THE SCHEMES OF
THE KAISER.
MADAME ADAM
(JULIETTE LAMBER)
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The Schemes
of the Kaiser
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LONDON : WILLIAM HEINEMANN.
The Schemes of
L
the Kaiser
From the French of
Juliette Adam
By
J. O. P. Bland
London
William Heinemann
•\
London: William Htinemann, 1917.
AUTHOR'S PREFACE
Modesty is lout of fashion nowadays : what
is wanted is the glorification of every kind of
courage. That being so, I hold myself entitled to
claim a Military Cross, for my forty-five years of
hand-to-hand fighting with Bismarck and with
William the Second, and to be mentioned in
despatches for the past.
Juliette Adam.
TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION
More fortunate than the majority of the prophets
who cannot speak smooth things, Madame Adam
has lived to find honour in her own country : La
grande Frangaise has come into her own. God
willing, she should live to see that revanche for
which, through good and evil report, she has
laboured unceasingly these forty-five years, to see
the arrogant Prussian humbled to the dust and
Alsace-Lorraine restored to France. 1917, she
firmly believes will revenge and reverse the tragedy
of 1871. More fortunate than the great British
soldier who spent his veteran days in warning his
countrymen of the ordeal to come, Madame Adam,
now in her eighty-first year, may yet hope to
see the banners of the Allies crowned with vic-
tory, the black wreaths on the statue of Strasburg
in the Place de la Concorde changed to garlands of
rejoicing.
There have been dark days in these forty-five
years, times when, even to herself, the struggle for la
patrie seemed almost a forlorn hope. It was so at
the time of the Berlin Congress in 1878, when, after
his visit to Germany, Gambetta abandoned the idea
of la revanche. It was so in 1891, when she realised
that the influence of Paul Deroulede's Ligue des
vii
viii TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION
Patriotes had ceased to be a living force in public
opinion, when France had become impregnated with
false doctrines of international pacifism and homeless
cosmopolitanism, when (as she wrote at the time)
there were left of the faithful to wear the forget-
me-not of Alsace-Lorraine only " a few mothers,
a few widows, a few old soldiers, and your humble
servant." But never, even in the darkest of dark
days, was the flame of her ardent patriotism dimmed.
After her breach with Gambetta, determined not
to be defeated by the Government's abandonment
of a vigorous anti -German policy of preparation,
she founded the Nouvelle Revue, to wage war with
her brain and pen against Bismarck and the ruler
of Germany. • The objects with which she created
that brilliant magazine, as explained by herself
to Mr. Gladstone in 1879, were threefold — "to
oppose Bismarck, to demand the restoration of
Alsace-Lorraine, and to lift from the minds of young
French writers the shadow of depression cast on
them by national defeat." The fortnightly " Letters
on Foreign Politics " which she contributed regularly
to the Nouvelle Revue for twenty years were not
only persistently and violently anti-Teuton : they
became a powerful force in educating public opinion
in France to the necessity for an effective alliance
with Russia, and to the cause of nationalism, in the
Balkans, in Egypt, and wherever the liberties of the
smaller nations were endangered by the earth-
hunger of the great. She disliked and feared the
policy of colonial expansion inaugurated by Gam-
betta and pursued by Jules Ferry, because she felt
that it must weaken France in preparing for the
TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION ix
great and final struggle with Teutonism which she
knew to be inevitable. Thus, when Ferry requested
her to cease from attacking Germany, she defied
him, assuring him that nothing less than imprison-
ment would stop her, and that no honour could
be greater than to be imprisoned for attacking
Bismarck.
Juliette Adam has always been intensely sure of
herself and her opinions. She has the virile fight-
ing spirit of a super-suffragette. " Always out
of rank," as Gambetta described her, " Madame
Integrate ' has displayed throughout her political
and literary work a contempt for compromise of
every kind, which occasionally leads her into un-
tenable positions and exaggerations. Like her
friend George Sand, she has ever been an inveterate
optimist and in the clouds, and this defect of her very
qualities has tended to make her proficient in the
gentle art of making enemies. Thus she broke with
Anatole France for espousing the cause of Dreyfus,
because, in spite of her keen sense of justice, she
identified the Army with France and was instinc-
tively opposed to Jews, because she regarded their
' cosmopolitan ' : influence as incompatible with
patriotism. For her, all things and all men have
been subordinate to the sacred cause, to her watch-
word and battle-cry of Vive la France ! Nobly
has she laboured for France, confident ever in the
renaissance of la Grande Nation, and of her country's
final triumph. And to-day her unswerving faith is
justified, and her life work has been recognised and
crowned with honour in her own land.
With one exception, all the articles collected in
x TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION
this book have been taken from Madame Adam's
" Letters on Foreign Politics " in La Nouvelle Revue.
Together they constitute a remarkable testimony
to the political foresight and courage of la grande
Francaise, and an equally remarkable analysis of
the policy and character of Germany's ruler.
4
CHAPTER I
1890
William II, the " Social Monarch " — What lies beneath his
declared pacifism- — His journey to Russia — The German
Press invites us to forget our defeat and become reconciled
while Germany is adding to her army every day.
April 12, 1890. 1
What an all-pervading nuisance is William !
To think of the burden that this one man has im-
posed upon the intelligence of humanity and the
world's Press ! The machiavelism of Bismarck was
bad enough, with its constant demands on our vigil-
ance, but this new omniscient German Emperor is
worse ; he reminds one of some infant prodigy, the
pride of the family. Yet his ways are anything but
kingly ; they resemble rather those of a shopkeeper.
He literally fills the earth with his circulars on the
art of government, spreads before us the wealth
of his intentions, and puffs his own magnanimity.
He struggles to get the widest possible market for
his ideas : 'tis a petty dealer in imperial sovereignty.
There is nothing fresh about his wares, but he does
his best to persuade us that they are new ; one feels
instinctively that some day he will throw the whole
lot at our heads. I am quite prepared to admit
that, if he had any rare or really superior goods to
offer, his advertising methods might be profitable,
1 From La Notivelle Revue, of April 15, 1890, " Letters on
Foreign Policy."
B
2 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
but William's stock-in-trade has for many years
been imported and exported under two labels,
namely the principles of '89 and Christian Socialism.
The German Emperor has mixed the two, after
the manner of a prentice -hand. His organ, the
Cologne Gazette, with all the honeyed adulation
of a suddenly converted opponent, 1 has called this
mixture " Social Monarchism." Therefore, it seems,
the German Emperor is neither a constitutional
sovereign nor a monarch by divine right. He has
restored Csesarisrn of the Roman type, clinging at
the same time to the principle of divine right — and
the result is our " Social Monarch " !
Rushing headlong on the path of reform — full
steam ahead, as he puts it — he is prepared to change
the past, present and future in order to give happi-
ness to his own subjects. But France is likely to
pay for all this ; sooner or later some new rescript
will tell us that the valley of tribulation is our
portion and inheritance.
It is one of his ambitions to put an end to class
warfare in Germany. To this end he begins, with his
usual tact, by denouncing the capitalists (that is to
say, the wealth of the middle class) to the workers,
and then holds up the scandalous luxury of the
aristocracy in the army to the contempt of the
bourgeois.
One of his most brilliant and at the same time most
futile efforts, is his rescript on the subject of the
shortage of officers for the army. As the army
1 This paper had been, till then, in the service of Prince
Bismarck.
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 3
itself is steadily increasing every day, it should have
been easy in each regiment for him, gradually and
quite quietly, to increase the number of officers
drawn from the middle-class ; indeed, the change
would have practically effected itself, for the Minister
of War had a hundred-and-one means of bringing
it about. But this rescript has put a check on what
might otherwise have been a natural process of
change, and unless William now settles matters with
a high hand, it will cease. In every regiment the
aristocracy provides the great majority of officers ;
bourgeois candidates for admission to the service
are liable to be black-balled, just as they might be
at any club ; it is now safe to predict that they will
henceforward be regarded with less favour than
ever, and that generals, colonels, majors and the
rest will form up into a solid phalanx, to prevent the
Emperor's platonic proteges from getting in.
William II appeals to the higher ranks of officers,
who are tradition personified, to put an end to
tradition. It is really wonderful what a genius
he has for exciting cupidity in one class and resist-
ance in the other. And he has done the same thing
with the working class as with the army.
What a strange riddle his character presents — this
quietist, this worshipper of an angry and a jealous
God, with a mania for achieving the happiness of
his people in the twinkling of an eye ! A strange
figure, this Emperor of country squires, who des-
pises the bourgeois and who threatens to despoil
the aristocracy of the very privileges which have
been the safeguard of the Hohenzollerns' throne for
centuries.
4 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
These peculiarities are due to an occult influence
which weighs on the mind of William II, an influence
which, while it points the way to action, blinds him
to its consequences. The dead hand is upon him !
Frederick III, that liberal, bourgeois monarch,
compels his reactionary, Old-Prussian-school son,
to do those things which he would have done him-
self, had he not been victimised by Bismarck and
his pupil.
I wonder whether the ever-mystical William II
sometimes reflects on the ways by which God leads
men into His appointed ways ? Such thoughts
might do more to enlighten him than his way of
gazing at the heavens in the belief that all the stars
are his.
There is one piece of advice that William's friends
should give him — not to restore the sixty millions of
Gueiph money to the Duke of Cumberland. This
ultra-modern young Emperor will very soon have
greater need of the services of the reptile Press than
even Bismarck himself ; for every one of his latest
rescripts adds new public difficulties to the number
of those secret ones which the ex-Chancellor, with
his infinite capacity for intrigue, will hatch for him.
Bismarck, of the biting wit, who accepts the
title of Duke of Lauenburg, because, as he says,
" it will enable him to travel incognito," sends forth
from Friedrichsruhe winged words which sink deep
into the mind of the people. This phrase, for exam-
ple, which sums up the whole of William's policy :
" The Emperor has selected his best general to be
Chancellor and made of his Chancellor a field mar-
shal." And Bismarck begs his readers to insert
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 5
the adjectives, good and bad, where they rightly
belong.
April 28, 1890. 1
Emperor William continues to increase the list of
his excursions into every field of mental activity.
Intellectually divided between the Middle Ages and
the late nineteenth century, it would seem as if he
were trying to forget the infirmity of his one useless
arm by assuming a prominent role modelled on men of
action. He tries to combine in his person the effects
of extreme modernism with those of the days of
Charlemagne. Because of his very impotence,
his desire to grasp and clasp all history is the
fiercer, and this emphasises and aggravates the
cruelty he showed in relegating Bismarck to com-
pulsory inaction. Just imagine if some power
stronger than himself were to compel this ever
restless monarch to quiescence ! What would be
the cumulative effect of want of exercise at the end
of a year ?
And just because the German Emperor is pleased,
amongst the innumerable costumes of his wardrobe,
to don that of a socialist sovereign, the same
people who before 1870 believed in the liberalism of
Bismarck, now believe in the socialism of William II.
They go on saying the same old things. In differ-
ent words they ask : " Isn't the young Emperor
amusing ? " (tis' a great word with us French people),
and before long, they will be appealing to the
gullible weaklings among us by suggesting " After
1 La Nouvelle Revue, May 1, 1890, "Letters on Foreign
Policy."
6 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
all, why shouldn't he give us back Alsace-Lor-
raine ? " And thus are being sown the seeds of our
national enervation.
The dangers that threaten us from the hatred that
the Prussian bears us are all the greater now that
Germany is ruled by this man -chameleon. Let
William do what he will, let him change colour as
he likes, our hatred for Prussia remains unshaken
and immutable. But acquiescence in his perform-
ances will draw us into his orbit and expose us to
those same dangers which he incurs, dangers which,
were we wise, we should know how to turn to our
own profit.
May 12, 1890. 1
Amidst the ruins of his fallen fortunes, Bismarck
can still erect a magnificent monument to his pride.
If the results pursued by his once-beloved pupil
stultify the old man's immediate intentions, they
constitute nevertheless a testimonial to the Bis-
marckian doctrine in its purest form, to those
immortal principles based on lies and the exploita-
tion of " human stupidity," which the ex-Chancellor
raised to such heights in German policy, from the
commencement of his career to the date of his fall.
Let us, in the first place, inquire how it has come
to pass that William II has been able to convince
a certain number of people, either through their
" human stupidity " or their cowardice, that he is
striving for and towards peace, when every single
act of his proves the opposite. Is it enough that,
because he declares himself a pacifist, men should
1 La Nouvelle Revue, May 15, 1890, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 7
go about saying " Thank God that he, who seemed
most eager for war, now sings the praises of peace " ?
And there are others who earnestly implore us to
think no more ot war " now that William of Germany
no longer dreams of it."
Now I ask, is there a single reason to be found,
either in the tradition of his race, or in his own
character, or in the logic of Prussian militarism,
which can justify any clear-thinking mind in be-
lieving that William is a pacifist ?
During the past fortnight a pamphlet has been
published in Germany under the title Videant
Consules (a pamphlet having all the appearance
of a Berlin semi-official, or officious, document) which
gives us the key (my readers will agree that I have
already placed it in the lock) of William II 's sudden
affection for paths of peace.
The illuminating pages ot this work are written
with the object ot preparing the honorable members
of the Reichstag to vote an annual credit of twenty
millions (it is said that the Minister of War and the
Chief of the General Staff originally asked for fifty).
This money will be asked for to provide 474 new
batteries, to bring up to 700 the number of the
German battalions on the Vosges frontier and to
increase the peace footing strength of the army.
According to a statement made by William II, in
his speech at the opening of the Reichstag, the special
object of those twenty millions is to strengthen the
defences of the eastern and western frontiers.
Videant Consules tells us that Bismarck created
the Empire by war, but that his later policy
threatened to destroy it by peace ; for this reason
8 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
the young Emperor deprived Mm of power. Accord-
ing to this pamphlet, the ex-chancellor allowed
France to recover and Russia to prepare her defences,
whereas he should have crushed us a second time
in order to have only one enemy — Russia — to deal
with later on.
Therefore, Germany's present task is to prepare
in haste for the struggle against Russia and France
united, and for this reason it behoves her (says
Videant Consules) to increase her forces by a
superhuman effort. As matters stand, in spite of
the Triple Alliance, in spite of the sympathy and
support of Austria and Italy (ruinous for them)
William II is by no means confident in the future
success of his arms.
Now this hero is not taking any chances. In
order that might may overcome right, he wants to
be quite sure of superior numbers. And this
explains why the Emperor of Germany is a " paci-
fist " to-day !
But things are likely to be different by October 1.
I would have the dupes of pacifism read carefully
the following extract from his speech ; if they remain
deaf to its meaning, it can only be because, like the
man in the fable, they do not wish to hear.
" It is true," says the German Emperor, " that
we have neglected none of the measures by which
our military strength may be increased within the
limits prescribed by the law, but what we have
been able to effect in this direction has not been
sufficient to prevent the changes which have taken
place in the general situation from being unfavour-
able to us. We can no longer postpone making
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 9
additions to the peace footing of the army and to
effective units, more especially the field artillery.
A Bill will be brought before you which will
provide for the necessary increase of the army
to take place on the first of October of this year."
According to Videant Consules, the last favourable
date for attacking France would have been in
1887. Bismarck sinned beyond forgiveness in not
provoking a war at that time. More than that,
his manoeuvres to undermine the credit of Russia
and his policy of intimidation towards France,
by exciting the hatred of both countries against
Germany, only served to unite them.
In the position in which he finds himself, Wil-
liam II has therefore no alternative ; he must vastly
increase his forces, while assuming the pacifist role.
He must pretend to be severe with the aristocracy
of his army — the apple of his eye — and to be full of
sympathetic concern for the welfare of the working
classes and peasantry, whom he fears or despises, and
who are nothing but cannon fodder to him. And
he does these things in order to sow seeds of mutual
distrust between France and Russia.
He will use every possible expedient of trickery
and guile, and, even more confident than his teacher
Bismarck in the eternal gullibility of human nature,
he will exploit it for all it is worth.
Take this example of our gullibility, as displayed
in the question of passports for Alsace-Lorraine. A
section of the European Press, well primed for the
purpose (the Guelph funds not having been restored,
so far as we know, to their proper owner), continues
unceasingly to implore William II to consent to a
10 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
relaxation of the regulations in regard to these pass-
ports. The idea is, that when our credulous fools
come to learn that this relaxation has been granted,
there will be absolutely no limit to their enthusiasm
for him. Already they speak of him good-naturedly
as " this young Emperor."
(Is it not so, that, every day, old friends whose
rugged patriotism we thought unshakable, meet us
with the inquiry, " Well, and what have you got to
say now of this young Emperor? ")
This young Emperor piles falsehood upon false-
hood. If he permits any relaxation of the passport
regulations, you may be perfectly certain that he
will give orders that the permis de sejour are to
be more severely restricted than before. Once
a passport is issued, it is of some value ; but the
permis de sejour is a weapon in the hands of the
lower ranks of German officialdom, which they use
with Pomeranian cruelty. Every German bureau-
crat in Alsace-Lorraine aims at preventing French-
men from residing there, at getting them out of the
country ; and nothing earns them greater favour in
the eyes of their chiefs. Therefore, if this " young
Emperor " is to be asked to grant anything, let it be
a relaxation of the permis de sejour.
To be allowed to travel amongst the brothers
from whom we are separated, can only serve to
aggravate the grief we feel at not being allowed to
live amongst them.
William's socialism is all of the same brand. His
first display of affection for the tyrant lower down
was due to the fact that he used him to overthrow a
tyrant higher up : it was the socialist voter who
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 11
broke the power of Bismarck. When we see William
embarking upon so many schemes of social reform
all at once, we may be sure that he has no serious
intention of carrying out any one of them. After
having made all sorts of lavish promises to the in-
dustrial workers, he is now busy giving undertakings
to make the welfare of the peasantry his special
care !
In Ins speech to the Reichstag there is no mention
even of the one definite benefit that the workers had
a right to expect — namely, a reduction of the hours
of labour ; but the threat of shooting " them in the
back " reappears in a new guise. William II warns
the working classes of " the dangers which they will
incur in the event of their doing anything to disturb
the order of government."
" My august confederates and I," adds the Em-
peror, " are determined to defend this order with
unshakable energy."
Delicious to my way of thinking, this expression
" my august confederates." Is there not something
astounding about the use of the possessive pronoun
in connection with the word "august," implying
sovereignty ? One wonders what part can they
have to play, these confederates, led and dominated
by a personality as jealous and self-centred as this
" young Emperor."
There is only one thing about which William II
really concerns himself, over and above his blind
passion for increasing the forces of Germany, and
that is, other people's morals — the morals of working
men or officers. The devil has always had his days
for playing the monk,
12 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
May 20, 1890. 1
Do my readers remember my last article but one,
written at a moment when the whole Press was
singing the praises of William the Pacifist, on the
eve of the day when The Times published its
despatch, proclaiming the complete agreement be-
tween Tzar and Kaiser, the entente that assures the
world of the peace that shall come down from
William's starry heavens ? It was then that I
wrote —
" Is there a single reason to be found, either in the
traditions of his race, or in his own character, or in
the logic of Prussian militarism, which can justify,
any clear-thinking mind in believing that William is
a Pacifist ? "
Hardly had that number of May 1 appeared
when the German Emperor made his speech at
Konigsberg ! In his cups, the King of Prussia
reveals his true nature, just as a champagne cork
flies from a badly wired bottle. After giving ex-
pression once again to his animosity towards France,
he borrows from us one of the famous dicta of
Monsieur Prudhomme —
"The duty of an Emperor," he declared, "is to
keep the peace, and I am determined to do it ; but
should I be compelled to draw the sword to preserve
peace, Germany's blows will fall like hail upon those
who have dared to disturb it."
Next, in the neighbourhood of the Russian frontier,
he used the following provocative language : "I
will not permit that any one should touch my eastern
1 La Nouvelle Revue, June 1, 1890, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 13
provinces and he who tries to do so, will find that
my power and my might are as rocks of bronze."
Sire, beware ! The God of the Hohenzollern will
prove to you before long that your power and your
might, those rocks of bronze, are no more in His
hands than a feather tossed in the wind ; He v will
show you that a tricky horse can unseat you, regard-
less of your dignity, when you take your favourite
ride, the road to Peacock island, with your august
brother-in-law.
Say what you will, the Prussians have not yet
acquired either wit or good taste ! There is proof
of this not only in the speeches of William II at
Konigsberg, but even more convincing, in that
which was delivered before the Reichstag by that
famous strategist, our conqueror de Moltke, on the
subject of the proposed increase in the peace-footing
effectives.
One must read the whole speech to get an idea of
the sort of nonsense that " honorable " Germans are
prepared to listen to. In urging the vote of credit,
"the Victor" said: "Confronted with the funda-
mental problem of the army, the question of money
is of secondary importance ; for what becomes of
your prosperous finances in war-time ? '
Having proved that conquerors are the greatest
benefactors of the human race, M. de Moltke goes
on to declare that it is not the rulers, but the peoples,
who want war to-day. In Germany, it is ' the
cupidity of the classes whom fate has neglected " ; it
is also the socialists who decline to vote more
soldiers because they desire to trouble the world's
peace and expect " to sacrifice hundreds of thousands
14 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
of lives in the next war and to threaten the existence
of morality and civilisation."
I do not know whether my readers can make
head or tail of this speech — I certainly cannot —
but its intention is plain enough. William II has
been careful to emphasise it, by declaring that the
increase in the peace strength of the army is intended
to reinforce the eastern and western frontiers.
Several officious newspapers (we no longer call
them reptile, but to do so would make them more
authoritative) sum up the matter in these words —
" The nearer the peace-footing of the troops on
our frontiers approaches to war-strength, the more
effectively these troops are provided with every-
thing necessary to enable them to leave within three
hours of receiving marching orders, the more secure
becomes Germany's position."
Quite so ! By next October there will be 200,000
men in Alsace-Lorraine, As you see, the new law
adds to the security of Germany precisely what it
takes from ours.
June 12, 1890. 1
My readers will recollect that after a journey in
Switzerland, two years ago, I proved by statements
which could not be (and never were) refuted, that
the Russian Nihilists established in Switzerland
before the Federal Government's inquiry, were all
either deliberate or unconscious tools of the German
police.
On the one hand, M. de Puttkamer, Minister of
the Interior, unable to refute the evidence brought
1 La Nouvelle Revue, June 15, 1890, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 15
forward by the socialist deputy, Bebel, had then
been compelled to confess that the socialist agitators
Haupt and Schneider were his agents in Switzer-
land. On the other hand, at the inquiry into the
proceedings of these socialists, there was the evidence
furnished by letters seized on Schmidt and Fried-
mann, associates of Haupt and Schneider, that
Schmidt had been commissioned by M. Kriiger of
the Berlin Police to commit a crime. In one of the
seized letters, the following words were actually used
by Kriiger: "The next attempt upon the life of
the Emperor Alexander must be prepared at Geneva.
Write to me : I await your reports." x
Whenever the alleged liberalism of William II
finds its expression in anything else but speeches,
it is easy to take its measure. He has just shown
once more what it really amounts to, in the Treaty
of Establishment with Switzerland, wherein restric-
tions are placed upon the issue of good moral
character certificates by German parishes to their
parishioners. These will no longer be available to
enable a German to take up his residence in Switzer-
land. Henceforward it will be the business of the
German Legation to pick and choose those whom it
considers eligible to reside in Switzerland, either to
practise a profession or to conduct an export business
there. It will be for Germany to decide whether
or not her subjects are dangerous abroad. This
would be well enough if it were only a question of
restraining rogues, but it is anything but reassuring
1 Several pages of the " Letters on Foreign Policy " of June 12
give proofs, undeniable and complete, that the preparation of
crimes committed by anarchists in Europe was instigated at
Berlin, William knowing and approving the fact.
16 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
when we come to deal with the ever advancing
phalanx of German spies.
July 9, 1890. 1
It seems to me that this Wagnerian Emperor,
pursuing his legends to the uttermost parts of the
earth, is doing his utmost to darken our horizon.
Everywhere, always he confronts us, appearing on
the scene to deprive us of the last remnants of
good-will left to us in Europe.
In the Scandinavian States, even after 1870, we
had preserved certain trusty friendships : of these
William II now tries to rob us. He appears and, to
use his own expression, draws men to him by magic
strings. To the people who are offshoots of Ger-
many he figures as " the Emperor," unique, mys-
terious, he who goes forward in the name of the
fables of mythology, gathering and uniting anew in
his slumbering people the instincts of vassalage.
" Super-German virtues," he calls them, " ornaments
of old-time Germany." This monarch who, in his
own land, is pleased to pose as a Liberal !
Can it be that this same William who, on the
Bosphorus held communion with the stars, who,
writing to Bismarck, said, " I talk with God," finds
the celestial responses so inadequate that his mind
must needs invoke a retinue of Teutonic deities ?
" Let the Latins, Slavs and Gauls know it," says
he, " the German Emperor bears to Germans the
glad tidings which promise them the sovereignty
of the world ! "
Have not even the Anglo-Saxons bowed before
1 La Nouvelle Revue, July 15, 1890, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 17
the sovereign will of William II, so that before
long the island of Heligoland will see the German
flag floating over its rocky shores ?
Yes, let her Press and public men say what they
will, proud Albion has delivered herself over to
Germany. She has made surrender to our enemy
in the hope that we shall thus become for her an
easier victim, that she will be able to recover at our
expense what Germany has taken from her. Lord
Salisbury hopes, in return for the plum he has
yielded, to be able to help himself to ours, to those
of Italy and Portugal, and to share others with
Germany.
But such is the character of William II that he
despises those who serve him or who yield to his
will. Like Don Juan, he seeks ever new worlds to
conquer, new resistances to overcome, and neglects
no means to secure his desired ends. England and
Austria to-day count for less than nothing in his
schemes. These countries have had a free hand in
Bulgaria, and they have used it to indulge in every
sort of intrigue. Screened by Bismarck, they have
advised, upheld and exalted Stamboulof, they have
set up the Prince of Coburg. And William, not
having inspired any of this policy, would like
to see it end in complications shameful for his
associates.
As to the King of Sweden, he thinks it due to the
dignity of his people to make some show of resist-
ance, but one feels that this is only done to save
appearances. He also has delivered himself, bound
hand and foot, just as they have all done, the
Emperor Francis Joseph, the King of Italy, the
c
18 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Hohenzollern who reigns at Bucharest, Stamboulof,
Lord Salisbury and Leopold II.
July 29, 1890. 1
The Imperial bagman travelling in Germanophil
wares conceals under his flag a very mixed cargo.
He makes a Bernadotte to serve as speaking trumpet
for Prussian Conservatism at the same time that he
subsidises agents provocateurs for the purpose of
misleading and internationalising the social reform
programme of the Danes.
And all the time, in every direction, he comes and
goes — this ever restless, universal disturber — creat-
ing and perpetuating instability on all sides, so as to
increase the price of his peace stock, he controlling
the market. It is Bismarck's old game, played with
up-to-date methods.
August 12, 1890. 8
Does it not seem to you, dear reader, that the
voyage of William II to Russia suggests in more
ways than one the scene of the Temptation on the
Mount ?
At St. Petersburg there reigns a sovereign whose
life, directed by the inspirations of his soul, is one
long act of virtuous self-denial ; who prefers the
humble and the lowly to fortune's favourites ; whose
works are works of peace, and whose intentions are
always those of a man ready to appear before Him
Who only tolerates the great ones of this earth when
their power is balanced by a due sense of their
1 La Nouvelle Revue, August 1, 1890, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
2 La Nouvelle Revue, August 15, 1890, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 19
moral responsibility, by devotion to duty and
truth.
At Berlin there reigns a man of ungovernable
pride, who aspires to be torch-bearer to the world.
Restless, like the spirit of evil, tormented by his
inability to do good, he has dedicated his soul to
wickedness and lies.
Alexander III regarded his accession to the throne
as an ordeal, the sacrifice of his life. He would
have given his own blood to spare his father the
pangs of death. William II seized fiercely on the
reins of power, after having committed a crime, at
least in his heart ; after having wished for the death
of his father and increased his sufferings by his
conduct.
By the tragic end of two martyrs, God has brought
face to face those who are destined to be the cham-
pions of good and of evil respectively in these last
years of the century.
The German Emperor goes to Russia to say to the
Tzar, " Divide with me the kingdoms of the earth,
always on condition that I receive the lion's share."
The Emperor of Russia will reply : 'Let us en-
deavour, my brother, to work for the welfare of
the nations, let us calm their hatreds and follow the
rugged paths of justice ; above all, let us regard the
power which the God of hosts has confided into our
hands as an instrument of sovereignty, whose only
purpose should be to keep the nation's honour
unsullied and safeguard the blessings of peace."
" Words, nothing but words," replies the Tempter.
" Say, Yes or No, wilt thou go with me to the
conquest of the world ? On all sides your influence,
20 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
which I have undermined, is waning : you and
your followers are caught in a ring of iron from which
before long you will be unable to escape.
" In Germany, all things are subject to my un-
fettered rule. Henceforth nothing can ever check
or stop my triumphal march. Throughout the
humbly listening world, which will soon be at my
feet, I break that which will not bend before me.
I overthrow all those that stand, and that which
comes to me, I keep. Even the Church, which
treated with my forefathers on a footing of equality,
now bows the knee before me and humbly votes the
money for my great slaughters.
" Socialism, that bogey of Bismarck's, is an
easily tamed monster. I have only to sow discord
amongst its leaders to make it serve my ends of
policy like the veriest National Liberal party.
" In Austria, my grandfather and I created
financial troubles, entangled things, let loose envy
and hatred and sowed the seeds of quarrels, which
have delivered her into my hands. Let them try
as they will to free themselves from the fetters with
which I have bound them ; I shall create such
obstacles to all these efforts that the future shall
be mine, like the present.
" In Hungary, Prussian diplomacy has found a
way to turn the people's hatred of Austria into
hatred of Russia, and to make them forgive the
House of Hapsburg for a policy of coercion so cruel
than even a Romanoff denounced it.
" Everywhere I create dissension amongst my
allies so that the final decision may be mine.
" In Italy I have my dme damnee, the only one
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 21
who understands me, an ambitious tyrant, mad
like Bismarck with the lust of power, who serves
my purposes at Rome as effectively as Bismarck
hampered them in Berlin.
" I have stifled and destroyed the spirit of brother-
hood in the cradle of the Latin race. I have made
history a liar, bringing a false morality to the
interpretation of the most brilliant days and deeds.
I have reduced to servility a Royal House that once
was proud. I have cheated and deceived the cleverest
and most suspicious race on earth.
" At Rome, I have insulted the traditional and
sacred majesty of the Head of the Christian religion !
" In England, I have done even more. I have
compelled proud Albion to serve the ends of my
personal policy. I have forced the most jealous of
nations to yield the leading place to me, to work,
in her own colonies and against her own interests,
for the benefit of my growing rivalry, sacrificing to
me her dreams of supremacy in the four quarters
of the globe.
"As to America, I will deal with her later. I
have my plans.
" Despite Lord Salisbury's make-believe of cau-
tion and reserve (about which, I may say, we quite
understand each other) England is so completely
delivered into my power that, after the Conservatives
the Liberals, in the person of the young leader John
Morley, now proffer me their services, and no matter
what changes may take place in the English parties,
my influence will soon prevail.
' My journeys to the Scandinavian States have
been fruitful. In Denmark, Tzar ! your own
22 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
father-in-law has become almost associated with
my destiny.
' ' I have linked with my fortunes a king of French
stock in Sweden, and I will prove it at Alsen
Island, where I shall compel him to take part in the
manoeuvres ot my fleet.
"As to Norway, a few words from my Imperial
lips have overcome the old republicanism of these
brother Teutons.
"So as to keep closer watch over the submission
of my new allies, I have wrested Heligoland from
England ; and there I shall build an eagle's nest from
which I shall be able to swoop down upon them,
should they attempt to escape me. Those who had
any doubts as to the importance of this surrender,
have learned it from the speeches that I made when
taking possession.
" By this means I have closed the German Ocean
for ever, and that which is closed gives access to
something.
" What need I say of Turkey that you do not know
already ? All her thoughts, movements and actions
are regulated by one man, and he a vassal of German
policy. Turkey's army, trade and finances, the
direction of her ruling minds, are either in my hands
or in those of England. And England, say what
you will, is hypnotised by me.
" I can afford at my pleasure to challenge her
policy indefinitely.
" The diplomas which she conferred upon the
Bulgarian bishops after the execution at Panitza
have shown you, my brother, how greatly I am
pleased to favour those whom you have condemned !
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 23
Stamboulof, the inveterate foe of Russia, now
dominates the elections in Bulgaria and Roumelia,
thanks to the irade on the bishoprics. He goes in
triumph through the land, so that even the Russo-
phile candidates invoke the protection of this man,
who shoots the country's heroes and reduces its
prince to the level of an ordinary public servant.
His audacity, his impunity, the length of his tether,
have no limits except those which will be imposed
upon Mm by my power should you turn a deaf
ear to my proposals.
" And just as British policy has served the ends
of Prussian statecraft in Bulgaria and Roumelia,
even so it serves them at this moment in
Armenia.
" It was I who willed and inspired the indulgence
of the Sultan for the bloodthirsty Moussa Bey.
Massacred by the Kurds on the one hand, and on
the other observing the success of the revolution
in Roumelia, the Armenians will inevitably be led
from one revolt to another and, helped by a few
timely suggestions, will come to believe that they
can win their autonomy.
" Herein lies another difficulty which disturbs
your mind, and of which my hands hold the threads ;
another people, to whom you might have looked for
help in the event of my allies going to war with you,
but which England and I will be able to remove from
your influence.
"In Roumania, a Hohenzollern guards all the
keys which open the doors of his frontiers.
" In Serbia, I am working by sure means to
destroy the last remaining sympathies for Russia.
24 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
To attain this end I will leave no stone unturned,
even as I am doing in Greece against France.
" With an eye to the future interests of my
African colonies, I have compelled England to keep
Portugal quiet. I do not wish any revolutionary
upheaval to react upon Spain, that indomitable
nation which still resists me, but in whose mouth
nevertheless, I have put an invisible bit. I shall
know how to drive her headlong into the trap that
awaits her in Morocco.
' With the help of Italy, Switzerland is mine.
And Holland will fall to me through the little Duchy
of Luxembourg, which will come to me by the
marriage of one of my sisters with the heir of
Nassau.
" My last master stroke was the way of my coming
into Belgium. Therein I was - artful . The Belgians
affected to believe in the neutrality of their micro-
scopic kingdom. I played up to the joke and entered
their country by way of the sea.
" In all the splendour of my power, I came to
Ostend on the Hohenzollem, and I made it my busi-
ness to invest my appearance with every feature
calculated to impress the mob, in these days when
outward show appeals most powerfully to the
popular imagination. And I was, moreover, deter-
mined that nothing should be lacking to the full
effectiveness of this demonstration.
" Belgium had intimated by a revolution her
objections to becoming German. Well and good :
I imposed myself upon her as German Emperor.
With wearisome reiteration she had manifested her
sympathy for France. In order to challenge these
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 25
sentiments the more effectively, I compelled King
Leopold to take his seat beside me as the Colonel
of one of my Alsatian regiments !
!t And do you suppose that the Belgians protested ?
Not a bit of it ! No, the trick is played. No longer
in secret, but openly, Belgium will play my waiting
game, in the Congo and at the gates of France.
' My visit to Belgium is destined to produce such
important results in days to come, that I have
neglected not the smallest detail in order to produce
a legendary impression upon Europe. Nothing
have I forgotten : costumes for each part, words,
good seed sown broadcast in the public mind, com-
munications to the Press, advice given to sovereigns
of a nature to please the people, and elsewhere (as
in England) popularity with the military caste !
