510
of t
SCIENCE AND HUMAN
AFFAIRS
FROM THE VIEWPOINT OF BIOLOGY
BY
WINTERTON C. CURTIS, PH. D.
PBOFESSOR OP ZOOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OP MISSOURI
LONDON
G. BELL AND SONS, L!l)
COPYRIGHT, 1922, BY
HABCOURT, BRACE AND COMPANY, INC.
Printed in the U. S. A.
TO THE MEMORY OP MY FATHER
WILLIAM CONWAY CURTIS
WHO THROUGHOUT A LONG LIFE EXEMPLIFIED THE
SPIRIT OF THE OPEN MIND
PREFACE
The present volume sets forth certain of the humanistic
aspects of natural science with illustrations largely from the
field of biology. The work is an outcome of the author's
experience as a teacher of zoology, although much that is
here contained forms no part of routine zoological instruc-
tion. The interest of college students in the broader aspects
of science, as viewed by the biologist, leads him to believe
that the matter presented may interest a wider audience.
We often hear the statement that "we live in a scientific
age." But what does this mean historically, and what does
it imply for the future? Again, it is said that the present is
a period of "readjustment." Readjustment to what, and
because of what? The present volume seeks in a modest
way to answer these questions. The writer has also found
an incentive in his conviction that the world has arrived at
an age of science, that the necessary readjustments have
not been completed and that the future belongs to the
scientific frame of mind.
Acknowledgments are due to many friends and associates
who have consciously or unconsciously contributed to the
work during the course of numerous discussions. Among
my fellow zoologists, who have read extended portions of
the manuscript and made valuable suggestions, are Caswell
Grave, F. B. Isely, the late W. E. Kellicott, E. G. Conklin,
S. 0. Mast, and George Lefevre. I am particularly indebted
to Professor George Twiss of the Ohio State University, and
to Professor A. H. R. Fairchild of the University of Missouri,
he critical reading of preliminary drafts. But most of
all. I am under obligation to my friend and colleague Pro-
fessor N. M. Trenholme for his reading of earlier and later
draft > of certain chapters, as well as the final manuscript.
vi PREFACE
His constructive criticism of all phases of the work has been
of inestimable service. Thanks are also due to Mr. George
T. Kline, biological artist of the University of Missouri, for
the drawing of Figs. 28, 29, and 30, and for assistance with
some of the other figures.
Formal acknowledgments are due to the Scientific Ameri-
can for Fig. 7; to the Clarendon Press for Fig. 8; to the
Pierpont Morgan Library, as the source of Fig. 9, reproduced
from the paper by W. A. Locy; to the Macmillan Company
for the reproduction of Figs. 23 and 24, and for the quotation
from Metcalfs " Organic Evolution," as it appears on page
61; to the American Museum of Natural History and the
F. A. Stokes Company for Fig. 25; and to Henry Holt and
Company for the tabulation of the linked characters in
Drosophila, which appears on page 133. Lesser quotations
from copyrighted works are duly acknowledged in the foot-
notes.
W. C. C.
University of Missouri,
Nov. 10, 1921.
CONTENTS
PART I
The History and Significance of Science
CHAPTER PAGE
I. THE MEANING OF SCIENCE TO MANKIND 3
II. THE ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD. . 11
III. THE DECLINE OF ANCIENT LEARNING 42
IV. THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE 66
V. THE FURTHER GROWTH OF SCIENCE . . 94
PART II
The Science of Biology
VI. THE BIOLOGICAL SCIENCE OF THE MODERN PERIOD:
THE CELL-DOCTRINE 119
VII. THE BIOLOGICAL SCIENCE OF THE MODERN PERIOD:
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 155
VIII. CURRENT PROBLEMS AND METHODS OF ZOOLOGICAL
SCIENCE 187
PART III
The Present Importance of Science
IX. PHILOSOPHICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF
SCIENCE 223
\ THK NATURE AND MEANING OF SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 242
XL Tun ROLE OF SCIENCE IN THE SOLUTION OF SOCIAL
PROBLEMS 263
XII. THK HIGHER VALUES OF SCIENCE 290
XIII. MANKIND AND THE FURTHER PROGRESS OF SCIENCE . 314
INDEX 321
vii
PART I
THE HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF
SCIENCE
CHAPTER I
THE MEANING OF SCIENCE TO MANKIND
SCIENCE is the product of human reason applied to the
phenomena of nature. It is, therefore, as old as rational
thought. The straight-thinking man was always a scientist.
The minor facts of science, which arise from the interpreta-
tion of simple phenomena, have been apprehended from the
beginning, though not subjected to critical examination.
The major facts of science, which are called scientific laws,
and conscious analysis of the methods by which such laws
are discovered have been acquired within the period of re-
corded history. Comprehending at last the meaning of
natural knowledge, man has discovered during the recent
centuries, the network of relationships which constitutes
modern science. But the foundations of science have
existed since the dawn of rationality.
Organized science, although it seems so recent a product of
the human understanding, may be recognized in its begin-
nings at an earlier time than is commonly supposed. Reason
is constantly striving to bring order out of seeming chaos.
This undertaking is not of recent origin. Stripped of their
purely mythological features, primitive cosmogonies are
comparable to the larger groupings of fact which characterize
modern scientific knowledge. Those who believed the earth
to be flat were making what was essentially a scientific
generalization, so long as it conformed to the appearance of
things. Among the Egyptians, the Babylonians, and related
peoples, the germs of the physical, astronomical, mathemat-
ical, and medical sciences made their appearance at an early
date. Among the ancient Greeks, the scientific spirit is
discernible, despite the limitations imposed by ignorance,
superstition, and unbridled speculation. Among the Euro-
3
4 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
pean peoples, during the Middle Ages, science was obscured
by theological dogma and by the loss of most of the ancient
learning. During the Modern Period, which might be termed
the Scientific Period, science has become an organized
endeavor of overwhelming importance. It has entered its
growth-period and has become, with amazing rapidity, the
most influential factor in the thought and action of the
modern world.
The dominant influence which science now exercises in
western culture is a natural outcome of the spectacular
changes wrought by science upon the environment of man.
Within less than two hundred years, man has succeeded in
controlling the conditions of his existence to an extent hith-
erto unthinkable. The material effects of this new power are
seen wherever "the destroying hand of economic civiliza-
tion" does its work. It is this deplorable aspect of science
which has captured the popular imagination. But science
has gone deeper. Human thinking has been revolutionized
by scientific knowledge and method. It is this spiritual
aspect of modern science that is its most significant feature.
By comparison, the material aspect is insignificant. So
profound, so comprehensive, and so rapid have been the
transformations hi human thought in modern times, that
even scientists have been forced often to change their point
of view over night. The end of the revolution, which has
thus been forced upon the world, is not yet apparent. Its
effects are spreading, its advance shows no signs of abate-
ment, its ultimate results are incalculable. Extensive as the
material transformations have been, thrilling as the conquest
of physical nature has been, they are surpassed in importance
by the changes in human thought. Modern thought is the
outcome of modern science. The scientific habit of mind is
the unpredictable factor hi the life of mankind to-day. Its
possibilities for the future defy all estimate or prophecy.
The spiritual revolution wrought by scientific thought
is illustrated in the changing concept of authority. SufB-
THE MEANING OF SCIENCE TO MANKIND 5
cient medievalism survives to enable us to appreciate the
intellectual atmosphere which existed in Europe from the
decline of the Greco-Roman culture to the dawn of the
Renaissance. For more than a thousand years, the final
authority, in temporal as in spiritual matters, was scriptural
phraseology and the traditional teachings of the masters of
antiquity. The writings of Galen were law in human anat-
omy; the Bible was regarded as a trustworthy textbook in
natural history. This condition of mind was an outcome of
the enthronement of authoritative statement in the place of
critical judgment. It reflected the theological doctrine of
authority inherent in every phrase of a Scripture conceived
to be inspired. In contrast to this manner of thinking,
science recognizes only nature as the ultimate authority in
the interpretation of nature. Facts, which any one may
verify for himself, are the justifications for the authoritative
statements of science. Insensibly, the popular mind is reach-
ing this scientific concept. The older authority may stand,
apparently well buttressed and secure, but in reality it has
been undermined by the progressive recognition of the
authority of nature.
The craftsman of the Middle Ages never doubted the
reality of the universe depicted by theology. Performing all
the labor incident to the creation of a finished product out of
raw material, he could think in terms of a Deity who had
made man with His hands and who arbitrarily changed the
course of nature. The modern industrial worker, who per-
forms a small part of the process incident to factory output,
and whose universe is the universe of scientific fact, is more
likely to regard himself as controlling and directing forces of
nature which are represented in his machine. This latter
point of view has its limitations and calls for corrective
treatment, lest the individual engaged in industry come to
regard himself as merely a cog in a mechanism. But it is
accomplishing one beneficial result. It is instilling into the
worker's mind, and so into the minds of all mankind, the
6 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
idea of natural causation; and once this idea becomes a
major factor in human thinking, nature will become for all
time the one and only source of authority in explaining
phenomena. Even unconsciously, the workman feels the
worthlessnessof authoritative knowledge of the older sort, and
thus stands with the scientist, who regards the traditional
explanations as negations of a rational explanation of the
world.
Recent tendencies in education further illustrate the
influence of this changing concept of authority. The ascet-
icism and scholasticism of the Middle Ages gave way before
the humanism of the Renaissance. The new ideal found its
counterpart in the thought of ancient times. The literature
of Greece and Rome was ardently studied and read for its
humanistic values. Latin, being already the language of the
learned, became one vehicle of the new philosophy. Greek,
being the only pathway to the elder source of European
humanism, assumed a corresponding importance. Thus
Latin and Greek became associated with modern human-
istic philosophy, a union which has been maintained until
the present day. The teaching of the Greek and Latin
languages per se assumed a commanding position in the
educational scheme of western Europe, and was maintained
therein long after the original need for such teaching had
disappeared. But the authority of tradition, voiced by the
pronouncements of classical scholars, no longer convinces.
The public in general, and the leaders of education in partic-
ular, have turned from the authority of custom to that of
psychology, of pedagogy, and of everyday experience. The
claim that humanistic values inhere within the very lan-
guages of Greece and Rome must rest upon a more secure
foundation than educational tradition, if Greek and Latin
continue as vital elements in general education.
The authority in education from now on must be scientific
authority. We are still profoundly ignorant of what consti-
tutes scientific procedure within so complex a field. We
THE MEANING OF SCIENCE TO MANKIND 7
shall discover this procedure only by long and painstaking
study. Merely to have changed time-honored standards is
no guarantee that the new ones are final. If analysis of
educational experience shows that the only road to an under-
standing of the ancient humanism lies through the original
languages, and if it appears, as a further result of scientific
analysis, that herein lies the greatest reservoir of humanistic
thought, study of these languages will continue to be widely
required. If, as in the case with our ethical ideals, the
average man in a busy world can secure the essence of this
humanism by means of translations and interpretations, the
classical languages will be primarily for the classical scholar,
and not for those who merely aspire to a liberal education.
The acid of the scientific method is being applied in educa-
tion. In time it will destroy the baser metal, not alone in the
teaching of the classics but in the teaching of science as well.
In education, as in other fields, the day of passive acceptance
of what is because it has been seems gone never to return.
Here, as elsewhere, an appeal to the facts results in the undo-
ing of traditional authority and establishes the authority of
science. The changing classical requirements in modern
education illustrate our point, although such changes are
insignificant when compared with the possible revolution in
education as a whole.
Recent changes in religious belief may be cited as a further
example of the influence of scientific thought. By insensible
degrees, theology has been losing its hold upon the western
mind. The early Christian cosmogony has long been dis-
carded by the educated laity, and is not taken seriously by
many of the clergy. What the Copernican Theory did to the
Heaven and Hell of an earlier period, the Higher Criticism,
which consists of the method of science applied to the study
of the Old and New Testaments, is doing in our own day to
belief in a revealed religion. Facts! Facts! Facts that can-
not be denied have everywhere rendered ancient beliefs un-
tenable. Wonderfully interesting legends and fables the
8 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
Bible stories now appear to be — records of attempted solu-
tions of the mysteries of life. The science of comparative
mythology is fascinating reading and is of even more than
academic interest, because it explains the origin of many
concepts which still exercise a profound influence upon the
bulk of mankind. Because of scientific thinking, theology is
being recognized as a barren form of speculation and is
rapidly being separated from what may be termed religion.
The latter maintains its hold upon men in terms of the hu-
man sympathy and ethical idealism essential in man's
nature, without which social cooperation could not exist.
Comparative study shows the various religions of mankind to
have their foundations in these fundamental qualities of the
human mind. The religion of the future will be scientific
in that it will be all-comprehending.
In its sifting out of facts, science spares nothing, not even
the most sacred of traditions, for science has its own sacred
tradition of the open mind. One cannot view dispassionately
the history of religious belief during the recent centuries
without recognizing the changes which have occurred. And
does any one believe that these changes will not endure or
that others will not follow? Will not religion or what men
will call religion in the future be at one with science, be,
indeed, mainly a practical application of the ideas and
achievements of science; and will not the scientific habit of
mind satisfy the ethical and philosophical desires which have
been hitherto formulated as religion and theology? The
influence of science is manifest. Eventually, it will recon-
struct the very foundations of religious thought.
Again, the scientific point of view appears hi the changing
philosophy of life. The old formulas, by which man long
explained the riddles of existence, have failed hi the light of
scientific knowledge, even though they color much of our
thinking. We may well consider the possibility of a life to
come, but our immediate concern is with the life that is here
and now. The ignoring of temporal affairs, emphasized so
THE MEANING OF SCIENCE TO MANKIND 9
long as the thoughts of men were directed toward another
world, has left an historical record in which we can take
little pride. The humanistic philosophy of life, which
flowered in Greece and which has blossomed again, is not the
crude materialistic desire to eat, drink, and be merry. It
is a spiritual joy in living and a confidence in the future,
which makes this life a thing worthwhile. The otherworld-
liness of the Middle Ages does not satisfy the spiritual de-
mands of modern times.
It was this humanistic ideal which strove for domination
in the ancient world but at last went down defeated by that
fear of the unknown which was man's heritage from savagery.
The Greek ideal of life declined, despite the beginnings of
scientific knowledge, because the bulk of mankind still be-
held in nature a great unknowable filled with malignity
toward men. Terror of the dark brought victory to that
philosophy which made this world a vale of tribulation
wherein man prepared himself for the next. From primitive
times, blind fear swept on, unchecked save by the naked
strength of the Greek mind. When Greece and Rome
declined, fear chilled the hearts of men until in modern
times, man mastered fear by scientific knowledge. To-day,
men can face the unknown, strong in their conviction that
mankind will ultimately comprehend much that has seemed
unknowable. Nature now appears orderly, not capricious;
causal, not magical. For those who come after us, if not for
ourselves, the life that now is will possess greater possibilities
than those ascribed in the past to a life beyond the grave.
We have ceased to look upon nature with the dumb terror of
the savage mind. We no longer grovel before her as an un-
n power whose caprice may work us good or ill. Be-
cause of modern scientific knowledge, we look upon a world
which is mainly, perhaps wholly, organized without reference
to the desires of individual men, a universe of which we are a
part and whose course we may hope to influence, if only to an
infinitesimal degree. Our fate may be "on the knees of the
10 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
gods," but the gods do not help us to that which we desire;
we help ourselves, by understanding nature and by ordering
our lives in conformity to her laws. Courage and high re-
solve are needed thus to face the realities of life. The night
of fear is still about us, though we face the new day. At
times, we lose all hope that a scientific philosophy of life can
ever prevail within the hearts of men. In the faith that it
will prevail, we lay hold upon scientific truth as we see it
around us, believing that in the end no other state of mind
will satisfy as well.
As a final illustration of the part played by science in this
spiritual revolution which is the distinctive feature of
modern times : The facts of biological science are profoundly
modifying human thought. Their effects are seen in the
present; and such facts have unbelievable possibilities for
the future, because they deal with man's relation to his
environment and with the nature of human personality.
Biological science seeks to answer the question whence came
man, and to explain what man is at the present time. It is
also concerned with the whither of man upon this earth; it
even dreams that research may some day solve the mystery
of death. To-day, the philosopher recognizes the biological
basis of philosophy, the theologian the biological develop-
ment of theology, the historian the biological background of
primitive historical events, and the man in the street the
biological nature of his own existence. Indeed, biology
occupies a pivotal position in human understanding.
But above all the applications of particular branches
of science, man must apply the scientific method in the
solution of social and of individual problems, lest civilization
perish through its failure to progress. Biology in partic-
ular and science in general are fundamentally related to the
welfare of mankind. Human life itself is the most absorbing
of all scientific problems. If its riddles are ever to be solved
it must be primarily through science and in the terms of
science.
CHAPTER II
THE ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE
ANCIENT WORLD
HAVING established the meaning and importance of science
in general, the next step is to examine the historical origins of
scientific thinking and knowledge, as a further introduction
to biological science in particular. In such an inquiry,
attention may be confined to the Near East, since isola-
tion rendered India and China unimportant factors in the
early intellectual development of the Mediterranean peoples.
Commerce is known to have existed between Egypt and the
Indian Peninsular at an early date. There were contacts
between India and the primitive Mesopotamians. But the
very early development of civilization in the Nile valley
makes it probable that the tide of cultural influences flowed
from west to east and not in the reverse direction.
BEGINNINGS OF SCIENCE IN THE VALLEY OF THE NILE
Beings capable of fashioning flint implements existed in
western Europe as early as the Third Inter-Glacial Period-
estimated as some 125,000 years before our era.1 Rock
carvings and other remains indicate that cultural levels
similar to, although not necessarily contemporaneous with,
reached by palaeolithic races of Europe were also
attained by implement makers who inhabited northern
>O8born, H. F., "Men of the Old Stone Age," p. 41. This estimate is a
moderate one, as some other authorities place the appearance of the Pre-
Chellean flint workers even earlier than the Glacial IVriod. Buttel-Reepen,
Man find Hi* Forerunners," p. 10. In the table given by J. C.
' i". Monthly, p. 338, Apl., 1920, no time estimate appears, but the
Paleolithic Period begins with the Second Glacial, and the Eolithic Period ,*
extended well b !.«rtiary.
11
12 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
Africa during glacial times. The Sahara appears to have
been a habitable region and to have possessed a temperate
climate, at least during the earlier periods of European
glaciation. With the close of the Ice- Age and the advent of
the present climate, the southern shores of the Mediter-
FIQ. 1. Map of Egypt. Showing outline of the great fault-rift,
which produced the Nile Valley, and of the former coast
line. (Adapted from Blanckenhorn.)
ranean were populated by peoples whose cultural level was
similar to that attained in southwestern Europe only in later
times. It is not improbable that similar conditions had long
prevailed and hence that a truly human culture emerged in
northern Africa far earlier than in Europe. Egypt, in partic-
ular, exhibits not only the record of an indigenous civiliza-
tion, but also evidences of antecedent neolithic and palaeo-
ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD 13
lithic cultures that extend to a very remote period in the
past,2
The geological history of the Nile region 3 has been such
that we may determine the sequence of cultural remains in
quite a definite fashion. Their actual age is, of course, sub-
ject to the limitations of all geological estimates of time.
An exact time correlation with Europe is exceedingly dif-
ficult, if not impossible with our present data. Nevertheless,
these remains are of great importance, because the complete-
ness of the record is hardly duplicated in any other locality.
The Nile valley originated, shortly before the European
Glacial Age, in what is called a block or rift-fault. As shown
by Figs. 2 and 3, a narrow section or fault-block (a a')
of the Eocene limestone, extending from the former coastline
near Cairo as far south as Coptos (Fig. 1), settled eight
hundred or more feet below the general surface of the plateau.
Lesser faults extended the valley southward a total distance
of almost four hundred and fifty miles to Gebelen. The
northern end of this rift, as shown by marine fossils, was for
a time occupied by a fiord of the sea while to the south a
fresh-water lake or chain of lakes existed for thousands of
years. Later the fiord also became converted into a lake
(Fig. 2). Eventually, this series of waterways became the
River Nile, which in its early history carried a greater
volume of water than at the present time.
Existence of the lake or lakes is evidenced by the extensive
beds of lacustrine deposits which still appear along the val-
ley walls (Fig. 3). The heavy rainfall of earlier times swept
quantities of sand and gravel from the plateau. Many feet
of this material were deposited in the lake upon the top of
the fault-block (Fig. 2). After the river was established, its
erosion cut the lake-beds almost to their bottom before the
'Breasted, J. H., "The Origins of Civilization," Sci. Monthly, Oct., 1919,
pp. 304-8.
1 Blanckenhorn, M., "Geschichte des Nil-Stroms," Zeitech. der Gesell. fur
Erdkundc, 1902.
14 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
Plateau
Plateau
A1
Possible Fjiord-Lake Surfaces
Lake Bottom at Final Lake-Stage
Beds of Lacustrine Depo si ta ^r^i^
~~~~~.. washed in from Plateau^..i...T*
Fault-Block
Eocene
Limestone
Line of maximum
erosion of
" lacustrine "
deposits _
Fia. 2. Schematic Cross-Section of the Nile Valley, at a stage when the fiord-
lake had reached its maximum development. The lacustrine beds are
shown filling a considerable portion of the rift produced by sinking of
fault-block a a' from its original position A A' B E' . The downward
displacement of the fault-block amounted to some 900 feet, as shown by
the present height of the valley walls. The distance across the rift, as it
now exists, varies from 4 to 15 miles. The extent to which the lacustrine
deposits have since been eroded is indicated by the profile of the present
valley which is outlined as in Fig. 3. The vertical dimension is greatly
exaggerated. Compare with Fig. 3. (Adapted from Breasted and Blanck-
enhorn.)
dwindling stream became converted into the modern Nile
and began to deposit the present alluvium. As shown by
Fig. 3, the remains of the old lake-beds are exposed along the
sides of the great rift. Below them are the remains of two
so-called river terraces, marking stages during which the
stream maintained its volume for a time sufficient to estab-
lish flood planes and lay down alluvial terraces that have
since been washed down to rounded contours.
The peculiar features of the foregoing geological events
enable us to trace the cultural record in a definite manner.
The numbers on the right hand side of Fig. 3 indicate the
location of the items which may now be enumerated in the
order of their antiquity.
1. Many implements and flint workings, similar to palaeolithic
remains elsewhere in Northern Africa, are found scattered over
the plateau.
ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD 15
Plateau _ I
Remains of Lacustrine
Deposits
Lower Terrace and Present
Alluvium
FIG. 3. Schematic Cross-Section of the Nile Valley at Present Day. Showing
remains of lacustrine deposits and of two river terraces. The alluvium of
the modern valley floor and the present Nile appear below. Vertical
dimension is exaggerated. Compare with Fig. 2. Location of human
artifacts is indicated by figures on the right hand side as explained in
text. (Adapted from Breasted and Blanckenhorn.)
2. Implements similar to (1), but found embedded at various
levels in the lake deposits, are believed to have been washed in from
the plateau, since this was the source of the material composing
the lake deposits. Hence some at least of the plateau implements
antedate the formation of the lake deposits.
3. Many implements are found embedded within the upper
river terrace. These are similar to (1) and (2). The material of
this terrace was derived by washings from the older lake deposits
or from the plateau.
4. Implements on any undisturbed surface of this terrace are
of later origin than (3).
4a. Prehistoric cliff pictures of game animals, primitive boats,
and the- like, now found upon the upper cliffs are believed to be
nporaneous with (4).
.">. Implements within the lower terrace would be regarded as
more recent than (4), or as washed down from the earlier forma-
above, since tin- material of this terrace had such an origin.
6. Implements upon any undisturbed surface of this lo\\«-r ter-
race would be? later than (5).
7 Implements, fragments of pottery, etc.. have been found
deeplv IMI. \.t-t\t led in the present alluvial plain. The transition
16 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
from a palaeolithic culture to a dawning civilization would be looked
for in these deposits, reading from the bottom upward.
8. The archaeological and early historic record of Ancient Egypt
is found upon the surface and within the upper layers of the
alluvium.
Assuming that the foregoing geological interpretations are
correct, the record is tolerably complete from the times when
flint-working beings inhabited the plateau and lived along
the precipitous shores of the fiord and lakes, through the
diminishing stages of the river to the period in which a prim-
itive civilization made its appearance among the dwellers of
the modern valley. If the lacustrine deposits are correctly
placed in the late Pliocene and First Glacial periods and if
the presence of flint artifacts within these lake deposits and
upon the plateau has been correctly interpreted, beings
capable of producing rough stone implements existed in
Egypt even as early as the First Glacial Period of Europe,
which may be conservatively estimated as some 500,000
years from the present time. Only the most extreme placing
of the earliest European flint workers (Pre-Chellean) would
take us so far into the past.4
Perhaps the age of the lake deposits, by which the age of
the plateau implements is determined, has been overesti-
mated. The interpretation of the lacustrine flints as
washed in from the plateau may be incorrect. But in any
case it appears that implement-making beings existed in
northeastern Africa at a very remote period. It is generally
accepted that the Pre-Chellean flint workers entered Europe
from another continent. The region of southeastern Asia
has been most commonly looked to as their point of origin.
In view of the geological and cultural records of the Nile
valley we may well entertain the hypothesis that the im-
mediate migration into Europe may have been from Africa.
4 The vexed question of the so-called eoliths is disregarded, since the flints
of the lake-beds and the plateau are comparable with the Chellean and Pre-
Chellean implements of western Europe.
ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD 17
Further search for palaeolithic remains in northern Africa and
correlation with those of western Europe seems highly
desirable.
