to which they really do not belong? Or, if 
they had been delivered, have we to maintain that it was customary to have copies* 
made of letters Uke these, and have those copies deposited in a Library, so that 
the king could "keep track" of his various orders and decrees? Or, lastly, did the 
messengers to whom these decrees had been entrusted go and communicate them 
to the several addressees and, after having read them to the persons named, bring 
them back with them and deposit them for future reference in the Royal Library 
of Ashshur-ban-apal? How, I ask again, could such royalletters possibly be found 
in a royal library? Whatever reply we may make to these questions, the same with 
equal force holds good of the royal letters — one or possibly two of which (Nos. 75 
and 93) have been published here — to be found among the administrative records of 
the Temple under royal supervision. And as long as there is no objection made to 
the fact that the Royal Library of Ashshur-ban-apal may(!), as it actually does, 
include in its collection of documents both an official and private correspondence, 
just so long will I be justified in maintaining that the letters here pubUshed form a 
part, small and fragmentary though it be, of that collection of tablets now known 
as "Temple Archives," which with the tablets of the Temple Library and the Temple 
School constitute the contents of the E "'""'DUB shd E.GAL, or simply E "'"'''DUB, the 
bU tapshuhti," "the place of the appeasing"" of Enlil. 

' K. 622 (H., Ill, 306). 

'K. 1619 B (H., Ill, 308). 

' R. M. 72 (H., IV, 430), probably belonging to Ashshur-ban-apal's Library. 

* Cf . here above, Chapter III, tor the several copies to be found among the Amarna Letters, see p. 57, note 2. 

« Cf. K. 11,174 (= B. 4., V, p. 634), Rev. 11. 13, 14. 

' I.e., then as now the favor of a god can be obtained only by contributing freely, in the form of tithes and taxes, 
towards the maintenance of the worship, ritual, and priesthood of the great E'^lil of Nippur. A god can be appeased 
only by offerings — for the benefit of his (the god's) priests. 



In order to illustrate more fully the general character of the letters here pub- 
lished I may be permitted to submit a few of them in transcription and translation, 
adding such critical notes as might be found necessary to elucidate their contents 
more clearly. While in the autograph plates the letters have been arranged alpha- 
betically according to the names of the writers, I have followed here the, no doubt, 
more scientific method of giving them in their historical sequence. 

No. 23 (= C. B. M. 11,090). (Cf. photograpliic reproduction, PI. V, 12, 13.) 

Imgurum, a royal official stationed at Dur-Kuri-Galzu, reports to his "Lord," King 
Buma-Buriash, about the affairs in connection with the administration of his 
office. About 1430 B.C. 

The author of this letter, Imgurum, has to be identified not only with the writer 
of No. 22,' but also with the addressee ""Im-gu-ri of No. 79 : 1, a contemporary of 
the slave-dealer "* ""En-lil-ki-di-ni, who flourished, as we saw above (pp. 54ff.), 
during the time of King Burna-Buriash. From this it would follow that Imgurum 
was likewise a contemporary of Burna-Buriash. This result is corroborated by the fol- 
lowing two considerations: (1) In 22 : 6 Imgurum mentions a certain ""Qu-za-lum, who 
appears in B. E., XIV, 8 : 30 (dated the 21st year of Burna-Buriash) among the 
witnesses^ at a legal business transaction executed by "" ^'"En-lil-ki-di-ni (11. 22, 25). 
(2) '^Ki-din-''"Marduk^ referred to in our letter (1. 23) is mentioned, B. E., XIV, 
7 : 34 (dated the 18th, better 19th, year of Burna-Buriash), as the father of a certain 
""Ta-ki-shum, who appears likewise as one of the witnesses at a slave sale executed 
between the two brothers "• ''^NIN.IB-SHESH and - ''"NIN.IB-MU-MU (sellers) 
and "* ^""En-lil-ki-di-ni (buyer). According to 1. 29 Imgurum was apparently sta- 

' In both the greeting is the same and in both the writer records about the disposition of adobes, resp. burnt bricks. 
' Called here ■^iJu-za-lum mdr "> ^'""En-lil-bHC^ EN)-Ut(,= AN)'^''^. 
' Cf . also the &lu shd ""Ki-din^^^^Marduk in B. E., XIV, 166 : 9. 

Prom the temple archives op nippur. 95 

tioned at Dur-Kuri-Galzu, where he had charge both of certain building operations 
in connection with its palace or temple (cf. 11. 4-18) and of the weaveries and its 
personnel.' The fact that No. 79 was found in Nippur would show, however, that the 
writer must have been living, for some time at least, also in Nippur. 

The contents of this letter are the following : 

(a) The disposition of adobes, 11. 4-10. 

(6) The disposition of burnt bricks, 11. 11-13. 

(c) Elul is the propitious time for transferring the resting chambers (of the god), 
11. 14-18. 

(rf) Bel-usdtum has not yet delivered the bleached wool, 11. 19-20. 

(e) Accounting of the disposition of wool, 11. 21-28. 

(/) Complaint, 11. 29-32. 

(g) Request that certain weavers be finally dismissed out of the prison at Pan- 
Bali, 11. 33-39. 

The letter reads : 

1 [ardi-ka '"Im-gu]-rum a-na di-na- Thy servant Imgurum; before the pres- 

an he-Ti-ia ence of my "Lord" 

2 [lu-uiyii-ik may I come! 

3 [a-na hU he\-h-io? shu-ul-mu To the house of my "Lord" greeting! 

4 [. . . p + 6 Af lihittu{= SHEG-gunH*) x + 6000 adobes have been made dur- 

a-di^ umi 4*"'" la-ah-na-at" ing four days. 

5 [ ] M lihUtu{ = SHEG-gunu) I caused to fetch y + 1000 adobes to 

a-na pi{?)-i na-ak-ba-af the entrance of the excavation 

' As Imgurum reports (22 : 5) about the condition of ^Ga-ga-da-ni-ium, the zammerlu, who is sick, it would seem 
that he superintended also the personnel of the Temple or Palace, for a zammertu or "songstress" was, no doubt, connected 
with botli the Temple and the Palace. 

' Emendation according to 22 : 4 — hence also our reading of the writer's name, ['"Im-gu]-rum. For this form of 
greeting see also 35 : 3, p. 121 . 

' The space is too small for dsh-shum. Here and in 1. .5 a larger number has been broken away. 

* For SHEG-gunA (not given by Clay, List of Signs) cf. Thureau-Dangin, R. E. C, No. 129. Cf. also 11. 5, 11. 
In 35 : 29 the simple SHEG occurs. 

' "Up to the fourth day," i.e., "during four days," "in the space of four days." Cf. H., IV, 392, Rev. 16, a-du 
■Ami'"'"'' 7, 8, i-ba-la(, "he will be well within a space of seven (or) eight days." 

' For the construction Idbnat, singl. after x + 6000 libiitu, see Hilprecht, B. E., IX, p. 35, note to No. 6, li. 1, and 
cf. p. 137, note 3. 

' Here, of course, not Grab, Begrdbniss, Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 580a, but "cellar," "excavation." Tlie pi naqbar 
is the "entrance to the cellar," or that place where the cellar empties into the open air or into another room. A "mouth" 
(pd) is ascribed not only to a "cellar," as here, but also to a "canal" (No. 34 : 22; cf. B. E., XIV, 29 : 2, i-7iapt{=KA) 
n&rii—A.GUR.DA) dU-ki, i.e., "at the mouth of the canal of the city" or "at the mouth of the SAaH-en-JVtf, the canal of 
the city {sc. of Nippur) par excellence," where the little hamlet, called Pt-ndri/'^, was situated) and to a natbaktu, see 12:9, 
i-na pi{= KA) na-at-ba-ak-ti, cf. p. 96, note 5. 


6 du-ul-li-ia^ u-ra-ad-da-ma? I am working at ; 

7 a-di i-na "'^"TashrUu^ = DUL. and till I shall lay the foundations in 

AZAG) ush-shi? a-na-an-du-ii the month Tishri, 

8 i-ga-ra shd i-na ku-tal{ = RI)-li* ad- I shall have torn down the wall which is 

du-u-ma in the rear (palace) . 

9 20 na-at-ha-kv? uh-hu-ru^ The remaining twenty heaps I shall 

' For the various significations of dullu see, besides Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 2196, also Behrens, L. S. S., II', 
p. S. Here it is to be taken in the sense of "working at," cf. H., V, 471 : 18, dul-li shd 6.SAG.JL, "the working at 
Esagil," to be compared with I.e., Rev. 7, wliich shows that tlie letter refers to building operations. 

' (J-ra-ad-da-ma, because construed here with a-na, cannot be taken as a II' of III mi, DeHtzsch, H. W. B., 
p. 6136 (this has eli). Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 317, has shown that there is only one mi, although the various significa- 
tions assigned to this verb by him (fliessen, nachfolgen, hinterhergehen, treiben) ought to be enlarged 'so as to include 
also the meaning /tt/trere (Behrens, L. S. S., II', p. 6, note 2), and "to take," "to fetch," cf. Nagel, B. A., IV, p. 480, and 
see Letters of fjammurabi, No. 78 : 18, ish-te-en ta-ki-il-ka a-na BAbili'"' li-ir-di-a-dsh-shii-nu-ti, "one of thy trusted servants 
may bring, take, fetch them to Babylon." The II' of mi is here "causative," i.e., "to cause to bring, fetch." Uradda 
for uraddi because it stands in the chief sentence. 

' Ushshi a-na-an-du-u = anaddd, with the signification "to lay the foundations" sc. of my dulli (1. 6), i.e., of 
the building I am at present working at. AddiX-ma, here of the "completed action in tlie future" = "I shall have torn 
down " == "I have torn down." 

* For ku-tal see besides Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 362a, also Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 464, and below, 1. 13, ku-tal na- 
ka-si. In No. 60 : 8 the zer ku^al is mentioned and in B. E., XV, 80 : 11 we are told of the mash-shar-ra-tum shd i-na 
ku-tal htti*'' tah-ku, i.e., of the mashsharrdtii = pi. of mashshdrtu) which are "poured out," i.e., stored up in the rear 
of the "house." This latter passage shows that the translation "stipend" for mashshdrtu {Cluy, Er.'E., XIV, p. 30, 
note below, who follows DeUtzsch, //. W. B., p. 4336) is out of place here. A "stipend," surely, could not and was not 
"stored up." Mashshdrtu signifies at this time the "reserve fund," hence it is not only "stored up," but out of it pay- 
ments are made; cf. B. E., XV, 76 : 2, SHE shd i-na libbi mash-shar-ti '"'fi''AB.UD.DU nadnu""; I.e., XV, 

106 : 1, SHE shd i-na libbi mash-shar-ti i-na '^^''Kal-U-ia'''' i-na{ = "as") GISH.BAR.GAL rmdnu^''; I.e., 164 : 1, 
SHE. . .shd i-na libbi mash-shar-tim shd "'In-na-an-ni "'Ta-ki-shti nadnu"'* (notice here the reserve fund of Innannil). 
In B. E., XIV, 92 : 2 the mash-shar-ti shd kariX Kdr-Zi-ban^^ is mentioned and in B. E., XV, 47 : 1 we are told that 
payments were made i-na libbi 10 GUR mash-shar-ti shd £.GAL, i.e., out of the Palace's reserve fund of 10 GUR. B. E., 
XV, 40 : 5 mentions the total of SHE nadnu"^ i-na libbi mash-shar-ti wliich SHE is according to I.e., 1. 1, that shd i-na 
kariX ASH.TAB.[BA.Y3AN.TUG''* nadmi""^. From this it follows that the Palace, the several storehouses, officials 
(like Innanni), and even months had each their special "reserve funds." In some passages, as e.g., Str., IV, 374 : 10, 
mashshdrtu might be translated even by "collateral security." Mashshdrtu, then, is "something that is left over {mush- 
shuru) to insure the payments of certain obligations." 

' Na-at-ba-ku here (and in 22 : 15, [na]-at-ba-ki [at-t']a-ba-ak) apparently a singl. masc, although after the num- 
eral 20 ; for construction see p. 95, note 6. Also a fern, form of this word is found, see, e.g., 3:15, 21, shd na-at-ba-ak-ti ; 
3:19, a-na na-at-ba-ak-ti (so also I.e., 11. 30, 32) ; 3 : 20, mu-ii ul-tu na-at-ba-ak-ti shd ^^"Gir-ra-ga-mil{ = a city !) li-zu-ni ; 
68 : 26, eqlu(,= A.SHAG) shd na-at-ba-ak-ti shd Kdr-^''"AG; cf. also 12 : 6, 10. In 3 : 17, 55 we have na-at-ba-ak-la, 
and according to 12 : 9, i-na pt(= KA) na-at-ba-ak-ti, it has an "opening," a "mouth," an "access "to wliich one 
may come. Tlie plural of natbaktu is found in 12 : 4, x na-at-ba-ka-a-ti. The root is, of course, tabdku, "to 
pour out " ; here, because u.sed of bricks, "to store, pile up." A natbaku, natbaktu accordingly would be " some- 
thing that is stored, piled up," a "heap," "pile," comprising a eertain number oi bricks. For ta6<(fai in this signification 
cf. e.g., B. E., XIV, 37 : 2, SHE mah-rum shd i-na kard. . .tab-ku; B. E., XV, 122 : 8, the grain which a-na libbi 
SHE.GAL tab-ku, i.e., "which has been added to the great grain (das Stamm-, Haupt-kom)." See also note 4 and 
cf . B. E., XIV, 144 : 4, 10 GUR 1 P/( = 36 qa) tu-bu-uk-ku-ii i-na 1 GUR 1 PI, i.e., "10 gur and 36 qa 'stored up' (extra) 


10 e-ki-ir-ri-im-ma' a-tab-ba-ak pile and store up. 

11 10 M agurrui = SHEG-gunu AU) 10,000 burnt bricks of (by?) the wr-ra-^a^ 

ameiuQugfjURiov VR) .RA.GAL^""" have been made. 


— ^for each gur (cf. 1. 3) 1 PI (or 36 go). " One gur of grain stored up at harvest time lost in volume during the time of 
its being stored up, i.e.,, it dried up, it shrunk — hence at the end of, say, one year 1 gur of grain would be equal not to 
180 qa but only to 180 — 36, i.e., to 144 qa. The shrinkage of grain at this time, then, was computed at the rate of 
1 PI or 36 qa to 1 GUR or 180 qa, i.e., at the rate of 1 to 5 qa. Grain or cereals thus stored up to insure against shrinkage 
were called BAL or ti-ib-ku or tab-ki, out of which, if not used, payments might be and were made. For (SHE) BAL 
cf. B. E., XV, 115 : 1 I 144 : 6 I 94 : 2; for {SHE) tab-ki see, e.g., B. E., XV, 10 : 7 | 29 : 6 | 115 : 1, 4, and for (SHE) 
ti-ib-ku (-ki), B. E., XV, 80 : 1 (here it is simply stated that a tibku was added to the different items of grain); B. E., 
XV, 66 : 3 (here we have GISH.BAR ti-ib-ki instead of the more commonly used GISH.BAR tab-ki, hence tibki = tnbki). 
How many bricks such a natbaku or natbaktu comprised, cannot be made out as yet. In view of the fact that the bricks 
excavated at Mppur, and now preserved in the Babylonian Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, were at all 
times of a certain "standard size and thickness," and tliat tibki in the historic inscriptions signifies the "height" of a 
"brick" or "layer of bricks," then a "measure of length" (cf. the German " so vnd itoviel Backsteinschichten hoch"). Prof. 
Hilprecht is inclined to see in a natbaku a quadrangle or rectangle comprising a certain number of tibki, hence a "pile 
which is of a certain height, length and breadth." 

• Stands either for slid ufifiuru, masc. singl. on account of natbaku, or it may be taken as an adjective, Delitzsch, 
Gram., p. 2416. Cf. here 68 : 34, zcru shd ufi-liu-ru; 68 : 10, // fiar-bi ulv-bu-ru; 68 : 24, /// {gur) ztr a-na ma-li-e uli-lm-ur; 
31 : 26, mi-shi-il i-shd-ta-ti [shd{';)ulC\-lm-ra; I.e., 1. 28, i-shd-ta-tu shd ?i-U { = }h'i\) shd uk-bu-ra; 37 : 16, // C SHE 
GUR shd uljclm-rum, I.e., 11. 20, 25, shd-ma-a-ti. . . .shd iili-liu-rum ; 31 : 16, // i-shd-tu shd u^-ku-ra-tum; see also 3 : 5 | 
18 : 18 I 33 : 15 1 66 : 10. From these passages it will be evident tliat ufiliuru has the meaning "that which is left over, " 
"the rest, balance in one's favor, which one either has or which is due him from another." This "rest in one's favor," 
if ideographically e-xpressed, is called iB-KID and is to be distinguished from LAL.Nl, "the rest, remainder still to be 
paid, which is against one, one's loss, debt, liability." In other words, in records that are epesh nika.ii (balances of 
accounts) the items marked IB.KID represent the "assets," a plus, and those called LXL.NI are the "Habilities," a 
minus. For IB.KID or "assets," "amounts still outstanding in one's favor," cf. especially B. E., XIV, 33 : 2, col. III. 
Col. I gives tlie "whole amount due," col. II tliat "wliicli lias been received (mafi-rum)" and col. Ill the "amount still 
outstanding (JB.KID)" — hence if we subtract from the "whole amount due" the "item(s) that have been received" 
we obtain the"}B.KID," i.e., "which is still due in one's favor, one's assets." For IB.KID cf . also B. £7., XIV, 41a :1 | 
92 : 1 I 99 : 49; XV, 68 : 2 I 141 : 8, and for LAL.NI see B. E., XIV, 65 : 27 | 99 : 40, 42 | 136 : 14 | 144 : 8; XV, 78 : 12 1 
141 : 25 I 196 : 1 (similar to B. E., XIV, 33 : 2). A synonym, if not a translation, of {LAL.NI or ?) iB.KID seems to be 
n-Jm-a-nu, B. E., XIV, 136 : 1, 4. Ungnad, O. L. Z., 1907, Sp. 141, by reading TUM.KAD (resp. ib-kad) and trans- 
lating "rest" is only partially correct. 

' E-ki-ir-^-im-ma, because parallel to a-tab-ba-ak, I propose to derive from pp, i.e., ekirrim-ma stands for 
original aqarrin-ma, hence pp has a side-form (iqarrin), iqrin for the usual iqrun (DeUtzsch, H. W. B., p. 5966). 
The i (for u) is due to the influence of the n, cf. 35 : 33, shub{ = RU)-ta lish-ki{\)-nu (for lish-ku-nu). See p. 125, note 
8. For the i in ki-ir, see already above, p. 53, note 1, and for the e (instead of a) cf. uk-te-ir-ri-ib, 23 : 13; ik-te-di-ir-[ru], 
39 : 6; Delitzsch, Gram., p. 85 and below, p. 119, n. 5. A possible derivation from 31p ( = aqarrib-ma) is less probable, 
and a form ekirrim = akarrim (root DID, Delitzsch, H . W . B., 354rt) is against context and parallelism. 

« Shortened form for SHEG.AL.GUSHUR.RA = agurru, "burnt bricks." Cf. also 22 : 11, a- Af + 300 a-gur-ra 
a?-$a-ra-ab, and see following note. 

' What kind of an office this name represents I do not know. Are we to suppose tliat tlie scribe misplaced the 
«»»«'«?. If so, we might read GUSIIUR.RA (wliich lias to be connected with SHEG-gun'A AL, cf. note 8) ameluQj^j^me^h 
Or is it a shortened form of """''"SHEG.AL.GUSHUR.RA.GAL'"'^''', "cliief brickmakers "— the SHEG.AL being 
omitted either by mistake or to avoid repetition? 



12 ul-tu umi 4*""" agurru ( = AL-Uy After having examined the burnt bricks 

ah-ta-ta-ar-ma^ during (the last) four days, 

13 a-na ku-tal ( = RI) na-ka-si^ uk-te- I brought them to the rear of the 

ir-ri-ih* slaughtering house. 

14 dsh-shum bit ^^Hrshe{ = NAD)""''''^ With regard to the resting chambers 

shd libbi a-su-wp-pa-W which are in the asuppati 

15 shd be-h \{ = NI)-sa-a' iq-ba-a (and) which my "Lord " has commanded 

to bring out (I beg to state that) 

16 dup-pa ki a-mu-ru i-na "'^^^Ululu (= the month Elul is, as I learned from 

KIN-^'"Innanna) a-na\{= NI)-si-e' communications, propitious for 

da-ab^ bringing them out. 

17 be-Vi li-ish-pu-ra-am-ma shum-ma shd My "Lord" may send word when I shall 

i{ = NI)-si-e'' 

18 lu-us-si bring them out. 

' AL-li = SHEG.AL, 1. 11? Hut cf. altu, Del., //. W. B., p. 706: "ein Gerdl dcr Ziegelstreicher." 

' Ab-ta-ta-ar-ma I propose to take as a prses. I* (circumstantial clause) of "^l^, "to examine," see Meissner, 
B. A., Ill, p. 523, and Nagel, B. A., IV, p. 478. By itself a form I' of patdru (H. W. B., p. 555o) or pafdru would 
likewise be possible, but with wliat meaning? Cf., however, Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 5226, under pafuru IV: affurri 
UifilubHsha up-ta-a(-ti-ir-ma, "war geborsten," and see p. 122, note 8. Or should we translate after all, "since the fourth 
day having loosened (departed from, set free) the allu ( = term, techn. for "to stop to make bricks," cf. mesirru patdru 
— "den Giirtel losen," Jensen, A'. B., VI', p. 474) I brought," etc.? This latter translation is preferred by Prof. 

' With na-ka-si cf. """'''na-ki-su , Dehtzscli, H. W. B., p. 463a. 

*A II' (= causative) of ^"^p. The conunon signification of qarnbu ana, "to go, march against," is liere 
against the context. For other forms of qarObu, to be met with in these letters, see 26 : 16, ki-ri-ib; 3 : 25, u-ga-ri-lm; 
12 : 16, ik-te-ri-ib ana. 

' For ^'^NXD (= irshu), as distinguished from NAD.KI ( = maialu), see Jen.sen, K. B., VI', p. 409, and for 
& ^'''NAD, cf., e.g., H., I, 65 : 9, "the bed-chamber of *'".4G." A "bed-chamber," because it can be carried, etc., was, 
of course, not an 6 or bitu, "house," in its commonly accepted sense. Whose "chamber" is meant here, is not said. 

' Cf. bit a-zu-ub-bu bit ka-a-ri, Str., II, 499 : 1. For the interchange of s and z cf. on the one hand "'(j-su-ub- 
Shi-pak ( = Uzub-Shijmk), 55 : 2, and on the other "^Shd-la-zu-inul B. E., XV, 188 V : 18; [' B^e-Vi-zu-nu, I.e., IV : 20; 
za-bit-ti, B. E., XIV, 99a : 30, 31, 43, and its plural zi-ba-a-ti, B. E., XIV, 121 : 6 | 122 : 6 (standing for si-bi-ti, si-hi-e-ti = 
^bittu, ^tu, see above, p. 6, note); qa-az-zu ter-(Clay's copy gives tab)ra-at, B. E., XV, 158 : 5, for q6t{ = SHU)-su 
tur-rat, B. E., XV, 99 : 14 (cf. here also I.e., XV, 39 : 5, q6t ^X. tur-rat; XV, 90 : 45, .shd ga-tum tur-ra-tum; XV, 6 : 9 | 

19 : 12 I 124 : 8, ga-la M-to-ar, etc.,etc.). I beg to differ from ProfT Clay, who reads MAR.RAT (instead of tur-rat) and 
regards this to be a profession (see B. E., XIV, p. 57a; XV, p. 516). Qdt resp. qdt-su tur-rat evidently means "his 
portion is returned, has been paid." 

' l-?a-a, 'i-ji-e (II. 16, 17), i-su-u (21 : 16) is the infinitive of XXI, cf. add and idu, "to know." 
. ' For construction and meaning cf., e.g , H., IV, 406 ; 16f., irm mtifi I'UniqS"^'' shd LUGAL be-li ish-pur-an-ni 
ina arid an-ni-e da-ba a-na e-pa-a-shi, and H., I, 77, Rev. 3f., da-a-ba a-na a-la-ki ihnu II'^""' da-a-ba ilmu /l'*""" a-dan- 
nish da-a-ba. Any action undertaken by the Baljylonians had to be determined by the 6ari2 priest with regard to its 
most propitious time. 



19 [dshj-shum ta-bar-ri^ shd be-h ish-pu- 


20 [hur-h]u-ra-ti' i-na qdt "'Bel{ = EN)- 

u-sa-tum ul am-hu-ur 

21 [dsh-shum hur]-hu-ra-tum'' shd a-na 


22 [al]-qu-u 

23 [shd be-h i]q-ba-a a-na '"Ki-din- 


24 [be-h i-di ki x.] + 10 ma-na ta-bar-ri^ 


25 [ina Ubbi-shu x.\ + 10 ma-na a-na 


26 [al-t]a{1)-ka-an* 

27 [x.'\ +20 ma-na a-na mu-uh be-h-ia 

28 [ul]-te-bi-la 

29 [hlur-hu-ra-tum^ i-na Dur-Ku-ri-Gal- 


30 [sMC?) yu-bi-u-w' ia-nu 

With regard to the to&am (-wool) concern- 
ing which my "Lord" has inquired 

(I beg to state that) I have not yet 
received the bleached (?) wool from 

As regards the bleached (?) wool which 
I have kept 

as my due 

and concerning which my "Lord" has 
spoken to Kidin-Marduk — 

"my 'Lord' knows that I have received 
only X + 10 ma-na of to6am(-wool), 

X + 10 ma-na of which I have applied 
as compensation 

for my work, 

and X + 20 ma-na I have sent 

to my 'Lord.' " 

There is no bleached (?) wool 

to be gotten in Dur-Kuri-Galzu. 

' Ta-bar-ri, liere \vithout the determinative SIG = shipdti, is a certain Ivind of "wool" (Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 
701o) or a "garment" (Tallquist, Sprache, p. 142). Here, because measured according to ma-na (1. 24), it must be 
"wool," more particularly "dirty(?) wool." 

' So we have to read according to 11. 29, 31 (not wfe-feu-ra-tew) . It is here a kind of wool. In Esth., 1 : 6 1 8 : 15, 
we hear of a certain "^in (LXX, lSmao() and in Isa., 19 : 9, of '']'in, in both of which passages the idea of 
"white" (garments) is predominant. Hurhuratum accordingly I propose to explain as "wool that is washed, cleaned, 
bleached, white" (cf. also Arabic hdra, havvara, "to wash white, bleach"), taking it to be a fem. pi. (sc. shipdti) of kurburu, 
and tills a reduplicated form of fear = ""n. 

' Cf. also 27 : 28, man-da-at-ta ki-i u-qa-tu-u at-ta-din; 35 : 18, garments which a-na '^"^"^"USH.BAR u ka-si-ri ki-i 
man-da-al-li-shu-nu id-di-nu; B. E., XV, 200, III : 9, napjiar 1 {tjur) 6 GIN (i.e., female servants) S.GAL a-na man-da- 
[al-ti-shi-na], all of which passages show that mandattu was at this time a certain kind of "stipend," "wages," in the 
form of "wool," "garments," or "grain," i.e., "food and clothing" for work performed (1. 25). 

* Shitkunu c. ace. and ana, "to take something for something," "to make something to be something" (cf. 9 : 21, 
a-na shir-bu-ti-ia '"X. li T. dsh-ta-ka-an), here "to apply something as compensation for." 

' If my emendation be correct — the traces visible speaking decidedly for shu (fcw or ii being out of question) — 
then shii-ti-bi-'u-ii may be either (a) the infinitive III' of KiJl, i.e., shuvpu'u = shilpu'u = shApd. But the significa- 
tion of this verb does not fit into the context. Or, what is more probable, we may consider it (6) as an infinitive IIP 
of nK3, i.e., shub'uiu = shub'A. If this be true, there remain two peculiarities to be explained, viz.: (1) the long iX 
in sha-ii and (2) the presence of the i in bi. For the graphically (not morphologically) long d cf. such forms as lu-ii- 
ul-li-i[k], 38 : 2, and li-ish-pu-u-ra-[am]-ma, 39 : 23, With regard to the presence of the i in bi it should be noticed 
that we may have in Babylonian, resp. Assyrian, an euphonic tor u after the first radical in all those forms where thjj 


31 [Mi]r-hu-ra-ti' he-Vi li-she-bi-lam-ma^ May my "Lord" send bleached(?) wool! 

32 [d]u-ul-li la a-ha-ad-di? I have no pleasure in my work. 

33 dsh-shum """Hshparei = USH. As regards these weavers 

BAR)'^"'' an-nu-ti 

34 shd i-na '^'"Pa-an-Ba-W'* ka-lu-it^ who are being held prisoners in Pdn- 


35 i-na tJ-pi-i'''^ a-na be-lt-ia aq-ta-bi (I beg to remind my Lord that) I have 

spoken to my "Lord" in Upt (about 

36 u shd-la-shi-shu a-na mu-uh be-h-ia and that I have written three times to 

my "Lord" 

37 al-tap-ra about them : 

38 be-h li-ish-pu-ur-ma my "Lord" may (finally) give orders 

39 li-il-qu-ni-ish-shu-nu-ti' that they take them away. 


No. 55 ( = C. B. M. 10,497). (Cf. photographic reproduction, PI. Ill, 6, 7.) 

Dispute about the exact words of a message sent by King Burna-Buriash with 
regard to the release of young slaves belonging to Enlil-kidinni, a slave-dealer. 
About 1440 B.C. 

For introduction, transcription, translation, and notes see above. Chapter III, 
pp. 51ff. 

radical generallj is vowelless. With regard to an euphonic i after the first radical cf . among other forms li-ki-ri-ku{ = 
likriku), H., I, 100 : 6; i-qi-hu-ni{= iqbAni), H., Ill, 311, R. 8; li~gi-ru-ru{ =ligruru) , H., IV, 387, R. 24; i-qi-fi-bu-ni-shu 
( = iqtibAnishu) , H., V, 515 : 9; mu-sha-ki('!)-rik{ = mushakrik), H., I, 21, R. 1 ; u-she-}ii-liq{ — ushefiliq), H., IV, 430 : 7, 
and possibly a-li-ki{= alqut However, a-U-ki = city is likewise to be considered), No. 29 : 14. With regard to the 
euphonic u after the originally vowelless first radical the following forms are interesting: i-su-}},u-ra{= isJiura), H., V, 
515, R. 6; i-zu-qu-pu{= izqupu), H., IV, 381 : 7; lu-qu-ba-ki( = luqbaki), MaqlA, I : 59. Cf. here also the Hebrew 
verbs with Chatef vowel under the first radical in the imperfect, Ges.-K., Gr}', PO, 2, notes a, b, on p. 49. Shii-ii- 
bi-'u-u, then, as infinitive IIP of nK3 stands for shub'tl, the i being inserted to prevent the assimilation of the guttural 
to the preceding 6 (shub'uiu = shub'U = shubbH, which latter would be the infinitive II' of S3!:/, "to satisfy"). An 
infinitive IIP" of S13 (shubu"u = shub"u = shubi'u) is less probable. Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 161o, gives only a II' 
of nK3 with the signification "to seek," "to ask." Ill' would be causative and the sense might be: "there is no 
bleached wool in D. to make one ask for it," i.e., there is none that one might, could ask for — hence the request of 1. 31. 

' See note 2 on preceding page. 

' For lishebilam = lushebilam, see Chapter III, p. 53, note 1. ' I.e., "I am disgusted with my job." 

* "The face of Bdl" — an Amurritish name? Probably to be sought in tlie neighborhood of Dur-Kuri-Galzu. 

» Cf. B. E., XIV, 2 : 8, five slaves of EnUl-kidini who are i-na Bit-'^ ^^"En-lH-ki-di-ni ka-lu-il; I.e., XV, 152 : 14, 
the slave. . .shd i-na A^«JM''^ ka-lu-ii ; I.e., XIV, 135 : 3, i-na ki-li. . . .ik-la-shu-ma. In 3 : 33, 42 | 15 : 5, 14, ka- 
lu-a resp. ka-la-a signifies the "destruction by water," cf. Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 3296 under II n73: ka-lu-ii nhd me-e. 

' Although not registered by Clay, yet a """"I^-pi-i occurs, e.g., in B. E., XIV, 132 : 43, 46, 52. 

' For 11. 33fT. cf. Chapter IV, p. 74. 



No. 24 (= C. B. M. 19,793). (Cf. photographic reproduction, Pis. I, II, 1-5.) 

Official report about various occurrences, among which a disastrous flood, under a 
hitherto unknown Cassite King. About 1430 B.C. 

The contents of this letter may be conveniently subdivided into the following 
parts : 

(a) Introduction and address, poetic in its arrangement and conception, 11. 1-10. 

(6) The complaint of the tenants of the fields of "The Lord of Lands" about the 
actions of Etelbu mar "• Ush-hu-M in causing waters to overwhelm their possessions, 
11. 11-17. 

(c) The city Mannu-gir-Rammdn, which the writer held as fief of the crown, is 
deluged by "rains out of the heavens and floods out of the depths," 11. 18-23. 

{d) Gates and cattle are destroyed; there is nothing left wherewith to keep alive 
or pay the inhabitants, 11. 24-29. 

(e) Report about the request of the governor Mdr-"'[. . . ] f or a new gate, 11. 

(/) Request that the King may look into the affairs of ""Ina-^.KUR.GAL, 11. 32-34, 

(gr) The writer's urgent request to the King to act quickly and give an immediate 
answer, 11. 34-37. 

For the personality of the King and of his father Nazi-'^'^Enlil see above under 
Chapter IV, pp. 68ff., where also the notes to 11. 24-29 will be found. For the notes 
to 11. 1-10, 11. 18-23, 11. 29-31, 11. 36-37 see Chapter III, pp. 46ff., 49flf., 43ff., 51. The 
letter in its completeness reads : 

1 a-na be-h-ia as-mi lu-ul-li-i zeri{= To my "Lord" — : 

KUL) ishtu( = TA) shame-[e] Glorious in splendor, 

Seed out of Heaven ; 

2 la ma-ir an-ni gu-ra-di li-e-i it-pi-sh[i] Not summoning punishment, 

Strong, powerful, wise one ; 

3 nu-iir ahe{= SHESH)'^'''-shu PI- Light of his brothers, 

in-di-e na-ma-a-ri Ordering the dawn; 

4 ki-ib kab-tu-ti ra-dsh-ba-nu-ii-ti Ruler of mighty and 

Terrible lords ; 

' Cf. HOW also the Blt-"'U sh-bu-la in B. E., SericH 1), IV, p. 148, col. Ill, 5, where it is reported that it adjoined 
a diatrict "which had been given to the 'Lord of Lands.' " 



5 e-pi-ir um-ma-ni pa-dsh-shur ni-shi 

6 e-tel ki-na-te-e-shu shd ''"A-nu ^^"En- 

lil u '^"^.A 

7 u '"'Be-lU-\-ri{= NI.NI) ki-ib-ti 


8 u mi-ish-ri-e ish-ru-ku-u-shu 

9 be-li-ia ki-be-ma um-ma '"Kal-bu ip- 


10 w ar-du na-ra-am-ka-ma 

11 an-nu-um-ma-a} shu-ii ki-i ra-ma-ni 


12 be-h-ia ap-ki-du-ma '"E-tel-bu mar 


13 [ ]-mat('!)-su u a-na pa-an 


14 [ ] sa-ab-ta-ku ash-bu eqlu{ = 


15 [um-ma-a a-na .... ]-mi-ia-nia i-na 

me-e i-di-la-an-ni' 

16 [dlu'^f^' shd it-ti-ia lu ash-bu-tu 

17 lu na-du-tu' shd EN.KUR.KUR i-na 

Food of the people, 

Platter of man ; 
Hero of his clan, 

Whom the triad of gods 
Together with Belit 

Presented a fief 
Tending towards grace 

And righteousness — 
to my Lord speak, thus saith Kalbu, 

thy dust 
and thy loving servant. 
Behold that one, though I myself have 

recommended him to my liord, that 
Etelbu, son of Ushbula, 

has .... his ... . even up to the city of 

he has .... which I possess. The ten- 
ant of the field of "The Lord of 

[came and spoke thus before my ] 

"By means of water he has encir- 
cled me." 