" An individual of the name of Van der Smissen,
having dared to argue in the ranks, got broken for
his pains.
" At the same time, in order to cast into stronger
relief the loftiness and majesty of my countenance,
I invested it, amongst these good Belgians, with
certain new features of good nature and cordiality.
' As to France, Russia's only possible ally to-day,
her artless simplicity protects me from all risks
that I might otherwise run. I shall compel her to
accept the neutralisation of Alsace-Lorraine, when-
ever the provinces shall have become thoroughly
Germanised.
"For the present I leave England to deal with
her : England who keeps her busy with childish
things, and soothes her vanity with illusory diplo-
matic successes, such as the exequatur of the
26 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Madagascar Consuls (which the settled policy of the
residents would have achieved in time) and with
useless concessions amidst the fogs of Lake Chad,
or on the Niger, or in regions whose possession none
disputed.
" Lord Salisbury evoked much mirth over these
concessions at the Lord Mayor's banquet, joking
somewhat cynically at his own policy in disposing
of territories over which he had no rights. One
country, amongst others, given to France, has pro-
vided my good English friends with an inexhaustible
source of merriment.
" Concerning Egypt, Lord Salisbury has clearly in-
timated to France that England will never give it up.
"Thus, the Salisbury Ministry has still at its
disposal, to keep busy my fiery but easily duped
neighbours, the Egyptian problem, with a French
Minister at Cairo, who is more of a help than a
hindrance to England ; the Newfoundland question,
with the Anglo-American Waddington, more yield-
ing for the purposes of the British Foreign Office
than one of its own agents.
" Moreover, whenever I choose, the rulers of
France can be made to believe in a francophile
reincarnation of M. Crispi ! I have many things
in store for them in that quarter.
" Deceived by the infinite resources of my diplo-
macy, led astray by my agents who have taken on
less reptilian disguises, the guileless French nation
remains a prey to ignorance and ambitions as count-
less as the sands on the shore of her democracy.
" To sum up : England, through India ; England
and Germany, through China, we hold in our hands
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 27
that question of an Asiatic war, a scourge which
will exhaust the strength of your Empire, Tzar !
and which may finally weaken France. I have
said ! "
'Tis a long tale, and were it all told at one time,
Alexander III would certainly not listen to half of
it. But William II spent a fortnight in Russia,
and I have only an hour to summarise his argument.
•Have the wings of the German Emperor the span
of those of Lucifer, as he believes ? He may play the
part, but he will never be able to carry it through !
August 28, 1890. 1
Although for the meeting of these two powerful
Emperors (whose destinies, as history proves, are
so frequently commingled) there was no real neces-
sity, other than the desire of the young and restless
King of Prussia, to keep the whole world guessing
as to the object of his multifarious designs, their
coming together has its undeniable importance and
significance, for it has been the means of increasing
the resistance and strengthening the determination
of the Tzar. Alexander III, whose mind reflects
the great and untroubled soul of Russia, is well able
to estimate at its true worth the insatiable greed
of Germany and the ever-encroaching character of
her ruler. Because of his own self-control and
disinterestedness, the Tzar must have been able to
gather from William's words and works a very fair
idea of Ms unbounded self-conceit ; of that vanity
1 La Nouvelle Revue, September 1, 1890, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
28 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
which, like its emblem the eagle of the outspread
wings, aspires to cover the whole earth.
Even though William has offered to the Emperor
of Russia the prospect of a general disarmament ;
even though, with his present mania for speech-
making he may have suggested a Congress for the
settlement of Europe's disputes, his success must
have been of the negative kind.
If the Tzar were to agree to a conference, it could
only lead to one of two results. Either it would
embitter those disputes which threaten to embroil
the nations in a fierce struggle, and bring France
and Russia together in resistance to the same
greedy foes, or it would end in the imposition of
a lasting peace, which would mean that the
Prussian and military fabric of the German
State would be dissolved, as by a miracle, to
the benefit of French and Russian influences in
Europe.
Let then the German Emperor have his head.
God is leading him straight on the path of failure.
It is this still -vague feeling, that he will never have
power to add to the Prussian birthright, that makes
him rush feverishly from one scheme to another ;
stirring up this question and that, ever testing, ever
striving. It is this foreboding that has driven
him to pursue fame, fortune and glory, and so to
weary them with his importunities and haste, that
they flee from him, unable and unwilling to bear with
him any longer.
Sire, if it be your ambition to become, immediately
and by your own endeavours, greater than any one
on earth, allow me to express the charitable wish
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 29
without hoping to dissuade you — that you may
break your neck in the attempt !
September 12, 1890. 1
It was just at the time that I was writing my last
article, that the Emperor of Germany, King of
Prussia (who has a perfect obsession for being in the
middle of the picture), was carrying out at the army
manoeuvres at Narva, a certain strategic design,
long prepared and tested, by means of which he
proposed to fill with amazement and admiration
not only the Russian army but the Imperial Court
— nay, all Russia, and the whole wide world !
William's idea was to repeat the exploit performed
by the troops of Charles XII (with the aid of the
Russian Viborg Regiment, of which he is Colonel)
and to pass through the heavy mass of a regiment
of cavalry with light infantry battalions. The
future Commander-in-Chief of the German Army
wished to show the world that he would know how
to add the elan of the French and the impetuosity
of the Slav to the qualities of method and strength
perfected by leaders like Von Moltke or Frederick
Charles. Therefore, several weeks before, William II
had asked the Tzar to be allowed to take part
in the manoeuvres and to command in person the
Viborg Regiment.
And so it came to pass that, having cast himself
for a part of invincible audacity, he came to
cut a very sorry and ridiculous figure. Surrounded
by the Hussars, he was made to see that what may
1 La Nouvelle Revue, September 15, 1890, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
30 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
be done with German infantry against Uhlans,
cannot be accomplished, even with Russian soldiers,
against Russian cavalry.
This incident shows that the Tzar had something
akin to second sight when he gave orders that the
length of the manoeuvres would be optional.
Thanks to this, the Kaiser was free to take home
the sooner his pretty jacket (no, his tunic, I mean)
from Narva.
What an interesting broadsheet might be made on
the subject of " William II a prisoner " !
In the long winter evenings to come, how many a
Russian peasant — gifted with imagination as they are
— in telling again the tale of the Viborg Regiment's
attack, will see in it an omen of the destiny of the
German Emperor ! And they will add, with bated
breath, that the Hohenzollern, on leaving the
shores of Russia narrowly missed being cut in two
by another vessel. And one more sign of evil omen
— a fearful tempest shook the Imperial yacht in
Russian waters.
Let us, whose Emperor was a prisoner of the
Germans in 1871, pray that some day a German
Emperor may be taken prisoner by the Russian
army — not like at Narva, but in all seriousness.
I said in my last letter that it might well be that
William's journey to Russia might result in stiffening
the resolution of the Emperor Alexander. And so
it has proved, for scarcely had his Imperial guest
returned to Berlin, than a ukase raised the Russian
Customs tariff and imposed a new duty of 20 per
cent, on German imports. A fine result this, of that
which the German Press, before William's departure,
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 31
described as the Russo -German Economic Entente,
at a moment when, even for the Berlin newspapers,
the prospects of a political entente were somewhat
dubious.
For this reason, Professor Delbriick says quite
bluntly, in the " Prussian Annals," that William II's
journey to Russia has been a lamentable fiasco ;
that the Tzar declined to listen to any diplomatic
conversation ; that he ridiculed and entertained his
Imperial guest with a series of military parades
whilst the Russian general staff was carrying out
important manoeuvres on the western frontiers.
In the same spirit as that of the ex-deputy Pro-
fessor, the whole German and Austrian Press have
been demanding that, for the peace of Europe, the
German and Austrian troops should be withdrawn
from their respective frontiers, so as to compel the
Russian forces to do the same.
That is all very well, but inasmuch as the military
zones of the Great Russian Empire are separated by
enormous distances, and the movement of troops
being very much easier for Germany and Austria
than for Russia, one would like to know precisely
what is the idea at the back of these demands. As
soon as ever he returned to Germany, two very
significant ideas occurred to William II : one, to
make a display of the warmest sentiments for his
august pis-aller, the Emperor of Austria ; the other,
to have his faithful ally Italy play some scurvy trick
on France, Russia's friend.
To this end, the German Emperor proceeded to
hold a review of the Austro-Hungarian Fleet and
went beyond the official programme by going
32 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
aboard the ironclad Francis Joseph, flying the flag
of Admiral Sterneck. After this, inviting himself
to luncheon with the Archduke Charles Stephen,
commanding the Austrian squadron, he made a
fervent speech, wishing health and glory to his
precious ally the Emperor of Austria.
September 27, 1890. 1
When Germany agreed to withdraw her armies
from the soil of France, she replaced them by
other soldiers : crossing-sweepers, clerks, workmen,
bankers (industrials or " reptiles " as the case might
be), as well organised, linked up and drilled as her
best troops. Unceasingly, therefore, and without
rest, it behoves us to be on our guard and to defend
ourselves.
A good many amiable Frenchmen will shrug their
shoulders at this, but if we act otherwise we shall
be delivered over to our enemies, bound hand and
foot, at the psychological moment.
And now, dear reader, to return to William II.
You will grant, I think, that since we have followed
the interminable zig-zags of his wanderings through-
out Europe, we are entitled to coin and utter a
new proverb : "A rolling monarch gathers no
prestige."
November 1, 1890. 2
For mastodons like Bismarck, William II pre-
pares a refrigerating atmosphere which freezes them
1 La Nouvelle Revue, October 1, 1890, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
2 La Nouvelle Revue, November 1, 1890, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 33
alive. Splendid mummies like Von Moltke he
smothers with flowers. The men whom William dis-
misses and discards are great men in the eyes of
Germany, even though in history they may not be so,
because the ex-Chancellor is of inferior character, and
because certain successes of Von Moltke were due
rather to luck than design. Nevertheless, they are
in William's way and he gets rid of them, by differ-
ent means. He needs about him men of a different
stamp to those of the iron age ; for the present, he
is satisfied with courtiers, later he will demand
valets. All those who are of any worth, all those
who stand erect before his shadow, will be sacri-
ficed sooner or later. His autocratic methods will
end by producing the same results as those of the
most jealous of democracies.
Let us bear in mind how often, under Bismarck
and William I, the German Press made mock of
our fatal French mania for change, pointing out to
Europe how the everlasting see-saw of Ministers of
War was bound to reduce our national defences to a
position of inferiority. In two years William is at
his fourth !
Soon, no doubt, William II will be able to score
a personal success in the matter of his intrigues
against Count Taaffe. His benevolence spares not
his allies. We know the measure of his good- will
towards Italy. Lately, it seems, the Emperor, King of
Prussia, said to the Count of Launay , King Humbert's
Ambassador at Berlin, " Do not forget that, sooner
or later, Trieste is destined to become a German
port." And it was doubtless with this generous
idea in his mind that he had his compliments
D
34 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
conveyed to M. Crispi for his anti-irridentist speech
at Florence.
That the Triple Alliance is the " safeguard of
peace," has become a catchword that each of the
allies repeats with wearisome reiteration. But there !
It is not that William II does not wish for war :
it is Germany which forbids him to seek it.
It was not M. Crispi who declined to seek a pre-
text for attacking France : it was Italy that for-
bade him to find it. It is not the Germanised
Austrians who hesitate to provoke Russia : it is
the Slavs who threaten that if a provocation takes
place they will revolt.
Let me add that the official organs in Germany,
Italy and Vienna only raise a smile nowadays when
they describe Russia and France as thunderbolts of
war.
November 12, 1890. 1
At the outset of the reign of William II, referring
to his father, I spoke of the " dead hand " and its
power over the living. Now, what has the young
King of Prussia done since his accession to the
Throne? He, the flatterer of Bismarck, this disciple
of Pastor Stoker, this out-and-out soldier, this
hard and haughty personage, who was wont to
blame his august parents for their bourgeois amia-
bility and their frequent excursions ? He carries
out everything that his father planned, but he does
it under impulse from without and he does it badly,
without forethought, without the sincerity or the
1 La Nouvelle Revue, November 15, 1890, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 35
natural quality which is revealed in a man by a
course of skilful action legitimate in its methods.
He smashed Von Bismarck in brutal fashion.
His father, on the other hand, was wont to say :
" I will not touch the Chancellor's statue, but I will
remove the stones, one by one, from his pedestal,
so that some fine day it will collapse of itself."
It is a curious thing that these reforms and ideas,
not having been applied by the monarch whose
character would have harmonised perfectly with
their conception and execution, now possess no
reversionary value. They lose it completely by
being subjected to a false paternity.
It is true that occasionally William II enjoys some
real satisfaction, such as that which he has derived
from the coming of the King of Belgium. So im-
patient was His Majesty to return his visit, that he
could not wait for the good season and therefore he
came in the bad. At Ostend, Leopold II had
caused sand to be strewn at William's coming (the
beach being conveniently handy). The King of
Prussia only spread mud. Why was the King of
Belgium in such a hurry ? After the visit of General
Pontus to Berlin and his three days in retirement
with the German headquarters staff, people at
Brussels are still asking what more King Leopold
could possibly have to settle in person with Messrs.
Moltke and Waldersee at these same headquarters ?
The Courier de Bruxelles informs us that certain
proposals for an alliance were made to Leopold II
during his stay at Potsdam. What ! Could Prussia
possibly have dared to think of laying an im-
pious hand upon Belgian neutrality ! But if not,
36 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
why should they have been at such pains formerly
to prove to me that the thing was inconceivable ?
Prussia wants a Belgian alliance and the King
refuses. Splendid ! But let him tell us so himself !
I confess that such a document would interest me
far more than all that I have published on the
subject ! May not the explanation of King Leopold's
journey be, that William II would like a mobilisa-
tion in Belgium just as he wants one in Italy ?
M. Bleichroder will supply the cash. He has already
got his bargain money, viz. Pastor Stocker in dis-
grace, and the repudiation of anti-Semitism by its
ex-partisan, William II.
November 27, 1890. 1
How can one avoid taking an interest in Wil-
liam II of Hohenzollern ? He is one of those people
who, by every means and in every way, insist on
being noticed. This up-to-date Emperor is obsessed
by the idea of making profit, for purposes of adver-
tisement, out of every sensation ; he loves to upset
calculations and produce every kind of astonish-
ment. He believes that he has not fulfilled his
part, until he has made a number of people lift
their arms to heaven at least once a day and exclaim :
" William is marvellous ! " He wants to hear this
cry arise from the humblest and the highest, from
the miner's gallery and the palace of his " august
confederates," from the workman's cottage and
the homes of the middle-class, from the officers'
club, from church and chapel, from the Parliament
of the Empire and the House of Peers.
1 La Nouvelle Revue, December 1, 1890, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 37
Being blase himself, it pleases him to tickle public
opinion with spicy fare ; his lack of mental balance
compels him to these endless and senseless chop-
pings and changes, to all these schemes projected,
proclaimed and cast aside.
The former Court of his grandfather is already in
ruins, the work of Bismarck crumbling in the dust ;
in less than no time he has reduced the old aristo-
cratic and feudal Prussian monarchy to the purest
kind of democratic Csesarism.
Perched above every political party in Germany,
William the Young wants to be the one and only
ruler and judge of all. Among themselves let them
differ as and when they will, it being always under-
stood that all these separate opinions must equally
be sacrificed to the Emperor.
Before long the King of Prussia will endeavour
to be at one and the same time the spiritual head
of the Lutheran Church and the temporal Pope of
the Catholic Church, the leader of economists, the
cleverest of stategists, the one and only socialist, the
most marvellous incarnation of the warrior of
German legends, the greatest pacifist of modern
times, explorer in his day and soothsayer whenever
he likes. In his own eyes, William is all these.
Have not the delegates of the old House of Peers
ingenuously complained during these last few days
that they no longer possess any initiative of legisla-
tion ? But they have just as much or as little as
the honourable members of the Prussian Diet.
All schemes of reform emanate from the Emperor.
The people have no right to be Emperor. Surely
that is simple enough ?
38 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
To bulk larger in the public eye, William dwells
apart ; he can no longer endure that any one should
presume to think himself useful or agreeable to him
or to give him advice. He is fulfilling the prediction
that he made of himself when he was twenty-one :
" When I come to reign I shall have no friends ;
I shall only have dupes."
More infatuated with himself than ever, the
Emperor wears his mystic helmet a la Lohengrin,
tramples the purple underfoot and has the throne
surrounded by his life-guards, wearing the iron-
plated bonnets of the days of Frederick II. Thus
he deludes himself with the dream of absolute
authority. His mania for power is boundless, his
pride knows no limits. He recognises only God and
Himself.
To his recruits, he says: "After having sworn
fidelity to your masters upon earth, swear the same
oath to your Saviour in Heaven ! "
But in his moments of solitude, in the privacy
of the potentate's toilet-chamber, must it not be
dreadful for him to reflect that his silver helmet
rests on ears that suppurate, that his voice comes
from a mouth afflicted with fistula of the bone, and
that there are days when his sceptre is at the mercy
of the surgeon's knife ?
December 11, 1890. 1
The rumour has spread, and has not yet been au-
thoritatively contradicted, that William is suffering
from disease of the brain. Is not this in itself good
1 La Nouvelle Revue, December 15, 1890, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 39
and sufficient reason to make him wish to prove
that no one in his Empire can do as much brain
work as he can ? We, whose minds are so confused
in the endeavour to follow William's movements at a
distance, where little things escape us, can imagine
what it must be to observe them from close at hand !
One of the chief glories of his reign will be to have
produced the diagnosis of a new disease, " locomo-
tor Csesarism " of the restless type. Before his case,
these symptoms were always associated with para-
lysis. Here is a discovery that may turn out to be
more genuine that that of Dr. Koch.
The unfortunate Koch is one more of William's
victims. It was his Imperial will that Germany
should wake up one morning to find herself possessed
of a Pasteur of her own. He could not even wait
long enough to allow the necessary experiments
to be made with a remedy which is so violent
that it may well be mortal. At the word of com-
mand " Forward, march," Koch found himself
propelled by His Majesty into the position of a
benevolent genius.
Dr. Henri Huchard has expressed his opinion
of Koch's method in the following words : "In
therapeutics, daring is always permissible, so long as
it preserves its respect for human life."
A few days ago, the German Emperor was thrust-
ing his advice on a man of science, to-day he is over-
throwing the most venerable traditions of the
Prussian monarchy with the scheme of M. Miguel,
the new system for taxing incomes and legacies,
opening a campaign against the nobility and the
40 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
old conservatives. With the help of an official of
the "younger generation " — for thus is he pleased
to describe his Minister of Finance — he begins to
make war on the " old school."
With the " old school '"in his mind's eye, he
conceives another idea, namely, that of a new
method of teaching in the elementary, secondary and
high schools, upon which it will be unnecessary to
improve for the next hundred years. He sets the
faithful M. Hinzpeter to work, and compels him
to toil night and day to prepare a complete pro-
gramme in all haste — whereupon behold the
Emperor holding forth to the collegians just as he
does to the recruits.
' Down with Latin ! " cries William. " Let us
make Germans instead of Greeks and Romans !
Let us teach our children the practical side of life."
All of which does not prevent him from adding :
" Let us teach them the fabulous history of our race."
William insists that his name shall be on every
lip — that he be recognised as father of his workmen,
father of collegians, father of the country at large.
It is his ambition to look upon all his subjects as his
sons. Much good may it do them !
December 27, 1890. 1
The Emperor of Germany, determined supporter
of triumphant militarism, and, therefore, the deadly
enemy of every permanent and beneficial social
reform, has suddenly stopped short in his attempts
to improve the condition of the masses.
1 La Nouvelle Revue, January 1, 1891, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 41
If you ask : To whom does William II give satis-
faction ? the only possible answer is : Himself !
For it matters nothing to him whether these plans
of his succeed or fail. The thing that does matter
to him is, that he should have left his mark every-
where, and that, after a quarter of a century or
more, legislators shall inevitably find, in every
project of law, the sacred mark, the holy seal of
William's mind.
CHAPTER II
1891-1892
The danger to France of a rapprochement with Germany — The
Empress Frederick's visit to Paris — William II as summits
episcopus of the German Evangelical Church — Reception of
the Alsace-Lorraine deputation in Berlin — The law against
espionage in Germany : every German is a spy abroad —
Christening of the Imperial yacht, the Hohenzollern —
Further increase of the military effective force in peace-
time — The Youth of William the Second, by Mr. Bigelow.
January 12, 1891. 1
The Berlin Post thinks that we should be able to
get on very well without Alsace-Lorraine, and that
the best thing for us to do, if we are " reasonable
souls," is simply to become reconciled with Germany.
The reasonable ones among us are directed to
prove to us others (who must needs be " gloomy
lunatics ") the folly of believing in the Russian alli-
ance, and gently to prepare us for a last and
supreme act of cowardly surrender — namely, to give
William II a friendly reception at Cannes or in
Paris.
The chief argument with which they would
persuade us is, that Berlin is quite willing to receive
our philosophers and our doctors. But we are
1 La Nouvelle Revue, January 15, 1891, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
42
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 43
more than quits on this score, seeing the number
of Germans that we entertain and enrich in Paris.
To prove that we owe them nothing in the matter of
hospitality, it should be enough to ascertain on
the 27th inst. how many Germans will celebrate
the birthday of William II in one of our first-rate
hotels.
Heaven be praised, hatred of the Hohenzollerns
is not yet dead in France ! If it be true that
the corpse of an enemy always smells sweet, the
person of a living enemy must always remain
hateful.
Before we discuss the possibility of the King of
Prussia visiting Paris, however, let us wait until
M. Carnot has been to Berlin.
January 29, 1891. 1
The nearer we approach to 1900, the less desire
have I to be up-to-date. I persist in the belief that
the solution of the problems of European policy
in which France is concerned, would have been more
readily attainable by an old f ashioned fidelity to the
memory of our misfortunes than by scorning to learn
by our experience.
Certain well-meaning, end-of-the century sceptics
may be able lightly to throw off that past in which
they have (or believe they have) lost nothing, whilst
we of the " mid-century " are borne down under its
heavy burden. These people neglect no occasion
to advise us to forget and they do it gracefully,
lightly showing us how much more modern it is to
crown oneself with roses than to continue to wear
1 La Nouvelle Revue, February 1, 1891, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
44 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
tragically our trailing garments of affliction and
mourning.
I should be inclined to judge with more painful
severity those witty writers who advise us to light-
hearted friendship with Bismarck the " great
German," with William the " sympathetic Emperor,
with Richard Wagner " the highest expression of
historical poetry and musical art," those men who
prepared and who perpetuate Prussia's victories —
I should judge them differently, I say, were it not
that I remember my former anger against the young
decadents and the older roues in the last days of
the Empire.
All of them used to make mock of patriotism in
a jargon mixed with slang which greatly disturbed
the minds of worthy folk, who became half ashamed
at harbouring, in spite of themselves, the ridiculous
emotions " of another age."
But these same decadents and roues, after a
period of initiation somewhat longer than that which
falls to the lot of ordinary mortals, behaved very
gallantly in the Terrible Year.
True, in order to convince them that they had
been wrong in regarding the theft of Schleswig-
Holstein as a trifle, wrong in applauding the victory
of Sadowa, and declaring that each war was the
last, it required such disasters, that not one of
us can evoke without trembling the memory of
those events, whose lurid light served to open the
eyes of the blindest.
' Understand this," Nefftzer was wont to insist
(before 1870), "we can never wish that Prussia
should be victorious without running the risk of
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 45
bringing about our own defeat ; we must not yield
to any of her allurements nor even smile at any of
her wiles."
If the people of Paris applaud Wagner, he who
believed himself to be the genius of victorious
Germany personified, it can only be in truth that
Paris has forgotten. And in that case, there will
only be left, of those who rightly remember, but a
few mothers, a few widows, a few old campaigners
and your humble servant !
So that we may recognise each other in this
world's wilderness, we will wear in our button-holes
and in our bodices that blue flower which grows
in the streams of Alsace-Lorraine, the forget-
me-not !
And we shall vanish, one by one, disappearing with
the dying century, that is, unless some surprise of
sudden war, such as one must expect from William II,
should cure us of our antiquated attitude.
Need I speak of these rumours of disarmament,
wherewith the German Press now seeks to lull
us, rumours which spread the more persistently
since, at last, we have come to believe in our
armaments ?
" Germany is satisfied and seeks no further con-
quests," says William II. But does it follow that
we also should be satisfied with the bitter memories
of our defeats, and resolved that, no matter what
may happen, we shall never object to Prussia's
victories ? I never forget that William II, as a
Prince, in his grandfather's time, said, " WTien I
come to the Throne I shall do my best to make
dupes." This rumour of disarmament is part of
46 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Ms dupe-making. The real William reveals himself
in his true colours when he awakens his aide-de-
camp in the middle of the night, to go and pay a
surprise visit to the garrison at Hanover.
In Militarism the German Emperor finds his
complete expression and the emblem of his character.
His empire is not a centralised empire and only the
army holds it together.
And for this reason William has favoured the
army this year at the expense of all the other public
services, by increasing its peace-footing strength and
the number of its officers, by ordering more than two
hundred locomotives and a corresponding amount
of rolling stock intended to expedite mobilisation.
Seventy new batteries have been formed. The
artillery has been furnished with new ammunition,
the infantry with new weapons, and the strategic
network of railways has been completed !
Abroad, every one, friends and enemies alike,
think as I do on the subject of disarmament.
" Tins plaything of William the Second's leisure
moments," says The Standard (although a fervent
admirer of Queen Victoria's grandson), " this dis-
armament idea, is a myth." Our faithful and loyal
supporter, the Sviet, says the same thing : ' ' Disarma-
ment is a myth, Germany talks of it unceasingly, but
she strengthens her frontiers, east and west. On the
north," adds the Russian organ, " she is converting
Heligoland into a fortress ; on the south-east, she
is increasing the defences of Breslau, and holds in
readiness two thousand axle-trees of the width of
the Russian railways."
It is only in France that a few up-to-date jour-
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 47
nalists take this disarmament talk of the German
Emperor quite seriously. To them, we may reply
by a quotation from the official organ of the " great
German."
" The course of historic events," says the Ham-
burger Nachrichten, " is opposed to any realisation of
the idea of disarmament, and justifies the opinion
expressed by Von Moltke, who declared war to be in
reality a necessary element in the order of things, of
itself natural and divine, which humanity can never
give up without becoming stagnant and submitting
to moral and physical ruin."
There you have the genuine style of Bismarck, of
the man who invented the formula—" the Right
of Might."
One thing — and one thing only — might possibly
lead William II to entertain seriously this idea of
disarmament, and that would be for Bismarck to
oppose it. Truly, there is something extremely
pleasant in this duel between the two ex-accom-
plices ! Bismarck terrorising socialism, William
coaxing and wheedling it, for no other tangible
purpose than to act in opposition to him whose
power he has overthrown.
What an eccentric freak is this German Emperor !
One day he sends the Sultan a sword of honour, a
bitter jest for one who has never known anything but
defeat ! The next, he proposes to take back the
command of the fleet from his brother Henry, and
in order to get rid of him conceives the plan of
making Alsace-Lorraine and Luxembourg into a new
kingdom.
At the same time he proposes to provide the Grand
48 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Duke of Luxembourg with a guard of honour, a
guard a la Prudhomme, whose business it would be
to defend and to fight him. The State Council of
the patriotic Grand Duchy is aroused, and denies
the right of Prussia on any pretext to interfere in its
affairs. Boldly it reminds the Powers signatory
to the Convention of 1867 of their pledges.
And with all his mania for governing the world at
large, William II would seem to be possessed of the
evil eye, and to bring misfortune to all whom he
honours with his friendship for any length of
time.
February 10, 1891.
It looks as if poor Bismarck were about to be
treated just as he treated Count von Arnim. Can
it be that everything must be paid for in this world,
and that a splendid retributive justice rules the
destiny even of super-men and punishes them for
committing base actions ? It is rumoured that
the Duke of Lauenbourg (Bismarck) is threatened
with prosecution on a charge of Use majeste, which
the lawyers of the Crown will not have very much
trouble in proving against him. That any one
should dare to criticise the Emperor's policy, even
though it be Bismarck, or that any one, even
be it Count Waldersee, should express a personal
opinion in his presence, is more than William II
will tolerate.
The "sympathetic Emperor" has a cruel way
of doing things. Before striking his victims it is
his wont to give them some public mark of his
esteem and good- will. Small and great, they pass
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 49
before him, sacrificed each in his turn, so soon as
they have come to believe themselves for a moment
in the enjoyment of his favour. Thus Colonel
Kaissel, aide-de-camp to the Emperor, is about
to be shelved, Lieutenant von Chelin has been
removed from the Court, General von Wittich has
already lost his fleeting favour, and the moderating
influence of Major de Huene, erected on the ruins of
that of Von Falkenstein, proves to be equally short-
lived. Three generals in command of army corps
are now threatened — that is, of course, unless a
fortnight hence they should prove to have reached
the highest pinnacle of favour.
Three months ago Von Moltke declared that he
and Bismarck would live long enough to be able
to say " Farewell to the Empire."
On the other hand, Von Puttkamer seems to be
regaining something of favour, and Prince Batten-
berg has been welcomed to the old Castle ; strange
plans concerning him are being hatched in the
brain of William II.
Prince Henry has been brought back, ostensibly
to take part in the Councils of the Government,
but in reality that he may be watched the more
closely. He also has received a letter in which he
is publicly thanked for the services he has rendered.
If I were in his place I should be very uneasy, seeing
the kind of brother that he was, the most changeable
the most jealous, and the most suspicious of men.
There is a false ring about this letter to Prince
Henry, just as there was in those which the Emperor
addressed to Count Waldersee and to Bismarck.
Gratitude is a word that William often thinks fit
E
50 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
to use, but it is a sentiment that he is careful never
to indulge in.
It is impossible to discover any sign of a heart
in the actions of the German Sovereign. One may
therefore predict that he will continue to show an
ever increasing preference for distinguished person-
alities, whom it may please him to destroy, or
creatures who would be the butts of his malicious
sport, rather than to encourage the kind of public
servants who strive continually to increase their
efficiency, so as to serve him better. Instead of
being simply good and ruling benevolently, he
aspires to be first a sort of pope, imposing upon
his people a social state composed of servility and
compulsory comfort, and again a leader of crusades,
drawing his people after him to the conquest of
the world.
Spiritual and material interests, military organisa-
tion, he mixes and confuses them like everything
else which occurs to his mind, and every day he does
something to destroy the results of that marvellous
continuity, which did more to establish the power
of William I than the victories of Sadowa and
Sedan. Ever more and more infatuated with the
idea of military supremacy, he now pretends to be
greatly concerned with the idea of disarmament.
And he, the avowed protector of socialists, looks
as if he were about to accept from Mr. Dryander,
the protestant presidency of that association of
workmen, which is being organised for the purpose
of fighting socialism.
Wherever we look, it is always the same, false
pretences, trickery, lying, love of mischief-making
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 51
and of persecution, innumerable and unceasing
proofs given by William that his sovereign soul,
irretrievably committed to restless agitation, will
never know the higher and divine joys of peace.
March I, 1891. 1
For some months past, my dear readers, I have
predicted that William II will not be satisfied with-
out paying a visit to France. The visit of the
Empress Frederick should have prepared us for
this amiable surprise. But because the august
mother of the German Emperor was received by
us with nothing more than cold politeness, the
Cologne Gazette gives us a sound drubbing, as
witness the following —
' The French have no right to be offensive
towards the august head of the German Empire
and his noble mother, by insulting them after
the manner of blackguards (polissons). Every
German who has the very least regard for the
dignity of the nation must feel mortally insulted
in the person of the Emperor."
' The German people have the right to expect
that the French Government and the French
nation will give them ample satisfaction, and
will wipe out this stain on the honour of France,
by sternly calling to order the wretches in
question, creatures whom we Germans consider
to be the refuse of human society."
1 La Nouvelle Revue, March 1, 1891, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
52 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
And we who belong to this " refuse," who natter
ourselves that we have made extraordinary efforts
of self-control when we refrained from saying to the
Empress Frederick : " Madame, spare us ; let it
not be said that you went one day to Saint-Cloud,
and on the next to Versailles, lest our resolution
to be calm should forsake us " — we, I say, now
perceive, that all our prudence has been wasted,
and that we are still " refuse," the refuse of human
society.
The character of William II continues to develop
its series of eccentricities. With him, one may be
sure of incurring displeasure, but his favours are
shortlived. His mania for change is manifested
to a degree unexampled since the days of the decay
of the Roman Empire. His freakishness, the
suddenness of his impulses, are becoming enough
to create dismay amongst all those who approach
him. One day he will suddenly start off to take
by surprise the garrisons of Potsdam and of
Rinfueld ; he gives the order for boots and saddles,
which naturally leads to innumerable accidents.
Next day you will find him issuing a decree that,
a play written by one of his protSgSs, entitled
The New Saviour, is a masterpiece, which he would
compel the public to applaud. The best he can
do with it is to prevent its being hissed off the
stage. Another day he has a room prepared for
himself at the Headquarters of the General Staff,
where he interferes in the preparation of strategic
plans, without paying the least attention to the
new chief who has replaced Count Waldersee.
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 53
Then, again, he connects his private office with the
entire Press organisation, so as to be able to
manipulate the reptile fund himself, and to dic-
tate in person the notices he requires, concerning
all his proceedings, in the newspapers which he pays
in Germany and in those which he buys abroad.
All of a sudden it occurs to him that six more
war-ships would round off the German Fleet ; and
so he demands that they be built on the spot.
His Minister resists, pointing out that the approval
of the Reichstag is required. William II flies into
a passion, and the wretched Minister obeys. Sud-
denly it occurs to him also to remember the existence
of a certain Count Vedel, greatly favoured by the
Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar. He summons him
by telegraph, and makes him his favourite of an
hour. When it pleases him to remove a superior
officer, or to put one on the shelf, nothing stops
him, neither the worth of the man, nor the value
of the services he may have rendered. One can
readily conceive that German generals live in a
state of perpetual fright. Add to all this that
William is becoming impecunious. He has taken
to borrowing, and is reduced to making money
out of every tiling. What will the Sultan Abdul
Hamid say when he learns that the Grand Marshal
of the German Court has put up for sale the presents
which he offered to the Emperor, his guest, and
which are valued at four millions !
These things bring to mind the threat which
William II uttered a few days before the fall of
Bismarck: " Those who resist me I will break into
a thousand pieces."
54 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
March 12, 189 1. 1
The many and varied causes which led to the
journey of the Empress Frederick to Paris, and
the equally numerous results that the Emperor,
her son, expected from that visit, are beginning to
stand out in such a manner that we can appreciate
their significance more and more clearly. This
proceeding on the part of William II, like all his
actions, was invested with a certain quality of
suddenness, but at the same time, it reveals itself
as the result of a complicated series of deliberate
plans. The object of these last was, as usual, the
young monarch's unhealthy craving for making
dupes. To this I shall return later on. Let us first
examine the causes of William's sudden impulses.
He has acquired, and is teaching his people to
acquire, the taste and habit of sudden and unex-
pected happenings. It having been the habit of
Bismarck to speculate on things foreseen, it was
inevitable that his jealous adversary should specu-
late on things unforeseen. Moreover, the King-
Emperor is dominated by that law of compensation,
from which neither men nor things can escape,
and from which it follows logically that Germany,
after having profited by methods of continuity,
is now condemned to suffer, in the same proportion,
her trials of instability.