Whatever the period of the beings who produced the
flints now found upon the plateau and within the lake
deposits, the implement record within the valley itself is
complete, beginning with the oldest river terraces. The
earliest known archaeological remains are comparatively
recent, appearing within the present valley floor, and are
estimated as belonging to a period about 15,000 B. c.5 They
have been obtained by borings in the alluvium and consist
of fragments of pottery. Elsewhere, pottery is character-
istic of an early neolithic stage of development. Between
15,000 B. c. and 5000 B. c., the inhabitants of the Nile valley
advanced through a neolithic culture to a primitive civiliza-
tion. The earliest known burials are placed at approximate-
ly 4000 B. c. and show, in addition to pottery and flint im-
plements of remarkable perfection, hand-bored vessels of
stone, implements and ornaments of ivory, and occasional
articles of copper. Barley, millet, wheat, and flax were
under cultivation, as shown by the contents of the pottery
jars found in the graves. Some of the bodies are wrapped in
linen which exhibits considerable textile skill. Sheep, goats,
long-horned cattle, and donkeys are pictured as domesticated
animals. It is a fair presumption that the domestication of
the animal and plant life here represented consumed many
centuries. The development of pottery-making as early as
15,000 B. c. take us still further into the past. We see
stretching back of the dawning age of metal, as shown by the
burials (4000 B. c.), a period of life on the alluvium, begin-
ning perhaps as early as 20,000 years before our era. Future
investigations will probably make the record complete, both
palseontologically and archaeologically, from the original
occupation of the valley by the flint workers of the plateau,
perhaps 200,000 years or more ago, to the earliest fixed date
• Breasted, J. H., loc. ctt.
18 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
in history (4241 B. c.), as established by the Egyptian calen-
dar with its year of twelve months and three hundred and
sixty-five days.
What is known concerning earliest civilized Egypt, there-
fore, pictures a society in which the rudiments of the practi-
cal sciences were well es-
tablished not later than
4500 B. c. If it is true
that Egyptian civilization
antedates that of Meso-
potamia, the latter, al-
though o f independent
origin, probably received
from Egypt more than it
gave. Most authorities
maintain that civilization
had its earliest beginnings
in Egypt. It may have
FIG. 4. Profile of a Pre-historic Egyptian. arisen independently in
Restored by Elliot Smith from an Mesopotamia and in the
early pre-dynastic skull. (Rediawn Far Eagt at ft lftter J^
from Breasted.)
But with our present data
we must look to the Nile valley for the earliest known transi-
tion from palaeolithic and neolithic men to those whose ac-
complishments mark the earliest beginnings of extensive
scientific knowledge. There seems to exist in northern
Africa, a continuity through the palaeolithic savagery
and the neolithic barbarism of the Ice-Age, to a cultural
level which was the forerunner of the Greco-Roman, and
hence of our own western civilization.
It appears that Egyptian craf tmanship was of the greatest
significance to the Greeks, who received their earliest models
largely from this source. The civilization of Greece, which
was the first emergence of a strictly European people from
barbarism, now appears to have been initiated by contact
with the Egyptian and Mesopotamian cultures through the
ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD 19
Phoenicians. The ^Egeans, whom the Greeks conquered,
were highly civilized, but their culture seems to have been
obliterated rather than absorbed. The Greek alphabet
arose through imitation of the Phoenician, mathematical
concepts were received from Mesopotamia, Greek architec-
FIG. 5. Hornless Breed of Egyptian Cattle. From a tomb relief
at Gizeh, 29th century B. C. (Redrawn from Breasted.)
ture, as shown by the derivation of the colonnaded Greek
temple and many lesser features, had its prototypes in
Egypt. In like manner, many of the earliest intellectual and
mechanical accomplishments of the Hellenic race are trace-
able to what existed in the civilizations previously established
at the eastern end of the Mediterranean.
The scientific achievements of the Egyptians during the
thirty-five centuries preceding 1000 B. c. may now be sum-
marized, without too great emphasis upon the exact dates,
since it is our purpose merely to indicate the total legacy of
natural knowledge which passed from Egypt to Europe by
way of Greece. Extensive archaeological records appear
after 4500 B. c. A steady though slow development may be
20 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
noted during the millenium which follows. Fire, implements,
and finally domesticated animals and plants had been the
great achievements of the human race during the ages of
stone. Metals, writing, and government were the more im-
portant achievements in the early advance of the Egyptians
toward civilization. The extensive domestication and
specialization of a wide range of animal
and plant life are examples of a prac-
tical knowledge which was the begin-
ning of biological science. In medi-
cine, the Egyptians excelled all other
ancient peoples. Only the study and
treatment of mental diseases seem to
have been neglected. The earliest
known machine is an Egyptian crank-
drill invented before 3000 B. c. (Fig.
6). The potter's wheel was of similar
early origin. The ox-drawn plow arose
as a modification of the peasant's hoe.
For a long time the advance was
gradual. But with the opening of the
Pyramid Age (3000-2500 B. c.) there
appears a single century, which, alone
FIG. 6. The Earhest Known ** . J '
Machine. An Egyptian of all the centuries, is comparable to
crank drill, about 3400 our nineteenth century in its mechani-
to 3000 B. C. (Re- 11- T one A
drawn from a figure by cal achievement. In 3050 B. c., the
Borchardt in Breast- first stone masonry had not been laid.
Less than one hundred and fifty years
fater the great pyramid of Gizeh was under construction.
The transition from barbarism thus culminated suddenly hi
this " Wonderful Century" of the ancient world. The pyra-
mids and other architectural productions of the Egyptians are
important as indications of the perfection of their mechanical
skill. A marvelous manual dexterity is exhibited, alike by
their sculpture, their architecture, and their craftsmanship.
The earliest sea-going ships appear hi the 30th century B. c.
ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD 21
The laying out of buildings and the construction of irrigation
ditches are examples of engineering feats which excite ad-
miration. Perhaps the most remarkable of all is the record-
ing of the levels of the Nile in all latitudes, which resulted in
a line being carried in one plane around all the bends of the
river for some seven hundred miles. Although in the same
plane throughout its length, this line is not exactly parallel to
the flood slope for the entire distance. But when it was later
extended some two hundred miles up the river the plane and
the flood slope became more closely parallel.6
If, as some maintain, there exists a correlation between
climatic conditions and the character of a civilization, a
parallel may be drawn in ancient Egypt. The climate of the
Nile valley offered an appropriate setting for a civilization
which was intensely material, but at the same time peaceful
and benign. But the Egyptian, despite his practical accom-
plishment, exhibits certain mental crudities.7 In abstract
thinking, there seems to have been much confusion of
thought. There is no clear evidence of a conspicuous ability
to generalize, and with this may perhaps be correlated a
certain planlessness in architecture and an inaccuracy of
artistic representation. If these were characteristics of
Egyptian thought, we can the better understand their
scientific limitations. Wonderful in their grasp of mechan-
ical processes, in the confidence with which they undertook
great enterprises like the building of the pyramids, and in
their governmental organization, they give no evidence of
the transcendent imagination which led the Greek in his
quest for natural causation. No other people in history ever
-ted for so long a period without external invasion or
serious internal revolution. Their material foundation was
early assured. Yet the Egyptians seem never to have
passed beyond the more immediate problems of science and
philosophy. It is this failure to progress which constitutes
• Breasted, J. H., loc. cit.
1 Taylor, H. O., "Ancient Ideals," p. 12.
22 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
the strongest suggestion of their mental limitations. We
cannot ascribe to them, as to certain of the Greeks, the intel-
lectual qualities of the modern scientific mind. Neverthe-
less, the classical tradition of the debt to Greco-Roman
culture should not conceal the fact that many of the mechan-
ical and artistic elements of western civilization originated in
the valley of the Nile, and were merely passed over to
western Europe by the Greco-Roman world.
DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE AMONG THE PEOPLES
OF MESOPOTAMIA
The climatic and racial background of ancient Mesopo-
tamian culture is in marked contrast with that of Egypt. In
the Nile valley we see a homogeneous people, apparently of
a stock similar to the Mediterranean race of a later period,
living in a land well protected by natural barriers and with
agricultural conditions of great stability. The Mesopo-
tamian plain was, by contrast, the meeting place of con-
flicting races from the desert to the south and west and from
the mountains to the north. From the period of the Sume-
rian peoples, whose documentary record begins about 3000
B. c., we find a recurring struggle between established
civilizations and barbarian invaders. Moreover, agricul-
tural conditions were less stable than in Egypt.
The absence of an abundant supply of stone led to the use
of brick for most building purposes. Hence the record is less
extensive in certain lines. The sun-dried bricks have crum-
bled to rums, but the records upon the baked cylinders and
tablets have proved almost indestructible and whole li-
braries have been preserved. In the main, the civilization
thus depicted appears to have originated independently in
Mesopotamia, despite extensive trade, and consequently
exchange of ideas, with Egypt after 2500 B. c. That one
item, at least, was actually derived from Egypt is indicated
by the fact that split-wheat was called by its Egyptian name.
ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD 23
Many elementary facts of mathematical and physical
science were established as early as the third millennium
B. c. In Babylon, we find standard measures of length,
weight, and capacity issued by governmental authority.
Our own unit of weight, the pound, has descended from the
Sumerian mina. Our tune unit sixty had a similar origin.
The earliest writing which was exclusively alphabetic was
that of the Aramean Syrians, in contact with Mesopotamia
to the north and west. The multiplication table, tables of
squares and cubes, a duodecimal and a decimal system
appear in the sculptured records, bearing testimony to the
intelligence which made so admirable a beginning in the
basic sciences.8 The elements of geometry arose, apparently
in connection with the measurement of land. A calendar
was developed to meet the demands of Agriculture. Among
the items of modern life, illustrative of applied science and
independently originated by the Mesopotamians or through
them transmitted to Europe, may be enumerated : the wheel,
as a burden-bearing device (3000 B. c.); cotton, derived
from India at an early date; the domestic horse, coming to
Babylonia from the north about 2100 B. c.; and iron, which
was first extensively used by the armies of Assyria. The
beginnings of a postal system under Sennacherib (700 B. c.)
may also be mentioned.9
The record of the Chaldean civilizations, as drawn from
the inscriptions on temple and palace walls and on the
cylinders and tablets of clay, is tolerably complete. It
tells us of civilizations in which astronomy, mensuration,
8 The original discovery of what might be called the properties of the various
numbers must have been a wonderful experience for the human mind. It is
not surprising that merit and demerit were ascribed to numbers which be-
haved so differently in computation. For an interesting discussion along this
line see: Slocum, S. E., "The Romantic Aspect of Numbers," Scientific
Monthly, July, 1918.
:n, W. C. D., and C. D., "Science and the Human Mind." Draper,
History of the Conflict between Religion and Science." Sedgwick,
W. T., and Tyl.-r. II. W., "A Short History of Science."
24 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
arithmetic, agriculture, and the calendar were recognized as
worthy the attention of priest and administrator. Thus the
first astronomers were probably the Chaldean astrologer-
priests, whose vigils in the clear atmosphere of an arid region
led them to watch the stars and to recognize order and law
in the heavens. Astrology was their dominant motive. But
astronomical events were carefully observed and are recorded
in the inscriptions as early as 2000 B. c. Subsequently, these
early astronomers were able to predict the eclipses of the
moon. Our present names for the signs of the zodiac — the
Crab, the Scorpion, and the like — are lineal descendants of
the Chaldean astronomy, in which the sky was mapped and
the names of animals, symbolic of gods, given to the several
divisions. Intermingled with religious beliefs, this modicum
of knowledge became a system by which it was claimed that
future events and the fates of men could be foretold. The
sorcery and magic of Chaldea, along with its astrology,
spread westward, exerting its influence, first upon Greek and
Roman thought, and later upon that of western Europe.
Thus, the idea of the virtues inherent in certain numbers, so
potent throughout the Middle Ages, appears to have orig-
inated in Mesopotamia and even to-day fortune tellers
claim for their art descent from the soothsayers of Chaldea
and Babylonia.
Speculative science and rational philosophy might have
arisen from the practical scientific knowledge which thus
came into being. That such was not the case is perhaps ex-
plained by the fact that the gods of the Mesopotamian
peoples were regarded as hostile and ever in need of propitia-
tion. Fate hung heavy on the human mind and men's
thoughts were always seeking to avert its decrees. " Strange
mingled streams of foolishness and knowledge" arose in
Mesopotamia and flowed west, north, and perhaps east.10
Religious beliefs were hopelessly intermingled with scientific
and philosophical thought. The Hebrew story of the
10 Taylor, H. O., loc. tit., p. 13, Vol. I.
ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD 25
Temptation of Eve, which was of Babylonian origin, and in
which the acquirement of knowledge was a form of sacrilege,
is an echo of a conception of the universe unfavorable to the
development of scientific thinking. The tumultuous exist-
ence of these peoples of Mesopotamia throughout many cen-
turies, during which one conqueror followed another, may
have emphasized the concept of unfriendly gods, while the
peace of Egypt may have been largely responsible for gods
who smiled on men.11 The practical scientific achievements
of these Near-Eastern peoples, before the advent of any
European civilization, constitute the first great advance of
science. If there remained for the Greeks the first important
advance toward a theoretical explanation of the universe, the
material accomplishments of the Near East should not be
disregarded. The orientalist has done an inestimable
service in showing the foundations upon which the first
strictly European civilization was reared.
CONTRIBUTION OF GREECE TO THE ADVANCE
OF SCIENCE
In Greece, the seeds of scientific thought, which had
germinated among the earlier peoples of the Eastern Med-
iterranean, reached their full fruition in the ancient world.
We have been taught to regard the rise of Hellenic civiliza-
tion as a social and intellectual phenomenon unparalleled in
: y. How Greece so suddenly came to her glory was long
a mystery. But the archaeological investigations of recent
years have established certain facts of continuity, previously
unknown. Investigations in Crete have shown the existence
of the so-called Minoan civilization, originating from an
indigenous neolithic foundation, which can be followed in
tin- lower strata of the hill of Cnossus, back to a period
perhaps as early as 7000 B. c. This neolithic culture artic-
11 Jastrow, J., " Aspects of Religious Belief and Practice in Babylonia and
A«yna."
26 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
ulates on the one hand with the late palaeolithic of western
Europe and northern Africa and on the other is transformed
into the early Minoan about 3400 B. c. Subsequently, the
Minoan civilization was in intimate contact, first with
Egypt, and later, with Mesopotamia, although never wholly
dominated by either.12
The indigenous origin in Crete of this ^Egean culture is of
prime importance. Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Crete, al-
though interacting at a subsequent period, appear to be
three separate lines of evolution connecting the barbarism of
the Late Stone Age with the civilization of later Europe.
The first towns upon the European continent were the
settlements of the ^Egeans at Mycense, Tiryns and elsewhere
upon the mainland of Greece. The cultural level estab-
lished upon the shores of the ^Egean Sea constitutes a third
great civilization of independent origin in the near-eastern
world. After 2500 B. c., the contact of the ^Egeans with
Egypt was increasingly intimate. Crete became a depend-
ency of Egypt following the development of Egyptian naval
power. Cretan envoys bringing tribute are recorded during
the fifteenth century B. c. By the beginning of the second
millennium the ^Egeans upon the island of Crete were highly
civilized, their "Grand Age" being the sixteenth century
B. c. Later, this high civilization spread to the mainland of
Greece. These facts are important in determining the
period of the actual dominance of the Greeks in the JSgean
region, which began about the twelfth century before our
era.13
12 Evans, Sir Arthur, "New Archaeological Lights on the Origins of Civiliza-
tion in Europe." Address of the President of the British Association for the
Advancement of Science, 1916. Reprinted in Science, Sept. 22, 1916. See
also: Baikie, J., "The Sea Kings of Crete"; and Hawes, C. H., and H. B.,
"Crete the Forerunner of Greece."
13 One of the most specific intimations of the ejection of the ^Egeans, by
the incoming Greeks, is found in the record of a naval battle pictured on the
wall of a temple at Thebes. The conflict, which took place off the coast of
Syria, was between Cretan fugitives and Egyptians. Breasted, J. H., Scientific
Monthly, Feb., 1920, p. 206.
ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD 27
Thus, some two thousand years before our era there
existed upon the shores and islands of the JEgean Sea a
civilization which had already attained a high level. The
ethnic stock of these ^Egean folk was the long-headed, dark
complexioned, delicately molded Mediterranean race made
familiar through studies upon European anthropology.
During the early centuries of this second millennium there
came from the north, by way of the Black Sea and the
Balkans, a flood of barbarians. It is clear from the references
to their stature, their blue eyes, and their tawny hair, as
well as from their cultural traditions and the anatomical
evidence derived from skeletal remains, that this invading
people was of the Northern European or Nordic stock.
Their use of the funeral pyre, as described in Homer, is one
custom among many which differentiates them sharply from
the ^Egeans. The Homeric tales are, presumably, founded
upon certain of their early exploits, just as the fabuluous
stories of King Arthur have some sort of an historical foun-
dation. The original Hellenes were perhaps in possession of
the mainland for centuries, before they learned to build
ships and voyage to the islands. The period of their original
invasion is uncertain, since they possessed no written lan-
guage until a much later period. But their occupation of the
Peloponnesus can be placed in the eleventh century B. c.
Following the Hellenic conquests, the ^Egeans in Crete
and on the mainland survived in large part as a subject
population. In the course of centuries, the stock of the
original invaders, and others who doubtless followed them,
must have become somewhat intermingled with that of the
conquered jEgeans. The Greek population some four or
'•enturies later, at the dawn of its written history, was
of double origin. The extent to which the two elements
had then fused together is, of course, impossible to ascer-
tain.14 It is fair to surmise that for many centuries a land-
'•« fact that the Philistines of Biblical times are known to hav.- orig-
inated from a group of Cretan*, who fled before their conquerors shows that
28 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
holding aristocracy of Nordic origin was superimposed upon
a larger group of dependents which was almost wholly
^Egean. For example, in Sparta and Crete the citizens
were virtually military garrisons commanding a hostile
population. The helots or serfs were controlled with dif-
ficulty. Gradually the conquering stock died out or mingled
with the conquered as the two intermarried and the more
competent ^Egean strains came to the fore. It is not clear to
what extent the Nordic element existed throughout Greece
at a later date, but there is evidence that the ^Egean strain
was more extensive among the Athenians than in many
other communities. We know that there was present every-
where a relatively large population of slaves. The modern
student of racial heredity finds even these meager facts of
interest as a clue to the Hellenic genius. Some critics have
believed that there exists a causal connection between the
dilution of the northern blood and the final decline of the
Greek states. The attainments of the ^Egeans before the
advent of the invading Hellenes renders such a belief less
plausible.
Continuity between the culture of Hellas and the three
preceding civilizations of Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Crete
has thus been established. It does not appear that the
northern conquerors brought to their new home a culture
which nearly approached that of the ^Egeans. Civilization
was, for the time being, obliterated and barbarism prevailed.
The original invaders were still in a neolithic stage. They
did not bring civilization with them, but only strong bodies,
and minds capable of assimilating some measure of the cul-
ture they trampled upon. The ^Egean civilization was
crushed, but some influence must have remained. In the
course of time there was increasing contact, through the
Phoenician traders, with Egypt and Mesopotamia. Greek
civilization was, therefore, not a spontaneous product, as
there was a certain amount of forced emigration eastward and southward.
But the majority of the ^Egeans no doubt remained as serfs and slaves.
ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD 29
was long supposed to be the case. Its most unique feature
was the receptivity of the primitive Hellene to the legacy of
the ancient East and his capacity to make this legacy his
own.15
The distinctive accomplishments of the three antecedent
civilizations had been practical and materialistic. Despite
their diversified attainments, the analytical quality appears
to have been lacking in both Egypt and Mesopotamia. Of
the Minoan culture we know little in this regard, because the
inscriptions are, as yet, mainly undecipherable. The im-
portance of the Hellenic culture in relation to science lies hi
its philosophical analysis of natural phenomena, including
those of human social organization. Explanation of the
physical universe, which is now the function of natural
science, was first seriously attempted by the Greek philos-
ophers. Their intellectual superiority lay in their ability to
generalize and to abstract. Hard thinking and close reason-
ing were distinctive traits. These appear in their art, their
literature, their philosophy and their science. They general-
ized and grasped the principles that lie behind the products
of human eyes and hands. They showed an ability to
separate meaning from existence. Nothing approaching
their capacity for abstraction appears in the records of ante-
cedent civilizations, unless the monotheism of the Hebrews
can be taken as an example of a similar capacity within the
ethical field. In any history of science, the Greek is of over-
shadowing importance because of his scientific turn of mind.16
<; aeem to see a race suddenly coming to its own — "False, boastful and
•us perhaps, but with a sense of beauty, a confident joy in life, a warmth
of affection that bespeak a gallant, vigorous, open-minded, conquering people,
a people of extraordinarily brilliant ori^iniil intellectual endowment, tempered
and purified by the rigors of the North, and then placed in a land of glorious
beauty, where the wine-dark sea brought the trade and knowledge of the
world to their doors, where the climate smiled upon their fortified homesteads,
Abundant slaves made life easy, and gave leisure for the growth of the
highest forms of philosophy, literature and art." Whetham, loc. cit., p. 33.
-hafTy, J. I'., "What Have the Greeks Done for Modern Civilisation?",
Chap VIII.
30 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
The origin of democratic institutions in Greece is no doubt
to be correlated with the type of mind above described. The
Oriental had acquiesced in a subjection of mind and body to
political and religious tradition. Democracy in any sense
was unknown. Corporate and class spirit was characteristic
of ancient oriental society. The Greeks developed the idea
of the individual and his intellectual worth and so gave scope
to genius. They enthroned the citizen above the king, as
well as natural law above the gods. The wonder is not that
in the end they failed to conquer the world but that they
wrought so well. Man rather than nature was, however,
then- culminating concern. "Know thyself" is a phrase
significant as a clue to an underlying philosophy. In this
respect our present age may well profit by the Greek spirit,
which at its best was too well balanced to subordinate human
aspiration to the materialities of existence.
We are more particularly concerned with the place of
science among this many-sided race. But this cannot be
discussed aside from their philosophy and their religion. In
the religion of Greece is seen reflected the Greek mind with
its joy in living. In the main, the gods smiled on men and
stood ready to help them. There was no established church
or priesthood, tending towards the crystallization of current
doctrines into dogmatic beliefs. As tune went on, the idea of
a single God, the supreme and righteous Zeus, was developed
among the more advanced thinkers. As with the Hebrews,
this conception arose by gradual stages, finding its culmina-
tion hi Plato's reconstruction of religion and hi the mysticism
that was taken over from Platonic thought by the early
Christian theologians. In general, Hellenic monotheism
was intellectual rather than ethical. It, therefore, tended to
supply the deficiencies hi the Hebrew system when the
latter was taken over by Christianity.17
Philosophy, distinct from religion hi name as well as in
17 Dickinson, G. Lowes, "The Greek View of Life." Also: Farnell, L. R.,
."The Higher Aspects of Greek Religion."
ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD 31
spirit, is here first recognizable. Inquiry did not stop with
everyday experience, but leaped beyond to theories of the
universe and of ultimate reality. "All things have arisen
from water and will return to water," not water but " air or
fire or the four original elements or atoms are the universal
principles of reality," are examples of Greek speculative
thought. The intellectual failure of the Greek was his
inability to see the point at which philosophic speculation so
far outruns fact as to become unprofitable. That his specu-
lations on the evolution of life and on the atomic nature of
matter are in line with the facts established by modern
science is not mere coincidence. It is rather the insight of
master minds groping towards the truth without sufficient
factual knowledge. The Greek hi his theorizing had the
advantage of a rationalistic point of departure, since the
Greek religion offered no compelling philosophical system as
did Christianity at a later day. Deductive logic was form-
ally organized, while the inductive method was practiced, if
not clearly apprehended.18 The concept of physical causa-
tion was apprehended. Thus the Greek perceived the gen-
eral in the midst of the particular more truly than did any
other ancient people. Moreover, the part played by intellect
was for the first time, consciously recognized.
It is unsafe to generalize regarding racial traits even
among our contemporaries. But the capacity of certain of the
Greeks for abstract and analytical thinking marks them as
the intellectual forebears of modern scientific thought.
The Greek mind showed its ability to grasp the scientific
" The following example of the inductive method is cited by Sedgwick and
Tyler, "A Short History of Science," p. 54: "We may recognize here the char-
:iH«-ri.--tir Clements of the inductive method, first, observation of the par-
ticular fact that in a certain right triangle, with sides, 3, 4, and 5, the sum of
the squares on the two sides is equal to that on the hypotenuse; second, the
formation of the hy(>othcsis that this may be true also for right triangles in
general; third, the verification of the hypothesis in other particular cases.
Then follows the deductive confirmation of the hypothesis as a law for all
right triangles."
32 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
spirit of truth by the work of Hippocrates and his school
(c. 400 B. c.) in medicine, by that of Archimedes (287-212
B. c.) in mechanics, and of Aristarchus (c. 270 B. c.) in his
heliocentric theory of the universe.19 But everywhere
speculation outran ascertained fact. Although Greek
philosophy permeated the theology of Christendom for
many centuries, and although the science of Hippocrates,
of Archimedes, and of Aristarchus, and the great Aristotelian
tradition flowed into Europe through Rome and Constanti-
nople, only to be fully acknowledged as Greek in origin in the
period of the Renaissance, the birthplace of modern science
was not Greece but western Europe. In Hellenic thought,
science was as a rising tide, while philosophy was at the flood.
Among the causes for the decline of Greek civilization may
have been the failure to appreciate the solid ground of
scientific fact upon which has been founded the material and
spiritual progress of modern tunes.
The Greek did not sufficiently acknowledge science, with
its demand for sure even though slow progress, as distinct
from the speculations of philosophy. Nor can one consider
the science of Greece apart from its philosophy, since the
Greeks were philosophical scientists to a degree which even
philosophers have not surpassed in later days. Of all the
speculations, non-scientific at the time but since brought
within the realm of science, those concerning the nature of
matter and the origin of life are of most interest at the
present day. The very existence of such speculations indi-
cates a remarkable advance in thought. When indulging in
them, these philosopher-scientists were reflecting upon and
offering hypotheses for problems which twenty centuries
later became subject matter for exact science. Empedocles
separated energy from matter, and Democritus developed a
19Libby, Walter, "An Introduction to the History of Science." Also:
Sedgwick, W. T., and Tyler, H. W., "A Short History of Science"; and
Browne, C. A., "Four Anniversaries in the History of Greek Philosophy,"
The Open Court, Dec., 1915.
ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD 33
theory of all matter as composed of atoms — theories which
failed to establish themselves because they lacked observa-
tional and experimental support. But what a contrast to the
mental attitude of earlier peoples and to that of early Chris-
tendom is here presented !
Speculations concerning the origin of life proceeded along
two lines — the origin of the individual and the origin of the
race. These two problems, which have so concerned the
biologist of modern times, were not always clearly separated.