The cities which are with me — be they 

or be they doomed — and which belong to 

' An-nu-um-ma-a = an{n) Cf. um-ma-a = um-ma and see also fjammurabi, 2 : 10; S. 273 : 17; C. T., IV, 27 
(B' 329) : 10. Jensen, K. B., VI', 475, 527, translates areumwa by "nun, so fort." A translation: "Grace (please grant 
unto me) if I speak as follows (um-ma-a)" is likewise possible. Cf. the dialogue between Abraham and the "angel of 
the Lord," Gen. 18, 16ff. 

^ Edelu ina me, not "to shut off from water," but edclu, because a synonym of sandqu = "to shut in" (Jensen, 
K. B., VI', p. 410), has to be translated here "lias shut me in, encircled me, enclosed me with or by water." As such 
it evidently points to the i-na la-me-e na-di, 1. 20, e-ka-ku, 1. 26, and i-si-ru, 1. 28. The tenant or inhabitant (notice 
the singl. instead of the plural!) of the fields of god EN.KUR.KUR (i.e., either Entil or NIN.IB; for omission of ilu 
before names of gods see p. 8, n. 8), which were situated in tlie immediate ncighborliood of the city Mannu-gir-RammAn, 
complains of his being encircled by "waters" through the negligence or spite of Etelbu, T^ho failed to keep the canals 
clean. These "waters" became so fierce that even Manmi-gir-Ramm6n was surrounded {i-na la-me-e na-di). Added to 
this "the rains and floods," the city's destruction was complete. 

' Root nada. The sense is: The complaint is made by all inhabitants — by those who have and those who have 
not yet suffered from the effects of the inundation. The sh& EN.KUR.KUR is parallel to that of 1. 14 — belongs, therefore, 
to [alut or eqlulf"', 1. 16. 


pa-an me-e i-ha-bu-bu 

18 ii '""Man-nu-gi-ir-'''^IM shd sharru 

(= LUGAL) ra-inga-\ti] 

19 u be-Pi a-na MIR.NIT.TA an-nu-ti 


20 i-na la-me-e na-di zu-un-na i-na sha- 

21 -ii mi-la i-na nak-bi ki-i i-di-nu sktp-ku- 


cry out on 

22 dhi-ki shd be-h i-ri-man-ni i-na la- 


23 na-di a-na ba-la-ad a-i-ka-a lul-lik 

24 ii abullu{= KA.GAL) ervT'^'' DA"'"'' 

u lahru{= GANAM) shattu-II shd 
ish-tu b[e]-na-ti 

25 shd "'Na-zi-''''En-lil a-bi-ka ii adi{ = 

EN) Umi"'* 

26 [e]-ka-ku(l) ii i-na-an-na be-h it-ti-[di 


27 [i{l)-la]-ka-an-ni i-na-an-na ki-i i-li- 


28 [ii zu-un-n]a LU (;?)'"'"' lahru{=GAN- 

AM) shattu-II i-si-ru mi-na-a[?] 

29 [lul]-qa-am-ma lu-ud-di-in ii 

Mdr-"'[. . . ] ' 

30 bel pahdti{^ EN. NAM) a-na ardi- 

ka ki-i il-li-ku um-ma-a 

31 abulla{= kLgAL)'" i-ma-ad-di tu- 

shd-an-na-ma taddan{ = SE)-na 

32 M ^I-na-i:.KUR.GAL ardi-ka shd 

a-na be-li-ia 

"The Lord of Lands' 
account of the waters ! 

Even the city Mannu-gir-Rammdn with 
which the King is entrusting me 

and which my "Lord" has handed over 
to these conscribers 

is destroyed by inundations: rains out 
of the heavens 

and floods out of the depths are, when (or 
after) he {i.e., my Lord) had handed 
her (the city) over {sc. to the con- 
scribers), overflooding her! 

Yes, the city with which my "Lord" has 
entrusted me is destroyed 

by inundations! Where shall I go to 
save myself? 

Also the mighty bronze-gates together 
with the two-year-old ewes which 
(were kept there) since the time 

of Nazi-Enlil, thy father, even unto 
(this) day, 

(the floods) have destroyed ! And now 
my "Lord" knows that 

they will come to me ; now, when they are 

there {i.e., have come), 
what shall I take and give, seeing that 

the floods have encircled the sheep 
and the two-year-old ewes? 

And Mdr-'^l. ... ], 

the governor, when he had come to thy 

servant, said: 
"They make lamentations on account 

of the gate! Duplicate it!" 
And Ina-S.KUR.GAL, thy servant, 

whom I have recommended 


33 ap-ki-du ash-shv} di-na-[ni-]ia to my "Lord" — on my account, 

34 be-li a-ma-as li-mur-ma a-hi-ti-ia^ my "Lord," look into his affairs! If I 

am to get out 

35 mu-ush-shu-ra-kv? Jia-am-dish li-ta- of my predicament then (my Lord) may 

al-lik* act (lit. come) quickly. 

36 u a-na-ku i-tu b[e-h]-ia a-na a-la-a-ki^ And I, the itH of my "Lord," though I 

have written to the "King" 

37 a-na sharri{== LUGAL) ki-i ash- concerning (my) coming, yet the "King" 

[pu-ra] sharru{= LUGAL) ul i-di- has not given me (an answer or 

na-an-ni. permission) . 


No. 9 (= C. B. M. 11,635). 

Band-sha-Marduk reports to King Kuri-Galzu about the revolt which has broken oul 
in BU-"' ^"Sin-issahra. About 1390 B.C. 

Above (pp. 4ff.) it has been shown that our writer, Band-sha-Marduk, lived 
between the 20th year of Kuri-Galzu and the 11th year of Kadashman-Turgu, i.e., 
during a space of about forty-three years. We may assign this letter, therefore, to the 
time of Kuri-Galzu, and this the more because the BU- "* "''Sin-issahra, so named after the 
head of the royal storehouse (karii) ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUG, situated in Kandure", 
Sin-issahra, flourished, in all probability, principally during the time of Kuri-Galzu." 
From 11. 19, 20 we may conclude that our writer was a master builder, who, while 
engaged in building a gate, received news about the revolt in Bit-"" ^'"Sin-issahra, 
which he, as faithful servant, communicated instantly to his Lord, King Kuri-Galzu. 
Is this revolt connected in one way or another with the uprising of the Cassites 
under the be-h, the son of Nazi-''"Enlil, mentioned in No. 24? 

The contents are the following: 

' Not ap-ki-du-ash-shii, but ash-shu di-na-[rai]-ia is to be read. Ash-shu di-na-ni-ia again is the same as the 
well-known dsh-shum-mi-ia (27 : 44) = ana shu-mi-ia (S. 274 : 17, 4) = dsh-shu-mi-ia (C. T., VI, 32 ( = B' 534) : 4), of the 
Hammurabi period. From this it follows that dindnu = shumu, i.e., "all that which expresses the essence of a being," 
"the being itself" (cf . niH" DE'), or, as Dehtzsch, H. W. B., p. 2246, gives it, "das Selbst," see also p. 58, note 2. 

' For a^Uu sc. shimtu, see H. W. B., p. 416. 

• I.e., "if I am to leave and thus be out of it forever." 

* Not U + tallik but III + itallik, P aldku. 

' In view of li-ta-al-lik, "may act (quickly)!" and alkam, "hurry!" etc., we might translate here: "though I have 
written to my Lord to hasten (sc. the reply to my last letter), yet the King has not adjudged me worthy (sc. of an answer)." 
In this case i-di-na-an-ni might be derived from J'T ( = idin-anni), instead of naddnu. 

•See pp. 79,81, 110, 116. 



(a) Exhortation to rejoice, 11. 6 — ? 

(6) News about the revolt in Btt-'" ^'"Sin-issahra, upon information received 
from "•S.SAG.IL-zu-ri-ia, 11. 15-19. 

(c) The gate is finished, 11. 19, 20. 

(d) The truth of the communications made in this letter may be verified by 
calling upon the prefects of Rakanu and Bit-'"Ki-din-ni. 

1 ardi-ka ""Banai = KAK) -a-sha-^''Mar- 


2 a-na di-na-an he-Vi-ia lul-lik 

3 a-na dlu-ki u stri ( = EDIN) shd be- 


4 shu-ul-mu 

5 um-ma-a a-na he-Vi-ia-ma 

6 ad-ru^ shu^-te-su-uk 

7 u ma{l)-hi-sa^[. . . . ]-ma 

8 si{^)-pi-[ri* ] 

9 um-m[a a-na he-Vi-ila-ma 

10 [....\shAhe-Vi 

11 [...] 

12 a-[ ""'"/M-ral-m-^^r 

.... brake .... 

13 [....]u-ha-d[sh-shu'fj 

14 [. . . .]-u-vm ki-ki-i^ si(? or ad?)-[. . .], 

15 ""iJ.SAG.lL-zu-ri-iaarldi-ka] 

Thy servant BanA-sha-Marduk ; 

before the presence of my "Lord" may I 

To the city and the fields of my "Lord" 

greeting ! 

The following to my "Lord" : 
Let the palace rejoice 
and the soldiers let ... . 
and the si-pi-ri let ... . 
speaking thus to my "Lord" : 
.... which my "Lord" 

E.SAG.JL-zuri-ia, thy servant. 

' For adru cf. Johnson, J. A.O. S., XIX, p. 52, perhaps "enclosure"; Behrens, L. S. S., II', p. 47, note 1, "Palast- 

' So is to be connected, not ad-ru-shu te-su-uk (which latter had to be in this case tesik). Shu-te-su-uk, either 
infinitive or permansive III^ of pD«, "to glorify" (Dehtzsch's ^DK, H. W. B., p. 1086, and pDK, i.e., p. 1106, belong 

' Ma{'!)-li'i-sa might stand here for mundajilii^, "soldier." 

* Cf. with this the ""'"'■"si-pi-ri, Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 5096. A reading e-pi-ri seems to be against the 

' Very doubtful. Might be II' of nK3, "to seek," or possibly a II' of either W3 or nE^3. 

• The context being mutilated, it is difficult to tell whether to connect [. . . ]-ma''^ ki i-ji-[. . . ] or [. . . 'yma 
ki-ki-i ?t(or ad)-[. . .]. 




16 shakin{== GARY^' de(= NE)-mi 

shd BU-"" ''"Sin{ = XXX)-is-sah-ra 

11 I C ummd,ni{ = SAB)'''^ gi-in-na-ta? 

18 ki-i ig-nu-na sahe{ = SAB)'^'"' shd 


19 ir-ta-pi-is* u baba at-ta-di{'l)-ish 

20 ib-ta-ta-al^ 

21 a-na shi-bu-ti-ia "" ^"Nergal-Ba-ni 

22 ha-za-na shd ^''"Ra-ka-nu 

23 iiha-za-an-na shd BU-"'Ki-din-ni 

24 dsh-ta-ka-an 

is reporting about BU-Sin-issahra (say- 

"100 men killed, while the 

families were settling down, the soldiers 
of my Lord." 

As regards the gate — I renewed 

it, it is finished. 


the prefect of Rakanu, 

and the prefect of BU-Kidinni I have 

made to be my witnesses. 


No. 29 (= C. B. M. 11,956). 

A letter of Marduk-mushallim, head of the storehouse at DUr-Enlil, to King Kuri- 
Galzu. About 1400 B.C. 

A certain Marduk-mushallim endorses in B. E., XIV, 154 : 5, the payment of a 
specified amount of grain {SHE) as ri-mu-tum (a kind of wages) to a lady of the bU 
a-mi-la-ti ("house of female (slave)s") and as SIGISSE.SIGISSE ("offerings") to ''"Sin. 
The position' which the name of Marduk-mushallim occupies on this tablet makes it 
certain that he was the head of the storehouse at Dilr-^''En-lil''\ This tablet 
is dated simply the "16th year" (1. 7). As only the first four kings {Burna-Buriash 
to Kadashiman-Turgu) reigned sixteen or more years each, it is reasonably certain 
that our letter belongs to the earlier Cassite kings known from the Temple Archives. 
We may, however, go a step farther. The person '"A-na-tukulti(=' KU)-ilu{= AN)- 
ma, mentioned in 11. 9, 15, I propose to identify with one of the witnesses mentioned 

' If sliakin demiv/ere here a title, its position would have to be before ardi-ka: sliakin demi ardi-ka. I take it, 
therefore, as a permansive: "is just now (while I am writing this) reporting about (shd)." Cf. liere also p. 52, 
note 5d. In 1. 17, which contains the report, um-ma-a has been left out, as is often the case in our letters. 

'To bring out the difference in writing between ^/IB^^-" and §AB""^'^ I transcribed as given above. Both 
(^AB^^" and ^AB"'^''^) signify, however, at this time very often, if not always, simply "men, workmen" (ummdni), see 
p. 35, note 1. 

' Gi-in-na-ta ki-i ig-nu-na = qinndta (fern, plur.) ki iqnund (3d plur. fem. of pp) = qinndta qinna kt iqnunA, i.e., 
"while the famihes (employed on tlie Temple properties) were building a nest," "were setthng down." For the signi- 
fication of qlnnu, qinndti at this time cf ., e.g., B. E., XIV, 126 : 7 1 XV, 160 : 29, qin-ni;B. E., XIV, 111 : 7, ^n-na-a-ti. 

* Rapdsu here in the sense of "to kill" (sha da-a-ki), Delitzsch, H. W . B., p. 626a. Tlie singular being employed, 
because "objects counted (jg/lBfi*" are such objects) are construed as singulars," see p. 95, note 6. 

' Voipat&qu {H. W.B.,-p. 554a; Jensen, X. B.,VP, p. 319) here with passive signification: "it is built, finished." 

• See also the position of the name of Innanni in such tablets of "endorsement," Chapter IV, c, p. 86, note 4. 



in a document from the 4th year of Ku^-[ri-Gal-zu], B. E., XIV, 11 : 16. Erba- 
Marduk of 1. 4 would, therefore, have to be identified with Erba-Marduk, the son of 
Sin-nur-mdti, B. E., XIV, 19 : 23 (dated in the 13th year of Kuri-Galzu). Taking 
all these facts into consideration I do not hesitate to see in the he-h of 1. 2 and in the 
LUGAL of 1. 6 King Kuri-Galzu, to whom this letter has been addressed. Marduk- 
mushallim, then, was during the reign of Kuri-Galzu the head of the storehouse at 
DUr-^'^Enlil'", which place must have been situated at a river, resp. canal, deep 
and safe enough for the lalld-ships (i.e., " Fracht('^)-schiffe") . 

The contents of this letter are: 

(a) The royal provender will be shipped per lalld-ships by the 16th of this month, 
11. 4-8. 

(6) Request that the king send certain men to remove the workmen and 
clients and to return them to their owner, 11. 9-18. 





[ardi-ka ""Y^Marduk-mu- [shal- ]lim 
[a-na di-n]a-an be-h-ia lul-lik 

um-ma-a a]-na be-Vi-ia-ma 
[dsh-shum GAR.LUGAD] shd 
(= SU) -''-'' Mar duk 
[ardi-ka i]k-shu-da 


6 [um-ma-a] akdli ( — GAR) sharri 

(LUGAL) Hmu 16*"" 

7 a-na '^"mA-ld(= lal)-al-la-a^ 

8 ummAni(= SAB)^"" li-su-u-ni 

9 '"A-na-tukuUi( = KU)-ilu( = AN)-ma 

10 w - ''''Sukal(= LUGH)-she-mi 

11 w ummAni(= SAB)"'"'' shd a-la-ak- 


12 shii-up-ra-am-ma 

13 li-zu-u-ma lil-li-ku ^ 

Thy servant Marduk-mushallim; 
before the presence of my "Lord" may I 

speaking thus to my "Lord" : 
As regards [the royal provender] which 

Erba-Marduk, thy servant, was to have 

(I beg to say that) the men shall bring 

the royal provender 
upon the lalld-ships 
by the 16th (of this month). 
and Sukal-shemi 
and the men of their company 

send (give orders) 
that they come. 

' Kudur-Enlil is out of question, because he reigned only six resp. eight years, see p. 1. 

'Emendation according to 1. 6. Very doubtful. Cf., however, the MA.GAR.BA of the Hammurabi Letter, 
No. 34 : 16, which likewise was put upon the ^'^mA-lal. 

3 Pop «?«OTd( = elippu)-lii-al-la-a see Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 414a Qeft untranslated) and King, Letters of ffam- 
murabi, III, p. 7, note 2 (to No. 34 : 10), "processional boat." 

* Lit., " of their going" (aMA; = infinitive), " their following." 

' Lit., "that they may go out and go (come)." ' \ 


14: u ummdni{= SAB)'""''' u ki-din-na so that 4na-fwA;MZiw^w-wa may return to 
ma-la shd a-li-ki^ him 

15 "'A-na-tukulti{ = KU)-ilu{= AN)-ma all the men and proteges (clients) 

16 a-na pa-ni-shu U-ter-ra-am-ma' which I have taken. 

17 Jia-a]m-di-ish^ Let them do^it 

18 lik-sh]u-da* quickly. 


No. 44 (= C.B.M. 19,799). 

The superintendent of the Temple weaveries reports to King Kuri-Galzu about the 
administration of his office. About 1400 B.C. 

As the name of the writer is broken away, it is rather difficult to assign this 
letter to a definite period. If, however, the emendation of 1. 16, BU-"'Ki[din-ni], 
be correct, I would refer this letter to the time between the 20th year of Kuri-Galzu 
and the 11th of Kadashman-Turgu.^ Our writer was apparently the royal superin- 
tendent of the Temple weaveries. Where these weaveries were situated cannot 
be made out. Noteworthy in this letter is the statement that one weaver had been 
a fugitive for one whole year, until he was brought back from the "house of Kidinni." 
That the Temple employees fled very often from their place of service is well known 
from the Temple Archives; cf. e.g., Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 34. But that such a fugitive 
employee, when recaptured, would not be punished is new." Nothing, apparently, 
is said here of such a punishment of either the fugitive slave or of the man who 
harbored him, nor is the reward of the two shekels mentioned. 

The contents are the following : 

(a) The .... have been put up, 11. 4-7. 

(6) The King must wait for the garments, 11. 8, 9. 

' As indicated by the translation, I consider this form to stand iov shd alqu; cf. p. 100, note. If one prefers 
he may take it in the sense of "as many as are of ( = in) the city ( = dli-ki)," see p. 1 1, note 2. 

' Stands here for Ixd&ra-ma, /m + it of the 3d pers. becomes at this time always li. To "whom" shall he return 
the men? To Erba-Marduki 

» Cf. here ba-an-di-ish, 80 : 13 | 93 : 5; hfi-am-dish, 24 : 35, and ba-mu-ut-ta, 49 : 10 | 51 : 10 | 68 : 12 | 83 : 24 | 
92 : 24. 

* I.e., "May they {Ana-tukulti-ilu-ma and the other men, 11. 9f.) come, take the men, and return them to him 
quickly." Likshud&'=likshudii, so better than singular : "may he, i.e., Ana-tukulti-ilu-ma, do it." 

' See the remarks to 9 : 21 above, Chapter I (p. 4ff.). 

' A recaptured slave was put to death at the time of Qammurabi, Code, 8 : 30-36. A man who harbors in his 
house a fugitive slave was likewise put to death, Qammurabi Code, 8 : 37-48. To him who captures a fugitive slave 
are awarded two shekels of money, ffammurabi Code, 8 : 49-58. 






The wool just sheared has been removed, U. 10-12. 
The fine wool is all gone, 1. 12. 
A fugitive weaver has been recaptured and returned by BU-Kidinni, 11. 

Only one workman bargained for has been received from Kish,^ 11. 18-21. 

1 [ardi-ka "'X. . . . a-na di-na-an] 

2 [be-li-ia lu-ul]-l[i-ik] 

3 [a-na GANAM.LU] u bU [be-h-ia 


4 [....]da[....]-ti 
5 . [sh]d id-[di-]nu-ni 

6 be-Vili-mu-ur 

7 id-du-u-ni (! sign biy 

8 i-nabu-utlubushti{= KUf''" 

9 be-Ti la i-sa-an-ni-iq-an-ni^ 

10 shipdtu{= Sm^'-'shana-gid'-"'' 

11 ma-la ba-aq-na* 

12 it-qu ba-ni-tunf ia-nu 

13 """'"ishparui = USH.BAR) ishten'" 

14 shdul-tuishtenshattu(= MU) 

15 ti,a-al-qu 

16 ul-tu BU-"'Ki-[din-ni] 

17 il-te-qu-ni 

18 ishten"' amelu li-ib-bu^ 

19 ummdni{= SAB)^""" ra-ak-su-u-ti' 

20 ul-tu Ktsh^^ 

21 il-te-qu-ni 

Thy servant X. ; before the presence 

of my "Lord" may I come! 

To the cattle and the house of my 

"Lord" greeting ! 
The ... . 

which they (were to) have given, 
my "Lord" may behold, 
they have put up. 
For the garments 
do not press me, my "Lord." 
The wool of the shepherds, 
as much as has been sheared, 
they have removed. Good (sc. wool) is 

not here. 
One weaver, 
who was a fugitive 
for one year, 
they have received 
from (out of) BU-Kidinni. 
Only one of 
the stipulated workmen 
they have received 
from Ktsh. 

' For the different cities called Ktsh, see Jensen, Z. A., XV, p. 214ff., and Hommel, Grundriss^, pp. 338, 383- 390. 

' For the sign bi as variant for ni, h, see "Names of Professions" under Sa-bi(\)-gal-ba-ti-i. A possible derivation 
from ^^J (cf . nidbH., nindabA) would be less probable and quite peculiar in formation, (1) because of the long d (but 
of. p. 129, 1. 23), (2) because of the i in bi (standing for bH). The object which was "put up" is unfortunately broken away. 

' I.e., wait a little longer for them. 

* For baqdnu = baqdmu, "to cut off," "to shear," see now Hinke, B. E., Series D, IV, pp. 263a, 177. Besides the 
passages quoted there cf. also B. E., XIV, 128 : 1, SIG-''-" bu-qu-nu, and I.e., 42 : 12, i-ba-qa-nu (said olakdlu, shikaru, 
and mi-ri-esh-tum, hence here at least it cannot mean "to cut off" or "to shear"). See also a-ba-qa-am-ma, 2 : 10. 

• For ba-ni-tum {sc. shipdtu), fem. of banA (syn. of damqu), in the sense of "good," "nice," "fine," etc., see Jensen, 
K. B., VP, p. 412. » For libha = ina libbi shd cf. Delitzsch, A. G.\ § 108, pp. 226f. 

' Cf. here the dup-piri-ki4sh{l)-tishd'"In-na-an-nua-na''"'^'"RIQ"''''''uKA.ZID.DAir-ku-su(B.E.,XlV,i2: 1), 
i.e., "the (tablet of) stipulations upon which I. has agreed with the R. and K." 



No. 83 (= C. B. M. 3315). (Cf. photographic reproduction, PI. XII, 29, 30.) 

A letter of complaints, requests, and threats written by the governor Errish-apal- 
iddina to the bursar-in-chief, Innanni. Time of Kuri-Galzu, about 1400 B.C. 

Above, pp. 2ff., it has been shown that Innanni, the chief bursar of the 
Nippurian Temple storehouses, lived and transacted business during a period extend- 
ing at least from the 18th year of Kuri-Galzu to the 2d year of Nazi-Maruttash, 
and that Errish-apal-iddina, the governor of Dur(resp. Bit)-Errish-apal-iddina''\ 
flourished from the 13th year of Kuri-Galzu to the 24th year of Nazi-Maruttash. 
Innanni, though frequently mentioned on tablets apparently emanating from the 
neighboring towns around Nippur, where he was at intervals looking after the 
interests or possessions of Enlil,' was yet a resident of Nippur, cf. B. E., XV, 115 : 5 | 
135 : 6, Bit-"'In-na-an-nu{ni) Nippur (= En-lil)''\ We also saw that during the 
reign of Kuri-Galzu, i.e., at the time when ""In-na-an-ni was bursar-in-chief, "* ^^"Sin- 
issahra was the head of the royal or Palace storehouse (karH), named ASH. TAB. BA. 
GAN.TUG'''.'' But, though the head of that storehouse, he was still subordinate 
to Innanni. This follows not only from No. 85 : 8, 9, where Innanni is commanded 
to give to Sin-issafira the "wages for certain persons," or from B. E., XV, 50, where 
he (Sin-issahra) receives grain from Innanni "per order of the Palace," but more 
particularly from such passages as B. E., XIV, 35 : 3, where it is reported that a 
certain "^ ''"PA.KU-ma-lik-AN""'" receives in ''"'Karii ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUG 
a certain amount of grain as horse-feed from {ina qdt) ""In-na-an-ni, which shows 
clearly that Innanni must have had and actually did have authority also over the 
Palace storehouses; in other words, Innanni, though bursar-in-chief of the Temple 
storehouses, was ipso facto also the chief bursar of the Palace storehouses — he was 
both a Temple and a royal official, hence his successor, Martuku, is expressly called 
an a-rad LUGAL (B. E., XIV, 56 : 9), a "servant of the king." Innanni^ seems to 
have been a rather slow and stingy official; the only way to make him live up to 
his obligations was by threatening him (cf. 11. 12 and 27 ff. and 85 : 5). 

The contents of this letter are : 

(a) Complaint over Innanni's negligence, 11. 3, 4. 

(6) Request to urge the workmen not to leave the city, 11. 5-7. 

> See above, p. 2, note 13. » See Chapter IV, c, pp. 79; 81 ; cf. p. 116. 

' If the term ofert of No. 86 : 19 is to be taken in its Hteral sense, Innanni would be a brother of "'E-mi-da-^^'^Mar- 
duk, I.e., 1. 18. See here the interpretation of that passage by Prof. Hilprecht, above, p. 25, note 1, and cf. Emid-ana- 
Marduk, p. 71! Is Emida = Emid + ana — an = am = a? If so, tliis would explain the exalted position of Innanni, 
i.e., Innanni would have been a brother of the beli of No. 24. 



(c) Comply with the wishes of the RIQ officials, 11. 8, 9. 

{d) Request coupled with threat, 11. 9-13. 

(e) Give barley to Mdr-Tadu, 1. 14. 

(/) Pay the barley to the RIQ of Shelibi only in the "presence of the city," 
11. 15-18. 

(g) Thirteen oxen are missing, U. 19-21. 

(h) Pay the barley to Sin-apal-erish, 11. 22, 23. 

(i) Hurry up and pay the seed-corn to "the city," 11. 24-26. 

(k) Complaint coupled with two threats in the form of accusations, 11. 27-37. 

This letter reads : 

1 [a-na "• ] In-na-an-ni ki-be-ma 

2 um-ma "• ''''Errish{t)(= NIN.IB)- 

apal ( = TUR. USH ) -iddinu ( = SE) 
~ "["-ma] 

3 um-ma-a am-mi-ni ash-pu-r[a-ak-ku] 

4 la ta-al-li-i-m[a^'}] 

5 um-ma-a ummxini{= SAB)^"^'" an- 


6 shd ash-pu-ra-ak-ku tu-sh[e-ir-shu]- 


7 dlu-ki la mu-ush-sfiu-u[r] 

S shd 5 '"^^I'^RlQ^esh g/^ Nippur ( = 

9 ku-ri-ib-shu-nu-ti-i-mxi^ shd [um- 
mdni{= SAB)-']"'"'"' 

10 it-ti Ni-ib-bu-ri-i nam-s[a-a]r-ta 

1 1 shu-um-hi-ir-shu-nu-ti 

To Innanni speak, 

thus saith Errish-apal-iddina: 

Why have I sent word to thee 

and thou hast not come up? 

Also the following: As regards these 

concerning whom I have sent to thee — 

"(so) urge them 
not to leave the city." 
As regards the 5 RIQ of Nippur — 

"comply with their wishes !" As regards 

the workmen — 
"let them, together with the Nippurians, 
receive the namsariw-vessels. 

' For the long i cf. ku-ri-ib-shtl-nu-ti-i-ma, 1. 9. The traces of -ma(1) speak rather for -ka. In view ot H-ish-bu-ii- 
ra-am-ma, 39 : 23, a form ta-al-U-i-ka would not be impossible. 

' Tu-she-[ir-sh]u-nu-H is supplied according to 1. .36, tu-she-ir. Both forms may be taken v") eithoi in a 11' of 
Ity (= tu-iashshir, lu'ashshir, tushshir, tu-she-ir), "in den richligen Zustand versetzen," Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 311a, 
or (6) they may be (and this is more probable) a II' of "^E'K ( = lu'ashshir, etc., as above). According to Jensen, K. B., 
VI', p. 409, 410, ash^iru is a S)Tionym of botli paqddu and sandgu. For san&qa in the sense of "to press, to urge," see 
44 : 8. Cf. also for lE'K Meissner, Supplem., p. 13 (= K. 4587, Obv. 6); Delitzsch, A. L.<; Zimmern, K. A. T.', p. 421. 
The sense apparently is : "urge them by putting them into the right frame of mind." A II' of "^nn is excluded here. 

' On account of shu-um-fii-ir-shu-nu-ti, 1. 11, and tu-ul-te-bi-ir-shu-nu-ti, 1. 12, I take this form as a II' of 3^3, 
"Jemandem willfahren" (not as a II' of 2'^p, "to bring near"). 



12 shum-ma an-ni-ta ul tu-ul-te-lii-ir- 


13 ul at-tu-ii-a SHE.BAR ik-ka-lv? 

U 2 GUR SHE.BAR a-na Mdr-'Ta-a- 
du i-di-in 

15 sM» -""'"ig/Q '""She-li-bi"' 

16 9 a-mi-lu-us-su a^na pi-i a-mi-lu- 


17 it-ti* ash-shd-bi shd dlu-ki 

18 SHE.BAR id-na-ash-shii-i'f] 

19 ar-di i-na hu-[ut . . . . ] 

20 u alpu shd i-na ■""[....] 

21 13 alpu ia-a-nu li 10 [....] ia-a-nu 

22 SHE.BAR a-na "^ "''Sin{= XXX)- 

apal{ = TUR. USH)-[erish] 

23 mu-du-ud-ma i-din-ma li-ish-shd-a 

24 u at-ta fia-mu-ut-ta 

25 al-ka-am-ma SHE.ZER 

26 a-7ia dlu-kf i-din 


GAL shd "'Ib-ni-*"'Marduk 

If this thou doest not grant unto them, 

they shall (no longer) 'eat my "food".' " 
Give 2 gur of barley to Mdr-Tddu. 

As regards the RIQ of Shelibi — 
"give him the barley for his 9 men 
upon the demand of his representatives 
in the presence of the ' city '." 

I went down on account of ... . 

and the oxen which are in the city of ... . 

(and found) that 13 oxen are not there 

and 10 + X are not there. 

Measure and pay the barley to Sin-apal- 

so that he can take it away. 
Also hurry up and give 
the seed-corn 
to the " city ". 
And as regards the barley, the 10 gur 

GISH.BAR.GAL, due to Ibni-Mar- 

duk — 

• II' of shaddru = salidru. 

' As SHE.BAR at this time is the "money" or "wages" in form of "barley" which an employee receives for his 
services, the phrase "to eat the barley of somebody" clearly means "to be in somebody's employ." According to this 
ul at-tu-il-a SHE.BAR ik-ka-lu would mean as much as: "my barley, i.e., food they shall no longer eat," "they shall no 
longer be in my employ," "I will dismiss them." But, and tliis is important, the threat is directed against Innanni. 
We have here clearly an indication that Errish-apal-iddina, the governor, employed these men upon the instigation 
of Innanni, i.e., they were given an office by and through the help of the "pohtical" influence of Innanni; and the gov- 
ernor, in order to force Innanni to comply with his (the governor's) wishes, threatens him with the dismissal of his 
{Innanni's) prot6g&. For SHE.BAR of. also p. 113, note 4. 

• The translation of 11. 15f . depends upon whether we read, 1. 18, id-na-ash-shu or id-na-ash-shu-nu. As there was 
ample space on the O. of the tablet for the sign -nu it would seem strange that the writer, if he wrote -nu, should have put 
it on the R. E. We might translate accordingly: "as regards the RIQ . . . and his nine men ... so give them ( = 
idnashshunu, amilHti-shu-nu)" or "as regards the RIQ ... so give him (idnashshu) with regard to his nine men (or for his 
nine men) . . . upon the demand of his representatives {amilMi-shu)." 

• The RIQ of Shelibi must have been a rather untrustworthy official seeing that grain shall be delivered to him 
in "the presence of the city (i.e., the city's (= Nippiir) heads)." 

• The "city" in which Errish-apal-iddina was stationed, i.e., "B{t-Errish-apal-iddinaf'\" 


28 na-da-na aq-ba-ak-ku "I have told thee to pay it, 

29 am-mi-ni la ta-di-in why hast thou not paid it? 

30 shu-ii it-ti-ia te-bi^ He is angry with me. 

31 ul a-shi-im-ma? it-ti^-ka It will not be my fault, if he does not 

32 ul i-da-bu-ub accuse thee, saying : 

33 um-rm-a* SUM.SAR' u SUM.EL. 'No onions and garlic (?) 


34 a-na a-ka-li ia-a-nu are there to eat,' 

35 um-ma-a^ a-na MAr-'Ta-a-du or: 'thou hast given to Mdr-Tddu 

36 i-na libbi'(= SHAG) SHE. BAR at- an order on my barley.' " 

tu-ii-a tu-she-ir^" 

37 na-ha-sa" aq-ba-ash-shii I told him to depart (= "to keep quiet" ?) 


No. 84 (= C. B. M. 3258). (Cf. photographic reproduction, PI. XII, 31, 32.) 

Errish-apal-iddina, a governor, writes to Innanni, the chief bursar of the Nippurian 
Temple storehouses, demanding of him to comply with his several wishes. Time 
of Kuri-Galzu, about 1400 B.C. 

For general introduction see preceding letter. The contents are the following: 
(a) The sesame of the prefects must not be accepted, 11. 3, 4. 

' Permailsive of i'^jl. 

' Lit., ' I shall not ordain it; I shall not cause it; it will not be my fault." The sense is: Do not blame me if 
he (Ibni-Marduk) accuses thee {Innanni), etc., but 1 would not be surprised at all if he does accuse thee. 
' It-ti here "against" ; cf. dabub limnutim dabubu ilti. No. 75 : 6, p. 135. 