In determining upon the journey of his august
mother to Paris, the Emperor took no risks other
than those which pleased him, and which served
the purposes of his grudges and his policy. In
1 La Nouvelle Revue, March 15, 1891, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 55
the first place, this journey would serve for a
moment to divert attention in Germany from a
policy which the great industrials and the work-
men, the party of progress and the conservatives,
all unite in condemning. In the next place, Berlin,
having for a long time made ready to be amiable
to Paris, was bound to resent all the more acutely
any failure to reciprocate her kind advances. These
results could not fail to be favourable to the vote
of credits for military purposes, which are always
the last credits asked for by the Government
(whether under Bismarck or under Capri vi) and
which are always voted under stress of an appeal
to the eternal but utterly non-existent dangers, that
are supposed to threaten Germany from France.
If our capital, then, should extend a cold welcome
to the august mother of the German Sovereign, the
result could not fail to be of immediate advantage
to the vote of military credits. I ask my readers to
notice, by the way, the deliberate coincidence of the
journey of the Empress with the demand for these
credits, and also with the anniversary of the Treaty
of Versailles. Finally, it was to be expected that if
she were badly received, the mistake thus com-
mitted by the Empress Frederick would make " the
Englishwoman " more unpopular in Germany; and,
so far as one knows, her Imperial son has never been
passionately devoted to her. Moreover, she afforded
Bismarck an opportunity of getting rid of a little of
his venom, as witness the following words of his —
" Only an Englishwoman," the ex-Chancellor
declared during a visit to Mr, Burckardt,
56 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
" could possibly have inspired the Emperor
with the idea of sending her to Paris as a
challenge to the French. A German woman
would have had too much respect for her
own dignity to go and visit Versailles and
Saint-Cloud. The nobility of her feelings
would have forbidden her to make a triumphal
appearance amidst the ruins of the houses and
castles destroyed by our troops, and her
pride would have prevented her from seeking
the homage and the favours of the vanquished.
The Empress is English, and English she will
remain."
But if France were to welcome with enthusi-
asm — or even with favour — the Empress Frederick,
William II might justifiably conclude (without
making allowance for the sympathy which the
widow of the Emperor-Martyr inspires in French-
women) that France had accepted the accomplished
fact, abandoned her claims to Alsace-Lorraine,
and the defence of her future interests in common
with Russia. In that case, he would have treated
France as he treats those who show him the greatest
devotion. In order to get a clear idea of the object
pursued by William II, it is sufficient to read two
short extracts from the Etoile Beige, a blind admirer
of the Emperor of Germany, and to read them
separately from the enthusiastic articles which
this paper published at the commencement of the
journey of the Empress Frederick.
The correspondent of the Etoile Beige wrote as
follows —
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 57
" In confiding his mother and his sister to
the hospitality of Paris, William II com-
mitted an act as clever as it was courageous.
Let him continue in this policy of pacific
advances, and the idea of a reconciliation
with Germany will soon become more popular
than the Russian Alliance."
The Berlin correspondent of the same Etoile
wrote —
" Germany has at least as much as England
to gain in bringing it about that Russia should
not feel too sure of French support."
Is not this clear enough ? There you have it :
the real object which underlay the visit incognito
of the Empress Frederick for the furtherance of
the interests of Germany. It meant a recon-
ciliation with Germany, which would have separated
us from Russia, from which England had everything
to gain, which would once more have surrendered
our credit to Italy unconditionally, and would have
compelled us to renounce Alsace-Lorraine for good
and all.
What then would have been the results had she
paid us an official visit ? We have already seen
that none of the alternative schemes for this
journey could work to Germany's detriment ; we
need, therefore, not be astonished at the publicity
given by the Count von Miinster to all the comings
and goings of the Empress, and at the determination
shown by Her Majesty to investigate the quality
58 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
of our patriotism in all its various aspects. The
memories which the Empress went to recall at
Saint-Cloud and at Versailles were the same as
those which she compelled us to call from the
past : memories glorious for her but unforgettably
sad for us, memories which, in reminding her of
victory, were meant to remind us of a defeat to which
our conquerors have added cruelty.
I watch with fervour the expression of our
patriotism. A race which forgets the brutal insults of
superior force deserves slavery. Italy would never
have reconquered Milan and Venice had she resigned
herself to see them pass under the yoke of the
stranger. Forty years and more had passed since
the 2nd of May, 1 when Prince Napoleon thought
fit to send Prince Jerome as Ambassador to Madrid.
He was forced to leave it. Princess Murat was in
no way responsible for what the French Generals
had done. She came in the suite of the Empress
Eugenie, but Spain found a way to make her dis-
pleasure manifest without any lack of courtesy.
To the Empress Frederick, France has shown a
melancholy kind of astonishment rather than dis-
like, and has displayed an infinite courtesy. Not
a single demonstration, not a gesture, not a word
from the population of Paris has done anything to
detract from the city's world-wide reputation for
hospitality.
The Emperor William I and Bismarck, who
pretended to make war only against the Empire,
would have shown themselves to be great and
1 Spanish insurrection against the French invasion under
the first Empire.
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 59
far-seeing political minds had they left Republican
France in possession of the whole of her territory.
Although beaten at Sedan, she would have remem-
bered Jena, and Germany's revenge would have
quickly been forgotten.
Let us remember the words of the Emperor of
Germany —
" I would rather that all my people should
fall upon the field of battle than give back to
France a single clover- field of Alsace-Lorraine."
The Post of Strasburg, recalling this declaration,
adds —
" The French bourgeoisie is too cowardly to
begin a war. It is willing to smile at the words
of Deroulede, but does not move. The people
of Alsace-Lorraine have done quite rightly in
turning away from these talkers. We have
permitted them to become Germans, why then,
should they refuse the privilege ? "
But William II continues to evoke the red vision of
France militant, in order to obtain the vote for his
military credits. It would seem that his liberalism
has gone to join his socialism. At the dinner of
the Brandenburgers he said "God inspires me;
the people and the nation owe me their obedience."
No matter whether he bungles or blunders, God
alone is responsible, and it is not for the people
or the nation to argue. And what is more, has
not the new President of the Evangelical Church
just proclaimed William II as summits episcopus?
Just as William claims to decide infallibly every
60 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
political question he will now decide all theological
questions, without asking any help from the supreme
council of the Evangelical Church.
Pope, Emperor and King — but does anybody
suppose that this will satisfy him ? gp
March 27, 1891. 1
The reception of the delegates from Alsace-
Lorraine at Berlin is characteristic. William II,
eternally pre-occupied with stage-effects, has on
this occasion accentuated the disproportion be-
tween the framework and the results obtained.
He insisted upon it that the proceedings should be
as imposing as the refusal of the delegates' request
was to be humiliating. All the pomp and cir-
cumstance of State was displayed for the occasion,
with the result of producing a scene, carefully
prepared in advance, worthy of a Nero. The
Emperor of Germany surrounded by his military
household, in the hall of his Knights of the Guard,
receives the complaints of the representatives of
Alsace-Lorraine, who have come to ask for a relax-
ation of the laws imposed on them by conquest.
To them, William II made answer: "The sooner
the population of Alsace-Lorraine becomes con-
vinced that the ties which bind her to the German
Empire will never be broken, the sooner she proves
more definitely that she is resolved henceforward
to display unswerving fidelity towards me and
towards the Empire, the sooner will this hope of
hers be realised.*'
1 La Nouvelle Revue, April 1, 1891, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 61
Above the Imperial Palace, during this scene,
the yellow flag of the Emperors of Germany floated
side by side with the purple banner of Prussia.
Another picture —
The Emperor gives a banquet to the delegates
of Alsace-Lorraine, after having refused to hear
their complaints. At the same table with them
he invites Herr Krupp to sit, in order to remind
the people of the annexed provinces of the cannons
which defeated France and will defeat her again.
Here we have a reproduction of the Roman Empire
in decay. The power of the conqueror, imposed
in all its pomp upon the vanquished, with the
cruelty of a bygone age.
The all-absorbing personality of William grows
more and more jealous. He would like to fill the
whole stage of the theatre of the empire and of
the world itself. More than that, he even demands
that the past should date from hiinself, and he
turns history inside out, having it written to begin
with his reign, and reascending the course of time.
First himself, then the house of Hohenzollern,
then Prussia, and let that suffice. The other
dynasties, other kingdoms of Germany, count for
so little that it is sufficient merely to mention
their existence. The history of which I speak,
written for the German Army, will be prescribed
later on for use of the high schools.
From each department of the public service
William lifts an important part of its business.
From the Department of Education he takes the
direction of public worship, which, in his capacity
62 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
as summus episcopus, he proposes to control in
person. From the War Department he takes the
section having control of maps and fortresses,
which he proposes to place under the general staff
and his own direction. He is planning to make a
province of Berlin, so that he himself may govern
it in military fashion, etc., etc. Is it possible that
the mind of such a man, thus inflated with pride,
should not succumb to every temptation of ambi-
tion ? Is there any one of those about him, or
amongst his subjects, who can say where these
ambitions will end ? When one thinks of the
mass of ambitions and emotions that William II
has exhausted since he came to the throne, when
one thinks of the difficult questions he has raised,
the obstacles he has created and the enterprises
he has undertaken, how is it possible not to fear
the future ?
Germany is beginning to be oppressed by a
feeling of uneasiness. She is beginning to realise
that her Emperor, by designing the orbit of his
activity on too large a scale, is producing the
contrary effect, with the result that sooner or later,
the narrowing circumference of that orbit will
close in upon him, and he will only be able to break
its barriers by violent repression from within and by
a sudden outbreak of war without. Militarism and
militarism only, the passion for which is ever
recurrent with William II, can satisfy his morbid
craving for movement and action. Thus we see
him celebrating the Anniversary of William I by
a review of his troops and by a speech, so seriously
threatening a breach of the peace, that even the
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 63
newspapers of the opposition hesitate to reproduce
it. All France should realise that the German
Emperor will make war upon her without warning
and without formal declaration, just as he surprises
his own garrisons. By his orders, the statement
is made on all sides that the rifle of the German
army is villainously bad. Let us not believe a
word of it. On the contrary, we should know that
the greater part of the Prussian artillery is superior
to ours ; let us be on our guard against every surprise
and ready.
April 28, 1891. 1
On the occasion of the presentation of new
standards to his troops, the Emperor observed that
the number 18 is one of deep significance for his
race, that it corresponds with six important dates
in the history of Prussia. " For this reason," he
added, " I have chosen the 18th of April as the
day on which to present the new standards." As
William II himself puts it, this day, like all the
" eighteenths " that went before it, has its special
significance.
The strange words uttered by the monarch on
this occasion — always intoxicated with the sense
of his power, and sometimes by Kaiserbier — are
denied to-day, or perhaps it would be more correct
to say that the Monitor of the Empire has not
published them. " Let our soldiers come to me,"
he proclaimed in the White Hall, to " overcome
the resistance of the enemies of the Fatherland,
abroad as well as at home."
1 La Nouvelle Revue, May 1, 1891, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
64 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
On the one hand, after the manner of the Middle
Ages, he reveals to us the ancient mysteries of the
Cabal, on the other, as an up-to-date emperor,
he compels his brother Henry to become a sports-
man like himself. On occasion he will don the
uniform of the Navy, interrupt a post-captain's
lecture, and throw overboard the so-called plan of
re -organisation, so as to substitute a new strategy
of his own making for the use of the German fleet.
So Field-Marshal von Moltke is dead at last.
His place is already filled by the Emperor, who is
willing to be called his pupil, but a pupil equal in
the art of strategy to his master and a better
soldier. The remarkably peaceful death of Von
Moltke only reminds me of the violent deaths that
he brought about. It was to him that we owed the
bombardment of Paris. Only yesterday, Marshal
Canrobert said " he was our most implacable foe,
and in that capacity, we must continue to regard
him with hatred and contempt." Von Moltke him-
self was wont to say " when war is necessary it
is holy." He leaves behind him all the plans in
readiness for the next war.
William II, you may be sure, will proceed to
depreciate the military work of Von Moltke, just
as he tries to depreciate his diplomatic and parlia-
mentary work. He has reached a pitch of infatu-
ation unbelievable ; and is becoming, as I have
said before, more and more of a Nero every day.
At the present moment he is instigating the con-
struction of an arena at Schildorn where spectacles
after the ancient manner will be given. These,
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 65
according to William, are intended to afford instruc-
tion to the masses as well as to the classes. A
very fitting conclusion this, to the fears which he
has expressed about seeing the youth of the German
schools working too hard and overloading its
memory. For the same reason, no doubt, he has
made Von Sedlitz Minister of Public Instruction —
it is an unfortunate name — an individual who
has never been to College, who has never studied
at any University, and who only attended school
up to the age of twelve.
Now, it seems, William II is bored with the Palace
of his forefathers. For the next two years he is
going to establish his Imperial Residence at
Potsdam ; consequently all his ministers and
high officials are compelled to reside partly at
Potsdam. His mania for change leads him to
destroy the historic character of the old castle ;
his scandalised architects have been ordered to
restore it in modem style. And Berlin, his faithful
Berlin, is abandoned. It is said that at a gala
dinner the other day the Emperor uttered these
words : " The Empire has been made by the army,
and not by a parliamentary majority." But it
is also said that Bismarck observed to the Con-
servative Committee at Kiel : " It is best not to
touch things that are quiet, best to do nothing to
create uneasiness, when there is no reason for
making changes. There are certain people who
seem singularly upset by the craving to work for
the benefit of humanity." It requires no special
knowledge to interpret this sentence as a thinly
veiled criticism of the character of William II.
66 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
May 12, 1891. 1
There is an attitude frequently adopted by-
William II, that German socialists are in the habit
of describing, as " the whipping after the cake."
He has now had the socialist deputies arrested,
and he is introducing throughout the country a
system of espionage and intimidation, which is
only balanced to a certain extent by his fondness
for sending abroad a class of reptiles who go about
preaching, writing and imparting to others the
doctrines which he endeavours to strangle at birth
in his own country. In spite of his brief flirtation
with socialism (in which he indulged merely to copy
the man whom he opposes in everything and
cordially detests), William II has now come to
persecute it. One of his amiable jokes is to try
and lead people to believe that the order which
he has given for the dispositions of his troops on
the frontier en echelon, has no other object but
to prevent Belgian strikers, from coming into
Germany. But can it be also to repel this in-
vasion of Belgian strikers that the entire German
army now receives orders just as if it were actually
preparing to begin a campaign ?
Sentinels of France, be on your guard !
It goes without saying that during the past fort-
night we have had our regular supply of speeches
from William II. At Diisseldorf he said three things.
The first, coming from the lips of a sovereign
known all the world over for his mania for change,
is calculated to raise a smile —
1 La Nouvelle Revue, May 15, 1891, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 67
" From the paths which I have set before me, I
shall not swerve a single inch."
The second was a threat —
" I trust that the sons of those who fought in 1870
will know how to follow the example of their fathers."
The third and last was meant for Bismarck —
" There is but one master, myself, and I will suffer
none other beside me."
For the future William will only make his appear-
ances accompanied by heralds clad in the costumes
of the Middle Ages, bodyguards drawn from the
nobility, surrounding the summus episcopus, pope
and khalif of the Protestant Church.
The extremely curious mixture which unceasingly
permeates the character of William II may be
observed in the orders which he, the mystic, the
pious, has recently given to the chaplains of the
Court, viz. that they are never to preach in his
presence for more than twenty minutes. Naturally
enough, the Prussian pastors are extremely indig-
nant at the cavalier way in which the summus
episcopus treats the Holy Word.
May 29, 1891. 1
The business of a Sovereign is not a bed of roses,
and causes of discomfiture are just as frequent in
the palaces of kings as in the humblest cottages.
William II has just had more than one experience
of this humiliating truth, but it must be admitted
he fully deserves most of the lessons he receives.
Instead of saying, as he used to say, " my august
confederates and myself," he has suddenly conceived
1 La Nouvelle Revue, June 1, 1891, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
68 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
the pretension that he and he alone is the sole
master in Germany. Accordingly the august con-
federates by common consent, although invited by
the Grand Marshal of the Palace, Count Eulen-
berg, have refused to take part in the trifling folly
of the Golden Throne that William is having made
for himself. Kings, Grand Dukes and Senators of
the Free Cities, all have unanimously declared that
they will never assist "in the erection of a throne
which is the sign and attribute of sovereignty."
But to continue the list : At Strelitz, a clergyman
refused the request of the Prussian colonel of the
89th Regiment to allow his church to be used for
a thanksgiving service in honour of the birth of
William II, and preached a sermon declaring that
the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, and he
alone, had the right to have a divine service and a
sermon in honour of his birthday.
And yet another instance : The Emperor has
organised a regatta to be held on Lake Wannsee on
May 30 for all yachts and pleasure boats owned
by princes and by the German aristocracy. The
Archduke, heir to the Austrian Throne, has refused
to honour the occasion with his presence.
The toast at Dusseldorf, " Myself the only Master,"
has been very generally condemned ; equally that
which the Emperor addressed to the students at
Bonn, when he said to them " Let your jolly rapiers
have full play," or in other words, "Indulge to the
top of your bent, and without regard to the laws, in
your orgies of brutality." People in Germany are
beginning to think that William reminds them a little
too much of the incoherencies of his great-uncle,
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 69
Frederick William, who was undoubtedly clever in
all sorts of ways, but who died insane.
At the shipyards of Elbing, William II narrowly
escaped being wounded by the fall of the large mast
of the ship Kohlberg, which had been sawn through
in several places. He has just had his coachman,
Menzel, arrested, who very nearly brought him to
his death by driving him into a lime tree in a troika
presented to him by the Tzar.
At present it is his wish that Holland and Belgium
should receive him. The Queen Regent and Leo-
pold II (in spite of the latter's violent love for
Germany) are hesitating, by no means certain as to
the welcome which their peoples would extend to
him. William II proposes to strike the imagina-
tion of the Dutch, as he did that of the Belgians,
and to make his appearance before them, aboard his
yacht, the HoJienzollern, which Dutch vessels are
to go to meet and escort. To make the thing com-
plete (and it may well be that the idea is germinat-
ing in his mind) it would only require him to visit
the fortifications on the Meuse. The Berliner
Tageblatt in a long article informs us that the
Emperor declares them to be yerject. 'Tis a good
word. . . .
When the Imperial traveller shall have exhausted
all pretexts for rushing about on this Continent,
he will go to Africa. There is a hut about this ; it
arises from the question whether he will be able to
obtain from his Ministers that they should ask the
Reichstag or the Landtag for the 800,000 francs that
he needs for the voyage, the Constitution forbidding
the King of Prussia to leave Europe. But what
70 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
does the Constitution matter to William II ? He,
the master, will put an end to it !
August 1, 1891. 1
What are the qualities which have distinguished
the Government of Germany since the victories of
Moltke ? The patient tenacity of William I, and a
continuous policy of trickery raised by Bismarck
to the level of genius.
William II is a mind diseased, infatuated with
itself. His actions are dominated by pride, and all
the most childish off-shoots of that weakness, love
of noise, of attitudes, of pomps and vanities and
jewellery ; his mind is a thing of somersaults, and
his will is subject to capricious whims and sudden
outbursts of temper.
August 11, 1891. 2
May we not flatter ourselves that the torments
of William II are now beginning ? He, who only
yesterday proclaimed himself to be the triumphant
personification of the German Empire, is now com-
pelled to inaction as the result of a fall. Whilst
the Great Tzar is received with acclamation on board
of the French Marengo, he goes awkwardly stumbling
about on the deck of his yacht.
The German Emperor composed for himself a
prayer, which he is accustomed to have said in his
presence, and in which God is implored " to grant
His protection to the Emperor William, to give him
health and inspiration for the fulfilment of Ms
mission towards the nations" To-day, reduced to
inactivity by his illness and by the consequences
1 La Nouvelle Revue, August 1, 1891, " Letters on Foreign
Policy." 2 Ibid., August 15, 1891.
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 71
of his folly, he has ample leisure to reflect on the
psalm which he is so fond of singing, with the mitre
of the summus episcopus on his head : " The kings
of the earth are the instruments of God."
Yes, Sire, they are instruments which God breaks
as easily as He bends a reed before the wind. He
is pleased to humble the proud, and He reserves
defeat and death as the portion of the parricide.
August 29, 1891. l
Germany's luck is running out. . . .
The Emperor certainly lacks neither the youth
nor the audacity to compel fortime, but he drives
her too hard, and ignores all her warnings. His
fall is a clear warning, which he appears to be quite
unwilling to notice ; more mechanical than ever in
his movements, he is now taking to riding again.
By his orders, his illness and even his fall are alike
contradicted. His reason for withdrawing himself
so long from the gaze of his adoring subjects is to
let his beard grow, after the fashion of Boulanger.
But he hasn't wasted his time ; his furious impa-
tience under activity has brought about a fresh
attack.
September 11, 1891. 2
William II makes every effort to keep the Triple
Alliance on its legs (it being as lame as himself)
whilst he continues to give vent to his triple hoch !
and resumes once more his rushing to and fro, so
wearisome to his faithful subjects, which compels
the European Press to groan so loudly that his
pennon (Imperial in Austria, or Royal in Bavaria)
1 La Nouvelle Revue, September 1, 1891, " Letters on Foreign
Policy." 2 Ibid., September 15, 1891.
72 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
waves madly about his excited person, Meanwhile
the Emperor Alexander III, calm in the serenity
of his nature, takes his rest in the pleasant retreat
of Fredensborg, where he finds contented virtues
and the joys of family life.
It really looks as if a certain deviltry were at
work against William II. His splendid statecraft
now revolves about questions of rye bread, Russian
geese, and American pork ; he struggles amidst a
mass of difficulties more comic than sublime. He
has imposed a system of rigid protection in order
to entangle his allies in a net of tariffs favourable
only to Germany, and now behold him, all of a
sudden, removing the duties off diseased pork, all
for the profit of the McKinley Bill, the scourge of
Germany. Only the future can say what dangers
await a policy of fierce protection and dangerous
favouritism. How much simpler and cleverer it
would have been to remove the duties on cereals !
As far as the people are concerned, cheap pork will
never appeal to them as cheap bread would have
done. The progressive party had asked for both ;
the satisfaction they have received appeases them
for the moment, but the socialists will still be able to
say that William's Government takes off the duties
on foodstuffs that poison the people, and leaves
them on those which would afford them healthy
nourishment.
September 27, 1891. 1
William II has decidedly no luck when he puts the
martial trumpet to his lips. It was at Erfurt that
he learned that the tribes of the Wa Hehe had
1 La Nouvelle Revue, October 1, 1891, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 73
massacred Za]ewski"s expedition into East Africa.
It is said that, on hearing this news, the German
Emperor, seized with one of those sudden out-
bursts of rage which throw him into convulsions,
swore to avenge in torrents of blood the insult thus
suffered by the ever-victorious banner of Prussia.
Are we, then, to see the Reichstag in its turn, like the
French and Italian Parliaments, wasting its millions
and its men in colonial adventures ?
At Munich, William II has declared that the
wretched condition of the artillery in the Austrian
army, the lack of cohesion in its infantry, and the
inexperience, not to say incapacity, of its officers,
render it unfit for war in the near future, and that
no hope of its improvement is to be entertained, so
long as it shall have as its head a man so completely
worn out as Francis Joseph. Germany's armament
is to be completely changed and renewed, and it is
even said that William will go down in person to
the Reichstag during the autumn session to demand
the enormous credits which the situation requires.
The Neue Munchen Tageblatt has been seized at
Munich for having published an attack upon "the
mania for armaments and for military pomp which
possesses William II, a mania which is exhausting
Germany and will leave her completely ruined after
the next war."
November 12, 1891. 1
The unfortunate Constitution of the German
Empire, like the Emperor himself, doesn't know
which way to turn. Legislation, administration, the
army, the universities, the Church and the adminis-
1 La Nouvelle Remie, November 15, 1891, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
74 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
tration of justice : everything is being passed through
a sieve, and transformed, first in order that it may
retransform itself and then become more readily
accessible to the rising generation. Any tiling that
savours of a ripe age is extremely displeasing to
William II. Ripeness is a thing which he disdains
to acquire. All that is youthful finds favour in his
eyes, with the sole exception of a class of youth
with which he is disposed to deal severely, viz.
the souteneurs. Against them the summus episco-
pus is extremely wroth. Here the virtue of chaste
Germany is at stake, and he proposes to cauterise
the disease with a red-hot iron. For the future,
the scandalous discussion of these things will be for-
bidden to the Press, and thus, even if private morals
continue the same, public morality will not be
offended. Hypocrisy, at least, will be saved.
There is much talk at Vienna of a plan whispered
at headquarters in Berlin, which has to do with con-
verting the capital of Austria into an entrenched
camp, so that an army driven back from the Austro-
Russian frontiers might there be re-formed. William
means to throw Austria against Russia, and to take
his precautions in case of defeat, precautions which
would at the same time, safeguard the rear of the
German Empire.
November 29, 1891.
Germany is becoming uneasy ; she has heard the
rustling of the wings of defeat. Accustomed to
victory, she is suffering, as rich people suffer under
the least of privations. Bankruptcies, one after
another, are spreading ruin in Berlin. Bismarck
and William, united in a very touching manner on
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 75
this subject, conceived the idea of bringing about
Russia's financial ruin, and of importing into the
Prussian capital the vitality of the Paris market.
The fall in Russian securities was unlucky for the
German Bank, and all the scrip that the Berlin
Bourse so greedily devoured, for the sole purpose of
preventing Paris from getting it, does not seem to
have been easily digested. The middle class is
suffering from the bad condition of the market, and
the increase of taxation ; the lower classes are hungry.
Impassive in his majesty, the Emperor con-
templates himself upon the throne. Now you will
find him copying Louis XIV and writing in the
golden book of the city of Munich Regis volontas
suprema lex. And again he will imitate St. Louis,
but not finding any oak tree within his reach, he
administers justice on the public highway, as in the
Skinkel-Platz. He is having his own statue made
of marble, to be placed alongside of his throne.
Great Heavens ! If some day, this were to be for
him the avenging Commander's statue ! 1
But no, it cannot be, for has he not been con-
verted ? Is he not the summus episcopus, who con-
ducts the service in person ? Has he not composed
psalms ? Could anybody be more pious, a more
resolute foe of those vices which he pursues with
such energy ? Could any one be more determined
to be a pillar of the Church ? In his interviews with
the delegates of the synod of the United Prussian
Church, has not the summits said that the Reforma-
tion drew its strength from the hearts of princes ?
True, you may say, that this does not sound very
1 An allusion to the Commander's statue in " Don Juan."
76 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
like a humble Christian ; but then humility had
never anything to do with William.
At the administration of the oath to new recruits,
after having held forth to them on the subject of the
hardships at the beginning of a soldier's life, he
added, "It shall be your reward when you have
learnt your trade, to manoeuvre before me."
December 12, 1891. 1
The nations of Europe desire peace, and it has
been so often proved to them that they also desire
it, who have been accused of furbishing their weapons
unceasingly, that it would be dangerous even for
William II to seem to be preparing for war, or rather
that, having made ready for it, he should be working
to let it loose. And so it comes to pass that the
fire-eating Emperor and King of Prussia himself is
compelled to play the part of a bleating sheep
" admiring his reflection in the crystal stream,"
and that he cannot even have recourse to the ex-
pedient, now exhausted, to make it appear that
either France or Russia are ravening wolves in search
of adventure. But the role of a sheep sits badly on
William, and the mot d'ordre, which he dictates is so
evidently opposed to the condition of affairs for which
he is responsible, that Messrs. Kalnoky and Caprivi,
in spite of their appearance of rotund good nature,
have shown distinct signs of intractable irritation.
People have been asking what can be the mean-
ing of all these pacific assurances, so hopelessly at
variance with everything that one sees and knows,
1 La Nouvelle Revue, December 15, 1891, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 77
at a moment when the Monarch of Berlin is furious
at the visit of the Tzar to Kronstadt ? Well, the
truth is out, and it is M. de Kalnoky who, by proxy,
shall reveal it to you.
' The reception at Kronstadt and its consequences
have effected no change in the situation." There
you have the secret. It is necessary to prove that
the diplomacy of the Triple Alliance has not been
checked at any point or in any way ; that the
' excellent impression," to quote the words of
M. de Caprivi, left in Russia by the visit of
William II did not allow the Tzar any alternative ;
he was compelled to show attention to some other
country than Germany. Moreover, the appearance
of Alexander III on the Marengo was nothing more
than a simple desire for a sea trip ; France, going
like Mohammed to the mountain, bore in her flanks
nothing larger than a mouse. Finally, that Peace
never having been threatened by the Loyal League
of Peace, there could be no possible reason left to
France and Russia for wanting to defend it, etc., etc.
William II is working hard to control and direct
the diplomacy of the Triple Alliance. Nevertheless,
all his scaffolding work is liable to sudden collapse,
overthrown by the most insignificant of events.
Regarding his speech to the recruits, the German
Press has pluckily voiced its condemnation by the
public. It is impossible to deny that his observa-
tions on that occasion were a perfect masterpiece of
self-glorification. This is what he said —
' You have just taken the oath of fidelity to
myself. From this day forward there exists for you
one order and one order only, that of my majesty.
78 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Henceforth you have only one enemy, mine, and
should it be necessary for me some day (which God
forbid) to order you to shoot your own parents, yes,
to fire on your own brothers and sisters, fathers and
mothers, on that day remember your oath."
Those who wish to form an accurate idea of
William's loquacity and self-conceit should read a
few passages, selected haphazard from " The Voice
of the Lord upon the waters," a sermon by His
Majesty, the Emperor-King, for use in polar voyages.
There they will find a strange hotch-potch of all sorts
of ideas, religious, political and heathen, all half
digested. But the dominant note in the sermons
preached by William II lies in his tendency to
diminish the Infinite, to hold it within the measure
of his own mind, to bring down God to his own
stature. All his comparisons tend to show God as
an Emperor, built in the image in which William
sees himself. When he draws you a picture, in which
he brings God face to face with himself, there is
about him a certain splendour of pride, something
in his utterance that suggests an Imperial Lucifer.
But beyond these relations between God and the
German Emperor, his utterances reveal nothing
beyond commonplace self-conceit. In his perpetual
and personal contact with the Divinity, William's
morality becomes more exacting than even that of
God Himself towards His saints, who have long
enjoyed His sanction to sin seven times a day.
William II will not allow of a single sin. Every-
where and in everything he must interfere. Well
may his subjects say, who have just received their
catechism : " He is on heaven, on earth, and within
us."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 79
January 1, 1892. 1
I, who have so long been devoted to the Franco-
Russian Alliance, have followed with acute distress
the intrigues of Bismarck in Bulgaria (intrigues of
which the Nouvelle Revue revealed one proof in the
letters of Prince Ferdinand of Coburg to the Countess
of Flanders). I have known that William, in spite
of his actual dislike for the proceedings of his ex-
Chancellor, is pleased to approve the imperti-
nences of a Stamboulof. Nevertheless, I confess I
am seized with anxiety at seeing France enter into
diplomatic proceedings with the so-called Govern-
ment of Bulgaria. It is very often more dignified
to despise and ignore the enterprises of certain
people, then to endeavour to obtain satisfaction
from them. There are certain complicated circum-
stances in which the manifestation of a sense of
honour or loyalty becomes a weakness : at all costs
one should avoid being led into it.
The Emperor of Germany possesses a special
talent for adding new complications to a difficult
situation, so as to render it impossible of solution.
He has now so completely tangled up the parliamen-
tary skein, that in a little while it will be impos-
sible for Parliament to govern. Can one conceive
of a majority of the Chamber rallying around
the Catholic centre, or the socialists, for the same
reason, increasing in number at the bye-elections ?
In such a case William II, equally unable to sur-
render in favour of the clericals or to submit to the
socialists, will find himself, as others have been before
him, driven to adopt the ultimate remedy of war.
1 La Nouvelle Revue, January 1, 1892, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
80 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
February 12, 1892. 1
If the States of Germany, in joining themselves
on to Prussia, have thereby increased in power, they
have gained very little in humanity. The circular,
secretly issued by Prince George of Saxony, com-
manding the 12th Army Corps, reveals something of
the brutalities and exquisite torture which German
soldiers have to suffer. This circular was addressed
to the commanders of regiments, and has been
published by a socialist newspaper, the Vorwdrts.
Tins Prince of Saxony is indignant at these things,
doubtless because he is a Saxon ; Bavaria, we are
told, declines to accept the application of the Prus-
sian Military Code. By common consent, the House
of Peers and the Chamber of Deputies at Munich
have voted against subscribing to a condition of
things which permits men to behave like real savages.
Military Germany takes pleasure in cruelty, senti-
mental Germany is moved by the tortures inflicted
on her children. Brutality and sentiment rub
elbows, and are so strangely intermingled amongst
our neighbours that I, for one, abandon all attempts
at understanding them.
It was Von Moltke who said one day that the
army was the school of all the virtues. Next day
the same Field- Marshal put into circulation certain
formulae for the infliction of cruelty, intended for
the use of commanding officers.
" If a superior officer should order an inferior to
commit a crime, the inferior must commit it." Thus
says William II, who in the very next breath ex-
presses his sentimental concern over the unfortunate
1 La Nouvelle Revue, February 15, 1892, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 81
lot of a woman of loose life handed over to the
tender mercies of a bully !
William's latest quarrel, it seems, is with liberty
of conscience. The summus episcopus of the evan-
gelical religion becomes the protector of clerical-
ism in Germany. He, the elect of God, has dis-
covered the power of the Catholic Church. This
was the power that broke Bismarck, but it will not
break William II, for he intends to assimilate it.
He dreams of establishing his Protectorate over
Catholicism in Europe, America, Africa and in the
East ; his destiny lies in a world-wide mission, which
only Catholicism can support. He will, therefore,
dominate the papacy, and through it will govern
the world.
February 26, 1892. 1
The list of Emperor William's vagaries continues
to grow. He, who was once the father of socialists,
now pursues them with all manner of cruelty, in
order to be revenged for their opposition to the
scholastic law. This law is his dearest achievement.
He produced it under the same conditions as his
socialist rescripts, all by himself, without consulting
his Minister. It seems that Von Sedlitz was in-
structed to bring it forward without discussing its
terms. This is a reactionary coup d'etat in the
same way that the rescripts on socialism were a
democratic stroke. Will this " new course " of
Imperial policy, as they call it in Germany, last any
longer than its predecessor % I presume so, for it
1 La Nouvelle Revue, March 1, 1892, "Letters on Foreign
Policy."
G
82 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
corresponds more closely than the old one to the
autocratic instincts of William II.
The National, Liberal and Progressive parties,
and even the Socialists, who had turned full of hope
towards their Liberal Emperor, now vie with each
other in turning their backs on the Sovereign, who
fulfils the policies of a Von Kardoff or a Baron von
Stumm, the most determined Conservatives of the
extreme party.
The Universities of Berlin and Halle, together
with all the other educational institutions, have ad-
dressed petitions to the Landtag, protesting against
the re-organisation of the primary schools, which it
is proposed to hand over to the Church. Sixty -nine
professors out of eighty-three, six theologians out
of eight, including amongst them certain members
of the Faculty, have signed this protest. The
greatest names of German science and literature
have here joined forces. Liberals like Herr Harnack
have made common cause with such anti-Semite
Conservatives as Professor Treitschke. Mommsen,
Virchow, Curtius Helmholtz, stand side by side in
defence of the rights of liberty of thought. William
is becoming irritated by the lessons thus adminis-
tered to him and the opposition thus displayed,
and his nervousness continues to assume an aggres-
sive form.