They have, of course, certain features in common. The
speculations of the earlier Greek philosophers culminated in
the doctrine of Aristotle that living things originated from
germs, composed of soft masses of matter, or, in the case
of higher forms, sprang directly from the earth. We find
here the beginnings of the controversy over spontaneous
fition, which was not settled until the third quarter of
the nineteenth century. The explanation of racial origins—
what we now term evolution — was developed among the
Greeks as an outgrowth of their observation that nature was
in a state of constant change. Seeing the apparent flux of
all material things, the Greek philosopher speculated, not
only upon the existence of a permanent element in nature,
but also upon the nature of the change that was forever in
progress. Thus arose the idea of living things as changing;
and, finally, the concept of a succession of animal types, and
of descent with modification, was vaguely expressed. Again,
the concept of a survival of the fittest was dimly recognized by
Empedocles; and Aristotle clearly stated the problem, if not
the solution, of the phenomenon of adaptation in organic
nature. As a result of these speculations, the Greeks, as one
writer expresses it, "left the later world face to face with the
problem of Causation in three forms: first, whether Intelli-
Design is constantly operating in Nature; second,
her Nature is under the operation of natural causes
originally implanted by Intelligent Design; and third,
whether Nature is under the operation of natural causes due
34 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
from the beginning to the laws of chance, and containing no
evidences of design, even hi their origin. " 20
Aristotle, the greatest of all the Greek philosopher-
scientists, is especially interesting to the biologist, because
he has been called the father of zoological science. Taken as a
whole, his work represents the culmination of the scientific
genius of the Hellenic race. He was the first individual of
whom it is recorded that he took notes and collected books,
with a view to an encyclopaedic organization of existing knowl-
edge; he was also the first to definitely formulate the princi-
ples of deductive logic. He was the greatest systematizer
of knowledge that the ancient world produced, and was in
general the founder of most of the sciences which originated
in the ancient world. This in part accounts for the fact that
his works were looked upon as authoritative in science and
philosophy until modern tunes. It is no wonder that Dante
designated him as "the master of them that know." But
more than this, Aristotle possessed the mind of scientific
genius.
Aristotelian philosophy, in opposition to the supernatural-
ism of Plato, was the philosophy of the concrete and partic-
ular substance or thing; and was, despite its coloring of
Platonic supernaturalism, the logical antecedent of modern
scientific realism. In his scientific conclusions, Aristotle
was influenced by his philosophical preconceptions, but the
fact that his dominant philosophy was realistic rendered this
influence of less significance. In biological science, he seems
to have been familiar with a large number of animals by
actual dissection, and to have possessed a factual knowledge
greater than any student of animal life until the period of the
Renaissance. He illustrates the Hellenic genius, on its
intellectual side, more completely than any one individual.
His works, in garbled and fragmentary form, constitute the
greatest single item in the philosophical and scientific legacy
inherited from the ancient world. In him was epitomized
20 Osborn, H. F., "From the Greeks to Darwin," p. 68.
ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD 35
the genius for generalization so characteristic of the Greek
mind.
But the attainments of the Hellenic mind can be illustrated
by institutions as well as by individuals. The conspicuous
example, in science, is the Museum at Alexandria. Here,
the Macedonian rulers brought together the literature of
the ancient world in a great library and, by attracting schol-
ars from the entire Mediterranean region, created what
more nearly approaches the great university of the present
day than any other institution of ancient times. The Mu-
seum was the institutional culmination of the intellectual
genius of the Greeks as Aristotle was the personal. Stimu-
lated no doubt by the older civilizations with which the
conquests of Alexander had made them familiar, the Greeks
in this cosmopolitan city of the Ptolemies assumed the
intellectual leadership of the ancient world. Founded about
300 B. c., the Museum continued in existence for some 700
years. The three-fold object of this ancient university was
the perpetuation, increase, and diffusion of knowledge.
We shall comment only upon its encouragement of natural
science.
Fortunately, the Aristotelian doctrine of factual knowl-
edge and inductive reasoning were dominant at the outset.
To observation, there was added an increasing amount of
experimentation. We find here the beginnings of the method
which has yielded such important results at the hands of the
physical scientist during the Modern Period. Archimedes
and Ptolemy were the intellectual forebears of Galileo and
Copernicus. Here Ctesibius and Hero invented the fire
engine; and the first steam engine was produced. In geo-
graphical science, the technique of map making and survey-
ing were examined, and the circumnavigation of Africa was
proposed. The globular nature of the earth was accepted,
and attempts were made to determine its circumference.
In the field of geological science, the submergence and the
elevation of land masses, and such problems as the origin
36 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
of a strait, like that of Gibraltar or the Dardanelles, were
considered in terms of the rationalistic explanations of the
present day. The attempts to discover an elixir of life were
a foreshadowing of the work of the later alchemists from
which our modern chemistry arose. Biological science was
not neglected, for the medical traditions of Hippocrates were
known in Alexandria and there mingled with those of ancient
Egypt. The examination of the human body was permitted,
and the dissecting room of the Museum was the earliest
anatomical laboratory. The existence of zoological and
botanical gardens is also recorded.
For the purposes of this discussion, these particular items
are of interest, but it is of more importance that the Alex-
andrian Museum represents the earliest institutional at-
tempt at the systematic organization and extension of
scientific knowledge. Moreover, the science of Alexandria
did not restrict itself to observation, but relied also upon
experiment. Although the great days were gone centuries
before the Mohammedan conquest, it is not without sig-
nificance that the Arabs became proficient in the same fields
of knowledge which had been highly developed in Alexandria
at an earlier period.21
In the hands of a race politically and morally dominant,
these material and spiritual attainments of the ancient
Greeks might have conquered the world. But in Alexandria,
even before the Roman conquest, the government was
insecure. Dissipation was rife; and the paralysis born of
moral skepticism had become almost universal among the
upper classes with the decay of paganism. In the technical
operations of science, there were certain limitations that were
not removed until long after the period in question. For
example, physical science was handicapped by the lack of
21 Draper, J. W., "History of the Intellectual Development of Europe."
An excellent account of the Alexandrian Museum will be found in Chapter VI.
See also: Browne, C. A., loc. ait.; and Mahaffy, J. P., "The Progress of Hel-
lenism in Alexander's Empire."
ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD 37
accurate and convenient instruments for the recording of
both time and of temperature. Another deficiency was in
the means and method of arithmetical computation. We
can appreciate the clumsiness of the Roman numerals in
this particular, but these were superior as a means of com-
putation to the numerals of the Greeks. Only one who has
followed the history of mathematics in relation to physical
science can appreciate the advances in knowledge which
have been made possible by the introduction of the decimal
point and the figure zero of our present Arabic numerals.
Greek thought thus stamped itself upon the ancient
world, through Macedonian imperialism, despite the failure
of the Greek city-states to unite into a great nation. During
the three centuries which preceded the Christian Era, Hel-
lenic culture came to dominate the peoples of the entire
region about the middle and eastern Mediterranean, and
was influential even to Gibraltar and to the shores of the
Indian Ocean. This Hellenistic Age (323-23 B. c.) estab-
li>hcd the cultural inheritance of the Roman Empire. The
learning of the Roman Period was the learning of Greece.
Having survived the attacks of the barbarians from the east,
Greece was overthrown politically by internal strife and by
the barbarism of early Rome. But she set her mark upon
her conqueror. Hellenic philosophy, at its best, had ban-
ished the fear of malevolent natural forces. The finer spirits
among the Greeks had lived in a harmony with the world
\\hich we of the present can well afford to envy. Although
thi> harmony proved only a temporary solution of the prob-
lem, it is the hope of modern life that mankind will eventu-
ally establish, through science, a harmony which shall rest
upon a surer foundation.
UTILIZATION OF SCIENCE BY ROME
The racial sources of the original Romans are not so
clearly traceable as those of the Greeks. There seems
38 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
again to have been superposition of a Nordic element upon
a Mediterranean one. But the fusion was more complete.
The sunny shores of the Middle Sea attracted the barbarian
long before the centuries during which Roman legions held
back the northern hordes. A transition occurred in Italy as
well as in Greece from the simple unimaginative standards
of neolithic culture to the luxurious and thoughtful tastes
of civilization, under the influence of Egypt, Mesopotamia,
and Crete. Later, the Hellenic culture became dominant
in the intellectual life of Rome.
In contrast to the Greeks, the Romans were active in the
practical application of science rather than its theoretical
extension. Their cultural contribution was government and
the internationalizing of civilization. Rome was, however,
a bulwark against the barbarians, and thus made possible
a further development of science hi Alexandria and in the
lesser centers which preserved the Greek tradition. Again
there occurred a great advance in the material aspects of
civilized life, this time in the means of communication and
transportation and in the stabilizing of the entire civilized
world. But through it all, the Roman was not distinguished
for originality in science or philosophy. Interest in nature
seems to have consisted mainly in the practical applications
of principles already ascertained. After two centuries of
peace, following the conquests, Roman genius was still
imitative in speculative science.
Energy and fortitude, prudence, endurance of long and
arduous labor for the sake of ultimate gain, and hence an
unremitting toil, practical sense, and capacity to profit by
experience were distinctive Roman characteristics. The
Greek ideal of a noble enjoyment of leisure and the pursuit
of knowledge was but superficially comprehended by the
majority of cultured Romans.22 The influence of racial
traits is a possible key to the situation. The Roman by
nature was practical and utilitarian rather than philosophical
"Taylor, H. O., "Ancient Ideals," Chap. XII.
ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD 39
and speculative. Mechanical inventions were developed in
many instances, but Rome more and more neglected the
aspects of Hellenic learning which might have advanced
science. Compendiums were produced during the later
empire, containing information regarding arithmetic, geom-
etry, astronomy, and the like. The knowledge of nature,
accumulated in Greece, passed over into Italy and through-
out the Roman Empire. But the creative scientific spirit
did not flourish. The elder Pliny illustrates the Roman
mind in its scientific development. His work upon natural
history exhibits a lively interest in biological nature, but also
the borrowing by which the intellectual life of Rome sus-
tained itself from that of Greece.
Many individuals, who attained distinction in intellectual
lines during the Roman Period, were not of Roman stock.
Galen the Roman physician, whose knowledge of human
anatomy dominated Europe throughout the Middle Ages,
was a Greek by birth and not a Roman, although resident
in Rome during his later years. He was, moreover, trained
to dissection at Alexandria and in the rival center of medical
learning at Pergamum, a Greek city of Asia Minor. He
became a worthy successor to Hippocrates. Ptolemy of
Alexandria (c. 127-151 A. D.), also a Greek rather than a
Roman, became an authority in astronomy and geography,
whose hold was only loosened by the Copernican Theory
and by the voyages of discovery. We have already described
the Museum of Alexandria, founded before the Roman
conquest and continuing in existence during the first four
centuries of the present era. The inception and later con-
tinuation of this institution were alike the product of Greek
and not of Roman genius, although its progress was not
uraged by the Roman culture. Its domination by
scholars of Greek descent, illustrates the persistence of
Hellenic influences.
The practical scientific accomplishments of the Romans
are seen in their adaptation and development of practical
40 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
inventions and in their scientific organization of military
affairs. Bridge and road building proceeded in a systematic
fashion not unlike modern engineering. The construction of
aqueducts and other public works, if less arduous than
pyramid building, nevertheless exhibits greater aptitude in
the application of scientific principles. The mechanical
devices of the Hellenistic Age were improved and widely
applied.
The writings of Titus Lucretius Carus (96-55 B. c.) 23
represent the highest level of Roman genius as applied in
synthetic and speculative thought. Lucretius seems to have
derived his initial inspiration from Greek sources. In his
famous didactic poem "De Rerum Natura," he elaborates
the ideas of Democritus regarding the origin of the cosmos
from atoms in motion. But he becomes more definite. The
progressive development of life from mother earth by spon-
taneous generation, and the origin of man from brutish
ancestry are proposed. The origin of language from animal
sounds and of religious ideas from dreams is conjectured.
The idea of selection in a struggle for existence is vaguely sug-
gested. Above all, Lucretius is notable for his grasp of
speculative ideas and their application to human life and
nature. His great aim was the liberation of mankind from
superstition and from the fear of death. He was not atheis-
tic and Epicurean in the sense often supposed. Happiness
through self-control and a feeling for the dignity of human
life were his ideals. His attempt to synthesize knowledge and
establish a sound philosophy of life represents the most com-
prehensive effort of the Greco-Roman world in this direction.
By a refinement of the Epicurean philosophy, he believed
that man could find an harmonious solution to the problem
of existence. Despite the limitations of ignorance, his
interpretations of human life and of nature resemble those of
modern science. His mind runs in the scientific channel.
The conflict between superstition and the laws of nature is
23 "Lucretius on the Nature of Things," translation by H. A. J. Munro.
ORIGINS OF SCIENCE IN THE ANCIENT WORLD 41
clearly presented. He has been maligned as a pagan, but his
ideas find a sympathetic response at the present day. Thus
the Christian Era dawned upon a world in which science had
made a noble beginning, although the ancient learning had
begun its decline.
CHAPTER III
THE DECLINE OF ANCIENT LEARNING
WHATEVER the causes for its decline, the scientific spirit,
which had made a favorable beginning in the ancient world,
gradually disappeared with the oncoming of the Medieval
Period. From the time when the pagan schools were finally
closed until the Renaissance in Italy, the history of science
is largely a blank among the Christian nations, in so far as
the production and promulgation of new ideas is concerned.
On the scientific side the Middle Ages are at their worst.
From a scientific point of view the period may be fitly called
the "Dark Ages. " It is not surprising that the scientist has
been harsh in his criticism of the mental attitude of mankind
during a period which was everywhere dominated by blind
faith and by ignorant prostration before the authority of the
Church. But the artistic and literary accomplishment of
these centuries and their final issue in the Modern Period
should not be disregarded.
DECLINE OF SCIENCE DURING THE EARLY CENTURIES OF
THE CHRISTIAN ERA
The religious beliefs of a people exert a far-reaching in-
fluence upon their philosophy and their science. Since the
decline of science in the ancient world corresponds to the
expansion of Christianity, we may ask whether there is
evidence of a causal connection between these two historical
events, whether there were not elements in the early Chris-
tian religion inimical to the growth of science or which has-
tened a decline already begun. Just as the freedom of the
Greek religion favored scientific speculation, and the gloomy
42
THE DECLINE OF ANCIENT LEARNING 43
religious atmosphere of Babylonia retarded its growth, so the
religious beliefs and practices of the early Christian cen-
turies may have possessed qualities unfavorable or even
hostile to the scientific spirit.
It has been widely believed, among those interested in
science, that the advent of Christian dogma was mainly
responsible for the decline of the ancient spirit of investiga-
tion. It is certainly true that the intellectual atmosphere,
which came into existence during the first centuries of our
era and which culminated in the Dark Ages, was one in which
the rational analysis of natural phenomena became almost
an impossibility. But there were many factors involved.
Fundamental social changes were in progress, in the face of
which the decline of science cannot have been solely due to
dogmatic theology. The internal decay of the Roman Em-
pire, the gradual change in the population from Roman and
classical to Teutonic and Christian, were important factors
in addition to the antagonism of Christianity to pagan cul-
ture. The barbarian invasions of the fifth and sixth cen-
turies tended to obliterate the heritage of ancient learning.
The intellectual backwardness of the Teutonic invaders,
reinforced by the animosity of the Church, but gave the
death blow to a culture which had already lost its initial
inspiration and vitality.1
The decline of science was but one aspect of the collapse of
the Roman world. The entire social and economic situation
must be taken into account. The period of the Hannibalic
or Second Punic War (218-202 B. c.) may be regarded as the
summit of Rome's spiritual achievement. Conquest and
material greatness came in the centuries which followed.
But the seeds of an internal decay had germinated before the
opening century of the Christian Era. As we have seen, the
Romans made no important additions to the intellectual
legacy which they derived from the earlier civilizations,
'UM: ,-• Corifl.ri of C'lin .,th Heathenism." Al«o:
mi- «>f i l.c Middle Ages."
44 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
excepting only along lines of government and law. The
intellectual decline of Greece began with the collapse of her
political influence, despite the extension of Greek culture
during the Hellenistic Age. The apex of the curve had been
reached by the ancient learning before the first century
A. D. Christendom inherited from Greece and Rome a
philosophy already divorced from the sure ground of science.
We have seen how the cultural, and perhaps racial, traits of
the Romans prevented the complete assimilation of the Greek
spirit of investigation. It is important that this replace-
ment of the scientific spirit by the ignorance and supersti-
tion, which culminated in the Dark Ages, was in progress
during the two centuries that preceded the Christian era.
At the most, Christianity but hastened what was already
begun.
The causes of the disintegration of the Roman Empire,
while the subject of much controversy, have become toler-
ably clear to the historian.2 Notable among them was the
failure of Rome to use and to extend scientific knowledge.
In her feats of engineering and architecture, she did indeed
utilize and develop the knowledge of an earlier day. But in
agriculture and in the more difficult field of social phenomena
she failed to establish an enduring civilization. The scien-
tist of to-day is particularly interested in some of the biologi-
cal factors which seem to have been involved. From the
standpoint of heredity there are signs of a physical degenera-
tion resulting from the elimination of the more competent
human strains by war, by the administration of distant
provinces, and by the race-suicide and general deterioration
2 The terrible picture of the degenerate spiritual life of the capital is pic-
tured by Uhlhorn, Chap. II, loc. cit. Specific evidence of physical degeneration
is suggested by the fact that portrait busts and statues of the last centuries of
pagan Rome, which are still extant, " display an increasing ugliness. Their
forms look unhealthy, either bloated or shrunken," p. 313. Also: Adams, G. B.,
"Civilization during the Middle Age," 77-88, for a well considered resume" of
the complex of factors involved in the decline of this race which was the strong-
est the world had then produced.
THE DECLINE OF ANCIENT LEARNING 45
incident to a luxurious standard of living. Disease, partic-
ularly malaria,3 and soil-exhaustion, along with the unwhole-
some economic conditions of slavery and of an over-devel-
oped urban life, were environmental factors that contrib-
uted to the decadence alike of ideals and of physical vigor.4
Rome squandered the accumulated savings of the earlier
Mediterranean civilizations, and when the bank was empty
she possessed neither the racial stamina nor the material
resources to longer resist the barbarians. Appreciation of
the significance of scientific knowledge in the perpetuation
of any civilization might have saved the day. But if we of
the twentieth century fail to appreciate the possibilities
involved in man's squandering of the resources accumulated
by nature during millions of years, and also the signs of our
own deterioration, we need not marvel that Rome did not
appreciate the possibilities inherent in the scientific achieve-
ments of the ancient world.5
Having thus recognized the decline of science as an inci-
dent in the collapse of the Greco-Roman culture and not
primarily due to the advent of a new religion, the specific
influence of Christianity may be considered. The fact to be
grasped at the outset is that the actual teachings of Jesus
were ethical, not theological. What we have long designated
as Christianity is in many respects a direct inheritance from
paganism. The spread of its initial doctrines was due to
their ethical idealism and to the appeal which the promise of
a future life made to the afflicted and oppressed. Reorgani-
zation of society was proposed. Slavery was to be abolished,
charity was created, self-sacrifice was inculcated. The
brotherhood of all mankind was proclaimed. The unifica-
ics, W. H. S., "Malaria: A Neglected Factor in the History of Greece
and Rome."
, Guglielmo, "The Greatness and Decline of Rome." The evils
ne's excessive urbanization are here set forth at length.
rrero, Guglielmo, "Ancient Rome and Modern America." The parallel
between the urbanization in Rome and in the United States of America is
here discussed in an interesting, if not wholly convincing, manner.
46 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
tion of the civilized world in the Roman Empire and also the
moral dissolution of Rome facilitated the rapid development
to a position of power. Christianity was at the outset
strictly a religion. In the first century A. D., men said "See
how these Christians love one another." But theological
controversy soon intervened, and hi the fourth century, it
was said "There are no wild beasts so ferocious as Christians
who differ concerning their faith. " 6 After the third century,
the new faith became largely a set of intellectual proposi-
tions. The victory in matters temporal was a triumph of
paganism as well; for it consisted in an accession to pagan
power and in an absorption of heathen beliefs and customs
of ancient origin. Thus, Mariolatry, the Doctrine of the
Trinity, Image Worship, and other widely accepted aspects
of later Christianity can be traced to pagan origins which far
antedate the Christian Era. It is important for Christianity
in our own day that we distinguish between the doctrine
which Jesus seems actually to have taught his disciples and
the heterogeneous mass of pagan traditions with which the
original nucleus soon became encrusted and which many
still regard as essential features in the religion of the
Occident.
The decline of the scientific spirit during the early Chris-
tian Era was due, primarily, not to prohibitions of the
theologians, but rather to a change in mental attitude of the
Mediterranean population, and to the intellectual backward-
ness of barbarian peoples from the north and west. In
correlation with this changing point of view we find : philos-
ophy becoming a part of religion, and hence intolerant of
changes in the established system; salvation, in another
world, coming to be regarded as the chief end of man; the
second coming of Christ and the end of the world being ex-
pected at any time, and hence a failing interest in the visible
universe. "To discuss the nature and position of the earth, "
says St. Ambrose, "does not help us in our hope of the life to
6 Leeky, W. E., "History of Rationalism in Europe."
THE DECLINE OF ANCIENT LEARNING 47
come." "It is not through ignorance, but through con-
tempt of such useless labor that we think little of these
matters and turn our souls to better things," writes Eusebius.
"It is a matter of no interest to us, " writes Basil, "whether
the earth is a sphere or a cylinder or a disc." These and
many similar pronouncements are representative of pre-
vailing convictions that were unfavorable to scientific
progress.
As time went on, the dogma that the Scriptures were the
direct word of God to man, to be interpreted as literally true
in all respects, led to the doctrine that anything in conflict
with Biblical statements was sinful; and further, that
promulgation of such an error should be punished. The
famous saying of St. Augustine, "Nothing is to be accepted
save on authority of Scripture, since greater is that authority
than all the powers of the human mind," came to be the
basis of faith; and in this atmosphere of blind belief it is
small wonder that ignorance reigned. The idea of God's
will as the source of all causation was fostered by the doc-
trine of the inscrutability of God's ways to man, while
always and everywhere there was a tendency to warp
facts to fit theological conceptions. In brief, the Scriptures,
and not the book of nature, became the authority in the
interpretation of natural phenomena, while the existence and
overwhelming importance of supernatural phenomena were
; >ted as a matter of course.7
following pagan characterization of the Christian view of knowledge
illustrates the existence of a measure of active hostility to knowledge: "The
Christians passed with the heathen as a race averse to all that is great, fair
M<- in our humanity, as even hostile to it, and haters of mankind. In
its origin their religion was barbarian: they despised all science. This is the
d down l»y them, writes Celsus: ' Let no one come to us who has been
educated, or who is wise or prudent, for such qualifications are deemed evil
by us; but if there be any ignorant, or uncultivated, or unintelligent, or foolish
person, let him come with confidence.' Their tr.-ichers he affirms, say: "See
that none of you lay hold of knowledge1 Knowledge is an evil. Knowledge
causes men to low their soundne^ «>! mind; they perish through wisdom
riilhorn. (', . fo J29.
48 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
In such an environment it was inevitable that science and
rational philosophy should languish, and steadily decline
with the extension of the spiritual and temporal power of the
medieval Church.8
It is interesting to find that this mental attitude was not
universal. The ideas of Origen (c. 185-253 A. D.), a Greek
Christian of Alexandria, bear some resemblance to those of
modern Higher Criticism, in that he denied the exact and
literal meaning of certain passages of the Scriptures. He
was, moreover, opposed to the doctrine of damnation and hell.
But these beliefs brought persecution during the lifetime of
Origen and were anathematized in 553. Had they triumphed,
in the absence of the allegorical interpretations to which
Origen gave credence and which were later extended to a
ridiculous degree, the evolution of Christianity might have
taken a different course. Synesius, a pupil of Hypatia of
Alexandria and who afterwards became Bishop of Cyrene,
although accepting Christianity, declines to surrender his
freedom of thought. In a statement of his difficulties in
accepting the appointment of bishop, he writes as follows:
"I must insist upon one other point, beside which all other
obstacles are as nothing. It is difficult, if not altogether im-
possible, to eradicate from one's soul those convictions which
have been gained by means of science. You know that
philosophy rejects many of those dogmas which are generally
accepted as true. I could never persuade myself, for ex-
ample, that the soul was of later origin than the body; nor
would I ever say that the world or any of its parts is doomed
to destruction; the resurrection, an object of common be-
lief, is for me only a sacred allegory and I am far from
accepting the views which are ordinarily held."9 This
declaration was like a dying challenge of Greek thought to
the gathering spirit of blind belief and superstition. The
murder of Hypatia, by a rabble of fanatics (415), was one of
8 White, A. D., "A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology."
9 Quoted from the article by C. A. Browne, cited in the preceding chapter.
THE DECLINE OF ANCIENT LEARNING 49
the final steps in the obliteration of the ancient spirit of
rationalism. There are also instances of opposition, by
whole groups of individuals, to this spread of blind faith
with its consequent ignorance. Gnosticism, although not,
as is often erroneously supposed because of its name, a
creed of the efficacy of natural knowledge, was nevertheless
more acceptable than Christianity to individuals of scientific
mind, in Alexandria and elsewhere. But eventually these
opposing beliefs seem only to have hastened the consolida-
tion of doctrines which triumphed as the Christianity of
Rome and of Constantinople. Thus it appears that early
Christian theology was antagonistic to scientific thought and
knowledge and, while not the sole cause of the decline of
science, helped to bring about an age of ignorance.
THE DARK AGES OF SCIENCE
The period from the close of the fifth century to the begin-
ning of the Renaissance in Italy was one of gradual assimila-
tion into the life of western Europe of new forces and
factors. The Teutonic invaders, who had overrun the
western portion of the Roman Empire, were on a cultural
level not much above the best of the North American
aborigines. They and their culture became, for the time
being, the dominant factor in the western world. Greece and
Rome, Christianity and the Teutonic barbarians were the
immediate sources of our western civilization. The impor-
tant service of the Church, which is not always recognized,
was her influence upon the barbarians. Christianity became
t h<- int ollectual power of the world. The Church was mainly
responsible, despite other influences, for the gradual re-
ruction of society, which made possible the return to
scientific thinking. "To make out of the barbarized sixth
century, stagnant and fragmentary, with little common life,
>ut ideals or enthusiasms, the fifteenth century in full
possession again of a common world civilization, keen,
50 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
pushing, and enthusiastic. This was what the Middle Ages
had to do, and this was what they did." 10
It is difficult for the scientist to understand the intellec-
tual outlook of the Middle Ages. Society was dominated,
during the greater portion of the period, by theological ideas.