* Um-ma-a . . . um-ma-a introduces the twofold possible accusation with which Ibni-Marduk may, and Errish- 
apal-iddina does, threaten Innanni, viz., an accusation of neglect and one of fraud. It seems that Errish-apal-iddina 
had to THREATEN Innanni continually in order to make him live up to his agreements (cf. 1. 13). The first accusation 
with which Errish-apal-iddina threatens Innanni is this: If thou dost not give to Ibni-Marduk the SHE. BAR he will 
accuse thee of neglect by saying there are "no onions, etc., to eat!" This shows that SHUM.SHAR, etc., belong to, 
and form part of, SHE. BAR; hence "barley" at this time signifies everything that belongs to the sustenance, food, 
of the people, cf. our "bread." See also p. 112, note 2. 

" For SUM.SAR = .shumu, "onions," see H. W. B., p. 647. 

' SUM.EL.SAR probably = "garlic!" Cf. also Meissner, Ideogramme, Nos. 2970-2972. Or is EL here ^ffULI 
If so, then cf . qishshu — UVL{ = u-ku-ush).SAR = "cucumber," H. W . B., p. 598a. 
' KAR indicates here a certain kind of SUM.EL.SAR. 

* The second accusation with wliich Inrmnni is threatened by the writer is that Ibni-MardukynWs&y. "Thou hast 
not only withheld from me what belongs to me, but hast even given an order on my barley to MCir-'T&du, and thus hast 
cheated me out of my own." Cf. here p. 87, note. 

* I.e., to take "from" my grain. 
'"Seep. Ill, note 2. 

" N<p-ba-sa = infinitive (cf. nife^.su, H. W. B., p. 458a, and Jensen, K. B., VI, pp. 388, 496). 



(6) Bring the oil into "the Tablet house," 11. 5-10. 
(c) Send the report about the barley, 11. 11, 12. 
(rf) Give three jars of Lager-beer to ffashmar, 11. 13-16. 
(e) Make the GAR.RASHKU, 11 17-19. 

1 a-na ""In-na-an-ni ki-be-ma 

2 um-ma "" ''"E'rrish{t){= MASH)- 

apal-iTUR. USH)-iddina{ = SEy^- 

3 ''"'{'= GISH.NI) shd 


4 la ta-ma-ha-ar 

5 at-ta ma-an-nu^ '^"shamashshammu 

(= GISH.NI) 

6 li-is-hu-tu-u-ma^ 

7 shamnu{= NI.GISH) a-na ^ "'^^DUB' 


8 u at-ta '''^shaniashshammi(= GISH. 


9 su-}j,u-ut-ma shamnu{ = NI.GISH) 
10 a-na ^ "''""DUB shu-ri-ib 

' 11 iidi-imSHE.BAm 

To Innanni speak, 

thus saith Errish-apal-iddina: 

The sesame of the prefects 

thou must not accept. 
All who press out 

the sesame 

must bring the oil (in) to the "Tablet 

therefore press out thy sesame 

and bring the oil (in) to 
the "Tablet house." 
Also no report whatever 

'Ma-an-nu, because construed with the plural Qi-is-fiu-tu-u-ma, H-she-ri-hu) , has liere the signification "all those 


' The root of li-is-liu-tu-u-ma has to be, on account of the writing ^u-Jiu-ut-ma (1. 9), OnV. It haWng 
here an object, must show an a in the present, hence sakMu, i?hut (prset.), isahat (pro's.), subut (imperat.). Both 
Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 564fc (wrongly ^^2f), and Muss-Arnoldt, p. 873, leave this verb untranslated. The action of the 
?ahatu shall be applied to tlie ''"^GISH.NI; the result of this is NI.OISH, whicli shall be brouglit into the i "'""'DUB. 
From tills it follows that safiCltu means something hke "to press," "to squeeze out," by chopping up the ''^'GISH.NI 
(hence sa^iMu parallel to suhb^ru, "klein machen," see H. W. B., I.e.), and is as such the same as the German "keltern." 
"The oil of the wood," i.e., the NI.GISH or shamnu, is, therefore, gained by chopping up, pressing, squeezing the '^'GISH. 
NI OT "sesame leaves (resp. bark)," and is, in fact, nothing but the "oil of the sesame"; hence the GISH in NI.GISH 
is the same as the ''"'GISH in ''"'GISH.NI. Now we understand also what a """''"NI.SUR is. From "'"''"GESHTIN. 
SUR.RA = sa-bi-it ka-ra-ni = "W einkelterer" {Vj we know tliat SUR = safultu; hence a "^"'^"■NI.SUR is one who 
presses, squeezes, etc., the NI, i.e., the fat {sc. out of the milk) ; in other words he is the "butter-maker" ; or if NI in 
NI.SUR be the same as the NI in NI.GISH, he would become the "sesame oil manufacturer." 

' Cf. pp. 88ff. Whether this ^ "''^^DUB refers to that of Nippur or, what is more probable, to that of DUr- 
Errish-apal-iddina, cannot be made out from this passage. 

* LI. 5-7 contain a generally accepted law or custom: It is the rule that .... therefore (li introduces the apodosis) 
comply thou to this rule : press out, etc. 

' See introduction to No. 76, p. 143, and cf. pp. 84ff. * 


12 mi-im-ma ul ta-ash-pu-ra about the barley hast thou sent. 

13 ii ""Ua-ash-mar Furthermore as regards Uashmar 

14 shd ash-pu-rak-ku concerning whom 1 have sent to thee — 

15 3' labiru(= U") shikaru(= KASH) ''give (him) upon the demand of his 

a-na pi-i^ representatives 

16 a-mi-li-e-shu* i-din ■ 3 jars of Lager-beer." 

17 u GAR.RASH KW shd a-di Also the ... . which is for(?) my 

18 li-tu-u-a^ .... 

19 e-pu-ush make. 


No. 85 (= C. B. M. 3206). 

Inhi-Airi, a lady of high rank, demands of Innanni, the chief bursar of the Nippurian 
Temple storehouses, the payment of barley and wages. Time of Kuri-Galzu, 
about 1400 B.C. 

Inhi-Airi, "fruit of Ijjar,"' must have been a lady of very high rank, seeing that 
she dared to write to the bursar-in-chief, Innanni, in words which are equal to a per- 
emptory order: "give." It may not be impossible that she was one of the many 
ladies connected with the Temple, and hence indirectly with the Palace — ladies 
who are in the "Temple Archives" quite frequently mentioned under the title NIN. 
AN"""''(= qadishtuf), but whose status quo can, however, not yet be defined more 
clearly. She, like the governor Errish-apal-iddina, experiences the same difficulties 
in her dealings with Innanni, having to warn him "not to act inimically towards 
her," but to do as told, or else she might lodge a complaint against him with the 
King ! '"Iddina-^'^'Nergal is, no doubt, the same as the one mentioned in B. E., XIV, 

' DUK = karpatu is, like gur, etc., very often omitted. 

' The writer liad first written BI (traces of which are still visible) . He erased this and wrote over the partial 
erasure the sign U = labiru, intending, by doing so, to put special emphasis upon the "old." "Old beer" is, of course, 

' Here abbreviated from a-na pi-i shi-pir-ti, i.e., "upon the written order of." 

* Amelu used here (as at tlie time of ffamviurabi) in the sense of "a certain one," i.e., a "representative." 

' GAR.RASH KU. Cf. B. E., XV, 44 : 6, "x. qa of flour (ZID.DA) as GAR.RASH for our liouse {£-nu) "'Be- 
la-nu (has given or received?)"; similar is I.e., 156 : 2. In I.e., 79 : 5, we have: aklum S-nu GAR.RASH fil(= NUN)- 
li-lia. In B. E., XIV, 117a : 3, we hear of 3 ga SHI GA R.RASH. These passages show that KU is not a part of the 
ideogram. KU, however, cannot be here = kemu, "flour"; if it were, it had to stand before GAR.RASH; see p. 123, note 
10. Is it possible to take GAR.RASH KU here(V) \a the sense of akdli (shd) ana fi('rrAni = "Verproviantirung," ht. 
" food for the journey "7 The above-quoted passages are, however, against such a translation, 

• For li-tu-u cf . Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 3866. 
' For another letter of Jnbi-Airi see No. 86, 



14 : 6' (10th year of Kuri-Galzu), who appears there as the brother of ""Nu-ri-e-a. For 
Sin-issahra,^ the head of the royal storehouse, ASH .TAB.BA.GAN .TUG''\ see 
pp. 79, 81, 104, 110. 

The contents are : 

(a) Request for payment of barley to 

(a) Idin-Nergal, 11. 3-7, and to 

(/3) 'Dini, 11. 10, 11. 

(6) "The wages for the persons" are to be handed over to Sin-issahra, 11. 8, 9. 

1 a-na ""In-na-an-ni ki-be-ma 

2 um-ma 'In-bi-A-a-ri-im-ma 

3 3 igur) SHE. BAR a-na '"Idin ( = 

To Innanni speak, 
thus saith Inbi-Airi: 
Give to Idin-Nergal 


4 i-di-in 

5 li-mu-ut-ta la te-ip-pu-shd-an-ni-ma^ 

6 shd aq-ba-dsh-shii li-ish-am-ma* 

7 li-il-qa-a^ 

8 ipru{= SHE.BA) MU""''^ a-na 

'^''''Sin{= XXX)-is-sah-ra 

9 i-di-in 

10 4 {gur) SHE.BAR a-na 'Di-ni mdrat 

(= TUW) -46i(= AD)-ia 

11 i-di-in. 

3 (gur) of barley. 

Do not act inimically towards me, 
but as I have told him let him take 
and carry away. 

The wages (food) for the persons give to 

To Dini, the daughter of Abi-ia, give 

4 (gur) of barley. 


No. 26 (= C. B. M. 19,785). 

Kudurdni, the royal superintendent of the Temple storehouse at Pi-ndri, reports to 
King Kadashman-Turgu about the administration of certain affairs incumbent 
on his office. About 1360 B.C. 

' Notice that this tablet contains in 1. 5 the name "* »'"Sot( = XXX)-issahra( = NIGINY". 

' Cf . also the BU-'" ^^^Sm-issahra in No. 9 : 16. 

' Lit., Do not make enmity towards me, but do as told by him. 

• For nashU used in connection with the removal of barley, etc., cf., e.g., B. E., XV, 141 : 11, 16 | KX) : 3 | 55 : 3, etc. 

' For laqA, "to remove barley, etc., from (= TA =ishtu) a place to {ana) another," cf., e.g., B. E., XV, 197 : 5, 7. 

' In view of the fact that the amount is invariably stated and not simply referred to as "that {MU"^"''^ = shu'alu) 
amount," I see in this MU"^"'' the same expression as that occurring in DUB MU""''^ = DUB shumati, "Temple 
record"; in other words, I tak&MU"^'"'^ to stand here for s/mmdW = "persons," as mentioned in the "Temple Archives," 
where they are generally introduced by the expression MU.BIJM. See p. 83, note 9. 

' TUR for TUB.SAL; the SAL having been omitted here, because the gender was already indicated by the SAL 
which precedes the name Di-ni, 


The writer of this and the following letters (Nos. 27, 28), "'Ku-du-ra-nu, was a 
contemporary of Kishahbut.' If so, then Erba-Marduk of No. 27 : 27, 30, 32 is, no 
doubt, identical with the sukalmahhu of No. 35 : 28. Taking all other passages into 
consideration^ I propose to identify our writer with "'Ku-du-ra-ni, the son of "* U-bar-ri 
(see below, p. 126). '"Ku-du-ra-ni, being stationed, in the 12th year of Kadash- 
man-Turgu, at Pt-ndri''' where a certain ""Ta-ki-shu receives grain (SHE) from him 
{ina qdt),^ must have been at that time the head of the storehouse at Pi-ndri''\ In the 
same capacity he is mentioned among certain storehouse officials or superintendents 
who paid, in the 13th year of Kadashman-Turgu, SHE FJAR^RA (lit., "interest 
grain") to the city Dur-'^''Gu-la''\* We may, therefore, identify the be-h of our letter 
with King Kadashman-Turgu and assign the letter itself to about 1360 B.C. 

The contents of this letter are the following : 

(a) A plan as to how to pay barley to certain officials, 11. 3-8. 

(&) Concerning fugitives, 1. 9. 

(c) The "stone eyes" will be taken to the gem-cutter's, 11. 12-14. 

(d) The ploughing has been begun two days ago, 11. 15, 16. 

(e) The watering tank shall not extend to the King's palace, 11. 17-19. 
(/) Wells are few in number and pastures do not exist at all, 11. 19, 20. 

1 ardi-ka '"Ku-du-ra-nu a-na di-na-an Thy servant Kudurdnu ; before the pres- 

be-h-ia lul-lik ence of my "Lord" may I come! 

2 a-na dlu-ki si-rv" ii bit be-h-ia shu-ul- To the city, the field, and the house of 

mu my "Lord" greeting! 

3 um-mn-a a-na be-Vi-ia^ shd be-h ish- The following to my "Lord" : With re- 

pu-ra gard to what my "Lord" has written 

4 um-ma-a SHE. BAR shd '''"Qi-ba-ri- saying: "The barley of the city of 

ti ii '^^"Kdr-^'^Nabui = AG) gibariti and of Kdr-Nabd 

' See introduction to No. 35, p. 120. 

' Of. e.g., '"Nur-^^"Shamash (27 : 8, here called gu-gal-lum) is mentioned as pa-te-si in the lltli year of Kadashman- 
Turgu (B. K., XIV, 99a : 20). "^Di-in-iii-lu-mur (27 : 18) occ'urs again in the 3d year of Kadashman-Turgu (B. E., XIV, 
91a : 12), etc., etc. Meissner, G. G. A., February, 1908, pp. 130-143, thinks, "'Dln-ili-iumur is followed, in 
the latter passage, by da-mi-lum —ti'imitum, that he must have been a " woman." That DISH, instead of SAL, may 
be placed before the name of a woman is apparent especially from B. E., XV, 1.55, 19: "30 SAU^"'''," among whom 
(11. 1-18, 23-34) are to be found three (11. 13, 14, 18) who are determined by DISH. 

'iJ. £., XIV, 112 :7. 

'B. E., XIV, 101 : 14. 

' In Nos. 27, 28, written likewise by Kudurdnu, we have EDIN for si-ri. 

' Only here without the emphatic -ma, see p. 24, note 3, 


5 a-na '"^"^"RIQ' u '"^'''KA.ZID(= give to the riqqu and KA.ZID.DA 

KU).DA' i-di-in officers"— 

6 ki-i sJia? "^"'MUM^'^'-ma ga-am-rat "so may my 'Lord/ as soon as the city 

/ C SHE.BAR GISH.BAR.GAU MUM-ma has paid up, (first) set 

aside (the) 100 (gur) of barley, 

7 be-Pi li-mi-da-ma" a-na '"""^''RIQ for the riqqu and KA.ZID.DA officers, 

<""''' KA.Z I D{= KU).DA 

8 ii' SHE.ZER'"'^''^ lu-ud-di-in" ash- in order that I may be able to pay the 

shumummdni(= SAB)-'" [. . .] seed-corn." As regards the men 

9 shd hi-il-qW'il) [....] who have fled(?) 

[ . . . . large break . . . . ] .... 

10 [ ] 

11 a-na mu-uh he-Vi-ia [ul-te-bi-la] "to my 'Lord' I have brought." 

12 dsh-shum "bnngfjpneshn ^^ abnu^ J y^^^}^ regard to the "eyes" of . . . stone 

' Probably the official who gathered the "vegetables" or "green things." 

' Lit., "the man who has the say {KA) over the flour (ZID.DA)," as regards its gathering and its disposition. 

' Ki-i shd, i.e., "when it is that,." "as soon as." 

* Written MUN, but has to be pronounced here, on account of the phonetic complement -ma, MUM; cf. alan 
anAalam, "statue," etc. '''"il/t/Jlf" may be translated either by " Wiistenstadl." or by "flour (cf. p. 123, note 10) city." 

» Notice that SHE.BAR GISH.BAR.GAL, which is "set aside," may be paid out as SHE.ZER. 

* The a-ma in li-mi-da-ma indicates the chief sentence. Emidu c. ace. and ana, "elwas filr jcmand festsetzen, 
bestimmen," "to set aside." 

' U conseculivum. 

' For SHE.ZER = 2«ru, see Meissner, Ideogr., No. 5406. 

* LI. 6-8 is quite a strange answer to the inquiry of llie "Lord." In fact it is no answer at all, but a reguent 
on the part of the writer that if he is to pay barley to the riqqu and KA .ZID.DA, the "Lord" may first of all "set aside" 
the barley (i.e., give orders that the barley be "set aside") — not that of ffibariti and Kdr-NabA, however, but that of 

'" The traces speak rather for ra, ta, shd. 

11 abnugfjjmeeh^ lit. "Augensteine," "pearls(?)." With regard to these "stone eyes of ... . stone" Prof. 
Hilprecht writes me under date of July 2, 1908, as follows: 

"Among the numerous smaller votive objects left by the Cassite kings in Nippur (cf. Hilprecht, B. E., Series D, 
Vol. I, pp. 335f.) two classes are especially well represented in the museums of Constantinople and Philadelphia: (1) 
Lapis lazuli disks, known under tlie name of ASH-ME '^^'^^uknd (cf. Hilprecht, 0. B. I, Nos. 58, 59, 61, and pp. 49ff., 
and Meissner, Ideogramme, No. 28). (2) Little plano-convex round or oval objects in polished agate, resembling eyes. 
Cf. Hilprecht, I.e., Nos. 29, 31, 51, 52, 65, 73, 134, 135, 139. In my 'Description of Objects' I called them simply 
'agate cameos.' More exactly they are cut out of two-colored agate in such a manner that the lower white layer rep- 
resents the white of the eyes, the upper smaller brown layer the pupil. As a rule the pupil alone bears the votive inscrip- 
tion, exceptionally it is engraved on the white layer (73), sometimes cuneiform signs are found on both (135). All the 
'agate eyes' so far discovered in Nippur by the four expeditions, especially by the second and third, belong exclusively 
to the Cassite period. In Babylon similar 'eyes ' in agate were found in a jeweler's shop of the Parthian period. From 

Prom the temple aechives of nippUk. 119 

13 a-na ""I-li-ah-hi-e-ri-ba^ a-[. . . .^]- (I beg to state that) they will be taken 

ma (shall take them?) 

14 i-li-ik-qa-a? to Ili-ahhi-eriba, the .... 

15 dsh-shum shd-ha-shi* shd be-h ish- With regard to the ploughing, concern- 

pu-ra ing which my "Lord" has inquired, 

(I beg to say that) 

16 Hmu 2*""* a-na shd-ha-shi e-ki-ri-iU I am at the ploughing for the last two 


17 dsh-shum shu-ki-i* shd i-tu-u ""Iz- With regard to the watering tank(?) 

gur-^'^'Errishit) ( = NIN.IB) which the itu Izgur-Errish 

18 shd-ak-nu-ma be-h ish-pu-ra a-na bdbi is putting up (and) concerning which 

my "Lord" has written (I beg to 
assure my Lord that) 

19 shd bit be-h-ia ul i-la-ak ku-bur-ra'' it shall not go up (extend to) the gate 

the inscriptions on some of them it becomes clear that they also belong to the Cassite period and originally came from 
Nippur. There are, however, known two identical, beautiful agate eyes (formed of three-colored agate, the lowest light- 
brown layer serving as a basis for the two upper layers), which date from the time of Nebuchadrezzar II, and according 
to the story of the Arabs, corroborated by the inscription (running in minute but very clear characters along the outer 
edge of the pupil), came from the ruins of Babylon. This inscription reads: '^NabA-kudurru-usur .ihar Babili, apil 
'^NabA-apal-usur, ana ''Marduk, bcli-shu iqesh(-esh), 'N., king of Babylon, son of N., presented it to Marduk, his lord.' 

" In view of these characteristic votive objects of the Cassite kings we are scarcely wrong in interpreting 'the 
stone eyes of ... . stone' mentioned in the above passage as objects in the shape of eyes cut out of a certain stone, 
the name of which is unfortunately broken away, but which according to the rasults of the excavations in all proba- 
biUty was 'agate.' " Cf. in this connection the "eye of God" which sees everything! 

' In view of i-li-ik-qa-a (1. 14) one might l^e inclined to read here '"I-li-Ali.-fii e-ri-ba-a[. . . . ]-ma, but this would 
give no satisfactory sense. 

'We would expect here a "title" or the "name of the profession" of Ili-aUbi-eriha: "goldsmith," "gem-cutter," 
etc. The traces, however, do not fit for zadimmu or kudimmu. 

' By translating as given above, I take i-li-ik-qa-a to be a 3d pers. fern. plur. IV': illiqqa = illaqd, referring back 
to "bnu^jjjmeth^ ^ i^^ ■plural (abnu is masc, but more frequently fern.). Cf. pp. 131, note ; 141, note 2. 

* The signification of sha-ba-shi is very doubtful. I would like to take it as an infinitive of E'3C' = sabdsu, 
for which see Jensen, K. B., VI', pp. 383, 511, who .issigns to this verb the significations "um-, anruhren, dahinslurmen, 
aufiimhlen." The last signification is used not only of the "dust," but also of the "ground," i.e., "to plough." 

^Eki-ri-ib = a-qa-ri-ib—e for a on account of the guttural p, cf. p. 97, n. 7. Qar&bu c. ana here "to go at 
something," just as "a man goes at his enemy." 

• Reading, form, and signification doubtful. The shii-ki-i must be something that is "put up" (shd-ak-nu), a 
kind of building. It must bo long, for "it shall not go to the house of the Lord." If shii-ki-i be a formation like shugil 
(root J?Jty, //. W. B., p. 640o^ its root might be either DDty or Hpty. Have we to see, therefore, in shii-ki-i a side 
form of shiqu, "Trdnke," DeUtzsch, H. W. B., p. 6856? ShuqH might be a fu'iil form. 

' In view of shu-ki-i, "watering tank," I am inclined to see in ku-bur-ru the same word as qubAru, a synonym of 
shuttatu, which latter Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 097, translates by "Loch," and Jensen, A'. B., VI', p. 416, by "Grube," 
"Fallgrube." Seeing, however, that shuttatu is the same as shu-ut-lu, and that the latter has the ideograph u (fm-ru), 
which also stands for bdru, "well," I take ku-bur-ra = qub^ru in the sense of "well." 


a-mi-if of the house of my "Lord." Of 

wells there are only a few 
20 u mu-ra-kv? ia-a'-nu-um and of pastures there are none. 


No. 35 (= C. B. M. 0057). 

Report of the royal superintendent Kishahbut about his affairs. Time of Kadashman- 
Turgu, about 1355 B.C. 

Kishahbut,^ the writer of this and the preceding letter (No. 34), has, if our 
combinations be correct, gradually worked himself up from a rather lowly position 
to that of an itH (1. 25), an "inspector," of the king. In the Uth year (of Nazi- 
Maruttashy he acted as na-gid, "shepherd," for {ki shum) ""Ku-du-ra-ni} In the 
12th year of Nazi-Maruttash" we find him in Zarat-IM''' as one of the ENGAR, 
"farmers," "irrigators," receiving PAD or "wages." In the 14th year of the same 
ruler' (month Tishri) he is stationed as riqqu in KI-"'Ga-ir''\ receiving "KU.QAR 
wages" from Enlil-muktn-apal. Two months later (Kislev) we meet him in the 
same capacity, but in the city Du-un-ni-a-hi''%^ receiving some more "KU.QAR 
wages" from Enlil-muktn-apal. In the 15th year of Nazi-Maruttash^ he is still in 
Du-un-ni-a-hi''\ where "KU.QAR wages" are "furnished" by him to Apil-'^"Rammdn 
who is to transport them by ship to Nippur. While living in Kur {or Tar)-ri-ti'^ he 
appears, during the 14th and 15th year of Kadashman-Turgu"' , again as a "payer of 
wages." Finally in the 15th year (of Kadashman-Turgu^^)we find him in Dur-^'^Nusku'\ 
apparently as a superintendent {itu) of the Temple's storehouse, receiving (mi-tah-hu- 
rum) grain {SHE) from {i-na qdt) various persons. While in Dur-''''Nusku"^^'^ Kishahbut, 

' For amesu = mesu, "to be small, to be few in number (opp. ma'du)," see Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 543. 

^ As tlie last paragraph of this letter is apparently coneerned with "watering tanks," "wells" — things absolutely 
necessary for the pasturing of herds — I see in mu-ra-ku a maf'al-iorm of p"ll, i.e., mavraqu, = mauraqu = miLraqu, 
"a. place of green things," "a pasture." 

' For the different writings of this name see Chapter I, p. 7, note 6. 

*B.E.,'K1Y, 168 : 8. 

'This Kudur&ni is, no doubt, the same as the one mentioned in our letter, 11. 27, 31, and who appears as the 
writer of Nos. 26-28. For further details see introduction to No. 26, pp. 117f. 

« B. E., XIV, 57 : 12. 

' B. E., XIV, 60 : 4. 

« B. E., XIV, 62 : 17. 

» B. E., XIV, 65 : 6. 

'» B. .E:., XIV, 114 :6. 

" B. E., XV : 48 : 2. Thus I would supply the date, seeing that Kishaifnit has attained at this time apparently 
his highest position ; this date must, therefore, be the latest. 

" This city must have had a "palace" (S.GAL), an ^ A-nu and a Mb A-nu-um, cf. 1. 15. 


no doubt, wrote the letter translated below. The writer's official life extended, 
therefore, over a period of thirty-one years {i.e., from the 11th year of Nazi-Maruttash 
to the 15th of Kadashman-Turgu) , and supposing him to have been twenty 
years old when first mentioned, he would have been about fifty-one years when he 
wrote this letter. If our deductions be correct, the he-h of 1. 1 must have been King 

Erba-Marduk,^ "the servant" and sukkalmahhu of the king (11. 17, 26), I propose 
to identify with the one known from B. E., XIV, 19 : 23, as "the son of Sin-nur- 
mMi."'' According to this passage Erba-Marduk was one of the Temple or Palace 
servants receiving wages due him for the last six months of the 13th year of Kuri- 
Galzu. Again supposing that Erba-Marduk was during the 13th year of Kuri- 
Galzu about twenty years old, he must have been eighty-four years of age in the 15th 
year of Kadashman-Turgu, when he had reached the exalted position of a sukkalmahhu. 
Need we wonder that Kishahbut should have been somewhat irritated about the 
slowness of this old and venerable official?^ 

The contents of this letter might be conveniently subdivided into the following 
parts : 

(a) Report about a successful completion of building operations, 11. 6-9. 

(b) Fifty-five out of seventy gur of kasia due to the King have been sent, 11. 10-12. 

(c) The disposition of wool has been communicated to the King, while the writer 
was received, in Nippur, in private audience by his "Lord," 11. 13, 14. 

(d) Certain buildings (in Dur-''"Nusku''') need "strengthening" (?), 11. 15, 16. 

(e) The garments have not been paid to the weavers and fullers,* 11. 17-19. 
(/) Digression : Twofold complaint, 11. 20-24. 

(g) Renewed request that adobes be ordered to be made, 11. 25-29. 
Qi) The sesame oil of the King has been sent, the shatammu must now store it, 
11. 30-33. 

1 ardi-ka "'Ki-shah-bu-u[t] Thy servant Kishahbut; 

2 a-na di-na-an be-h-ia lu[l-lik] before the presence of my "Lord" may I 


3 a-na bit be-h-ia shU-u\l-mu] To the house of my "Lord" greeting! 

' Cf . here also above, pp. 7, note 1 ; 14, note 7 ; 2.3, 107. 

' Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 43a, quotes two passages where tliis Erba-Marduk is supposed to have been mentioned, 
but the second passage (27 : 14) is wrong. Under Sin-nHr-miiti only one passage is quoted. 
' Cf. 11. 2.'5ff., and see already above. Chapter III, pp. 44ff. 

• Or complaint about Erba-Marduk in not .sending the garments for the weavers and fullers, see notes to 11. 17f. 


4 ultu(= TA) um""' ak-shu-d[a} Since the day I began, I have covered 

5 ish-te-en bita pa-ar-ha? us-sa-li-iV one building with (flower) ornamenta- 


6 u hiti ru-uk-ki* shd he-Vi i-mu-ru-ma And the farther (away) building which 

my "Lord" has examined 

7 bu-us-su^ na-pa-la" iq-ba-a and whose front side he has commanded 

to tear down 

8 ki-i a-mu-ru-ma bu-hu-ur-shu' I have, after I had examined it, torn 

9 bu-ud-du-rv? at-ta-pa-al" it down to improve its ensemble. 

' Lit., "since the day when (sc. shd, hence the relative a in akshuda) I went at it," i.e., when I began doing it, 
hence kashadu has here tlie signification of "to begin, to commence." 

' Pa-ar-lm. On account of the ish-te-en we cannot connect Bit-pa-ar-jia , but must take par}m as object to us^alil, 
i.e., parfia must signify sometliing with which the ishten bita was "covered." From Exod. 25 : 33; 37 : 20 we learn 
that a n"l3, generally translated by "flower," was an ornament, resp. ornamention, of the "candlestick." There can be 
no doubt that we have the same word here, but whether the ornaments were in the shape of "flowers" has to remain, 
at the present, an open question . 

' 11^ '77X c. double ace., "to cover something with something." Cf. also the II' (or II'?) form in 06 : 22, 
^ ""''JVAZ)"'*''' li-?i-el-li-lu-ma. For a different translation of ^ahUu II' (a II' is not mentioned), see Delitzsch, H. W. B., 
p. 568a, and Jensen, K. B., VI', pp. 485, 343. 

* Ru-uk-ki seems to be here in opposition to ish-te-en. If so, we might translate ish-te-en bita .... hiti ru-uk-ki 
by "the first (= nearer) house .... the farther (away) house." A place name Btt-Ruqqi is out of question. 

■i Either for pM-su (Delitzsch, //. ir. B., p. 516a, "side"; Jensen, K. B., VI', pp. 414, 506, "back"; Kuchler, 
Medizin, "shoulder") or for put-su (Delitzsch, I.e., p. 517a, "front"; Jensen, I.e., pp. 506, 525f., 549, 555, "back," "body"). 
Tiie signification "front side" seems to be here the most appropriate one. Cf. in this connection the strange expression, 
"^X. {i.e., always the person who puts his seal to the document, the "recipient") hu-us-su im-}ia-a?-ma im-liur (e.g., 
B. E., XIV, 11 : 6 I 127 : 6 | 135 : 6 et passim) — no doubt a religious ceremony (cf. the German "sieh bekreuzen," the 
Hebrew i'3E'J, lit. to hit one's self seven times, "sich hesiebenen"), indicating that the recipient "smote his breast" 
before he received the things mentioned in the "contract." Tliis "smiting of the breast" on the part of the recipient 
was a kind of oath, signifying that he (the recipient or debtor) will abide by the terms of the contract. Meissner, 
M. V. A.G., 1905, p. 308, translates ptlt-sumalid^u hy "garantiren." 

'Na-pa-la .... at-ta-pa-al, root 73J = 73J, "to destroy," here "to tear down," cf. Tigl., VI : 28, "the 
wall .... a-na na-pn-li aq-ha-shum-ma I commanded him to tear down." A possible derivation of at-ta-pa-al from 
apdlu (for signification see, besides H. W. B., p. 1126, also Delitzsch, B. A ., IV, p. 81 ; Nagel, ibid., p. 478; Jensen, K. B., 
VI', p. 369) or from 731 (Jensen, I.e., p. 353) is, on account of na-pa-la, out of question here. 

' Lit., "completeness," "totality," here in the sense of "en.'temble." Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 507, mentions a hufiru = 
UD as signifying "irgend etwas helles." If we have this buh,ru here we might translate "in order to improve its light 
( = UD ^huhru)." 

'.A.n infinitive IP of 113 (cf. the imperative bu-ut-te-ir, C. T., IV, 32 (= B' 598) : 17 and p. 98, note 2) is 
here, on account of the writing with d, excluded. It can, therefore, be only an infinitive II' of eitlier IDS or 113. 
The signification of 103 does not fit here. DeHtzsch, H. W. B., p. 516a, mentions a root 113 without giving a 
translation. Tallquist, Sprache, p. 113, following the Hebrew 113, "fat," translated pad6ru by "to be fat." From 
the context we would expect here some such meaning as "improve." According to this the alpu (immeru) tap-di-ru 
would be "improved" (in the sense of), "fattened," oxen (or sheep) — oxen that had gone through a special process of 
"improving" them. 



10 it 70' *"A;asM(= PUgADU)"''''" shd 

n iq-bu-ic* 55 ''''kasii( = PUSADU)""''' 

12 ish-shu-ni-ma id-di-nu-nf 

13 dsh-shum shipdtu(= *S/(r )*''"" i-na 

Nip]mr{= EN.LILY^' 

14 a-na be-h-ia aq-ta-bi 

15 dsh-shum S.GAL ^ A-nu u bdb A- 


16 ki-i a-ha-mi-ish ri-i[t-ta?]' 

17 u lubushti(= KU)'^-"'" shd ardi-ka 


And with regard to the 70 (gur) of my 

"Lord's" kasia — 
"they informed (me) that they have paid 
out 55 igur) of kasia." 
As regards the wool — "in Nippur 

I have spoken to my 'Lord' about it." 
As regards the palace, the "Temple of 

God" and the "gate of God"— 
". . . . one with the other." 
And as regards the garments which thy 

servant Erba-Marduk 

' The measure GUR is (as is often done at this time) left out liere; ef. also 37 : S and see Tallquist, Sprache, p. 21 . 

2 por ^"PUgADU or ''"""PUQADU.SHAIi or PUgADU.SHAR = kanii {e.g., R. E., IX, 29 el passim) see 
now Meissner, Ideogramme, No. 3796. Hilprecht in class lectures on B. E., IX, explained it (in 1898) as Kaaia. 

' A good example showing the difference between be-li-ia and be-li — a difference which is of the highest import- 
ance for a correct understanding of many passages in the letters here published. Be-li-ia i.s always the genitive or 
dative (used after prepositions or in a stal. constr.) and means either "of my Lord" or "to my Lord." Be-l%, on the 
other hand, is either the nominative or vocative and has to be rendered "Lord" or "my Lord." This being true we 
cannot translate here "the kasia wood about which my Jjord has spoken" (tins had to lie ^'^"kasu slid hc-h iq-hu-ii or 
iq-ba-a), but must lender a.s given above. That this difference 's rigidly carried tlirough even in tlie letters of tlie K. 
Collection has quite correctly been observed by Behrens, /-. S. S., II', p. 22f. 

* "They," i.e., the storeliouse officials whom I asked about the kasia. 

* Lit., "they have taken {sc. ishtu kari anni, i.e., from this storeliouse) and they have given," i.e., "55 gur have been 
taken from and have been paid." Tlie payments here referred to were apparently made in installments. Tlie "Lord," 
however, seems to have received none so far — hence his inquiry and the answer. For a similar h 6ia Svolv cf. 
B. E., XV, 159 : 2, i-na q&t '"X. mah-ru-ma nadnu^^, i.e., "by X. was paid." 

' For SIG = ship&tu, see Zehnpfund, B. A., I, p. 494. Wool is weighed according to ma-na, see, e.g., 27 : 31; 
B. E., XV, 6 : 11 I 11 : 1. For the different kinds of wool at this time cf. e.g., 44 : lOf. | 23 : 19f. | 44 : 12 | 38 : 15f. and 
B. E., XIV, 94 : 1 1 99o, Rev., col. XII; I.e., XV, 11 : 1, etc. 