Alsace-Lorraine is undisturbed, and all Europe
bears witness to its pacific tendencies ; nevertheless,
the German Emperor is bringing forward a Bill
before the Reichstag for declaring a state of siege
in Alsace-Lorraine, which includes even a threat
of war, and opens the door to every abusive power
on the part of the civil authority. The speech
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 83
which he addressed to the members of the Diet
of Brandenburg is the most complete expression
which the Emperor, King of Prussia, has yet given
of his latest frame of mind.
How dare they criticise him, or discuss his policy !
Let them all go to the devil ! He, whose policy it
is to block emigration, now wishes for nothing better
than that all his opponents should leave Germany.
But it is impossible to revoke public opinion whole-
sale, like an edict. If it is difficult now to expel all
malcontents from Prussia, what will it be when their
number is legion ? William II has promised to his
people a glorious destiny, happiness, and the pro-
tection of Heaven. Truly these Germans must be
insatiable if they ask for more !
March 12, 1892. 1
William II aims at concentrating all power, and
to organise the work of espionage, in the hands of
the military authorities. If the Prussian law of
1851 is still effective, the Emperor in case of need
will be able to dispense with a vote of the Reichstag.
This law confers on every general and on his repre-
sentative, who may be an officer of eighteen years
of age, the right to declare a state of siege in the
event of war threatening. On the other hand, the
projected Bill against espionage meets with very
general approval. Your German has got spies on
the brain. He wishes to be able to indulge in spying
in other countries, but to prevent it in Germany.
The Frankfurter Zeitung and the Vorwdrts assert
that the proposed law against the revealing of
military secrets was inspired by the publication of
1 La Nouvelle Revue, March 15, 1892, "Letters on Foreign
Policy."
84 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
the report by Prince George of Saxony, containing
revelations of a kind which the Emperor does not
wish to occur again. One of the articles of this
law against spying reveals the Prussian character
in all it's beauty. One has only to read it, in order
to understand the inducements which the Govern-
ment of William II holds out to informers. The
end of this article runs as follows : " Every indivi-
dual having knowledge of such an infringement,
and who shall fail to notify the authorities, is liable
to imprisonment."
To hear these Germans, one would think that
France and Russia are flooding the Empire with
spies, whilst Germany never sends a single one of
them to France or Russia. In the first place, all
these statements are purely cynical ; and in the
second Germany can very well afford to dispense
with professionally selected spies, inasmuch as every
German prides himself on being one at all times in
the service of the Fatherland.
April 12, 1892. 1
William II makes a solemn promise to his august
grandmother, Queen Victoria, and to the " best
beloved ' : of his Allies, the Emperor of Austria,
that he will restore the Guelph Fund. Francis
Joseph has obtained from the Duke of Cumberland
the somewhat undignified letter of renunciation,
winch we have all read, and now it is either up to
Rogue Scapin or Bre'r Fox, just as you please !
William II says that he never meant to give back
the capital, but only the interest ! It is easy to ima-
1 La Nouvelle Revue, April 15, 1892, "Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 85
gine the effect produced on those concerned by the
revelation of this astonishing mental reservation.
But this is not all ! The King of Prussia — always
short of money, always in debt on account of his
extravagant fancies and expensive clothes, and
half ruined by his mania for running to and fro
— had made certain arrangements for meeting his
creditors by means of the Guelph Fund, but with
the proviso, needless to say, that they affected only
the interest ! !
It is said that the heir of the House of Hanover
has written a second letter which evoked a sickly
smile from William II, and of which Councillor
Rossing has suppressed the publication with some
difficulty.
Amongst other things, William II has had quick-
firing guns, supplied to the people of Dahomey by
slave merchants. The Berlin Post, directly in-
spired by the Emperor, tells us exactly what is his
object in so doing —
" England and Russia will not help France
to settle her difficulties in her colonies. These
two Powers are far too pre-occupied with the
struggle for supremacy in Asia. France is,
therefore, reduced to looking to Germany as
her sole support. If France consents to work
together with Germany, Africa will be won
for civilisation, and for the best civilisation of
all, the Franco -German, but so long as France
pursues this task single-handed, she will not
attain her end, and will find in Africa nothing
but disappointment,"
86 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Such evidences of effrontery remind us that
William II is the pupil of Bismarck. We are,
therefore, justified in concluding that the Germans
realise that it is not Aristides the Just who has been
exiled, but a master rogue, whom his pupil now
imitates.
April 29, 1892. 1
William II continues to expel from Berlin all un-
employed workmen, quite regardless of the cause of
their temporary or continuous idleness. He sends
them back to their native parishes, without caring
in the least whether they will find there the work
which they are unable to secure at the capital.
The " Workmen's Emperor " compels an emigra-
tion into the interior of all the most discontented,
the most irritated and wretched, thus sowing
throughout all the land the evil seed of the most
dangerous kind of propagandist. The spirit of
Germany is full of surprises for any one who takes
the trouble to observe it carefully, and it is not
only in the acts of the Emperor that we perceive
its contradictions.
To take one instance out of a thousand. Five
non-commissioned officers of dragoons have just
been tried at Ulm, accused of having beaten recruits
with sticks until they drew blood. They have been
acquitted, after having proved that they acted
under the orders of their captain. In this connection
it is interesting to read the following —
" The Court of Saverne has just condemned a
carrier named Schwartz to six weeks' imprisonment
and a fine of ten marks for ill-treating his horse."
1 La Nouvelle Revue, May 1, 1892, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 87
The unstable grandson of the steadfast William I
threatens before long to get between his teeth a
fourth war minister ; he has already devoured three
chiefs of the general staff, and, in a few years, as
many ministers as his grandfather had during the
whole course of his long reign.
It remains to be seen whether, after the with-
drawal of the scholastic law, William II will still
find a majority willing to accept his new and disturb-
ing schemes.
May 28, 1892. 1
As the German Empire has no other force of
cohesion except such as lies in militarism, William
is necessarily compelled to do everything to magnify
and increase it. Whereas we in France are free to
develop the quality rather than the quantity of our
army, Germany, finding the elements of cohesion
only in her military agglomerations is compelled to
increase unceasingly the number of her soldiers.
At this very moment William is planning to add
a permanent effective of 40,000 men to the tactical
units. In return, he will promise Parliament and
the country a provisional two years' service, being
quite capable of withdrawing his promise so soon
as the vote has been secured.
Numbers, always numbers ! It is the German
Emperor's only ideal, and he becomes further and
further removed from any principle of selection. . . .
The German newspapers make a speciality of
the fabrication of sensational rumours. I could
not ask any better vengeance for our beloved
1 La Nouvelle Revue, June 1, 1892, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
88 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
country than to have their stories placed before
the most loyal of Sovereigns, the most far-seeing
of diplomats, of the politician the furthest removed
from sordid calculations that the world knows or
has ever known, that is to say, of the Emperor
Alexander III. . . .
But all this is just a manoeuvre of the enemy
who plays his own game, and it has no importance
whatsoever beyond that which credulous and
anxious people choose to give it. Inasmuch as the
renewal of the Triple Alliance has produced a
definite situation, which affords no opportunity
for any of the combinations which might have
resulted had it been broken up into independent
parts, the Tzar with his usual foresight was naturally
led to proclaim his rapprochement with France,
and this he has done. What change has there been
in the situation since Kronstadt 1 None at all,
unless it be that Lord Salisbury has revealed some-
thing more of the nature of his intrigues at Sofia,
and of the anti-Russian intentions of Ms Bulgarian
policy. The King of Italy has surrendered himself
a little more into the hands of the King of Prussia,
placing at the disposal of William's diseased restless-
ness further and inexhaustible sources of trouble
and uneasiness for Europe.
July 9, 1892. 1
It seems to me that the speech addressed by
William to his new Admiralty yacht at the port
of Stettin has not attracted sufficient notice. It is
simply beautiful, a very choice morsel indeed. To
1 La Nouvelle Bevue, July 15, 1892, "Letters on Foreign
Policy. »
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 89
show how little I exaggerate, I will ask my readers
to study it in the actual text, and I would like to
engage the services of the King of Prussia to col-
laborate in the Nouvelle Revue for a page in precisely
the same style. Here is this little masterpiece of
classic purity —
" Thou art ready to glide into thy new
element, to take thy place amidst the Imperial
war-ships, and thou art destined to carry our
National Flag. Thine elegant construction, thy
light sides, showing no sign of the heavy
threatening defensive turrets, such as are
carried by our war-ships destined to fight the
foe, indicate that thou art consecrated to works
of peace. Lightly, as on the wing, to cross
the seas, bringing distant lands closer to each
other, giving rest and recreation to workers,
happiness to the Imperial children, and to the
august mother of the country, — that is thine
appointed task. May thy light artillery be
worn by thee as an ornament and not as a
weapon of war.
"It is for me now to give thee a name.
Thou shalt carry that which my Castle bears,
whose towers rise so high towards Heaven,
that which, lying amidst the beautiful country
of Suabia, has given its name to my family.
It is a name which recalls to my Fatherland
centuries full of labour, of work done with and
for the people, of life devoted to the people,
of good examples set in leading the people in
paths of literature and in many struggles.
The name which thou shalt bear means all this.
90 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Mayest thou do honour to thy name, and to
thy flag, to the great Elector who, first of all
men, taught us our Mission on the sea, and to
my great ancestors who, by works of peace
as in fierce warfare, knew how to keep and
increase the glory of our Fatherland. I baptize
thee Hohenzollern ! "
August 29, 1892. 1
William II, claiming as usual to be ahead of every
change of opinion in Europe, and to direct it, has
chosen a very singular pretext to make profession
of his faith as a pacifist, at the moment when Lord
Rosebery was doing the same, and when the visit
of our squadron to Genoa was about to emphasise
a relaxation of tension in the relations between
France and Italy.
On June 24, 1890, the following motion was
adopted by the Reichstag —
" The Governments of the Confederated Ger-
man States are requested to take into serious
consideration the introduction of the two years'
period of military service for the Infantry."
Without deigning to remember this, and without
bothering his head as to the discomfiture of the
peasantry, who believed the Emperor to be really
favourable to a scheme which he had openly patron-
ised hardly six months before, on the ground that
he had been greatly impressed by General Falken-
stein's report ; indifferent also to the difficulty of
the situation in which he was placing Von Caprivi,
1 La Nouvelle Revue, September 1, 1892, " Letters on Foreign
Policy.' 1
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 91
advocate of the two years' system — the Emperor-
King (apparently just because on that day it had
pleased him to make a declaration in favour of peace)
made a speech to his officers after the last review
of the Guards, and summarily condemned any
reduction in the term of military service. More-
over, he requested his hearers to repeat his words
and to let people know the motives which impelled
him thus to set his face against a reform, which,
not having secured his approval, must remain in
the limbo of fantastic schemes.
Much stir and commotion follows, and as usual
a great deal is said about the most changeable and
the most feather-headed of Sovereigns ; then we
have a new interpretation of his speech by the
Press, contradictions of the original text, with-
drawal by the Emperor himself of his original
words, and finally, as net result : a great deal of
noise, and the attention of all Europe directed
towards William II. What more could he ask ?
Soon, thanks to the insidious activities of Austria
in Servia, and thanks to that of his own police on
the Franco -Belgian frontier, William will be able
to threaten Europe with War.
September 12, 1892. 1
William has given up the idea of his trip to
Hamburg, cholera being the sort of jest for which
he has no relish. To make up, he has rushed off
to Canossa. The Black Alliance, as the Liberals
call it, is an accomplished fact. The price paid to
the Catholics for their assistance has been a matter
of bargaining ; what William II wants is an increase
1 La Nouvelle Revue, September 15, 1892, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
92 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
in the peace-footing of the army, and of the annual
contingent of recruits, so that Germany's army of
300,000 men may always be ready
In twenty years the War budget has been raised
from 309 to 700 millions, as the result of these new
plans. The Freisinnige Zeitung wonders what
will happen on the day when the opposition of the
Catholic Centre shall cease, which has always been
a check upon military expenditure and which,
nevertheless, has not prevented Germany from
spending 11,597 millions upon armaments since
1871.
Will Austria follow once more the lead of Berlin ?
The object of William II's visit to Vienna, accom-
panied by Von Capri vi, is to decide her to do so.
In the Empire of the Hapsburgs, as in Germany,
people are asking : " What is going to be the end
of all this expenditure ? " The Vaterland, dis-
cussing William's voyage, says that " the pact
between the three great powers appears to be
beginning to be very shaky."
September 29, 1892. 1
William II thinks that War is impending and
close at hand; he feels that Italy is inclined to
argue, and Austria to assert herself. According
to the tradition of Von Moltke, he wishes to be ready
at the hour of his own choosing.
In the last volume of the Field-Marshal's memoirs,
there is a letter addressed by him to the deputy,
Count de Bethusy Hue, dated March 29, 1869, in
which the following words occur —
1 La Nouvelle Revue, October 1, 1892, "Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 93
" After a war like that which we have just
ended, one can hardly wish for another. I
desire, however, to profit by the occasion which
now offers to make war on France, for, un-
fortunately, I consider this war to be absolutely
necessary, and indispensable within a period
of five years ; after that, our organisation and
armament, which are to-day superior, may be
equalled by the efforts of France. It is there-
fore to our interest to fight as soon as possible.
The present moment is favourable ; let us
profit by it."
November 12, 1892. 1
If you would take the measure of the hatred which
the Emperor- King of Prussia, has towards Russia,
read the Youth of William the Second by Mr. Bigelow,
his companion in childhood, the friend of his
youth, and the passionate admirer of his imperial
greatness.
In the eyes of Mr. Bigelow, William II is endowed
with all the virtues, all the qualities, and a hatred
of evil ; he is a complete master of every conceivable
kind of science. He is a person of tact, foresight,
and superior feelings, he possesses the noblest
qualities of courage and sense of honour. He knows
better than any one else everything concerning
government, business, trade and industry. Of his
military art, it were needless to speak; it is con-
spicuously evident. A brilliant talker and a fine
orator, his lucidity of observation, his judgment, and
his rapidity of decision are all alike, incomparable.
1 La Nouvelle Revue, November 15, 1892, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
94 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Mr. Bigelow's William has a complete knowledge
of the history of Europe and of the character of
its peoples. There is nothing that he does not know
of the upper and lower foundations of the views of
European statesmen, past and present. A frank
and loyal fellow withal, good to children, he feels
keenly the sufferings of soldiers ill-treated by their
officers, and the hardships of the working classes
exploited by their masters.
Frederick the Great is the only one who in
any way approaches him. Then, as to his mag-
nanimity, he proved it to M. Jules Simon, by offering
him the musical works of the said Frederick the
Great, with a letter which, according to Mr. Bigelow,
should have made France give up her foolish ideas
about Alsace-Lorraine, were it not for the fact that
"from the drawing-rooms of the Faubourg Saint
Germain to the garrets of Montmartre, all Frenchmen
suffer from an incorrigible mania for revenge."
To the great satisfaction of Mr. Bigelow, however,
it has been given to England to understand, and she
knows how to promote William's mission. On
August 9, 1890, she ceded to him Heligoland, the
Gibraltar of Germany. It is not I who put these
words into the mouth of the friend of the King of
Prussia ! " Since Waterloo," adds Mr. Bigelow,
' England has not been on such good terms with
Germany."
A very touching confession for us to remember !
Hatred of Russia finds expression in a hundred
ways under the pen of Mr. Bigelow. Nothing that
is Russian can find favour in his sight ; the least
of the sins of Russia are barbarism, corruption,
vice of every kind, cruelty and ignorance. After
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 95
having piled up all the usual accusations, he stops,
and one might think that it was for lack of materials.
But not at all ! He could, but will not say more
about it ; and this " more " assumes most fabulous
proportions "so as not to compromise my German
friends." I imagine that some of those friends of
his must figure on the margin of the Russian budget,
for if it were not so, why should they be liable to be
compromised ?
Travelling down the Danube by boat, Mr. Bigelow
was able to make use everywhere of the German
language. Every intelligently conducted enter-
prise which he found on his way was in the hands
of Germans. " Sooner or later," said he, " the
Danube will belong to Germany."
According to Mr. Bigelow, all the people who
have the misfortune to live in the neighbourhood
of the frontiers of Russia only dream of becoming
Germans, in order to escape her.
There is one remarkable quality which William II
possesses and which Mr. Bigelow has forgotten,
and that is his talent as a scenic artist and impre-
sario for any and every kind of ceremony ; in this
he is past master. For the 375th Anniversary of
October 31, 1517, the day on which the famous
theses, which inaugurated the Reformation, were
posted by Martin Luther on the door of the chapel
at Wittenberg, the Emperor-King surpassed him-
self. The Imperial procession aroused the greatest
enthusiasm in the little town by its successful
reconstruction of the historic picture. The speech
of the summus episcopus cast all sermons into the
shade by its lofty tone and spirit of tolerance.
CHAPTER III
1893
William II receives the Tzarewitch — Germany would rather
shed the last drop of her blood than give up Alsace-Lorraine
— William's journey to Italy — The German manoeuvres in
Alsace-Lorraine.
January 13, 1893. x
Being too weak a man to accept such responsibility
as that involved in the scheme of military reforms,
Von Capri vi has, so to speak, by his suppliant
attitude towards the parties in the Reichstag,
forced William II to assert himself. In spite of his
leanings towards prudent reform, the Emperor-
King, whose pride we know, has found himself all
of a sudden in a sorry plight on the question of the
increase of the standing army. The rising tide of
public censure, mounting to the foot of the throne
itself, found no one to hold it back but a bewildered
lock-keeper. And so the Emperor, with his helmet
on his head, appeared upon the scene, to take charge
of the damming operations. On January 1 he
addressed his generals, his enthusiastic officers
(who, like all soldiers, have a holy horror of politi-
cians), and said to them, " I shall smash the obstacles
that they raise against me."
Thus it happens that it is no longer Von Caprivi
1 La Nouvelle Revue, January 15, 1893, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
96
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 97
who confronts the Reichstag, no longer the hesitating
successor of Bismarck, whom the country accuses
of leading it on the path to ruin : the Emperor-King
takes charge in person. Instead of being a question
of policy and bargaining between the political
parties, the question becomes one of loyalty. In
Parliament, the resistance of the country, instead
of being a legitimate opposition intended to en-
lighten the sovereign, becomes revolutionary. So
now the Reichstag is compelled either to vote the
scheme of military reform, or to be dissolved ;
Germany must either confirm her representatives
in their obedience, or take the consequences of her
hostility towards the Emperor and his army. The
Reichstag will submit, and Germany will humbly
offer to her Sovereign an additional million of
troops in the next five or six years. William II
will hasten their general submission by threats
of war and revolution, as unlimited as is the field of
his falsehood.
February 12, 1893. 1
William II has left no stone unturned, and has
displayed the utmost skill, in endeavouring to enfold
in his influence the heir to the throne of Russia.
He has devoted to this end all the splendour that
an Imperial Sovereign can display in the entertain-
ment of his guest, all the resources of enthusiasm
which he can lead his people to display in welcoming
him, all his tricks of apparent good-will, all the
fascination of a mind which is apt to dazzle those
who meet it for the first time (although later on it
1 La Nouvelle Revue, February 15, 1893, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
H
98 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
is apt to inspire them with weariness by its very
excesses), every manifestation of a wistful friendship
which proclaims itself misunderstood.
The whole Germany of tradition displayed itself
before the eyes of the Tzarewitch, all its treacherous
appearance of good nature, all its dishonest methods,
composed of a mixture of vanity and apparent
simplicity, whose object it is to make people believe
in a sort of unconsciousness of great strength.
The German Emperor made an appeal for a union
of princes to resist the restless democracy of our
times, and repeated it with urgency, and in the usual
stock phrases. In a word, William II laid under
contribution, to charm the son of the Tzar, all his
arts and spells of fascination. Why wonder that he
succeeded, when we remember that M. Jules
Simon, a French Republican, member of the Govern-
ment of National Defence in 1870, came back from
Berlin singing the praises of the King of Prussia ?
Also, that the entire Press of our country, with the
sole exception of the Nouvelle Revue, was wont, at
the commencement of William's reign, to speak
with sympathy of the genial character of the
" young Emperor," to praise his schemes of social
reform, and to express its belief in the superiority
of a mind which, as a matter of fact, is remarkable
only for its excesses and disorder ? But all Ger-
many, like M. Jules Simon and the French Press,
will find out the truth. The country may have
gone into ecstasies over the first acts and first
speeches of its young sovereign, but it will soon
learn to know how little connection there is between
the words and assurances of William of Hohen-
zollern and his deeds.
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 99
At the outset, during the sojourn of the Tzarewitch
at Berlin, whilst he was being carefully coddled by
the Emperor, the chancellor, Von Caprivi (who
boasts of having no initiative of his own and of
acting only under the orders of his master), was
inspiring accusations, and making them himself
before the military commission, charging the war
party in Russia with secretly plotting against
Germany. One would like to know where the war
party in Russia can possibly be at the present
moment ?
At the same time that William II was endeavour-
ing to recover and restore amicable relations with the
Tzar, he had every intention of carrying through
his schemes of military re -organisation and the
increase of the army, which, as Von Caprivi was
wont to say after His Majesty, constitute essential
safeguards against a Russian invasion. Now, the
good Germans welcomed the son of Alexander III;
they meant to prove to William II how useless
they considered the increase of the army, inasmuch
as the Tzar, with whom lies the final arbitrament of
war, had shown his desire for peace by sending his
son to Berlin. The Tzar, whose statecraft is great
and profound, had clearly foreseen what the German
people would think of the presence of his son in
their midst ; he showed them by this means that
the increase of the army is useless, and that all
the agitation and complications which William
provokes, the oppositions and the struggles
which he himself creates amongst the forces that
he lets loose, give rise to dangers, far greater
than any with which Russia could ever threaten
Germany.
100 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
William II wears blinkers ; he can sometimes
see in front of Mm, but never around him nor behind.
He believed that the Tzar and the Russian Press
were going to be affected by the same sort of en-
thusiasm which he had inspired in the Tzarewitch,
but the Tzar, Russia, and the Russian Press con-
sidered matters dispassionately and saw them in
their right light ; they were even of opinion that
William II had displayed far too much vanity
in his reception of the Tzarewitch and too little
dignity. Consequently, after the departure of the
Tzarewitch, the Emperor-King of Prussia, had a
fit of rage, furious with disappointment at not
having been able to follow up the success which he
had obtained with the Tzarewitch himself. In
one of those fits of ungovernable temper which
lead him to commit so many irreparable mistakes,
and which are the despair of his Government and
his Court, he caused Von Caprivf s Press to publish
the news of an attempt upon the life of the Tzar.
But the methods of reptile journalism are now
thoroughly understood and the Emperor Alexander,
guessing the source of this lie, demanded an imme-
diate apology, which Admiral Prince Henry hastened
to convey, in the name of his brother, to the Russian
Embassy. At the same time that he invented this
story of the attempt on the life of the Tzar, the King
of Prussia, German Emperor, proposed a toast in
honour of the Duke of Edinburgh, Commander-in-
Chief of the British Fleet, in which he looked for-
ward to ' ' the glorious day when the British Fleet
should fight the common enemy." The common
and double enemy of England and Germany, as
every one is aware, is France and Russia.
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 101
March 11, 1893. 1
Until quite recently, the proposed military law-
was heatedly discussed in Germany. Realising
that the Military Commission was on the point of
rejecting it, William II finished his speech in the
following words —
' The supporters of the proposed Sedlitz Law
accused the Government of weakness, when it
withdrew the Bill in the face of the clearly declared
opposition of a majority of the nation. Well, then,
the proposed military law provides us with an
opportunity of showing that my Government is
not a weak one, and that the firm will of my grand-
father, the Emperor William, lives again in me."
A few days before the vote in the Reichstag,
Herr Bebel had raised the question of International
Arbitration wherein, he said, lay Germany's best
means of proving her love for peace, even should
it involve the risk of having the question of Alsace-
Lorraine brought before an International Tribunal.
Hereupon, Von Caprivi, Chancellor of the Prusso-
German Empire, replied to the applause which had
come from almost the entire Reichstag, as follows —
' The deputy Bebel advises us to adopt a tribunal
of International Arbitration. He admits the possi-
bility that such a tribunal might raise some day the
question of Alsace-Lorraine ; he insinuates that we
were to blame for the outbreak of war in 1870, and
that there are those who maintain this idea with
even greater strength and assurance than himself.
1 La Nouvelle Revue, March 15, 1893, "Letters on Foreign
Policy."
102 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Well, then, if such a tribunal should come together,
and should express, no matter in what connection,
its opinion on the question of Alsace-Lorraine, and
if that opinion should be to the effect that Germany
should hand back Alsace-Lorraine, I am convinced
that Germany would never submit to such a decision,
and that she would rather shed her blood to the last
drop than to hand back these provinces."
To which Herr Bebel naturally replied —
" When one holds ideas of this kind, it is per-
fectly evident that one cannot admit of International
tribunals."
Before his little speech, His Majesty the German
Emperor had made a big one, from which we learned,
yet once again that William I had been entrusted
with a mission, and had handed it down to William
II ; and then we heard once more the phrase with
which Bismarck had deafened our ears, on one of
his blustering days, and which the King of Prussia
has re -issued in a new form and on his own account :
" We Germans fear God and nothing else in this
world."
Well, Sire, I for my part believe that your Majesty
fears something else besides God, and that is the
disintegration of the Triple Alliance.
March 29, 1893. 1
William II is ever at pains to invest those occa-
sions in which his personality plays a part, with all
the glamour of Imperial pomp. Once again, accom-
1 La Nouvelle Revue, April 1, 1893, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 103
panied this time by an enormous retinue of Germans
glad of the occasion of a free trip to a sunny land,
William II is about to remind the Romans at Rome
of the majesty of the Caesars. May their King not
be reminded at the same time, by certain aspects
of this triumphal procession, of Rome's captive
kings. In binding herself to Germany, has not
Italy given herself over into bondage to the Teuton
and especially to Austria, her hereditary foe ? I
could readily answer this question in the affirmative
by looking back into the past, I who have so often
shared in the patriotic emotions of Italy in bygone
days ; but every people is entitled to be the sole
judge of its own destinies, and its best friends abroad
have no right to endeavour to enlighten it by any
rays which do not fall from its own heaven above.
One can easily lead a nation astray, even by means
of truths that have been clearly demonstrated
beyond its frontiers. One is compelled to admit
that the most extraordinary events may occur
amongst one's neighbours.
William II, after having sent General Loe to
congratulate Leo XIII on his Episcopal Jubilee,
has just made a speech on the occasion of the silver
wedding of King Humbert I and Queen Margaret.
It will please the Italians, but this ambiguous policy
seems to me anything but nattering, either for the
Italian Kingdom or for the Papacy. As in 1888
and with the same ceremonies, Leo XIII will receive
the Emperor- King of Prussia at the Vatican,
and William II, as on that previous occasion will
be able to split his sides with laughter on returning
to the Quirinal, mimicking the Holy Father and
boasting that he has befooled him once more.
104 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
April 27, 1893. 1
The wisdom of the nations is now enriched with
a new proverb, " A rolling Emperor gathers moss,
and gathers nothing more." Before long the
tumult and the shouting of the fetes at Rome will
die down, and with them the popular excitement
of enthusiasm for the all-powerful German Emperor.
The Italian people will then find itself confronted by
the exhaustion imposed upon it by the compulsory
militarism of the so-called pacific Triple Alliance.
Even if cavalcades, reviews and tournays, should
awaken again in the heart of the Roman people that
love of the circus, which this people has inspired
in all the latinised races, the economic question
still remains, the question of money and of bread,
implacable. I know not why it is, but the brilliancy
of William II's visit to Italy gives me the impression
of a fire of straw. What object had he in going
there, and what has he attained ? I can see none.
All his fervent protestations appear to me in bad
taste, when compared with the correct dignity of
the Court of Austria, third of the Allied Powers.
May 12, 1893. 2
How can our German Csesar, who has just made a
journey to Rome after the manner of Barbarossa,
continue to suffer an assembly of talkers, of political
commercial travellers, of people who allow their
minds to be dominated by the vulgar thing called
economics ? It is not possible, and therefore Csesar
calls to witness the first Military Staff that he comes
across at the Tempelhof and makes it judge of the
1 La Nouvelle Revue, May 1, 1893, " Letters on Foreign
Policy." 2 Ibid., May 15, 1893.
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 105
matter. " I have had to order the dissolution of
the Reichstag," says William to his officers and
generals, ' and I trust that the new Parliament
will sanction the re -organisation of the Army. But
if this hope should not be realised, I fully intend to
leave no stone unturned to attain the end which I
desire. No stone unturned, gentlemen, and you
understand, I hope, that it is to you that I am
speaking, and you who are concerned. You are the
defenders of the past, and of the prerogatives of the
Imperial and Royal Power."
If the new Reichstag meets in the same spirit
of resistance to the excesses of Prussian militarism,
William II will be condemned to constitutional
government and then, little by little, to the sur-
render of everything that he believes to be his
proper attributes, and of all his tastes. No further
possibility then of an offensive war, to escape from
domestic difficulties ; no more parades with the
past riding behind him; no more finding a way
out by some sudden headlong move, for he would
drag behind him only a people convinced against
its will and too late. The only thing then left
to the King of Prussia, face to face with a new
majority opposed to militarism, would be the
dangerous resource of a coup d'etat.
Dr. Lieber, an influential deputy, has defined the
actual situation with a clearness which leaves
nothing to be desired —
" We perceive," he said, " that the Prussian
principle of government is developing more and
more, and tending to become the idea of the German
Empire. The policy to be pursued in the German
Parliament should be purely German."
106 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
The dilemma is clear. Will Germany continue
to become Prussianised or will she remain German ?
If she is Prussian, that is to say, militarist, socialism
will grow and increase ; if she is German, the
development and expansion of her political and
social organism, having free play, will come about
normally and surely. Therefore, the solidity of
German unity should consist in resistance to
Prussianism or militarism, to William II, and to
the past. On the other hand, submission of the
old Confederation to Prussia must inevitably lead
to disintegration.
May 29, 1893. 1
William II has told us, on the occasion of the
unveiling of the statue of William I at Gorlitz,
that the question which brought about the dis-
solution of the Reichstag, that like which confronts
the impending election, is that of the Military Bill,
and that this question dominates all others.
" That which the Emperor, William I, has won,
I will uphold," says the present Emperor; "we
must assure the future of the Fatherland. In order
to attain this object, the military strength of the
country must be increased and fortified, and I
have asked the nation to supply the necessary
means. Confronted by this grave question, on
which the very existence of the country depends,
all others are relegated to the background."
Should we conclude, with the Frankfurter Zeitung,
that " that which oppresses our minds in this
struggle is the reflection, that no possible benefit
1 La Nouvelh Revue, June 1, 1893, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 107
is to be attained through victory, nor any remedy
for defeat " ?
Will Germany yield, or will she resist the will
of the Emperor thus clearly expressed ? Herein
lies a question which, in one way or another, must
have the gravest consequences.
July 1, 1893. 1
One day, on the occasion of a first performance
of a play called " Cadio," by George Sand, I was
with a woman, my best friend, in the wings of the
theatre, Porte-Saint-Martin. I saw Melingue stamp-
ing on the floor with his feet and jumping and
twisting about, and upon my asking him what was
the meaning of these extraordinary antics, he
replied : " It is because, when I come upon the
scene, I am supposed to have galloped several
miles on horseback and it would not do for me,
therefore, to present the appearance of a gentleman
who has just come out of a room or from the garden."
I do not quite know why I should have remembered
this far-off incident on learning that the German
Emperor, King of Prussia, had come on horseback
from Potsdam to open the new Reichstag. As a
comedian, William II does not follow the methods
of Melingue. He rides, in order to present a calmer
appearance at his entry upon the scene. Clad in
the uniform of a Hussar, he read the speech from the
throne with an evangelical mildness. He was
playing the part of a soldier-clergyman. The soldier
said —
" My august allies agree with my conviction
that the Empire, in view of the development
1 La Nouvelle Revue, July 1, 1893, "Letters on Foreign
Policy."
108 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
of military institutions by other Powers, can
no longer delay to give to its armed forces
such increase as shall guarantee the security
of its future."
The clergyman had upon his lips the honey of
promises of concessions, and he concluded with
these words, added to the speech from the throne —
" And now, gentlemen, may the Lord grant
His blessing to every one of us, for the successful
issue of a meritorious work in the interests of
our country. Amen ! "
In the course of the latest discussion of the
military law in the Reichstag, we have been able
to gather certain unforgettable information. In
the first place, Von Caprivi has told us that the
increase of the army is directed really and more
especially against France. Herr Richter declares
that Germany, single-handed, can carry through
victoriously any struggle against us. Liebknecht
says that Turkey can hold Russia in check together
with Poland, and finally, that : " Germany counts
upon England as surely as upon Austria and upon
Italy."
September 13, 1S93. 1
The Emperor, King of Prussia, has addressed to
our brothers that are cut off from us, the following
words —
" You are Germans, and Germans you will
remain ; may God and our good German sword
help us to bring it to pass."
1 La Nouvelle Revue, September 15, 1893, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 109
To which words, every Frenchman has replied —
" They are French and French they shall
remain, God and our good French sword
helping us."
Calmly we await the final provocation. The
German manoeuvres have only served to teach us
one thing more, viz. that William II wishes us to
know that the moment is at hand for a last challenge.
All the German Sovereigns who were present at the
manoeuvres in Alsace-Lorraine, appeared to be
weary of the supremacy which William, the hot-
headed, asserts throughout all the territory of
the Empire. Certain of their number stated in
the presence of several people whose sympathies
are with the French, that the Emperor of Germany
was no more master of the proceedings than they
themselves, and that they had no intention of
figuring either as members of his suite or of his
general staff, in accordance with the wish which he
had expressed to Von Capri vi.
(Before the Emperor of Germany, Talma had
played a part in the presence of an audience of
kings.)
The gift offered by the German subjects of the
city of Metz, by way of thanksgiving for the extra-
ordinary performance given by William II, proves
by its very nature that not a single Frenchman had
anything to do with its selection. In its form and
substance, and in the taste which it displayed, it
is a typically German present, this casket of green
plush full of candied fruits. No doubt, the Empress
will be delighted and all the little princes too.
CHAPTER IV
1894-1895
Treaty of Commerce between Germany and Russia — Opening
of the Kiel Canal; why France should not have sent her
ships there— Germany proclaims her readiness to give us
again the lesson which she gave us in 1870.
March 29, 1894. 1
William II is triumphant in Germany, and his
officious newspapers vie with each other in pro-
claiming the grandeur of his ideas. Meanwhile,
the people of Berlin hiss him and sing rebel songs
about him on the review ground at Tempelhof.
Beyond all doubt the King of Prussia got the
better of much opposition when he secured the vote
for his commercial treaty with Russia. Our
friends of the north cannot doubt that they have
our best wishes, that their commercial and agrarian
position may be improved thereby, but the more
favourable the treaty proves for them, the more we
would beg them to profit by its advantages, but not
to allow themselves to be entangled in its dangerous
consequences. If they act thus, if Germany's
sacrifices should prove of benefit only to her neigh-
bours, if the advantages of influence and penetration
aimed at by William II under cover of this treaty,
should be revealed to Russian patriotism, Germany
may prove to be the party deceived.
1 La Nouvelle Revue, April 1, 1894, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
110
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 111
If William II is clever it is only because of our lack
of cleverness and foresight. It is because we leave
the door open that he is able to make his way in.
Prussian policy is completely lacking in honesty.
It forces an entry by all possible means, keeps listen-
ing ears at every door, and weakens its rivals by the
dissensions which it creates, maintains and fosters.