Interest in secular studies had been obliterated. Belief in
the Bible, as the direct word of God to man, gave rise on the
one hand to allegorical and on the other to intensely literal
interpretations of the Scriptures. Obsessed with the belief
in allegories, men sought for occult meanings in nature, as
well as in the Biblical phraseology. The habits of animals,
the characteristics of birds, reptiles, plants, and various
natural objects such as stones and minerals were supposed to
possess a spiritual significance and to carry with them
lessons in conduct or morality. The people were credulous,
and stories of weird animals, like the phoenix and the unicorn
together with even stranger stories of real animals, were
received without question.11 In biological science, the
accounts of animals appearing in the "Physiologi" or
" Bestiaries" are further examples of these forced interpre-
tations.12 Even when the scriptural statements were
matter-of-fact and easy to understand, allegorical explana-
tions were often employed, or, if a natural explanation was
used, the application to current events was frequently made
with a literalness that now seems absurd. This state of
10 Adams, G. B., "Civilization During the Middle Ages," p. 11.
11 The subsequent medical doctrine of signatures, by which the fancied re-
semblances in shape or color between objects in nature and the parts of the
human body were held to be divine indications of the medicinal values of
certain plants or minerals, was an outgrowth of this belief in the allegorical
significance discoverable in the works of the Creator.
12 The writings generally known under the title "Physiologus" or "Bestia-
rius" were the most important source of knowledge concerning animals during
the Medieval Period. They seem to have originated in the utilization of
natural history as a means of enforcing Christian doctrines. For almost a
thousand years these mystical and symbolic interpretations of animals men-
tioned in the Bible and others of a purely mythical character continued as an
authoritative source of information. See: Cams, J. V., "Geschichte der
Zoologie," Munich, 1872.
THE DECLINE OF ANCIENT LEARNING 51
mind, which was so well established during the early cen-
turies of the Medieval Period, has not become extinct even
hi our own times.13
The work of Cosmas (c. 535 A. D.), entitled " Christian
Opinion Concerning the World," well illustrates this medieval
attitude in the interpretation of nature and also the existing
state of geographical and astronomical knowledge. Cosmas
set out to refute, among other heresies, the existence of the
Antipodes. But his work was of a comprehensive nature and
proclaimed itself "a Christian topography of the universe,
established by demonstrations from Divine Scripture, con-
cerning which it is not lawful for a Christian to doubt."
His conclusions regarding the said topography are interest-
ing, as summarizing the ideas then current.14 But his
11 A nineteenth century example of this manner of reasoning, cited in Lecky's
"History of Rationalism," runs as follows: "a geologist deeply impressed with
the mystery of baptism — that mystery by which a new creature is formed by
means of water and fire — would never have fallen into the absurdities of ac-
counting for the formation of the globe solely by water or solely by fire. He
would have suspected that the truth lay in the union of both." Modern geol-
ogy, of course, acknowledges both fire and water and also other agencies as
causes in the evolution of the earth's surface, but not on grounds of allegorical
mysticism.
'"According to Cosmas, the world is a flat parallelogram. Its length,
which should be measured from west to east, is the double of its breadth,
which should be measured from north to south. In the centre is the earth we
inhabit, which is surrounded by the ocean, and this again is encircled by
another earth, in which men lived before the deluge, and from which Noah
was transported in the ark. To the north of the world is a high conical moun-
tain, around which the sun and moon continually revolve. When the sun is
hid behind the mountain, it is night; when it is on our side of the mountain,
it is day. To the edges of the outer earth the sky is glued. It consists of four
high walls rising to a great height and then meeting in a vast concave roof,
thus forming an immense edifice of which our world is the floor. This edifice
w divided into two stories by the firmament which is placed between the earth
and the roof of the sky. A great ocean is inserted in the side of the firma-
ment remote from the earth. This is what is signified by the waters that
•re above the firmament. The space from these waters to the roof of the
oky Is allotted to the blest; that from the firmament to our earth to the angels,
in their character of ministering spirits." Lecky, W. E. H ., History of Ra-
tionalism in Europe." The diagram of the universe as conceived by Hebrew
thought (Fig. 22, in the present volume) may be referred to in this connection.
52 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
method of reasoning, by the adroit manipulation of phrase-
ology and by an appeal to mysticism and allegory, is of
greater importance for our present purpose as a key to the
medieval state of mind. Cosmas reprimands those who are
misled by Greek fables or the deceit of human science and
who forget that the intimations of the nature of the universe
contained in Scripture have far greater value and authority
than anything which man can attain through his now un-
aided reason. He tells us that he would appeal "to the law
and the testimony" and not to the writings of pagans. He
disposes of the question of the Antipodes by strictly Biblical
arguments, such as St. Paul's words that all men are made
to live upon "the face of the earth," and therefore, could
not live upon more faces than one or upon the back. Having
such proof as this, a true Christian should not "even speak of
the Antipodes. " In discussing the structure of the universe,
he takes the tabernacle of Moses as the model, because St.
Paul refers to the earth as a tabernacle. Other examples
need not be cited. His argument throughout is along these
general lines.
The scientist does not profess to a sympathetic treatment
of the Middle Ages,15 although he recognizes the value to
mankind of mental attitudes which are unscientific. Some
of the specific traits of medieval man which impress us as
significant in relation to science are: his ideas regarding the
taint of sin, that was assumed to be inherent in nature; the
belief in the damnation of the unbeliever, and its outcome in
persecution and the suppression of all spirit of criticism; the
constant suggestion of the infinite, not in terms of the un-
fathomed depths of science but in terms of mysticism; the
dominance of emotionalism over rationalism; and the
development of asceticism.16
16 Taylor, H. O., "The Medieval Mind."
16 The asceticism of the Middle Ages has been characterized as follows:
"Beauty is a snare, pleasure is a sin, the world a fleeting show, man fallen
and lost, death the only certainty, judgment inevitable, hell everlasting, heaven
hard to win, ignorance acceptable to God as a proof of faith and submission,
THE DECLINE OF ANCIENT LEARNING 53
Despite all this, it is unfair to this important period of
European history to suppose that its science amounted to
nothing more than what could be gleaned from tradition and
later an infusion from the Arab learning. The scientific
knowledge of the past often seems curious and amusing in
the light of the present. We forget how knowledge grows
from half truths and sometimes from positive errors. For
example, it is now universally acknowledged among intelli-
gent persons that it is idle to regard the Scriptures as a
source of scientific information. Nevertheless the most
interesting and original constructive work of the Middle
Ages, in the field of science, was done on the basis of evidence
furnished by the Bible. This may be illustrated by the
work of Cosmas to which we have previously alluded. The
point is, that the men who desired to know something of
natural phenomena, turned to the supposed source of wisdom
in the Written Word. The efforts of the medieval scholar
who struggled under the cloud of supernaturalism are pa-
thetic and not ridiculous. In spite of the prevailing doctrine,
the Middle Ages produced a number of enlightened scien-
tific thinkers as well as sane men who condemned the popu-
lar errors and beliefs.
Occasional men and events prove that there was intellec-
tual progress in spite of persecution and a stifling mental
atmosphere. St. Augustine (354-430), with all his ortho-
doxy, seems to have doubted some of the current beliefs; for
he explicitly declared that neither good nor evil neces-
sarily flowed from the conjunction of the planets; and from
time to tune men of real scientific attainments came to the
Charlemagne's reformation of the Church was a
period of intellectual culture which has been characterized
as an "Earlier Renaissance." 17 Agobard (779-840), an
abstinence and mortification the only safe rules of life: These were the fixed
ideas of the ascetic medieval church." Symonds, J. A., "Renaissance in
Italy."
17 Burckhardt, Jacob, "The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy."
54 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
archbishop of Lyons, attacked popular superstitions such as
belief in witchcraft and the ordeal of fire. His point of view
was theological rather than scientific, but he exhibits a clear
intellect and an independent judgment. Gerbert of Rheims
(940-1003), afterwards Pope Silvester II, was a master of the
knowledge of his day, and was reputed to be the ablest
mathematician and mechanician of his time. Educated in
the science of the Arabs in Spain, he became the head of a
famous school at Rheims. He obtained great reputation as
a scientist, but because his science was rationalistic in
character and because his knowledge was so far in advance
of his associates he was suspected of being in league with the
Evil One. He was the first to use the Arabic numerals and he
also invented a timepiece which was regarded as wonderful
in its day. But to the Middle Ages he was a magician and a
sorcerer whose tomb grew moist and whose bones clattered
whenever a pope was about to die. The mystic, Joachim of
Flora (1145-1202) seems to have caught a glimpse of a better
future for mankind on this earth when he proclaimed that
"the Gospel of the Father was past, the Gospel of the Son
was passing, the Gospel of the Spirit was to be," although
his Age of the Spirit was to be one of contemplation rather
than action. Abelard (1079-1142) protested against the
state of mind which ascribed too great significance to mere
words.
But the isolated individual had little influence upon the
current of the times. Minds no doubt rebelled of whom we
have no record. The effect of the persecutions must have
been frightfully selective both as to rational ideas and as to
individuals capable of developing them. The Middle Ages
fulfilled their task of the cultural unification of Europe, but,
as Burckhardt puts it, "if those elegaic natures which long to
see them return could pass but one hour in the midst of
them, they would gasp to be back in modern air." Self-
confidence was lacking, life was hard and there was scant joy
in living. The terrors of another world beyond were added
THE DECLINE OF ANCIENT LEARNING 55
to those of the present. Men lived with no extensive knowl-
edge of the past and with no conception of the possibilities
held in store by the future.
A constructive side of the period, in relation to science, is
seen in the preservation of the older learning and in the pro-
tection afforded to scholars by the monasteries. Knowledge
of the ancient world descended in manuscripts that were
preserved by the Church, though not widely known until
the Revival of Learning. This service of conservation was
of inestimable value, despite the pious frauds of the copyists
which cast suspicion upon the accuracy of many of the
writings transmitted. As to the protection of scholars, it
appears that the monasteries and cathedrals were the only
places, hi which there was opportunity for the practice of
scholarly pursuits, during the welter of social and economic
unrest of the five centuries that followed the year 500
A. D., since they offered the first opportunity for an intellec-
tual life protected from the turmoil of the world. The
celibacy of the clergy was unfortunate, in so far as it tended
to check the reproduction of minds capable of intellectual
attainment. But the intellectual and ethical idealism of the
monastic life, when at its best, was a potent factor in the
eventual development of a greater measure of intellectual
activity. The universities of Europe arose in intimate union
with the scholarly activities of the Church and clergy. In
biological science, the knowledge of medicine was trans-
mitted, if not extended, because of the service of religion to
the afflicted. In these respects, the Middle Ages appear as
the conserver of the older learning and to some extent the
protector of the new.
INFLUENCE OF THE ARAB CIVILIZATION
Leaving Europe, we now turn to another continent and to
another race which inherited and extended the ancient
learning in science. The Arabs, during their century of con-
56 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
quest (650-750 A. D.), had expanded their empire, not only
throughout the Mesopotamian region, but to India on the
east and westward along the southern shores of the Medi-
terranean until they occupied Spain. In the East, they came
into contact with the tradition of Greek science in Asia
Minor and at Alexandria, and with the mathematical
science of the Hindus in India. In the West, they threat-
ened to overrun Europe both in Spain and at Constantinople.
In contrast to the intellectual backwardness of the northern
barbarians, who conquered the Roman empire, the Arabs
showed an immediate aptitude for the older learning. Their
civilization exhibited an intellectual quality, particularly
along scientific lines. At a time when science seemed hope-
lessly lost in Christendom, they quickly assimilated the
learning of the ancient world, and also received with enthu-
siasm suggestions from other sources. In Spain, the Moorish
Kingdom attained a cultural and material level above any-
thing that existed in Europe before the Italian Renaissance.
Paved and lighted streets, running water, architecture of
wonderful grace, public libraries, the encouragement of
literature and science, and a spirit of toleration were the
marks of a civilization that was remarkable for its intellec-
tual superiority.
In their earlier conquests the Arabs exhibited the spirit of
the barbarian. They destroyed libraries and other works of
civilization.18 But within a century they were establishing
colleges and collecting manuscripts. The court of the
Khalifate of Al-Mamun (813-833 A. D.) at Bagdad became
an intellectual center rivaling ancient Alexandria. Schools
were attached to the mosques throughout the empire. At
Bagdad and elsewhere there were colleges for the higher
branches. A surprising toleration prevailed, as shown by the
18 The Khalif Omar is said to have replied, to a request that he spare the
remnant of the great Alexandrian library, "If the books agree with the Koran,
the Word of God, they are useless, and need not be preserved; if they dis-
agree with it, they are pernicious. Let them be destroyed." And the story
is that the books were distributed as fuel to the baths of the city.
THE DECLINE OF ANCIENT LEARNING 57
frequent commission of the superintendence of these schools
to Nestorian Christians or to Jews. "It mattered not in
what country a man was born, nor what were his religious
opinions; his attainment hi learning was the only thing to be
considered." 19 The medical colleges at Cairo hi Egypt and
at Salerno in Italy, and the astronomical observatories in
Spain were centers from which a quickening influence ex-
tended to Europe. The Arabs for a tune succeeded, where
the Greeks had failed, by recognizing the sure ground of
generalization based upon observation and experiment as
opposed to speculation. Their work in many lines exhibits a
surprising aptitude for scientific investigation. While not
making revolutionary discoveries, they performed inestim-
able service in preserving and consolidating the ancient
knowledge in scientific lines. The ancient learning, in-
herited at Alexandria and elsewhere, was passed over to
Europe in far better condition than when the Arabs re-
ceived it at the eastern end of the Mediterranean.
The Arab predilection for experimentation appears in the
fact that his conclusions were almost invariably based upon
an experiment or an instrumental observation. Thus the
foundations of modern chemistry were laid; while in astron-
omy and physical science instruments and apparatus were
developed. The adoption of the Indian numeration in
arithmetic greatly facilitated calculation and surprising
progress was made in the mathematical sciences, particularly
in algebra, which was received from the Hindus but was
elaborated by the Arabs into its present form. Astronomical
tables of eclipses and the like were extensively developed.
The forerunners of modern surveying instruments were in-
vented. The specific weights of many chemical elements
l> The Khalif Al-Mamun declared that scholars were "the elect of God, his
best and most useful servants, whose lives were devoted to the improvement
r rational faculties; that the teachers of wisdom are the true luminaries
and legislators of the world, \\hirh, without their aid, would again sink into
ignorance .M rism." Quoted from: Draper, J. W., "History of the
Conflict between Religion and Science."
58 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
were approximately ascertained. Methods of distillation,
filtration, and crystallization were elaborated. The cir-
cumference of the earth was calculated after several meas-
urements of the arc of a degree on the surface. The principal
of position in numbers and the idea of infinite series were re-
ceived, like Algebra, from the Hindus; and the so-called
arable numerals were likewise passed on to Europe, where
they quickly superseded the clumsy Roman notation. The
mariner's compass and gunpowder appear also to have
reached Europe through Arab channels.
Among their great teachers, Avicenna (980-1037) wrote
on medicine and became an authority in European schools
for centuries; while Averroes (1126-1198), who was so largely
instrumental in making known to Europe the works of
Aristotle, became the greatest philosopher of the later Mid-
dle Ages. Anticipating the Renaissance, the Arab seemed to
catch the Greek spirit of the individual as opposed to the
horde composing the race, and to grasp the subjective in the
midst of the objective. It is, doubtless, indicative of an un-
recorded survival of the ancient learning in Alexandria, after
the destruction of the Museum, that Arab science advanced
along the very lines that were highly developed by the
Museum during the Hellenistic Age and the early centuries
of the Christian Era.
The turning point in the intellectual development of
Europe came about the year 1200. It is significant that
Arab science began its more intimate contact with Europe
during the preceding centuries. In general, the Arab culture
was much more important in southern Europe during the
Middle Ages than during the Renaissance. It appears that
most of the scientific ideas of the later Middle Ages, of any
value in mathematics, astronomy, geography, medicine, and
natural history, are traceable directly or indirectly to the
Arab learning. Men like Gerbert of Rheims and Roger
Bacon seem to have owed their initial knowledge and inspira-
tion to tfiis source. Despite their superstitious quests for
THE DECLINE OF ANCIENT LEARNING 59
the elixir of life and the philosopher's stone, the Arabs built
up a fairly solid body of scientific knowledge upon the
foundation acquired from the ancient world. Arab science
must, therefore, be regarded as the most important bond of
continuity between the science of antiquity and that of
modern times. In this account of the services of an alien
race to the development of European science, may also be
mentioned the services of the Jews, who were the chief inter-
preters to Europe of the Arab learning. They seem to have
been second only to the Moors of Spain in their cultivation of
natural science. But this may have been due merely to the
fact that the Arab learning was more accessible to the Jews
because of their commercial activities.20
The Arabs, with their dawning appreciation of science,
might have won to power throughout Europe, had not inter-
nal dissensions produced a division of their Empire and had
not the accession to power of barbarian Turks and Berbers
hi the East interposed a final check upon their scientific
progress. The influence of Arab culture upon the intel-
lectual life of Christendom was more lasting than its in-
fluence upon the life of Islam. Contact with Arab civiliza-
tion, through the Crusades, through the commerce of the
Mediterranean, and more directly in Spain and at Con-
stantinople, aroused in Europe a zeal for the science and
literature of antiquity. Arab science was, therefore, one of
the most important cultural influences during the later
Middle Ages.
THE APPROACH TO MODERN SCIENCE
It is a mistake to suppose that the Renaissance, which
is now recognized as the period at which modern science
» The history of the Arab and the Jew in relation to the origins of modern
scientific ideas seems never to have been adequately studied by the historian.
Enough is known of the facts to indicate the importance of the contributions
thus made, but further historical investigation would doubtless yield many
'•sting details.
60 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
began to be firmly established, was either a mere revival of
the ancient science or a miraculous development of the new.
We find in the Renaissance many survivals of medieval
superstitions and we likewise find in the late Middle Ages
the mental stirrings which presage the Renaissance. It is a
truism to say that every age has its roots in the past, but in
the face of striking cultural changes, the antecedent factors
are not always clear. Because of these indications of the
new day, which appear during the last two centuries of the
Medieval Period, the dawn of modern science is coming to
be set about the year 1200, instead of during the Renais-
sance or at an even later date, as is done by those who as-
sume that nothing important was accomplished before the
nineteenth century. We have considered some of the scat-
tered indications of a more scientific attitude during the
Middle Ages and also the nature and influence of the Arab
learning. We may now consider certain men and events
that evidence the dawn of science during the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries.
By the opening of the thirteenth century, certain elements
of stability had appeared in Europe which had not been
in existence since the period of the Roman Empire, although
the Empire of Charlemagne came near to their realization.
The northern barbarians had been finally checked and in
part absorbed, the Christian nations had been unified by
the influence of the Church of Rome, and the governments
of the existing European states had become sufficiently
strong to preserve order. The irrational state of mind char-
acteristic of the Middle Ages was still dominant, but the
influence of Arab science was being felt and individuals who
struggled against the prevailing current became more nu-
merous. Thus Albertus Magnus (1193-1280) appears as the
earliest botanist. In addition to other botanical studies,
he examined the artificial propagation of plants in a hothouse
attached to his convent garden. He also made numerous
chemical experiments and first used the chemical term a/-
THE DECLINE OF ANCIENT LEARNING 61
finity in its modern scientific sense. In the field of natural
history, he dissented from the then accepted belief "that
certain birds spring from trees and are nourished by the sap,
and also from the theory that some are generated in the sea
from decaying wood." 2l His studies on the influence of
geographical features upon races and his position in opposi-
tion to those who ridiculed the existence of the Antipodes
entitle him to a place as one of the founders of geographical
» White, A. D., loc. tit., Vol. I, p. 37.
The name goose-barnacle, which survives in modern zoology, arose in con-
nection with this belief.
For example, Sylvester Giraldus, in his "Relations concerning Ireland,"
(1187) writes as follows: "Chapt. II, Of Barnacles which grew from fir timber
and their nature."
"There are likewise here (in Ireland) many birds called barnacles, which
nature produces in a wonderful manner, out of her ordinary course. They
resemble the marsh geese, but are smaller. Being at first gummy excrescences
from pinebeams floating on the water, and then enclosed in shells to secure
their free growth, they hang by their beaks, like seaweeds attached to the
timber. Being in process of time well covered with feathers, they either fall
into the water or take their flight into the free air, their nourishment and
growth being supplied, while they are bred in this very unaccountable and
curious manner, from the juices of the wood in the water. I have often seen
with my own eyes more than a thousand minute embryos of birds of this
species on the sea-shore, hanging from one piece of timber, covered with shells,
and already formed. No eggs are laid by these birds . . .; the hen never
sits on eggs in order to hatch them; in no corner of the world are they seen
either to pair, or build nests. Hence, in some parts of Ireland, bishops and
men of religion make no scruple of eating these birds on fasting days, as not
being flesh, because they are not born of flesh, but these men are curiously
drawn into error. For, if any one had eaten part of the thigh of our first par-
ent, whifh was really flesh, although not born of flesh, I should think him
not guiltless of having eaten flesh. Repent, O unhappy Jew."
As late as 1676 this same belief was seriously maintained, when Sir Robert
Murray reported his observations to the Royal Society of England: "In many
shells I opened, I found a perfect Sea-Fowl; the little Bill like that of a Goose;
the Eyes marked; the Head, Neck, Breast, Wings, Tail, and Feet, formed;
athers everywhere perfectly Shaped, and Blackish colored; and the
Feet like those of other Water-Fowl, to my best Rememberance. The biggest
I found upon the Tree, was but about the size of the Figure (an inch long);
nor did I ever see any of the little Birds alive, nor meet with any Body that
did; only some credible Persons have assured me that they have seen some
as big as their Fist." (Quoted from Metcalfe, M. M., "Organic Evolution,"
published by the Macmillan Co. Reprinted by permission.)
62 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
science. Like Gerbert of Rheims, he was regarded as in
league with the Devil, but his ecclesiastical standing saved
him from persecution.
The greatest of medieval scientists was Roger Bacon, born
about the year 1214 and known as the " Admirable Doc-
tor. " Familiar with Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and Arabic,
Bacon was well versed in the older learning, but more than
this he was a man of new ideas. He seems to have practiced
in the thirteenth century what Francis Bacon advocated in
the seventeenth, proclaiming that man by the use of science
could do all things. Realizing the danger of reliance upon
traditional authority, he advocated the scientific method of
critical observation and experimentation, and he shows
throughout his work an insight into the spirit of modern
science which is remarkable. Bacon placed mathematics
first among the sciences. He was one of the first real astron-
omers in western Europe and his recommendation to Pope
Clement II to rectify the calendar, as was done three cen-
turies later, shows how far he was in advance of his time.
He discovered the use of spectacles, described the use of the
telescope and microscope, and foresaw the application of
various optical devices to instruments for the measurement
of angles. In a wonderful letter that has come down to us
he practically foretells the steamship, the steam engine,
the automobile, the suspension bridge, and the flying ma-
chine. His scientific imagination was great enough to rise
above the practical limitations of his time and see into the
future. Yet his greatest contribution was his insistence
upon real reasoning and upon experiment and research into
the workings of nature rather than subtilizing on empty
propositions and fruitless study of Aristotle.
But the spirit of the times was averse to these ideas.
Bacon was so much in advance of his age, that his inventions
were regarded as " suspicious novelties." The leaders in
church and state accused him of magical practices and of
being in league with Satan. The ignorant minds of the age
THE DECLINE OF ANCIENT LEARNING 63
could not sustain new truths which were in opposition to the
Bible and dogmatic theology. They cried " Atheist!",
" Infidel ! " and " Magician ! " ; and thus won the day. To his
critics Bacon replied that " because these things are beyond
your comprehension, you call them the works of the Devil,
your theologians and canonists abhor them as the produc-
tion of magic, regarding them as unworthy of a Christian."
Bacon's attempt to show that much which was ascribed
to demons resulted from natural means merely added to the
flame; for to limit the power of Satan was deemed hardly
less impious than to limit the power of God. When he
attempted to perform a few simple experiments before a
select audience at Oxford the whole city arose in horror and
alarm. A riot was precipitated; for all believed that Satan
was to be summoned to appear. The news spread like wild-
fire and from every house rushed priests, lecturers, students,
and townspeople crying "Down with the magician. " When
Clement IV, Bacon's friend and protector, died, Bacon was
persecuted by the Church for his free views and finally
thrown into prison where he spent over ten years, being
released shortly before his death in 1294. Tradition has it
that almost his last words were "would that I had not given
myself so much trouble for the love of science." Europe
was not to see such a true man of science for two centuries,
at least, and no better criticism of the narrowness of medieval
theology and the domination of irrational superstition
can be cited than the treatment he received in his own life
and by posterity which long failed to recognize his greatness
in the intellectual history of Europe.22
The recovery of the complete works of Aristotle occurred
during the second decade of the thirteenth century, first in
Arabic translations and later in the original Greek. Dur-
ing the Middle Ages these writings had been known only in a
"Taylor, H. O.f "The Medieval Mind," I, Chapter on Roger Bacon. White,
\ !> , ioc. of., 1, pp. 387-391. Draper, J. W., "The Intellectual Dov.-lop-
of Kuropr." II, pp. 163-56.
64 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
fragmentary form. Being eagerly devoured by the school-
men, they at once became a part of the traditional teachings,
rather than a stimulus to a renewal of the Greek spirit of
investigation. It is for this reason that the Ptolemaic
astronomy and the science of Aristotle were looked upon
with suspicion by many of the scholars of the Renaissance.
The Arab influence is seen throughout these closing decades
of the Middle Ages. Those who struggled against the es-
tablished authority seem continually to have drawn inspira-
tion from this source rather than from the ancient masters as
interpreted by Europe. The philosophical aspects of the
Aristotelian doctrines were set forth by the Spanish- Arabian
scholar Averroes (1126-1198) and assumed such importance
that the Church was at great pains to counteract them.
Despite these attacks, the intellectual vistas that were
being opened to Europe continued to unfold.