' See Chapter IV, p. 74. 

' Traces of -um are clearly visible. See also p. 80. 

* Emendation doubtful, but probable. Ritta = I' imperative of Jim, "to fortify, strengthen." 

'« Hardly KU , i.e., ZID or ZID.DA = qtmu or better k(>mu, "flour," see, besides Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 5866, also 
No. 14 : 5. If so, then compare B. E., XV, 181, wliere the following "kinds of flour" are miintioned: KU.DA 
n-du (1. 3), cf. B. E., XIV, 117a : (i and our No. 57 : 14 (here without KU);KU man.)-at{d)-gan(\) (1. 4), cf. No. 57 : 18; 
B. E., XIV, 106c ; 2; H. W. B., p. 436a ; KU pa-hi-du (1.5), cf. B. E., 117a : 2 ; KU.GIG (1. 6). The last is most 
generally found without the determinative KU as, e.g., in I.e., XIV, IS : 2 | 24 : 2 ; XV, 10 : 2 I 36 : 3, etc. For 
GIG = kihcilu, see Dclitzscli, //. W. B., p. 317o; Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 485f. With GIG, resp. GIG.BA{ = GIB.BA->), cf. 
also GIG.GIG.BA in B. E., XV, 40 : 12 | 117 : 1. Hilprecht, class lecture on B. E., IX, read (1898) OIG.BA =gulba 
and translated "spelt"; KU shi-ib-ri (1. 7), cf. Hebrew 131?; KU shi-ni-tum (1. 8), cf. B. E., XIV, 117a: 5. Resides 
these I noted also the following: KU.MUN, B. E., XV, 19 : 16 I 164 : 4, 7; XIV, 23 : 1 I 65 : 13; also written KU.DA. 
MUN, I.C., XV, 64 : 7, or only MUN, I.e., XV, 16 : 8 | 44 : 20, 22, 35 | 169 : 3 | 181 : 9, which shows that MUN at this 
time was a certain kind of flour (not salt); K17 ASHAN.NA, I.e., XV, 140 ; 1, or only ASH.AN.NA, our No, 37: 8; 


18 a-na ''"''Hshparu{= USH.BAR) u was to have given to the weavers and 

ka-si-ri^ fullers 

19 ki-i man-da-at-ti-shii-nv? id-di-nv? as their due (I beg to state that) 

20 a-shar* u-kal-lum' ma-am-ma" ul wherever one looks — none has been 

im ( ?) -ma-ha-ar received : 

21 um-ma-d' ^ shiqlu(-=TU)-nuf hurdsi "not even a half sheqel of gold 

(= AZAG.GI) 

22 ul ub-ba-lum do they bring." 

23 um-ma-d' a-na hUi ki-i a-ha-mi- "(Surely), they are, one with the other, 

\ish] against the 'house' {sc. of my 


24 it{1)-ta-sha-a}f ii libittu{= SHEGy There are also no adobes ! 


KU UD, I.e., XV, 140 : 2; KU mi-ir-qu, I.e., XV, 140 : 3; XIV, 117a : 4; KU USH, I.e., XV, 140 : 4; KU.DA GISH. 
BAR SHE.BA, l.c.,XV, 140 : 5; KU ar-ki-i ('•rackstdruligesC!) Mehl"), I.e., XV, 168 : 20; ki-mu. I.e., XV, 59 : 20 | 144: 4, 
5 (not to be identified with ki MU{= shum) between two proper names, for which see p. 6, note); ki-mu UAR.RA, 
I.e., XV, 135 : 7. KU.QAR, for wliich see Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 28, note to No. 8 : 4, does probably not belong here. 
Are also the ?i-}d-ram, SHI GAR.RASH of B. E., XIV, 117a, 11. 1, 3, to be referred to here ? With JfCt/i''" cf. 109, 1. 8. 

' For kasiru = qasiru = "fuller," see Meissner, M. V. A. G., IX (1904), p. 52. ' See p. 99, n. 3. 

' The translation of 11. 17-21 depends entirely upon what view one takes with regard to the beginning of tlie 
apodosis or answer. Tims per se the following translations might be suggested : (a) "as regards the garments of thy 
servant — Erba-Marduk has given," etc.; (6) "as regards the garments of tiiy servant Erba-Marduk — they have given"; 
(c) "as regards the garments which thy servant Erba-Marduk . . . has given (was to have given)" — answer : 1. 20f., i.e., 
"wherever one looks (where they keep them), none are (have been) received." 

* For this signification of a-shar cf., e.g., C. T., VI, 3 : 12, a-shar i-qa-ab-bu-u, i.e., (I will give it) "wherever he 
shall say." 

' tj-kal-lum by itself might be taken either as a IP of 'O (i.e., ukMA-ma, cf. li-ka^a-al, Qam. L,, 37 : 6; 11^ uktali, 
Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 356), "to Uft up " (synonym of nashil), used not only of "the head " but also of " the eyes," 
i.e., "to see"; cf. kullu shd mimma{\), II R. 27 : 39, 4()e, /. Or, if one prefers, he miglit see in ukallum a II' of T\13 
(i.e., ukallA-ma) with the signification of "to shut up," "to keep," c. ina, "in something," cf. C. T., II, 19 ( =B^ 290) : 4, 
korli-a-ku, "1 am shut up, kept (in the house of the abarakku)"; B. E., XIV, 135 : 3, i-na ki-li . . . ik-la-shu-ma. If 
taken in the latter sense, 1. 20 might be translated ; "where they keep them {se. the garments) none have been received." 

•Here "neuter" as in S. 273 : 22, akala{= GAR) ma-am-ma a-na a-ka-li-ia, "something to eat" ; V. A. Th., 
809 : 8, a-na ma-am{'>)-ma, "for anything," i.e., "at all events," kaspa shu-bi-lam. See also Delitzsch, Gram., p. 142. 

' Introduces here the direct speech of the implied complaint of 1. 20. 

' Stands here for A. AN, "viz." For the .signification of A. AN behind numerals see now Hilprecht, B. E., XX', 
p. 22, note 2, and cf. No. 33a : 13, p. 137. 

' Il-ia-sha-ah, though parallel to ub-ba-lum, is here in the singular on account of the subject "one" implied in 
ki-i a-lja-mi-ish. '° See p. 95, n. 4. 

" Besides ia-a'-nu (so also 11 : 22, 28 | 13 : 15 | 28 : 20 | 87 : 14, 18) there occur the following variants in these 
letters: ia-a'-nu-um, 26 : 20; ia-a-nu, 18 : 28 | 66 : 27, 29 | 71 : 16 | 83 : 21; ia-nu, 14 : 13 | 23 : 30 | 44 : 11 | 57 : 13, 
14 I 81 : 12 1 95 : 14; ia-a-nu-ma, 95 : 18; ia-a-nu-um-mi, B, E., XIV, 8 : 8. For the -mi{ = -mu, -ma) cf. now Hinke, 
p. E., Series D, IV, p, 282a, For this and the following lines cf. pp. 44f, 


25 dsh-shum a-na-ku i-tv} be-h-ia 


26 al-li{1)-ko? a-na ""Erba-'^^Marduk 

27 shu-pu-ur-ma a-na ""Ku-du-ra-ni 

28 [ Zi ] - ish -pu-ra- ma sukkalmahhu ( = 

PAP.LUGH.MAGH) li-i[q-bi] 

29 libittui = SHEG)""'"' li-il-bi-nu 

30 dsh-shum^ shamnu( = NI.GISH)^ shd 

be-h-ia na-shu-[ma'!J 

31 il-ta-na-sii a-na ""Ku-du-rla-ni] 

32 [ardi]-ka ki-i aq-bu-u um-ma-a 

shamnu{= NI.GISH) i-na qdti-ia 

33 be-lia-na shatammi{^SHAG.TAMy 

li-ish-pu-ra-ma shamnu{= NI.GISH) 
shub(= RU)-ta lish-ki-nu-\maj 

As regards this that I, the itH of my 

have come (saying) : "Send to Erba- 

that he send to Kudurdni" — 
"so may the sukkalmahhu (i.e., Erba- 

Marduk) finally give orders 
that adobes be made." 
As regards the sesame-oil of my "Lord" — 

"It has been removed" they read 
when I spoke to Kudurdni 
thy servant: "Give the sesame-oil to 


My "Lord" may now send to the shatam- 
mi that they store up the oil. 

' See Chapter III, p. 35, note 4. 

' The a in al-li-ka shows that it is dependent upon a suppressed shd after dsh-shum. And because allika is followed 
by the imperative shupurma (I. 27) we Imve to supply an ummd before a-na "^Er-ba-^^^Marduk, making it a direct speech. 

' See Chapter IVf, p. 82. 

* From 84 : 6 it is apparent that NI.GISH, "the fat of the tree," i.e., shamnu or "oil," was obtained by "pressing" 
(?afe(W«) the SIIE.GISH.NI, i.e., the shamashshammu or "sesame." NI.GISH is, therefore, at this time the "sesame 
oil." For other occurrences of NI.GISH in our letters see 13 : 14 | 21 : 32 | 27 : 12, 13, 15 | 35 : 32, 33, and for 
SHE.GISH.NI cf. 8 : 3 i 65 : 5 I 84 : 3, 5; B. E., XIV, 136 : 4. Cf. p. 114, note 2. 

' Emendation doubtful, yet probable. For nashA in connection with the "removal" of goods "from" or "to" 
certain places cf. among other passages also B.E., XV, 53 : 12, ASH .AN .N A .... shd £ ku-nu-uk-ki a-na EN.LIL!'^ 
na-shu-u; I.e., 55 : 3, KU.DA .... shd ishtu shd (i.e., "which from that of," Clay, I.e., p. 19, No. 14, wrongly "from") 
'''"She-li-bi na-sha-a\ I.e., 100 : 1, SHE shd ishtu EN.LlU'^ na-sha-a KI-II (i.e., SHE shd ishlu) '^'■'^ Kal-bi-ia (sc. na- 

sha-a); I.e., 115 : 25, ASH.AN.N.i shib-shum shd a-na karO. ish-shu-ni; I.e., 181 : 2, KU.DA a-na UNUG''^ 

ish-shu-u, etc., etc. Cf. already p. 116, note 4. 

" This is, it seems to me, tlie best emendation according to the traces visible. I-na qdti-ia i-din, "give into my 
hand," is a.s much as idinanni, "give (unto) me." 

' See Chapter III, p. 35, note 3. 

' Shuhta .fhaki'inu, c. ace., "to put something on a place," "to make a resting place for something," i.e., "to store 
it." Here (and p. 52, n. 5) .thakiinu is construed witli double ace., the po,s.sibility of wliicli appeared to Jensen, K. B., VI', 
p. 412, doubtful. Notice also the vulgar preterit form {l)ish-ki{\)-nu for (l)ish-ku(\)-nu, due, no doubt, to the influence 
of n, aided by the i of lish; cf. also p. 97, n. 7. If one prefers, lie may see in lishkinu a III"' of [O, ushkln 
(cf. ushmtt of niD) + lu = lishkin (for lushkin), taking it as i^ causative of II', for >vliich see Delit«sch, H, W, B., 
p. 322a, "etwas an einem Ort aufstellen, niederlegen." 


XII. i , , ^ 

No. 39 (= C. B. M. 3661). 

Uharrum, a royal inspector, resp. superintendent, of rivers and canals reports to King 
Kudur-Enlil about the results of his various inspections. About 1335 B.C. 

From No. 39 : 21 we learn that the writer of this and the following letter, ■ 
Uharrum, was in one way or another connected with the city Dur-''"Enlil-'''^~""^'''''\ 
This very same city is mentioned, among other places, also in B. E., XIV, 118 : P 
(5th year of Kudur-Enlil). It happens that this last-named tablet mentions, to a 
great extent, the same persons which occur again in No. 48.^ Among the names of 
No. 48 is to be found also that of "* U -bar-rum (48 : 7) . From this it would follow 
that both' persons by the name of Uharrum, because closely connected with one 
and the same city, are in all probability identical. If so, I propose to identify our 
writer with the father of both Kudurdni, B. E., XIV, 112 : 7 (14th year of Kadash- 
man-Turyu) and Zakirum, B. E., XIV, 114 : 17 (15th year of Kadashmxin-Turgu) ; 
in other words, Uharrum, the writer of Nos. 39 and 40, is the father of Kudurdni, the 
writer of Nos. 26*-28. Uharrum, accordingly, must have lived at least from the 14th 
resp. 15th year of Kadashman-Turgu^ (when he appears as the father of the two sons 
just mentioned) till the 5th resp. 8th year of Kudurri-Enlil (when he is introduced as 
contemporary of ""Na-ah-zi-^'^Marduk^), i.e., during a space of at least twenty-three 
years. Supposing him to have been about forty years old when first mentioned, it 
would follow that he reached an age of at least sixty-three years, and wrote the 
letters in question sometime during the reign of Kudur-Enlil, i.e., when about sixty 
years old (5th year of Kudur-Enlil) . As both letters here published concern them- 
selves with rivers and canals, it is safe to suppose that Uharrum was, at the time of 
Kudur-Enlil, a royal inspector of canals and waterways, about the condition of which 
he had to and did report to his Lord and King. 

' Written here Dur-^^"En-lil^'-''-''\ see also p. 9, note 1. 

= Cf. e.g., 48 : 8, "'A^a-a6-2i-*'"MardMA; = /}.£., XIV, 118 : 16; 124 : 14 (8th year of Kudur-Enlil); 48 : 11, "" ''"/Jom- 
7ndn(= IMyensh'-''' = B. E., XIV, 118 : 19; 120 : 7 (5th year of Kudur-Enlil); 48 : 20, "" ^'''L-GIR-AN'"^''' = 
B.E., XIV, 118 : 12. Cf. also 48 : 22, ""Bu-na-^^^NIN.IB = B.E., XIV, 115 : 3 (here son of ""In-ni-bi, 1st year of 
Kadashman-Enlil) . In 42 : 5, 7, "'U-bar-ru appears as contemporary of '"Be-ki-nu (1. 17), whicli latter is likewise men- 
tioned in B. E^Xiy, 118 : 21 (5th year oi Kudur-Enlil) as the son oS "'KUR.GAR.RA. This last passage is, therefore, 
against' the signification "eunuch" which Jensen, K.B., VI', pp. 62, 9; .377, assigns to KUR.GAR.RA^kurgnrA. 

' I.e., our writer of Nos. 39, 40 and that of 48 : 7. 

* See introduction to No. 26, p. 117. 
'B. £., XIV, 112 :7 I 114: 17 . 

• Cf. No. 48 : 7 with 1, 8 and with B. £., XIV, 118 : 16 I 124 : 14, 


The contents of this letter are the following : 
(a) Concerning the fields of Tukulti-I^.KUR", 11. 4-6. 
(6) Concerning a flooded district, 11. 7-12. 

(c) Concerning the condition of the fields with crop belonging to Burruti, 11. 

{d) Concerning Dur-""Enlil'''"-"''"'-'\ 11. 17(?)-26. 

(e) LI. 27-39, too fragmentary. 

This letter ni,ay be read and translated : 

1 ardi-ka ""U-bar-rum a-na di-na-an Thy servant Ubarrum; before the pres- 

be-l\\-ia lul-lik] ence of my "Lord" may I come, 

2 um-m[a-a] a-na be-h-ia-ma speaking thus to my "Lord": 

S a-na eqli{ = A.SHAGl') it """"'"akil To the field and the chief irrigator of my 
erishei -PA'{1).ENGAR)sha be-li-ia "Lord" 

4 shu-ul-mu i-na bu-ut^ eqle{^ A. greeting! With regard to the fields 


5 shd Tuk{= KU)-kul-ti-S.KUR'''' oi Tuhdti-lJ.KUR eoncerning which my 

shd b[e-ri] "Lord" has written (I beg to state 

6 ish-pu-ra ik-te-di-ir-[rulj that) they have established their 


7 u ummdni{ = SAB)-'" shd pa-te-si"""'' And as regards the workmen of the 

u[la-me-e?f me-e pa-te-si and the [flood?] of waters 

8 ish-tum' '"''"'Tuk{= KU)-kul-ti-E. extending from the canal Tukulti- 


9 a-di u-ga-ri-e^ shd ta-mi-ir-ti to the plains in the neighborhood 

' Doubtful, supplied according to 1. 4. Might be SHA{G).TAM., for which see Chapter III, p. 35, note 3. 

'The PA = akil is uncertain. We possilily might have to read °""''" "''''ENGAR, i.e., "one that tends the 
watering machine." For ^'"''ENG.Mi, i.e., nartabu, "Schopfwerk," see Hilprecht, B. E., IX, p. 40, note to 1. 2, cf. Code 
of Hammurabi, 38 : 11, 14, and above p. 35, note 3. A greeting "to the field and irrigator(s)" would be, it seems, 
more in accord with the position of Ubami, the royal inspector of canals and waterways. 

' I-na bu-ut = ina muhfii = .slid or dshshum, see Chapter II, p. 24, note 7. 

' Cf. here '"TukuUi{ = KUY'-S.KUR, father of '"Il-li-ia, B. E., XIV, 48a : 7 ( = Otli year of Na-zi-Mu-ru-ldsh), 
.\s KU has also the value lukulti, we might transcribe Tukull>( = /CC/)*"'-''. 

* For the double r cf. Behrens, L. S. S., IP, pp. 47, 1; 29, 4; 35. As P has also passive signification (Delitzsch, 
Gram., p. 232) we might translate: "their boundaries are established." 

' So according to No. 24 : 20 (see p. 50, note 1)? An emendation [la-]me-e or me-te-iq me-e, Hinke, B. E., Series 
D, Vol. IV, p. 146, 1. 31, is, according to the traces visible, impossible. 

' Notice the m in ish-tum .... a-ili. 

' For ugdru, i.e., "die zur Stadt gehorigen Ldndereien," see Meissner, A. P., p. 123. 



10 h/i-am-ri^ shd i-na mi-li ma-ha-ri-i? 

11 mu-u is-ha-tu-ma ip-ti-nu-ma? 

12 iz-zi-zu* Hi,-ta-tu-ni u li,ar-bu^ 

13 shd ""Bu-ur-ru-ti shd i-na 

14 ta-mi-ir-ti ha-am-ri 

15 za-ku' du( = dul)-ul-la' ul i-pu-ush 

16 mu-ii ma-ha-ru-u-tum^l ] 

17 u um7ndni{= SAB)'^'" shd he-Vi-ia 

du{= dul)-ul-la 

18-20 [....] 

21 {....] shd Dur-'^^En-lU"'"-"''"'-'" 

22 [....] 

of the hamri — the district which during 

a former flood 
the waters had seized and devoured (I 

beg to state that) 
they have subdued {sc. the [flood] of 

waters of that district) . And with 

regard to the (field with) crop 
belonging to Burruti, which 
in the inundated district has become free 
(sc. from the waters of the flood, I beg 

to state that) nothing is being (has 

been) done. 
The former waters .... 
And as regards the Workmen of my 

"Lord," (I beg to say that) the 


.... of Dur-Enlil. 

' With Im-am-ri, cf. 1. 14; 52 : 19, zgril) eqli{= A. SHAG) }m-am-rum ; B. E., XIV, 114 : 13, 14, Un-am-ri^\ 
Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 283a, mentions a f^amru witliout giving a translation. Kiichler, Medizin, p. IK), rcndors 
fiamAru by "wallen." In our passage here fiainru is apparently a kind of field, more particularly a field that has been 
seized and cast into disorder by waters. Prof. Hilprecht (personal communication of July 9, 1908) compares vvitli it, 
quite correctly, the Hebr. "'On, Hab. 3 : 15, E.v. 8 : 19, and suggests a translation "Ueberschwemmungsgehiet." 

' Ma-ka-ri-i (a side form of inalirA) has a plural ma-fia-ru-u-tum (1. 16); from this it follows that mu-ii (1. IG) 
must likewise be a plural. 

' Ip-ti-nu-ma, root [HiJ. The signification " to strengthen, support, protect " (Hilpreclit, B. E., IX, p. 53, 
note }), does not fit here, nor does any signification which Delitzsch, H. IF. B., p. 5536, a.ssigns to it. PatCinu here is 
parallel to sabMu, and, because it follows the latter, expresses the result of the sabdtu. Delitzsch, I.e., mentions a pitnu, 
"Schlinge," i.e., lit. "a seizer," thus showing again that patCmu is a synonym of sab/ilu. The waters took {sabCitu) and 
seized {patAnu) the fields during a former flood and, as a result of this, were cast into disorder (cf. Arab, palana, c. i., 
exciter, seduire)', pitnat, discorde, sedition, troubles, etc.). Still better it would be to derive this patAnu, with Hilprecht, 
from patdnu = ak&lu, "to eat, to devour," Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 5536., hence patGnu, iptin, ipattan\ 

* Iz-zi-zu ifi-ta-tu-ni is (like is-ba-tu-ma ip-ti-nu-ma) a h Sth dvolv ; lit.: "as regards the workmen .... 
they arose, subdued tlie waters (sc. by leading them back into their dams, cf. 40 : 19)." Ik-ta-tu-ni I take as a I' of 
nnn, "to subdue," Dehtzsch, H. W. B., p. 2956. 

' For liar-bu see p. 130, note 6. 

' Za-ku I take as a permansive of n37, "to be or become free of something" (Delitzsch,//'. W. B.,p. 254o), 
Translate: "with regard to ... . which (is situated) in .... (and which) has become free {sc. from the water of 
the flood)." 

' For dulla epSshu see also Behrens, L. S. S., II', p. 8. 

• Cf . above, note 2. 

From the temple archives or niPpUr. 129 

23 [....] li-ish-'pu-u-ra-[am-]nw} .... may send 

24-26 [....] 

27 um-ma-a a-na be-h-ia i-na [. . . . ] Also the following to my "Lord": "In 

28-37 [....] 

38 shd be-li ish-pu-ra a-na be-h-ia concerning which my 'Lord' has in- 

quired (I beg 

39 ush-te-bi-la to say that) I have sent it to my 'Lord.' " 


, No. 40 (= C. B. M. 5134). (Cf. photograpliic reproduction, PI. X, 24, 25.) 

Ubarrum, the royal superintendent of rivers and canals, lodges a complaint against 
the prefect of Dur-Sukal-patra''\ Time of Kudur-Enlil, about 1335 B.C. 

For the general introduction see preceding letter, No. 39. 

The contents of this letter, being similar to those of No. 39, may be subdivided 
into the following parts : 

(a) Complaint lodged against the prefect of Dur-Sukal-patra''^ for neglect of 
a certain canal, 11. 3-20. 

The answer to this complaint lodged with King Kudur-Enlil by JJbarru is, no 
doubt, contained in No. 42 : 4f. : "As regards the fields, which my 'Lord' has given 
and concerning which Ubarru has reported to my ' Lord ' saying : 'he has 
neglected (lit. forsaken) them,' (s.c. I beg to state that) 'I have not neglected 
(forsaken) them,' " see above, p. 26, note 6. From this it follows that No. 42 is a 
letter of the "prefect" (hazannu) of Dur-Sukal-patra, addressed to the be-h or King 
Kudur-Enlil, teaching us that the prefect held Dur-Sukal-patra as a fief of the crown 
(e^Ze""* shd be-h id-di-na, 42 : 4, cf. below 1. 11, sha i-na libbi'''-shu ii-ma-al-lu-ii) , and 
that royal officers never mention their titles when writing to their "Lord," but have 
to be content with the attribute "servant," ardu. 

(b) Request that the King issue orders to the sheriffs that the waters of the 
Ilu-ipush and Nalah^ canals be led back into their dams, 11. 21-26. 

' Notice here the long d in bA and c!.,e.g., 21 : 28, im-qu-'d-tu; 46 : 12, i-ra-'u-u-uh (or i-ra-a'-ti-ub1); 38 : 2, lu-u- 
ul-li-ik. t 

' The fact that orders shall be given to the "sheriff" shows that the waters of tliese two canals, in whicli tlie 
King has an interest, had been criminally put to misuse. 

130 tETf'fERS to CaSSITE KINCiS 

1 ardi-ka "* U-bdr-rum a-na di-na-an he- Thy servant Ubamim ; before the pre§- 

ri-i[a lul-Uk] ence of my "Lord" may I come, 

2 um-ma-a a-nd he-h-ia-a-ma speaking thus to my "Lord" : 

^ }j,a-za-an-nu shd Dur-"'Sukal{= The preiect oi DUr-Sukal-patra 

4 nam-ga-ra? is-si-\ki-'\ir^ a-di shi-it-ta* has shut off the canal so that they can 

irrigate (water) at the most 

5 ta-mi-ra-tf shd har-pi" i-sha-aq-qu-u' only two fields with crops, 

6 M 20 har-bu^ shd ub-bu-li" while there are 20 (fields with) crops 


7 [zs/t-s/id(?) ]-ak-nu u i-di-ik-ku-v}" are perfectly dry and hence are de- 


' For formation cf. Dur-Kuri-Galzu and Dur-^ ''"ErTish{t)-apal-iddina, B. E., XIV, 18 : 7. 

' For the various occurrences and writings see under "Names of Rivers and Canals." 

' Sakdru when used of "canals" means "to shut off, stop up, dam" (opp. piliV). Cf. is-ki-ir, 40 :9; c si-ki-ir-ma, 
3 : 18; is-si-ki-ir, 34 : 32; us-si-ki-ir, 12 : 5. Issikir = ilsikir = itsakir (the i in the last syllable on account of the 
rl see p. 97, note 7) = itsakar, a P, so far known only from this passage. 

* Shi-it-ta here hardly the same as sheUu{= LIL.SAR), "field" (Hommel, S. L., p. 76 to S", 146), but the fem. 
of shind, "two"; as such in opposition to "20," 1. 6. For the construction cf. shind time and shelalti Ame, Delitzsch, 
Gram., p. 333. 

' Tamir&ti are the fields situated in the immediate neighborhood and environs of a city, or a flooded, inundated 
district, cf. No. 39 : 9, 14, pp. 127, 128. 

• This writing here proves that fiar-bu (1. 6; Dehtzsch, H. W. B., p. 289a) has to be read fuirpu. Johns, A. D. D., 
p. 131, assigns to the word bflrbHtu a meaning "waste," or "cropped," that is to say, "stubble" land. Myhrman, Z. A., 
XVI, p. 176, renders iflr-bi by "VervmstungV In view of the fact that liarbu has to be read fearpw and that it renders 
the Sumerian EBUR.GID.DA, "the great Gong) harvest," and is the same word as the Hebrew 'I'TI, "liarvest," 
the ta-mi-ra-ti shd Ijflr-pi must be "fields" that are "with crops ready to be harvested." For liarbu, cf. 17 : 33 | 11 : 14, 18, 
24 I 39 : 12 I 68 : 29; har-bu c. numeral, 28 : 21, 22 | 40 : 6 | 60 : 2 | 68 : 5, 6; har-bi, 8 : 18; fenr-M c. numeral, 3: 21, 
37 I 34 : 28, 33, 34 1 6S : 10, 14, 15. See also P. 96 : 9 and Peiser, I.e., p. 7, note. 

' I-sha-aq-qu may be taken either as 3d pers. plur. masc. prfcs. I': "so that t!iey (= German indefinite 'man') 
irrigate or can irrigate ( = ein Feld trdnken, bewdssern, Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. OS.'irt, b) only (up to) two fields with crops" ; 
or, which is less probable, ishaqqu may be considered a IV' = ishsliaqqtl, dependent upon }inr-pi. In tliis case ta-mi-ra-ti 
shd Ijflr-pi would have to be considered as a kind of "composite noun," the gender of which being determined by tlie 
word nearest to the verb, i.e., by Jiar-pi, a plur. masc. Translate : "so that only two fields with crops are watered." 

' Objects counted are construed as, and stand in, tlie singular. Cf. here note 6 and p. 95, note 6. 

' Ub-bu-li here not "Zerstorung durch In.iekten," Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 580, but "ein sehr trocken sein," i.e., "to 
be very dry." Lit., "which exist" (W ••ihakdnu) as "very dry ones." Or have we to read lsha]-ak-nv= Perm. I', 
with the same meaning ? The size of the break would speak rather for the latter emendation. 

'"The same form occurs again in 66 : 6 (context mutilated). To derive it from HDT (i.e., npT (!), Dehtzsch, 
H. W. B., p. 2166), "to overthrow, cast down, tear down," does not give any sense. We would expect here some such 
signification as "to perish," but this meaning is not yet estabhshed for daqd. Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 52«, mentions a 
root riDK, "darben, mangeln, etw., erUbehren." This would fit very well here, but on account of the writing with d 
this root could not be HDX, but had to be HDX, i.e., np;r (related with postbiblical ^p,S^, "trouble, distress," 



8 [be]-l\ me-e a-a-ii-ti'- ish-ki-ma 

9 [ . . . . ]-u^ nam-gar-ra is-ki-ir 

10 be-h lish-pu-ra-am-ma ta-mi-ir-ta 

11 shd i-na lihhi^^-shu u-ma-al-lu-v? 


12 u ub-bu-la li-shd-ak-li-ma* 

13 he-Ti mi-ig-ra u e-ri-shd 

14 la i-ha-ad-di nam-gar-shu mush-shur^ 

15 ii shu-u a-na^ pa-an nam-ga-ri 

16 shd be-h-ia a-shi-ib mu-u i-na nam- 


17 m[a]-a'-duushu-ua-na pa-an 

18 nam-ga-ri an-ni-i a-shi-ib 

My "Lord," thus he has watered and 
.... the canal he has shut ofif ! 
My "Lord" may give orders that he water 
the whole field with which he has been 

and thus put an end to its being dry. 
My "Lord," may not delight in a favorite 
and (or: i.e., in) an irrigator who neglects 

his canal ! 
Let either the superintendent of the 

of my "Lord" — if water be plentiful 

in his canal — 
or the superintendent of 
this canal (sc, which has been neglected 

so shamefully by the prefect) 

'P?, "to embarrass," etc.). I propose, therefore, to take i-di-iq-qu as standing for i'^ggd, lifagqA, iffeqgA, ifeqqu, idiqqA, 
V of npl', "to be in want." Tlie long il at the end is not the phiral, but the relative in pause : iftaqqaju, after shd (1.6). 
Hilprecht (letter of July 9, 1 90S) proposes to derive idikk-0, from diM, postulating the significations: 1, "sturzen, 
vernichten, zerstorerir" (transitive) ; 2, "umstiirzen, umfallen, umkommcn" (intransitive), translating "und verderben 
{kommen urn)," and referring this expression to the "Getreide, das die Kopfe hdngen Idsst, das umfdllt, umknickt." 
However, if one prefers, he may see in i-di-ik-ku-u a P or IV (cf . No. 26 : 14, i-li-ik-qa-a, see p. 119, note 3) of HOT = 
npT with passive signification: "and in consequence of which { = u consecutivum) are cast down, destroyed!" The 
last derivation and translation is possibly better than the one mentioned above ("are in want"). 

' A-a-ii-ti cannot be here translated by "wer, welcher" (H. W. B., p. 47b), but must be, on account of its position 
(after the noun), an adjective. A-a-ii-H me-e = "what waters?" me-e a-a-u-ti = "what kind of waters!" i.e., "such 
waters!" This line, therefore, is a complaint in the form of ridicule and scorn which the writer expresses with regard 
to the prefect's doings: "My 'Lord!' (or en-rei = en-na, "behold"?) in such a way, with such waters he has watered the 

'Read [il shu}-ii? For -ma u cf. also p. 138, note 4. Translate: "Thus he has watered seeing that («) 'that 
one' {shu-u) has shut oflF the canal." 

' Lit., "with which he (i.e., my "Lord") has filled liis heart," i.e., "which he has given him." Hence i-na 
libbi^-shii = ana (ina) qdti-shil umallH, "with which he has filled his hand, which he has entrusted to him." 

* III' of TflD, a synonym of nno, and having the same meaning as sali&pu, "to cover something, to suppress it, 
to bring to end, to end." 

^ Mu-ush-shur, II' permansive in circumstantial clause: "leaving," i.e., "who leaves." This explains how 
the prefect "shut off" (is-si-ki-ir, 1. 4) the canal: he left it, paid no attention to it, neglected it (Permansive II' = 
duration and intensity!). And by neglecting it, the canal was in course of time filled up with mud. This caused the 
dryness {ub-hu-li, 1. 6). 

' A-rm pa-an .... a-shi-ib = ina p&n Oshib, one that dwells, is at the head of something, i.e., a superintendent, 
Cf. here also 13 : 9, a-shi-ib pa-ni-shtl-nv.. Or is it onlv "the one who lives near it"? 


19 i-nanam-ga-ri-shu(?yme-e lil-ki-rmf lead (take) waters through (into) hiscanal 

20 nam-gar-rashdbe-h-iali-mash-shi-ir^ and (in this case) let alone my "Lord's" 

canal ! 

21 me-e "^''"Ilu-i-pu-ush As regards the waters of the Ilu-ipush 

22 u me-e "■''"''' Na-la-ah* and the waters of the Nalah — 

23 me-e zi-it-tf shd be-h-ia waters in which my "Lord" has an 

interest — • 

24 be-ria-naGU.EN.NA^shulmu{=DI) "let my 'Lord' send greeting to the 

li-iq-bi-mn^ sheriff 

25 a-na ki-sir{= BU)-ti^ lish-pu-ru- that they lead (the waters) back into the 

ni-im-ma^ dam 

26 lid-di-nu-ma e-ri-shu la i-mn-ad-di}" in order that the 'irrigator' do not com- 



No. 75 (= C. B. M. 12,582). (Cf. p}iotographic reproduction, PI. Ill, 89.) 

Royal summons issued by King Shagarakti-Shuriash to his sheriff Amel-Marduk. 
About 1325 B.C. 

The King as shakkariakku ''"Enlil administered and looked after the Temple 
property of the god of Nippur, consisting of fields, flocks, taxes, revenues, etc. In 
the administration of such vast and extended holdings of god Enlil he had to depend, 
in a large measure at least, upon his officials: shepherds, farmers, collectors of taxes, 
prefects, governors, etc. It is only natural that such an army of officers, differing 

' I.e., into the canal of the lyazannu (1. 3) who had neglected it by forsaking it (1. 14). 

' I.e., my Lord may command that either lie . . . or lie lead (take). 

' Seeing that the Ijflzannu has forsaken and neglected liis canal, the king shall issue orders to the "superinten- 
dent" (who apparently is a higher official than the "prefect") that the latter lead waters through (into) the neglected 
canal and in this case do without the waters from the "Lord's" canal. 

' For the situation of this canal cf. the topographical map of Nippur in T. D. A. of U. of Pa., II, p. 223f., and see 
Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 7, comparing with it what has been said under "^''"Nalali in "Names of Canals and Rivers," below. 

» See Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 2656; Tallquist, Sprache, p. 70, and Meissner, A. P., p. 104. 

• For this title cf. introduction to No. 75, p. 133. 

' Lit., "speak greeting." 

' With ki-sir-ti, "stone dam," cf. also 13 : 6. 

' Lish-bu-ru-ni-im-ma lid-di-nu-ma, ev 6(.a. Svolv: that they (the men instructed by the sheriff, i.e., the deputy 
sherifTs) may send or give orders that the waters of the two canals (11. 21, 22) be given back, returned, led back into 
their dams. 