Neither French influence in Russia, nor Russian
influence in France, has ever made use of such
methods of procedure as Germany employs in both
our countries. The unwholesome and dangerous
penetration of reptile influences and of espionage,
in all its multitudinous forms, produce effects on
our two allied nations, whose consequences are
impossible to over-estimate. Only an unceasing
vigilance against every one of the foreign intruders,
salaried and enlisted in our midst, can protect
Russia and France against their insidious influences.
Our enemies labour to weaken us with the despera-
tion inspired in them by the dangers which they
must face, if only we remain staunch, united and
strong.
Is it generally known that the German subjects of
the poorer class who inhabit Paris, receive an annual
subsidy of 100 marks ? This amounts to putting a
premium on a form of emigration useful to Germany
and constitutes for us a grave danger. Proof of
this is to be found in the report of a recent meeting
of the municipal council at Metz. Instead of
sending back distressed German subjects in France
to their own country, Germany sends them money.
The Alsatian newspaper which affords us this in-
formation adds with perfect accuracy : " What
112 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
would Germany say if French municipalities were to
subsidise officially Frenchmen living in Berlin ? '
April 12, 1894. 1
I am one of those French people who have hoped,
up to the very last moment, for a continuation of
good commercial relations (which means good politi-
cal relations) with Italy ; I am one of those who first
believed in the possibility of re-establishing a good
understanding under both these headings ; but for
this very reason I retain a certain susceptibility
and pride which others, less sincere in the pursuit of
a definite reconciliation, certainly do not possess.
Sadly I have followed the cavalcade of the Prince of
Naples to Metz. I can find no joy in the words of
Bang Humbert, which M. Gaston Calmette has
reproduced so wittily and with such good nature, in
the Figaro. From my point of view, both these ac-
tions of the King of Italy were inspired by William II ;
and both had the same object in view, viz. to
prove at Metz that he could wound us cruelly through
his ally, and to prove at Venice that the good- will of
Humbert I was subject to his control, dictated in
his own good time, and sanctioned at his pleasure.
The Emperor of Germany has inaugurated in Europe
the policy of right-about-face, a policy which be-
wilders diplomacy, astonishes the bourgeoisie and
fills the nations with fear.
April 27, 1894. 2
The revelations published by Mr. Valentin,
Comptroller of Stores in the Cameroons, deserve
1 La Nouvelle Revue, April 15, 1894, " Letters on Foreign
Policy." 2 Ibid., May 1, 1894.
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 113
to be quoted in their entirety. In the Neue
Deutsche Rundschau he has described the atroci-
ties committed by governors of German colonies,
or by their representatives. Wholesale butcheries,
slow and horrible tortures, a new and ingenious
method of scalping, the imprisonment of wives
snatched from their husbands and of young girls
taken from their mothers (to minister to the debauch-
eries of these governors and their officers) and then
brought back to tell the terrible story to other
unfortunate creatures destined to the same fate ;
the horrible brutality of sentences, by virtue of
which the flesh of the victims was reduced to pulp
under the eyes of the judges — the revelation of all
these things leaves one's mind possessed with feel-
ings of terror and horror, sufficient in themselves
to justify any reprisals that negro races might
inflict upon white people.
July 23, 1894.1
One of these days I shall tell how the house of
Krupp (in which William II has so large a personal
interest over and above his public interest) is about
to create for itself a formidable position in China,
which is likely to overthrow many calculations and
may end in turning Asia upside down. The great
commercial houses of Hamburg, encouraged and
supported by the government at Berlin, are in
telegraphic communication with every market in
China. Germany's economic life is developing
with frightful rapidity in Asia.
1 La Nouvelle Revue, August 1, 1894, "Letters on Foreign
Policy."
I
114 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
September 11, 1894. 1
Amongst the list of surprises with which the
Emperor of Germany is pleased to supply the makers
of small-talk in Europe, one often finds, since the
journey of the Empress Frederick to Paris (although
that was hardly to be called a success) that he is
by way of making advances to France. From time
to time William II, in a carefully premeditated pose
(as, for that matter, all his poses are), extends
towards us, across the frontiers of Alsace-Lorraine,
the hand of generous friendship. Sometimes, for
an entire day he will be good enough to forget that
he is heir to the victories won from us in 1870. Next
day, it is true, we shall find him celebrating in splen-
dour our defeat at Sedan ; but none the less he will
have satisfied his great soul by thus inviting us to
forget the past. Why is it that William II wearies
not in thus renewing his attempts at reconciliation
with France ? The reason is, that he has nothing
to lose by continual failures, whilst he has everything
to gain if he succeeds, even for a moment, in deceiv-
ing our vigilance, and in diverting us from those
feelings which alone can honour and raise the van-
quished, that is to say, fidelity to the brothers we
have lost, and the proud belief that, sooner or later,
we shall re-enter into possession of the conquered
territory.
Last on the list of the intermittent advances which
William II has made to France, there appeared
lately the following in the Allegemeine Norddeutsche
Zeitung, official organ of the German government : —
1 La Nouvelle Revue, September 15, 1894, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 115
" There is no reason for misunderstanding,
or for failure to appreciate, the increasing signs
which go to show that public opinion in France
is favourable to reconciliation with us, and
that this opinion is growing, not only amongst
the higher classes in France, but amongst the
people. It is beginning to be recognised that
it is to the interest of both nations to shake
hands, as is fitting between neighbours, no
matter what may have been their former
differences. On the part of Germans the
tendency towards an entente has gained in
strength since we have noticed the tendency
of the French to judge impartially a personality
like that of our Emperor, as befits a nation so
cultured and richly endowed as the French."
What say you, veteran soldiers, who fought in the
Terrible Year? What say you, Parisians of the Siege,
Frenchmen who have seen the Prussian conqueror
dragging his guns and booty along the roads of
our France ? What say you, men of Alsace-
Lorraine, heroes all ? (No matter whether, like some,
you have sacrificed situation, home and your little
fatherland, so as not to forsake the greater, or, like
others, you have consented to become Prussians
in order that the land you worship may remain in
hands that are still French.) What say you, when
our dreadful defeat, our piled-up ruin, and the
spoliation of a portion of France, become for a
German official organ our former differences ?
What words are these in which to speak of 1870-
71, of that unforgettable and tragic invasion, of the
116 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
terrible anguish of our ravished provinces, and what
a proof they afford of the great gulf which separates
the mind of Germany from that of France !
September 26, 1894.
The German Emperor does not forget that he is
before all things a Prussian. Having administered
a reprimand to the nobility, he proceeds to give to
the five new fortresses at Konigsberg, the five great-
est family names of the Prussian nobility.
At Thorn he declared —
" Only they can count upon my royal favour who
shall regard themselves as absolutely and entirely
Prussian subjects." The Germans have not yet
realised that the German Empire will be Prussian,
before ever Prussia consents to lose herself in a
united Germany.
October 28, 1894.
The German Emperor, King of Prussia, with that
love of peace for which even Frenchmen are pleased
to praise him, is now chiefly occupied in displaying
his passion for militarism. In the case of William II,
it will be necessary to modify a hallowed phrase,
and to say to him : " Seeing you in uniform, I
guessed that you were no soldier."
The Emperor, King of Prussia, insists on con-
tinually reminding the German peoples that he is
the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Empire,
and he never misses an opportunity of emphasising
the fact. At the presentation of flags to the 132
new battalions created by the new military law,
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 117
(and doubtless with a view to peace, as usual) the
Emperor with his own hand hammered 132 nails,
fixing the standards to their flag-staffs. This sort of
thing fills me with admiration, and if it were not
for my stupid obstinacy, it might convert me to
share the opinion of M. Jules Simon, who holds that
we should entertain the King of Prussia at the Exhi-
bition in 1900, and welcome him as the great clou 1
on that occasion. But I should not jest about those
feelings which transcend all others in the heart of the
French people. Germany owes us Alsace-Lorraine ;
she has every interest in trying to make us forget the
debt. What would one think of a creditor who
allowed the debtor to persuade him that the debt
no longer existed ? A nation which reserves its
rights against the victor, and maintains its claims
to conquered territory, may be despoiled but is not
vanquished. Would Italy have recovered Lom-
bardy and Venice had she not unceasingly protested
against the Austrian occupation ? Excessive polite-
ness towards those who have inflicted upon us the
unforgettable outrage of defeat is not a sign of good
manners, but of culpable weakness, for it inflicts
suffering upon those who have to put up with the
material consequences of Germany's conquest,
and might end in separating them from their old
and unforgotten mother countrj 7 .
When William II conducted the Prince of Naples
to Metz he was only acting in accordance with his
usual ideas as an insolent conqueror. But if we
were to receive the German Emperor at the Exhi-
bition of 1900 — if at that time he is still master of
1 A pun on the word clou, a nail.
118 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Alsace-Lorraine — we should be committing the base
act of a people defeated beyond all hope of recovery.
December 12, 1894. 1
As day by day one follows the proceedings of
William II, one gradually experiences a feeling of
weariness and of numbness, such as one gets from
watching the spectacle of waves in motion.
Before his speech from the throne, and in order
to prepare his public for a surprise, William II had
directed the King of Saxony, on the occasion of a
presentation of standards, to tell France to her face
that she had better behave, that the Saxon heroes of
1870 had sons worthy of them, and that the glorious,
triumphant march from Metz to Paris might very
easily begin all over again. Whereupon, general
alarm and feverish expectation of the speech of
William II, which of course, turned out to be pacific.
The following sentence should suffice to prove it :
" Our confidence in the maintenance of peace has
again been strengthened. Faithful to the spirit of
our alliances, we maintain good and friendly rela-
tions with all the powers."
One can discern, however, a little trumpet note
(of which he would not lose the habit), in the speech
which he made at the opening of the new Reichstag
building, whose construction was begun at the time
of the Prussian victories: "May this building re-
mind them (the deputies) that it is their duty to
watch over that which their fathers have con-
quered." But this is a pure and simple melody com-
pared to the war-march of the Saxons.
1 La Nouvelle Revue, December 15, 1894, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 119
January 12, 1895. 1
William II, in search of a social position, has
become lecturer. At his first lecture, he announced
to the whole world that our commercial marine
no longer holds the second place, that this second
place belongs to Germany, and it is now necessary
that Germany's Navy should also take our place.
And in his usual chameleon way, the German
Emperor, who until quite recently refused to admit
that there lay any merit whatsoever in the Bismarc-
kian policy, now adds : " And Prince Bismarck
may rejoice, for the policy which he introduced has
triumphed."
March 12, 1895. 2
On a certain day, in 1871, the defenders of Paris
and its patriotic inhabitants learned from the silence
of our guns, that the Prussian enemy's victory over
them was complete. And now it seems we are going
to Kiel, to take part in the triumphant procession of
H.M. William II, King of Prussia, and to add the
glory of our flag to the brilliant inauguration of Ins
strategic waterway. Why should we go to Kiel ?
Who wanted our government to go there 1 Nobody,
either in France or Russia. The great Tzars are
too jealous of the integrity of their own splendid
territory, to refuse to allow that a nation should
remember its lost provinces. We were indignant
when the Prince Royal of Italy, the ally of Germany,
went to take part in the German military cavalcades,
and now we ourselves, whom Prussia defeated, are
going, in the train of the despoiler of Schleswig-
Holstein, to assist at the opening of a canal, which
1 La Nouvelle Revue, January 15, 1895, " Letters on Foreign
Policy." 2 Ibid., March 15, 1895.
120 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
penetrates and bleeds Danish provinces, annexed
by the same conqueror who took from us Alsace-
Lorraine. Will Denmark, whom William II has
had the audacity to invite, go to Kiel 1 No, a
thousand times no ! and neither should we go there
ourselves, to applaud this taking possession of
Danish waters. Denmark, though invited, will
not go to Kiel ; yet we know what are the ties which
bind her Sovereigns to Russia. It has been said,
in order to reassure consciences that are easily
quieted, that our war-ships will go to Kiel sheltered
by those of Russia, and, so to speak, hidden beneath
their shadow. Our dignity is at stake, as much in
the truth as in the falsehood of this news. The
French Government is not a monarchy. By declin-
ing this invitation of our conquerors, it would have
placed the whole question on its proper footing,
which should be that of the situation created by the
Treaty of Frankfort. We should have said to Ger-
many, France desires peace. Our Chauvinists will
remain quiet, so long as the German Government
gives us no provocation. If we refrain from going
to Kiel, it is in order to maintain the peaceful
condition of our relations. Germany's chief inter-
est is to lead Europe to believe that we have come
to accept the loss of Alsace-Lorraine, and to make
the people of those provinces believe that we have
forgotten them.
The King of Prussia, German Emperor, just to
keep his hand in, stimulates the military virtues of
his recruits, and for the hundredth time presides over
the taking of the oath of fidelity. He teaches the
recruits that the eagle is a noble bird, which soars
aloft into the skies and fears no danger ; also, that
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 121
it is the business of the said recruits to imitate the
eagle. He adds that the German navy is the only-
real one, that all others are spurious imitations, and
he concludes by saying that " the German Navy will
achieve prosperity and greatness along paths of
peace, for the good of the Fatherland, as it will in
war, so as to be able, if God will, to crush the enemy."
William II never speaks of conquering the enemy or
being superior to him; it is always "crush."
It is this crushing German navy that our sailors
are to go and salute at Kiel.
It looks as if our artists were lending a hand to
William, and gratifying this passion of his for crush-
ing people. An Alsatian friend of mine, who knows
his Germany well, said to me the other day that, in
sending their pictures for exhibition at Berlin, our
painters are likely to ruin their own market. For a
long time the King of Prussia has wanted to have a
salon at Berlin, and he looks to French painters to
give it brilliancy and to attract those foreign artists
who are accustomed to French exhibitions. Once
it has become the fashion to go to Berlin, French
artists will find that they have helped to ruin their
own business. How can anybody suppose that
William II really wishes to do honour to French
art ? Do not let us forget that Frederick III said
' France must have her industrial Sedan, as she has
had her military Sedan."
March 28, 1895. 1
It seems then, that Germany's proudest ambitions
are about to be realised at the fetes at Kiel. That
1 La Nouvelle Revue, April 1, 1895, "Letters on Foreign
Policy."
122 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
patriotic hymn of theirs, which up to the present has
been a dead letter for those peoples who have not
yet been incorporated in the Prussianised Empire,
will now become a living thing. Henceforward all
Europe must hear and accept the offensive utterance
which the Germans shout : " Deutschland iiber
Alles ! " Yes, Germany over all things.
That her Emperor should have willed it, is
enough to bring together in his triumphant pro-
cession all the following —
Russia, despoiled of her triumph at Constanti-
nople by the Congress of Berlin, and exposed on
her flank by the Baltic Canal.
England, tricked at Heligoland and at Zanzi-
bar, and whose power is threatened by the
very fleet which she is going to salute.
Spain, threatened in the Carolines, who has
only been protected from Prussian presumption
by her own indomitable pride.
Denmark, cynically robbed of Schleswig-
Holstein.
Italy, from whom the German navy, when it
has become the equal of the German army and
fulfilled the dream of William II, will take
Trieste. It is true that, to make up for Trieste,
diplomacy at Berlin is putting Salonika in pickle
with a good deal of English pepper, intending to
offer it as a Jiors d'ceuvre to Austria, Germany's
advanced and submissive sentinel in the East.
France, the most deeply injured and des-
poiled, whom the German conquest has plun-
dered to the utmost, she also will take part in
the procession, and in order that our humilia-
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 123
tion be the more complete, so that the French
army may be unable to forgive the French
navy for it, our Flag, our beloved colours, will
doubtless salute one of those Prussian vessels
which carry the name of one of our defeats,
for instance, the Worth !
After that, William II, King of Prussia, will be
unable to descry a single cloud on the German
horizon. And Germany, Germany will be above
and over all ! The glory and the splendour of the
Hohenzollerns will shine upon the entire universe,
and the German Emperor, Emperor of Emperors,
like the King of Kings, will have nothing to fear
until the Heavens fall.
And we, who have forgotten nothing of the Ter-
rible Year and what it took from us, we, who can see
under the left breast of our beloved France, her
bleeding heart, ravished Alsace-Lorraine, we shall
lift our eyes unto Heaven, our last hope, beseeching
it to strike down the presumptuous one, since men
are afraid of him.
April 10, 1895. 1
It has always been a dream of mine to see a news-
paper founded under the title Foreign Opinion, a
sheet confined to information, in which would be
presented, clearly, simply, and held together by an
intelligent sequence of ideas, quotations from the
principal organs of those countries in which we have
interests, either identical or opposed. Statesmen
and Members of Parliament would be compelled
to read such a paper. A knowledge of foreign
1 La Nouvelle Revue, April 15, 1895, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
124 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
opinion would render the greatest services to public
opinion in this country, for it would compel our
somewhat self-centred mind to take into considera-
tion the judgment of others, to determine the justice
or the harshness of the criticism directed against
us, and to draw, from the study of these things,
warnings and rules of conduct.
To take an immediate instance, let me give my
readers an extract from the Miinchner Nachtrichten,
a newspaper, which as a rule does not share the brutal
harshness of the Berlin Press with regard to our
feelings and their expression in French newspapers —
" These foolishly vain Frenchmen, sitting
in their meagre little thicket of laurels, con-
template with evident displeasure the stirring
of the winds in the great forest of German
oaks, and their discontent finds expression in
ways that are frequently comical. The Figaro
for example, has expressed it in an article
which is particularly silly (with a kind of
foolishness not often found even in a French
newspaper, which is saying a good deal). It
denies to Germans the right to remember the
glorious years of 1870 and '71, for the reason
that French people might thereby be hurt.
Does it mean to say that the French would
threaten us with war if we continue to celebrate
our victories over them ? Well, if these gentle-
men are of that opinion, we will answer them
that Germany is peacefully inclined, but that,
if the French are not satisfied with the severe
lesson that we gave them in 1870-71, we are
quite prepared to begin it all over again."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 125
And these are the people, mind you, who would
have said that we were trying to provoke them if,
faithful to the memory of our defeat, as they are to
the memory of their victory, we had abstained from
going to Kiel to sing the glories of the conqueror.
Like William II, their Sovereign and Lord, Germany
will never admit that our actions should be a counter-
part to their own, even though such actions should
include recognition of their former victories. They
wish to impose upon us, not only the acceptance of
defeat, but a definite recognition of their conquest,
a final sacrifice of our ancient rights, together with
unlimited scope for their new ambitions. The Ger-
man Emperor, King of Prussia, has never made
two consecutive speeches in which one did not con-
tain some threat for us, long or short-dated. If one
were to add together all the words of peace which
William has spoken and all his war-like utterances,
the mass of the latter would irretrievably swamp all
the rest.
October 28, 1895. 1
His Majesty the German Emperor, King of
Prussia, seems to be quite incapable of understanding
that, in love as in hate, it is wisest not to be over-
fond of repeating either the word " always " or the
word " never." It is the intention of William II,
that Germany should for ever and ever remain the
gate of Hell for France, and he has continued to
din into our ears his lasciate speranza every year for
the last twenty-five. He never misses an oppor-
tunity of showing us France humiliated and Ger-
many magnified and glorified. The monument at
1 La Nouvelle Revue, November 1, 1895, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
126 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Worth has been unveiled with such a noisy demon-
stration, that it has for ever banished from our minds
the figure, softened by suffering, of that Emperor
Frederick, who had made us forget " Unser Fritz '
of blood-stained memory. William II noisily re-
calls to our mind the conqueror, when we wished to
see in him only the martyr. This is what the
German Emperor now tells the world at large : ' Be-
fore the statue of this great Conqueror, let us swear
to keep what he conquered, to defend this territory
against all comers arid to keep it German, by the
aid of God and our good German sword."
To do him justice, William II has rendered to us
patriots a most conspicuous service. At a word he
has set us back in the position from which the luke-
warm, the dreamers, and the cowards were trying
to drive us. By saying that Alsace-Lorraine is to
remain Prussian for ever and for ever, he has com-
pelled France either to accept her defeat for cen-
turies to come, or to protest against it every hour
of her national existence.
November 2, 1895.
William II suffers from a curious kind of obsession,
which makes him want to astonish the world by his
threats, every time that his recruits take the oath.
On the present occasion he said, that the army must
not only remember the Watch on the Rhine but
also the Watch on the Vistula.
CHAPTER V
1896-1897
Telegram from William II to President Kriiger — The Emperor
Nicholas II visits France— William II and Turkish affairs ;
he becomes Protector of the Sultan — Why the condolences
of William II preceded those of the Tzar on the occasion of
the fire at the Charity Bazaar — "Germany, the Enemy":
Skobeleff's word remains true — We have been, and we
still are, gulls — Peace signed between Turkey and Greece.
January 11, 1896. 1
As the result of his telegram to President Kriiger,
William II has recovered the popularity of the early-
days of his reign. The German Emperor had un-
doubtedly very powerful reasons for making a chival-
rous display on behalf of the Transvaal, from which
he anticipated deriving the greatest advantages.
He expected to produce a moral effect by under-
taking the defence of the weaker side (a role that
once belonged to France). He saw a way to flatter
Holland, deeply touched by these manifestations of
German sympathy for Dutchmen, who were repre-
sented by others as barbarians. He saw also an
opportunity for acquiring and keeping admirable
outlets into the Transvaal, which had threatened
to become for ever closed to German emigrants.
Finally, he expected to produce a feeling of admira-
1 La Nouvelle Revue, January 15, 1896, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
127
128 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
tion for his magnanimous attitude, which would
divert the German people from socialism and make
them forget the Hammerstein affair. Truly, the
Transvaal is for William II one of those lucky finds
from which all sorts of good things may spring.
The educated classes in Germany, as well as the
lower orders, were beginning to get very weary of
the everlasting celebrations in memory of 1870-71,
which continually fed the flames of French hatred.
A Silesian journal had just informed us that the
25th anniversary of the proclamation of the German
Empire at Versailles would be celebrated by a
great fete in all the German schools. The German
artillery of the Siege of Paris had arranged for
a commemorative banquet, to be held in Berlin
on January 5. The senate and the bourgeoisie of
Hamburg had made a gift of nearly 200,000 marks
on behalf of the regiment of Hanseatic infantry
which fought at Loigny on December 2, and for
distressed veterans of that regiment.
Germany was in great need of something to dis-
tract her attention by a stroke of exotic brilliancy
and by the creation of some new object of hatred.
Enmity for ever directed against France, was begin-
ning somewhat to pall. This continually living on
the strength of one's old triumphs, made Germany
to appear like some much-dyed old dandy, seeking
to gain recognition for past conquests by means of
art and cosmetics. The time had come to create a
diversion. The German Emperor, King of Prussia,
has found it with his usual headlong impetuosity,
the quality which impels him always to seize things
on the wing, to display alternately the capacity of
a genius, and that of a stupid blunderer. . . .
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 129
March 1, 1896. 1
German opinion persists in expressing its severe
criticisms on the subject of the Transvaal business
and continues to display its sympathy for the Boers.
There is every reason to expect that German interests
will now be able to create for themselves numerous
outlets in the Transvaal.
William II has made another speech on the sub-
ject of the war of 1870 ; in this he is like the tide,
which the waves carry away only to bring it back.
Lord, Lord, deliver us from this torture ! I, for
one, can bear it no longer. My eyes are filled with
tears of rage as I listen and listen again, for ever,
unceasingly and without end, to the tale of our
defeat and to the glorification of the army which
conquered us, to the tale of the German Empire born
of these Prussian victories. Will it ever be finished,
this tale ? When will they have done, once and for
all, with inscribing these cruel records of theirs in the
golden book of Germany, and shut the clasp upon it ?
We know that William II either painted himself,
or had painted, a picture, which was all the rage in
Germany and which represented Europe invaded
by the Chinese. It would look as if William II really
believed in the danger of this impending invasion,
to judge by the inscription on the engraving of
this picture, reproduced by the thousand : " Nations
of Europe, take care for your most sacred treasures !
—William I.E."
But if this be so, how comes it that the German
Emperor is sending hundreds of military instructors
1 La Ncmvelle Revue, March 1, 1896, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
K
130 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
to the Chinese, who are supposed to be threatening
his country ?
June I, 1896. 1
William II believes that the victories of 1870
were due to Prussia alone, and that it was she who
made the Empire ; and this explains why he takes
such complete possession of the Empire, and makes
the celebrations of these victories so personal a
matter. The people of Bavaria, Wurtemberg and
Saxony are herein exposed to humiliation of a kind
which they decline to accept. There is no doubt
that all Germans hate us with an equal hatred, and
all have united with the same enthusiasm to crush
our unfortunate France ; nevertheless, we may
derive some profit from the antipathy inspired in
them by Prussia's grasping claims to glory and
authority.
September 1, 1896. 8
Do you remember, my faithful friends, and you,
my earliest readers, what were the sentiments of
hatred, love and fidelity, that inspired the letters
which I addressed to you nearly eighteen years ago —
the violence of my hatred for the most tyrannical,
and at the same time, the most dangerously vindic-
tive, of European statesmen, viz. Von Bismarck ?
Have you not often smiled, when I then denied
the strength of the Colossus and asserted his fragility,
when I used to say : ' He must not die with a halo
of glory ; let him witness rather the bankruptcy of
his moral estate and give proof of the pettiness of
his character and evidence of his unbridled lust for
power. Let the effrontery of his lies return to him
1 La Nouvelle Revue, June 1, 1896, " Letters on Foreign
Policy." a Ibid., September 1, 1896.
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 131
in bitterness ? " And together, you and I, we have
now seen Prince Bismarck, not hurled down, but
slowly crumbling to ruin ; there has been nothing
great about his fall, neither the shout that he gave,
nor his way of falling, nor the words which he said
when he picked himself up.
And at the same time when I showed you, in the
far distant future, this idol of blood-thirstiness
broken, I preached to you the love of Russia. I
saw her freeing herself from German influence and
drawing closer to us. Hardly had the Emperor
Alexander III come to the throne, than I said to
you : ' He will be a popular Emperor, and the more
he loves his own people the more he will love ours."
For a long time you thought that my hatred of
Prince Bismarck was blind, but from the outset
you regarded my love of Russia as enlightened.
How many strengthening and encouraging letters
have I not received from you ?
And now, Nicholas II, son of Alexander III, the
well -beloved Emperor, who represents in his own
person the highest expression of great, holy and
mystical Russia, is coming to Paris officially, as the
ally of France, so that all the ambitions of our
patriotism, all our dreams of the last twenty-five
years, are coming true together. Am I not entitled
to say to you, dear readers, " I have fulfilled the
mission that I set before myself, my work amongst
you is accomplished " ? But there remains still a
tie between us, our common fidelity to Alsace !
How could we forget those who have not ceased to
remember? Shall it be said that we failed those
who rather than yield have suffered every form of
torture ? Let us endeavour together to prove in
132 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
a more active manner our devotion to the brethren
who are separated from us. Now that Prince Bis-
marck has one foot in the grave, now that the Russian
Alliance is in the hands of the Government of France,
let us devote all our strength and all the resources
of our advocacy, all our love of justice, to the cause
of Alsace-Lorraine. . . .
William II is sick, nervous and irritable. He
has lost all patience with the question of the reform
of military organisation ; he did not raise that
question, it would seem, and has plenty of other
things to worry him. He is going to ask Parliament,
on its re-assembling, to vote large sums for the
increase of the navy, his own particular care. After
all, he received the army triumphant from the hands
of Moltke and of Bismarck, but the navy is his own
personal achievement ; he believes this, and says so
repeatedly. But the German navy has no luck.
This year, besides the litis, the Frauenlob, and the
Amazone, which swallowed up a large number of
junior officers of the Prussian navy, it has lost
the Kurjurstin (as the result of an error of naviga-
tion) with 300 sailors, also the Augusta, the Undine,
and other vessels.
February 22, 1897. 1
William II has announced himself as the enemy
of Greece, and the prop of the Ottoman Empire. At
the subscription ball given at the Opera in Berlin, did
he not walk arm-in-arm with Ghalik Bey, the Turkish
Ambassador, and authorise him to telegraph to the
Sultan that, under existing conditions, he might
count upon his sense of justice and his good-will ?
1 La Nouvelle Revue, March 1, 1897, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 133
Does not this constitute an insolent challenge to
the decision which the Powers are supposed to have
taken for the observation of neutrality ?
When William II is insolent, he does not do things
by halves ; now, he repeats to all concerned : " One
does not argue with Greece, one gives her orders,"
and on every occasion that has offered, he has
displayed sentiments hostile to Greece and favour-
able to the Sultan. For these reasons, Abdul Hamid
is devoted to William II. He is tied to him, and
bound by all his sentiments, by all his admiration
and his fear, to the Germans. Messrs. Camborj and
de Nelidoff believed that they had detached the
Sultan from Germany, but illusions on that score
are no longer possible. Germany possesses his entire
confidence. Did not he, the most nervous and
suspicious of men, allow on one occasion the German
military mission to take effective command of his
troops, whereas no other military mission has ever
been allowed anything more than the right to put
them through their drill? Germany, which in case
of need can count upon the Turkish army, is funda-
mentally interested in preventing Turkey from being
either weakened or divided up. A war in the East,
in which Germany might get Russia deeply in-
volved, at the same time that she kept her busy
in Asia, is too great an advantage to risk losing,
without doing everything possible to protect it. . . .
April 28, 1897. 1
William II, the God of war and of force, is in
every way responsible for events in the East. Only
1 La Nouvelle Revue, May 1, 1897, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
134 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
his friendship, and the many consequences of that
friendship, have given to Abdul Hamid the courage
of his massacres, of his resistance to all efforts at
reconciliation, and of his military proceedings in
Greece. The German Emperor had been able to
persuade the simple-minded Government of France
of his peaceful and humanitarian intentions. It
only needed a few of us to revolt and to express our
indignation, to unmask him, and to show in its true,
lurid light, the real nature of his actions, so as to
enable the nations to know him for what he is.
To-day he is the master of Europe ; but let the power
of the Kaiser be what it may (and it is a power no
more capable of honesty than that of Bismarck,
who lied without ceasing, forfeited without ceasing
his honour, and accepted responsibility for crime),
whatever conquests hereafter William II may
achieve, even should we be defeated again, we shall
be able to stand up before him and to his face to
say, " You will never achieve greatness ! " Material
greatness turns again to dust, like all matter, but
moral greatness is eternal, an intangible thing,
which surrounds men, invisible, and which emanates
from the best amongst them.
We will leave to history, which shall surely record
it, the judgment of human men, of real peace-lovers,
concerning William II, concerning this protector
of the Red Sultan, this renegade and denier of his
faith, who has sold his soul in order to govern the
world through evil, through trickery, through force
and through war. You have only to read the
German legends, to analyse the souls of the tradi-
tional heroes of Germany, to see that they are indeed
much more closely allied to the Turks (who have
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 135
only understood Islamism under its aspects of con-
quest) than they are to the traditions which Europe
has inherited from Greece and from her daughters.
Rome and Byzantium.
The struggle of to-day lies between these two
spirits : one the barbarian spirit, the spirit of con-
quest, which knows no other law but force, the
spirit which subdues and kills, represented by
Turkey and by Germany ; the other, the spirit of
civilisation, of love, which knows no other law than
the right, the spirit which emancipates and vivifies,
the spirit of Greece, from which European civilisa-
tion is drawn, excepting always that of the Germans
and Turks. Either the East will resist the Turks,
and Europe will resist Germany, or else both will
relapse into barbarism, and be condemned to war
without ceasing, to butcheries, to the brutality of
force and all its works.
May 27, 1897.1
At all events they have not yet won their bet in
Berlin that they would make us look ridiculous and
hateful. Those very wise and well-bred people,
who have been advising us to revise our national
education, so as to welcome the Kaiser in 1900,
have had but meagre success. As to the golden
stream, which brought us the 8000 marks of the
King of Prussia, 2 thank Heaven, it has not been
able to drown our patriotism. Brother Frenchmen,
it is still lawful for lunatics and ill-bred people
like ourselves to remember Sedan, Metz, Strasburg
and Paris, as well as Kronstadt and Toulon. Then
1 La Nouvelle Revue, June 1, 1897, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
2 William II had just sent 8000 marks to the fund for the
victims of the fire at the Charity Bazaar.
136 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
let us not forget either the first rays of sunlight
which reach us from Russia, or the darkness of 1870. 1
1 Since Parisian journalists have dared to sing their cynical
praises in honour of the German Emperor, no considerations
need restrain our pen in defending the Tzars from the charges
that have been brought against them. These people ask :
How is it that your Emperor of Russia has delayed so long in
expressing to us his condolence ? Why ? Let me explain.
The fire at the Charity Bazaar broke out at 4 p.m. on May 4,
but the Russian Ambassador in Paris only telegraphed the
news to Count Mouravieff on the evening of May 5. The
Emperor can only have heard of the disaster on the 6th; it
was then too late for him to telegraph a direct message, and
it was therefore thought best to send instructions to the Russian
Embassy. The blame in this matter falls therefore upon M. de
Mohrenheim. It was due to his methods of proceeding that
the Emperor learnt the news forty-eight hours late. Le Gaulois,
in a somewhat officious explanation, informs us that the Russian
Ambassador kept back his telegram because May 5 is the birth-
day of the Empress, and because there is a superstition in
Russia that it is bad luck to get bad news on one's birthday.
This explanation is untrue ; there is no such superstition. Did
they conceal from Nicholas II, on the day of his coronation, the
terrible catastrophe at Khadyskaje, which cost the lives of
thousands of Russians ; and did this disaster prevent the Tzar
from attending M. de Montebello's ball that same evening ?
Moreover, M. de Mohrenheim should have telegraphed on
May 4 to Count Mouravieff, leaving to him the choice as to the
hour for communicating the information to the Tzar. M. de
Mohrenheim is in the habit of doing this sort of thing; when
he chooses, his instincts are dilatory. He behaved in exactly
the same way, and with the same object, on the day when
M. Carnot was assassinated.
As soon as the news of that dreadful event reached the Quai
d'Orsay, the Chef dxi Protocole (then Count Bourqueney) went
in all haste to the Russian Embassy, woke up the Ambassador,
and informed him officially of the disaster which had just
overtaken France. It was then two o'clock in the morning.
Instead of telegraphing the news at once to Alexander III,
M. de Mohrenheim only did so at eleven o'clock on the following
day. Now, he knew perfectly well that, as the result of this
delay, the Tzar could only learn the news two days later because,
on the following day in the early morning, Alexander III was
starting with the whole Imperial family for Borki, where he
was about to open a memorial chapel on the spot where several
years before an attempt had been made on his life. The journey
takes about forty-eight hours, and as the destination of the
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 137
There is not a single German journalist (and I
wish to emphasise this fact most clearly), even in the
ultra-Prussian party, who would have dared to put
his signature to such an article as one of our greatest
newspapers has published concerning William II,
whom it describes as " a humanitarian thinker, a
gentle philosopher, thinking only of the happiness
of the human race, of appeasing ancient hatreds
and removing old grudges. How joyfully would
he not have restored Metz and Strasburg had he
not been prevented in performing this act by the
historical necessities of his position." In proof of
all which things, this article cites his telegrams of
sympathy, the splendid bouquets which he has
sent to our illustrious dead, his wish to pay homage
to France in 1900, etc., etc.
The journalist grown old in harness, who has
dared to write such monstrous things as well as such
nonsense, will no doubt be greatly astonished when
I inform him that no foreign reporter, however
inexperienced, of any nation great or small, is igno-
Imperial train is always kept secret, the Tzar could not receive
the telegram until after his arrival at Borki. It will be re-
membered that the delay which thus took place, in the com-
munication of the Tzar's sympathy with France in her mourning,
created an unfortunate impression, and enabled the German
Emperor to get in ahead of him by two days. The explanation
of the delay which occurred on that occasion should have been
communicated to the Havas Press Agency, and the Tzar's
journey mentioned. This was done by all foreign newspapers,
but good care was taken that no word of the sort should be
published in Paris. It is, therefore, evident that, if the Kaiser
has been twice placed in the position which has enabled him to
get in well ahead of Alexander III and Nicholas II, the blame
must not be ascribed to any indifference, or lukewarm feelings
on the part of the friends of France. The most one can re-
proach them with is to have retained at Paris an Ambassador
about whose sentiments both Tzars were fully informed long ago.