The union of science and theology, which had been
criticized by Averroes, was further protested by Duns
Scotus (1265-1308) and by William of Occam (d. 1347), the
latter denying that theological doctrines were rationally
demonstrable and showing the irrational nature of many of
the current teachings.23 Thomas Aquinas (1227-1274),
although a defender of orthodox theology, shows a more
scientific spirit than many of his contemporaries, when he
declares that "the object of the study of philosophy is not to
learn what men have thought but what is the real truth of
the matter. " But Aquinas represents the spirit of Scholasti-
cism rather than the spirit of science. He is admired at the
present day as an earnest seeker after truth, possessed of
great intellectual acumen but dominated by the prejudices
of his age, rather than one whose ideas were hi line with
modern thought.
The culmination of distinctively medieval ideas is seen in
the scholasticism of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
28 Whetham, W. C. D., and C. D., "Science and the Human Mind." Also:
Taylor, H. O., " The Medieval Mind," Chap. XLII.
THE DECLINE OF ANCIENT LEARNING 65
Scholasticism is of interest to science as a sign of an intense
intellectual activity and not because of its accomplishments.
The harbingers of the modern spirit were not the theologians,
but Roger Bacon, and the other scientist-philosophers of the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, who seem to have
drawn their knowledge and inspiration so largely from the
Arab sources. As was emphasized at the beginning of the
present chapter, the Middle Ages are not to be judged by
their scientific accomplishment, but rather by their unifica-
tion of a discordant world in preparation for the reestablish-
ment and extension of the scientific spirit of antiquity. These
centuries were always lacking in the modern rationalistic
spirit, being dominated by supernaturalism. Reasoning was
taught and practiced as a form of mental gymnastics. The
preeminence of theology attracted to theological studies
minds that might better have been employed in science.
The dominant thought at the close of the period was still
without any clear conception of scientific reasoning. The
true and the false were hopelessly intermingled. Facts
"that would not be denied" were at length the means by
which the rationalism of modern times triumphed over
supernaturalism.
CHAPTER IV
THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE
WE think too much of the Renaissance as mainly character-
ized by literary and artistic revival and achievement.
The history of science shows that the period was one of
diversified activity and that its scientific achievements
were even more important than those in other lines. It was
during the Renaissance that science became securely estab-
lished; and the scientific spirit of the modern world is but
a continuation of the spirit which appeared in southern and
western Europe during the fourteenth, fifteenth, and six-
teenth centuries. The limits of such an historical period, of
course, are arbitrary. In literature and art, the time at
which the Renaissance culminates is recognized as differing
hi different countries. Considering science alone and the
western world as a whole, we may apply the term to a
period (1350-1700) which includes both the century of the
awakening in Italy and also the centuries during which
science became strongly established within the nations that
succeeded Italy hi the intellectual domination of Europe.
During the Renaissance a thoroughly scientific spirit appears
for the first time in history. For not only was the older
learning recovered and rated at its true value, but there also
occurred a new development of natural knowledge, which has
brought forth the science of the present time.
MEDIEVAL ANTECEDENTS OF THE RENAISSANCE IN SCIENCE
The culture of the Renaissance, like that of ancient
Hellas, was formerly regarded as a spontaneous develop-
ment. But investigation has told us more of its origins.
66
THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE 67
Like other historic cultures, it now appears as a natural
outgrowth from preceding centuries. The Middle Ages
culminated in the Renaissance by a natural process, and this
historical fact puts a better face upon the Middle Ages. The
Crusades, which were so distinctively a product of the
medieval frame of mind, are now recognized as the precur-
sors of the intellectual awakening of Europe. Beginning as
a response to what was believed to be the call of God, they
eventuated in developments that were of far-reaching im-
portance along intellectual lines.
Such, for example, was the commercial development of
the Italian cities, initiated by the transportation of the
crusaders, and the consequent rise of an industrial aristoc-
racy possessed of wealth and leisure. Contact with the in-
fidels brought respect for their courage, their morality, and
their learning. Mohammedan learning, which, as we have
seen, had been filtering into Europe during the preceding cen-
turies, became the basis for a renewed growth of science,
although its influence was not generally acknowledged. The
secularization of many activities tended toward greater in-
tellectual freedom. New vistas were opened to the human
mind, not only by the partial recovery of the ancient learning
but also by geographical discoveries and by the renewed
incursions within the field of natural knowledge. The mari-
time experiences of the Italians and their sudden economic
advancement, along with the intellectual leadership of the
Church at Rome, made the Italian peninsula the starting
point from which the awakening spread westward and north-
ward. We have seen that the dawn of European science
dates from Roger Bacon and the thirteenth century. By the
opening years of the fourteenth century, the spirit most
typical of the Middle Ages had disappeared in the more
progressive centers of the western world, and the time was
ripe for the re-birth that was to follow.1
> Adams, G. B., "Civilization during the Middle Ages," Chapters XI and
XII.
68 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
Even scholasticism, the traditional spirit of which was so
repellent to that of science, was a sign of the renewal of in-
tellectual activity. The story of its development is a revela-
tion of how human ability may be perverted and misdirected
through limited knowledge. The schoolmen give evidence of
great intellectual acumen, although so largely ignorant of the
older learning and so mistaken in their concept of authority.
Beginning in the abortive revival of the schools under
Charlemagne, scholasticism culminated during the thirteenth
century hi a broader outlook, but still in conflict with the
spirit which soon prevailed. The complete works of Aris-
totle became known between 1210 and 1225 and proved a
wonderful stimulus. But the schoolmen were mainly con-
tent with the authority of Aristotle and the Scriptures in
matters of natural knowledge. Only rare individuals among
them, like Roger Bacon, recognized the authority of nature.
Nevertheless, if their conclusions were false their systems of
thought were comprehensive, and often scientific save for
their premises. Many of their discussions revolved upon
important problems hi speculative philosophy which even
to-day can be attacked only through speculation. Again,
the older universities of Europe were established under the
stimulus of scholasticism. When we understand that the
great century of the schoolmen (1200-1300) was one of the
most intellectual periods in all history, we recognize hi
scholasticism a prediction and an introduction of the age of
new thought which followed.
The greater social stability, which appeared in western
Europe during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the
decline of papal authority, incident to the failure of the
Crusades, the rise of national states, and the growing politi-
cal freedom of the Italian cities were additional factors.
When the whole situation is taken into consideration, there
is abundant evidence of a changing outlook, during the final
century of the Middle Ages. The spirit of other-worldliness
was beginning to wane and the bonds of traditional authority
THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE 69
were already loosened. Thus, the Renaissance appears as a
product of the Middle Ages, and not merely as the ancient
spirit restored to power.
It was necessary for the men of the Renaissance to become
masters of the old. But the re-birth was not merely a revival
of learning, it was a new creation as well. In science, at
least, the Renaissance began where the older knowledge had
reached the limits of its understanding. Here, for the first
time, science found itself, came to take the ancient learning
at its true value, and began to shape new courses. Philos-
ophy became distinct, on the one hand from science and on
the other from current theology. The authority of nature
came to be acknowledged, and the rationalistic point of
view was established in a manner distinctive of modern
thought. During the first century of the Renaissance
(1350-1450), many of the older beliefs and superstitions
survived, and even flourished with renewed vigor, like the
false sciences of alchemy and astrology. But with the
growth of skepticism, rationalism more and more prevailed.
Thus, through a critical attitude toward the old knowledge,
the way was prepared for the development of more positive
and constructive thinking after the middle of the fifteenth
century.
DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF THE SCIENCE OF THE RENAISSANCE
The terms Revival of Learning and Renaissance, which
are both applied to this great period of European history, are
descriptive of its best known features — the restoration of the
older knowledge and the rebirth of its spirit. The ancient
culture was restored to Europe in part by its survivals in
Italy and Constantinople,2 and by transfer from the Arab
•The Greek tradition had survived continuously in Constantinople, but
the limited means of communication during the Middle Ages and the lack of
intellectual interest on the p.trt of western Europeans rendered its influence
unavailing. The fall of Constantinople in 1453 is an overrated event from
the point of view of culture, as the revival of the classics had already taken
70 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
civilization. The Greek language had practically disappeared
in Italy during the darkest centuries, but was recovered
toward the close of the scholastic period. This revival of the
older learning, which was effected mainly during the four-
teenth and early fifteenth centuries, was a point of departure,
but the distinctive feature of the Renaissance in science was
the acquisition of factual knowledge that was wholly new and
the change of spiritual outlook which this knowledge
gradually forced upon mankind.
A feature of the Renaissance which is of more vital signifi-
cance is that its intellectual development falls into two
periods which form a natural sequence but which are rather
clearly separated. From the early fourteenth to the middle
fifteenth century the spirit was one of skepticism toward
traditional explanations and a growing rationalism regarding
scientific questions. After 1450 constructive thought was
increasingly evident. During the earlier period many
medieval superstitions survived and false sciences like
astrology continued to flourish. During the later period
these hindrances were removed by the increase of factual
knowledge. By the close of the seventeenth century the
calm and consciously rational spirit of science is seen among
progressive thinkers, and thus the characteristic feature of
the modern mind becomes established.
But the most distinctive aspect of the period under dis-
cussion was the widening of intellectual horizon and the
resultant effects upon imagination. The science of the
Renaissance is, therefore, hi contrast with that of our own
day which has been distinguished by its material achieve-
ments. During the Renaissance, man came for the first time
to know himself and to know the world. The horizon of
human experience became suddenly extended to an un-
dreamed of distance. This spiritual influence of the new
learning may be visualized by an exhibition, in tabular form,
place. However, it did bring to western Europe a number of scholars and
some new manuscripts.
THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE 71
of the more important factors which thus influenced the
mind of Europe. In the tabulation, as given, the names of
individuals commonly associated with particular factors ap-
pear to the left, while to the right is a phrase characterizing
the factor in question.
FACTORS INFLUENTIAL IN WIDENING OF INTELLECTUAL
HORIZON DURING RENAISSANCE OF SCIENCE (1350-1700)
IN GEOGRAPHICAL SCIENCE
Paolo Toscanelli
(1397-1482)
Making of Map used by Explorers
Prince Henry, the "Navigator"
(1394-1460)
Exploration of African Coasts, Discovery
of Madeira and the Azores
Bartholomew Dias
(1445-1500)
Rounding Cape of Good Hope
Christopher Columbus
(1446-1506)
Discovery of America (1492)
Amerigo Vespucci
(1452-1512)
Naming and better Knowledge of America
Vasco da Gama
(1469-1524)
Discovery of Sea-Route to India
Ferdinand Magellan
(1480-1521)
Circumnavigation of Globe (1519-21), Es-
tablishment of Earth's Sphericity by
means of Geographical Evidence
Gerhard Kramer, "Mercator"
(1512-1594)
More Accurate Map-Making of New
World, Introduction of Mercator's Pro-
jection
Gillx-rt of Colchester
(1540-1603)
Studies in Magnetism and Electricity,
Adoption and Development of Mariner's
Compass
Numerous Explorers and
Geographers (1,500-1700)
Detailed Exploration and Mapping of
Globe
72 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
IN THE MATHEMATICAL, ASTRONOMICAL, PHYSICAL, AND
CHEMICAL SCIENCES
Lucas Pacioli
(1450-?)
Rapid Development of Mathematical
Science following Adoption of Arabic
Numerals
Albrecht Diirer
(1471-1528)
Geometrical Theory of Perspective De-
veloped in Connection with Artistic
Representation
Nicolas Copernicus
(1473-1543)
Heliocentric Theory revived with Evidence
in its Favor
Tycho Brahe
(1546-1601)
Stevinus of Bruges
(1548-1620)
Galileo Galilei
(1564-1642)
Confirmation of Copernican Theory by
Telescope and Intensive Work upon
Mathematico-Physical Problems, with
Accumulation of Adequate Data
Johann Kepler
(1571-1630)
Laws Describing Movements of the Heav-
enly Bodies, Founded on Calculation
Isaac Newton
(1642-1727)
Discovery of Gravitation as the Law of
the Heavens
Robert Boyle
(1627-1691)
Georg Ernst Stahl
(1660-1734)
Beginnings of Chemical Science
THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE 73
IN THE BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES
The Medical Humanists
(1450-1550)
Revival of Writings of Hippocrates and
Galen
Philippus von Hohenheim,
"Paracelsus" (1493-1541)
Teaching in Common Tongue, Increasing
Reliance upon Direct Observation,
Chemical Medicine
Andreas Vesalius
(1514-1564)
Establishment of Human Anatomy as a
Science, First Modern Textbook
Conrad von Gesner
(1516-1565)
Knowledge of Strange Animals and Plants
Collected from Remote Regions
William Harvey
(1578-1657)
Discovery of Circulation of the Blood,
Growth of Physiological and Embryo-
logical Knowledge
Francesco Redi
(1626-1698)
Disproof of Spontaneous Generation in all
but Microscopic Forms
John Hay
(1628-1705)
Preliminary Steps toward Modern Classi-
fication of Plants and Animals
Marcello Malpighi
(1628-1694)
Increasing Knowledge of Animals and
Plants both Gross and Microscopic
Anthony van Leeuwenhoek
(1632-1723)
Jan Swammerdam
(1637-1680)
Introduction of Microscope and Study of
Microorganisms
74 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
MISCELLANEOUS FACTORS
Laurens Coster
(1370-1440)
Johannes Gutenberg
(1397-1468)
Introduction of Printing from Movable
Type (c. 1440)
Leone Battista Albert!
(1404-1472)
Leonardo da Vinci
(1452-1519)
Giovanni Pico della Mirandola
(1463-1494)
Stimulus of Individuals of Universal Genius
Giordano Bruno
(1548-1600)
Open Criticism of Dogmas of the Church,
culminating in the Religious Toleration
of Present Time
(1500-1700)
Economic Development stimulated by Be-
ginning of Trade with World and con-
tinuing to the Present
Michel Montaigne
(1533-1592)
Outspoken Skepticism concerning Many
Traditional Beliefs
Francis Bacon
(1561-1626)
Widely Advertised Formulation of Steps
Necessary for Man's Control of Nature
Thomas Hobbes
(1588-1679)
Growth of Rationalism
Rene" Descartes
(1596-1650)
Development of Mathematics in Relation
to Philosophy
Blaise Pascal
(1623-1662)
Foundation of Theory of Probability, im-
portant as a Rationalistic Explanation
of Many Complex Phenomena
John Locke
(1632-1704)
Baruch Spinoza
(1632-1677)
Gottfried Leibnitz
(1646-1716)
Profound Changes in Theological and Phil-
osophical Thought, Separation of Philos-
ophy from Theology and Establishment
of the Former upon a more Rationalistic
Basis
THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE 75
Within the period covered by the foregoing table the
universe was literally made anew. For the primitive ideas
regarding geography and astronomy, surviving since the
dawn of history about the shores of the Mediterranean and
essentially like those of savage peoples the world over, were
cast aside. Only the establishment of the evolutionary
theory during the nineteenth century can compare with the
revolution in human thinking thus produced. But evolution
made its way in a more tolerant age when freedom had been
won and its story is less dramatic. As one writer says,
" There came, one after the other, five of the greatest men
our race has produced — Copernicus, Kepler, Galileo, Des-
cartes, and Newton — and when their work was done the old
theological conception of the Universe was gone. 'The
spacious firmament on high' — 'the crystalline spheres '-
the Almighty enthroned upon 'the circle of the heavens, ' and
with his own hands, or with angels as his agents, keeping sun,
moon and planets in motion for the benefit of the earth,
opening and closing the 'windows of heaven/ letting down
upon the earth the ' waters above the firmament, ' setting his
bow in the cloud, hanging out 'signs and wonders/ hurling
comets, 'casting forth lightnings' to scare the wicked, and
'shaking the earth' in his wrath: all this had disappeared. " 3
And with its disappearance came the knowledge of a new
heaven and a new earth. Truth had begun to triumph over
ignorance. An age of Science was replacing an age of
Superstition.
GROWTH OF SCIENTIFIC AND RATIONALISTIC KNOWLEDGE
The appearance of individuals of genius and the occurrence
ents of revolutionary import are indicative of the dawn
of a new age. It was so with the Renaissance. The great
Italian national poet, Dante Alighieri (1265-1321) is in
'Whit*-, A I), \ History of (he Warfare of Science with Theology,"
Vd I, p. 15.
76 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
many respects a medieval figure but in others he is of the
Renaissance. His science and theology were those of
Thomas Aquinas, but his independence of judgment, his con-
ception of the worth of the individual, and his appreciation
of beauty are signs of the awakening. The existence of a
rising skepticism toward the traditional teachings is sug-
gested by the language of orthodoxy throughout the later
years of the thirteenth century. The most conspicuous ex-
ample of an individual who is known to have questioned the
accepted doctrines is Peter of Apono (1260-1316), a disciple
of Averroes and influential in the promulgation of Averroism
in Italy. He seems to have denied the existence of demons
and of miracles, although his beliefs were tainted by astrolog-
ical superstitions. In his old age he was imprisoned by the
Church on the charge of magic and intercourse with spirits,
but as he died before sentence was pronounced the inquisitors
could only burn him in effigy. Like Roger Bacon he de-
scended to posterity as one of the greatest magicians of the
time.4
Francesco Petrarca or Petrarch (1304-1374) is fully rep-
resentative of the early Renaissance. His humanism was
that blending of the old and the new which is character-
istic of modern thought. Although a literary man and in no
sense a scientist, Petrarch exhibits a rebellion against the
traditional authority and a critical attitude indicative of the
scientific spirit. He well represents the state of mind that
characterized the Renaissance before the period of construc-
tive thought. Petrarch contributed to the advancement of
science by denouncing the astrologers as charlatans and
rogues. The medical men of the tune he regarded as no
better, but he forecast the way to a science of health and
disease which was later exemplified in modern medicine and
surgery. He ridiculed the pious beliefs regarding animals
inherited from the Bestiaries as childish superstitions, and of
no value to man. In common with all humanists or men of
4 Lecky, loc. tit., Vol. I, p. 103.
THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE 77
the new learning, he abhorred the teachings of scholasticism
and scoffed at the authority of Aristotle. He was the first
great figure in the valiant battle, waged against make-
believe and superstition, by the rationalists of the fourteenth,
fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries.
Neither the reputation which is popularly attached to
Giovanni Boccaccio (1313-1375), and others of the human-
ists who are known chiefly by the laxness, from a modern
viewpoint, of their standards of morality,5 nor prejudice
toward the classical requirements that have hitherto dom-
inated western education should conceal the fact that
these men occupy an important place in the transition from
medieval to modern scientific thought. Humanism may
have acted as a temporary check upon the development of
interest in the natural sciences. But the study of ancient
literature was the most important single factor in the libera-
tion of the intellect. Humanism did yeoman service in the
advancement of the critical frame of mind which was a
necessary preliminary to the constructive rationalism of
modern science. In view of their limited knowledge of facts,
it is remarkable that the humanists wrought so well.
By the year 1450 the recovery of the ancient learning
was almost complete and the essentially modern culture of
the humanists was fast displacing the gloom of the Middle
Ages. As we have seen, the first century of the Renaissance
(1350-1450) was an age of increasing skepticism and negation
while the positive and constructive activities of the period
were later accomplishments. After 1450 the study of nature
assumed increasing importance. Facts began to accumulate
and men awoke to the obvious truths of natural science, so
that rapid advances in scientific knowledge became possible.
More than any other individual Leonardo da Vinci (1452-
* The significance of the literary work of Boccaccio is not to be estimated by
the salaciousness of the Decameron, but on the basis that, in opposition to the
asceticism of the medieval spirit, he "proclaimed the beauty of the world, the
••« of youth and strength and love, unterrified by hell, unappalled by the
of impending death." Symonds, J. A., "The Renaissance in Italy."
78 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
1519) embodies the spirit of the period. Whether one man
can ever again grasp the learning of his day as Leonardo did
is doubtful, in view of the present extension of knowledge.
But in any era such a man would exert widespread influence.
Known mainly as an artist, he was preeminent also as a man
of science, an architect, and an engineer. For us, his im-
portance lies in his apprehension of the scientific method and
in his unique personality. Of him it has been well said, "He
was not a scholastic, and neither was he a blind follower of
classical authority, as were many of the men of the Renais-
sance. To him, observation of nature and experiment were
the only true methods of science. Knowledge of the ancient
writers, useful as a starting point, could never be conclu-
sive." He grasped the fundamental concept that true science
begins with observation. "Those sciences are vain and full
of errors, he tells us, which are not born from experience,
the mother of all certainty, and which do not end with
one clear experiment. Science gives certainty, and science
gives power. Those who rely on practice without science
are like sailors without rudder or compass." Could there
be a clearer statement of the nature and value of science
even in the twentieth century?
As indicative of his grasp of fundamentals hi scientific
method and fact, may be cited his understanding of the
nature of fossils and of the changes by which mountains have
been upraised, together with the effects of erosion. For
example, he says that the Po will eventually lay dry land in
the Adriatic as in the past it has deposited a great part of
Lombardy. For Leonardo, nature was devoid of magic
and subject to immutable necessity. If his fragmentary
notes, apparently taken with a view to publication in ency-
clopaedic form had become accessible, it is hard to tell what
force they might not have exerted in the advancement of
science.6 It is of interest, in view of his renown as an artist,
8 Among many remarkable passages is the following upon the saltness of the
sea. After considering various explanations notably those of Pliny, Leonardo
THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE 79
that Leonardo's reputation in this field rests not alone upon
his creation of a few great paintings but upon the fact that
he possessed so wide a perception of the possibilities of this
form of artistic expression. He has been characterized as
"not so much a painter as a great inventor in painting."
Corot, for example, proclaimed him, "The creator of modern
landscape/' although the landscape feature in Leonardo's
paintings is seemingly an insignificant part. His attitude as
an artist was rather that of the man of science than that of
the traditional man of art. For him, reality and perfection
were the same. This explains the seemingly incongruous
union of the artist and the scientist. The list of the mechan-
ical devices to which he devoted intensive study, is amazing
in its extent and diversity. Some of the more interesting
cases are the following: He was the real pioneer worker hi
aviation, as a science in which air currents, specific gravity,
the flight of birds, and the like were studied, along with the
production of a heavier-than-air flying-machine (Fig. 7).
He seems to have made as much speculative and observa-
tional progress with the problem as was possible before the
creation of modern machinery and the invention of internal
combustion engines. He devised a variety of machine guns
and other similar mechanisms, a machine for excavating
concludes "that the salt ness of the sea is due to the numerous springs of
water, which, in penetrating the earth, find the salt mines, and dissolving parts
of these carry them away with them to the ocean and to the other seas, from
whence they are never lifted by the clouds which produce the rivers. So the
sea would be more salt in our times than it has ever been at any time pre-
viously; and if it were argued by the adversary that in an infinite course of
tune the sea would either become dried up or congealed into salt, to this I
hat the salt is restored to the earth by the setting free of the earth which
is raised up together with the salt it has acquired, and the rivers restore it to
the earth over which they flow." His arguments against the explanation of
marine shells of fossil deposits as having been left by the Noachian deluge dis-
play a knowledge of geological fact and method which did not become common
information until after the work of James Hutton toward the close of the
eighteenth century Numerous quotations from his scientific writings are
easily accessible in th<- volum*- < -untied: "Leonardo da Vinci's Note Booko,"
by Edward McCurdy 9ec I ' \\- tlum, toe. tit.
80 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
canals, a large number of hydraulic devices, a smelting
furnace, and so on through a list of unbelievable length. He
FIG. 7. Sketches Relating to Flying Machines. From the note books of
Leonardo da Vinci. (Courtesy of Scientific American.)
forecast the coming of steam engines and steam navigation.
He drew plans of model towns and cities and was thus the
originator of the modern concept of the city beautiful. His
THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE
81
manuscript notes describe a modern system of factory ef-
ficiency. More than any other individual who has lived,
Leonardo seems the superman of human intelligence.
Leonardo was not entirely alone, although he is clearly
Fio. 8. Leonardo's use of Cross-Sections to illustrate
Anatomy. From the note books of Leonardo da
Vinci. (Reproduced from a Figure in Singer after
Hopstock.)
the greatest among the men of genius developed by the
Italian Renaissance. Giovani Pico della Mirandolla (1463-
1494) possessed the most catholic view of learning and schol-
p of any man of his time. His most important service
to science was his refutation of astrology, which accomplished
82 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
the final overthrow of this false view of astronomy. Leone
Battista Alberti (1404-1472), an earlier contemporary, had
for his motto "Men can do all things if they will." His
interest in science together with his proficiency in physics
and mathematics greatly aided the forward movement of
enlightenment which so aroused his enthusiasm. Modern ex-
perimental science begins with Galileo in the sixteenth
century. But the services of the humanists, and of the
workers and thinkers from Peter of Apono to Leonardo da
Vinci, were an essential part in the development from the
supernaturalism, still dominant in the thirteenth century,
to the established rationalism of sixteenth and seventeenth
century science.
The scientific methods of observation and comparison
were first applied by the Renaissance in the field of literary
and historical criticism. They appear in Petrarch and others
of the humanists who applied the principles of textual criti-
cism to historical documents.7 This spirit of literary criticism
was not without importance for the Reformation, although
the later Protestant orthodoxy was not well disposed toward
the extension of critical study. The publication of the work
of Copernicus in 1543 was the climax in this development of
observational and descriptive science. The older geo-centric
theory of Ptolemy, promulgated in Alexandria during the
second century of the Christian Era, had become an in-
tegral part of Christian theology. The Copernican system
proposed what was literally a new universe. The story of
the controversy which was thus precipitated is familiar to
all. We have alluded to its significance in a previous section.
The Renaissance did more than extend the scientific
methods of observation and comparison. Its claim to be the
period in which modern science became established is based
7 The case of Laurentius Valla may be cited in illustration. "At the request
of King Alfonso of Naples he subjected the so-called Donation of Constantino
to the tests of the new criticism and showed its historical impossibility to the
conviction of the world, thus depriving the papacy of one source of argument
in support of its pretensions." Adams, G. B., loc. til.
THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE 83
primarily upon the development of experimental and
analytical methods. While the spirit and appreciation of
science appear in da Vinci, the modern intensive attack
appears first in the investigations of Galileo (1564-1642).