■" For i-ma-ad-di = i-ma-at-pi, root HOD, see Jensen, K. B., VI', pp. 364, 557, "klagen, stohnen, Wehklage erhebm 
u. dergl." and cf. 13 : 18, u-ma-da — umaffa. 


in rank and influence, could not at all times work together in harmony and peace- 
fulness. Then, as now, petty jealousies made themselves felt, which very often 
took the form of slander. Wheresoever and whensoever opportunity offered itself, 
one official would accuse the other of all imaginable offenses in the administration 
of his particular office. The result of such an accusation, which here is indignantly 
referred to as "slander," is this letter. 

ffanibi, son of Sdmi, a shepherd, had complained to the King, his highest 
superior, of having been slandered by Errish-nddin-shum and others. The nature 
of this slander is, unfortunately, not to be made out, as the passage in question is 
very mutilated. It possibly referred to some wrong statements supposedly to have 
been made by the complainant at the time when the inventory of the flocks was taken- 
The King, knowing that the affairs of the Temple and State can best be administered 
only if slanders, wrong accusations, and jealousies give way to peace, quietness, and 
"brotherly love" among the several officials, dispatches this letter to Amel-Marduk, 
summoning him to produce the orginators of the slanders and bring them before 
him (the King). 

Two things become evident from this letter: (1) Every offense against an 
official of the Temple or State is a crime against the King — a lese majeste. The King, 
therefore, appears not only as the person to whom the officials had to and did report 
their grievances, but he, as good administrator, takes an interest in the happiness 
and contentment of his subordinates by trying to do justice to both, offender and 
offended. This he did by inquiring into the pro and con of the accusations and by 
passing judgment thereon: the King becomes thus the highest judge, the court of last 
appeal. (2) Amel-Marduk, to whom the royal summons was issued, is evidently an 
official of the King, whose functions consisted in citing, resp. arresting, and bringing 
before the King, for purposes of judgment (dtnw), slanderers or other criminal offenders. 
From 81 : 6f. we learn that such an official was known by the title Gtl.EN.NA, i.e., 
lit. "strength of the Lord," who may or may not have other GU. EN. N A' s,i.e., deputy 
sheriffs, under him, for we read, I. c.,dsh-shum mare"""'' Ni-ih-hu-rum shd GU.EN.NA-ka 
ash-shu-mi-ka im-ta-na-ah-ha-rum um-ma-a a-na Mdr-'"In-ni-bi a-na di-ni [....], i.e., 
"as regards the Nippurians whom thy' sheriff has seized (lit. has received) upon thy 
command (I beg to state) the following: 'To Mdr-Innibi for the purpose of judgment 
[he has taken them^].' " Amel-Marduk, exercising here the functions of the Gtl.EN.NA^ 
has, therefore, to be identified with the Amel-^'^Marduk Gtl.EN.NA En-lif", B. E., 

' I.e., "'■Afiu-u-a-Ba-ni, the addressee of the letter, who, therefore, must have been a sheriff-in-chief. 
' See already above, p. 24, note 5. 


XIV, 136 : 1. From B. E., XIV, we furthermore learn that Amel-Marduk lived 
during the 5th' and 8th^ year oi Kudur-Enlil,^ "the beginning of the reign, "^ and the 
8th,= 9th,« and 10th' year of Shagarakti-Shuriash. As sheriff (GU.EN.NA') he had, of 
course, a prison {ki-li, B. E., XIV, 135 :3), where such persons as " ^"Errish{t)- 
nddin-shum, the slanderer, were held {kalu) for judgment; he had to be present 
(ii-kin-nu) when the several scribes made their final reports {ri-ha-a-nu shd DUB. 
SHAR'''^"^shd NIN.AN"'''", B. E., XIV, 136 : 1) or "drew the balance of accounts." 
In short, wherever and whenever the "affairs (amdti) of the King" were in need of the 
sirongf support of the "arm of the law," the GU.EN.NA had to give it: he was "the 
Lord's (EN-NA) strength (GU)," as such acting "for (or in place of) the King," 
ina muh LUGAL, p. 84, note 9. 

Amel-Marduk seems to have advanced to the office of a GU.EN.NA from that of a 
"""''"SAG-LUGAL. In the latter position he is mentioned during the 6th and 7th 
year of Shagarakti-Shuriash. I read therefore, B. E., XIV, 132 :2, ['"Amel-''"]Marduk 
""'"^''SAG.LUGAL. In his capacity as SAG. LUGAL he was present (u-kin-nu) 
at the taking of the inventory of the flocks (mi-nu LIT.GUD u GANAM.LU). 
This very same tablet mentions also ""Qa-ni-bi mar Sa-a-mi {I.e., 1. 12), the na-gid or 
"shepherd," who appears in our letter as the complainant (1. 7). There can, then, be 
no doubt that the Amel-Marduk of our letter has to be identified with the GU.EN.NA 
of Nippur, and that the King who addressed this letter to his sheriff was none other 
than Shagarakti-Shuriash. Our letter has, consequently, to be placed at about 1325 
B.C. For documents which are clearly official reports ("''""Dt/5) of the sheriff Amel- 
Marduk^ to his "Lord," i.e., either to King Kudur-Enlil or to King Shagarakti- 
Shuriash, see No. 3 (report about the condition of canals, cf. 40 : 24 | 46 : 11) ; 5. E., 
XIV, 123a : 15 (report about the royal(!) ZLGA), and B. E., XIV, 137 (report about 
the liabilities, LAL.NI, of the prefects, hazannu). Our letter may be transcribed 
and translated as follows: 

' B. E., XIV, US : 19. 
'L.c, 123a : 15. 

» The Amel-'^'-^Marduk mentioned in tlie 13th year of Ky{ ], B. E., XIV, 125 : 4, belongs to the reign of 

Ku\ri-Galzu\]. Tliis against Clay, I.e. 

• L.C., 127 : 3. 

' L.c, 135 : 3, 15. 
'L.c, 136:1. 
' L.c, 137 : 27. 

• For other occurrences see 40 : 24 | 45 : 19 | 46 : 11 | 59 : 5; B. E., XIV, 39 : 1 | 142 : 28; B. E., XV, 191 : 13; 
Meissner, Ideogramme, No. 2050; Ilinke, B. E., Series D, IV, p. 2646. For the Ot/.EN.NA among the gods see my forth- 
coming volume on "The Religious Texts of the Temple Library." 

• The sM-la-dsh-shum after Amel-Marduk in B. E., XV, 171 : 6, which Qay, I.e., p. 266, takes to be a title, is, 
of course, an Imperat. Ill' of n'jy + shu + nj(o). 

From the temple archives of nippue. 


1 a-na "'Aniel-''''Marduk ki-bi-ma 

2 um-ma sharru{= LUGAL)-ma 

3 um-ma-a a-na "'Amel-''"Marduk 

4 "* ^""Errishit) (= NIN.IB)-nddin ( = 

SE)-shum{= MU) 

5 mar "" Ajy-pa^ -na-a-[a1] 

6 shd da-ba-ab [limnMim] 

7 it-ti "'Qa-ni-\bi id-bu-ub] 

8 u ""Dam-qu [mar . . . .] 

9 [shdi]t-ti'"""XXX-[....] 

10 [da-ba]-ab [limnutim idbub] 

11 u[....] 

12 [....] ""'"XXZ^erM] 
13-17 [....] 

18 [....] a bu{?) nail) 

19 [. . . . ]-di-in 

20 [ ]-da-ku 

21 [. . . . be]-el da-ba-bi-shu 

22 a-na m[uh]-ia 

23 shu-bi-la-ash-shii. 

To Amel-Marduk speak, 

thus saith the King. 

The following to Amel-Marduk: 


son of AppanAi, 

who has slandered 

Hanibi ; 

and Damqu, the son of ... . 

who has slandered Sin- 


Sin- . 

his slanderer 
bring him 
before me ! 


No. 33a (= C. R. M. 0123). (Cf. photographic reproduction, PI. IV, 10, 11.) 

A general's explanatory letter to the King. About 1400 B.C. 

The expressions "guards," "chariots," "fortress," "enemy," "to campaign," 
"to go on an expedition" (ana girri aldku resp. tebU), "to plunder," etc., etc., occur- 
ring in this letter, show that the writer must have been an officer, more especially a 
general commanding the chariots (cf. ash-ba-tu, 1. 22) in his King's army. Unfor- 
tunately for our investigation there occurs only one name in the whole letter, and 
this is not mentioned in any of the tablets published in B. E., XIV and XV. We 
are, therefore, at a loss to state definitely who the King here referred to was. The 
name of the writer and "general" was "'NIM.GI-shar{= LUGAL)-ilt{= AN)'"'^\ 
i.e., "NIM.GI is the king of the gods" — a formation parallel to Rammdn-shar-ilt 

' Or '"Isin{ = Ezen)-na-a-[a]'! 


(No. 36 : 1; 5. E., XIV, 101 :5 et passim), Marduk-shar-ili {B. E., XIV, 121 : 3), 
etc. Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 486, mentions a NIM.Gl-ra-U {I.e., 142 : 5), and in B. E., 
XV, p. 38a, a NIM.GI'-ra-hu {I.e., 130 : 3), adding in both cases: ''(Cassite)". This 
addition he, no doubt, made on the strength of Delitzsch, Die Sprache der Kossder, 
p. 26 : 41, where the Cassite nim-gi-ra-ab is explained by the Assyrian e-te-rum, "to 
protect." As, however, NIM.GI-ra-hi, resp. NIM.GI-ra-bu, corresponds to such 
names as Shamash-rahu {B. E., XV, 183 : 3) or Ilu-ra-bi {B. E., XIV, 39 : 7), resp. 
Ilu-rabu {I.e., 106 : 4), we have to understand the so-called Cassite vocabulary eum 
grano salisl NIM.GI-ra-ab {ra-bi, rabu) must be translated by "NIM.GI is (the) great 
one {se. among the gods)." This "great one" was, like NIN.IB, a god of lightning, 
"one who smites the enemies," and also "one who protects {etir) the faithful." In 
this wise it happened that NIM.GI-ra-ab came to be looked upon as the e-te-rum, 
the "protector" par exeellence. Such an ^^'^E-di-ru we find among the gods of 6-sag-il, 
III R., 66, Rev. 136. And as NIN.IB was identified with Enlil, so NIM.GI, resp. 
NIM.GI-ra-bi, was considered to be one with ^ar-be { = Enlil) ; hence the name 
NIM.GI-ra-ffar-be (C. B. M. 3446, Clay, B. E., XIV, 486) has to be read Mr'^-Harbe, 
"a protector is Harbe." NIM.GI becomes thus the name of a Cassite god who 
played originally the role of the "Son," but who, later on, was identified with the 
"Father," with ffarbe. 

The several subject matters of this letter are clearly indicated by the stereo- 
typed repetition of the um-ma-a a-na be-Vi-ia-ma and are the following : 

(a) Answer to an inquiry of the King as to whether the chariots have gone out 
to the place previously designated, 11. 5-12. 

(6) The ^ve old chariots shall go out on the expedition as commanded, 11. 12-14. 

(c) Suggestion as to how the gouvernement and the fortress may be protected 
by the cities and by the writer, 11. 15-24. 

{d) Rectification of the writer's former suggestion as to the use of one chariot, 
coupled with the request that the King command either the sak-shup-par or the writer 
to go out with two chariots, while other two are to be left behind to guard the 
fortified camp, 11. 25-37. 

The letter reads : 

1 ardi-ka ^NIM.GI-shar{^ LUGAL)- Thy servant NIM.GI -shar-ili; 

ili{= AiV)^""^^ 

2 a-na di-na-an be-h-ia l[u-ul-li]k before the presence of my "Lord" may 

I come(!) 



3 a-na dlu""'' massartu{= EN.NU. 


4 shd be-h-ia shu-ul-[m]u 

5 um-ma-a a-na be-h-ia-ma 

6 shd be-h ish-pu-ra um-ma-a V ^"nar- 


7 lu-u am-ra-ad-mu* a-shar a-sap-pa- 


8 tu-si-i-ma'' tal{= PI)-lak 

9 um-ma-a a-na be-h-ia-ma 

10 at-tu-ii-a" a-na muh V '-"narkabtu 

1 1 shd be-h i-du-u a-a i-tu um-ma-a 

12 i-ba-dsh-shi'' um-ma-a a-na be-h-ia- 


13 V-ma^ ^"narkabtu labirtu (= tl)" 

a-na gir-ri shd be-h 

14 i-gab-bu-ii il-la-ak^" 

Unto the cities and the guards 

of my "Lord" greeting! 

The following to my "Lord" : 

With regard to what my "Lord" has 

written, saying: 
"Behold I have ordered out thy five 

chariots ; have they started going 
to the place I have written thee?" 
I beg to state the following to my 

"I am there at the head of the five 

as my 'Lord' knows — or has the inspector 

not informed (my Lord) saying : 
'he is'?" Also the following to my 

"The five old chariots shall go to where- 
soever my 'Lord' 
shall command." 

' For lial resp. dsh-dsh as plural sign of. 1. 1.5, nn-nu-u-tum iilu'"'^ and see Chapter I, p. 12, note 1. 

' EN.NU. UN = EN.NUN = mas.mrlu, II. W. B., p. 47Sn. See also p. 37, note 9. 

' Objects counted stand in, and are construed as, singulars — hence hi-si-i-ma ial-lak, 1. 8 — cf. i-ba-ash-shi, I. 12; 
le-ba-at, 1. 24, and see p. 95, note 6. In 1. 34, II ^^"narkablu are treated, however, as a masc. singl.: Hl-H-ik tor M 
lallik. See also note 10. 

' Dclitzsch, H. W. B., p. 42.5b, mentions a root TlD without giving its signification. According to the context 
mariidu may have some such meaning as "to ask for," "summon," "(to command) to go or bring out" (cf. Arab, marada, 
"pousser"), "to lie in need of." This pa.ssage shows that mari'idu has an a in the Pret. and Pr&s. ; amrad, nmarad. 

' By itself tliis fn ^la Svolv, expressed in tlie form of a circumstantial clause (Pret. phis Pres., Delitzsch, 
Gram., § 152, p. 362), might be taken as referring to tlie writer: "hast thou gone out" (then 2d pers. masc. singl.). 
In no event, however, can tu-si-i-ma be taken in tlie sense of either "hast thou brouglit out" (this had to be tushesi) 
or "tliou (they) shalt (shall) go" (this required a form /«??(, cf. 1. 26, us-sa-am-ma). 

* Literally: "As regards me I have come to the five cliariots (and am now with them), as my Lord knows — or has 
the inspector not (informed my Lord) saying, 'he has come to them' (sc. and is now witli them)?" 

' This may be either Pres. of bashu, "to be," or Pret. of bA'u, "to come," plus shi, referring back to V ^^"narkabtu. 

» For this -ma cf. 35 : 21, p. 124, note 8. 

» With tr = labirtu, "old," cf . B. E., XIV, 124 : 10, '^"narkabiu SHUL.GI on the one hand and OUDk'" SHtJ.GI 
{B. E., XV, 199 : 42; E. B. H., p. 370, 11) on the otlier. 

'° By translating as given above, I connect illak with V-ma '^"narkablu, cf. 1. 34 lil-lir-ik, and see note 3. 
Narkabtu, therefore, is construed in our letter botli as fem. and as masc. If this translation be objected to, we would 
have to render 1. 13: "he shall go with the five chariots," etc., referring the "he" to a person well known to the 




15 an-nu-ii-tum dlu'^"' shd he-Vi^ As regards these cities concerning which 

my "Lord" (has inquired, saying): 

16 i-na mi-ni-i pihdta''{= NAM)'" "With what (how) shall they guard 

17 li-is-su-ru the gouvernementV 

18 [um]-ma-a a-na he-h-ia-vm I beg tostate the following to my "Lord" : 

19 [i]-na gi-na-a a-na-ku ash-ha-ku-ma? "I shall be campaigning in the fields 

20 ii* gi-na-a ir-te-ni-id-du-ma^ while they (are trying to) invade the fields 

21 a-na alu^"^ shd be-li sku-ul-m[u-shu}- up to the very cities the welfare of which 

ni my 'Lord' has at heart. 

22 i-na-an-na V-ma ^-"narkabtu shd ash- Now, the five chariots which I have com- 

ba-tu-ma" manded 

23 [b]i-ir-ta i-na-as-sa-ru^ a-na gir-ri must be going out to wheresoever my 

'Lord' shall command, 

24 shd be-Ti i-gab-bu-u te-ba-at only while they (the cities) guard the 

fortified camp. 

"Lord," concerning whom the writer had received orders to send him out with five old chariots. Aldku arm girri c. 
ace, "to go (march) witli sometliing to," here apparently used of military expeditions. Cf. tehi) ana girri, 1. 24. 

' Undoubtedly a shortened sentence for ashshum anntUum dlu^' shd hell iahpura ummd. Notice the position 
of anniUum\ 

' NAM = pdfiAti, pifj/iti is well known. For nasOru c. ace. and ina seep. 139, note 6. 

'Cf. the later ki-i i-na^^^X. us-ba-ku-ni. Ash-ba-ku-ma ii .... ir-te-ni-id-du-ma\s,\\]s.e.i-na-ns-sa-ru .... 
te-ba-at (note 7, q. v.), a circumstantial clause witli a change of subjects. The subject of ash-ba-ku-ma is the writer in 
his capacity as "general" (i.e., his chariots and men) and that of ir-te-ni-id-du-ma are the "enemies." 

' Notice the -ma m! Cf. here "die Wagen .sAo r/'ikilnishin dikiima u shina mvshshur/itna ram/inu.^hshin ittanallak/i , 
dercn Wagenlcnkcr gejaUen war, wlihrend sic selbsl verlassen waren imd fiir ■'<ich selbst imiherjiihren," quoted by Delitzsch, 
Gram., p. 304, from Sanh., VI, Off. 

'Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 317, ha.s shown (against Dehtzsch, //. IF. Ii., p. 612f., wlio enumerates four roots mi) 
that there is only one mi, but the significations which he assigns to this verb (, nachfolgen, hinterhergehen, 
treiben) do not fit here. Nagel, B. A., IV, p. 480, argued on the basis of Letter.i of Hammurabi, 34 : 7, for a meaning 
"holen, nehmen," comparing it with Jud. 14 : 9, "and the honey V32-7K ■in"!")';i Jm took into liis hands." The 
best translation of I' mi, because construed c. ace. and ana, would be, it seems to me, "tliey went (sc. to take, 
plunder, cf. alsol. 27)," "they invaded," "swept down upon." 

• For shabatu (ashbat(\), ashabat), "treiben," see Jensen, K. B., AT, p. 533. Here, because applied to a "general" 
in connection with chariots — "to command." 

' I-na-as-sa-ru .... te-ba-at is a circumstantial clause (Perm, plus Pres.), with a change of subjects. The 
subject of i-na-a,?-sa-ru is Alu^^^, while that of te-ba-at is V-ma ^^"rmrkabtu (cf. note 3). For such constructions see 
Delitzsch, Gram., ? 152, pp. 364, 363 and above, note 3. The suggestion wliich the wTiter makes to his King's inquiry 
is this: "Let me defend the open country with the chariots, while the cities, resp. tlie inhabitants of the cities, 
must protect the fortress." To protect the open country chariots are absolutely necessary; with these the general 
can liurry quickly from place to place and thus drive away the enemy. For the protection of the fortified camp 
chariots are less needed than men, soldiers, and these the cities .shall furnish. 



25 ii it-ti^ a-na tur(= KU)-ru-ki-ia?' , 

"""'"nakrui^ PAP) 

26 ul i-had{ = PA)-di^ us-sa-am-ma 

27 i-hab-ba-at um-ma-a a-na be-h-ia-ma 

28 be-li a-na sak-shup-par' liq-bi-[ma] 

29 // "^"narkabtu a-na gir-ri shd be-Vi 


30 lil-li-ik ii a-na-ku lu-uk-ka-li-ma^ 

31 i-na H ^^narkablu bi-ir-ta shd be-li-ia 

32 lu-us-sur^ ii a-la-ka 

33 be-h ish-tap-ra-am-ma 

34 // '''"narkabtu it-ti-ia lil-li-ik'' 

35 ii II "^"narkabtu li-ik-ka-li-ma? 

36 bi-ir-ta shd be-ri-i[a] 

37 li-is-suf 

And with regard to the one (chariot with 
which I was) to smite (the enemy) 
so that (t)he (enemy) 
may not (again) become fresh, go out, and 
plunder, the following to my "Lord": 
"My 'Lord' may give orders to the sak- 

that he go with two chariots to whereso- 
ever my 'Lord' shall command, 
while / may be kept behind (back) 
and guard with two (other) chariots the 

fortified camp of my 'Lord' ; 
but if my 'Lord' 
should write, telling me to go, 
then may two chariots accompany me, 
while he may be kept behind with two 

and guard the fortified camp 
of my 'Lord.' " 

' ll-ti, sc. narkablu, is the feiii. of edu, "one." 

' Inf. ir of "pn. Jensen, K. B., VI', pp. 421, 436, 450, 498, zer-, nieder-schlagen; Delitzseh, //. W . B., p. 714a, 
entzweireissen, zersprengen. Turruku is used liere apparently in the sense of mafuisu, both as a means of "defense" and 
"offense." Lit. translated this line would read: " .'Vnd with regard to that one (chariot) which was (to serve) for my 
smiting (sc. the enemy)." 

' A reading i-pa-di, from ms, "to destroy" (cf. tapdA, "destruction," Delitzsch, H. W . B., p. 5156), though 
possible, is against the succession of events — we would expect: go out, plunder, destroy! /-fead-di = i-liflt-pi from 
Kan, "to sin" ; and as each and every sin is a "Vermessenheit (gegen Gott)," I translated as given above. Prof. Hilprecht 
suggests a translation, " moge sick nicht freuen {i-^iad-di = i-lia-di, / imnj," d. h., " tnoge kein Vergnilgen daran finden 
auszuriicken," in anderen Worten, " moge nicht frohlich darauj lospliindern." (Personal communication of July 9, 1908.) 

* For the sak-shup-par see above. Chapter III, p. 37, note 12. 

' Notice the difference between lukkaiima, 1. 30 (= 1st person) and likkalima, 1. 35 (= 3d person). Hotli forms 
are IV' of ^73, "to be kept back," "to be retained." 

* NasHru c. ace. and ina, "to protect, guard something with something." Cf. p. 138, note 2. 

' As narkablu is fern. (p. 137, n. 3), we would expect here lii tallik, cf., however, ibid., note 10. 

'The writer apparently has changed his mind since he addressed his last note to the King. He fuids that one 
chariot will not be sufficient to cope effectively with the enemy. Two chariots must be sent against the enemy, while 
two others are needed to protect the fortified camp. (The hirta of 11. 31, 36 has, of course, nothing to do with 
that of 1. 23!) He leaves it, however, to |;he King as to whom to send out or to keep behind with the chariots retjuegted. 




Xo. 38 (= C. B. M. 1955). (Cf. photograpliic reproduction, PI. VII, 18, 19.1 

A letter of Shiriqtum, a Nippurian, sent out by his Lord and King to look after the 
receipts of wool and provender. About 1400 B.C. 

This letter has been translated chiefly on account of its manifold peculiarities : 
(1) ''"SUGH, generally read Tishku and identified either with NIN.IB or with 
Ishtar, is here apparently a name for '^"En-lil ; (2) the strange form nap-ti (11. 4, 6) 
for nap-shd-ti{'^) ; (3) the unusual stat. constr. in shikittum{ = NIG.GALy'"'' nap-ti-ka 
(1. 6) ; (4) the expression a-na li-ti for single a-na (11. 14, 17) ; (5) the two new words 
a-da-tum"""'' and il-hu-u; (6) the long u in lu-u-ul-li-ik (1. 2). 

Unfortunately there is no other person mentioned in B. E., XIV or XV, known 
by the name Shiriqtum. We are, therefore, at a loss to place this letter historically. 
This much, however, we may maintain, that our writer was a Nippurian, living prob- 
ably at the time of Kuri-Galzu (cf. the invocation and see above, Chapter III, pp. 38ff.), 
who had been sent out by his "Lord" and King to look after the receipts of wool and 

The contents of that part of the letter which is preserved are the following : 

(a) A-da-tum"""'' and ilku have been sent, 11. 15-18. 

{h) 12 qa of barley shall be removed, as per previous order, 11. 19-21. 

1 ardi-ka ""Shi-ri-iq-tum a-na d[i-na- 


2 he-Vi-ia lu-u-ul-li-[ikY 

3 "''TishhuH= SUGH) ii shar-rat 

''"'^Nippuri^ EN.LIL)f] 

4 nap-ti be-h-ia li-is-su-rum 

5 '"'Errish(t){= NIN.IB) u 

MAGH a-shib 

6 shd dlu-ki shikittum{ = NI{G) .GAL)' 


7 li-is-su-rum ma-an-nu pa-an 

8 ba-nu-tum shd be-Vi-ia li-mur 


Thy servant Shiriqtum; before the pres- 
of my "Lord" may I come! 
Tishhu and the queen of Nippur 

may protect the life of my "Lord" ; 
Errish and NIN. MAGH who inhabit 

the city {i.e., Nippur) may protect thy 

creatures ! 
may see the gracious face of my "Lord" 

' Notice here the long i3, out of lu + a (of 1st person), in hi-u-ul-li-ik . Tliough this A may be called a 
graphically long jJ, it need not he a morphologically long j2 [for lu-ii-ul-li-ik may stand for lH + u-ul-li-ik, a form well 
known from the inscriptions, but not yet found in tablets from the Cassite period, Hilprecht]. But then u-ul-li-ik 
would have to be a II', while in this and all other passages it is evidently a I'! 

^ For introduction, 11. S-11, see above, Chapter III, pp. 39ff. 



9 tt(?) man-nu da-ha-ha tdh{= gl)"'' 

10 [a-na] he-li-ia li-il-te-mi 

11 [um-m]a-a a-na he-ri-ia-[ma] 

[ . . . . large break . . . . ] 

12 .... 

13 [ l""'* i-qa-hu-ii 

14 a-na li-ti^ he-h-ia 

15 i-li-qa-a' 2 MA^ shd a-da-turrT^'^'* 

16 u2il-hu-u' 

17 a-na li-ti he-h-ia 

18 il-te-hi-la 

19 ii si-di-tum" he-Vi li-mur 

20 12 [SHE].BAR i-na-[shu-u ki] 

21 [ash-pu'!]-ra-ka.'' 

and whosoever be of "good words" 
may listen to my "Lord" ! 
The following to my "Lord": 

.... they say 

to my "Lord" 

they (he) will take. Two mana of dark- 
red (?) wool 

and two ilhu 

he has sent 

to my "Lord." 

And as regards the provender, my "Lord" 
may be assured 

that they shall take away the 12 (qa) of 
barley as 

I have written thee(?). 

' P"or litu cf. King, Letters of Hammurabi, I, p. XLII; Nagel, B. A., IV, p. 479, and especially Jensen, K. B., VI', 
pp. 337, 403, 466, who quite correctly recognized that a-na lit (or, as in our letter, a-na li-ti) is as much as ana, "zu hin." 

^ As the context is mutilated, it is hard to tell whether this is the 3d pers. fern, (or masc.) plural ( =iliqd = iliqO, = 
ilaqA; for the vowel i, instead of a, see also Behrens, L. S. S., II', p. 53), or whether this is a singular, parallel to il-te-bi-la 
(1. 18), the long d at the end indicating the chief sentence. By itself it might be also a 3d pers. plur. (or sing.) preterit 
(iliqd = ilqd, see p. '. 9, note 5), or even a IV' = iUiqd{-il), see above, p. 119, note 3. 

^ MA is here an abbreviation of ma-na (cf. also B. E., XV, 6 : 11), just as SHU is abbreviated from shu-shu 
{i.e., soss), cf. B. E., XV, 199 : 29, 40 | 19 : 20 | 73 : 15 | 154 : 45 | 149 : 44, etc. See p. 77, note 1. 

* A-da-tum"'^''' must be something that was measured according to ma-na — a kind of wool? Strange is here the 
shd between MA and a-da-tum"""'' , seeing that the "object measured" follows almost invariably directly (i.e., without 
a shd) upon the "measure," cf. 23 : 24 | 27 : 31, etc. The adattu mentioned in Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 26a, and I.e., 
p. 316, are out of question here. The former means " Wohnstdtte," and the latter "corftetWe," Thureau-Dangin, 
Z. .4., XVII, 196, 1. We may, however, consider it as standing for adamatum, adamtum, adanlum, adattum, adalum 
(sc. shipdtu), i.e., "dunkelfarbige, dunkelrote, braunrote Wolle" (cf. II DIK, Dehtzsch, H. W. B., p. 26a). 

' If a-da-tum'"^''' be one kind, 2 (sc. ma-na) ih-ku-u might possibly be another kind of wool. The form (i/fe(i) 
is, however, against tliis supposition, for we would expect a formation like illiil (fcm. on account of shipdtu) if this 
existed. Or have we to suppose a reading like: 2 {''"■f"^"-)il-hu-u'>. 

' §i-di-tum, "provender" (Delitzscli, H. W. B., p. 5636: Reisekost, Proviant), occurs also in B. E., XV, 143 : 3 | 
154 : 45 (Clay's copy gives here ad(\)-di-tum) , and si-di-su(= sidit-su) in B. E., XV, 168 : 30, 33. (Cf. here also the 
»i(!)-si(!)-«* of B. E., XV, 87 : 10?) 

' Emendation is hardly correct! We would expect kl (sha) ana he-ll-ia ashpura. 




No. 45 (= C. B. M. 11,860). 

An unknown writer complains to his "Lord" and King that, though he asked for 
"pots," "straw" has been sent to him — a mistake showing that even Babylonians 
could and actually did misread their own signs: IN"'"''' (= straw) was read 
instead of KAN.NI"'"'' (= pots). About 1370 B.C. 

More particularly the contents of this letter are the following : 

(a) The "good reeds" have been sent to the King, 11. 4-9. 

(6) Complaint about the "straw" which has been sent instead of "pots," 11. 10-13. 

(c) Request for (a) one talent of copper, 11. 14, 15; (b) for good hulup trees, 
11. 16, 17. 

(d) The affairs of the King are being well looked after by the sheriffs, 11. 18-22. 
(c) Communication that the writer had gone to Dur-Kuri-Galzu for one purpose 

or another, 11. 23-25. 

1 [ardi-ka "'X . . . . ] 

2 a-na di-[na-an be-li-ia] 

3 [lu]l-lik u[m-ma-a a-na be-li-ia-ma] 

4 [dsh-shuni sh]d t[a-ash-pu-ra] 

5 [.... ]-6e-(?) it GI DUG{= UI).GA' 

6 [. . . . ]-a ul-te-b[i-l]a 

7 tt' [ar]di-ka "'Ahu-ra(J)-dsh-shd(jy 

8 GI DUG{= gI).GA a-na be-lUa 

9 ul-te-bi-la 

10 u i-na bu-ut di-qa-ra-ti 

11 a-na ra-di-i al-ta-p[ar] 

12 utibnu{= IN)"'""'*be-l\ ^ 
• 13 am-mf an-na-a ii-she-bi-la 

Thy servant X . . . . ; 

before the presence of my "Lord" 

may I come, speaking thus to my "Lord" : 

[With regard to thy inquiry (?) . . . . ] 

[whether . . . . ] and the good reeds 

.... has brought 

(I beg to state that) thy servant 

has brought the good reeds 
to my "Lord." 

Furthermore I wrote that "pots" 
be brought down, 
but they were "straw" ! 
What for has my "Lord" sent this? 

' GI DUG.GA = qanu tabu, good, i.e., sound, reeds that are not rotten. 

' u introduces here the apodosis. 

' Or "^Al>,u-sh<i('?)-dsh{'!)-ra('!) ; both readings are very doubtful. 

' Tlie only way to account for such a mistake in sending "straw" instead of "pots" is by supposing that our writer 
must have used in his former letter the ideogram KAN.NI for diqardti. The "order-filler" mistook KAN .NI for IN 
and sent, accordingly, "straw." 

' Am-mi = ana-mi = nD+7. Mi, tlierefore, is an abbreviation for minu, "what," Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 472. For 
another mi = -mu = -mxi, sec p. 124, note 11, • 



14 1 biltu{= GUN) eru{= URUDU) My "Lord" may send one talent 


15 li-she-bi-lam-ma 

16 si-it hu{iy-lu-uh da-a-a-bv' 

17 lu-shal-li-im' 

18 um-ma-a a-na be-h-ia-ma 

19 a-ma-ti shd GU.EN.NA* 

20 ma-la i-ba-ash-shu-u 

21 a-na be-h-ia 

22 pa-aq-da-at 

23 a-na ""Dur-Ku-ri-lGal-zu] 

24 [at-ta]-lak [ ] 

25 [....] 

of copper. 

May I bring the rest of the 

good hulwp trees? 

Also the following to my "Lord": 

"The affairs of the GJJ.EN.NA, 

as many as there are, 

are entrusted safely 

to my 'Lord.' 

To Dilr-Kuri-Galzu 

I went . . . ." 


No.,7G (= C. B. M. 3060). (Cf. photographic reproduction, PI. XI, 28.) 

A father's peremptory order to his son to send in his report. About 1400 B.C. 

From this letter we learn that the "report" (di-e-ma, 1. 5) took its origin with 
the "son," who had to send it to the be-el SHE. BAR (1. 7). The latter again had to 
report to the "father," who turned it over to the King (be-el). ^ As the report has to 
be sent by the "son" to the be-el SHE. BAR, we may, and this quite rightly, assume 
that the di-e-ma embodied a report about the receipts, resp. expenditures, of "barley" 
in connection with a sub-station of a branch storehouse of the Temple of Enlil, over 
which the "son" presided." This would give us the following classification of the 
various storehouses : (a) sub-station of a branch storehouse (son) ; (b) branch 

' The sign feu lool^s licre hke si in si-it, hut a word si-lu-ub does not exist; or is si-lu-uh = su-lu-vp, "dates"? 
A.S, liowever, the things here mentioned are apparently building materials (reeds, bronze, liulup trees), I prefer to read 
as given above. If si-lu-ub = su-lu-itp be preferred, we might translate : " Sliall I bring the rest of the good dates?" 

^ The 6i lias here the appearance of TUR resp. /. Dailii is a, jn"al form, expressing quality or occupation, 
Delitzsch, Gram., p. 168 (§ 65), No. 24. (;f. also tlie stress laid upon the quality of the GI, 11. 5, 8. 

' On account of the lu in lu-shal-li-im, this form cannot be the third (which had to be lishallim), but must lie the 
first person. But whether it be a I' or II' is doubtful, f take it to be a II', for which see King, Letters of 
JJammurahi, III, p. 292. 

* See introduction to No. 7.5, p. 133. 

' It ought to be noticed here that the King, when addressed by his subjects, is called he-Vi or EN-(,li), but when 
spoken of to a third person, is referred to as either LUGAL or be-el. 

' Cf. here also the request for such a report in No. 84 : 11, see pp. 114, 84fF. 



storehouse {be-el SHE. BAR) ; (c) main storehouse (father) ; (d) central office at 
Nippur (King, resp. bursar-in-chief). This letter, then, shows more than anything 
else that the so-called "Temple Archives" are nothing but administrative reports about 
the receipts, resp. expenditures, of the various branch storehouses of the Temple of 
Enlil — reports as they had to be made to the earthly representative of the god of 
Nippur, the King, the shakkanakku ^'"Enlil ! 