138 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
rant of the fact that William II is relentlessly deter-
mined to achieve the re-establishment of absolute
autocracy as it was conceived by certain Emperors
of Rome and Byzantium. His motto is Voluntas
Regis Suprema Lex, which, on the occasion of his
first visit to Munich, he wrote there with his own
Imperial hand. On the first occasion of the open-
ing of the States of Brandenburg, he declared that
he counted on their fidelity to help him to crush and
destroy everything that might oppose his personal
wishes. Is it necessary to say once more for the
hundredth time that he never has the oath taken
by his recruits without telling them that "they
must ever be ready to fire on those who oppose his
rule, even though they should be their own fathers,
mothers and brothers " ? The other day, did he
not make his brother Prince Henry read a letter to
the sailors of his war-ship the Willielm Imperaior
(the vessel appointed to attend the Jubilee of
Queen Victoria), in which letter he held up to the
execration of the army and navj^ those " unpatriotic"
Germans who refused to provide him with millions
for his wild scheme of increasing the navy, that
is to say, about nine -tenths of the Reichstag ?
There is in Germany one institution which com-
mands very general respect, and enjoys traditional
liberty, viz. the University. For the last year
William II has opened a campaign against the
liberties of University education, and the scandalous
manner in which he has attacked the professors at
Berlin because of the dignity with which they have
defended their rights of scientific research, are
known to every one except " this brilliant Chronicler
of the Boulevards."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 139
From one end of Germany to the other they go
into ecstasies whenever, either before, during, or
after his acts of politeness to France, William finds
some new pretext for humiliating, humbling, or
threatening us. 1
A German pamphlet published two years ago,
entitled Caligula; a Study of Ccesarian Madness,
by Mr. Quidde, achieved such a success, that
hundreds of thousands of copies were bought up
in a few days by the faithful subjects of the German
Emperor. This pamphlet, ingeniously compiled by
means of quotations from Suetonius, Dion Cassius,
Philo, etc., gives a marvellous analysis of the charac-
ter of William II. I cannot resist the pleasure of
giving a few extracts from this little work, for it
1 " Truly, this man must be devoted to France," M. Emile
Hinzelin writes me, " he must love her dearly, since he keeps
a strip of her, cut from the living flesh, which still palpitates
and bleeds. Whom can he possibly hope to deceive ? Miil-
hausen is not far from Paris, neither is Colmar, nor Strasburg,
nor Metz. It is from this unhappy town of Metz, the most
cruelly tortured of all, that he sends us his condolences and his
bag of money. As is usual with complete hypocrites, he is by
no means lacking in impudence. Never have the French
people of Alsace-Lorraine been accused with more bitter deter-
mination, prosecuted, condemned and exploited by all possible
means and humiliated in every way. Never has Wilham him-
self displayed such unrestraint and wealth of insult in his speeches
to the Army. I came across him during a journey of mine some
months ago, just as he was unveiling a monument, commemorat-
ing the fatal year of 1870. With his head thrown back, his
eyes rolling in frenzy and rage, shaking his fist towards France
and with his voice coming in jerks, he uttered imprecations,
challenges and threats in wild confusion. Next day the German
Press published his speech, very carefully arranged, toned down,
and even changed in certain respects; but it still retained, in
spite of this diplomatic doctoring, an unmistakable accent of
fierce and determined hatred. There you have him in his true
light, and in his real sentiments, this man of sympathetic tele-
grams, of flowers, and easy tears."
140 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
would appear that William II is endeavouring,
since its publication, to emphasise the resemblance
between himself and Caligula and Nero.
" The dominant feature in the actions of Caligula
lies in a certain nervous haste, which led him spas-
modically from one obsession to another, often of
a self-contradictory nature ; moreover, he had the
dangerous habit of wanting to do everything him-
self. Caligula seems to have a great fondness of the
sea. The strolling-player side of his character was
by no means limited to his military performances.
He was passionately devoted to the theatre and the
circus, and would occasionally take part himself
on the stage, led thereto by his peculiar taste for
striking costumes and frequent changes of clothing.
He was always endeavouring to shine in the display
of eloquence ; and was fond of talking, often in
public. We know that he developed a certain talent
in this direction, and was particularly successful
in the gentle art of wounding people. His favourite
quotation was the celebrated verse of Homer —
There is only one Master, only one King.
Sometimes he loved the crowd, and sometimes
solitude ; at other times he would start out on a
journey, from which he would return quite un-
recognisable, having allowed his hair and beard to
grow."
Just as the names of Caligula and Nero are daily
affixed in Germany to the name of William II, Herr
Hinzpeter is called Senecus, General von Hahnke
is known as Burrhus ; there is also an Acte and a
Poppea at Berlin. Frederick III is Germanicus and
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 141
Prince Bismarck is called Macro, after the powerful
prefect of the prsetorium in disgrace. Like Nero,
William II has been cruel to his mother ; he is cruel
to his sister, the Princess of Greece. He hates
England, just as Caligula hated Brittany. With a
mind like that of Nero, William II derives the
greatest pleasure from the thought of degrading
the French people by making them receive him
with acclamation. What a triumph it must be for
this grandson of William I (who defeated us but
left us our honour) thus to bring us to dishonour :
us, the descendants of the France of 1789, repub-
licans in the service of a Prussian Caesar !
June 10, 1897. 1
It should have been to the interest of France and
of Russia, and a policy of skilful strategy, to oppose
Turkey when supported by the Triple Alliance,
and to create around and about her, in Greece as
in the Balkans, such a force of resistance as would
have put a stop to her schemes of expansion, result-
ing from those of the Powers of the Triple Alliance.
By so doing, France and Russia might have taken
them in the rear and upset their plans. We were
already in a position of considerable advantage, in
that we could leave to the King of Prussia, the
German Emperor, all the responsibility for the
crimes of the Sultan, observing at the same time
all those principles which would have maintained,
in their integrity, the moral and Christian traditions
of France and Russia. But our policy has been
that of children building castles in the sand. Con-
1 La Nouvelle Revue, June 15, 1897, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
142 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
fronted by a triumphant Turkey, leaning on the
Triple Alliance, and by a Sultan suffering from the
dementia of blood-lust, certain of the faithful friend-
ship of William II, and confident in his victorious
army (already 720,000 strong, and commanded by
a German General Staff) ; confronted by such fears
and threats, we have chosen to place all our hopes
upon the balanced mind of William II, the genero-
sity of the Sultan, and the loyalty of oriental state-
craft ! I have said it so repeatedly that I may have
wearied my readers, but I say it again : "To their
undoing, France and Russia have sacrificed their
policy to Turkey, protected by Germany." They are
now confronted by German policy, evasive and at
the same time triumphant, that is to say, in full
command of the situation which it has brought
about. William II is at last revealed, even to the
blindest eyes, as the instigator and sole director of
everything that has taken place in the East since
his visit to Constantinople. He takes pleasure in
advising the Sultan day by day, for he makes him
do everything that he himself is prevented from
doing, and he enjoys the satisfaction of being a
tyrant in imagination when he cannot be one
actually.
June 25, 1897. 1
The Sultan's million of armed men, organised
under a German General Staff, in a country where
Germany is making every effort to possess herself
of every kind of influence and every source of wealth,
is not this the chief danger which Russia has to
fear, and whose imminence she should clearly foresee,
1 La Nouvelle Revue, July 1, 1897, "Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 143
in dealing with a Sultan like Abdul Hamid, a man
of nervous fears and bloodthirsty instincts, bound
to furtherance of the sudden or premeditated
schemes of William II ?
July 27, 1897. 1
Although Germany has commemorated her vic-
tories for the last twenty-five years, and will doubt-
less continue to commemorate them for the next
six months and then for evermore, it seems that
we are to be compelled, in deference to " superior
orders ' revealed at the Council of Ministers, to
postpone the official consecration of a monument
intended to prove our devotion to our mutilated
country, and our incurable grief at the defeat of
Sedan. It seems that we have not the right, a free
people, to give to sorely oppressed Alsace-Lorraine
(which never ceases to give proofs of her fidelity
to France) a proof in our turn, that we remember
the disaster which has separated us, that we lament
this disaster, and hope one day to repair, if not
to avenge it. Our pride is being systematically
humiliated in every direction ! The nature and
consequences of victory have indeed been cruelly
modified, if one must submit to the law of the con-
queror after having been delivered from him for
twenty-five years. The glorious resistance of the
past thus becomes an ignominious surrender and
makes us shed tears of shame, even more bitter than
those which we shed over our saddest memories.
Gentlemen of the Government of France, I would
ask you to read the German newspapers ; go to Berlin,
go wherever you like in Germany or in Alsace-
1 La Nouvelle Revue, August 1, 1897, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
144 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Lorraine, and you will find there hundreds and
hundreds of monuments which have been inaugu-
rated by the Imperial German Government. For
these, the smallest event, ancient or modern, affords
sufficient pretext. 1
In all things and in every direction we yield to-
day to the authority of a monarch who emphasises
our defeat more severely than those who actually
conquered us. Our strict national duty towards him
who did not overcome us with his own sword, was
to hold ourselves firmly upright before him and to
protect our brethren, victims of the war. Alas !
we have been obedient to Bismarck, and we shall
be submissive to William II. But why, and to
what end ? Had we met the liar and cheat with
honesty, had we remained calm in presence of
this nerve-ridden individual, we should have been
able to recover, morally at first and then actually, all
the advantages that Prussia gained by her victory.
1 Amongst the latest proofs of this, here is one, I quote from
a German newspaper : " In 1870, when war was declared, the
Kolnische Zeitung offered a reward of 500 thalers for the first
capture of a French gun. This prize was won by some soldiers
of the first Silesian Battalion of the 5th Regiment of Chasseurs,
who, in their first fight at Wissemburg, took possession of a
cannon which bore the name of Le Douay, after the commander-
in-chief of a French Army Corps. It occurred to these soldiers
to erect a monument at the spot where this gun was captured.
The monument itself, consisting of a large rock from the Vosges.
was the gift of one of them, and on June 20 the presentation of
the monument took place, in the presence of Chasseurs who had
come from all parts of the country and of a large number of
officers. Twenty-seven years ago, the Chasseurs were there, on
the same spot, facing the enemy; to-day, they hail the heights
of Wissemburg as part of the great German Fatherland, re-
conquered after a fierce and bloody struggle." It is evident that
the Emperor is not the only one to celebrate these anniversaries,
that new ones are always being invented, and that no humiliation
will be spared us in Alsace-Lorraine.
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 145
The Imperial victim of restlessness, whose nerves
are so unhealthily and furiously shaken when he goes
abroad, has a craving for disturbing the nerves of
others ; this in itself makes him the most dan-
gerous of advisers. William II never allows to
himself or to others any relaxation of the brain ;
like all spirits in torment, he must needs find,
forthwith, to the very minute, a counter-effect to
every thing that confronts him. With him, even
a sudden calm contains the threat of a storm, excite-
ment lurks beneath his moods of quietness. The
bastard peace which he has authorised Turkey to
conclude, conceals a new revolution in Crete : such
is his will. No sooner is there evidence of an im-
provement in our relations with Italy, than he in-
vites King Humbert to be present at the German
military manoeuvres, in order to create dissension
between the two countries. And so it is in every-
thing. He makes it his business to inspire weariness
and vexation of spirit, to destroy those hopes and
feelings which restore vitality to the soul of a people.
He is for ever stretching out a hand that would fain
control by itself the rotation of the globe, and he
sets it all awry.
The glorification of William II at Kiel is founded
upon shifting sands. Schleswig remains Danish and
resists the Germanising process with a force of energy
at least equal to that of Alsace-Lorraine. The Danes
of Schleswig are still Danes, they have not bowed
the knee in admiration of German Kultur, any more
than the Alsatians. Schleswig says : " Let them
ask us by a plebiscite and they shall see what we
want, what civilised men have the right to ask:
L
146 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
light and air and the right to dispose of themselves."
The people of Alsace-Lorraine say : "If you would
know what Alsace-Lorraine, which was never
consulted, thinks of the Treaty of Frankfort, ask
her."
I blush, and my soul is filled with shame, when
I think of the degradation of French patriotism
contained in the utterances of . . . ., of those words
which, to our lasting sorrow, evoked in the Centre
of the Chamber an outburst of enthusiasm. May
our patriots never forget this cowardly session of
the French Parliament ! Thus, then, twenty -seven
years after the war, when we have spent countless
millions on the remaking of our army and navy,
when every Frenchman has bled himself to the bone
to make France so strong and independent that she
might cherish the brightest hopes, a President of
the French Council has the unutterable weakness,
from the tribune, to threaten France with the Ger-
man cane, should she dare to follow any other policy
than that desired by Berlin !
And French deputies have applauded these shame-
ful words, that are reproduced, with such joy as may
be imagined, by the whole German Press ! That
Press has every reason to be delighted and to find
in these words clear proof that the official class in
France has always looked upon the Russian Alliance
as a show-piece, never relying upon it, and that
since the Berlin Congress (how often have I said
it !) this official class has never ceased to gravitate
towards Germany.
And I, a Republican, a fanatic for the Russian
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 147
Alliance, such as it might and should have been, a
Frenchwoman, blind worshipper of my vanquished
country — how can I hold my head up in the face
of such a shameful collapse !
In placing his services at the disposal of the Grand
Turk for the persecution of Christians, in supporting
those in Russia whose policy it is to urge their
country into war with Japan and China and to
divert it from its natural sphere of action in Europe,
our Minister for Foreign Affairs has ruined one of
the finest political situations in which France has
ever found herself. If the conduct of our foreign
affairs had been entrusted to a real statesman,
France might have recovered her position in Europe
instead of going, with giant strides, down the path
of hopeless decadence.
Are not the intentions of Germany plain enough
now and sufficiently proved ? They must be stupidly
foolish who cannot see that a great German war is
being prepared against the Slavs and Gallo -Latins,
under most disastrous conditions for us and for
Russia. It needs all the blindness of King Humbert,
of Leopold II and of the Hungarian Centralists, to
believe that if and when it comes, a German victory
would confer any benefits on anything that is not
German.
September 8, 1897. 1
The mind of Germany is everlastingly concerned
with the toasts proposed by William II. We know
1 La Nouvelle Revue, September 15, 1897, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
148 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
the toast proposed after his review of the 8th Army-
Corps. First of all, come his remarks on the subject
of foreign policy. " It rests with us to maintain in
its integrity the work accomplished by the great
Emperor and to defend it against the influences and
claims of foreigners." On such an occasion, after
the remarks on " justice and equity," which he
made on board the Pothuau, the hot-headed
Emperor was bound to deliver himself in some
such strain.
The next toast was that which he proposed at
Hamburg in honour of King Humbert and Queen
Marguerita. This one is emphatic and at the same
time gracious, for William II cultivates every style
and all the arts. On this occasion the King of
Prussia, Emperor of Germany, referred as usual to
the solidity of the Triple Alliance and to the mandate
which it has assumed for the preservation of peace.
He spoke as the grandson of William I. King
Humbert replied as the grandson of Victor
Emmanuel (sic), skilfully gliding over the question
of the indissoluble nature of the Triple Alliance
and reminding his hearers that Germany has no
monopoly in the pursuit of peace, but that all the
Governments of Europe are equally concerned in
endeavouring to attain it.
A movement is taking shape in Italy, full of
danger and of promise, as events will prove. The
clericals and the republicans have sketched the out-
line of an understanding, which looks as if it might
be approved by Leo XIII. The danger of this
union between the parties will lead King Humbert
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 149
back to a more national, a more peninsular, policy.
The strong opposition that it has to face is useful,
in that it will oblige the country's rulers to pay more
attention to home affairs and to the nation's interests
than to the glorification of the dynasty.
September 25, 1897. 1
' Germany is the enemy," Skobeleff used to say
at Paris in 1882, speaking to the younger generation
of Slavs in the Balkans. These prophetic words
were inspired in the hero of Plevna by Germany's
intrigues at the Berlin Congress, intricate intrigues,
full of menace for the future of the East. They
should have haunted the spirit of every chancel-
lery ever since, and become the formula around
and about which European diplomacy should have
organised its forces to resist Prussia's invading
tendencies.
Until 1870 the liberal, philosophic, learned and
federalist genius of Germany, was spreading all over
the world through its literature, science, poetry and
music, a genius whose attitude and equilibrium were
the fruit of an equal fusion of the mind of North
Germany with that of the South. By the victories
and conquest of 1870, this genius became suddenly
and entirely absorbed in Prussian militarism, and
has now grown to be a force hostile to all other
races. The power of the intellect in all its forms,
recognises reciprocity and scientific research ; the
power of brute force only recognises the idea of
predominance and the subjection of others. The
1 La Nouvelle Revue, October 1, 1897, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
150 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
genius of Prussianised Germany to-day combines
the lust of conquest and power with the shopkeeping
spirit, but even in this last, there is no idea of
reciprocity but only of exclusive encroachment.
Her international misdeeds are past all number ;
she saps and undermines all that has been labori-
ously built up by others. Germanisation carries
with it the seeds of disintegration ; it is a sower of
hatred, proclaiming for its own exclusive benefit the
equity of iniquity, the justice of injustice.
Only less extraordinary than the audacity of
Prussia is Europe's failure to realise these truths.
In 1870 Napoleon III was deluded, fooled and com-
promised, led into war by means of lies. Nameless
intrigues set our generals one against the other. At
a moment when victory was possible, the treachery
of Bazaine made defeat inevitable for France, whom
the so-called genius of Moltke and Frederick-Carl
would never have vanquished. Having overthrown
the Empire, the King of Prussia, who had declared
that he was fighting against it alone, made war on
France, well aware that sufficient vitality remained
in the broken pieces to enable them to come together
again, and that, under the threat of a French
revanche, Prussia would be able to keep Germany
exercised in such a state of mind as would recon-
cile her to remaining under the military yoke of
the Hohenzollerns. And Europe, without protest,
accepts this condition of things, fatal to her interests
and security, created for the sole profit of the lowest
of nations. By her self-effacement, indeed, she
increased fivefold the influence and power of that
nation.
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 151
September 31, 1897. 1
You and I, all of us, we French people in par-
ticular, who think that we were born clever, we are
all a pack of credulous fools. Let any one take the
trouble to put a little consistency, a little con-
tinuity, into the business of fooling us — especially
about outside matters whose origins we ignore, or
people whose history we have not closely followed
— and we will swallow anything !
All of us Republicans, all the Liberals of the
Second Empire, Edmond Adam, our friends, our
group, — great .Heavens ! how we swallowed German
republicanism and liberalism ! With what brotherly
emotion did we not sympathise with the misfortunes
of those who, like ourselves, were the vanquished
victims of tyranny ! We, Frenchmen and Germans
alike, were defending the same principles, the same
cause ; we were fighting the same good fight for the
emancipation of ideas, for the levelling of intellectual
frontiers, etc., etc.
How well I remember the friendly abandon of
Louis Bamberger in our midst ! Truly these Prus-
sian Liberals and ourselves held the same opinions
concerning everything, far or near, which bore upon
intellectual independence, upon progress and civil-
isation. And since we were united by such a com-
plete understanding, such identity of ideas, it was
our duty to work together : our German friends for
the triumph of liberalism in France, and we, for the
triumph of liberalism in Germany. As to such
1 This article appeared in the Petit Marseillais under the title
of "The Gulls."
152 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
questions as those of territorial frontiers, or the
banks of the Rhine, Bamberger used to ask, " Who
thinks of such things in Germany ? No one ! They
had other things to think about ! ' The heart's
desire of the sons of the German revolution of 1848-
49 was a universal republic, universal brother-
hood, and nothing else. We believed him, but for
what an awakening ! Hardly were the Germans in
France, than all the orders dictated by Bismarck
were translated into French by Louis Bamberger.
A book by Dr. Hans Blum, which has just been
published in Berlin under the title of " The German
Revolution of 1848-1849," throws even more light
on the "brotherly" sentiments of German repub-
licans. In this book Dr. Blum recalls a speech
made in the Palatinate on May 27, 1832. This is
what the orator said : " There can only be one
opinion amongst Germans, and only one voice, to
proclaim that, on our side, we would not accept
liberty as the price of giving the left bank of the
Rhine to France. Should France show a desire to
seize even an inch of German territory, all internal
dissensions would cease at once and all Germany
would rise to demand the retrocession of Alsace-
Lorraine, for the deliverance of our country."
That is how German Republicans thought, as far
back as 1832. In 1868-69 they made us swallow
once again ideas of brotherhood from beyond the
Rhine, by lulling our perspicacity, by enervating the
courage we used to display towards foreigners, and
it was several weeks before we realised in 1870 that
all Germany, from one end to the other, was of the
same type of honesty, the same character as the
Ems telegram.
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 153
We are nothing but fools, credulous fools, if we
believe that any German can think otherwise than
as a member of united, that is to say Prussianised,
Germany, or if we imagine that Prussia is anything
but the complete, total, unique, fully accepted,
assimilated and admired expression of German
patriotism. Prussia is the fine flower, the ripe fruit
of German unity. A few Bavarians, a few so-called
German liberals, may pretend to be restive under the
despotism of the King of Prussia, but they accept
unreservedly the authority of the German Emperor.
And what is more, it is just as he is, that they wish
their Emperor to be, thus they have imagined, thus
they have made him. He is like unto them in their
own image, he governs them according to their own
mind. There may be some who, as a matter of
personal inclination, might prefer to have more
liberalism, but whenever Germanism is in question
it is personified in William II, King of Prussia.
Berlin is the capital of all the Germans upon earth.
During these past few days, in the Vienna Parlia-
ment, whilst an orator on the Government side was
singing the praises of the Emperor Francis Joseph,
a German Austrian exclaimed — an Austrian, mark
you — " Our Emperor is William II."
The credulous fools of the moment in France are
the Socialists. Just as we believed in the liberalism
of German Liberals before 1870, so French Socialists
now believe in the internationalism of German
Socialists. With greater sincerity than anything
displayed by the old German Liberals of before
1870, the Socialists of Hamburg have taken the
trouble to enlighten their French brethren with
regard to their real sentiments. Herr Liebknecht
154 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
himself has explained their attitude ; his words
may be summed up as follows : " The Socialists
of France are our brothers, but if they wanted to
take back Alsace-Lorraine, we should regard them
as enemies."
There is nothing more remarkable than these
German Socialists and their congresses, these fellows
who always preach to other nations against patriot-
ism, and never come together except to make
speeches about the Fatherland. At the Hamburg
Congress, Auer, the socialist deputy, looked into the
future and saw " the Cossacks trampling underfoot
all the liberties of Western Europe." What tyranny
of barbarians could be more cruel than the tyranny
of Germany which, wherever it extends, oppresses
the racial instincts of mankind, ruins and absorbs
a people, reducing it to servitude by the assertion
of the rights of a superior race over its inferiors.
Has the Hamburg Congress disabused the minds
of French Socialists on the brotherhood of their
German brethren ? Let us hope that it will not be
necessary for them, as it was for us, to hear the
thunder of German guns to understand that all
parties in Germany are included in the German
party, and that those who believe anything else are
nothing but poor deluded dupes.
October 26, 1897. 1
Those amongst us who, hour by hour, have
devoted their lives to the service of our mutilated
country, have for their object, each within the
humble limits of his individual efforts, the glorifica-
tion of France and that of Russia, the greatness of
1 La Nouvelle Revue, October 1, 1897, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 155
the one being dependent on the greatness of the
other. This twofold devotion, and dual service keep
our fears perpetually alert in two directions ; how
great are those two commingled sources of fear when
patriotic Frenchmen, like patriotic Russians, come
to consider the bewildering development of Prus-
sian power — a veritable process of absorption.
German policy knows no laws except those of
which Prussia is sole beneficiary. Only that which
is profitable to Prussia is good ; the rest, all the
rest, is a negligible quantity. Moral precepts, reli-
gious brotherhood, higher education by force of
example, a sense of justice applied to the fair appor-
tioning of influence, vested rights, and a reasonable
idea of reciprocity — all such things are moonshine
for Prussia. The sole object that Prussian Germany
pursues is brutal conquest in all its forms. By all
conceivable means to get a footing for herself, here,
there and everywhere ; by the most energetic and
methodical diplomacy possible, by military science,
by trade and manufactures, by emigration and the
race-spirit, and at the same time by subterranean
methods of allurement and by insolent threats ;
these are her purposes and she accomplishes some-
thing of them every day. When one reflects what
Germany's objects were, and what she has achieved
in the Eastern question, to what humiliations and
cross purposes she has exposed and reduced Europe,
to what contempt for her own interests, what bewil-
derment and impotence, then, I repeat, the stoutest
heart may have good cause for fear.
Turkey, galvanised by Germany, has become a
force to inspire terror amongst Christians in the
East and throughout the whole range of European
156 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
civilisation, where it comes into contact with Mussul-
mans, in all parts of the world. All the slow-moving
patience of Russian and French diplomacy for
centuries, all the long struggles of the Crusades have
been robbed of their garnered fruits in a few months.
German policy has overthrown all their influence,
destroyed all their approach works, released Europe's
vassal from all his promises and obligations. The
Sick Man, cured by a quack who holds his health in
pawn, has bound himself body and soul to his
healer.
Greece, frequently hesitating in her policy between
British and French sympathies, has nothing to hope
for in the future from Turkophil Germany. Wil-
liam II will make her recovery a matter of limita-
tions and bargaining. And who knows but that the
strange proceedings of Prince Constantine and of
the royal princes, his brothers, may not be explained
by secret promises for the future — promises made
by the German Emperor in return for blind sub-
mission to his will ?
William II holds Turkey in the hollow of his hand.
Byzantium and Rome are vassals of a German
monarch. If Rome is threatened with ruin by her
alliance with the King of Prussia, Byzantium is
restored by a new Caraculla. William II is, there-
fore, twice entitled to wear the sphere with the
Imperial crown atop, as the emblem of his sovereign
power and as the imitator of the Roman Emperor.
And notwithstanding the Anti -Christ protection
which he extends to the infidel, he can also affix
the Cross to his sphere. Is he not about to take
possession, in theatrical fashion, of the Holy Places ?
Turkey has been restored by the Kaiser of Berlin.
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 157
He is her Emperor, her Khalif, Master of the Holy
Places, for the reason that his most humble servant
is Emperor, Khalif and Master of the Holy Places.
So long as all these titles and powers lay in weak
hands, the dangers of Turkish policy, if not the
anxieties it created, might be disregarded. But to-
day the military strength of Turkey is firmly estab-
lished and it is supported by another tremendous
Power. Russia and France have never committed
an act of graver imprudence than to allow these two
forces to unite. Germany, Germany, ever and ever
greater ! The German song is no longer a dead
letter.
It was by guile that simulated liberal and demo-
cratic ideas, that Bismarck prepared public opinion
in the German Confederation for union with Prussia.
We, too, believed in the liberalism of Germans and
of Bismarck before 1870, and herein we proved
ourselves to be just as easily gullible as French
socialists are to-day, who believe in the genuine
internationalism of German socialists.
For those whose interest lies in this direction,
the Imperial Statistical Bureau of Berlin provides
information of an astounding kind. Germany's
exports in 1896 reached the value of 3754 millions
of marks. German exports to England and her
colonies amounted to 808 million marks, whilst
England and her colonies supplied Germany with
produce to the amount of 931 million marks. 1
1 A friend writes to me from Germany : " You cannot con-
ceive the effects produced upon me by the incredible develop-
ment of industrial enterprise throughout all Germany. Factories
seem to spring out of the ground; in all the large towns that
158 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Henceforth William II knows that he has at his
command the tools with which to bite into England,
industrially and commercially. He has already had
a large bite, and he looks forward to eating up proud
Albion, slowly but surely.
November 26, 1897. 1
We must always remember and incessantly repeat:
Germany's paths throughout the whole world are
widening and lengthening horribly. The latest
Roman invader profits at the same time by all the
headway that Carthage and Athens lose. England
and France, alike responsible for their spoliation,
are the more to blame in that they allow themselves
to be smitten with blindness at a time when they
are not yet smitten with impotence. In the East,
both might have done what they liked, with the help
and the interested support of Russia. But what
have they done ? Less than nothing, since they
have worked in servile fashion — one for the greater
glory of her military conqueror, the other for the
glory of her commercial conqueror. The European
Concert, whether it retreated or advanced, whether
it took up a question or discussed it, has done all
one visits, smoke ascends from hundreds of chimneys. The
workshops that manufacture steam-engines are so overloaded
with work, that orders take more than a year to fill. I went
all over the offices of the Patents Bureau in Berlin — a place as
large as our Ministry of Commerce, with a library more com-
plete than that of our poor Conservatoire of arts and trades.
Alas, we are but pigmies beside these giants ! Everywhere one
sees evidence of order, discipline and patience, qualities in
which we are somewhat lacking. But I am not down-hearted,
and with the help of a few colleagues, we are going to try and
propagate some of the ideas we have learned from our neighbours
and which may be of benefit to our country."
1 La Nouvelle Revue, December 1, 1897, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 159
things under the exclusive direction of German
interests.
With a haughty contempt and disdain for the
dignity of all Europe outside the Triple Alliance,
which should have been met by emphatic protests,
William II has compelled Russia, England and
France to give public sanction to the crimes of the
hyena of Stamboul, to build up with their own
hands the supremacy of Prussia in the East and
that of Austria in the Balkans.
Baron Marshal von Bieberstein, Germany's new
Ambassador, has been welcomed at the Court of
the Grand Turk as the envoy of his chief counsellor,
his only friend, as the sacrosanct representative of
the Emperor-King, over-lord of the East. Thus all
the delays, evasions and subterfuges of the Sultan
are sanctioned by William II.
The King of Prussia, Emperor of Germany, takes
pleasure in a self-contradictory policy, whereby he
misleads and confuses the world. He is the same
to-day as he was when, as prince heir to the throne,
he declared that he " would never have any friends,
only dupes." Through him the Sultan, whom he
delights to honour, becomes a conqueror, his crimes
are condoned and cynically absolved before the out-
raged conscience of all Europe. Yes, all these
things have been done by William II ; Abdul Hamid
looks upon the German Emperor as the main pillar
of the temple of his glory !
One cannot speak of the East without feelings of
shame and heartfelt indignation. In Turkey's stolid
resistance to reform, in her massacres, in the Cretan
revolt, and in the war between her and Greece,
160 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
William II has seen only an opportunity of gain
for himself. He has cynically pursued his policy
of profit-snatching. Just as certain quacks demand
a higher fee when they prescribe for a patient whose
life is in serious danger, so William II exacts heavier
payment from his client. His demands are exorbi-
tant : trade, finance, armaments, concessions, sale
of arms, renewal of munitions of war, rebuilding of
the fleet, etc., etc.
The King of Prussia continues, without ceasing
and at his own sweet will, to utter defiance to
common sense and to the general direction of
civilised opinion. Whilst by his policy he supports
the foul murderer of Christians and prepares the
way for fresh butcheries on the return of the victori-
ous Turks from Thessaly, William II has addressed
these astounding words to the recruits of his Royal
Guards : "He who is not a good Christian, is not
a brave man, nor a worthy Prussian soldier, and can
by no means fulfil the duty required of a soldier in
the Prussian army."
December 10, 1897. 1
Germanism, which up till 1870 had a certain sense
of decent restraint, and took the trouble to disguise
itself skilfully under Bismarck, no longer knows
either limitations or scruples. It displays itself
without shame, secure in the hesitancy of the Slav
and the weakness of the Latin peoples. Who could
fail to be roused to indignation by the display of
German fanaticism which has taken place at Vienna ?
To think that in the capital of an ally of William II,
1 La Nouvelle Revue, December 15, 1897, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 161
a faction, relying on advice publicly given in
Berlin should shout in the Reichsrath, overthrow a
ministry, disturb the public peace in the streets,
and accompany these manifestations with Prussia's
national song, "Die Wacht am Rhein," and the
display of the German flag ! If scandalous proceed-
ings such as these make no difference in the relations
of the Triple Alliance, why wonder at the audacity
and pride of the Teutons ?
Everything is a matter of exclusive right for the
German. There are no other rights but German
rights, and when Germany claims the exercise of a
right, neither numbers, nor nationalism, nor races
have any existence, confronted by the individuality,
the nationalism, of the German race. Mommsen,
the leading historian of Prussian Germany, wrote
in the Neue Freie Presse of Vienna, " Pummel the
heads of the Czechs with your fists," whereat all
the Austrians of German race applauded, loudly
declaring that if it came to a question between the
Germans of Prussian Germany and Austrian sub-
jects of Slav extraction, their sympathies would
not be in doubt, for they, although Austrians, saw
on the one side their brethren of a superior Kultur,
and, on the other, barbarians only fit to remain for
ever oppressed.
On another occasion, Mommsen wrote : " We are
twin brothers ; we became separated from you in
former days, but soon we must be united again."
The linguistic map of Germany, widespread wherever
German is spoken, reveals very clearly what are
the ambitions of " Alt-Deutschland." The lion's
maw of the "Slav-eaters" is always wide open.
M
162 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Sometimes the devouring beast walks delicately, at
others he hurls himself savagely on his prey.
The opening of the Reichstag has provided us
with a very important speech from the throne by
William II, for it emphasises the lack of agreement
which prevails between Sovereign, Parliament and
people. The Emperor-King has announced his plan
for a seven-years' period for naval service, similar to
that in force in the army. The Bill will come before
the Reichstag during its present session. As William
has declared more than once, he intends that the naval
strength of Germany shall equal that of her army.
As for the German people, while ready to accept all
the sacrifices required to maintain the supremacy of
its military forces, it has no hankerings after naval
supremacy. Its proudest hopes lie in the direction
covered by the "Drang nach Osten " formula. It
wants to advance upon Austria, while retaining the
ground already won. Mommsen and the Duke of
Baden between them sum up Germany's ambitions.
In Germany at the present moment, public opin-
ion would appear to be satisfied with preservirg the
work of William I and pushing on towards the East ;
but how little will these things satisfy William II 1
It is the will of the German Emperor, King of
Prussia, to be a law-giver to the East, to dispute
with England the sovereignty of the seas, to take
bites out of China, to display the ever-victorious
flag of Germany all over the world. It is true that,
to accomplish this will of his, will require an add-
tional 500 millions, and it will require, in particular,
that the Reichstag should vote them in one lump
sum. William II is like his teacher Bismarck in
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 163
the matter of dogged obstinacy. Like him, he will
present his scheme in a hundred different guises,
until its opponents become weary and give in.
Germany has just been giving the European
Concert a lesson in the policy of energy. She dis-
plays as much bluntness in her sudden claims as
she displayed skill in having the Concert brought
to ridicule by Turkey. Haiti and China have
yielded on the spot to her direct threats. If they
reflect, will not the Powers of the Concert realise
that Germany's every act is either a challenge or
a lesson ? The German expedition to Kiao-chao,
4000 strong, is so greatly in excess of the require-
ments of her claims to compensation for injuries
suffered, that it reveals a definite intention on the
part of William II to take advantage of the first
plausible pretext to acquire a naval station in China.
Peace has been signed between Turkey and Greece,
but let us not regard it as a settlement of outstand-
ing questions, for the Ambassadors were only able
to come to an agreement by eliminating questions
in dispute, one by one. Germany now appears to
dominate the Eastern question to such a degree
that, in his Speech from the Throne, William II
did not even allude to it. What would have been
the good ? Turkey is already a province of Ger-
many ! William II and his Ambassador are the
rulers there and govern the country as sovereigns.