Building upon the work of Copernicus, Galileo continued the
advance in astronomy despite theological opposition. By
the year 1700, Descartes (1596-1650) and Pascal (1623-
1662), by establishing the theory of probability had elimi-
nated evil spirits from many hitherto inexplicable phenom-
ena on the earth, while Kepler (1571-1630) and Newton
(1642-1727) had enthroned natural law in the heavens.
Geographical and astronomical science were established by
the voyages of discovery, and by the scientific work of
Copernicus and Galileo. Chemistry, which had existed as
alchemy since the early Christian Era and which had been
defined during the eleventh century as "the preparation of
silver and gold," received an impetus through the chemical
medicine of Paracelsus (1493-1541); while the foundation
of modern chemistry was laid by Boyle (1627-1691) who
defined chemistry as "the composition of substances," and
emphasized the methods of experimentation and inductive
reasoning. Boyle defined the elements as substances in-
capable of decomposition, and the compounds as substances
composed of elements, but the development of this general-
ization was subsequently held in abeyance by the promulga-
tion of the erroneous Phlogiston-Theory?
Within the field of physical and mathematical sciences,
Galileo had established the science of dynamics by his ex-
periments with falling bodies. His laws of motion had made
possible the explanation of the continuous movement of the
planets, but their orbital movement remained unexplained.
Newton applied to the heavens the simple, though even now
inexplicable, phenomenon of gravitation; and calculated the
sweep of the planets in the same terms as the fall of a stone.
His emotional excitement during the conclusion of his cal-
• See: note, p. 97 of the present volume.
84 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
culations is said to have been "so great that he could hardly
see his figures"; and certain it is that of all the generaliza-
tions of science none is more marvelous than the theoretical
extension of the simple phenomena of motion and gravita-
tion, observed on the surface of the earth, to the farthest star.
Mathematical science was keeping pace. Indeed the work
above indicated would have been impossible at an earlier
period, when methods of calculation were little developed.
Space will not permit a further elaboration of the progress
of science along these mathematical-physical lines during
the period under discussion. We may emphasize, in con-
clusion, the growing significance of the philosophical aspects
of mathematics and physics, hi addition to their value as
practical tools of science.
In the biological sciences, the Middle Ages had, as we have
seen, produced little beyond a garbled and childish account
of some of the ancient knowledge of Aristotle and Galen.
Gradually the study of human anatomy by dissection be-
came possible. In 1315, da Luzzi had published a manual
of anatomy, based not upon Galen but upon actual dissec-
tion. Vesalius (1514-1564) now laid bare the secrets of the
human frame and overthrew many traditional errors.
Harvey (1578-1657) not only discovered the circulation of
the blood but also established the experimental method
which has since dominated the science of physiology. Bot-
any was widely cultivated through the search for herbs of
medicinal value. The first Botanical Gardens came into
existence for the cultivation of rare and interesting plants.
Stimulated by medical science and by the general awakening,
the biological sciences were proceeding along two great lines:
knowledge of the number and kinds of animals and plants-
Natural History; and knowledge of minute structures and
organisms — Microscopy. The microscope did not come into
use as an instrument of biological investigation until the
latter half of the seventeenth century, but the more general
facts of microscopic structure, aside from the cell-theory, had
THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE 85
been ascertained before the year 1700. The bacteria, the
protozoa, and a host of minute organisms were discovered by
Swammerdam (1637-1680), Leeuwenhoek (1632-1723), and
their contemporaries. Redi, in 1668, disproved spontaneous
generation in macroscopic forms; but the mode of generation
in the microorganisms was not entirely established until the
nineteenth century. Malpighi (1628-1694) made known the
facts of microscopic anatomy.9
A work which illustrates the transition from medieval to
modern concepts in natural history is the "Puch der Na-
ture" by Conrad von Megenberg. Although first printed in
1475, this volume dates from an earlier period, for it was a
German translation, with some changes, from the Latin
"De Naturis Rerum" completed by Thomas of Cantimpre*
about 1248. It is, therefore, truly medieval but a great ad-
vance upon the Physiologus. The figures are crude, yet
they give some internal evidence of having been drawn from
nature and being specially prepared for the volume in ques-
tion (Fig. 9). The popular interest in such works is attested
by the fact that the volume passed through numerous
editions and was followed by others which were the first
crude beginnings of modern studies in natural history.
Interest in first-hand knowledge of animals is thus evidenced
during the later Middle Ages.10
The collection of animals and plants in zoological and
botanical gardens further illustrates the advancing knowl-
edge and interest in natural history. This custom originated
in Italy with the increase of wealth and economic stability.
Botanical gardens were attached to large estates and to
public establishments. Collections of animals from foreign
countries became popular among the wealthy. These not
• Further elaboration of these advances in the study of microscopic struc-
tures and microorganisms is omitted here, since the subject has been used as
an illustration in a subsequent chapter. See: pp. 246-250 of the present vol-
"Locy, W. A., "The Earliest Printed Illustrations of Natural History,"
Scientific Monthly, Sept., 1921.
86 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
only served the same purpose as the modern menageries and
zoological gardens, by gratifying curiosity, but served also
the higher purpose of observation and experiment. The im-
Fia. 9. Four Figures of Quadrupeds. Traced from a plate of twelve fig-
ures in "Das Puch der Nature" by von Megenberg. Although
printed in 1475 and showing figures some of which bear internal evi-
dence of having been drawn from nature, this work was based mainly
upon the earlier manuscript and figures of the truly medieval volume
"De Naturis Rerum" by Thomas Cantimpre" about 1248. Contrast
with the more accurate and artistic figure from Gesner (Fig. 10).
(Reproduced from Locy, Scientific Monthly, Sept., 1921.)
portation of strange animals from distant regions was not
difficult because of the geographical situation of the Italian
peninsular and because the mild climate rendered possible
the keeping of animals from warmer latitudes. Lions were
THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE 87
especially numerous, because of their symbolic interest and
because of the excellent way in which they stood captivity.
They were used at times as executioners and their presence
near the palace of an Italian tyrant had doubtless a measure
of political and social effectiveness. A present of lion cubs is
frequently mentioned in diplomatic documents. The city of
Florence also kept leopards and other wild beasts, employing
a special keeper.
By the close of the fifteenth century large menageries were
hi existence. Matarazzo, the chronicler of Perugia, tells us
that: "It belongs to the position of the great to keep horses,
dogs, falcons, and other birds, court jesters, singers and
foreign animals." The point for our purpose is that the
presence of elephants, giraffes, zebras and other strange
animals helped to open men's minds to the wonders of
animate nature and to acquaint them with the various sorts
of animal life. True it is that no attempt was made to im-
prove on the Aristotelian system of zoological classification,
but at the same time a more rational and scientific attitude
toward animal life developed. People no longer believed in
the ridiculous myths and fables of the medieval bestiaries or
natural history treatises. There are, moreover, interesting
evidences of successful efforts towards scientific breeding
and improvement of stock in connection with the stud of
Francesco Gonzaga, duke of Mantua, and along this special
line considerable advances were undoubtedly made.11
The Swiss, Conrad von Gesner (1516-1565), must have
been aided in his studies on natural history by the existence
of these zoological gardens. His great work, "Historia Ani-
malium, " is indicative of the decline of the medieval absurd-
ities, and proved of great educational value hi the populariz-
ing of scientific facts concerning the larger animals (Fig. 10).
But there was no immediate advance toward a more scien-
tific classification, even with the work of Gesner. In contrast
11 Burckhardt, J., loc. tit. The further account of an anthropological
given by this author is of interest in this connection.
88 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
to the dramatic discoveries attendant upon the advent of the
microscope, the study of natural history was distinguished,
during the seventeenth century, by the slow and laborious
collection of facts regarding the number and kinds of animals
FIG. 10. Representative Illustration from Gesner.
Photographic reproduction of one of the orig-
inal woodcuts. (Reproduced from Brooks,
Popular Science Monthly, May, 1895.)
and plants. Upon this foundation, John Ray (1628-1705)
established the first exact concept of a species; and Lin-
naeus, in the succeeding century, set forth the first universal
classification.
The numerous societies and academies, which arose first
in Italy and Southern France, are indicative of the intellec-
tual activity of the period. The older universities were
founded during the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries
and hence were a product of scholasticism. To the early
THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE 89
reformers of the Renaissance, the universities appeared as
strongholds of the old order. They were, according to
Petrarch, " nests of gloomy ignorance." Even later, the
humanists were grudgingly received within the schools; and
not infrequently, when the humanistic learning had been
assimilated, it was rendered sterile by the erection of the
ancient masters to a place of authority, not in harmony with
the spirit that had developed with the advance of critical
scholarship. Under these circumstances, the more independ-
ent spirits sought their inspiration in organizations outside
the established intellectual institutions, where freedom of
thought was unhampered.12 These early scientific societies
were reproductions of similar organizations which had
formerly existed among the Moors, in Grenada and Cordova.
Some of them, like the Academy of Toulouse, founded in
1345, have survived to the present day. As the Renaissance
spreads northward, the same tendency is apparent. The
Royal Society of London was incorporated in 1662 and has
survived through a long and illustrious career. In the
beginning, it was accused of " destroying the established
religion, of injuring the universities, and of upsetting ancient
and solid learning. " 13 Eventually, there was not a capital
in Europe without these organizations which were thus inde-
pendent of the formal educational system. Thus ended the
isolation of the workers in science. Moreover, the academies
gave the scientists a degree of solidarity, and encouraged all
who opposed the traditional doctrines.
""The Accademia del Cimento, established at Florence, 1657, held its
£s in the ducal palace. It lasted ten years, and was then suppressed
nee of the papal government; as an equivalent, the brother of the
grand-duke was made a cardinal. It numbered many great men, such as
Torricelli and Castelli, among its members. The condition of admission into
it was an abjuration of all faith, and a resolution to inquire into the truth."
Draper, J. V. r\ . .f 1 !,«• Conflict between Religion and Science." p. 300.
11 Draper, loc. cit., pp. 307-310.
90 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
POSITION OF SCIENCE AS ESTABLISHED BY THE RENAISSANCE
In the foregoing sections, the scientific awakening of
Europe has been traced from its beginnings in the later
Middle Ages to its culmination during the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries. In such a complex of men and events
it is difficult to keep hi mind the larger changes. We shall,
therefore, enumerate the broader features of this momentous
step in human development by a brief characterization of
particular periods. In this, one must remember that dates
are arbitrary, that round numbers have no meaning as such,
and that such an outline necessarily disregards the over-
lapping which is so important a factor in the growth of ideas.
With these reservations, the intellectual development con-
sidered in the preceding pages may be summarized as follows:
750-800 Revival of the schools under Charlemagne.
Evidence of an abundance of intellectual ability.
800-1150 Failure of the schools, because of unstable political
conditions.
Glimmerings of intellectual progress in isolated in-
dividuals.
Influence of the Arab science during this period.
1 150-1200 Intense intellectual eagerness culminating in scholasti-
cism.
1200-1300 The century of scholasticism — a great intellectual
period, although its point of view was not in line
with subsequent developments.
The dawn of European science is seen in the cumu-
lative influence of the Arab science, and in the
scientific insight and vision of Roger Bacon.
1300-1350 Disappearance in the progressive centers of Europe
of the frame of mind most distinctive of the
Middle Ages.
Growing skepticism regarding traditional authority.
1350-1450 Period of destructive criticism and growing rational-
ism which prepared the way for the constructive
scientific work of the later Renaissance.
THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE 91
1450-1500 Beginnings, in Italy, of the constructive period of the
scientific Renaissance.
1500-1600 Rapid accumulation of facts and development of
rationalistic explanations of natural phenomena.
1600-1700 Dawning concept of the rational explanation of all
natural phenomena.
Not only were the broader facts of modern science made
apparent by the workers of the Renaissance, but also the
significance of science began to be appreciated in its relation
to civilized life. What Roger Bacon had foreseen with
prophetic vision, and what was beyond the comprehension
of his contemporaries, his more superficial namesake,
Francis Bacon (1561-1626), helped to establish in the
popular imagination. While the latter was given too high a
position, when he was called the father of the inductive sciences,
he undoubtedly deserves the credit of giving publicity to the
failure of the deductive scholastic reasoning and of having
formulated, in such a manner as to secure its general accept-
ance, the claim that the scientific method possesses unbe-
lievable possibilities. During the seventeenth century men
began to be persuaded that there must be natural solutions
to problems, although they were unable to discover them.
And the fact that this attitude of mind has become almost
an obsession in modern times illustrates better than almost
anything else how far we have departed from the super-
naturalism of the Middle Ages.
The Renaissance, taken as a whole, marks the intellectual
awakening of the western world. If we have seemed to in-
clude too much under the head of Science in the Renais-
sance, it Ls not because we would claim all for science but
because the manifestations of science are everywhere present.
The Renaissance in its broadest meaning marks the begin-
nin^ of modern culture. It was not alone the revival of the
old it was also a creation of the new, first by the Italian
people and later by the other western nations. The Protes-
t.'int Reformation and the English and French Revolutions
92 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
were the natural extensions of the scientific and rationalistic
developments which had then- beginnings in Italy during the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. These religious and
political revolutions were a contribution by the northern
peoples to the larger movement. We must have in mind the
whole social complex, material as well as intellectual, if we
are to reach a proper evaluation of the Renaissance in rela-
tion to science and human affairs.
The two outstanding features of the period were the dis-
covery of the human mind and the discovery of the world
of nature. Knowledge of antiquity was important, because
it helped the humanist to discover himself and to feel his
kinship with the minds of other days; knowledge of nature,
because it brought into being the modern scientific spirit.
Once set in motion, these factors and many others became
inextricably interwoven. In art, the human body was re-
discovered as a thing of beauty, while nature lost its "taint
of sin" and became again beautiful to the eyes of man.
Having passed that painful period in which doubt is not yet
regarded as innocent and having undergone the sufferings of
suspended judgment, the human mind was liberated as from
a dungeon during this wonderful intellectual outpouring
that was, as Symonds puts it, "the first transcendent
spring-tide of the modern world." A sense of human
dignity appeared, different from anything in evidence during
the Middle Ages and on an even higher level than the sense
of human worth of ancient times. Excessive individualism
and worldliness were vices of the period, but were not
necessary adjuncts of the new and scientific humanism.
The distinctive feature was not the recovery of the older arts
and inventions nor the discovery of the new, but "the
attainment of self-conscious freedom by the European
peoples." In science, we may catalogue the specific dis-
coveries of these centuries of the awakening, but the more
important factor was the establishment of the modern
scientific spirit. Freedom and self -consciousness found ex-
THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE 93
pression in science; and the spirit thus generated continues,
dominant throughout the western world. Not alone hi
science but hi the whole sweep of our activities, we of the
present are carrying forward that which the men of the
Italian Renaissance began.
CHAPTER V
THE FURTHER GROWTH OF SCIENCE
THE year 1700 is chosen as the beginning of the modern
scientific period, because the theoretical and practical
applications of science began to be widely comprehended
during the eighteenth century. Many important facts in
astronomy, in geography, and even in biological science were,
indeed, ascertained before this time. The scientific method
was recognized by certain individuals. But the great ex-
tensions of detailed knowledge and appreciation of the
meaning of many scientific facts had not taken place. By
the middle of the eighteenth century scientific thinking had
become emancipated from superstition and started on its
own path of unprejudiced observation and experimentation.
During the latter half of the century there was rapid
advancement in many lines. In the biological sciences,
foundations were being laid for the later Cell-Theory, and
the first definite statement of Organic Evolution was being
promulgated; while comprehension of physiological proc-
esses was opening the way to a science of medicine. In
astronomy and the physical sciences, the concept of a
dynamic as opposed to a static universe came to be recog-
nized as a scientific fact, and the theories of Conservation of
Energy and of Chemical Combination began to assume
definitive form. In the field now designated as that of
political and social science, the secularization of many
activities, the progress of individualism, of rationalism, and
of toleration indicate a growing scientific temper. The
attempts to apply scientific fact and method in the solution
of larger social problems indicate the hold which science had
obtained upon mankind by the close of this first century of
94
THE FURTHER GROWTH OF SCIENCE 95
modern scientific times. In the material applications of
science, the later decades of the century witnessed the
beginnings of the Industrial Revolution. The rise of modern
industry and the rise of modern democracy were almost
simultaneous. The scientific frame of mind developed
during the Renaissance was mainly responsible for these
momentous changes as well as for the technical progress
of eighteenth century science.
FOUNDATIONS OF THE MODERN SCIENCES
The history of natural science during the seventeenth and
the early eighteenth centuries is characterized by the rapid
accumulation of minor facts. Just as the manifold details
were added to the outline of geographical knowledge fur-
nished by the earlier centuries of discovery, so astronomical
and other branches of science became increasingly compre-
hensive. Biological knowledge, for instance, received an
impetus during the latter half of the seventeenth century by
the serious use of the microscope in scientific investigation.
The discovery of microorganisms immediately followed, and
the minute anatomy of larger forms was made known. In
studies with the microscope, as well as in natural history,
examination of new kinds of animals and plants presented
seemingly endless fields for discovery. Hence the broader
biological problems were commonly disregarded. Neverthe-
less, the generalizations of present-day biology were rooted
in the detailed knowledge thus acquired. A similar situation
exi-ted in other scientific fields. The knowledge of scientific
fact and method, then acquired by the popular mind, marks
the beginning of a persistent inclination toward scientific ex-
planations, which had far-reaching consequences even during
the eighteenth century.1
1 The dilletantism of many individuals, who posed as savants at this time,
tends to obscure the situation which actually existed. The underlying stim-
ulus to such pretensions among tin- upper classes was the position of u
edented esteem in which scientific men were held.
96 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
In geographical science, to cite further examples, the
nature and extent of the earth had become known among the
educated and traveled classes. This popular knowledge of
geography did not, of course, lead to scientific generaliza-
tions, but proved influential along social and political lines.
The peoples of western Europe became conscious of their
position in the world and of the coexistence of other peoples
in all the stages from barbarism to civilization. Foundations
were being laid for a science of human society.
In astronomical science, the nature of the solar system
had been ascertained by Copernicus and Galileo and the
laws of motion and gravitation had been extended to the
heavens by Newton. It remained to set forth the way in
which the heavenly bodies had reached their present form.
Cosmic Evolution, with its implication of a dynamic uni-
verse, found definite expression in the Nebular Hypothesis
of Laplace (1796).2 By this hypothesis, the laws of mass and
motion, as applied by Newton to the present solar system,
were extended to the past. The existing system was con-
ceived as having reached its present state through the
action of natural forces. The nebular hypothesis is not the
only theory, of the origin of solar systems, maintained by
astronomers at the present day. But the idea of our own and
other solar systems as having undergone evolutionary
modification, is to-day the accepted historical generalization
of astronomy. Laplace and his associates among the
French Encyclopaedists believed they were on the threshold
of an explanation of the universe in terms of matter and
motion. If their generalizations were premature, they were
nevertheless in agreement with the explanations since
established by science. The concept of cosmic evolution,
which the nebular hypothesis implies, is now accepted as a
matter of course.
2 The prevailing statement that the Nebular Hypothesis originated with
Kant seems to be incorrect. Lovejoy, A. O., "Kant and Evolution," Popular
Scientific Monthly, Dec., 1910.
THE FURTHER GROWTH OF SCIENCE 97
Again, the later years of the eighteenth century were im-
portant in the history of chemistry and physics. Such
generalizations as the Atomic Theory, and the theories of
Chemical Combination, Conservation of Energy, and Inde-
structibility of Matter were at least tentatively established.
When the nature of elements, compounds, and solutions
became sufficiently clear, chemistry could progress. When
the distinction between matter and energy was recognized,
the great advance made by physical science during the
nineteenth century became possible.3
The development of the atomic theory is an example of
how the theories of science may have their beginnings and
may reach their existing limits in philosophical speculation.
The doctrine that matter consists of invisible and indivisible
particles between which is a void appears in Hindu philos-
ophy at a remote period. Among the Greco-Roman philos-
ophers, Democritus and Lucretius were its ardent exponents.
During the Middle Ages theological beliefs sufficed. In the
seventeenth century Boyle and also Newton recognized its
advantages. The former had even grasped the idea of
permanent elements and changeable compounds, and had
defined chemistry as "the composition of substances."
But the Phlogiston-Theory intervened.4
1 These generalizations have persisted as the foundations of modern physico-
chemical theory, although the structure and possible divisibility of the atom
is a subject of present-day investigation. The facts discovered in connection
with radium h:ive made the chemist skeptical regarding the permanency of
unchanging elements. The theory of the conservation of energy is, of course,
baaed upon experimentation within limited fields. Nevertheless, these funda-
mental hypotheses, which made their appearance toward the close of the
eighteenth century, have constituted the point of departure for subsequent
o-chemical investigation.
4 Robert Boyle (1627-1691) stated the principle that only tangible and
ponderable substances should be recognized as elements, a chemical element
being a substance from which other substances could be made. Georg Stahl
(1660-1734) developed the Phlogiston-Theory. Phlogiston was "the principle
of corn and was considered as a definite I »«>«!>• ami hence material.
All < homical action was explained an <lu« to the presence of this all-important
substance. This concept delayed the estal.li-hnirnt of tho atomic theory, but
98 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
The advance of biological science during the century under
discussion was mainly important as a preparation. The
Cell-Theory was not formulated until the second quarter of
the nineteenth century. Organic Evolution was not gener-
ally accepted until the publication of Darwin's " Origin of
Species" (1859). The development of biological science
during the closing centuries of the Renaissance has already
been summarized. During the eighteenth century, the facts
regarding the number and kinds of animals and plants were
organized by Linnaeus (1707-1778). His was the first system
of classification which pretended to an arrangement of all the
known forms of life. If Linnaeus did not originate the
binomial nomenclature,5 by which each kind of animal is
given a double name, he may be said to have established its
use. His general scheme, of species, genera, and families
exists at the present day, despite the progressive changes in
the larger groupings and the wholly new concept of classifi-
cation which was necessitated by the doctrine of evolution.
Linnaeus introduced order into the study of animal life, and
it was a good theory for the time being and did not hamper chemical progress
in many lines. It was finally overthrown when Lavoisier (1743-1794) showed,
by means of the balance, that combustion was a process and not a substance,
since it possessed no weight. The way was then open for the establishment of
the atomic theory through the work of Dalton (1808). At the present time
physicists speak of the structure of the atom, of the continuous ether, and of
all matter as energy, and even challenge the philosophers with interesting
theories of ultimate reality. But despite modifications, the atomic theory
with its concept of relatively indivisible atoms, which combine into molecules,
is the working assumption of physico-chemical science. The atoms and the
void, now called the ether, have never been seen. Belief in their existence,
despite the fact that it explains visible phenomena, is a theoretical generaliza-
tion which is useful because it gives a summary basis for the explanation of
tangible facts.
6 Here, as elsewhere, use of a second or even a third name had been
made as a matter of course. It now became universal in biological science.
Its value lies in the fact that the naming can be more definite the greater the
number of names applied. But more than two is cumbersome. Thus we
speak of the Smiths, and to be specific, of John Smith; going further, of John
Henri/ Smith: just as we designate the cats, Felis, and the domestic cat, Felis
domestica.
THE FURTHER GROWTH OF SCIENCE 99
though he is not known to have favored the evolutionary
theories promulgated during his lifetime, he made an im-
portant contribution in this direction by so classifying
plants and animals that men could visualize the resemblances
and differences now explained in terms of evolution.
The discussion of a generalization so important as the
theory of organic evolution must be deferred. For the
purpose here, it is only necessary to state that the doctrine
of descent with modification was first promulgated in
scientific terms by Buff on (1707-1788) and his contempo-
raries. It is important, in considering the eighteenth century
as a period during which the larger generalizations of modern
science were being formed, that the theory of evolution was
then proposed upon a scientific basis. Many significant
facts hi anatomy, embryology, heredity, and variation, had
been established. Attention was directed to the close
anatomical resemblance between man and the apes. More-
over, evolution or the Theory of Transmutation, as it was
then called, was openly and widely discussed in intellectual
circles.6 This early attempt to formulate organic evolution
in terms of science culminated hi the Lamarckian theories
during the first quarter of the nineteenth century. The
temporary failure of the evolutionary hypothesis was due to
insufficient knowledge and to prejudice in favor of an ex-
planation of organic nature in terms of the Biblical account
of creation. The Transmutationists of the later eighteenth
century were expressing the spirit of their day when they
attempted to organize the facts of biological science into a
fundamental theory of the origin and development of all
living things.
The phrase origin of life may be used in a twofold sense.
It may refer either to the origin of the species (evolution) or
to the origin of the individual. The latter problem appears
in the eighteenth century controversies over the theory of
•Lovcjoy, A. O.f "Some Eighteenth Century Evolutionists," Popular
Science Monthly, July, 1904.
100 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
Spontaneous Generation. This theory, although restricted
to the origin of microscopic organisms, was actively cham-
pioned. Redi had show (1668) that insect larvae, which had
been supposed to arise spontaneously in decaying flesh,
actually arose from the eggs of parent forms, as did larger
animals like the birds and reptiles whose eggs are of con-
spicuous size. It was, of course, recognized that the higher
plants developed from seeds. The discovery of microorgan-
isms (c. 1675) reopened a question which might otherwise
have been regarded as settled. Admitting that larger ani-
mals and plants arose from parents, and not by a process
of spontaneous generation, it might still be maintained that
simpler and microscopic types originated without the inter-
vention of living matter. The early investigators beheld
their infusions teeming with microscopic organisms that
appeared literally over night. Some naturally believed
there could be no other explanation of this sudden appear-
ance but that of spontaneous generation. Although the
work of Spallanzani (1775) and others during the eighteenth
century produced evidence against this spontaneous origin
of living bodies, it was impossible to secure a conclusive
verdict until the cell-theory was established and until com-
plete life-cycles for representative microscopic forms were
made known toward the middle of the nineteenth century.
The later eighteenth century was concerned with this
problem, as it was with the broader generalizations in other
scientific lines. In view of the absence of a cell-theory, it is
perhaps remarkable that the advocates of spontaneous
generation were not more numerous.