1 um-ma-a a-bi-ka 

2 i-din pa-nu-ii-ka^ 

3 ul ib-ba-ha-lu^ 

4 ii shum-ma i-na mu-uh-hi 

5 ti-shv? di-e-ma 

6 shu-up-ra-am-ma 

7 a-na be-el SHE. BAR' 

8 di-e-mi a-na be-el 

9 (SHE. BAR erasure) 
10 lu-te-ir 

Thus saith thy father: 


be good, 

and send, as soon as ready, 

the report 

to the 

'lord of barley' 

so that I may send my own 

report to the 'Lord' (i.e., the King)." 


No. 89 (C. B. M. 19,764). 

An official of Dilr-ilu sends a messenger with a note to the King, then at Nippur. 
Another note, addressed to '^NIN-nu-ii-a of Nippur, could not be delivered by 
the same messenger, because the addressee had gone on business to Sippar, 
fifty miles distant. Whereupon the official of Ditr-ilu sent the present explana- 
tory note to Sippar, whence it was brought back by ""NIN-nu-ii-a to Nippur. 
About 1350 B.C. 

For introduction, transcription, translation, and notes, see above. Chapter II, 
pp. 19-23; 25, note 4; 27, note 8. 

' Pa-nu-ii-ka might be, per se, connected either with i-din, "give thy face," i.e., "set thyself about to do something, 
arouse thyself, be determined," or with ul ib-ba-ba-lu. 

^ IV' of hahCihi. With the signification here gi^-en cf ., besides Delitzsch, //. ^Y . B., p. 166b, also Jensen, K. B., VI', 
pp. 320, 378. and B. A., Ill, p. 541, la bdbil pdni, "freundlich, gut," lit. "one who does not put his face upon, does not 
turn it towards (something else, i.e., upon or towards evil)"; here "thy face (= plur.) must not be put (sc. upon evil)," 
i.e., "be good," "do not delay." A hibil-libbi, accordingly, is something towards which one's heart is turned continu- 
ally, the fondest thought of one's heart. 

' Iff', c. i-na mu-ufi-lii = "to be at a thing," "to be ready." 

*SH E.BAR is here not only the "barley," but everything that goes through the hands of the "lord," as head 
of a branch storehouse. Cf. also pp. 112, note 2; 113, note 4. 






addr,, addressee ; b., brother ; " b.," brother (in address) ; cf., confer ; d., daughter ; f., fatlier ; f., fol- 
lowing page ; flf., following pages ; I.e., loco citato ; p., page ; pp., pages ; q.v., quod vide ; s., son ; si., sister ; 
wr., writer. 

Determinatives: iln, god; inesh, plural ; in., masculine ; f., feminine; [ . . ]=text restored; (....) = 
interpretation of text ; C. B. M., refers to the " Catalogue of the Babylonian and General Semitic Section of the 
Archa'ological Museum of the University of Pennsylvania," prepared by Prof. Dr. II. V. Hilprecht. The numbers 
refer to the cuneiform texts of the autograph plates. 

I. Names of Persons. 
1. Masculine Names. 

"•A-a-n,' 47 : 3. 

"'/16-[...],2 69 :4. 

'"ylbi(= AD)-ia, {. of 'Di-ni, 85 : 10. 

"'Aliu( = SHESH)-u-a-Ba-ni, addr., "b." of "'AVba- 

^'•^Marduk 81 : 1. 
^A-hu-Ba-ni, wr., 2 : 3. 

'"Abi^SHESIiyiddina (= SE)'^-""Marduk, wr., 1:1. 
"'^6u(= SHESH)-ni, 31 : 7. 
'".4feH(= SHESH)-shd{?)-dshC>)-ra,' 45 : 7. 
^A-liu-shi-na, addr., 78 : 1. 
"'Ak-ka-du-u* 54 : 11. 
'"Amel-Ba-ni-i, 86 : 16. 


1. wr., 3:2. 

2. addr. 75 : 1 3. 

""A-mi-ti-ia, ••])." of "> ^'"En-lil-mu-kin-a]m!(= TUR.USH), 

80 : 1, 5. 
['"]A-na-ku-rum-ma,' wr., 4:1. 
'"^-na-'^'"Sm(= XXX)-tak-la-ku, 48 : 5. 
"'A-na-tukulH (= KU)-Uu-ma, 29 ; 9, 15. 
"'Ap-pa'-na-a-[al f. of '" i'"NIN.IB-nadinl^ SE)-shum, 

75 : 5. 

"'Ap-''[ ], 69 :4. 

""Ardi-BelU (= GASHAN),' wr., 5 : 3. 

1 Cf. 'in-bi-A-a-H. 

2 Or "» ^'«En-? 

' Or "'Abu-raC!)-dsh-shd(,1). 

' " The Akkadian! " Cf. '""''^■"Ak-ka-di-i 18: 25 | 41 : 14. 

' Cf. B. E., XIV, 11 : 16, or have we to read here "'A-na-tukuUi{= KU)-ilu-mal 

•Or is Ap-pa= Isin( = EZIN) and Isin-na-a-a = "One who is from Isin?" Cf. here the nam. pr. quoted under 
Ap-pa-ai in B. E., XIV, p. 40a and I.e., XV, p. 27a. 
' See note to ^Ab-[ . . ], above. 
» Cf. ^'"Ardi-NIN''' and ^'''Ardi-GASHAN. 



Masculine Names 

Ardi(1)-GAB('!)-BAC!)-maC!) in Bfib-Ardi-GAB.BA-ma 

^Ardi-Ia-u, 48 : 9. 
"'Ardi-'^"Marduk, wr., 6 : 2. 
Ar-mp-ba-a-a-[um],' 53 : 20, 27, 32. 
"^Ash-pi-la-an-du,^ 55 : 5. 
'" "'^A-shir-ahum(= MU)-Hir (= KAfl), wr., ["b."] of 

"> ^^^En-lil-[b(l-nishe^^^K'ihul 77 : 3. 
['"].4-zi-r[i«-Mm], wr., 7 : 2. 
""Ba-il-^'^Marduk, wr., 8 : 2. 
^Barm{ = KAK)-a-f!ha-'^"-Marduk, 

1. wr., 9 : 1. 

2. 3 : 16. 

1. wr., 11 :1. 

2. 42 : 17. 

»» '''«B^i(= .EiV)-[. . . ],» 53 : 16 I 69 ; 4. 

"'Bel(= EN)-[...],*&9 :5. 

'"/JeK = EN)-u-sa-lum, 23 : 20. 


"'Bu-na-^'"Errish(t) (= NIN.IB), 48 : 22. 

"•JSw-Mn-na-*'" Errish{t) { = NIN.IB),' 57 :4 | 59 : 12 | 60 :6. 

"^Bur-ru-qi, 50 : 4. 

"'Bu-tir-ru-ti, 39 : 13. 

['"?]Da(?)-i«i-io, addr., "b." or "?i."(?) of '^f-D-ip-pa- 

dxh-ra, 88 : 1. 
™-Dani-qii, 75 : 8. 
'"2)a-an-[...],' 69 : 3, 6. 

^ ^'"DAR-SU-nilri^ §AB)-gab-ba, wr., 91 : 3. 
™ '^"DIL.BA T-Ba-ni, 14 : 18. 

^Di-in-ili{'= AN)-lu-mur, 27 : 18. 

'"Dto(= [D/?]-7'Afi)-H-[mMr?],« addr., 91 : 1. 

"'E.KISH.SH}R(= NU)-GAL-li-mi-ir. 37 : 18. 

'^E-mi-da{\)'-'^'''Marduk, b. (1. 19) of 'in-bi-A-a-ri, 86 : 18. 

'"EN-, see ""Bel-. 

""■'"7?«-[....],'»53 : 16 169 : 4. 

"* *'"En-lil-[bCl(=EN)-nishe""'^''-xhul" addr., 77 : 1. 

" ^^''En-lil-ki-di-ni, 

1. wr., 78 : 3 I 79 : 3. 

2. 55 : 11, 21. Cf. the following name. 

m ^l^En-Ul-ki-din-ni, 55 : 6, 7, 19. Cf . the preceding name. 
"* ^'"En-lil-mu-kin-apal (= TUR.USH), wr., "b." of 

'"A-mi-li-ia, 80 : 3. 
"» i^"En-Ul-lu-kuUi, 15 : 13 | 68 : 20. 
"'Erbn{= SUy'"Marduk, 

1. wr., "b." of "'Aliii-u-a-Ba-ni, 81 : 2. 

2. wr., "b." of Da{->)-ni-ti-ia, 82 : 3. 

3. 27 : [27], 30, 32 | 29 : 4 | 35 : 17, 26. 

1. wr., 13 :2. 

2. .s. of '"ffu-up-pi-i, 58 : 5, 7. 

3. 65 : 9. 
"^Er-ba-am-^^'^Marduk, wr., 14 : 2. 

m iiu^^^,,;i(,)(= Ar/Ar.[//J])«-[. . . ], ,52 : 39. 

"• ^^«Errish(t){= [" '^"NlNlIByaU^ SIJESH)-iddina 

(= S£)"", 1 : 17. 
»» ^i^ErrishiOi = N I N .1 B)-Mik-p<ini ( = .S//[7.Df/]), 

8 : 25. 
"» ^'''Errish(,l)( = NIN.IB)-apal( = TUB .USH)-iddimi 

(=5£;)"",wr.,83 :2. 

'"Tlie Ar(ra)pach£ean." Cf. iJ. 7?., XIV, 22 : 15, "'Ar-rap-lia-a-a-v-[um]. In our letter the .sign 
rap looks very much like LUGAL, cf. also Clay, Sign List, B. E., XIV, Nos. 15S and 89. For the interchange of rap 
and LUGAL cf. ''^"■^'■''Rap(b)-kam-me-ir and '^^^^^''Lugal-kam-me-ir. 

'' Also the following readings might possibly be suggested: '"Pi-ln-nn-dn, '"Na-dsh-la-an-dii, or '"Aah-pi-la-, resp. 
""Pi-la-, rasp. "'Na-dsh-la-'''"DU, see Chapter III, p. 52, note 3. 

3 0r""'"£ra-[...]? 

5 Or ""SHE-l . . . ], 

' On account of the mur (not mOrc), 59: 14, I do not consider this person to be a brother of " ^^^PA.KU.SHESH. 
SE-na and a son of '"Me-li-'^"Shu-qa-mu-rui. 

' Cf. Dannu-Nergal in B. E., XIV, p. 426. 

« Or ™[/-rea]-siZ-/i-a-[Zafc], 9.7-. 

' See also pp. 25, note 1 ; 110, note 3. 


" According to 1. 5 he is a bil pa-^ya-ti. A piltfil ™ '"'■'^En-lil-bU-nisM-shu is mentioned in B. E., XIV, 99o : 41. 

" For the reading of NIN.IB = Errish(l), see The M0ni.1t, XVII (January, 1907), p. 140ff. Cf. also "Preface." 



Masculine Names 

"" ^^"ErrishiOi^ MASH)-apal(= TUR.USH)-iddina ( = 

SE)"", wr., 84 : 2. 
'"''"■Errish(t)(= NIN.IB)-GA.BU-AN'^''''\' wr., 17 : 2 | 

18 : 1(?). 
" ''"ErrishiOi^ LyGIR-AN"''"''',' 48 : 20. 
'"^'''Errish{t){ = NIN.IB)-nadin{=SE)-ahc{SHESH)'"<'''\ 

52 : 13. 
"" *'"Errish(t)(=NIN.IB)-nddin(=SE)-shum(^MU), s.of 

"'Ap-pa-na-a-la], 75 : 4. 
"• •■'■"' Errish{t)-zcr-iV-ni, wr., 15 ; 1 1 16 : 2. 
""i.SAG.lL-zu-H-ia,' 9 : 15. 
'"E-tel-bu, s. of ""Ush-bu-la, 24 : 12. 
"•^fir(= KABy'"Marduk, wr., 12 ; 2. 
(»''<^)*'"GiV-ra-ffa-mi7,5 3 : 13, 17, 20. 
"'Gu-za-ar-AN,' "b." of '"In-nu-u-a, 87 : 3. 
'"Ha-<in-[6u?], 68 : 23. 
"'U"--ni-[bil 75 : 7. 
'^ga-ash-mar, 84 : 13. 

'"ffu-[di-ib-ti-i]l/ f. of '.•16-6[ii-«<-<]a-ni-to, 78 : 7. 
'"IJu-na-bi, 48 : 16. 

'"Uu-up-pi-i, f . of ""Er-ba-^'^Marduk, 58 : 6. 
'"ffu-za-lum, 22 : 6. 
'^lb-ni-^'''KUR, 3 : 48. 

1. wr., 19 : 4. 

2. 81 : 13 I 83 : 27. 

""Idini^ SEy^''ErTish(t) (= NIN.IB), wr., 20 : 3. 
"'Idin( = MU)-GIIE.GAL,» 59a : 14. 
'•'=Idin-''"Marduk,'' 59 : 18. 

1. f. of ""Ki-shd-tuin, 56 : 4. 

2. 85 : 3. 
"'/-ffi-ffj, 4 : 5. 
'"/4i-i'-i[a?],"' 21 : 19. 
"H-li-ah-hi^-e-ri-ba, 26 : 13. 

'"2-ZK= NI.NI)-ip-pa-dsh-ra, wr., "b." of DaC!)-li-li-in, 

88 :3. 
"•/ZttC = AN)-ip-pa-dsh-ra, 31 : 15. 
™//u- ?-;«-[?], 5 : 16. 
'"/iu(= AN)-MU.TUK.A"-rema"", 

1. wr., 21 : 1. 

2. 81 : 16. 

"•■Il-U-ia," addr., 92 : [1], 4, 29. 

'" ""/Af-, see "» ''"■Rammdn-. 

'"Im-gu-ri, addr., 79 : 1. 

""Im-gu-rum, wr., 22 : 1 1 23 : 1." 

""I-na-^.KUR.GAL, 24 : 32. 

"'[/-ria]-s«-Zi-a-[/aA;],'* addr., 91 : 1. 

'"In-na-an-ni, addr., 83 : 1 | 84 : 1 | 85 : 1 | 86 : 1. 

"'In-ni-bi, 81 : 9. 

"•/ra-reM-ii-a," addr., "b." of '^Gu-za-ar-AN, 87 : 1. 

'"Iqtsfia(== BA-shay^"'Rammdn (= /M), 34 : 35. 

'Probably to be read Errish-qa-fir-ilt, i.e., "Errish is the fuller (qdsiru = ashlaku, Meissner, M. V. A. G., IX 
(1904), p. 52) of the gods." Cf. II R, 57, 35c, d, ^'"■(Ti-ish-hu) SUGH \ ditto (= ^'"NIN.IB) sha ram-ku-ti. See also 
"• ^'"L-GIR-AN"""'', 48 : 20. 

' Probably to be read Errish-shakkanak-ill. Cf . here for the present our note to GIR.NITA (Chapter IV, p. 86, 
n. 4) and see my forthcoming volume on the Religious Texts. Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 49a, reads NIN.IB.KISH 
( = kashkash)-ildni. 

' The traces speak rather for 6a! Cf. ^^^Ztr-ba-ni-lum\ 

* An Amurritish name: " E. is my rock! " 

' Here a city named after a person. Cf. ^^^^^^)Gir-ra-ga-mil. 

'AN here in all probability the same aa the Cassite Bugash, see pp. 7, note 2 ; 63 ; 70. 

' Cf. B. E., XV, p. 32a, gu-di-ib-til( = BE)-la, a Mitanni name. 


• Here a city, see under ^^'^Idir^^^^Marduk. 

" Cf . ""ll-li-ia, father of "'TukuUi{ = KUY^-i.KVR, B. E., 48o : 7, and see below under '"Il-li-ia. Or is i' =a6? 
" Cf . B. E., XIV, 39 : 6, 14, "" ^'"NIN.IB-na-din-ah-bi. 

" Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 45a, reads MU.TUK.A = "^^murashsM. For the sign rhnu see Meissner, Ideogramme, 
No. 3857. 

" Cf. ""ll-li-ia, father of ""Tukultii^ KUY^-ii.KUR, B. E., XIV, 48o : 7, and see also ™/-K-i'-i[a] above. 

'* Or here ['"U-barJ-ruml Cf., however, introduction to No. 23 sub " Translations," p. 94. 

"Or Dtn-li-[.. .], q.v. 

'• Cf. "^NIN-nu-u-a and see Chapter II, p. 15, note 5. 



""Ir-shd-a, 4 : 19. 

""Ish-shd-ki,' 54 : 7. 

"" ''"Ishtar-, see "* ''>^DIL.BA T-. 

'"Iz-gur-^''^ErTishit) (= NINJB), M, 26 : 17. 

'"Iz-gur-^^''Ishtar (= DIL.BAT), 28 : 5. 

"'KaZ6t(= UBy'''NIN.DIN.DUG.GA,'' wr., 25 : 2. 

KaM-^'^<'USH,' 37 : 9. 

"'Kal-bu, wr., 24 : 9, 38. 

"'A'i-(im-[...], 97 :5. 

rXiHi-m, s. (TUR.USH) of [...], 1 : 13. 

r]Ki-dt-m,s.of [...], 18 :22. 

'"Ki-din-ni, 9 : 23 | 44 : 15. 

'"Ki-din-^^"Marduk, 23 : 23. 

"'Ki-din-'^''Rammdn(=^IM), 33 : 12. 

"'Ki-ir-ra-maC! ba), 21 : 29. 

'"Ki-shd-ali*-bu-ut, wr., 34 : 1. 

'"Ki-shaii-bu-ut, wr., 35 : 1. 

"'Ki-shd-tum,'' s. of "'Idin-i'"Nergal, 56 : 4. 

•»iCi-<i-i[/?], 28 : 17. 

1. wr., 26 : 1 I 27 : 1 I 28 : 1. 

2. 35 : 27, 31 (here "^ Ka-du-ra-ni) . 
""KUR.GAL-l .192 : 16. 
Ku-ri-Gal-zu, see ''''^DO.r-Ku-ri-Gal-zu. 
""Ku-ri-i, 31 : 7. 

'"La-ki-pa, ardi 6. GAL, 34 : 11. 
"* il-'LUGH-. see »" ''"Sukal-. 

Masculine Names 

M.4.AJV.[/S//,«37 :9. 

'^''Man-nu-gi-ir^-'^^"-Rammdn i^' IM), 24 : 13, 18. 

'"Man-nu-ki-''''Sukal (= LUGH), s. of [. . .>s;i(i, 18 :23. 

i»/<}r-'"[....], 24 : 29 I 60 : 3, 5. 

7lfflr-'".4-rui-'''*Sm(= .Y.YX)-taA;-Za-fct<, 48 : 5. 

Mdr-"'Ar-di-Ia-a, 48 : 9. 

Mur-'"Ash-pi-la-an-du' 55 : 5. 

[Afdr-^JBu-ufn-. . . ],» 57 : 4 1 60 : 6. 

J>«r-'"£>a-a»i- [...], 69 : 3, 6. 

MAr-'^Bu-na-bi, 48 : 16. 

Mar-"'In-ni-bi, 81 : 9. 

MOr"'-"'Man-nu-ki-''''Sukali= LUGH). 18 : 23. 

AMr-"'Mu-[. . . ], 60 : 4. 

MAr-"'Mu-ra-ni, itH, 78 : 4. 

Mdr-'" ''"Sm( = XXX)-mu-ba-lit,'' 49 : 6. 

Mdr-^S/ie'^-C...], 57 : 4. 

Mdr->Ta-a-du,'^ 83 : 14, 35. 

Mdr-"*U-da-shd-dsh,^* messenger of King Buma-Buriash, 

55 : 8, 16, 20. 
M('ir-"'U-su-ub-Shi-i>ak, 55 : 2. 
['" ''"]MarduA:-cr6a (= St/), 15 : 13 
"* ''"-Marduk-V^-sha. wr., 50 : 1. 
["'Y'^'^Marduk-mu-[>!hal-]Um, wr., 29 : 1. 
"• '^"Marduk-ndfir ( = SHESH), 3 : 22, 26 | 15 : 12. 
•" ^^"Marduk-ra-im-kit-iti], wr., 30 : 3. 
"^ ^^"Marduk-ahum( = MU)-iddina{ = MU), """^^"SAG, 

93 : 7. ■ 

'Notice that we find in this connection generally ""'^MAR.GID.DA shd x (= numeral) pa-te-si"^"''^ . Should 
we, therefore, read "m" = 1 or 60? See under pa-te-si^"''^ . 
' Cf. Kudurru, London, 103, passim, and see p. 65. 
' Or MA.AN.USH, doubtful whether a nom. pr.; it might be an official's title. 

* For a writing a' instead of afi, see Chapter I, p. 7, note 6. 
' Or is this a woman? If so, then cf. p. 117, note 2. 

' Or UR(=Kalbi)-^^"USH, doubtful whether a nom. pr.; it might be an official's title. 

' The gi-ir for ki, kim{a), gim shows that '■^"IM was pronounced at this time ^^^Rammdn, see Chapter III, p. 49, 
note 1. Here this name is that of a city, see ^'"Gir-ra-ga-mil. 

* See under "^Ash-pi-la-an-du. 
•See under ^Bu-un-na-'^"Erresh(t). 

'" Doubtful whether Mdr- belongs to the name. ^ 

"A reading Mdr-™ ^'■^Sin-shum{= MU)-iqisha{= BA-sha) might also be possible. 

" Or ""Bu-. 

" Thus I propose to read this name. This, no doubt, is preferable to Mdrat-Ta-a-du. If the latter reading were 
adopted the absence of SAL would be without parallel, cf. Mdrat{='TUR.SAL)->(\)Ba('! or UshiybaC! or fco?)-[. . . ], 
31 : 27. Here the descent is apparently reckoned through the mother. 

"Cf. B. E., XV, 168 : 4, ™JJ-da-shd-ash{\). 

""M. exists." So better than -nt-s/iu ? 



Masculine Names 

"'Me-li-Shi-pak, 17 : 32. 

'^Me-li-'^'^Shu-qa-mu-na, f. of "" '■'■"■ Nusku-ah-iddina, 

59 : 14. 
"■-l/u-C...], 60 :4. 

•"Mu-kal-Um, wr., 31 : 1 1 32 : 1 | 33 ; 1. 
"'Mu-ra-ni, 78 : 4. 
"•MU.ailE.GAL,' 59« : 14. 
'"Mush-ta-li, 31 : 11 I 32 : 7. 

"'SMin{ = MU)-nahshi (= GHE.GAL),' 59a : 14. 
".Va-aiCor o' ?)-zi-''"AfardiiA;, 42 : 12 | 48 : 8. 
"^Nannarii-^ SHESH.KI)"-"''Marduk, 34 : 11. 
"'Xa-zi-'^-'En-lil, 24 : 25. 

'" ''"Nergal-Ba-ni, ifl-za-na shd "'"Ra-ka-nu, 9 : 21. 
""NIM.GI-shari^ LUGAL)-ili (= .4A^)""'»'',' 33a : 1. 
m ili^xiN.IB-, see "* '■^"■Errish{t)-. 
•"NIN-nu-ii-a.* addr., "b." of ""Pdn-AN.GAL-lu-mur, 

89 : 1, [14], 28. 
m il'^XlN.SHAR-il-ta-li-li-ku-na, 34 : 12. 
'".Vilr(= ^\4B)-''"6Viaffias;t(= t/D), 

1. "'"'■'''SAG LUGAL, 1 : 5, [18]. 

2. gii-gal-lum, 27 : 8. 
"•»''*iVusfcu(=PA.K:t/)-<i4(= SHESH)-iddina(= SE)'^, 

a. oi '"Me-li-^'"'Shu-qa-mu-na, 5Q : 13. 

'"Pa«(= SHI)-AN.GAL-lu-mur, wr., "b." of ""NIN-nu- 

rl-a, 89 : 2. 
""Pi^...], wr., 43 : 1. 
'"Pi-la-an-du,^ 55 : 5. 

'»''"Bora?red»(= IM)-erish{= E NG A Ry''',' 48 : 11. 
[>" ''"RammCm( = IM)-ra]-im-ziT, 9 : 12. 
["" •'"]Ramm/(n(= /M)-sA<ir(= LUGAL)-ili{= AN)"""'', 

wr., 36 : 1. 

"» '^''Rammdni= IM)-she-mi, 59a : 16. 

'"Si«(= XXX)-[. . . ], 8 : 10 1 66 : 17. 

'"''"Sm-[...], 75 :9, 12. 

"* '^"Sini^^ XXXy-apal( = TUR.USH)-iddina{= SEY'", 

83 : 22. 
"'^i"Sin-crish{= ENGARY''', wr., 90 : 2. 
"^ ''"Sm-is-s[a6]-ra, 9 : 16 | 85 : 8. 
"» ''"Sin-ga-mil, """'"MASH, 72 : 4. 
»" <■'■"■ Sin-kara-U-esh-me, wr., 37 : 3. 
"» ''^"Sin-ma-gir, 11 : 25 i 59 : 6. 
"^ ''"Sin-mu-ba-Ut,' 49 : 6. 
j-m il"-]Sin-na-din-ap-lim, 68 : 32. 
"'Si-ri-shd'-ash, 28 : 5. 
'"Sukali^ PAP)-pat-ra,"' iO : 3. 
"'^'"Sukal(= LUGH)-she-mi, 29 : 10. 
"• i'''Shamash(= UD)-s}iarru (= LUGAL), 14 : 16. 
(sic) il''Shamash(= UD)-tu-hd-ti," 16 : 8, 12. 
""Shd-mi-lu-shd, '^"'"'"nangnru, 59 : 16. 
'"SHESH.KP\ see ™ Vanriari-. 
"'Shi-ri-iq-tum, wr., 38 : 1. 
""Shi-riq-tim, 87 : 8. 
"•Tar-6a-zM, 22 : 13. 

m iii^TAR-UU-nur{ = SAB)-gab-ba, wr., 91 : 3. 
Tukkulti-^.KUR, see under "Places" and "Rivers." 
'"C^-6a"-[...], 34 :41. 

1. wr.," 39 : 1 I 40 : 1. 

2. 48 : 7. 
"'U-bar-ru, 42 : 5, 7. 
'"f^-Ai-sW-ds/i," 55 : 8, 16, 20. 
"■t/i?-, see "'Kalbi. 
^'"Ur-ra-, see ^'"■Gir-ra-. 

'Probably to be read nther "^ I din-GHE.G A L or "^Nddin-nuhshi. The latter might be abbreviated from 
m ii"/jif (or NIN.IB, etc.)-nddin-nulishi. 
' See ""MU.GHE.GAL. 
' NIM.GI is probably to be read ^^tV, see under Translations, pp. 135f. 

* See also "^In-nu-ii-a and cf. Chapter II, p. 15, note 5. 

* See "'■Ash-pi-la-an-du. 

' For the pronunciation of '■'"IM = ^'"Rammdn, cf. Man-nu-gi-ir-^'-"-IM, Chapter III, p. 49, note 1. 

' So in all names beginning with "* '''■"Sin-. 

8 Or "• i'"Sin^shum{^ MU)-iqUha{= BA-sha). . 

•Or do? 

'» See also p. 129. 

" Here the name of a city, cf. ^'"Gir-ra-gortnil. 

12 Or "'lJ-su-[ub-Shi-pak'f]. 

" Does No. 23 : 1 ["'U-bar]-rum belong here? But see p. 94. 

" Cf. B. E., XV, 168 : 4, ash(\). 



'^U-su-ub-Shi-pak, 55 : 2. 

'"Ush-bu-la, f. '"E-tel-lm, 24 : 12. 

riJ}-she-la-a9C!y^"En-lil'. 18 : 8. 

"•[... ]-6m-[...], 72 :6. 

[. . .]-ik-li-li-ia,'88 : 1. 

"'[...]-AN.TIM,41 :19. 

™[ ]-Ishtar(= DIL.BAT), T2 : 5. 

Masculine Names 

. P'"JV/ar-rf«it , wr., 10: 2. 
. ymi-il-kish-sha-tiC!) , 3 : 5. 
. . y'"NIN.GAL, 50 : 9. 

. ]-s/jd, s. of "'Man-)iu-ki'^'-''Sukal(= LUGH), 18 : 23. 
, . y^'^Shamashi^ UD), wr., 41 : 1. 
. yu?ur(= SHESH), 22 : 17. 
See also 43 : 7 | 60 : 10. 

2. Feminine Names. 

'/l-[...], 78 ;8. 

'Ab-b[u-ul-t]a-ni-ta,' dr. of '"gu-[di-ib-ti-i]l, 78 : 6. 
/fia(? or UshybaC! or te?)-[. . . ], 31, 27. 
fDa-ak-da, 34 : 14* | 41 : 5. 

iJn-bi-A-a-ri, wr., si.' of "'E-mi-da-^^'^Marduk, 85 : 2 | 86 : 3. 

fLa-la{? or shd, ra"!)," 31 : 20. 

M<5ra«(= 7'C//J.S.4L)"-"».'i-a-ri," 47 : 3. 

M(Jra<-"'^6M( = SHESH)-ni, 31 : 7. 

[/?]Oa(?)-/«i-ta,*addr., "b." or "si." of "'}-lUj>-pa-dsh-ra, Mrtral-f BaC! or Ush'!)-ba(? or fco?)-[. . . ], 31 : 27. 

88 : 1. 
'"^Da-ni-ti-ia,' addr., "si." (or "b."?) of '"Erba-Marduk, 

82 : 1, 8. 
fDi-ni,^ d. of ""Abi-ia, 85 : 10. 
lE-di-ir-ta, 31 : 5. 
fE-di-ir-li, 32 : 5 I 33 : 5. 
[f]E-di-ir4um, 36 : 3. 

fQa-ga-da-ni-tum, zammertu(= LUL), 22 : 5. 
[t I-lu\m{l)-mu-bal-li-it,' 31 : 23. 

Marat-'^llu{= AN)-ij)-iKi-dsh-ra, 31 : 15. 

Marat-^'Ki-din-l. . . ], 97 : 5. 

Mural-'^Ku-ri-i, 31 : 7. 

Murat-'^Mush-la-li, 31 : 11 | 32 : 7. 

Mdrat-'i^'Ta-a-du, 83 : 14, 35. 

MAralJUsh(? or Ba?)-ba(? or A;a?)-[. . . ], 31 : 27. 

fRi-shd-tum, 95 : 9. 

' Ta-a-du", 83 : 14, 35. 

/[/s/t(? or BaiybaC! or A:a?)-[. . . ], 31 : 27. 

a-6i7 6d6i, 86 : 24. 
ak-la-mi-ti,^* 31 : 25. 
[aUyiim-mi-ti, 32 : 8. 

II. Professional and Gentilic Names. 

om62u^jr.-fca-di-i", 18 : 25 I 41 : 14. 
'''"<^^"aklu(= PAyo ENGAR, 39 : 3. 
a-li-ik ■pdni{= SHI)''\ 37 : 24. 

'/.e., " E. makes to rejoice." 

' Or ["']Da-li4i-ia^ 

^Cf. fAb-bu-ut-la-ni-tum, B. E., XV, 185 : 11. 

*Here the da is doubtful; it might be also ra, then cf. 'WDa-ak-ra TUR.SAL "" ^'"AG.DI.TAR, B. E., 
XV, 188, IV : 10. 

* Cf. TUR.SAL Da-li-lu-shd, B. E., XIV, 58 : 7. Here probably a "Kosename" which the writer applies to his 
" sister." 

' A "Kosename." 

' Hypocoristicon for Di-ni-ili-lu-mur, cf. B. E., XIV, 58 : 21. 

' Doubtful whether a nom. pr. 

' But see pp. 25, note 1; 110, note 3. 

'" Might expect 'La-ta-rak, but no trace of rak is visible. 

" So also in all following names. 

" Cf. 'in-bi-A-a-ri. 

" See note to Mdr-^Ta-a-du. 

" Cf. B. E., XV, 154 : 26, ah-la-mu-u (not registered by Qay). 

'^ C(. -^ A k-ka-du-il. 54:11. 

"Or better b<»'^ENGAR, i. e., narfabu, see pp. 35, note 3; 127, note 2. 



Professional and 

amelui = GALU), 44 : 17; a-PI-lu, 67 ; 7 ; a-mi-la, 66 : 
25 ; a-mi-li, 42 : 9 | 72 : 10; a-mi-li-e, 89 : 17; 
a-mi-lu-ti, 83 : 16; a-me-lu-shu, 92 : 17; a-mi-li-e- 
shu, 84 : 16 ; a-mi-lu-us-su, 83 : 16; a-PI-lu-us- 
su-nu, 51 : 17, 20 | 67 : 13. 

ardu,' 1 : 4, 16 I 3 : 58 I 14 : 18 I 15 : 10 I 24 : 30, 32 1 27 
30, 32 I 34 : 34 I 35 : 17, 32 | 41 : 7 | 42 : 13 | 45 
7 I 65 : 9 I 67 : 15; ar-du, 24 : 10; ar-di, 50 : 6 
ard.'mi'"^''', 13 : 6; // ardii, 21 : 27; ardi i.GAL, 
34 : U 150 : 11. 

Ar-rap-fjfl-a-a-um, see " Proper Names." 

"""■'"AZAG.GIM, see kudimmu. 

'""'^'"ba'inii = SHU.GHA),' 58 : 3. 

"""'"ftanJ, see """'""MASH. 

helpiiAti?{=EN.NAM), 24 : 30 | 41 : 7; b<'?f1(= EN)"'^''' 
pi-hfl-ti, 92 : 10, 20. 

he-el SHE.BAR, 76 : 7. 

ameJu£) 4 JV/.Q.4 «""■«*, 55 : 10, 24 | 86 : 7, 11. 

ENGAR see errishu. 

EN.NAM, see hel pibCiti. 

''"'<''^errishu{= ENGAR)'"'''', 11 : 10; ""'^^''PA.ENGAR, 
39 : 3. Cf. also e-ri-shd, 40 : 13; e-ri-shu, 40 : 26 
et passim. 

GAL, see itH. 
ameluQJ^ jf ggg gfuiknu. 

GIRi= NER),* 22 -.5. 

"•^'^ <^'>'ENGAR( = nartabu), see "'"''"aklu-ENGAR. 

Gti.EN.NA,' 40 : 24 I 45 : 19 1 46 : 11 I 59 : 5 I 81 : 7. 

gu-gal-lum, 27 : 8. 

"""^''GUSHUR.RA.GAL, see '""'^'"tJR.RA.GAL. 

Gentilic Kames 

Sa-bi{]y-gal-ba-ti-i, 53 :28; ffa-biiiygaP-tu-u, 53 : 33. 
fia-za-na, 9 : 22; ftfl-za-an-na, 9 : 23 ] 72 : 14; l^a-za-an-nu, 

40 : 3 I 56 : 3; fia-za-an-na-ti, 37 : 21; ftfl-za-an- 

na-a-ti. 51 : 14 1 56 : 8 1 84 : 3. 
'"Isin-na-a-a, see " Proper Names " under "' A jy-pa-na-a-a. 
""""'"ishpanii^ USH.BAR). 35 : 18 | 44 : 12; """^'"USH. 

BAR'"'''', 23 : 33. 
ishshaku, see pa-te-si. 
i-fu,' 24 : 36 I 33a : 11 | 35 : 25; i-^w '""'■'"S//X(G).rylA/, 

21:4; i-<u-w, 11 : 21 1 26 : 17 | 34 : 28 | 78 : 4; 
-i-«M-ji SHA(fl).TAM-mi, 27 : 15. 
kan-du-ri-e,' 18 : 38. 
ka-si-ri, 35 : 18. 