The flood-gate of German emigration, secretly
unlocked, will soon be thrown wide open ; 200,000
Germans will be able to make their way into the
Ottoman Empire every year. Before long their
numbers will tell, they will assert their rights, and
164 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
the Slav provinces in the Balkans and in Austria
will find themselves cut off by the flood.
Is Russia beginning to realise that it would have
been better for her to protect the Christians against
Turkey rather than to allow them to be slaughtered —
that it would have been a more humane and far-seeing
policy to defend Greece and Crete instead of aban-
doning them to the tender mercies of Turco-German
policy ? It is over-late to set the clock back and to
challenge the pre-eminent control which William II
has established over everything in the East.
December 25, 1897. 1
None but the author of Tartarin and his immor-
tal "departures" could have described for us the
setting-forth of Prince Henry of Prussia for China.
The exchange of speeches between William and his
brother makes one of the most extravagant per-
formances of modern times, when read in con-
junction with the actual facts, reduced by means
of the telegraph to their proper proportions, which
may be summed up as follows : Taking up the
cause of two German missionaries who have suffered
ill-treatment in China, the Emperor of Germany
sends an ultimatum to the Son of Heaven, who
yields on every point and carries his submission so
far that he runs the risk of compromising his rela-
tions with other Powers. Consequently, there is
an end of the dispute. The facts, you see, are
simple. But Prince Henry has made him ready
to receive his solemn investiture at the hands of
his brother, the Emperor, by going to kiss Prince
Bismarck on his forehead and cheek (" forehead
1 La Nouvelle Revue, January 2, 1898, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 165
and cheek," as Prince Henry unctuously remarks,
" so often kissed by my grandfather, William I ").
Next Prince Henry goes to seek the blessing of
General Waldersee ; then he has himself blessed
by his mother, and by his aunt, and later he will go
and get blessed by his grandmother, Queen Victoria.
Slowly and solemnly each act and formality
is accomplished in accordance with the rites pre-
scribed by William. The Imperial missionary, the
sailor transformed into a sort of bishop, sets forth.
The quest of the pirate-knight is to conquer all China,
to become its emperor, to fall upon it, inspired
by the God of battles. What matters it that the
Chinese will not resist, that they will fall prostrate
before him ? The grandeur of Tartarin's setting
forth has nothing to do with his getting there.
At Kiel all was prepared. Germany trembled
with impatience and this is what she heard : —
" Imperial power means sea power : the existence
of the one depends upon the other. The squadron
which your ships will reinforce must act and hold
itself as the symbol of Imperial and maritime
power ; it must live on good terms of friendship
with all its comrades of the fifteen foreign fleets
out yonder, so as energetically to protect the
interests of the Fatherland against any one who
would injure a German. Let every European over
them, every German merchant, and, above all,
every foreigner in the land to which we are going,
or with whom we may have to do, understand that
the German Michael has firmly planted on this soil
his shield bearing the Imperial Eagle, so as to be
able, once and for all, to give his protection to all
166 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
those who may require it of him. May our fellow-
countrymen out yonder be firmly convinced that,
no matter what their situation, be they priests or
merchants, the protection of the German Empire
will be extended to them with all possible energy
by means of the warships of the Imperial fleet.
And should any one ever infringe our just rights
strike him with your mailed fist ! If God so will He
shall bind about your young brow laurels of which
none, throughout all Germany, shall be jealous !
" Firmly convinced that, following the example
of good models (and models are not lacking to our
house, Heaven be praised !), you will fulfil my
wishes and my vows, I drink to your health and wish
a good journey, all success, and a safe return !
Hurrah for Prince Henry ! "
Prince Henry's incredible reply was as follows —
" As children we grew up together. Later, when
we grew to manhood, it was given to us to look into
each other's eyes and to remain faithfully united to
each other. For your Majesty the Imperial Crown
has been girt with thorns. Within my narrower
sphere and with my feeble strength strengthened by
my vows, I have endeavoured to help your Majesty
as a soldier and a citizen. . . .
" I am very sincerely grateful to your Majesty for
the trust which you place in my feeble person.
And I can assure your Majesty that it is not laurels
that tempt me, nor glory. One thing and one only
leads me on, it is to go and proclaim in a foreign
land the gospel of the sacred person of your Majesty
and to preach it as well to those who will hear it
as to those who will not. It is this that I intend
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 167
to blazon upon my flag and wherever I may go.
Our comrades share these sentiments ! Eternal
life to our well-beloved Emperor ! "
Such gems must be left intact. One should read
them again and again, line by line. Ponderous
eloquence, fustian bombast, and mouldy pathos com-
bine with the display of pomp, to excite world-wide
admiration. This play of well -rehearsed parts is
given before an audience of generals, high officials and
politicians, and the scene is set at Kiel, that moving
pedestal which the King of Prussia inaugurated
when he made all the fleets of Europe file past him.
William II looks upon history as a vulgar photo-
graphic plate designed for the purpose of " taking "
him in all his poses and in such places as he may
select and appoint .
A crusade is afoot : they go, they are gone, to
preach " the gospel of the sacred person of William
II." A holy war is declared, to be waged against a
people which declines to fight. Never mind, they
will find a way to glory, be it only in the size of the
slices of territory which they will seize.
The two great conceptions of our Minister of
Foreign Affairs are to act as the honest broker in
China between St. Petersburg and Berlin, and to
put the European Concert to rights. How often
have I not told him that all he has to gain by
playing this game is a final surrender on the part
of France ? Alas ! my prophecy, already fulfilled
in the East, is very near to coming true in the Far
East. If it should prove otherwise, it would not
be to anything in our foreign policy that our good
luck would be due, but to the fact that all Russia
168 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
has come to realise that she is likely to be Germany's
dupe in the Far East, as she has been in the East.
During the reign of the Emperor Alexander III and
the Presidency of M. Carnot, the Franco -Russian
Alliance possessed a definite meaning, because both
these rulers understood that any pro -German tend-
encies in their mutual policy must have constituted
an obstacle to the perfect union of the national policies
of their two countries. France had ceased to indulge
in secret flirtations with Germany when the latter
was no longer Russia's ally. The plain and inevitable
duty of our Government was to promote an antagon-
ism of interests between Germany and Russia and to
prove to the latter that France was loyally working
to promote her greatness above all else, on condition
that she should help us to hold our own position. If
France had been governed as she should have been,
had we possessed a statesman at the Quai d'Orsay,
our diplomatic defeats at Canea, Athens and Con-
stantinople, though possibly inevitable, might have
found a Court of Appeal ; and France would finally
have been in a position of exceptional advantage
in securing a judgment favourable to our alliance.
Germany's brutal seizure in China of a naval
station that the Chinese Government had leased to
Russia for the purposes of a winter harbour for her
fleet, foreshadows the sort of thing that William II
is capable of doing, under cover of an entente,
so soon as Japan comes to evacuate Wei-hai-wei,
upon China's payment of the war indemnity.
Germany's scruples in dealing with " sick men,"
remind one of the charlatans who either kill or
*cure, according to their estimate of their prospects
of being able to grab the inheritance.
CHAPTER VI
1898
The encroaching expansion of Germany — When will there be a
determined coalition against Germany ? — The crime of
Jules Ferry — William II checked in his attempt to obtain
a representative of the Holy See at Constantinople — Leo
XIII confirms France in her protectorate over Christians in
the East — William's journey to Palestine.
January 9, 1898. 1
Shall I be told that I repeat myself if, once a
fortnight, I say to every good citizen, anxious about
the many dangers that threaten his country, " Be-
ware of this Germany, whose numbers and wealth
and strength are ever-increasing and multiplying ? '
Let each one of us do all that lies in his power
not to assist in any way the industry and commerce
of Germany, which devour and destroy our own.
Let us enlighten those near to us who in their turn
will enlighten their neighbours, and let us stimulate
a movement of resistance to the invasion of German
produce of every kind ; let every one of us con-
tribute his share to the strengthening of public
opinion for the struggle against the spirit of
Germanism, which is gradually undermining the
national spirit of France. May the voter insist
that his representative should not keep his eyes
fixed within the narrow semi-circle of parliamentary
affairs and that he should observe beyond it the
1 La Nouvelle Revue, January 15, 1898, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
169
170 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
continual retreat of our diplomacy before the
advance of German predominance.
Even the most limited intelligence can now
perceive that, even if we felt ourselves powerless to
pursue our secular policy for the defence and protec-
tion of Christians in the East, nothing compelled us
to witness the marriage contract between Germany
and the Grand Turk, to overwhelm them both with
good wishes for their perfect union, to lend them
our aid in establishing their perfect understanding.
What need is there for us to seek to reconcile
Germany and Russia in China ? Germany could
not have rendered any valuable assistance to our
ally in the Middle Kingdom, for she brings to Asia
nothing but her insatiable greed, and had it not
been for her reconciliation with Russia, she would
never have dared to gratify it. Once sure of the
confidence of the young Tzar, with what haste and
brutality did William II proceed to display his
long teeth ! So there he is, definitely in possession
of Kiao-chao Bay, for only the utterly credulous
will believe in any retrocession of this so-called
leased territory, in recovering from Germany this
admirable commercial harbour, this marvellous
strategical position.
Februanj 8, 1898. 1
Lies, insolence, polite hypocrisy, underhand
plotting, audacity, cynicism and cruelty, these are
the ingredients that go to the making of Prussian
statecraft.
It must be admitted that the Emperor-King of
Prussia is growing. Cutting himself clear from the
1 La Nouvelle Revue, February 15, 1898, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 171
timid souls who are still possessed of a sense of right,
he assumes the proportions of a Machiavelli and a
Mephistopheles combined. William the Incalcul-
able, as his subjects call him, develops to his own
advantage the influences and the power of evil.
What new distress will he bring to Christian souls,
this applauder of the Armenian massacres, when,
after having covered with his favour, supported by
his strength, guided by his advice and encouraged
by his friendship, the assassin who reigns at Con-
stantinople, he makes his pilgrimage to Palestine,
escorted in triumph by the same soldiers who, by
order of the Red Sultan, have killed, tortured and
tormented Christians ? We shall see him kneeling
before the tomb of Christ, surrounded by Turks
with bloodstained hands, when he goes to take
possession of those much-coveted Holy Places,
which shall make him, the prop and stay of the
exterminator of Christians, sole arbiter of Christi-
anity in the East. Can the heavens that look
down on Mount Sinai smile on William II, sheltering
in the shadow of Turkish bayonets ? When, at
Jerusalem, he celebrates the opening of the Prussian
Church (whose corner-stone was laid by Frederick III,
repentant of his military glory), will not this man of
insatiable pride receive some sign of warning from
above ? No, it sufficeth perhaps that he should
go forward to meet his fate. Is it not the same
for all evil-doers, no matter to what heights they
may attain, who only climb that they may be
hurled to lower depths ?
The challenges that men fling at the ideal
structure of the principles of humanity are like the
stones that children throw at monuments. They
172 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
accumulate and serve to consolidate that which
they were meant to destroy.
No one can reproach William II with inactivity,
and in this the monarch at Berlin is of one mind
with Germany. He draws the nation after him ;
it follows blindly on dizzy paths of adventure and
the pursuit of wealth.
There is this about Germany to inspire us with
fear — and one wonders how it is that Russia and
France have not been so terrified long ago as to
make them leave no stone unturned in the Near
and Far East, to exorcise the perils with which her
earth-hunger threatens them — that she is just as
greedy as England in the politics of business, has
just the same jealous desires for financial and
commercial expansion, but that, in addition, she
has hankerings of another sort : for glory, for con-
quests, for the annexations necessary to feed and
satisfy her imperious military spirit. When we
consider the innumerable objects for which Germany
is working in the Near and Far East, we are com-
pelled to astonishment at the narrow limits of the
field of action that she leaves for other nations.
Prior to 1870, every country in Europe possessed
its own distinguishing features, its power, its
ambition, or its dominating influences. England
was the first of commercial and industrial nations.
Russia was the great leader of Oriental policy, the
predestined heir to Asia. Austria was the supreme
German power. France was a militant nation and
at the same time the eldest daughter of the Church ;
she was the undisputed protector of Catholic Missions
all over the world and umpire in most of the great
international quarrels. To-day, Germany is at
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 173
once all that England, Russia, Austria and France
were. She holds every monopoly, centralises power
of every kind, and destroys all power of movement
in others. When shall we have a determined
coalition against Germany ? Herein lies the only
hope of liberating Europe from the claws of Prussia
and recovering something of the lion's share which
William takes to himself.
February 22, 1898. 1
By what process of mental aberration has it
come to pass that our Minister of Foreign Affairs
has placed himself under the wing of William II
at Constantinople % His one object should have
been to combine every effort on the part of Russia
and France to keep Germany out of the East.
There would be no parallel to such a deplorable
lack of foresight, if our diplomacy had not provided
it in the Far East, if it had not helped to prove to
Germany, there also, that she was becoming in-
dispensable in China, that the prestige of Russia
combined with that of France was insufficient to
cope with the situation and to solve the difficulties
that had arisen with the Son of Heaven, with Japan
and England.
The blindness which has characterised our foreign
policy, which, since Jules Ferry took it in hand, has
made us labour continuously with our own hands
for the greatness of Germany, as if to justify our
humility in her eyes, this will remain the crime of
the initiator of an anti-national policy, the crime
of M. Jules Ferry. It will also remain the irre-
parable fault committed by those who have adopted
the lamentable policy which consists in following
1 La Nouvelle Revue, March 1, 1898, " Letters on Foreign Policy."
174 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
in the train of the conqueror once the ransom has
been paid.
31 arch 9, 1898. 1
William II will have his sea-going fleet, and be
able to challenge the fleets of the Great Powers and
meet them on equal terms. He had meant to carry
with a high hand his seven years' naval construction
plan, in the same way that Bismarck obtained his
seven years' military programme in spite of the
opposition of the German Catholics. And now be-
hold the German Budget Committee has sanctioned
the raising of the money for his warships in six years !
As to the projected reform of the military code
and the complete re -organisation of the army on a
homogeneous basis, the Emperor-King of Prussia
is not in the least disturbed. No doubt Bavaria,
Wiirtemberg and certain other Confederated States
will claim to keep their autonomous armies by
virtue of the Constitution of 1871, but the King of
Prussia is quite determined, on his part, to ad-
minister the German army under a single military
code. Bavaria, they tell us, will never yield.
Bavaria will yield. The German victories of
1870-71 created the German Empire and every
Empire must of necessity be centralised or else
become once more a Confederation.
United Teutondom, Germany, is embodied in
Prussia. The Bavarians, like all the other Saxons,
sing the national hymn " Germany, Germany, ever
and ever greater." What, then, is the good of all
their talking at Munich ? If Germany is to grow
ever greater, she cannot have several centres of
influence. Therefore Bavaria will submit.
1 La Nouvelle Revue, March 15, 1898, " Letters on Foreign Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 175
April 1, 1898. 1
Notwithstanding the fact that he is a Protestant,
William is impressed by the greatness of the role
that Leo XIII might play in Christianity; and,
therefore, brings all the influences at his command
to bear upon him. Through all his official and
officious agents he tells him that atheistic France,
in the hands of laymen, can no longer be the eldest
daughter of the Church ; that the Holy Father is
the Head of Christianity throughout the world,
and that in the East and Far East he should make
use of those who are most Christian ; that an
Emperor who is a believer, even though he be a
Protestant, is much better fitted to be the protector
of Christians in China and in Turkey than a Republic
without faith. The only possible influences in
China and in Turkey are religious influences, but
economic questions follow in their wake, and the
German Emperor, King of Prussia, means to appear
before the peoples of the Near and Far East, in
the light of his spectacular proceedings at Kiel,
of the triumphant audacity of Kiao-chao, and of
the splendour with which he is going to invest his
journey in Palestine, as the Controller of their
destinies, the defender of their rights and the sup-
plier of such goods as they may wish to purchase.
It is possible that William II may be able to
persuade Leo XIII that he should entrust him with
the Holy Places and work together with him in
China. In any event, the Catholics of Germany are
now a long way from the Kulturkampf ; they
will vote the naval budget by an ample majority
and Germany will become the great Naval Power,
1 La Nouvelle Revue, April 1, 1898, "Letters on Foreign Policy."
176 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
and at the same time the great Military Power,
so that in the end she may become the wealthiest
of the Commercial Powers : this is the dream of
William, King of Prussia !
June 5, 1898. 1
William II has become attached to the East, the
scene of his chief diplomatic successes, a part of
the world in which his Imperial word is law. He
will continue to shower his favours upon it, and
disturb everything there, so as to be able to fish
in troubled waters. He will ransack everything
for his purposes, even that very vague thing, homo-
geneous Turkey, based on the Mussulman faith.
At this moment, he is planning I know not what kind
of acceptance of the Cross by the Crescent, just as
he planned Prince Henry's Chinese crusade. If the
Cuban war did not detain him in Europe, he would
have gone to Palestine, with a cavalcade of some
sort which would have been an event in the history
of Christianity. And he will do it yet.
What does Russia, so jealous for the Holy Places,
think of the intrusion into them of the German
Kaiser ? He is master there. Here is one of the
most striking proofs of the fact : the Mussulmans
have a perfect horror of bells, but the new German
Church erected at Jerusalem is equipped with a fine
peal of them. That which neither Christian kings,
nor even Tzars, were able to obtain, William II has
achieved. And such is the idea of force with
which the German Emperor is associated in their
minds, that even the most fanatical Mussulmans
have bent the knee in submission to this sacrilege.
1 La Nouvelle Revue, June 15, 1898, " Letters on Foreign Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 177
July 12, 1898. 1
The unseverable unity of Pan-Germanism is the
ruling formula with the Germans of Austria. Are
they not continually threatening the Hapsburgs
that they will secede if the supremacy of their
German minority over the Slav majority is not
maintained ? They do not even take the trouble to
lower their voices when they cry to the neighbouring
Empire : " Before very long we shall be yours."
Since the defeat of France, Germany's ambitions
have grown to a height out of all proportion even to
the importance of her conquest. On all sides she
has cast covetous eyes, stretched out her grasp-
ing hand in all directions. For only France, while
still intact, possessed the courage to protect other
nations from the all-consuming German appetite.
That Germany should have captured the mon-
strous friendship of a French Minister for the
Christian-slaying Sultan ! Can any one possibly
find any absolution, any excuses, for such a deplor-
able mismanagement of our material and moral
interests in the East ?
Gradually, unless something can be done to check
these unfortunate tendencies of our diplomacy,
William II will announce that the time has come for
the apotheosis, a la turque, of a Protestant Emperor.
And then, all of a sudden after this gradual
preparation, the Catholics and the Holy Places of
the Orthodox will be delivered over to one of the only
forces of Christianity, to that which gives absolution
for murder and protects the slayer of Christians.
Race, nationality, politics, trade, influence and
guarantees, all may be summed up in Oriental
1 La Nouvelle Revue, July 15, 1898, " Letters on Foreign Policy."
N
178 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
countries in a single word : Religion ! Must, then,
a government seek to advance the cause of its State
religion, not from religious conviction, but in the
spirit which seeks to retain the privileges and
wealth it has acquired and its powers of self-defence ?
Our new Minister of Foreign Affairs understands
these things — he has pondered over them long :
will he not, therefore, seek and find in the com-
plexities of Oriental policy the factor of immediate
and personal advantage which is calculated to
minister to boundless self-conceit ? He will en-
deavour quietly to untie the least compact of the
knots tied at Stamboul and Berlin ; he will replace
them by other knots, tied more closely by himself.
He will display the cleverness of those who make no
effort to be clever, and he will not lack clearness
of sight and precision for the simple reason that
he loves his country better than himself.
July 25, 1898. 1
The high approval bestowed by Germany upon all
the subterfuges of the diplomacy of Abdul Hamid,
the bankruptcy of the European Concert, the em-
barrassment in which each one of the Governments
that compose this strange Concert finds itself when
confronted wth the machiavelism of the Turk,
all these have produced a situation intolerable for
those statesmen who have any regard for the
dignity of their country.
Our new Minister of Foreign Affairs, upon coming
to the Quai d'Orsay, felt keenly the humiliation
inflicted upon France by the persistent weakness
of our policy. From the outset he succeeded in
1 La Nouvelle Revue, August 1, 1898, " Letters on Foreign Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 179
foiling the Sultan's dangerous scheme for securing
a representative of the Holy See at Constantinople
which would have abolished at one stroke the whole
French protectorate over Christians in the East.
Cardinal Ledochowsky, Prefect of Propaganda,
with the help of the prospective Nuncio at Con-
stantinople, and in order to emphasise the collapse
of French influence in the East, was making his
plans in readiness for William II to assume, solemnly
and definitely, a protectorate over the Christians.
Already the Kaiser's trusty friend at the Vatican
had decided to instruct the Catholic clergy in
Palestine to render exceptional honours to the
German Emperor on the occasion of his journey to
the Holy Places. But the Council of the Congrega-
tion, in plenary session, has opposed the wishes of
Cardinal Ledochowsky, and so there will be no
nomination of a representative of the Holy See at the
Court of the Grand Turk. The German Emperor
must needs be content with the honours " usually
accorded to reigning princes." This is the kind of
rebuff that neither Abdul Hamid nor William II
readily forgives.
One of the German Emperor's chief joys is to
break things. To bewilder people by the sudden-
ness of his resolutions, to court all risks, to proclaim
his power, to sow the wind and reap the whirlwind :
these are the pleasures of the German Emperor,
King of Prussia. There is no need for me to repeat
the strange Neronian stories that are whispered in
Germany concerning certain incidents of William's
sea- voyages and journeys in Norway. A number of
mysterious deaths following one upon the other
180 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
provide sufficient material for these tales. For
those who, like myself, have never ceased to regard
William II as a creature of unbridled pride, it is
enough from time to time to note one of his actions,
so as to form our judgment of the man and to be
able to predict to what heights of complacent
admiration for himself and of severity for others he
is likely to attain hereafter.
August 10, 1898. 1
Created by force, the unity of Germany is main-
tained by force. On the day that another force
arises, Germany will collapse, for her cohesion has
only been attained and cemented by cunning and
contempt for the truth ; she has lived by the
sword and she shall perish by the sword.
It is said that Bismarck was the real obstacle to
an understanding between England and Germany.
It is certainly true that neither France nor Russia
has any tiling to gain by England's throwing herself
into the arms of Germany. Mr. Chamberlain is
ready to do all in his power to draw England into
the Triple Alliance, and William II, no longer
dreading the criticisms of Varzin, would now accept
with pleasure the proposals which he seemed to
disdain. Nevertheless, the real rival that threatens
England's future is Germany.
The German peril, industrial and commercial,
inspires England with fear, and we should know
how to turn this situation to our advantage. Let
us do all we can to prevent an entente being arranged
which would deprive us of a card and add one to
the enemy's hand.
A war in China between Russia and Great Britain,
1 La Nouvelle Revue, August 15, 18U8, "Letters on Foreign Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 181
no matter how it might end, would fulfil Germany's
dream of being delivered from Russia in the East
and the Balkans. This is precisely what William II
desires and seeks — herein pursuing Bismarckian
tactics. France and Russia must, therefore, exercise
all their skill to prevent it, and go exceeding warily
amidst the intrigues that are now afoot.
What has been the result of the Note which the
representatives of the Powers have handed to the
Porte, on the initiative of France and Russia, stating
that they will never permit the landing of new
Turkish forces in Crete ? Merely to prove that
Austria and Germany refuse to be parties to these
proceedings, and to speak plainly, support the Sultan.
Ah, if Russia could only be kept busy in China !
What a godsend if France could be left alone to play
the part of this admirable European Concert, the
genial notion of our last Minister of Foreign Affairs !
Germany alone secures her ends, profits by all
the disturbances she creates, waxes and grows fat,
and William II smiles at the thought of a world-
wide kingdom ruled by himself alone. Once master
of the whole earth, he may come to stand face to
face with God.
September 11, 1898. 1
On the occasion of a gala dinner at Hanover,
William II, always in a hurry to display his likes and
everlastingly parading his dislikes, did not fail to
seize the opportunity of being polite to England and
uncivil to France. He proposed a toast to the
health of the 10th Army Corps, recalling to memory
the brotherhood of arms between Englishmen and
1 La Nouvelle Revue, September 15, 1898, "Letters on Foreign
Policy."
182 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Germans at Waterloo ; he glorified the victory of
the Sirdar, Kitchener, in the Soudan.
A few days later, speaking of peace, the German
Emperor, King of Prussia, let fly his Parthian arrow
at his august brother, the Tzar. At Porta, in
Westphalia, he said : " Peace can only be obtained
by keeping a trained army ready for battle. May
God grant that we may always be able to work for
the maintenance of peace by the use of this good
and sharp-edged weapon."
Nothing could have been more bluntly expressed ;
it is now perfectly clear that the reduction of arma-
ments has no place in the dreams of William II.
I know not by what subterfuge he will prttend to
approve of a Congress " to prepare for universal
peace," but I know that, for him, the dominating
and absorbing interest of life lies in conquest, in
victories, in war. Turkey victorious, America
victorious, England victorious — these are the lights
that lead him on. He excels at gathering in the
inheritance won for him by his own people, and he
likes to have a share also in the successes of others.
He has had his share in Turkey and has filed his
application in America. He is already beginning
with England in China and speculating with Great
Britain in Delagoa Bay, under the eyes of his greatly
distressed friends of the Transvaal.
Amidst a hundred other schemes, the German
Emperor, King of Prussia, is by no means neglecting
his apotheosis at Jerusalem. We are told even the
details of his clothes, which combine the military
with the civil, " An open tunic of light cloth, brown
coloured ; tight trousers, boots and sword-scabbard
of yellow leather, the insignia of a German General
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 183
of the Guards, a helmet winged with the Prussian
eagle." A truly pious rig-out forsooth, in which to
go and kneel before the tomb of Christ ! They say
that, in order to judge of the effect of this costume,
William II has posed for his photograph forty times.
The German Church in Palestine certainly never
expected to see the summits episcopus adopting an
attitude of extreme humility in that country. If
any simple-minded Lutheran were to address the
Kaiser in the streets of Jerusalem, after the manner
of the Hungarian workman, who saw the archbishop
primate, all glittering with gold in his gala coach,
passing over the Buda bridge, William II would
answer him in the same style as did the archbishop :
" That is just the sort of carriage in which Jesus
used to drive," exclaimed the workman. The
archbishop heard him, and leaning from the carriage
door, replied : " Jesus, my good fellow, was the son
of a carpenter. I am the son of a magnate, and
Archbishop Primate of Hungary."
William II undoubtedly believes that he does
Christ an honour in going to visit Him. He goes in
the full pride of a personality which sees in itself all
the great events of the past, gathered together as in
an historic procession. He goes, with all the pomp
and circumstance of a glorious omnipotence, he,
whose diplomacy has made a protege of the Khalif
and a footstool of the Crescent — he goes, I say, to
manifest himself as the Emperor of Christianity.
Was all then to be lost to us at a stroke — the
Crusades, all the moral and economic interests of
France in the East, that secular protectorate of
which we, the possessors, make so light whilst
William II devotes to its conquest all the resources
184 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
of his skill and cunning ? Not so ! Our Minister of
Foreign Affairs was on the alert. William II, who
is an artistic walking advertisement, designed, like a
Mucha or a Cheret, for the German market, has
now had evidence of the fact that, if religion is an
article of export for him, anti -clericalism is nothing
of the kind for us. Our interests in the East have
been protected and preserved. The Pope of Luther-
anism has not been able to silence the Pope of Rome.
The radical Republic which represents France
remains the grand-daughter of Saint Louis. On
hearing the authoritative news of William II's
journey to Jerusalem, Cardinal Langenieux, Arch-
bishop of Rheims, begged Leo XIII for " a reassuring
word." Up to the present, the Holy See has recog-
nised our Protectorate in the East as a simple fact ;
to-day it is recognised as a right. Here is the " reas-
suring word," the answer given by Leo XIII to
Cardinal Langenieux : —
" We know that for centuries the French nation's
protectorate has been established in Eastern Coun-
tries and that it has been confirmed by treaties
between governments. Therefore no change what-
soever should be made in this matter. This nation's
protectorate, wherever it is exercised, should be
religiously maintained and missionaries must be
notified accordingly, so that, if they have need of
help, they may have recourse to the Consuls and
other agents of the French nation."
At their last Congress the German Catholics —
we know that the Catholics constitute a third of
the population of Germany and that their represen-
tatives can hold in check the Imperial policy in
the Reichstag — openly expressed their sympathy
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 185
for Leo XIII, for the "noble exile at Rome, who
is compelled, from the day of his elevation to the
Papacy, to pledge himself never to cross the thres-
hold of the Vatican alive." When William II is
compelled hereafter to make concessions to the
Centre in the Reichstag, his allies, the Italians, will
be well advised to give the matter their attention.
September 26, 1898. 1
All the actions of that modern Lohengrin, William
II, derive their inspiration from a Wagnerian theory
concerning the harmony of discords. This friend
of the Sultan, soon to be the guest of the Khedive,
congratulates Kitchener, the Sirdar, whose deeds
are the blood-stained consecration of England's
machinations in Mussulman territory.
Almost at the identical moment that he sent his
telegram to the Sirdar to celebrate a British victory,
he said at the opening of the new harbour at Stettin :
' I rejoice that the ancient spirit of Pomerania is
still alive in the present generation, urging it from the
land towards the sea. Our future lies on the water."
Queen of the Seas, take warning !
We know how William II is wont to express his
pacific ideas and what is his conception of the reduc-
tion of armaments — with blustering threats and
hosannahs in praise of rifles and cannons. On the
subject of peace, the German mind has long since
been fixed in its ideas. One cannot sum them up
better than in the following quotation from a
Berlin newspaper.
1 La Nouvelle Revue, October 1, 1898, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
186 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
" At the Paris Salon in 1895 there was a great
picture by Danger entitled ' The Great Authors
of Arbitration and Peace,' depicting all those,
from Confucius and Buddha down to the Tzar
Alexander III, who have laboured in the cause
of peace. In a note which explained the
painter's work, it was said to be impossible to
depict all the friends of arbitration and peace.
It seems to me that such friends of peace as
William II and Prince Bismarck should not
have been forgotten, for, by the Treaty of
Frankfort, they have brought about a lasting
peace and have obtained the power required
to maintain it."
Between this German conception of peace and
ours, is there not a gulf that nothing can ever bridge ?
October 23, 1898. 1
William II is in the seventh heaven. One by one
he dons his shining garments, which the eastern
sun gladdens with silver and gold. He has made
another trip on his swan, that is to say, on the white
Hohenzollern, which carries Lohengrin to the four
corners of the earth. The German Emperor's de-
parture from Venice was a master-stroke of scenic
effects, one of those subversions of history, to
which the eccentric monarch of Berlin is so passion-
ately addicted. Nothing indeed could have been
more original than to make the sons of the ancient
Venetians, hereditary foes of the Turk, welcome a
Protestant monarch who is the friend of the chief
slaughterer of Catholics.
1 La Nouvelle Revue, November 1, 1898, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 187
A Christian Emperor landing at Stambou] accom-
panied by his Empress, obtaining permission from
the Sultan to hold a review of troops on a Selamlik
day, acclaimed by the Mussulman people and soldiery,
exalted amidst all the pomp and splendour of the
East, feasting his eyes on magic colours, the hero
of unrivalled entertainments, surely it is enough to
raise to a frenzy of pride the potentate who has
made such t lungs possible.
But amidst these pomps and vanities, William is
by no means neglectful of his skilful and lucrative
business schemes. It is said that he has secured a
concession for a commercial harbour at Ha'idar
Pasha, near Scutari. Haidar Pasha is the railhead
of the Anatolian line, which belongs to a German
company. Will the great commercial traveller,
William II be able to persuade his sweet friend the
Slayer, to make him a grant of the coaling station
which he covets at Haifa ? The Sultan will refuse
him nothing. Will France and Russia have time
to spare for lodging protests, their attention having
been so skilfully diverted to Fashoda on the one hand
and to China on the other ? Is it not written that
the two nations must unite forces if thev would
check the schemes of him who aspires to world-
wide dominion over religion and commerce ?
Though France and Russia have sometimes quar-
relled over the question of the Holy Places, they
cannot regard without anxiety the triumphant
entry of the third thief upon the scene.
England, too, is busy with Fashoda and does not
seem to be in such a position, diplomatically speak-
ing, at Constantinople, as to be able to oppose the
cession by Turkey to Germany of a Mediterranean
188 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
harbour. Moreover, the manner in which she has
grabbed Cyprus leaves her without much voice to
talk of the status quo in the Mediterranean.
William II in Palestine ! This man with his
mania for glittering pomp and grandeur going to
kneel at the stable in Bethlehem ; the proudest and
most conceited of men, the most puffed up with
vainglory, treading the paths trodden by the feet of
the Humblest ; the most egotistical and least
brotherly, coming to bow before Him who is brother-
hood personified : could any spectacle be sadder for
true Christians ?
November 10, 1898. 1
The Imperial pilgrim has left the Holy City,
El Cods, as the Turks themselves have it. Amidst
the silence of its holy places his turbulent majesty
manifested itself in every direction. He prayed,
discoursed, telegraphed, wrote and conducted in-
augural functions. He made all the Stations of
the Cross and preached to the German Colony
in Jerusalem, telling them that amidst such
surroundings " they should be possessed of a per-
petual inclination to do good." And forthwith he
proceeded to speak of his great friendship for the
Sultan, for the individual who methodically sup-
presses Christians in his empire by killing them.
William has seen the tomb of David, which infidels
may not approach, and whose stones only Mussul-
mans may lawfully tread. The very dear friend of
Abdul Hamid, he whom the Turkish troops salute
with the same words as they use for the Sultan,
has written to the Holy See, announcing his gift
1 La Nouvelle Revue, November 15, 1898, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 189
of a plot of land to the German Catholic Association
in the Holy Land and adding " that he was happy
to have been able to prove to Catholics that their
religious interests lie very near to his heart."
Leo XIII might have replied : " Sire — Let your
Majesty do even more for Catholics ; persuade your
friend the Sultan to cease from killing them."
November 24, 1898. 1
William II's journey to Palestine has completely
proved the thorough understanding which he has
established with Abdul Hamid — that he should
take possession of the Holy Places, as head of
the Lutheran religion and as representative of the
Catholics of his Empire. France is, therefore, no
longer de facto protector of Christians in the East,
since she is not required to protect the German
Catholics, now directly protected by their Emperor.
In the Far East, William II had already refused to
allow France to protect his Catholic subjects. The
advantages which he derived from this decision were
too great for him to abandon them elsewhere, since
the murder of a single missionary had brought him
Kiao-chao.
Thus, then, ended this journey, accomplished in
pomp and splendour, applauded at the same time
by German Christians and by the slayers of Chris-
tians. William II has attained his object in the
matter of religious influence and of the emigration of
German colonists, whom the Sultan will be pleased
to receive with open arms. The Kaiser paid his
reckoning liberally by proposing the health of the
1 La Nouvelle Revue, December 1, 1898, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
190 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Sultan at Damascus and by declaring his intention
to help and sustain the Master and the Klialif of
300 million Mussulmans. The seed of the words thus
spoken will sprout and will inspire encouragement
for every kind of revolt in the Mussulman subjects
of France — and, for that matter, of England also.