In medicine, the final steps, which divorced the treatment
of disease from superstitions such as belief hi demoniacal
possession and in the visitations of Providence, were taken
during the eighteenth century. This happened in spite of
popular survivals of such beliefs. Disease was increasingly
acknowledged to be an abnormal bodily state, and as such to
be subject to investigation by science. Jenner's discovery of
THE FURTHER GROWTH OF SCIENCE 101
vaccination against smallpox (1796) was the precursor of the
vaccinations of the present time. The Germ-Theory of
disease was forecast by the increasing emphasis upon the
analogy between the spread of disease and the spread of
living organisms. But the generalizations, which ushered in
the existing science of medicine, were made possible only by
further extensions of biological knowledge in the early nine-
teenth century.
Other examples might be cited. The foregoing suffice
to show that the great generalizations in the older sciences
began to assume their present form during the eighteenth
century. Some of these, like the theory of the transmutation
of species, were unable to maintain themselves. Acceptance
was delayed until a later time. In other cases, such as the
cell-theory, the eighteenth century failed to discover the
thread of common meaning. Yet to a surprising degree the
men of this early modern period arrived at generalizations
that were points of departure for scientific progress during
the century which followed.
In brief, the larger regions of science were mapped and
charted, and the scientific method was acknowledged as the
correct procedure within the realm of nature. There was
still confusion over what constituted natural knowledge.
Important fields, such as the mental phenomena since
claimed by the psychologists, were excluded from the
scientific domain. But even to-day non-scientific explana-
tions are offered for phenomena which may eventually be
explained in terms of science. Toward the close of the
century the distinction between science and philosophy
attained wider recognition; while supernaturalism began to
receive its present valuation. It should again be empha-
sized that any separation between the Scientific Renaissance
and modern times is arbitrary, for since the days of Leonardo
and Galileo science has gone forward with increasing mo-
mentum.
102 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
APPLICATIONS OF SCIENCE TO MODERN INDUSTRY
The value of science in modern industry, commerce, and
agriculture is so generally appreciated that any lengthy dis-
cussion is quite unnecessary. Exploitation of nature by
means of scientific knowledge is the most conspicuous
feature in the history of civilization during the past two
hundred years. Since the middle of the eighteenth century,
the western world has undergone almost as complete a
metamorphosis as it did in the thousand years during which
the Teutonic barbarians were changed into the civilized
peoples of the Renaissance. The steps in this profound re-
organization, which has produced a culture based upon
science, must be considered, if we would understand the
place of any particular science in the twentieth century.
In the past, commercial intercourse has brought exchange
of ideas as well as goods; and as a result, civilizations have
been made anew. Ideas, like diseases, follow the routes of
trade. The Phencecians were the earliest common carriers
of the world; through them the influence of the Egyptian
and of the Mesopotamian cultures was extended along the
shores of the Mediterranean until it quickened western
Europe. Later, the commerce of Greece was the initial
impulse to the establishment of Greek colonies in Sicily and
southern Italy and to the westward spread of Hellenic
civilization. During the Medieval Period, commerce with
the countries about the eastern end of the Mediterranean
was an important factor in preserving the tradition of an
ancient learning commensurate with the majestic ruins of
the Roman world which Europe beheld in Italy, France, and
Spain. We have referred earlier to the development of an
industrial aristocracy, founded upon the trade of the Italian
cities with the Orient, and its relation to the intellectual
awakening of the Renaissance. The Mediterranean was the
great trade-route of the world before the geographical dis-
coveries of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Until the
THE FURTHER GROWTH OF SCIENCE 103
opening of the Modern Period, the Near East was the
principal source of ideas, as well as the finer products of
industry, both of which were transmitted mainly by follow-
ing established routes of trade.
The discovery of a broader world by the Portuguese and
Spanish navigators was the first step in the commercial
supremacy of western Europe. The Mediterranean became
insignificant, as a means of communication with the East,
upon the discovery of the sea-route to India and upon the
domination by the Turks of the caravan routes from the
Red Sea and Persian Gulf. The wealth of the western
hemisphere and of the Orient tempted both merchant and
adventurer. And thus the Europeanization of the world,
which has been characterized as "one of the most fateful
events of all history," was set in motion. Dissemination of
knowledge concerning the world and its peoples has been
rightly regarded as one of the major influences in the broad-
ening of the mental horizon that was distinctive of the
Renaissance. Much of this dissemination was due to the
intercourse of commerce and to the increased wealth and
leisure which was thus brought to western nations.
While Arab civilization and later the Revival of Learning
were leavening the mind of Europe, the trade of the Italian
cities was producing a more tolerant and matter-of-fact
spirit which was further developed by the centuries of dis-
covery. Contact with peoples beyond the European pale,
even though they were regarded as inferior to Christians,
showed that Christendom contained the lesser portion of the
human race. Innovations became more easy when new and
strange customs had been observed elsewhere. The pirate-
adventurers, who harried the Spanish Main and brought
home booty to Elizabethan England, laid the foundation
for the extension of English trade and colonization in India
and America during the century which followed. But more
than this, they opened the way for new ideas. Knowledge
of the new geography was brought to Europe mainly as the
104 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
result of commercial activities. What the Mediterranean
was, in the dissemination of culture during ancient times,
the " Seven Seas" became during the transition from the
Renaissance to the Modern Period. The Industrial Revolu-
tion, which began in England about the middle of the
eighteenth century, was a natural sequence to the develop-
ment of trade during the period between 1600 and 1750.
The modern appreciation of scientific knowledge in relation
to practical life was an inevitable product of the Industrial
Revolution.
Thus the relation of commercial intercourse to the ad-
vancement of science was at first incidental. Under the
liberalizing influence of trade, new ideas were able to take
root. The leisure incident to increasing wealth gave op-
portunity for intellectual development. Even with the
advent of the Factory System, the influence upon scientific
progress was still indirect. Only in the nineteenth century
did industry grow conscious of its dependence upon scien-
tific knowledge and thus become the most effective means of
making widely known the facts and methods of science.
Modern industry arose in England during the latter half
of the eighteenth century. The replacement of hand labor
by steam and water-power, together with the development
of a remarkable series of practical inventions, gave rise to
the Factory System and to the industrial expansion of the
modern era. It may be observed that these first steps in the
direction of scientific industry were taken by men of practical
bent, who were, in the main, ignorant of scientific theory.
It was found immensely profitable to manufacture for ex-
portation, and under this impetus the initial steps of indus-
trial development were quickly taken. The medieval dis-
like of innovation having been removed, the practical
Englishman entered upon his period of industrial supremacy
to be checked only toward the close of the nineteenth century
by the growth of more scientific methods among his later
commercial rivals.
THE FURTHER GROWTH OF SCIENCE 105
Water-power, which had come into general use in England
after 1770, was gradually replaced by steam. The crude
steam engine, invented by Savery (1698) and improved by
Newcomen (1707), was used for pumping water from mines
as early as the first decade of the eighteenth century. But
although this steam pump doubled the depth at which coal
could be mined, steam power was not feasible for general
purposes until after the invention of the first real steam
engine by James Watt (1769).7 In the cloth-making indus-
tries, Kay's flying shuttle (1733) and Hargreave's spinning
jenny (1764) revolutionized weaving. Arkwright's so-called
water-frame (1769) was an improvement upon the spinning
jenny. Compton combined the jenny and the water-frame
in his mide or muslin-wheel (1779), and Cartwright's power-
loom (1785) increased the demand for power and power-
driven machines. The history of weaving is duplicated in
many lines of manufactory. Invention followed invention
hi rapid succession. Improvements in the iron industry
made easier the construction of machinery. Commerce
demanded better means of transportation. Bridges, break-
waters, and dams became common. Road building pro-
gressed rapidly, and canal building linked together the
growing industrial centers, enabling cities like Manchester
and Liverpool to attain an unprecedented prosperity. The
steamboat (1807) and the steam locomotive (1825) were the
final triumphs of steam as applied to industrial and com-
mercial activities.8
This Industrial Revolution began in England during the
later eighteenth century. Early in the following century
7 A machine, which revolved by means of steam on the same principle as
the modern turbine, is recorded as having been produced by Hero of Alexandria
about 130 B. c. But this earliest recorded steam engine, like; another machine
1 l.v II' ro and driven by the expansive power of heated air, was used
only for trivial purposes. Ewing, I A , KM- lint Article on "Steam Engine."
Cf. p. 35 of the present volume
i r I W.t "A Social and Industrial History of England," Chap.
XXXVI.
106 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
it spread throughout western Europe and to the New World.
Not only were all the old lines of industry remade, but
wholly new industries were created just as in our own times.
This involved a complete social reorganization, the effects
of which have extended to the present day and the adjust-
ment to which is not yet complete. There are also many
points of interest in the revolution in methods of agricul-
ture which proceeded side by side with that of industry.
This was stimulated both by the increasing urban popula-
tions, with their demands for food, and by the correspond-
ing reduction of the available farm labor. As is the case
with the industrial situation, betterment of agricultural
methods and the social adjustments entailed by excessive
urbanization are problems which have continued to the
twentieth century. Viewing the entire situation, two fea-
tures are in evidence: The Industrial Revolution has pro-
ceeded with unbroken continuity from its beginning in the
eighteenth century; and this revolution was initiated almost
exclusively by practical inventors, who harnessed the forces
of nature that they might secure wealth for themselves. The
eighteenth century was not lacking in men who understood
the visions of Roger Bacon, of Leonardo, and of Francis
Bacon, each of whom had foreseen the possibilities in man's
control over nature. But it was reserved for the nineteenth
century to develop an appreciation of scientific theory in
relation to industry. So long as the relatively easy and
simple things remained undone, the inventor was the dom-
inant figure. He still retains his place in the adaptation of
established principles to new combinations of circumstances.
But the situation at the present day has become vastly
more complicated.
The material progress of the nineteenth century, based
upon this harnessing of the forces of nature, is a familiar
story. The steam engine came to perform the labor of mil-
lions of men and made possible a production, and hence a
consumption, of goods which was previously inconceivable.
THE FURTHER GROWTH OF SCIENCE 107
By its application to transportation, steam made distance
insignificant and thus increased the content of individual
experience. The possibility of better living conditions was
created, although in the rush for luxuries the sum total of
human toil may not have been lessened. A similar revolu-
tionary advance, is occurring in the present generation,
through the medium of the electric generator and the gas
engine. The bearing of this material progress upon the
ultimate welfare of humanity, and the disastrous effects
of these human activities upon the exhaustible resources of
our planet need not be considered here. Practical men
believe this kind of advancement worth while, and the desire
for physical comforts, is likely to countenance the exploita-
tion of nature so long as it continues easy and profitable.
Material progress during the past one hundred and fifty
years has been founded upon a progressive control of the
forces of physical nature. This control has been made pos-
sible by the knowledge of nature called science. Assuming
that our ant-like activities are worth while, the question
is no longer whether this practical side of scientific knowledge
is to be desired, but whether progress in those branches of
science which are not obviously utilitarian is necessary for
human welfare. Whether pure science as well as applied
science is a necessity rather than a luxury. This question
is being answered for the mass of mankind by the researches
in pure science, which are becoming increasingly significant
in connection with industry and agriculture. Commercial
enterprise finds itself confronted with problems which are
beyond the powers of the inventor of an earlier generation
and which can be solved only by trained scientists. The
technical investigator in the industrial research establish-
ment is confronted with problems in abstract science which
formerly exhibited no seeming relation to practical life,
same situation obtains in institutions established for
the investigation of practical problems in agriculture. It is
becoming a commonplace to say that the nation which does
108 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
not base its industry and its agriculture upon an advancing
knowledge of science is doomed.
The sublime confidence in the knowledge of the practical
man, which distinguished British and also American industry
throughout the nineteenth century, was doubtless bred of
the fact that practical, self-made men were mainly instru-
mental in giving England, and later America, their initial
positions as industrial nations. It was German scientists
and German industrial laboratories, more than German
commercial aptitude that challenged British supremacy
in world-trade during the closing decades of the nineteenth
century. There is a oneness, to scientific knowledge, which
makes the distinction between the practical and the theoret-
ical of no avail, and this fact is gradually becoming acknowl-
edged even among hardheaded men of affairs. In the future,
new industries are likely to be created by advances in pure
science, such as the discovery of radio-activity or of new
methods of electrical transmission, rather than by rule-of-
thumb inventions.
Thus, the outstanding feature of modern industrial prog-
ress has been the control of nature by means of scientific
knowledge. This was and is the general formula for the
material prosperity of western nations. In the physical
sciences, we have reached a point where this formula is
patent to all thinking men, who recognize that the evolution
of mechanical devices and of industry begins and ends with
scientific knowledge. There has even grown up a popular
faith that inventors, like Edison and Marconi, who for the
man in the street are the great scientists, can accomplish
anything if given time. This belief may not be warranted,
but the material progress effected through science during
the recent centuries has been so continuous that such a
belief is not unnatural.
The western world has developed a culture that is ob-
sessed with the idea of science as an instrument of material
progress, because the practical and theoretical phases of
THE FURTHER GROWTH OF SCIENCE 109
scientific knowledge have so impressed the occidental mind.
We shall not dwell at greater length upon this aspect of
modern science nor describe its material achievements of
civilization, save as they explain the manner in which the
scientific habit of mind has assumed its present eminence.
Science has won recognition by its material accomplish-
ment in matters of everyday life, and hence the scientific
spirit has appeared in places where it would not otherwise
have come into being. For this reason, the history of in-
dustry and of common labor is second only to the history
of knowledge in an understanding of the relation of science
to the affairs of men.
INFLUENCES AND IMPLICATIONS OF SCIENCE
The more general and indirect effects of science during the
eighteenth century may now be considered. Among other
evidences of the influence of scientific knowledge, was the
rapid decline of the spirit of persecution that occurred in
Europe during the seventeenth century. Men had long
been taught that credulity was a virtue and doubt a sin.
The new learning enforced the doctrine that belief must
rest upon evidence that was open to examination. To per-
secute successfully, one must be sure he has the truth.
What science implies is not so much the importance of any
particular truth as the right to seek truth and extend it
unhampered by restrictions. Particular beliefs can survive
only so long as they justify themselves against opposition.
It is the essence of the spirit of persecution to be unfair and
to assume that the doctrines of the persecutors need no
justification. The scientific advances of the Renaissance
set up standards of thinking which made persecution no
part of righteousness. The spirit of intolerance did not dis-
appear, but it became increasingly difficult to justify such a
spirit upon grounds of morality.
Waning bo lief in the material efficacy of supernatural
110 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
agencies was another outcome of scientific knowledge. Men
came to assume that natural explanations must exist even in
cases where none had been discovered. The concept of natural
law gradually replaced that of supernatural interference.
The decline in the sense of the miraculous, which is so dis-
tinctive a feature of modern times, had set in during the
sixteenth century. Many old beliefs had perished by in-
difference, and the secularization of intellectual activity was
much in evidence even before the seventeenth century. The
Italian genius had borne the brunt of the initial advance
from the intellectual servitude of an earlier period. But a
succession of wars and disasters, during which the Church of
Rome set itself against intellectual progress and Italy be-
came the battle ground of nations, together with the malign
influences of the Counter Reformation, won the day. The
intellectual emancipation of Europe, through the develop-
ment of a scientific spirit, was thenceforth carried forward by
the northern and western nations.
We have seen that, with the decline of the ancient learn-
ing, philosophical thinking became merely an adjunct to
the dominant theology and that this situation culminated
in the scholastic philosophy of Thomas Aquinas. The
story of the emancipation from this intellectual bondage is
the history of the rise of modern rationalism and of the im-
plications drawn from the facts of modern science. The
larger movements proceeded somewhat as follows: The
Reformation, despite its intolerance, emphasized the value
of individual opinion. Rationalistic tendencies were much
hi evidence during the seventeenth century, as shown by
the contentions of the protestant clergy in their conflict
with Rome and by the philosophy of Descartes. The Deists
of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century in
England were not a powerful company intellectually, and
their attempt to formulate a natural religion gained scant
recognition; but they were a sign of the times. The more
significant fact is the extent to which their essential doctrines
THE FURTHER GROWTH OF SCIENCE 111
gradually permeated the thought of orthodoxy. In England,
for example, there existed during the eighteenth century a
surprising amount of rationalism, as an outcome of the tacit
acceptance of deistic teachings.9 Despite a pathetic lack of
knowledge concerning many details of scientific fact, eight-
eenth century thinkers perceived the implications of science
to an extent for which mankind is even now scarce prepared.
As a result, rationalistic systems of thinking established their
right to existence.
But if science has been important in the foundation of
modern philosophy, the role of the philosopher and of the
man of letters has been no less significant in the extension of
science. The scientist is often unmindful of the broader
significance and of the popular acceptance of scientific doc-
trines. The philosopher, on the other hand, is interested in
the implications of science and frequently extends these
implications to fields where science is not established, but
where popular interest may be acute. Science advances
through the general acceptance of its teaching as much as
by additions to knowledge. The thinker, who pursues its
implications and who induces others to follow his lead, is no
less important in scientific progress than he who contributes
to the establishment of technical generalizations.
The importance of Francis Bacon (1561-1626) is due
mainly to his understanding of the implications of science.
Although dethroned from the place he long occupied as
father of the science of physics and of inductive philosophy,
Bacon deserves a prominent position, because he appre-
hended, at an early period, the steps by which man might
cease to be the plaything of blind forces and become the
controller of his environment. In his attempt to " extend
more widely the power and greatness of man," Bacon gave
publicity to the concept of man's relation to nature which
has since become the creed of science. He did not originate
•Stephen, Leslie, "History of Knglish Thought in the Eighteenth
Century."
112 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
this concept, for Roger Bacon and Leonardo were before
him. But more than any man of his day he gave impetus to
the doctrine that in science rests the progress of the future.10
What Francis Bacon accomplished hi the popular mind
Ren6 Descartes (1596-1650) accomplished in philosophical
thought. The full significance of the scientific discoveries
of the Renaissance would have remained unappreciated, had
it not been for the extension of the method of science which
was begun by Descartes. The scholastic system of thought
was doomed by the discovery of scientific facts, but it was
not overthrown until it could be replaced by a system based
upon the new knowledge. Descartes produced the first
great philosophy which was independent of scholastic tradi-
tion and in agreement with the science of the period. More
than any other he may be regarded as the founder of modern
philosophical thinking; since he gave the necessary impetus
to the scientific method by his insistence upon the subjec-
tion of every opinion to critical examination. The Cartesian
doubt is nothing more than scientific skepticism regarding
traditional assumptions. The mechanistic conception of
nature, which Descartes set forth as the necessary condition
of scientific study, is the underlying assumption of all mod-
ern investigation in the exact sciences.11
The critical examination by John Locke (1632-1704)
of the limits of the human understanding was a further step
in the development of a scientific philosophy. It was also
the forerunner of eighteenth century thinking as exempli-
fied by David Hume (1711-1776) and Immanuel Kant
10 This belief has since been often and clearly stated. Among recent writers,
it is vividly set forth by E. Ray Lankester, in the opening chapter of a volume
entitled: "The Kingdom of Man," where, under the heading "Nature's In-
surgent Son," man is pictured as an insurgent who has rebelled against nature
and gone so far in his rebellion there can be no turning back.
11 An excellent summary of the nature and significance of the thought of
Descartes may be found in the familiar essay by T. H. Huxley, entitled: "On
Descartes' Discourse touching the method of using one's reason rightly and of
seeking scientific truth," Vol. I, "Collected Essays."
THE FURTHER GROWTH OF SCIENCE 113
(1724-1804). Descartes, Locke, Hume, and Kant were
largely responsible for the replacing of the scholastic system
by forms of thought compatible with scientific knowledge.
In the course of this change in philosophical theory, the
facts of science became permanently established as the
starting point in the analysis of objective phenomena; while
the critical methods of science were applied by the philoso-
pher within the subjective field. Science gave philosophy
a suitable point of departure for its speculations concerning
ultimate reality, while philosophy extended and gave more
concrete form to the methods of science.
But philosophical theories of reality and of the nature of
knowledge are not so obviously important for mankind as
the philosophical interpretations of everyday affairs, al-
though we may believe that it is the activity of the great
philosophical intellects which hi the long run stimulates
every real advancement. The line of thought which leads
through Montaigne, Descartes, Bayle, and Voltaire is more
immediately significant hi its influence, because the thought
of these writers so quickly pervaded the literature of the
period. Montaigne (1533-1592) was the first popular repre-
sentative of secular and rationalistic thought among the
northern races. Skepticism regarding prevailing beliefs,
which had developed toward the close of the Italian Renais-
sance, is further exemplified by his writings. He " ventured
to judge all questions by a secular standard, by the light of
common sense, and by the measure of probability which is
furnished by daily experience." 12 In other words, he ac-
cepted the method of science. His essays upon the individ-
uals and the society of his day emphasized the harmlessness
of error in contrast with the evils of persecution, in a man-
ner characteristic of the scientific temper. The growing
acceptance of this point of view prepared the way for the
ideas of Descartes, who recognized doubt as the beginning
of wisdom.
"Lccky, \V. I II II, -MV of Rationalism in Europe," Vol. I, p. 11J
114 HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF SCIENCE
The volume by Bayle (1647-1706), entitled "Compel
them to Enter in," shows that its author began with skep-
ticism and proceeded from thence to toleration. Intellec-
tual liberty was Bayle's passion, and his critical examination
of existing beliefs was an important step hi the initial estab-
lishment of modern rationalism. The spirit of toleration
which flamed forth in the writings of Voltaire (1694-1778)
was the natural culmination of this trend of thought. It
has been remarked that Voltaire's genius lay in the fact that
he said what everyone thought at the tune. If eighteenth
century toleration condoned many excesses and proved a
cloak for immorality, it was none the less a welcome change
from the spirit of persecution which had prevailed. In-
dividualism had freer play, and the spread of a truthful
spirit outweighed the license which was often the first ex-
pression of growing liberalism. The spirit which appeared
in literature is, therefore, an example of the implications
drawn from scientific knowledge and brought to a focus
by their application to the affairs of common life. Mon-
taigne, Descartes, Bayle, and Voltaire exemplified and
extended the scientific spirit, hi that they warred against
prejudice and encouraged mankind to examine the founda-
tions of belief.
In regard to the broader influence of science, the eight-
eenth century, therefore, marks the final transition from
the Renaissance to our own times. The philosophical import
of scientific fact and method began to assume its present
importance. What may be termed the implications of
science assumed definitive form. Science for the first tune
attained self-consciousness and self-determination. During
the eighteenth century men began to realize that the scientific
point of view could be extended beyond the boundaries of
what had been called the natural world. The political,
economic, and theological fields of thought were subjected
to scientific examination, if not to exact analysis. Science
began to exert a profound influence upon the thought of
THE FURTHER GROWTH OF SCIENCE 115
mankind, although the relationship between science and the
changing frame of mind was not always appreciated. The
pursuit of these implications has been greatly extended dur-
ing the last hundred years. Their first general extensions
occurred during the eighteenth century.
In this regard, the eighteenth century closed in failure.
The first half of the nineteenth century was, in many re-
spects, stagnant and negative. Technically speaking,
science was making rapid progress, but its implications were
not comprehended, hi what were regarded as non-scientific
fields. Mankind may never again witness such confident
predictions of an approaching Age of Reason as were made
during the later eighteenth century. The world may seem
to have been living ever since in a period of retrogression.
Yet science has done its work, and no future period of re-
action can bring back the habits of thought that existed
before the culmination of the Renaissance in this first cen-
tury of the Modern Period.
PART II
THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
CHAPTER VI
THE BIOLOGICAL SCIENCE OF THE MODERN
PERIOD: THE CELL-DOCTRINE
HAVING outlined the historical significance of science in
general and of biological science hi particular, representative
features of modern biology may now be considered. In
common with all branches of science, modern biological
science is more significant hi human affairs through its
influence upon the point of view than for its material achieve-
ments. Biology touches human life at so many angles that
it is particularly adapted to illustrate the place now occupied
by science in general within the lives of men. The biological
sciences occupy a position intermediate between the sciences
of inanimate matter and the less exact social sciences that
deal with human behavior. An exhaustive survey of the
biological field will not be attempted, but rather an outline
of its broader features by means of concrete illustrations.
The development of biological science 1 during modern
times has been so diversified that we are first impressed
1 The term biological science may be used broadly to include all fields of
knowledge which are mainly concerned with the activities of living bodies
whether of unicellular organisms or of men. In the more restricted sense,
however, the term includes zoology, botany, the medical, agricultural, and
similar sciences which depend most directly upon a knowledge of animals and
plants. In the present chapter the term is used in its restricted meaning
unless otherwise explained. Classification of science is, of course, arbitrary.
There are no sharp distinctions in nature such as have come to exist within
our minds. The same physical and chemical changes are found within the
living body as in non-living matter. But since the phenomena of life still
seem unique in many respects, we may, for convenience, make the broad
distinction between the Physical Sciences, such as Chemistry, Physics, Astron-
omy, and the like, and the Biological Sciences, such as Botany, Zoology,
\Krnn ilt uro, and their subdivisions. The Social Sciences might be
placed in a third category, although, biologically speaking, they may be re-
garded as a form of Animal Behavior.
110
120 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
by the coming into existence of a host of new sciences having
little in common. But looking closer, these multitudinous
developments may all be correlated with one or the other of
two major hypotheses — the Theory of Organic Evolution and
the Theory of Cells. Such sciences as Pathology, Bacteri-
ology, Histology, Taxonomy, Ecology, and the like, may
not have arisen in conscious correlation with either of the
major theories. But having arrived, they arrange them-
selves quite naturally in relation to the broader generaliza-
tions. Pathology is the problem of abnormalities in cells,
Taxonomy the problem of classifying animals and plants
according to their evolutionary affinities. The others can
be similarly aligned. Moreover, the general biological
problems, distinctive of recent progress, allow of the same
classification. Questions regarding the origin of living sub-
stance find their answers hi the cells. The nature of vital
processes, whether mechanistic or vitalistic, is a cell problem.
The fundamental identity of vital phenomena is explained
by the essentially identical structure and functioning of
cells in all animals and plants. The nature of embryological
development, the mechanism of heredity, the relation of liv-
ing and lifeless matter, in short, the answers to "all ultimate
biological problems must, in the last analysis, be sought in
the cell." Its structures and activities give clues to the rid-
dles of living matter.2 The theory of organic evolution is
no less inclusive. The progress of modern biology is sum-
marized by the story of these two greatest of biological
generalizations.