°'"«'"KA.Z/fl(= KU).DA, 26 : 5, 7. 
ki-ib,"> 24 : 4 I 46 : 17. 
'""''''kudimmui= AZAG.GIM). 82 : 9. 
Ku-tu-il-a, 87 : 14. 
LUL, see zammerlu. 
mai'!)-lii-?a, 9 : 7. 

'""'''''TO,5A;i.sM(= NI{G).KUD.DA),'' 27 : 35 | 57 : 7. 
man-za-az pa-ni, 48 : 27. 
iW^./liV.f/S//(or A^/r),'^ 37 : 9. 
mdr(, = TUR) ship-ri, 4 : 17 | 22 : 17 1 28 : 10 | 33 : 26 1 34 : 

21 1 47 : 6 I 53 : 37 1 68 : 37 I 79 : 8 I 89: 21, 25 I 92 : 

6; m&r shi-ip-ri, 7 : 4 ] 43 : 8, 11 ; m&r ship-ri 

shd he-li-ia, 8 : 17; mdr ship-ri LUGAL, 55 : 13. 
m,1rri = TUR)'""'' En-lil''\" 86 -.5, fi;marc { = TUR)'""'' 

Ni-ib-bu-rum, 81 : 6. 
marii= TUR)"'"'' '^'"Ki"-im-ma, 96 : 20, 25. 
"""'"MASH, 72 : 4. 

' See also the address of Nos. 1-74 and cf. Chapter III, p. 35, note 2. 

' Cf. B. E., XV, 162c : 14, Tiapfmr 11 SHtJ.GHA'""'' (omitted by Clay). 

' Cf. pa-fifl-ti-ka, 77 : 5; pi-bfiU, 3 : 41. 

* Doubtful; it may be LUL = zammertu, q.v. 

' See introduction to No. 75 under "Translations," p. 133. 

' So clearly Iiere. At this time the bi and NI = 11 are very often written alike, cf. e.g., 44 : 6, id-du-ii-ni (\ = -bi\) ; 
9 : 23, BU-'"Ki-din-nia, the sign looks like 6i!). See B. E., XV, 174 : 17, 175 : 45, UR.PA.NI (so Clay, Z.A., XX 
(1907), p. 417f.).B/, which, when compared with I.e., 84 : 5, UR-luii{= PA)-te-ia, has to be read (against Clay, /.c, p. 
4.56) Kolbi{ = UR)-batti{= PA)-).-l\i= BI^NI). Sa-bi{\ = NI =l\)-gal-ba-tu-ii is, of course, the same as the ffa-li(sic\, 
not l'i)-gal-ba-tu-'tX of Scheil, Textes Mam. Sim., I, pi. 20 (opp. p. 96), 2. 

' Ba omitted by scribe. Cf. B. E., XIV, 164 : 2, ga-bi{\)-gal-ba-tu-u (not registered by Clay). 

' Is i-<u(?), 53 : 12; GAL i-tu{t), 21 : 27, to be conferred here? Cf. here p. 35, note 4. 

. Cf. '^'""Kanduri in B. E., XIV, XV, and see Cliapter IV, pp. 79ff. 

'» See p. 47, note 1. "See p. 36, note 5. 

" Doubtful ; might be a nom. pr. : UR-^'^USH. 

" See also Ni-ib-bu-ri-i. 

H Or '^'''-'''IM-ma. 



Professional and 


ameluj^U^ see mibatimmu. 

na-'i-ri-e,^ 31 : 3 | 32 : 4 | 33 : 4; na-'i-ra-ti, 31 : 3 | 32 : 4; 

na-'i-ra-a-ti, 33 : 4. 
na-gid, 68 : S; na-gid^"'^ , 44 : 9. 
'""^'''■nakru{ = PAP), 33a: 25; na-ka-rum, 86 : 19. 
""'''^"nangam, 59 : 16. 
Ni-ib-bu-ri-i, 18 : 21 I 83 : 10; murc{= TUR)'^"'' Ni-ib 

bu-rum, 81:6; mAre{ = TUR)""''' En-lil''\ 86 : 5, 8. 
'""^'''miG).KUD.DA, see makisu. 
[NU].GISH.SHAR"'''>', 12 : 21. 
<^"">^''nubatimmui= Aft/)"""'', 21 : 23. 
amelupj^^ see aklu. 
pafititi, pilidli, see bel. 
■pa-te-si""''^,^ 3 : 22, 24 | 8 : 18, 22 | 17 : 20 i 18 : 34 | 39 : 

7 I 48 : 4 I 60 : 9 I 68 : 14; pa-te-sibi-", 08 : 5. 

qCisiru, see kasiru. 

gtpu, see fa'-ib. 

rc'j2(= SiB)"''''', 17 :27. 

ri-rfj/., 16 : 7(?);' rMs('(bf(= MIR.NIT.TA), 24 : 19. 

amelujijQ^ 26 : 5, 7 | 83 : 15; amehij^jQmesh^ gg . g 

amelugjiQ^ 93 : 7; a'n«'«SAG LUGAL, 1 : 5 I 13 : 5, 17. 

amelug^j^f^^ SAG)-shiip-par,* 33o : 28. 

<""«'"sosinM, 81 : 18. 

SiB, see r^'«J. 

si(.? or e?)-pi-[W], 9:8. 

su-ma-ak TI,^ 37 : 22. 

Geiitilic Names 

§AB, see ummiini. 

?i-ih-bi-ru-H,'' 55 : 5; TUR.TUR"'^^'', 55 : 2, 4, 10, 18, 24 

s/td dul-la u-she-ip-pi-shum,^ 13 : 6. 

""'"''^SHA.KUD.DA, see mdfcisM. 

shakin{^ GARf" » rfe(= NE)-mi, 9 : 16. 

'""<''"shakni(= GAR)''\ 28 : 18; s/ifi-afc-na, 65 : 4. 

shd-pi-ir, 21 : 20. 

''""■'"5//yl/J(?or7Jyl?).A't/,» 50 : 15. 

sharru.{= LUGAL), 5 : 22 | 24 : 18, 37 | 29 : 6 
16 I 59a : 3, 5 | 89 : 22 | 92 : 7, 25; 
LUGAL-ma, 75 : 2 ; mCir ship-ri LUGAL, 55 : 
13; <"»«'"S4G LUGAL, 1 : 5 | 13 : 5, 17. 

shh-tam'o ( = S7/A ( G ). T/liW), 35 : 
'""'^"SHA(G).TAM, 21 : 4 
SHA{G).TAM-mi, 27: 15. 

"'^"'"SIItJ.GHA, see bd'iru. 

TUR.TUR"^''', see si-ili-hi-ru-H- 

UD.DLTA "37 : 10. 

ummdni{= ^AB)""'*'','' 3 : 53 | 8 : 6 i 9 : 18 | 11 
27 I 12 : 14, 19 I 13 : 14 I 29 : 11, 14 | 66 
26 I 68 : 39 I 93 : 6; ^AB^^"^, 9 : 17 | 26 : 8 i 29 : 
8 1 34 : 12 I 39 : 7, 17 I 44 : 18 I 46 : 9 ! 58 : 12 | 
62 : 4 I 67 : 8; ^/IB*'-" ""'»'', 83 : 9; $.4S-m, 6 : 8. 

''""'•'UR.RA.GAL""'''''\ 23 : 11. 

"'"^''^USH.BAR, see "'"^'Hshpam.. 

ameluzADIM, see '""'''"sastnu. 

zammertui= LUL),^* 22 : 5. 

33 I 

I 54 

39 : 

: 25: 

55 : 15, 

3(?) ; 

19, 22, 
14, 22, 

' See Chapter III, p. 36, note 7. 

^ See also "'Ish-shd-ki. 

' Cf., however, pp. 123, note 10, and 49, note 3 . 

* See Chapter III, p. 37, note 12. 

' For this TI cf. also B. E , XV, 95 : 3, dam-qdr TI, read by Clay, Z.c, p. 516, NIN.LIL-H. 

'See p. 51, note 3. 

' Here the same as the mushepishu of the Ham. Letters. 

' Here, however, a permansive. 

»0rLC/ = d«6? 

'» See p. 35, note 3. 

" Doubtful whether an official. Cf. here the ud-di-td = KI, K. 2875, 27, 28 (= B. ^., V, p. 533); hence not 
the title of an official, but a part (the lower?) of ""^''Tdm^m? 
" See p. 35, note 1. 
" See p. 97, note 9. 
» Doubtful, might be GIR{= NER). 



III. Names of Places. 

""*'M..4B.B.4*', see "^'"Tdmtim. 

'"'»'"A-£?a-a-di(= NE), 28 : 21; A-ga-dk(,= NEf\ 27 : 23. 

""M-TOoCor haiyU''\ 96 : 4, 11, 21, 28 ; cf. 1. 7, '^'"^- 

^^■^Ardi-Bait{= GASHAN),' 13:7; 66:24; "^'Mrdi- 

GASHAN''\ 11 :20; ^^''Ardi-NIN''\ 18 : 19. 
jna-a< Ash-shur, 20 : 18. 
^'"'Bab-ilii = KA.DINGIR.RA), 60a : 6 | 95 : 3 ; XX. 

DINGIR.RA''\ 62 : 7 1 71 : 8. 
'*'"Ba/(i/iX= 7'/)*'(?),' 65 : 19. 
BAR.TUR''\ see Parak-m&ri''\ 
BU-"'Ki-din-ni, 9 : 23 | 44 : 15. 
BitJ^i'^Sin{= XXX)-is-wb-ra, 9 : 16. 
5j^.m ilx^Sin{= XXX)-ma-gir, 11 : 25 | 59 : 6. 
Btt''"Si--rishd*-ash, 28 : 5. 
I»^(= DiXr-ilu)''\5 :6. 
'^'"Dilmuni = DIL.BA ?)*»> 67 : 5. 
^^^DUL-shd-is{'!)-si-la-a}i-shil-Ti-ia, 59a : 11. 
'>'"Z)j2r-[...], 90 :5. 

'"«Z)i2r-6e/(= EN)-mmH(^ KUR.KUR), 17 : 18, 26. ' 
Dulr-^'^En-li^bf-", 3 : 34; Di2r-^'"Sn-KZ6'^' •"-*', 3 : 33, 38, 

41; Dllr-^'''En-lilli'-''-'""''-''\ 39 : 21. 
DiLr-ilu^^, see Dtr*'. 

Diir-Ishlari= U.DAR)-ftrat{= MAGH), 68 : 28. 
Dur-Ku-ri-Gal-zu,' 13 : 7 I 23 : 29 | 59a : 4; '^''"Ddr-Ku-ri- 

Gal-zu, 45 : 23 I 57 : 15, 20. 

Dur-'^l''Nusku(= PA.KU), 3 : 40. 

D(ir-"'Sukal{=PAP)-pat-ra''\ 40 : 3. 

DUr-UMARMAGH, see DAr-Ishtar-^trat. 

J-, see Bi<-. 

E-ka-la-ti''\ 1 : 18. 

^^'^E-mu-ga-at-^'-^Marduk,'' 66 : 3 | 67 : 3. 

diu-Ais iluEn-ki-SAff, 73a : 15. 

Eti-lil''^, see Nippur'''^. 

^'"GAL-IM-[. ..165 :22. 

diu il^Gir-ra-ga-mil, 3 : 31; ^'"Gir-ra-ga-mil, 3 : 39 ] 3 : 40, 

73; '^'''Gir-ra-ga-mil,' 3 : 13, 17, 20. 
'^'"■Bi-ba-ri-ti, 26 : 4 I 27 : 36 I 34 : 33, 37 | 65 : 2. 
^^ndin{.= SEy'^'Marduk, 59 : 18. 
^'"-''^IM-ma, see '^'"Ki-im-ma. 

'>''«Kdr-^''^NabA{= AG), 26 : 4; KHr-^^^'AG, 68 : 26, 30, 36. 
Kdr-^'"NIN.LIL, see Nam-gar-Kur-''''NIN.LIL. 
^^'^Ki-im-ma,"' 96 : 20, 25. 
«sfe*', 44 : 19. 
'^^''Lu-ub-di^sh<i''\ 99 : 6. 

^'^''Man-nu-gi-ir-^^"Rammdn{= IM)," 24 : 13, 18. 
<2'"JW.4;Si/-/M*V'27 :5. 
^^^MUM{== MUN),'' 14 : 13 ; <^'"^fC/M*^ 27 : 5," 33 | 

41 : 15; '^^^MUM'^i-ma, 26 : 6. 
Nind''\^^ 17 : 24. 

' Here the Za is, no doubt, left out by the scribe. 

' Cf. ""Ardi-Belit. 

' Identical with the city TE, E. B. //., p. 95, note 17 


' Hardly dlu^^-'"''. 

• See p. 9, note 2. 

' Cf. here the E-mu-qat{= SHlJy^^ En-lit'^ in B. E., XIV, 18 : 4 | 31 ; 11, which Clay, I.e., p. 58, reads errone- 
ously E-mu-shu-Bil''^ , registering the second passage quoted under ^^^Nippuruf'^\ 

* For dlu-ki see Chapter I, p. 11, note 1. 
» Cf. ^^""Shamash-tu-kiil-ti. 

10 Or ^'"-''ilM-ma. 
" See p. 49, note 1. 
i2 0r'""Mf/M, 5. r.? 

" For this city cf. e.g., B. E., XIV, 167 : 29 (omitted by Clay), and above, p. 118, note 4. 

" This is doubtful. Here a reading ^^^MASH.IM^''' is likewise possible. As, however, this city occurs in a 
letter of KudurCmu, who was closely connected with the '^'^MUM'"', I prefer to read aa indicated. 
" Or Uruk'^^l 


Names of Places 

^'''mppur(= EN.LIL)^\ 38 : 3 | 89 : 21 ; EN.LIlP, ""Shi-i-tu-na-li,' 28 -.22. 

11 : 19 I 13 : 6 I 18 : 20 ! 27 : 29 I 35 : 13 | 58 : 4 | "'^"'TCimtim{= /1..4B.R4)*V 22 : 15 | 37 : 10. 

83 : 8 I 86 : 7 i 95 : 17. Cf . shar-rat ^^^EN .LIL''\ ^'■"Ta-ri-ba-a-him, 66 : 23. 

38 : 3 ; marc""'' EN-LIL''', see "Professional "'"r/^'C?), see "'"BaM/i*'. 

and Gentilic Names." Tuk( = KU)-ktd-ti-^.KUR''\' 39 : 5. 

^^''Pa-an-Ba-li''\ 23 : 34. '^'''UD.KIB.NUN''\ see ^'""Sippar. 

Pa-lak''\' 6:5. ' UNUO''\ see Unik''\ 

^'''Pa-lu''\ 18 : 34. T)-pi-i''\' 23 : 35; U-pi-i, 1 : 6, ^'"{^-p[j-i], 05 : 4. 

Parak{= BJi.R)-mari''\^ 53 : 38. ^'"trr-ra-ga-mil, see ^''^Gir-ra-ga-mil. 

<""Pi-[. . . 1' 72 : 14. Uruk'"'''. 17 : 24. 

'^'"Ba-ka-nu,* 9 : 22. Uruk'''-hih!ru'"'," 34 : 29, 32. 

^^''SAL.TUK''i{?), 96 : 11. ^'"Za-[. . . ], .50 : 9. 

^'"'Sippari = UD.KIB.NUNf\ 89 : 24, 26. -""[...]. 72 : 11 . 

'■^"Shamash{= UD)-tu-kul-ti,^ 16 : 8, 12. [. . . ]-6(7*^V' 18 : 14. 

"'"Sfee-Zi-fci**, 83 : 15.' [. . .]-A*', 18 : 11, 13, 15. 
^'"Shi-i-tu-m{\)-[li''^l 27 : 4. 

IV. Names of Gates. 

abulhii'^ KA.GALY", 24 : 31 ; KA.GAL, 66 : 24. brib(= KA) ArdiC!)-GABC!).BA (?)-»!a(?)," 81 : 14. 

abuUu(= KA.GAL) eril{= URUDU)'"'"'' DA'"'^''', 24: : 24. bab(= KA) Nam-ga-ra-BH(= BE), 27 : 33. 

babu( = KA)," 9 : 19. 6(56 shd bit{ = i) be-lt-ia, 26 : 18. 
6d6(= XX) A-nu, 27 : 43; 6(?6 A-nu-xtm, 35 : 15. 

V. Names of Houses and Temples. 

£, see introduction to Nos. 1-74, pass, and Chapter III, bit be-lt-ia, 26 : 19 | 27 : 12 | 50 : 3. 

p. 34. bit slmrrii = LUGAL), 59a : 3. 

^'""*, 31 : 36 I 37 : 23 I 66 : 27, 28. ^.DIM.GAL.KALAM.MA,'^ 80 : 5. 

S.AN,'* 57 : 19, 21 | 93 : 6;^-A-nu, 35 : 15. S "''""DUB," 84 : 7, 10. 

' Cf . B. E., XV, 128 : 3, '^'''Pa-la-al^i ; thus to be read instead of '^^"Pa-ra-ashi?), Clay, I.e., p. 53a? 

' For pronunciation see Br., List, No. 6900. 

' Cf. Pi-4-na-a-ri, B. E., XIV, p. 586. 

' Or Ra-ka-be"! 

' Cf. *'''Gir-ra-ga-mil. 

' Cf. the preceding name. Both are, no doubt, identical. 

' See p. 10, note 3. 

»Cf. '"^''"Tuk-kul-ti-:^.KUR''\ 39 : 8. 

. Cf. mMui)_pi_i jn B E., XIV, 132 : 43, 46, 52 (not registered by Oay). 

'» Or NinA'^'-l 

"Cl.B.E., XV, 102: 13, Dtir-i'^''MAR.TU-tr{ = labiru)''^ and I.e., 1. 14, KI-II{= Dur-'''^MAR.TU)-BIL 
(-=eshshu)''\ This passage, then, would testify to the existence, at the time of the Cassite kings, of an " Old " and 
a " New Erech or Warlca." 

"C{.a-bilbdbi{= KA). 

" Or 6<56 Ardi-Tab-tu-ma? 

» See pp.^Of. 

» See p. 22, note 1. See Chapter IV, pp. 86ff. 



^J'"EN.ZU-['!], 53 : 22. 

M.GAW 34 : 11 I 35 : 15 I 50 : 11 I 59 : 4. 


bU-^^"irshu{ = NAD), 66 : 21 : bit ^^''irshc(NAD)""'^'', 

23 : 14 I 66 : 22. 
^.KISH.SHiR(= NU).GAL, see MascuUne Names. 
6.KUR'^"'', 66 : 23 ; 6.KUR, see Tuk-kul-ti-^.KUR''' 

and "^''"Tuk-kul-ti-^.KUR''\ 
6.KUR.GAL, see "'I-tm-E.KUR.GAL. 

Names of Houses aud Temples 

E.LUGAL, see btt sharri. 
^.it'^MAR.TU, 73a : 3. 
fjJi^NergalO), 54 : 20. 
E.SAG.lL, see Masculine Names. 
6-SAL.AZAG, 91 : 7. 
^-''""Sin-, see ^-^'"EN.ZU-. 
ku-tal-li, 23 : 8; ku-tal na-ka-si, 23 : 13. 
parakku(= BAR) ^''^En-lil, 66 : 7 | 70 : 1. 

VI. Names of Rivers and Canals. 

naru{= A.GUR), 3 : 4, 7 | 18 : 31 | 46 : 4 | 48 : 28. 
ndru ilus^iit^ see "^''" ^'"NIN.LIL. 
'"^•'"Da-li-la-ma-na-ll 6 : 4. 
'"^''''Diglal(= MASH.TIK.QAR), 34 : 26. 
""^'^Diglati^ M[ASH.TI]K.QAR)-ilu{= AN)-Nippur 

(=£iV.L/L)*V3 :18. 
»'»™£-<eZ-6i-[?], 3 : 8 I 66 : 6, 12. 
"^'"Gam'-mar-GAL, 3 : 9. 
"^""Idiglat, see "^''"Diglat. 
'"^'''^Ilu(= AN)-i-pu-ush, 40 : 21. 
'"^'■"MASH.TIK.QAR, see "'^''"Diglat. 
'"^'-"Na-la-ali,* 40 : 22. 
riam-ga-ra, 40 : 4 | 66 : 15; nam-ga-ri, 40 : 15, 16, 18, 19; 

nam-gar(= sha), 40 : 14 | 68 : 22; nain-gar-ra, 

40 : 9, 20; nam-kar, 3 : 16; nam-qar, 66 : 8. 
Nam-gar(^kar)-DurC!)-^'"En-lil, 3 :,6' | 71 : 15. 
Nam-garra-BgH= BE), 27 : 33; Nam-qar'-Bel(= BE), 

66 : 12. 
Nam-gaT-K&r-^'-"NIN .LIL, 68 : 22. 
''^'■"Nam-ga-ri-shd-bel(= EN)-maMH (= KUR.KUR), 

59 :9. 
nam-kar, nam-qar, see nam-ga-ra. 
"■'^''''Nannar(= SHESH.KI)-gu-gal, 3 : 14. 
"«'"" »'»V/.V.i/L, 67 : 2. 
"''^''"■Pat-tf-^^^En-lil, 28 : 11. 
ndruguESH.KI-gii-gal, see ''^''"Nannar-gu-gal. 
"''■•'"Tuk(= KU)-kul-ti-S.KUR''\* 39 : 8. 

VII. Names of Gods. 

A-a-H: '"A-a-ri; fin-bi-. 
»'"AG, see ^'"NabH. 
Ahu: '"■A-ku-; "^A-bu-u-a-. 
^'"AMAR.UD, see '^"Marduk. 

AN: AN.RA,se(iDINGIR.RA;'"AN-, see'"/iM-;"''™'lA^- 
i-pu-ush ; "^Gu-za-ar-; '"Di-in^AN-lu-mur; D&r- 

ilu''^; ""A-na-tukuUi-AN-ma; "^""Diglal-AN-En^ 

lil'''; i-. 
AN"""'': "■ '■'"ErrishiO-GA.BU-;"' ^^'^Errish{t){=L)-GIR-; 

"» ^^''Ramman-shar-; "'NIM.GI-shar-. 
AN.GAL,' 89 : 4; '"Pdn-^A^.GAi-ZM-mMr. 
AiV.i24, see DINGIR.RA. 

' See pp. 78f. 

'Hence "the Tigris of Nippur" is = "the Tigris of tlie god(!) of Nippur," in other words, "the god of 
Nippur " is = "Nippur." Cf; here also i.AN{ = ilu)-Nippur( = EN.LIL)''\ B. E., XV, 128 : 14, and see p. 80. 

» Or Kud? 

' Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 7, says that the me-e ^^^"Na-la-ali occur also on C. B. M. 3527; but this apparently is a 
mistake, as the tablet referred to has been pubhshed by Clay in B. E., XIV, 149 (see I.e., p. 72). Read I.e., C.B.M. 
5134, instead of C. B. M. 3527. 

' Here dUr looks like si-ib, while in 71 : 15 it has the appearance of si + sal( = ib?). 

• Cf. also 66 : 8. 

' See Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 555o. 

»Cf. Tuk{= KU)-kul-ti-^.KUR''\ 39 : 5. 

• Chief god of Dar-ilu''^; see Chapter II, p. 19, note 3, and cf. ^'"KA.DI. 




AN-TIM, 41 : 19. 

''"-'l-n«, 24 : 6; A-nu: &-, bub-; A-nu-um: buh-. 

'■^"A-shur: "* ''"A-s/iur-; 7na-at Ash-shur. 

Ba-li: ^''''Pa-an-. 

Ba-ni: "'A-fi-d-a-, "Ki-hu-, "" i'"DIL.BAr-, »" ""A^er- 

gal-; Ba-ni-i: ^Amel-; Bana-a:"'Bana-a-. 
BE: Nam-ga-ra-BE(,=bei). 
Bet, see BE; EN. 
BMil, see GASMAN; NIN; ^^"NIN.LIL. 
'■'"Be-lit-i-lli= Nl.NI),' 24 : 7. 
^^''DAR.QU: "" ^^"DAR.gU-. 

^^"DIL.BAT, 72 : 5; "* ^^"DIL.BAT-, ""Iz-gur-, '^'"Dilmun. 
DINGIR.RA : Bdb(= KA)-ili{DINGIR.RA)''\ 
^^"DUil), see note to '"Ash-pi-la-an-du. 
»'»i..4 , 24 : 6. See also ^'"EN.KI. 
£.KISH.SH}R(= NU).GAL: ""^.KISH.SIliR.GAL-. 
6.KUR: Tuk-kul-ti-^.KUR''\ "'''■''Tuk-kul-li-^.KUR''\ 

see also under "Names of Houses and Temples." 
i.KUR.GAL: ""I-na-. 
EN: ""EN-; "• ^^'^En-lil-EN-nish&'"''''-shu. 
iiuEn; '"^'"^Ti-. 

^^"EN.KI: '*'"-*^ ^'"EN.KLSAff. See also *'"i.4. 
EN.KUR.KUR,' 24 : 14, 17; "^'-"Nam-ga-ri-shd-; ^'""Dur-. 
^'"■En-lil, 18 : 8 I 24 : 6 I 66 : 6 I 71 : 15; "^ ^'""En-li-; 

'"Na-zi-; parakku; "^''"■Pat-ti-; Nam-gar-DUr-; 

ii'^En-lil^^-'^: DUr-; ^^"En-lifi^-"-"'^''': DUr-; 

'^'■'^En-lif'\ see AN. 
^'■'^ErrishQ,)^ '"^^"Errish(t)-; "'Bu-na-, "'Bu-un-na-, 

"'Idin-, '"Iz-gur-. 
^'""EN.ZU: i-. See also '''"Sm( = XXX) ; Nannar. 
tSiir, see NIM.GI. 
GAB(1)-BA{t)-ma{^); bdb Ardi-. 
Gal-zu: Dilr-Ku-ri-. 
GASMAN:* '"Ardi-, ^'''Ardi-. 
^'"Gir-ra, Gir-ra: ■*'" C''')Gir-ra-ga-mU. 

of Gods 

^'"GU,' 89 : 4. 

^^'^Gii-sir see ^'"KA.DI. 


la-u [if indeed name of a god and not the hypocorist 
ending ia + nominative ending it frequently 
attached to names without regard to their last 
element]: '"Ardi-. 


l-li(= NI.N1)J' '"i-l\-, ^^"-Be-lit-; of. '"I-li-, '"ll-li-. 

Ilu, see AN; ""Ilu-, >I-lum-, Bdb-, DUr-, "■^''"Ilu-i-pu-ush. 

^'■^IM, see ^^"Ramyndn. 

^^^Mar, see ^^"DIL.BAT; U.DAR. 

*'"Iskla.r(= RI)-A-ga-de(= JVJJ)*', 27 : 23. 

^^■^KA.DI,' b :6, 21. 



Ku-ri: Dur-Ku-ri-Gal-zu; '"Ku-ri-a. 

La-ta-rak: fLa-ta-rak(1). 

'■I'^LUGH: « ^'"LUGH(= Sukal)-, ""Man^u-ki-. 

^^''Marduk(= AMAR.UD), 10 : 2 | 81 : 4; "• ^'■'^Marduk-, 
"'Ah-iddina-, '"Amel-, '"Ardi-, '"Ba-il-, '"Bana-a- 
sha-, '"E-mi-da-, ^^"^E-mu-ga-at-, '"Erba-, '"Er- 
ba-am-, '"Sfir-, '"Ib-ni-, '^'"Idin-, '"Ki-din-, 
'"Na-afi-zi-, '"Nannari-. 


^^"MASH, see ^'"ErrisHi)-. 

^^''Nabil(,= AG), 7 : 7, 18; ^'"Kdr-, Kdr-. 


nuri = SHESH.KI)-g{i-gal. See also ^'■''EN.ZU; 

^^""Sini^ XXX). 


NIM.GI [if name of a god]: '"NIM.GI-shar-Ui. 

NI.NI, see Ul. 

il^NINNt){ = L), see '" ^^"Errishit)-. 

NIN: '^^^Ardi-NIN'''; see also BelU, GASMAN, ^^"NIN. 

L7L/'"iV/iV-[...], 3 :62. 
^^""NIN.DIN.DiJG.GA : '"Kcdbi-. 

' See p. 47, note 5. 'See p. 8, note 8. 

» For this pronunciation of ^'"NIN.IB, ^'■^IB, ^'""MASM, ""L, etc., see The Monist, XVII (January, 1907), p. 
140ff, and of. "Preface". 

* Cf. '^'''Ardi-NIN''\ 

» Wife of ^^'^TAR; see Chapter II, p. 21. 

' For this element in proper names see The Afonist, XVII (January, 1907), p. 144c. 

' Is to be pronounced '■^^Gtl-sir ; see Chapter II, p. 19, note 3. He was the clijef god of Dxlr-ilv!'^, a male a^d 
also called AN. GAL. 




il^mNCD.GAL, 50 :9. 

il^NIN.IB} "> ^'■^Errishity, "'Bu-na-, ""Bu-un-na-, 

'^Idin-, ""Iz-gur-. 
^'"NIN.LIL,' 89 : 4; Nam-gar-Kar-, "'*'"" ''"NIN.LIL. 
^'■"NIN.MAGH,' 38 : 5. 
^^"NIN.SIIAB: "• ^''^NIN.SHAB-. 
*^"Nusku( = PA .KU) ■} "* ^'"Nusku; Dilr-. 
^^"PA.KU, see ^^"Nusku. 
PAP, see ""Sukali^ PAP)-, DUr-'^PAP-. 
^'■'^Rammdn{= IM): '" ^''^Rammdn-, ""Igtsha^^BA-sha)-, 

'"Ki-din-, ^^''Man-nu-gi-ir-,^ '^'''MASH.IM''^-!). 

SAff: <""-*» ^'"EN.KI-SAff. 

^'"Sin(= XXX): " ''"Sire-, ""A-na-'^^XXX-tak-la-ku, 
gm iluxxX-. See also ^'''EN.ZU; Nannar. 

of Gods 

"■'"SUGH, see ^'""Tishhu. 

^'""Sukal: ^ ■^^^Sukal-, see also ^^''LUGH; PAP. 

^'■'^Shamash( = UD), 33: 25, 29 | 41 : 1 1 81 : 4; "'^'"Shamash-, 

Shar-rat-'"''Nippur(= EN.LIL)''\' 38 : 3. 
SHESH.KI, see Nannar. 
Shi-pak( = 6u) : '"ij-su-ub-, "'Me-li-. 
'''"Shu-ga-mu-na: "^Me-li-. 
^^''TAR,*89 :4. 
^'''TAR.gU, see ^^"DAR.gU. 
^'''Tishliui= SUGH),' 38 : 3. 

U.DAR{= Ishiar): Dur-U.DAR-?irat{= MAGH), 68 : 28. 
'■'" f/S// : '^''Kalbi-'''''USHC!) . 

' See Chapter III, p. 39, note 1. 

' See Chapter III, p. 40, note. 

' For this gi-ir, which proves that ^^"IM was pronounced ^^^RammAn, see Chapter III, p. 49, note 1. 

* Husband of ''"GU; see Chapter II, p. 21. 






C-, circa; C. B. M., Catalogue of the Babylonian Museum, University of Pennsylvania, prepared by the Editor, 
Prof. Dr. H. V. Hilprecht; cf., confer; Exp., Expedition; f., following page; fT., following pages; frag'm., frag- 
ment(ary); inscr., inscription; It. E., Left Edge; li., line(s); Lo. B., Lower Edge; No(s)., Numbers; O., Obverse; 
p., page; pp., pages; R., Reverse; R. E., Right Edge; U. E., Upper Edge; Vol., Volume. 

Measurements are given in centimetres, width X length (height) X thickness. Whenever tlie tablet (or fragment) 
varies in size, the largest measurement is given. The Roman numbers under "description" indicate the several expedi- 
tions: I = first; II = second; III = third; IV = fourth expedition. 

A. Autograph Reproductions. 

Text. Plate. To 


Age. C. B. M. 

1 1 "My Lord" 


Kuri-Galzu, 11716 

(a-na be-l\r-ia) 


about 1420 B.C. 





about 1400 B.C. 


Shagarakti-Shuriash, 11426 
about 1325 B.C. 

About 1400 B.C. 



Baked. Light brown. Left 
part of R. and right lower 
corner broken off. 4 X 
5.8 X 2. Inscr. 11 (O.) + 
12 (R.) = 23 li. II. 

Baked. Ruled. Light brown 
with occasional dark spots. 
Left part and lower half of 
tablet broken off. 4.5 X 
4.5 X 2.6. Inscr. 7 (O.) + 
4 (R.) = 11 li. III. 

Baked. Ruled. Light brown. 
Cracked. Crumbling. Several 
fragments glued together. 
Insertion of fragments a and 
6 on place indicated very 
doubtful. 14 X 8.4 X 3.2. 
Inscr. 29 (O.) + 32 (R.) + 
3 (U. E.) + 2 (L. E.) + 4 
(fragm. c) + 4 (fragm. d) = 

74 li. n. 

Unbaked. Light brown. Lower 
part of tablet broken off. 
4.5 X 6.5 X 2. Inscr. 9 (O.) 



Text. Plate. 



"My Lord" 

(a-na be-l'i-ia) 




about 1400 B.C. 



about 1400 B.C. 


About 1350 B.C. 


about 1370 B.C. 

"'Bana-a-sha-'' "Marduk. Kuri-Galzu, 

about 1390 B.C. 


[.... ^^"]Marduk. 


about 1390 B.C. 



about 1335 B.C. 




About 1350 B.C. 

C.B.M. Description. 

+ 8 (R.) + 2 (U. E.) + 3 
(L. E.) = 22 li. II. 

11149 Baked. Dark brown. Cracked. 
Right lower corner of O. 
broken off. Lower part of 
R. not inscribed. 5.5 X 10 
X 2.8. Inscr. 16 (O.) + 7 
(R.) = 23 li. I (stray tablet 
found out of place). 

12559 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Ruled. Beginning and end 
of lines crumbled away. 
Lower part broken away. 
R. razed off. 7.5 X 8 X 
2.7. Inscr. 9 H. II. 

3787 Unbaked. Dark brown. 

Cracked. Crumbling. Right 
side and lower part of 
tablet broken away. 4 X 
7.5 X 3. Inscr. 11 (O.) + 
9 (R.) = 20 li. II. 

10816 Unbaked. Dark brown. 

Cracked. Glued together. 
Fragment. Upper left cor- 
ner of larger tablet. 4.3 X 

8.2 X 4. Inscr. 14 (O.) + 
14 (R.) = 28 li. III. 

11635 Unbaked. Dark brown. Lower 
part broken off. 5X6X2. 
In.scr. 12 (O.) + 12 (R.) = 
241i.II(?). Translation, pp. 
3837 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Ruled. Left half and lower 
part of tablet broken away. 
Remainder of R. not in- 
scribed. 5.2 X 4.5 X 3. 
Inscr. 7 (O.) + 2 (R.) = 
9 H. III. 
19781 Unbaked. Light brown, R. 
darker. O. crumbling and 
greatly obliterated. 4.8 X 

7.3 X 2.2. Inscr. 14 (O.) 
+ 2 (Lo. E.) + 14 (R.) + 1 
(U. E.) = 31 U. IV. 

11929 Baked. Light brown. Ruled. 
Beginning of lines on O. 
broken away. 4.5 X 7 X 



Text. Plate. 