Whilst William II was paying his devotions at
the Holy Places, giving all the impression of a
pious benevolent Head of the Church, a number of
horrible evictions were being carried out in Schleswig
in his name and by his orders. Hundreds of fami-
lies, dragged from their native soil, from their homes
and kindred, were led away to the frontier on the
pretext that they still clung to their belief in a
" Southern Jutland." Day after day, for the
last thirty-four years, on one pretext or another —
and sometimes without any — the Danes have been
discouraged from living in Schleswig. Either life
has gradually been made impossible for them, or
else they have been suddenly compelled to leave the
house where they were born, where their elders hoped
to die in peace, and their places have been filled by
German colonists. A terrible exodus, shameful
cruelty ! But " Germany for the Germans " is an
axiom before which all must bow, big and little, rich
and poor.
December 10, 1898. 1
Mr. Chamberlain's coquetting with Germany has
ceased for the time being. The Times, in contrast
with its former hymns of praise, now contents itself
with asking William II not to make difficulties
for England in Europe or beyond the seas, and it
1 La Nouvelle Revue, December 15, 1898, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 191
adds that a friendly attitude would serve the inter-
ests of German subjects in the Colonies much better
than one of hostility.
The passage in the German Emperor's Speech from
the Throne which refers to China is not calculated,
it would seem, to appease Great Britain's irritation.
' Germany's Colonies," said the Kaiser, " are in a
state of prosperous development. At Kiao-chao
steps have already been taken to improve the
economic conditions of the protectorate. The fron-
tier has been definitely settled by agreement with
the Chinese Government. A free port has been
opened and work upon it has begun. The construc-
tion of the railway which will link up the Protector-
ate with the Hinterland, will be commenced in the
near future. Relying on the old treaties still in
force, and on the new rights acquired under the
treaty concluded with China on March 6, 1898, my
Government will also endeavour in future, whilst
carefully respecting the lawful rights acquired by
other Powers, to develop economic relations with
China, which, year by year, voill become more impor-
tant, and to secure to German subjects their full share
in the activities directed towards opening the Far East
to Europe, from the economic point of view."
Nor is the influence acquired by William II and
his subjects in the Ottoman Empire, emphasised
by this same Speech from the Throne, of a nature
to reassure England with regard to her projects
in the East. In the Near, as in the Far, East she
sees herself being supplanted by Germany, and this
by methods identical with her own, against which,
therefore, she fights more disadvantageously than
against France and Russia, more foolishly chivalrous.
192 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
William II, who had replied with insolent sharp-
ness to a legitimate claim advanced by a certain
princeling of the Confederated States — the Regent
of Lippe-Detmold, Count Ernest von Lippe-
Biesterfeld, has had occasion to see that public
opinion severely condemns his unjustifiable action.
The Confederated Sovereigns and Princes perceive
therein a menace to themselves, and have rallied
energetically in defence of one of their number.
The masses, seeing an insignificant princeling op-
pressed and threatened by the biggest of them,
have sided with the weaker. On his return from
Jerusalem, William found the situation extremely
strained, and he endeavoured to relieve it by con-
cessions of various kinds. None of them, however,
were regarded as adequate. Thereupon, with the
suppleness which costs him so little when it is a
question of sacrificing his most devoted and valuable
servant, the Emperor, King of Prussia, sacrificed
Herr von Lucanus, the head of his private household,
an almost legendary personage who had had a
hand in every important act of William's life. It
was he who carried the Imperial ultimatum to Von
Bismarck and escaped unhurt from the hands of the
infuriated giant.
Herr von Lucanus had not been sacrificed to the
violent sarcasms of the Chancellor after his recon-
ciliation with William II ; he seemed to be unas-
sailable until, simply for having addressed a few
improper lines, at the Emperor's dictation, to a
minor prince, he is removed from the anonymous
post which was one of the occult powers of Potsdam.
The august Confederates may consider themselves
satisfied.
CHAPTER VII
1899
Our diplomatic situation in 1899 — William II visits the
Iphigenie — The Hague Conference — Germany the only
obstacle to the fulfilment of the humanitarian plans of the
Tzar.
January 11, 1899. 1
Impelled by a simplicity of mind that suggests
vacuity, a great many French patriots imagine
that our country cannot be equally hated by two
nations at once. Seeing England threatening
France every day in every way and by all the means
at her disposal, these hypnotised patriots with
fixed and staring eyes, see only England and nothing
else ! No matter what misdeeds Germany may
commit, they scarcely trouble to turn towards her
their inattentive gaze. Some of them, even, whose
lips are tightened with anger when they think of
London, smile with a vague feeling of good-will
at the thought of Berlin. And yet the other enemy,
the German, emboldened by our absorption, is more
ready to oppress the weak, reveals himself as bolder
and greedier, more cynical and exclusive, more
violent in denying to others their rights. German
influence may spread all over the world, but refuses
to allow any other influence whatsoever to pene-
trate Germany. Prussia introduced the law of force
because she was strong ; she is now inaugurating
1 La Nouvelle Revue, January 15, 1899, " Letters on Foreign
Policy."
O 193
194 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
a new system of human rights to the exclusive
advantage of Germany. One newspaper, the Vos-
sische Zeitung, has dared to say : " This system is
unworthy of a civilised state and must lead to our
being morally humiliated before the whole world."
But that is all.
When Germany perpetrates some particularly
monstrous act, she is only " a civilising power spread-
ing the greatest of all languages." Moreover, Ger-
many is the only nation that possesses a secular
history ; other nations have nothing more than a
succession of irregular proceedings, tolerated by
German generosity or indifference.
The German Emperor, King of Prussia, wages a
victorious war against everything that is not Ger-
man. He has just put to the sword the French
terms in the Prussian military vocabulary. In vain
these poor words pleaded the authority of the great
Frederick, who introduced them into Prussia. In
spite of his fondness for imitating Frederick the
Great, William II has slaughtered the French
expressions " officier aspirant," " porte ipie,"
" premier lieutenant," " geniral," etc., etc. The mas-
sacre is complete, their exclusion wholesale ; he
leaves no trace of the enemy's tongue. William II
follows with marked satisfaction the anti -French
movement of opinion in England. " England will
chastise France," he said to his Officers' Club, " and
then she will come and beg me to protect her."
Germany hates us with all her own hatred, added
to that of England. She hopes for our defeat, but
if we should win, she would come hypocritically
to claim from us her vulture share of the spoil for
her so-called neutrality.
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 195
February 9, 1899.
Bismarck's interest in things was never keenly-
aroused unless they were worth lying about. When
he said " the Eastern question is not worth the bones
of a single Pomeranian grenadier," he was formulat-
ing in his mind the programme of the " Drang nach
Osten," the great push towards the East. The
Russo -Turkish war ; the humbling of the victorious
Slav colossus by the Congress of Berlin ; the
diabolical treachery contained in the Resolutions
of the said Congress (not one of which but con-
tains the germ of some revolt or movement on the
part of the races of the Turkish Empire) ; the separa-
tion of Bulgaria and Roumelia, united by the Treaty
of San Stefano ; the subsequent reunion, directed
against Russia, of these two countries ; the handing
over of Bulgaria to a Coburg, bound by ties to
Austria — all these things were brought about by
the treachery and guile of the super-liar who ruled
at Berlin. And since then, William II has done
everything possible to advance this " Drang nach
Osten," Prussia's favourite scheme.
And whilst the menace of this " push towards
the East " is steadily growing, whilst he who
directs it from Berlin holds in his hand all the strings
of the puppets who can help to advance it or pretend
(as part of the conspiracy) to oppose it, what is
great Russia doing, the mighty Tzar, and France ?
They tell us that Russia is abandoning her interests
in the East and that the Tzar is dreaming of giving
Europe a lasting peace — a peace chiefly favourable
to the economic and commercial development of
Germany and to the increase of her influence.
Russia and France seem scarcely to realise that
196 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
the only force which can drive back the tide of
Germanic invasion is the Slav power, organised
and firmly established in Europe. A Balkan
league including Bulgaria, Serbia and Montenegro,
a southern Slav kingdom, a Bohemia-Moravia,
these might hold the German power in check and
give to Europe the necessary equilibrium. France
has an interest as great as Russia's in the organisa-
tion of this opposing force, but she does not realise
the fact. Just as the Athenians stretched out
their hands towards the power of Rome, deadly
in its fascination, even so there are culpably blind
patriots among us who dream the monstrous
dream of an entente with Germanism. As well
might one, to escape the flood, throw oneself into
the rising ravening torrent. Before long, Germany
will be the ruler of Austria, of Hungary, Turkey
and Holland, and we shall have prepared no
counterpoise to this encroachment, we, the Allies
of the great Russian people, who, even though
they may eventually succumb to the fatal attraction
of Asia, might first help us to secure our racial
psychology and to establish bonds between our
Gallo -Latin soul and the soul of the Slavs.
The Germans are establishing themselves com-
fortably and permanently in China. There lies
before me an extract from the first number of a
newspaper published by the Germans in China
under the title of The German Asiatic Sentinel.
This official organ of the Kiao-chao territory appears
every week with six pages of articles and advertise-
ments. It is strange to find in it advertisements
of the most diverse description, from that which
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 197
commends brown Kulmback beer, to that in which
two young German merchants seek to correspond,
with a view to marriage, with good-looking young
German girls of good family.
When one remembers the solemn investiture at
Kiel of Prince Henry of Prussia, as leader of the
crusade which was to spread the sacred words of
Christianity amongst the barbarian followers of
Confucius, and when one sees this investiture finding
its expression in the initiation of the Chinese into
the mysteries of Kulmback beer and the search
for exportable Gretchens, the association of the
two pictures reminds one somehow of tight-rope
dancing. But ridicule is unknown in Germany.
It seems to me that the Kaiser's latest speech,
at the banquet of the provincial Landtag of Bran-
denburg, is in somewhat doubtful taste. On this
occasion, he spoke first of the divine right and
responsabilities of the Hohenzollerns on a footing
of familiarity with God, and next he compared
the fimctions of a sovereign with those of a gardener,
who stirs up the earth, smokes the roots and hunts
out noxious insects. True, the German Emperor
has got to cultivate the tree of 1870-71 and to
destroy " hostile animals," which I take to mean
our good simple-minded Frenchmen !
The campaign in favour of a rapprochement
between France and Germany continues to be
cleverly managed and directed in our midst. There
is talk of a visit of the Tzar, who would come to
Antibes and who would there receive William II
at the same time as M. Felix Faure. The formula
with which this arrangement is commended to us
198 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
is "we have sulked long enough." In other words,
they would convert a great, strengthening and
enduring hatred into a trivial grudge. That,
since Fashoda they should regard Sedan as a
peccadillo is strange, to say the least of it.
The Kolnische Zeitung, which opened the dis-
cussion with regard to a rapprochement with
France, now closes it by observing —
" That if ever the French should feel impelled
to seek a reconciliation with Germany, it
could only be sincerely effected on the condition
that they abandon once and for all the idea
of a reckoning to be settled between the two
countries for the war of 1870-71."
When we have estimated the nature and extent
of Germany's greed, calculated the number of her
demands and ambitions, reflected by the light
of history and German exaggerations, on the
character of the German race and its unbridled
lust of domination, then the National, Colonial
and Continental interests of France (considered dis-
passionately and without hatred for the conqueror
or resentment for the cruel and humiliating past) do
not lie in the direction of a rapprochement with
Germany. They lie in the establishment and com-
bination of the Slav States in Europe, in a more
effective alliance with Russia, and a rapprochement
between the Latin nations.
March 27, 1899. 1
By our resistance, since the national defeat of
1871, we have pledged ourselves not to accept it.
Our moral position and the dignity of our claims
1 La Nouvelle Revue, April 1, 1899, " Letters on Foreign Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 199
to restitution have been worthy of our history
because we inveterate Frenchmen have never
ceased to maintain that our power over Alsace-
Lorraine has been overthrown by force, but that
our rights remain undiminished. Austria, to Ger-
many, and Italy, to Austria, have sacrificed this
moral position and the dignity of their respective
claims, in return for an alliance which, besides
being treacherously false, has brought them neither
wealth nor honour.
But alas ! even whilst our rights became
strengthened by our very faithfulness and con-
stancy, our rulers were yielding to the insidious
counsels of the enemy. M. Ferry listened to
Bismarck and slowly, drop by drop, we wasted
the blood with which we should have reconquered
Alsace-Lorraine. Bismarck, seeing us regaining our
strength too quickly for his liking, and becom-
ing a danger to Germany, and prevented by the
Tzar from stopping our recovery by striking at us
again, played his hand so as to throw us headlong
into a policy of colonial adventures. But the Great
Iron Chancellor, the would-be genial fellow, had not
foreseen that his pupil William II would be inspired
by ambitions entirely different from his own : that
of a relentless colonial policy, that of commercial
and industrial development, on broad lines of en-
croachment, and that of a navy. All these things
however, followed logically, one from the other;
for profitable colonisation one must have a market
for one's produce, and to protect a mercantile
marine one must have a navy. Therefore, under
these conditions, which Bismarck did not foresee,
the danger to France became an immediate and
200 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
equal danger to Germany, for England would be
free to sweep the seas of Germany's merchantmen
as well as those of France.
Certain misguided people, moved by their ex-
travagant feelings either of hatred towards England
or of fear, seized the opportunity of the hour of
danger under cover of the well-worn word (which
leads so many worthy folk to lose their heads, even
when it represents just the opposite of what it
means) pleading our interests, I say, seized the
opportunity to lower France by making overtures to
the Kaiser and to Prussia. Our interest, our twofold
interest, was not to have a war with England, and to
let Germany see that it was to her interest that we
should not be deprived of our maritime power which
protects the free development of German expansion.
We possess at this moment a third of Africa,
a portion of Asia and Madagascar; before trying
to add to these possessions, let us endeavour to
make the most of their wealth.
To sum up : our position has never been better,
if we know how to wait and not to make ourselves
cheap. As the faithful Allies of Russia, either Eng-
land or Germany will have need of us.
• •••••
And so, the German Emperor, King of Prussia,
has added another chapter, and not the least
astounding, to the volume of his swift changes and
contradictions. The author of the telegram to
President Kriiger has received at Berlin Mr. Cecil
Rhodes, the instigator of Jameson, invader of
the Transvaal ! William II has been negotiating
with him in the matter of the telegraph line and the
railway. If any one had foretold, on the day
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 201
that he sent his famous telegram concerning the
rights of the South African Republic, that the
paladin who signed this chivalrous message would
come to discuss " business " with Sir [sic] Cecil
Rhodes, or that the latter would have dared to
present himself, in a check suit, before the Kaiser
wearing his winged helmet — such a prophet would
have been regarded as a dangerous lunatic. Never-
theless, so it is. Mr. Rhodes entered the Imperial
Palace quite simply and naturally, conveying to
the Emperor the affectionate regards of Queen
Victoria. I do not know whether they shook
hands. Between business men, shopkeepers ready
for a deal, etiquette is superfluous and a ready
understanding easy. Shake !
Herr von Bulow, Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs communicated the news to the Reichstag,
promising further information on the subject before
long. And now, what becomes of the hope of a
rupture with England, anticipated by our worthy
apostles of the Franco -German Alliance against per-
fidious Albion ? Not only does William II flirt with
old England and give her pledges, but he opens his
arms to the most dangerous, the most enterprising,
the most compromised of Englishmen, the Napoleon
of the Cape !
April 27, 1899. 1
Were it not for Alsace-Lorraine, we should be the
ally of colonial Germany. Were it not for Alsace-
Lorraine, we should be the most ardent disciples of
the noble, truly humane, and admirable work of dis-
armament undertaken by the Emperor Nicholas II.
Alsace-Lorraine has made us the irreconcilable
1 La Nouvelle Revue, May 1, 1899, " Letters on Foreign Policy."
202 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
enemies of Germanism and at the same time the faith-
ful, devoted and ever loyal friends of every Slav cause.
Familiar with the work of these causes, attached
to the greatness of our allies, those of us who
were the first to seek that mighty alliance, will
ever labour to strengthen and extend it by all the
resources which can add to its glory, but at the
same time we are anxious that nothing should be
said or done to diminish our own first claims to
restitution. An article in the Novce Vremya con-
tains a protest against the idea (disseminated by
the German Press) that Russia is working to bring
about a reconciliation between Germany and
France. The Russian organ declares that such a
rapprochement would deprive France of all the
advantages of her alliance with Russia. The St.
Petersburg newspaper adds a sentence which
appeals to us, because we can adapt it to our own
case. " A Franco-German entente" says the
Novce Vremya, " would erect a cross on the Franco-
Russian entente^ A Russo-German entente would
erect a cross on the Franco -Russian entente.
Needless to say, the Kolnische Zeitung informs
us that the Novce Vremya only represents middle -
class opinion in Russia. Well, that isn't so bad,
considering that we are sure of the antipathy of the
whole Russian people for the Germans. The Kleine
Zeitung, already reckoning on the conclusion of the
rapprochement between Germany and France, adds
that it will be received with sympathy throughout
the whole German Empire. I believe you, Kleine
Zeitung ! And the more so when, with a mixture of
haughtiness and careless indifference, you add "with
the exception of the question of Alsace-Lorraine,
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 203
which for us does not exist, there is no difference
which should separate Germany from France ! '
O most generous Kleine Zeitung ! it is sweet
to differ. On condition that we do not ask you to
give us back the flesh that you have torn from
our side, you are willing to extend to us your mild
greetings of disinterested friendship, and I have no
doubt that you are ready to forgive us the crime
you have committed against us !
May 23, 1899. 1
Amongst the most definite impressions produced
by the general proceedings of the Peace Conference
there are two which stand out : one, that the
diplomats invariably assert that it will not lead to
any practical result, either as regards disarmament
or the creation of an arbitration tribunal ; the
other, that all patriots who are enemies of Germany
are filled with anguish at the sight of Germany
endeavouring to direct its discussions. In its
practical results, the Conference will not go further
than the splendidly magnanimous proposal of
Nicholas II, having for its object the humanising
of war, the development of arbitration as a remedial
measure, and the possibility of conditional and
partial disarmament. All that will be accom-
plished might have been attained by the Tzar
alone in case of war, in the event of proposals for
arbitration, or by way of leading the Powers to
recognise the economic dangers to which they expose
their peoples by ever-increasing armaments.
June 27, 1899. a
We know what a struggle William II had to face on
1 La Nouvelle Revue, June 1, 1899, " Letters on Foreign Policy."
2 Ibid., July 1, 1899.
204 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
the subject of the canal from the Elbe to the Rhine,
and what concessions he was compelled to make to
the Prussian Chamber. Moreover he had a stiff
fight in the Parliament of the Empire with regard
to the new relations with he proposes to establish
between Germany and England and her colonies.
The agrarians of the Right and the Socialists found
themselves united in violent opposition. Herr von
Bulow required genuine skill to avert the storm.
The Kaiser met with a very decided rebuff in the
matter of what is called in Germany the " convicts'
law." It will be remembered that last autumn,
in Westphalia, the Emperor had threatened the
socialists that those who incited to strikes would
be condemned to hard labour. Such a threat is
easily uttered, but difficult to enforce by process
of law. Under the conditions existing nowadays
it does not do to speak of forced labour in con-
nection with trades unions and strikes ; neverthe-
less, in order to make good the word of the German
Emperor, his Ministers tried to snatch a vote for a
fight with the workers. Baron Stumm, a factory
king possessed of great influence with the Kaiser,
had inspired him with hatred against industrial
workers, just as others had inspired him with love
for them at the beginning of his reign. With all
his swagger and bluster, William II is more a
creature of impulse than of constancy. All parties
united to oppose his scheme, except those who are
known in every Parliament as Mamelukes. The
former " Father " of the working classes, suddenly
become their enemy, has experienced a personal
defeat in this matter which is all the greater for
the fact that the Socialists, while they rejoice at
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 205
seeing it inflicted upon him by the Reichstag, will
not forgive him for his " convicts' law."
July 8, 1899. 1
The wretched policy, which sent French ships
to Kiel to salute the flag of the King of Prussia,
continues to be honoured — no, dishonoured — by the
Government of the Republic of to-day. For this
Government, the least of William's wishes is an order.
So the Emperor William II has set foot upon
the soil of France by paying a visit aboard of the
Iphigenie (for every one of our ships is a bit of the
mother-country). The Waldeck-Rousseau Cabinet,
the ideal of M. Urbain Gohier, has allowed this
monstrous thing to be done almost immediately after
William II had laid the first stone of his fortresses
on the Moselle, fortresses intended (to use his own
aggressive words ) to hold the enemy under Germany's
guns. So we are the enemy for Germany and yet,
oh shame ! even while she slashes us with this word,
we seek to show her that she is our friend.
• •••••
It certainly looks as if the present Prussian
Ministry has neither the prestige nor the strength
of will to control successfully the conduct of the
ex-Mamelukes. Its failure at the last session of
Parliament was complete. It is amongst the strong-
est supporters of the monarchy that the most deter-
mined opposition was offered to the proposed law
for the construction of the canal from the Elbe to
the Rhine, an enterprise dear to the heart of the
Emperor, once the father of his working men and
now the father of German manufacturers.
1 La Nouvelle Revue, July 15, 1899, "Letters on Foreign Policy."
206 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
Where the political impediments block his path
William II cuts and hacks away as it may please
him. There is proof of this in the feverish haste
with which he is lowering the age of officers in the
army. On the 10th of June, six Prussian generals
were allowed to retire ; on the 15th, ten more were
placed on the unattached list, and a further move-
ment in the same direction is expected to take
place after the great Imperial manoeuvres.
July 25, 1899. 1
The Hague Conference
I desire to convince my readers by indisputable
facts —
(1) That the pacifist agitation in Europe,
in all its various forms, is inspired and sustained
by the most uncompromising military Power
on this Continent, that is to say, by Germany ;
(2) That if the magnanimous humanitarian
idea, so sincerely conceived by Nicholas II,
has not been fulfilled, its failure is entirely
due to the treachery of Germany.
For that matter, Germany has been providentially
punished for her machiavellian ways. Firstly,
because she has been unable to conceal the fact
that she is primarily responsible for this failure ;
and secondly (the fact is important in other ways
and has proved in a most striking manner), because
the Hague Conference has clearly demonstrated,
that which the initiated have long suspected, that
Germany is completely isolated in Europe !
As a matter of fact neither Austria nor Italy
1 La Nouvelh Revue, August 1, 1899, " Letters on Foreign Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 207
were with her, only one Power voted solidly with
Germany — the Power which is not content with
war and supplements it by massacres — the Turkey
of Abdul Hamid. This isolation (an indirect
result of the Franco -Russian alliance, which has
compelled Austria to come to a complete under-
standing with Russia in regard to affairs in the
Balkans, and led Italy to draw closer to France),
this isolation is a great and inestimable victory,
whose benefit must be frankly recognised by every
honest mind in the two allied countries, a victory
for those who, like myself, have worked heart and
soul for the Franco -Russian alliance.
And it is now, now that these things are clearly
proved, now, when Germany finds but one servile
nation in Europe — Turkey — that the French Govern-
ment thinks fit to seek to draw closer to Germany !
The thing is unthinkable, unbelievable !
For years, acting upon an evil policy which I
propose to elucidate hereafter, the Government of
the Republic first set itself to oppose the alliance with
Russia, preferring an alliance with Germany ; later,
this Government saw in the Russian alliance nothing
but a means to gain public applause, to acquire
popularity. Now that the strength and worth of this
alliance have been revealed in all their truth by the
isolation of Germany, this same Government of the
Republic compels our sailors to suffer the courtesy
of William II and prepares us, by diplomatic com-
muniques, for an entente with Germany.
Only super-simpletons can believe in William II 's
sham bluster against England on behalf of the
Transvaal and of that Africa concerning which
he has just concluded a binding treaty with Albion.
208 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
One must either be hopelessly ignorant or wilfully
blind not to see through the game of William II
and to be fooled by his ingratiating ways.
His only object is to compel England to throw
herself into his arms and to bring about a great
common alliance of the Anglo-Saxon races. Will
not the cynical supporters of the " policy of interest "
experience a revulsion of conscience if they know
whither they are leading us, or a sudden enlighten-
ment, if they do not know % If not, then to those
who, through cowardice or treachery, have lightly
ruined the noblest of all causes, I shall say, " I
wash my hands " of this crime of ignorance or base
surrender. Weary, sick at heart and indignant I
shall say it, in my own name and in the name of
those who have died, suddenly or mysteriously, for
the Franco -Russian cause.
Any one who followed carefully the successive
events of the performance given under the direction
of M. de Staal, any one familiar with the secret
manoeuvres that led to the convening of the Peace
Conference, could have had no difficulty in predicting
what its end would be. From some of these secret
manoeuvres in the wings, I propose to lift the veil ; my
readers will then be in a position to understand more
clearly why it is that the truly Christian act of the
Tzar (apart from certain unimportant improvements
of the Brussels Convention) did not attain the result
which might have been expected from the initiative
of a powerful and generous sovereign.
For the past year we have repeatedly been told,
in more or less sensational revelations, that the
influence which chiefly determined Nicholas II in
his action, was his reading of a famous book on
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 209
war by M. de Bloch. This is no doubt true and
the fact may be admitted. Much moved by the
eloquent description, given by the great financial
writer of Warsaw, of the heavy burdens imposed
on the nations by the extravagant armaments of
the Continent, and terrified at the thought of the
calamities which the next war would let loose upon
all Europe, Nicholas II, full of Christian pity for the
sufferings of humanity, directed Count Mouravieff
to send the famous circular to the Powers, which
resulted in the convening of the Hague Conference.
But I would ask, how are we to reconcile the
hostile attitude of William II's delegates to the
Russian proposals with his solemn declaration that
he was absolutely in agreement with his friend
Nicholas II ? Why did the German Emperor first
give his approval to De Bloch's campaign in favour
of disarmament and then make Von Schwartzkopf
publicly repudiate the most important arguments of
that writer's book ? Was it that William II was in
the first instance seduced by the lamentable picture
which De Bloch gives of France and the organisation
of her army, or (and this seems far more likely) did
he simply approve of the intrigue set on foot by the
author of this work on war, an intrigue which aimed
at casting a shadow over the patriotic hopes that
France placed on the Russian alliance, by inciting
Nicholas II to call for a general disarmament ?
It must be confessed that the Franco -Russian
alhance struck a bitter blow at the hopes of Polish
patriots. The contempt and hostility towards
France which inspire M. de Bloch's book are proof
sufficient of the grudge its author bears us. It is
p
210 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
perfectly evident that they must have been delighted
in Berlin at the chief object of his work. But
there were other objects in view.
For years William II has unceasingly laboured to
persuade England that she has every interest to join
the Triple Alliance. His perseverance in this direc-
tion is quite natural. But if Germany succeeded
last year in concluding an agreement with England
on a few special questions, the Hague Conference
has proved that it does not involve an agreement
in matters of general policy.
Nevertheless, William II counted on this Congress
to produce closer relations with Great Britain.
He hoped that the Congress would result in sharp
antagonism between England and Russia and he
reckoned on this antagonism to help him to inflict
a severe defeat on Russia, which in its turn would
have enabled him to draw one or other of these
two Powers into the orbit of his policy. Great then
was the disappointment of the German Emperor
when, from the very outset of the Conference, England,
performing a most unexpected volte -face, made
proposals on the subject of arbitration, which went
a great deal farther than the Russian proposals laid
before the Congress. This master-stroke of British
diplomacy compelled Germany to come out into the
open and to reveal herself in her true light : that is to
say, as the only obstacle to the fulfilment of the Tzar's
humanitarian designs.
The Stengels, Zorns and Schwartzkopfs com-
pleted the success of British diplomacy by the
brutal violence of their opposition and the cynicism
of their proposals. It was not only on the two
committees that dealt with arbitration and dis-
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 211
armament that German opposition (always sup-
ported by Turkey alone) wrecked the magnanimous
attempt of Nicholas II to minimise the horrors
of war. The committee presided over by M. de
Martens succeeded in effecting certain improve-
ments in the terms of the Brussels Convention ;
if the labours of its President and members were
not successful in doing more to lessen the evils
of war upon land, the fact is again due to the oppo-
sition of the German representatives. Thus, for
instance, the humane measures proposed in for-
bidding the bombardment of open towns and
private dwellings unoccupied by troops, or the
destruction of unfortified villages, were not adopted
because the German delegate insisted on the im-
possibility of limiting the powers of a commander-
in-chief, who must remain the sole judge of the
utility of such destruction in the general interest of
military operations. It was the same in the case of
the article whereby it was proposed that provinces
occupied by enemy forces should be guaranteed in
the maintenance of their antonomous administration
and in certain rights against the demands of inva-
sions, Germany declared her unwillingness to fetter
in any way the decision of her army commanders.
I would ask those amongst us who rejoice at
the idea of seeing William II take part in the
Exhibition of 1900, to let their thoughts dwell a
little on the attitude of the Prussian delegates at
the Peace Conference. William I took part in the
Exhibition of 1867 and we know what that visit
cost France three years later.
Now that all the perfidious plans inspired by
Berlin have come to nought, now that the defenders
P2
212 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
of German policy at St. Petersburg, Warsaw and
elsewhere have come to grief, and that the Peace
Congress — even though it may not have fulfilled
the generous hopes of Nicholas II — has nevertheless
led to a great advance in the opinion of the public
as in that of governments, on the subjects of arbitra-
tion and disarmament, William II shifts his rifle
on to the other shoulder. In order to clear Germany
of the blame for the failure of the Conference in
the eyes of the Tzar, the same individuals who
constituted themselves the protectors and sponsors
of M. de Bloch at the Russian Court and who
had assured the Tzar of the absolute support of
William II, have now started a campaign of intrigue
against Count MouraviefL
That faithful minister and servant of the Tzar, who
undertook with great skill to carry out the initiative
of his sovereign, and who has devoted himself whole-
heartedly to the task of winning over to the Tzar's
ideas not only the sympathy of the entire civilised
world, but even the vast majority of the sceptical
diplomats, who are leaving the Conference with the
conviction that they have done useful work — well, it
is this same Count Mouravieff that the German Press
is now trying to hold responsible for the misdeeds of
the Stengels, the Zorns and the Schwartzkopfs.
By way of a first attempt at abolishing the horrors
of war by means of international agreements, the
Hague Conference has given very satisfactory results,
and the honour for these is due to M. de Staal,
Count Mouravieff and M. de Martens. The Tzar has
reason to be equally satisfied in that he has compelled
his very good friend William II to throw off his
mask and to reveal all his hostility towards Russia.
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 213
It is now for those who had pledged themselves
to guarantee the unconditional support of Germany
for the Tzar, to bear the load of responsibility
which is properly theirs for having unworthily
deceived their Sovereign. Many other hopes,
bearing on internal affairs in Russia, had been
created by the authors of the intrigue which
I have endeavoured to expose. We know how
deeply rooted is the religious and pacific character
of the Russian masses. No initiative could stir
their hearts so profoundly as that which seeks to
lessen the horrors of war and to relieve the people
of the crushing burden of armaments. One has
only to remember the sects which exist in Russia
which are opposed to military service and duties.
Such an initiative coming from their adored Tzar
was bound to produce far-reaching results.
After our experiences of 1868 and 1869 — and
even 1870 — how can we be guilty of running the
same risks again ? Was not William I, King of
Prussia, amiable enough ? Did he not do everything
to lull the suspicions of Napoleon whilst he himself
was arming to the teeth ? We all allowed our-
selves to be sufficiently fooled by Bismarck's agents
and spies in 1870 to be able to recognise the secret
agents of William II to-day.
It is not only a shameful thing, that the
IphigSnie should have hoisted at her mainmast-
head the Imperial flag, bearing the insulting device
of 1870, it is also an encouragement to William II
in the treachery which he is plotting against us.
One's heart is heavy with the grief of hopelessness
when one thinks of our easy-going short memories,
214 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
and the suffering courage of the people of Alsace-
Lorraine. During the past few days, whilst our
Parisian newspapers have been discussing the
probability of the obnoxious presence of the Kaiser
in Paris for the Exhibition, the Strasburger Post
has been heaping bitter reproaches on the in-
habitants of Alsace-Lorraine for their lack of
enthusiasm and meagre contributions towards the
proposed statue in honour of the late Emperor
William. In spite of all the pressure applied, the
subscriptions have hardly produced a few hundred
marks. The German Press describes the Alsatians
as ungrateful and short-sighted.
August 9, 1899. 1
The mania for autocracy dominates the mind
of the German Emperor, King of Prussia, and
leaves no room therein for anything but exactions
of a disturbing kind. We know how numerous
are the crimes of lese-majeste ; also that William II
wishes the Reichstag to pass a law punishing with
hard labour those who incite strikes. A lecturer
at the University of Berlin, M. Arons, having
dared to proclaim himself a socialist — needless to
say, from the theoretical point of view — the Emperor
required his Minister of Public Education to have
M. Arons brought for trial before the Council of
the University, consisting of forty-five professors.
These acquitted the accused, who, in their opinion,
had not indulged in any propaganda and was
within his strict rights in expressing his personal
opinions. The Emperor had their judgment heard
on appeal before a court consisting of officials of the
Public Education Department. To make such an
1 La Nouvelle Revue, Aug. 15, 1899, "Letters on Foreign Policy."
SCHEMES OF THE KAISER 215
appeal possible, the Reichstag was required to pass
a new law in June 1898, known as the Arons Law.
Whenever the occasion offered, I have shown
how deep is the hatred which William II bears to-
wards the old liberalism of the German Universities.
Yet is is for this same William that certain Germano-
phils amongst our French Universities entertain
such a disgraceful weakness. Whilst French news-
papers are continually discussing, with evident
sympathy, the possibility of the Kaiser's paying
a visit to France during the Exhibition, it brings
the tears to our eyes to read the following in the
Journal de Colmar : —
' The possibility of a rapprochement between
Frenchmen and Germans should not lead the
latter to suppose that the Alsatians are likely
to forget their country in order to be reconciled
with the conquerors. The Alsatian will never
give up his own individual character, he will
never lightly consent to be merged in a homo-
geneous whole. The Alsatian remains French,
and such is the rigour of his nationality that
it has resisted every attempt to destroy it."
In order to make us believe the more easily that
a reconciliation with Germany is possible, and that
we may come to forget 1870 and the loss of Alsace-
Lorraine, they are continually telling us that
Germany has never been on better terms with
Russia. I showed in my last letter what were the
steps taken by the Germans to minimise the great,
imperishable, humanitarian success of Tzar Nicho-
las II in bringing about the Hague Conference. I
showed that his efforts resulted in leading all the
216 SCHEMES OF THE KAISER
diplomats accredited to the Peace Congress to
recognise that the foundation had been laid, not
only of the possibility of eliminating needless horrors
from the wars of the future, but also of action by
the Powers in common, to be brought to bear, in
the form of advice and arbitration proposals, on the
minds of rivals, adversaries and enemies preparing
to settle their quarrels by the arbitrament of war.
Germany realises the defeat at the Hague so
completely that now she thinks only of new arma-
ments and of arming Turkey, her only ally, to the
teeth. Herein she finds numerous advantages;
such as supplying rifles and guns, sending out new
military instructors, and threatening Russia with
a formidable army commanded by German generals.
Germany knows every inch of Russia, by land
and by water, and has calculated her resources
to a nicety. German spies are legion in Russia
as they are in France. She may hope to make
easy-going people like us believe that she is on the
best of terms with our ally, but she will find it far
more difficult to make Russia herself believe it.
One has only to study the Russian Press to be
convinced of this, and particularly a long article
in the Navce Vremya, which proves that, as a matter
of policy and of material facts, it is absolutely
impossible for Russia and France to admit Germany
into their Alliance without risking the destruction
of that Alliance, inasmuch as its fundamental objects
are diametrically opposed to those of Germany.
FINIS
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