"My Lord" 
{a-4ia be-li-ia) 


""Er-ba ^^''Marduk. 


Shagarakti-Shuriash, 10804 
about 1325 B.C. 




Shagarakti-Shuriash, 1 1 637 
about 1325 B.C. 



*^"Errish(t)-{z^-ib-]ni. Buma-Buriash, 

about 1430 B.C. 



"* ^'"Ernsh(t)-{zer-ib-ni]. Buma-Buriash. 

about 1430 B.C. 



" ^'"Errishit)-GA.BU- 

About 1350 B.C. 







About 1350 B.C. 

about 1335 B.C. 

C.B.M. Description. 

2. Inscr. 11 (0.) + 11 
(R.) = 22 li. II. 
Unbaked. Light brown. 

Cracked. O. and R. dot- 
ted with dark spots. Lower 
part of tablet broken away. 
Lower part of R. not 
inscribed. 5 X 6.2 X 3. 
Inscr. 11 (0.) + 7 (R.) = 
18 U. III. 
Baked. Dark brown. Lower 
Imlf of tablet broken away. 
4.5 X 3.8 X 2. Inscr. 9 
(O.) + 8 (R.) + 3 (U. E.) 
+ 1 (L. E.) = 21 U. II. 

10571 Baked. Light brown. Crum- 
bling. Cracked. Beginning 
of lines and lower part 
of tablet broken away. 6 
X 4.5 X 2.5. Inscr. 8 
(O.) -I- 8 (R.) + 3 (U. E.) 
- 19 li. III. 

10951 Unbaked. Dark. Ruled. Badly 
effaced. Upper right and 
lower left comers broken 
away. Only upper part of 
R. inscribed. 5.8 X 9.5 X 
2.5. Inscr. 15 (O.) + 3 (R.) 
= 181i. II. 

19780 Baked. Light brown. Very 
small script. The end of 
nearly all lines is broken 
away. Lower part of R . not 
inscribed. 4.3 X 6.7 X 2. 
Inscr. 20 (O.) + 2 (Lo. E.) 
-F 14 (R.) = 36 H. IV. 
3655 Baked. Light brown. Most 
of O. and left part of R. 
broken away. 6 X 11.5 X 
2.8. Inscr. 15 (O.) -1- 25 (R.) 
+ 1 (U. E.) = 41 li. II. 

19787 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Ruled. O.crumbHng. Lower 
part of tablet broken away. 
Only upper part of R. in- 
scribed. 4.3 X 6.8 X 2. 
Inscr. 12 (O.) + 1 (R.) = 
13 n. IV. 



Text. Plate. To 




20 15 "My Lord" 


N azi-M arultash, 


(,a-na be-li-ia) 

about 1375 B.C. 


















™Ku-du-ra-nu . 

about 1345 B.C. 

Buma-Bu Hash, 
about 1430 B.C. 

about 1430 B.C. 


about 1430 B.C. 

about 1309 B.C. 

Kada shman- Turgu , 
about 1360 B.C. 






Unbaked. Light. Lower part 
of tablet broken awaj'. R. 
mostly crumbled off. 5.8 
X 6.3 X 2.4. Inscr. 13 
(O.) + 13 (R.) + 3 (U. E.) 
= 291i. IV. 

Unbaked. Liglit brown. 
Lower right part of tablet 
broken off. 5.3 X 8.4 X 
2.3. Inscr. 14 (O.) + 16 
(R.) + 1 (U. E.) + 2 (L. 
E.) =331i. III. 

Baked. Dark brown. Ruled. 
Lower left comer broken 
away. Lower part of R. 
not inscribed. 5.5 X 7.5 
X 2. Inscr. 14 (O.) + 4 
(R.) = 18 li. II. 

Baked. Light brown. Ruled. 
Upper and lower left corners 
broken away. Beginning 
of lines on R. mutilated. 
Lower half of R. not in- 
scribed. 7 X 11 X 2.5. 
Inscr. 24(0.) + 15 (H.)= 39 
H.II. Translation,pp. 94ff. 
19793 Baked. Light. Glued together. 
Part of case with address. 
Faint traces of seal-im- 
pression on case or envelope 
visible. Case glued to- 
gether. Lower part of R. 
not inscribed. 7 X 10 X 
2\. Inscr. 19 (O.) + 4 
(Lo. E.) + 14 (R.) + 2 
(Case)=391i. IV. Trans- 
lation, pp. lOlff. 

Unbaked. Light brown. Left 
part and lower half of tablet 
broken away. Cracked. 
Glued together. R. crum- 
bling and greatly mutilated. 
6.2X5X2.5. Inscr. 8(0.) 
-I- 4 (R.) + 4 (U. E.) = 
16 U. II. 

Baked. Dark brown. Lower 
half of tablet broken away. 
6.2X 6X 2.6. Inscr. 9(0.) 





Text. Plate. 





27 20 "My Lord" ""Ku-du-ra-nu. 

{a-na be-h-ia) 

Kadashman-Turgu, 12G33 
about 1360 B.C. 

28 21 


Kadashman-Turgu, 10983 
about 1360 B.C. 

29 22 

"* ^^^Marduk-mu-[shal-] Kuri-Gahv, 11956 

Km. about 1400 B.C. 

30 22 

31 23 

"" ^'^Marduk-ra-im-kil- About 1350 B.C. 10629 


Bnma-Buriash, 11098 

about 1430 B.C. 

32 24 


Buma-Buriash , 11497 

about 1430 B.C. 

33 25 


Buma-Buriash, 10514 

about 1430 B.C. 

+ 11 (R.) = 20 li. IV. 
Translation, pp. 116ff. 

Baked. Dark. Glued to- 
gether. Upper and lower 
right comers broken awaj'. 
6.5 X 10.5 X 2.5. Inscr. 
20 (O.) + 4 (Lo. E.) + 20 
(R.) = 44 li. II. 

Baked. Light brown. Lower 
part of tablet broken away. 
Part of O. railed off. 4.6 X 
7X2. Inscr. 13 (O.) + 13 
(R.) + 1 (U. E.) + 2 (L. 
E.) = 29 li. I (stray tab- 
let found out of place). 

Unbaked. Light brown. 

Upper left corner broken 
away. 4X5X2. Inscr. 
9 (O.) + 1 (Lo. E.) + 8 
(R.) = 18 li. II. Trans- 
lation, pp. 106fr. 

Baked. Dark. Ruled. Cnim- 
bling. Lower part, end of 
lines, and R. broken away. 
4.6X5 X2.4. Inscr. 6 h. III. 

Unbaked. Light brown. 
Ruled. Crumbling. Cracked. 
O. partly covered -with silica . 
R. upper left and lower right 
corners crumbled away. 
6.8 X 12.4 X 3. Inscr. 19 
(O.) + 21 (R.) + 1 (U. E.) 
= 41 li. II. 

Baked. Light brown. Ruled. 
Beginning and end of lines 
on O., lower part of tablet 
and nearly the whole of R. 
broken away. Lower part 
of R. not inscribed. 5.5 X 
9.3 X 2.7. Inscr. 14 (O.) + 
7 (R.) = 21 U. II. 

Unbaked. Light brown, R. 
darker. Crumbling. Cracked. 
Greatly mutilated. Lower 
part of tablet broken away. 
Line at end of inscription. 
6X9X3. Inscr. 18 (O.) 
+ 15 (R.) = 33 U. III. 



Text. Plate. 





33a 26 ' 

'My Lord" 

(a-na be-ii-ia) 


About 1400 B.C. 




35 28 

36 29 

37 29 



["• '■^'']Rammdiv-shar- 


38 30 


39 31 

'"U -bar-rum. 

about 1355 B.C. 


about 1355 B.C. 


Kadashman- Turgu, 
about 1350 B.C. 


about 1430 B.C. 


about 1400 B.C. 


about 1335 B.C. 


Unbaked. Light browni. Oc- 
casional dark spots on O. 
and K. Cracked. Signs on 
some places chipped off, 
otherwise well preserved . 
5 X 7.2 X 2.2. In,scr. 17 
(O.) 4- 18 (R.) + 2 (U. E.) 
= 371i. III. Translation, 
pp. 135ff. 

Baked. Dark. Upper riglit 
and lower left corner 
broken away. 5.2 X 9.5 X 
2.3. Inscr. 21 (O.) + 21 
(R.) + 3 (U. E.) + 1 (L. E.) 
= 46 li. II. 

Baked. Light brown. Upper 
right corner chipped off. 
On R. occasional dark spots. 
4.8 X 7.3 X 2.2. Inscr. 
13 (O.) + 1 (Lo. E.) + 15 
(R.) +2(U.E.) +2(L.E.) 
= 33 li. II. Translation, 
pp. 120ff. 

Unbaked. Light brown. Only 
upper right corner of O. 
preserved, rest broken away. 
On R. is only a part of 
sign e(?) visible. 3 X 3.3 
X 2. Inscr. 6 li. III. 

Baked. Dark brown. Ruled. 
R. cracked and lower right 
corner chipped off. Lower 
part of R. not inscribed. 
5.5X9.5X3. Inscr. 16(0.) 
+ 10 (R.) = 26 li. IV. 

Baked. Light brown. Lower 
part and right upper comer 
of tablet broken away. 6 
X 6 X 2.5. Inscr. 11 (O.) 
+ 9 (R.) + 1 (U. E.) = 21 
li. II. Translation,pp.l40ff. 

Unbaked. Light brown. 
Crumbling. Greatly muti- 
lated. R. almost entirely 
crumbled away. 5 X 8.4 
X 2.3. Inscr. 17 (O.) + 19 

• (R.) + 3(IJ.E.)=391i. II. 
Translation, pp. 126ff. 










32 ' 

"My Lord" 
(a-na he-li-ia) 


about 1335 B.C. 





Kadashman- Turgu, 
about 1350 B.C. 




fiazannu of DAr-Sukal- 
pafra, cf. p. 129. 

about 1335 B.C. 





About 1350 B.C. 





about 1400 B.C. 




About 1370 B.C. 




About 1350 B.C. 




about 1360 B.C. 


Baked. Dark. Cracked. 
Glued together. Lower 
half of R. not inscribed. 
5.5 X 9.3 X 2.5. Inscr. 17 
(O.) + 1 (Lo. E.) + 8 (R.) 
= 261i. III. Translation, 
pp. 129flf. 
Baked. Dark browTi. Cracked. 
Crumbling. Left part and 
lower half of tablet broken 
away. Glued together. 5.2 
X5X 2.5. Inscr. 11 (O.) + 
12(R.) + 3(U.E.)=26U. II. 
Unbaked. Light brown. Lower 
half of tablet broken away. 
First line and some signs of 
R. chipped off. 5 X 6 X 2.5. 
Inscr. 10(0.) + 11 (R.) + 2 
(U.E.) + 3(L.E.)=26U. II. 
Unbaked. Light brown, O. 
has large black spot. 
Crumbling. End of lines 
on O. covered with silica. 
Lower part of R. not 
inscribed. Line at end of R. 
5 X 7.2 X 2.3. Inscr. 13 
(O.) + 4 (R.)= 17 li. IV. 
Unbaked. Dark brown. Ruled. 
Crumbling. Cracked. LTp- 
per part broken away. 
Lower part of R. not in- 
scribed. 5.7 X 9.3 X 2.4. 
Inscr. 14 (O.) + 6 (R.) = 
20 li. IV. Translation, pp. 
Unbaked. Lightbrown. Crum- 
bling. Cracked. Upper part 
of tablet broken away. 4.5 
X 7 X 2. Inscr. 12 (O.) + 
12(R.)=24H. II. Trans- 
lation, pp. 142ff. 
Unbaked. Grajish brown. 
O. has occasional black 
spots. End of first two 
lines on O. broken off. 
4.3 X 5.7 X 2. Inscr. 9 
(O.) + 9 (R.) = 18 li. II. 
Unbaked. Light brown. 
Cracked. Glued together. 



Text. Plate. To 



48 38 "My Lord" 

{a-na be-li-ia) 

about 1335 B.C. 

49 38 

about 1380 B.C. 

50 39 


about 1400 B.C. 

51 , 39 

About 1350 B.C. 

52 40 

about 1430 B.C. 

53 4.1 

Shagarakli-Shuriash, 1 1 504 
about 1320 B.C. 

C.B.M. Description. 

Upper part of tablet broken 
away. Line after iascrip- 
tion on Lo. E. 5.7 X 7.4 X 
2.3. Inscr. 12 (O.) + 11 
(R.)=231i. III. 
11893 Unbaked. Light brown. 
First two lines broken 
away. Cracked. Right up- 
per comer of R. chipped off. 
4.5 X 5.8 X 2. Inscr. 15 
(O.) + 15 (R.) = 30 U. II 
10913 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Cracked. Upper and lower 
part of tablet broken away. 
Lower part of R. not in- 
scribed. Line at end of 
inscription. 4.5 X 4.8 X 
2.5. Inscr. 8 (O.) + 3 (R.) 
= 11 li. III. 
3662 Baked. O. dark, R. light . 
brown. Left and right side 
and lower part of tablet 
broken away. Line after 
O. 1. 12 and at end of in- 
scription. Greatly muti- 
lated. Lower part of R. 
not inscribed. 6.2 X 8.5 
X 2.5. Inscr. 13 (O.) -I- 5 
(R.) = 18 li. II. 
10510 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Ruled. Crumbling. End of 
all lines broken away. 4.5 
X 8 X 2.5. Inscr. 12 (O.) 
+ 9 (R.) = 21 li. III. 
10504 Unbaked. Light. Cracked. 
Upper part broken away. 
Script almost obliterated. 
5 X 9 X 2.5. Inscr. 18 
(O.) + 22 (R.) + 1 (U. E.) 
= 41 li. III. 
Unbaked. Light brown. 

Crumbling. Glued together. 
Line at end of inscription. 
End of lines and beginning 
of O. broken away. Greatly 
mutilated. 6.2 X 9.6 X 
2.7. Inscr. 22 (O.) + 19 
(R.) = 41 li. II. 



Text. Plate. To 

54 42 "My Lord" 

(a-na be-ll-ia) 


About 1350 B.C. 


55 42 

" (?) 



57 43 

58 44 



59a 45 

Buma-Buriash, 10497 

about 1440 B.C. 

Kuri-GaUm, 10822 

about 1400 B.C. 

About 1350 B.C. 3668 

Shagarakti-Shuriafh, 19800 
about 1320 B.C. 

Kadashman-EnlU, 1 1 703 
about 1340 B.C. 

Buma-Buriash, 10919 

about 1430 B.C. 



About 1350 B.C. 10914 


Unbaked. O. Ught, R. dark. 
Upper part, left side, and 
lower lialf of tablet broken 
away. R. covered witli 
silica. 5 X 5.5 X 2.6. 
Inscr. 14 (O.) + 12 (R.) = 
26 li. II. 

Unbaked. Liglit. Upper half 
broken away. 7.8 X 5.9 X 
3. Inscr. 10 (O.) + 2 
(Lo. E.) + 12 (R.) = 24 1i. 
III. Translation, pp. 51ff. 

Unbaked. Light brown. 
Ruled. Cracked. Crum- 
bling. Upper half broken 
away. 7 X 5 X 2.5. 
Inscr. 7 (O.) + 7 (R.) = 14 
li. III. 

Unbaked. Dark brown, R. 
dark. Upper part and left 
lower corner broken away. 
5.4 X 5.3 X 2.5. Inscr. 11 
(O.) + 11(R.) =221i. II. 

Unbaked. Dark brown. 

Ruled. Cracked. Upper 
and lower part as well as 
whole of O. broken away. 
End of lines missing. 5.5 
X 8 X 2.5. Inscr. 13 li. 

Baked. Darkbrown. O. 
completely crumbled away. 
R. covered witli silica. 5.5 
X 9.3 X 2.4. Inscr. 3 
(Lo. E.) + 16 (R.) = 19 li. 

Unbaked. Light brown. 
Cracked. Greatlj' muti- 
lated. Upper part broken 
away. 5.3 X 3.8 X 2.3. 
Inscr. 6 (O.) + 3 (Lo. E.) -|- 
8(R.) = 17 U. III. 

Baked. Light brown. Ruled. 
Lower part and end of li. 
broken away. Temple Rec- 
ord with postscript in form 
of letter, cf. No. 61. 8 X 
3 X 2.5. Inscr. 6 (O.) + 5 



Text. Plate. 


60a 46 "My Lord''(?) [ ]-im. 

(a-na be-li-ia) 

61 46 

62 47 

63 47 

64 47 

65 47 

66 48 

67 49 

From Age. C.B.M. Description. 

(R.) + 2 (U. E.) = 13 U. 
About 1350 B.C. 3694 Baked. Light brown. Left 

side and upper part of R. 
broken away. Line after 
O. 1. 1. Cloth impression 
on riglit lower corner of O. 
— hence strictly speaking no 
letter(?). 5X7X2. 
Inscr. 10 (O.) + 2 (Lo. E.) 
+ 10 (R.) = 22 U. II. 

" 12634 Baked. Brown. O. and up- 

per part of R. broken away. 
Postscript,cf.No. 60. Lower 
part of R. not inscribed. 7 
X 13X 2.7. Inscr. 8 li. II. 

" 10878 Baked. Light brown. Fragm. 

(right lower middle part) of 
larger tablet. 5.2 X 6 X 
4.2. Inscr. 12 (O.) + 8 
(R.) =201i. in. 

" 10931 Unbaked. Brown. Fragm. 

of larger tablet. Dark. 
Ruled. R. completely 
broken away. 5.5 X 3.7 X 
1.5. Inscr. 7 U. IIL 

" 10935 Unbaked. Light brown. 

Crumbling. R. broken 
away. Fragm. of larger 
tablet. 3.5 X 4.7 X 1.8. 
Inscr. 10 li. III. 
Baked. Dark brown on O., 
light brown on R. Upper 
and lower part of tablet 
broken away. End of lines 
missing. CrumbUng and 
greatly mutilated. 6 X 
6.5 X 2.7. Inscr. 14 (O.) 
+ 11(R.)=25H. II. 
11926 Unbaked. Dark brown. Up- 
per and lower part of tablet 
broken away. End of lines 
missing. Part of larger 
tablet. Cf. No. 70. 8.5 X 8 
X 3. Inscr. 15 (O.) + 17 
(R.) = 32 li. II. 
11999 Unbaked. Fragm. flower 
right part) of larger tablet. 

Shagarakli-Shuriash, 10954 
about 1320 B.C. 

about 1339 B.C. 


Text. Plate. To 




68 50 "My Lord" 

{a-na be-l\-ia) 

about 1339 B.C. 

69 51 

70 51 

71 51 

About 1339 B.C. 

72 52 

73 52 

73a 53 

74 53 

C.B.M. Description. 

O. dark, R. light brown. 
R. badly mutilated. 8 X 
8.5 X 4. Inscr. 17 (O.) + 
13(R.)=30U. II. 

11946 Unbaked. O. dark, R. light 
brown. Upper, lower, and 
right part of tablet broken 
away. Inscription on L. E. 
in two columns. Cf. No. 69. 
8 X 8.5 X 4. Inscr. 17 (O.) 
+ 14 (R.) + 9(L.E.) =40 
ii. II. 

10621 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Fragm. (left lower part) of 
larger tablet. R. com- 
pletely broken away. Cf. 
No. 68. 4 X 4.6 X 2.2. 
Inscr. 9 (O.) + 1 (L. E.) = 
10 U. III. 
3836 Unbaked. Fragm. of larger 
tablet. Light brown. Cf. 
No. 66. 4 X 4 X 3.8. 
Inscr. 5 + 6 - 11 li. III. 

10392 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Fragm. (right lower part) 
of larger tablet. Ruled. 
4.5 X 5.5 X 3.8. Inscr. 10 
(O.) + 8(R.) = 18 U. III. 

10924 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Crumbling. Occasional dark 
spots on O. and R. Upper 
part and end of lines 
broken away. 4.8 X 5.5 
X 2.2. Inscr. 9 (O.) + 10 
(R.) = 19 li. III. 

10658 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Crumbling. Fragm. of 
larger tablet. Only on one 
side is the inscription pre- 
served. 3.8 X 6.5 X 3.2. 
Inscr. 14 li. III. 

10938 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Cracked. Fragm. (upper 
middle part) of larger tab- 
let. Greatly mutilated. 
3.8 X 5 X 2.3. Inscr. 8 
(O.) + 10 (R.) + 2 (U. E.) 
= 20 li. III. 

10853 Unbaked. Dark brown. 



Text. Plate. To 


AoB. C.B.M. 

75 54 "'Amel-'^''^Marduk. "TheKing" (LUGAL) Shagarakti-Shuriash, 12582 

(cf. No. 93). 

about 1325 B.C. 

76 55 "Son." 


About 1400 B.C. 3660 

77 55 "" ^^^En-lil-\bel- "• ^^^A-shur-shum-etir. Kadashman-Turgu, 10575 
nishe"'"''-shu-]. about 1360 B.C. 

78 56 "^A-}ni-M-na. "' '^'^En-lil-ki-di-n 

Buma-Buriash, 10774 

about 1430 B.C. 

79 56 ^hn-gu-ri. 

m ihiEn-Ul-ki-di-{ni\. Buma-Buriash, 11931 

about 1430 B.C. 

80 57 "^A-mi-li-ia. 

m ""En-lil-mu-kin-apnl. Nazi-Marultash, 6056 

about 1350 B.C. 

81 57 "^Afiu-ii-a-Ba-ni. "^Erba-'''"Marduk. 

Kadashman-Enlil, 3692 
about 1335 B.C. 

Fragm. (middle part) of 
tablet. Only one side pre- 
served. 5.5 X 6.8 X 2.4. 
Inscr. 141i. III. 

Unbaked. Light brown. 
End of lines and lower part 
of tablet broken away. R. 
almost completely crum- 
bled off. 3.9 X 4.8 X 1.7. 
Inscr. 10 (O.) + 10 (R.) + 
3 (U. E.) = 23 h. III. 
Translation, pp. 132ff. 

Unbaked. Light brown. 
Cracked . Covered with 
black spots. Line after O. 
1. 1. R. has only one line 
of inscription, rest not 
inscribed. 5 + 7.5 X 2.3. 
Inscr. 9 (O.) + 1 (R.) =10 
li. II. Translatlon,pp.l43f. 

Unbaked. Dark brown. 
Cracked. Crumbling. Right 
side and lower part of tablet 
broken away. 4.8 X 6.8 X 
2.2. Inscr. 10 li. III. 

Unbaked. Light brown. 
Lower part of tablet broken 
away. Only upper part of 
R. is inscribed. 4.7 X 6.5 
X 2.4. Inscr. 10 (O.) + 3 
(H.) = 13 li. III. 

Baked. Brown. Left side 
broken away. Badly muti- 
lated. Crumbling. Lower 
part of R. not inscribed. 4 
X 6.8 X 2.5. Inscr. 9 (O.) 
-t- 4 (R.) = 13 li. II. 

LTnbaked. Light brown. 
Lower half of tablet broken 
away. Right upper comer 
of O. was pressed down- 
ward wliile tablet was still 
soft. 4X4X2. Inscr. 
8 (O.) + 7 (R.) + 2 (U. E.) 
= 171i. II. 

Baked. O. light brown, R. 
darker. Occasional black 
spots. Lower part of tablet 



Text. Plate. To 

82 57 Da-ni-ti-ia. 





Shagarakii-Shiiriash, 1 1 852 
about 1325 B.C. 

83 58 "'In-na-an-ni. '" ^'"Errish{l){=NIN. Kuri-Galzu, 3315 

IB)-aixil-iddina'"'. about 1400 B.C. 

84 59 "^In-na-an-ni. 

^ ^'''Errish{t)(=MASH)- Kuri-Galzu, 3258 

apal-iddina"". about 1400 B.C. 

85 59 ^In-na-an-ni. fin-bi-Ai-ri. 

Kuri-Oalm, 3206 

about 1400 B.C. 

86 60 '"In-na-an-ni. 


87 61 '"In-nu-il-a. 


Kuri-Galzu, 3675 

about 1400 B.C. 

About 1350 B.C. 3663 

88 62 [h]Da{'{)-li-li-ia. "'i-li-ip-pa-dsh-ra. 

Buma-Buriash, 3834 

about 1430 B.C. 

broken away. 4.5 X 5 X 
2.3. Inscr. 10 (O.) + 10 
(R.) = 20 li. II. 

Unbaked. Dark brown. 
Greatly mutilated. O. left 
lower corner broken away. 
R. completely crumbled 
off. 3.7 X 5.1 X 1.7. 
Inscr. 10 li. II. 
Baked. Ijiglit browTi. Occa- 
sional black spots on O. 
Part of right side of O. and 
upper right corner of R. 
chipped off. Otherwise 
well preserved. Line after 
1. 2 and at end of O. 
5.5 X 9.5 X 2.2. Inscr. 18 
(O.) + 19 (R.) =371i. II. 
Translation, pp. UOff. 

Baked. Light brown. Per- 
fect. Line after 0. 1. 10. 
Lower part of R. not in- 
scribed. 4.8 X 9 X 2.3. 
Inscr. 14 (O.) + 5 (R.) = 
19 li. II. Translation, pp. 

Baked. Light brown. R. 
covered with silica. Lower 
half of R. not inscribed. 
5.5 X 4.3 X 2. Inscr. 7 
(O.) + 4 (R.) = 11 li. II. 
Translation, pp. 115ff. 

Baked. Light brown. Lower 
part of tablet broken away . 
4.8 X 5.8 X 2.3. Inscr. 13 
(O.) + 11 (R.) + 3 (U. E.) 
+ 4 (L. E.) = 31 li. II. 

Unbaked. O. light brown. 
R. darker. Occasional 
black spots. Lower part of 
tablet broken away. 5.5 
X 6 X 2. Inscr. 11 (O.) 
+ 9 (R.) + 3 (U. E.) + 2 
(L. E.) = 25 li. II. 

Baked. Light brown. Greatly 
effaced. Lower part of tab- 
let broken away. R. blank _ 
4 X 4 X 2.2. Inscr. 8 li. 



Text. Plate. To 

89 62 ""NIN-nu-u-a. 

'^PAn-AN .GAL-lu-muT. 




>" '■^''Sin-hish"^. 

about 1350 B.C. 

63 [^I-na]-sil-li-a-[lak]. "• ^''^DAR.gU-nAr-gab- About 1350 B.C. 


64 ""Il-li-ia. 

93 65 

'The King"(?) (cf. No. About 1400 B.C. 

94 65 



96 67 

Age. C.B.M. Description. 

About 1350 B.C. 19764 Baked. Dark brown. Right 

lower corner broken away. 

4 X 6.3 X 1.7. Inscr. 14 
(O.) + 14 (R.) + 2 (U. E.) 
= 30n. IV. Translation, 
pp. 19ff.; 25, note 4; 27, 
note 8. 

10936 Baked. Dark. Fragm. (left 
upper part) of tablet. 4 X 

5 X 2.3. Inscr. 7 (O.) + 7 
(R.) = 14h. III. 

19796 Baked. Light brown. 3 lines 
on tablet. Beginning of first 
section broken away. 0. 1. 5 
is continued over the wliole 
of R. Lower part of R. not 
inscribed. 5X5X2. 
Inscr. 10 (O.) + 2 (Lo. E.) 
+ 3 (R.) = 15 U. IV. 

Nazi-Maruttash, 19784 Baked. Light brown. Lower 

1390 B.C. right part of tablet broken 

away. 4.5 X 7.5 X 2. 
Inscr. 14 (O.) + 2 (Lo. E.) 
+ 15 (R.) + 3 (U. E.) = 
34 li. IV. 
3674 Unbaked. Fragm. (lower 
right part) of tablet. 
CrumbUng. Cracked. Bad- 
ly mutilated. Other side 
of tablet completely effaced. 
4.5 X 5.3 X 2. Inscr. 8 li. 

About 1350 B.C. 3665 Unbaked. Light Ijrown. 

Crumbling. Line at end of 
O. and R. Upper part of 
tablet broken away. O. 
completely effaced. Lower 
part of R. not inscribed. 
6.8 X 8.8 X 2.3. Inscr. 3 
(O.) + 5(R.) =8U. n. 
" 3671 Baked. O. light brown, R. 

dark. Large black spot on 
R. Ruled. CrumbUng. 
Upper part of tablet broken 
away. 5.2 X 5 X 2. 
Inscr. 6 (O.) + 10 (R.) + 2 
(L. E.) = 18 li. II. 
" 10775 Unbaked. O. very light, R. 


Text. Plate. 


97 68 

9S 68 

99 68 

Text. Pl.^te. 

1,2 I 

3, 4, 5 II 

6, 7 III 

8, 9 III 

10, 11 IV 

12, 13 V 

14, 15 VI 

16, 17 VII 

18, 19 VII 

20 VIII 

21 IX 




Kadashman- Turgu, 
about 1360 B.C. 

About 1350 B.C. 

C.B.M. Description. 

darker. Cracked. Crumb- 
ling. Fragm. (middle part) 
of larger tablet. 6.8 X 9.5 
X 3. Inscr. 15 (O.) + 14 
(R.)=291i. III. 

10922 Unbaked. Dark brown. 
Ruled. Upper part and 
right side of tablet broken 
away. Last line and all of 
other side not inscribed. 
3.8 X 5.5 X 2.7. Inscr. 7 
li. III. 

10895 Unbaked. Fragm. of larger 
tablet. Dark brown. Ruled. 
CrumbUng. R. completely 
broken away. 6.3 X 5.8 X 
1.5. Inscr. 8 li. III. 

10915 Unbaked. Brown. Fragm. 
(middle part) of larger tab- 
let. Tlie other side of 
tablet completely crumbled 
away. Cracked. 5.4 X 6 
X 2. Inscr. 10 li. III. 

B. Photographic (Half-tone) Reproductions. 

c. B. M. 

O. and R. of a letter from Kalbu to the "Lord." Cf. 19793 

Translation on pp. lOlff. 
Part of envelope, R. E. and Lo. E. of a letter from 19793 

Kalbu to the "Lord." Cf. Translation on pp. lOlff. 
O. and R. of a letter referring to Enlil-kidinni. For 10497 

Translation cf. Chapter III, pp. 51ff. 
0. and R. of a royal letter to Amel-Marduk. Cf . Trans- 12582 

lation on pp. 132fT. 
O. and R. of a letter from NIM.GI-shar-ili to the 6123 

"Lord." Cf. Translation on pp. 135ff. 
O. and R. of a letter from [I m-gu}-rum to the "Lord." 11090 

Cf. Translation on pp. 94ff. 
O. and R. of a letter from Mukallim to the "Lord." 11098 

Cf. Chapter III, p. 36, note 7. 
O. and R. of a letter from Mukallim to the "Lord." 10514 

Cf. Chapter III, p. 36, note 7. 
O. and R. of a letter from Shiriqtim to the "Lord." 10955 

Cf. Translation on pp. 140ff. 
O. of a letter from Amel-Marduk to the " Lord." 11426 

R. of a letter from Amel-Marduk to the "Lord." 11426 

Cf. description of text No. 24. 

Cf. description of text No. 24. 

Cf. description of text No. 55. 

Cf. description of text No. 75. 

Cf. description of text No. 33a. 

Cf. description of text No. 23. 

Cf. description of text No. 31. 

Cf. description of text No. 33. 

Cf. description of text No. 38. 

Cf. description of text No. 3. 
Cf. description of text No. 3. 



Text. Plate. C. B. M. 

22, 23 X O. and R. of a letter from Sin-karabi-eshme to the 19783 Cf . 

' "Lord." 
24,25 X O. and R. of a letter from C/barrum to the "Lord." Cf. 5134 Cf. 
Translation on pp. 129ff. 

26 XI R. of a letter showing the fragmentary condition of the 10504 Cf. 


27 XI O. of a letter from /mffurura to the "Lord." 11101 Cf. 

28 XI O. of a letter from a "father" to his "son." Cf. Trans- 3660 Cf. 

lation on pp. 143ff. 
29, 30 XII O. and R. of a letter from Errish{t)-apal-iddina to 3315 Cf. 

Innanni. Cf. Translation on pp. llOff. 
31, 32 XII O. and R. of a letter from Errish{t)-apal-iddina to 3258 Cf. 

Innanni. Cf. Translation on pp. 113ff. 

description of text No. 37, 

description of text No. 40. 

description of text No. 52. 

description of text No. 22. 
description of text No. 76. 

description of text No. 83. 

description of text No. 84. 

C. Numbers of the Catalogue of the Babylonian Museum (Prepared by 

Prof. Dr. H. V. Hilprecht). 

C. B. M. 



C. B. M. 



C. B. M. 





















































































































































2, 3 


































































































C. B. M. 



C. B. M. 



C. B. M. 















































































PI. 1 






PL 2 











L. E. 20 

PI. 5 


PI 6 




10 -<M*i^^ 


PL 7 







PL 8 


6 m^^^^^<^^^ 




go ^i^j, ,<7T 

^ M 




PL 9 


U. E. ^^^ 


PL 10 






PL 11 










PL 12 


U. E. 




PL 13 











PL 15 





25 ! 



PL 16 



5 m^^^^&m ' 


W^^ >r %, ^^ ^ 

5 :^* 



R. 15 

I, >« 

PL 17 



0. «-^r,.^ 

PI. 18 

Lo. E. go 







PI 19 


■I Erasure. 





PI 20 



IB il^M-^;^^ 


R. 25 ^' 


PL 21 





U. E. k<^ 

PL ^2 


15 ^ fjrt-^ - ^^— 



PI. 23 

0. W 


PI. 2 A 















PL 26 

33 a. 

o. ^te^^^^. 

10 ^^>%>^»^# 




PI 27 






PI 29 


PL 30 



. ... sl^m^^\ 






PI. 31 



PI. 32 









PL 33 





U.E. ^,1^^^^ 



10 ^ ^^ >^^ 



Pi ^4 





PL S6 


R. 10 




PL S8 






PL 39 




PI. 40 





















PL 4-? 








to. E. 







59 a. 

PI. 45 






60 a. 

PI. 46 


Lo.E. m 



PI. 47 























PI. 50 







"^'^^i 40 



Pi 51 









PI 52 


R. 10 




PI. 53 














PL 55 



R. 10 




PL 56 











PI. 57 




16 n><^^ 







PL 58 




10 '^;4%&>^^>^ ^ 



so Mmj£>jk^ ^ „ 





PI. 59 



10 m.'^^^ 

>^ ^^K 

A^ > 


0. ^Y^M^^T* 

10 H^ 

PI. 60 





17. E. 25 M«\'^. 

PL 61 







PL 62 



R. 15 


so M ^ % 

^^ Erasure. 


PI. 63 








PL 6 A 

0. m 


PL 65 






PL 66 








PL 67 



PI. 68 













PL. Ill 







PL. V 















(-r.^tr.^. n, 



ABOUT 1325 B.C. 




ABOUT 1325 B.C. 

PL. X 


24 25 




ABOUT 1335 B.C. 




2e. REVERSE OF No. 52 

27. OBVERSE OF NO. 22 

28. OBVERSE OF NO. 76 















• I f* h« I 1^%^ I. 

»^MT X 


University of Toronto 








Acme Library Card Pocket 

Under Pat. "Ref. Index File" 



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