THE CELL-THEORY IN ZOOLOGY
The doctrine termed the Cell-Theory postulates that the
living substance exists, almost without exception, in the
form of microscopic units known as cells. This cellular
structure was discovered in plants by the microscopists of the
2 Wilson, E. B., "The Cell in Development and Inheritance," p. 1.
THE CELL-DOCTRINE 121
seventeenth century. Hooke, Leeuwenhoek, Grew, and Mal-
pighi recorded the presence of cells without recognizing
them as universal. The simplest organisms, which consist of
but a single cell, were studied for more than a century and a
half before their cellular nature was recognized. Cells and
their nuclei were described in many plants and in a few ani-
mals, during the first third of the nineteenth century. But
it was not until 1838 that a cell-theory was promulgated for
the animal body by Theodor Schwann, and, in the following
year, for the plant body by Matthias Schleiden. The value
of this generalization was at once apparent. It unified and
explained observations of the most diverse sort throughout
organic nature, giving an explanation, first, of microscopic
structure and, second, of embryological development.
Since its universal acceptance toward the middle of the
nineteenth century, the theory has found confirmation in
whatever direction the microscope has been turned. The
cell is now recognized as the unit of structure, and so of
function, throughout the organic world. The problems of
embryology, of physiology, of pathology, and even of
heredity are, in the last analysis, cell problems. The domain
of cellular biology has steadily expanded, until there exists an
apparently inexhaustible field of investigation in cell chem-
istry and physics, as well as the structural features, which
remain unexplored.
Cells were originally observed in the form of walled com-
partments, to which the term cell was fittingly applied. It
was soon realized, however, that the walls, which had seemed
the important feature, were not universal. The earlier con-
cept of a series of minute cavities was displaced before the
middle of the nineteenth century by the discovery that the
protoplasm, or semi-fluid material enclosed within the wall,
and not the wall itself, constituted the living stuff. More-
it was found that the walls, particularly in animal cells,
were frequently represented by membranes so delicate as
to seem non-existent. A "mass of protoplasm containing a
122
THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
cc.
nucleus" came to be recognized as the fundamental unit, and
the inappropriateness of calling such a body a cell was
acknowledged (Fig. 11). But the word had become so
firmly established in terminology, that it has successfully
resisted both earlier and
later efforts directed toward
the substitution of a more
suitable term.
The idea of animal and
plant bodies being made of
many independent, but at
the same tune interdepend-
ent, units, known as cells,
thus came into existence.
The simplest organisms
were found to be composed
FIG. 11. Diagrammatic Figure of a Cell. of -f^ip rpiiq jn o-pnpml
Ce, centrosome; chn, chondriosome; ] ^' lr
chr, chromatin; mb, metaplasmic it was established that cells,
body; nu, nucleus; pi, plasmosome; ]fce the bricks of a wall,
cy, cytoplasm.
make up the whole living
structure. It was evident, therefore, that cell activities,
collectively or individually, formed the basis for the activi-
ties of any living organism. All functions of organisms
were seen to be cell functions in the ultimate analysis.
Such a generalization laid new foundations for biological
science.
As the universality of cells became apparent, their mode
of origin was recognized as a problem demanding solution.
The formulators of the cell-theory had supposed that cells
arose by differentiation from a formative substance. Within
a few years it was proved that cells arise only from pre-
existing cells by a process of cell division. Later, it was dis-
covered that nucleus arises from nucleus in a similar manner.
Following this, it was shown, that ovum and spermatozoon
are merely specialized cells. Finally, it was ascertained
(1875) that fertilization consists in the union of a single
THE CELL-DOCTRINE 123
spermatozoon with a single ovum, and, more important
still, in the union of nucleus with nucleus. The continuity
between generations was thus proved to be a continuity of
cells.
The foregoing facts constitute the foundation for the
modern concept of development. The material basis of
ontogeny, and so of heredity, is cellular. All present theories
of differentiation, growth, heredity, and the like, rest upon
the broader hypothesis of cellular organization. Like the
evolutionary theory, the cell-theory became at once a great
unifying generalization. The biologist recognized the cells,
not only as units of structure and function in the existing
organism, but as a key to the past. The living substance
was revealed as a continuous, never-dying stuff, which could
be traced back through many cell divisions to egg and
spermatozoon, and thence to preceding generations. These
facts led to the inference that the protoplasm had persisted
through an infinitude of cell divisions since its first cell
organization in the remote past. Thus it consists of the
mortal body-cells, which constitute the adult bodies exist-
ing at any given moment, and of the potentially immortal
ova and spermatozoa. The origin and nature of these germ-
cells, their union in fertilization, and the processes of cell
division and differentiation by which the adult organism
arises from the single cell formed by their union, are all parts
of the cell-theory as developed during the last fifty years.
Cellular phenomena will probably remain an outstanding
feature of the developmental process for all time.
The establishment of a cellular continuity between suc-
cessive generations was a final blow to the recurrent theory
of spontaneous generation. The results obtained by Spal-
lanzani (1777), by Franz Schultze (1836), and later by
ann and others, who found that life came only from pre-
existing life, were for the first tune fully explained. It was
a that the living substance was composed exclusively
of cells and that it arose solely by division of antecedent
124
THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
cells. The fact that living organisms arise only from parent
organisms was explained, when the bodies of animals and
plants were shown to consist of living cells which arose by
cell division. The inherent falsity of spontaneous generation
was thus shown as the cell-theory became extended to the
entire field of development.
FIG. 12. Development of the Frog. Showing probable relations of axes of egg
to axes of adult body. A, the egg or ovum at time of fertilization by
spermatozoon (s); B, entrance of sperm; C, differentiation of certain
portions of adult body (c, en, n, and m), and approach of male and female
nuclei; D, two cell stage; E, eight cell stage, F, early blastula; G, early
THE CELL-DOCTRINE
125
TOO
gastrula; //, early embryo; 7, late embryo with dotted outline of an early
tadpole stage. The arrow passing through the vertical axis and polar
bodies of the egg in A and B is drawn in same position with reference to
parts of egg and embryo in G, H, and 7. The poles of the unfertilized egg
can thus be traced to regions of the embryo and thence to the adult.
A and P, D and V, in A and / show the anterior-posterior and dorso-ventral
areas appearing in egg and tadpole respectively. Note rotation of egg
axis which occurs in stages represented by H, bringing dorsal surface to
its definitive position in 7. Bp, blastopore (opening to primitive gut
cavity); c, notochord (primitive backbone); e, enteron (gut cavity); en,
endodenn (lining of gut cavity); ra, mesoderm; mo, mouth; n, nervous
system; n cf and n 9, male and female pronuclei of odsperm; s, sper-
matozofin (nucleus entering egg, flagellum remaining outside); sc, seg-
mentation or blastula cavity. (Redrawn with modifications from Conklin,
"Heredity and Environment.")
During the last fifty years, the cellular basis of develop-
ment and hence of heredity has been ascertained in mar-
velous detail. The adult features of animals have been
traced back to their origin in a few cells or even in single
cells. The e^-cell has been studied before and after fertili-
zation; and the cell-lineage of the adult parts has been made
knnwn. In the frog, for example, the unfertilized egg ex-
126 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
hibits no foreshadowing of the adult body (Fig. 12 A).
When, however, the spermatozoon has entered (in this
instance the entrance occurs at some point on the equator)
differentiation begins. Stimulated by the entrance of the
sperm, the protoplasm changes its appearance to such a
degree that the axes and certain regions of the adult body
can now be recognized (Fig. 12 B). Portions of the egg
which later form the anterior, posterior, dorsal, and ventral
areas, are discernible and may be referred to the earlier
stage (Fig. 12 A). Areas from which are to be formed the
nervous system (n), primitive backbone (c), and germ-layers of
the early embryo appear within the egg, even before the
male and female nuclei have completed their union. Thus,
before any division of the egg-cell has occurred the general
regions of the adult body have been delineated (Fig. 12 A-I).
The cell divisions which ensue parcel out these predestined
regions to groups of cells which develop into the adult parts.
In some cases a few cells or portions of cells represent for the
time being an entire organ or group of organs (Fig. 12 E
and F). But this is not remarkable since the original
fertilized egg-cell or oosperm represents the entire adult
body. What is of interest for the present illustration is
that the steps from single-celled oosperm to many-celled
adult have been followed with such completeness. The
cellular continuity between generations is known to these
finest details. Embryological problems have, therefore,
been reduced to cell problems.
But analysis of the cellular basis of development, and thus
of heredity, has been extended to structures and activities
within the individual cell. The basal fact of development
is that the many-celled adult arises from a single cell formed
by the union of ovum and spermatozoon. These germ-cells
are the most wonderful of cells, because of their potential-
ities. They are, as it were, vehicles of inheritance, by which
the characteristics of one generation pass to another.
Naturally enough, their structure and mode of origin has
THE CELL-DOCTRINE 127
been searchingly examined. The question has been asked
whether any one portion of the germ-cell is more important
than another. The answer is surprisingly definite. The
material composing the nucleus rather than the cytoplasm
seems the primary agency in development (Fig. 11). And
within the nucleoplasm a stainable substance, the chromatin,
is the more important. In the intervals between cell divi-
sions the chromatin appears to exist in the form of stainable
granules. But with the onset of cell division it takes the
form of definite bodies, the chromosomes (Fig. 13 B, C, D).
Although the chromosomes have been traced through the
non-dividing period in only a few instances, there are
theoretical reasons for believing that their individual exist-
ence is always preserved during these intervals when they
cannot be readily recognized as chromosomes (Fig. 13 A
and F). Chromatin, at least, persists and from it chromo-
somes are formed at every period of division. What is
termed the Chromosome Theory of heredity has been devel-
oped, because the behavior of the chromosomes is correlated
with end results in inheritance.
The more general evidence, which points to the chromo-
somes as the bearers of the heritage, can be appreciated
upon brief explanation. When fully matured, the male and
female germ-cells are very dissimilar in appearance. The
ovum is, save for the presence of non-living food material
called yolk, a very typical cell (Fig. 12 A). The spermato-
zoon on the other hand is a most atypical cell (Fig. 14 A,
B, and D). It consists of a mass of condensed nuclear
material, almost wholly chromatin, and a relatively small
amount of cytoplasm. At the time of fertilization, the so-
called head and the middle-piece of the spermatozoon enter
the egg, while the tail or flagellum usually remains on the
outside playing no further part in development (Fig. 12
B and C). While the middle-piece almost invariably enters
the ovum along with the head or nucleus, this seems un-
necessary even where it normally occurs. The essential
128
THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
FIG. 13. Mitotic or Indirect Cell Division. A, cell with nucleus in resting
phase; B, prophase, chromosomes appearing and two centrosomes that
have arisen by division of the single centrosome in A now separating with
formation of spindle; C, metaphase, chromosomes at equator of fully
developed spindle are now split lengthwise; D, anaphase, the separation of
the two daughter groups of chromosomes; E, telophase, massing of two
daughter groups and division of the cytoplasm; F, completion of the
process with return of nucleus to resting phase. (Redrawn with modifica-
tions from figures by Agar, "Cytology.")
THE CELL-DOCTRINE
129
aes.
acs.
FIG. 14. Spermatozoa. A and B, human spermatozoon, two views showing
flattening of head (nucleus) ; C, stage in development of spermatozoon of
guinea-pig, showing what is more obviously a cell; D, diagrammatic
figure of fully formed spermatozoon of guinea-pig. Acs, acrosome; a /.,
axial filament; cy, cytoplasm;./?, flagellum, n, nucleus; ra. p., middle piece.
(A and B after Retzius; C and D redrawn from Agar after Meves.)
item in fertilization is the entrance of a sperm-nucleus and
its union with the nucleus of the ovum.
At first glance the nuclei of ovum and spermatozoon ap-
pear disproportionate in size. When, however, the stages of
the sperm-cells within the testis (Fig. 14 C) are studied, it
appears that the chromatin of the spermatozoon is both
quantitatively and qualitatively equivalent to the chromatin of
the ovum of the same species.3 When the primitive male
cells are made into definitive spermatozoa, their nuclei
become more condensed, but their actual chromatin content
remains the same (Fig. 14 C and D). This conclusion is
further supported by the fact that the nucleus of the sper-
matozoon increases in size after entering the egg, so that
before union the male and female pronuclei are again seen
1 The only exceptions to this appear to be the cases where the chromosome
formulas of the ovum and spermatozoon differ because of the presence of the
sex-determining chromosomes which occur in certain species. See: page 204
of the present volume.
130
THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
to be quantitatively and qualitatively equivalent. Fig.
12 A, B, and C is diagrammatic in this particular.
It thus appears that the oosperm, from which the adult
organism arises by cell division (Fig. 12), is composed of
FIG. 15. Male and Female Pronuclei in Oosperm
and Early Cleavage. A, oSsperm at be-
ginning of first cleavage showing the male
and female pronuclei; B, metaphase of
same; C, telophase; D, the two cell stage
with one cell still showing a double nucleus.
(Redrawn from figures by Agar after
Amma.)
equal amounts of chromatin derived from the two parents,
but of a very disproportionate amount of cytoplasm. If the
latter were important as the vehicle by which the potential-
ities of the adult are carried over, we should expect an animal
to inherit a disproportionate number of its adult features
from the female parent. This is not the case. In general,
the inherited features appearing in the adult are equally bal-
anced. We therefore suspect that the chromatin which is
the material within the germ-cells that comes in equal
quantities from the two sexes is the basis of heredity.
A further word of explanation may be given regarding the
THE CELL-DOCTRINE 131
chromosomes. These bodies appear at the time of cell
division in definite number and, with certain exceptions, in
pairs (Fig. 13). The number is as definite a characteristic
of a species as five fingers or toes or any other feature which
is numerically constant. The pairing is very clear hi cases
FIG. 16. Chromosomes of Drosophila. Diagram-
matic representation of the male and female
groups. Note that the chromosomes are in
pairs, three of which would be readily distin-
guishable if the entire eight chromosomes were
irregularly arranged. The pairs marked XX
and XY are the sex chromosomes. The hook
on the Y is a convention. (Redrawn from a
figure by Morgan, et a/.).
where the chromosomes are of different sizes and shapes
(Fig. 16). Doubling of the number is prevented, at the tune
of fertilization, by the fact that hi the final stages of the
ripening ovum and spermatozoon the number of chromo-
somes is reduced one-half. Only one member of each pair of
chromosomes goes to a germ-cell. When sperm-nucleus
unites with egg-nucleus, the full number of chromosomes is
restored and also the pairs. The oosperm is thus like all
the later products of its division. When it passes into the
two, four, eight, and sixteen cell stages, and so to the adult,
the chromosomes divide with every cell division (Fig. 13).
Each cell of the adult body possesses a nucleus whose
chromosomes have descended, through a long series of cell
ions, from the nucleus of the one cell stage. This
originated by a union of equivalent chromosomes from egg
132 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
and spermatozoon. The pairing of chromosomes in all the
cells of the body (Fig. 16) is thus explained by the bisexual
origin of the chromosomes.
When we look at some part of an animal's body it some-
times seems to exhibit a mosaic of characters, seemingly
inherited from both parents. In the human hand, for ex-
ample, the shape of the fingers, the texture of skin, the
pigmentation are, let us say, those of the mother. The
nails, hairiness, and double- jointed thumb are those of the
father. The biological conclusion is that such mosaics of
features constituting adult bodies have been inherited in
approximately equal numbers from the two parents. This
is the external fact that we see in human beings and in the
animals within a breeding pen. There could hardly be a
more precise basis for such an equal inheritance of macro-
scopic features than the microscopic chromosomes, within
every cell of the body and descended equally from the two
parents.
Evidence for the chromosome-theory is even more de-
tailed. In the fruit fly Drosophtta, which has been the object
of more extended studies in heredity than any other animal,
there are four pairs of chromosomes (Fig. 16). The breeding
results show four groups of heritable qualities, which go
together in inheritance save for certain exceptions that do not
vitiate the chromosome-theory. These groupings or linkages
are shown in the accompanying table. It happens that the
size of the chromosomes in the four pairs (Fig. 16) roughly
parallels the size of the four groups of heritable characters as
thus far discovered. This may not be significant, but one
suspects that the small group of linked characters is borne by
the small pair and the large group by one of the large pairs of
chromosomes. In view of all the facts, the chromosomes
appear to be the most important factor in heredity. Through
them, rather than through the cytoplasm, the hereditary
constitution seems to be transferred from one generation to
the next.
THE CELL-DOCTRINE
133
GROUPS OF CHARACTERS LINKED TOGETHER IN INHERITANCE
IN THE FRUIT FLY, DROSOPHILA AMPELOPHILA. Each
of the terms listed below is a characterization of a heritable peculiarity.
(After Morgan et al., " Mechanism of Mendelian Heredity.")
GROUP I
GROUP II
GROUP III
Abnormal
Antlered
Band
Bar
Apterous
Beaded
Bifid
Arc
Cream III
Bow
Balloon
Deformed
Cherry
Black
Dwarf
Chrome
Blistered
Ebony
Cleft
Comma
Giant
Club
Confluent
Kidney
Depressed
Cream II
Low crossover
Dotted
Curved
Maroon
Eosin
Dachs
Peach
Facet
Extra vein
Pink
Forked
Furrowed
Fringed
Jaunty
Rough
Safranin
Fused
Limited
Sepia
Green
Little crossover
Sooty
Jaunty I
Morula
Spineless
Lemon
Olive
Spread
Lethal 1
Plexus
Truncate intens.
Lethal la
Purple
Trident
Lethal 2
Speck
White head
Lethal 3
Strap
White ocelli
Lethal 3a
Streak
Lethal 4
Tip
Lethal 5
Trefoil
Lethal 6
Truncate
Lethal 7
Vestigial
Lethal B
Lethal Sa
Lethal Sb
Lethal Sc
Miniature
Notch
Reduplicated
Ruby
Rudimentary
ed
Short
Skoo
Spoon
Spot
Tan
Truncate iritena.
Vermilion
White
Yrllow
GROUP IV
Bent
Eyeless
It i< not impossible that certain features of hereditary
make-up may be carried in the cytoplasm. The earliest
J34 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
structures of the embryo appear to be determined by some-
thing within this extra-nuclear material of the ovum (Fig.
12). But the amazing parallel between the behavior of the
microscopic chromosomes and the gross features inherited
by the adult is enough to convince the majority of biologists
that the chromosome-theory must be accepted as a working
hypothesis of the mechanism of heredity.
The peculiarities of Mendelian inheritance are explicable
in terms of chromosomes. Mendel's law may be illustrated
by the inheritance of feather color hi a cross between two
particular varieties of poultry, one of which is black and the
other a white with black splashes (Fig. 17 PI). This is not
one of the cases originally described by Mendel, who worked
exclusively with plants, but it is one of the best for intro-
ductory purposes. When individuals of the black or the
white type are bred among themselves the offspring are
black and white respectively, showing that black and white
are pure. But when one of these blacks is bred with a white,
100% of the resulting offspring (Fi) are blue. This seems like
blended inheritance. We should naturally expect that blue
crossed with blue would give blue in subsequent genera-
tions. But Mendelian heredity is not of this nature.
The result which appears when the Fi blues are bred
together illustrates the distinctive feature in Mendelian
heredity. If the numbers are sufficient, a theoretical ratio
of 1 Black: 2 Blue: 1 White is approximated. The blacks
of this F2 generation give only pure blacks when bred among
themselves, the whites only pure whites. A black bird of
this generation is as pure black as its black grandparent,
and the same is true of the white. Segregation of the black
from the white has occurred. The seeming blend of the FI
generation was not permanent, although similar individuals
comprise the 50% of Blues hi the F2. These F2 blues when
bred among themselves give the same results as the FI blues,
namely, 25% Black: 50% Blue: 25% White. The results
obtained by breeding these F3 individuals are as previously
THE CELL-DOCTRINE
135
25 % Black 50 % Blue
White
The same in subsequent generations
PIG. 17. Mendelian Heredity in Coloration of Blue Andalusian Fowl. Aa
shown by the figure the blue andalusian cannot be established as a breed,
because it is the hybrid produced by crossing a black and a white breed
together and because Mendelian segregation is continually separating
out pure whites and blacks in subsequent generations. The breeder
can, however, secure 100 per cent of blue andalusians by crossing ilic
white and black. P', first parental generation; F', etc., first filial and
subsequent filial generations.
136 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
found:— Black X White = Blue; Blue X Blue =25% Black:
0% Blue : 25% White; Black X Black =Black; White X
vVhite= White. Similar results appear in all subsequent
generations.
It thus appears that by following the middle percentage
of Blues one might trace an exclusively blue line of descent
through many generations. If nothing were known of the
collaterals, it would seem that the black and white had
permanently blended into blue. In small numbers, only
blues might occur and what is essentially a non-blending
type of inheritance would not be recognized as such. This
might easily be the case in records of human families. The
essential feature in Mendelian heredity is this absence of
blending, as shown by the segregation of characters in the
F2 and in subsequent generations. The black and white
are united in the hybrid, but the latter does not give rise
to a hybrid race that breeds true. Hybrids do appear, but
along with them are the two original stocks hi the funda-
mental 1:2:1 ratio.4
The adult individual may thus be pure or hybrid. In
a case like the foregoing, the hybrid is recognized by its
appearance. In some cases of Mendelian heredity, a phe-
nomenon known as dominance occurs. One member of a pair
of heritable qualities dominates the other to such an extent
that the hybrid cannot be distinguished from a pure in-
dividual of the dominant type. The cross between gray and
white mice will illustrate the facts. In this instance the
gray is dominant, the white recessive.5 The results are as
4 The blue fowls described above have long been known as Blue Andalusians.
This supposed breed was found impossible to establish in any degree of purity,
because when Blue Andalusians were bred together an annoying percentage of
black and of white birds appeared. The mystery is now explained. The blue
is a Mendelian hybrid and, therefore, can never be established as a pure breed,
although 100% of blues can be secured by the simple expedient of mating the
black and white wasters which so annoyed the breeders. Blacks and whites
are the pure stock.
6 There is no adequate explanation of why one member of a contrasting pair
of characters should thus dominate the other. It is simply observed to be so
THE CELL-DOCTRINE 137
shown in Fig. 18. The FI individuals present the same ap-
pearance as the dominant parent. They are without excep-
tion gray, as though they were pure gray mice. The reces-
sive feature is as though absent. But these FI mice cannot
be exactly like the pure grays of the PI, because they had
one white parent. There must, therefore, be two kinds of
grays, those which have two pure gray parents and those
which have one pure gray and one white parent. The ex-
istence of two kinds of grays is proved by the subsequent
breeding. In the F2 generation the white reappears. The
ratio is 75% gray to 25% white, as shown by the figure.
Study of these F2 individuals solves the problem. The
1:2:1 ratio is present, only it is masked by the dominance
of gray over white. The 75% of gray mice is shown by breed-
ing tests to consist of 25% pure gray like the Pi grandparent,
plus a 50% of hybrid grays like the FI generation. The real
ratio is: 25% Pure Dominants: 50% Hybrid Dominants:
25% Recessives. The recessives are always distinguish-
able, since they are what they seem to be on the outside.
The dominants are of two types — pure and hybrid. Using
symbols, the formula 1 DD : 2 DR : 1 RR, or 1 GG :
2 GW : 1 WW expresses the facts. It happened that
dominance appeared in the cases originally described by
Mendel. Its importance was consequently overrated.
Many instances are now known in which dominance is
incomplete and others in which the terms dominant and
in particular cases. Dominance may be incomplete, in which event the hybrid
can be at once distinguished from the dominant parent. Where dominance is
complete the hybrid and the dominant parent are indistinguishable. In many
cases the dominant character is observed to be the presence of some quality
and the recessive character the absence of the same. Thus the gray mouse has
pigment present in its coat, the white mouse has pigment absent. The normal
human eye has pigment present, the albino eye is devoid of this characteristic,
so that albino eyes are red being colored only by the blood. These facts have
led to the pre&ence-and-absence theory, which explains dominance in the manner
Incomplete dominance in the Fj generation might be described by
that often a single dose of the character is not sufficient to give complete
to the dominant parent.
138
THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
Gray
(GG)
White
(It)
Gray
(GW)
Gray
(GW)
as above
FIG. 18. Dominance of Gray over White in Inheritance of Coat Color in
Mice. The squares represent adult individuals; the letters in parentheses
the hereditary constitution. Pi, P2, Fi, etc., as in Fig. 17.
THE CELL-DOCTRINE 139
recessive are hardly applicable, since the hybrid differs from
each of the parents. Segregation not dominance is the essen-
tial phenomenon in Mendelian heredity.
In the foregoing account the results visible in the adult
animals have been described without explanation of the
causes for this peculiar type of inheritance. Mendel's claim
to distinction lies in the fact that he explained the ratios
observed in segregation in a manner which has stood the
test of later investigation. He knew little of germ-cells. In
his day the finer details of fertilization were still undis-
covered. He knew merely that there were male germs or
pollen grains and female germs or ovules. His explanation
of segregation as he would have applied it to the Blue An-
dalusian, had he worked with that form, may be stated as
follows: The original black individuals, PI in Fig. 19, are
pure blacks, since they arise from a black ancestry and give
only black descendants when bred among themselves. The
same holds for the Pi whites. The symbol B B may be used
to designate the black adults and W W the whites. The
doubling of the letters indicates that the individuals arise
from a double parentage. The blue or hybrid would then
be designated as B W. In the figure referred to, the squares
stand for adult individuals, the circles for germ-cells. The
latter are represented with the character B or W taken
once, so that the union of two germ-cells gives the B B,
B W, or W W of the adult formula. We are now in
a position to understand Mendel's explanation of segre-
gation.
The PI Blacks (B B) arise from germ-cells carrying black;
;ind can produce only germ-cells carrying black; the PI
Whites (W W) only germ-cells carrying white. The hybrid,
being a union of white-carrying and black-carrying germs,
is B W. The problem now arising is what kind of germ-
<M-11> will the hybrid (Fi) produce. Will they carry both
B and W or will they carry B or W, the one to the exclusion
of t he other? The first hypothesis does not aid us in expla i 1 1
140 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
ing segregation. The second might seem improbable, but
it can be accepted if it explains the facts. Suppose, there-
fore, that the F! germ-cells do not carry B and W, each
diluted one-half, but B or W, and that the two kinds of
germ-cells thus produced are present in equal numbers.
The case would then be as shown by the figure.
Suppose further, that each kind of germ-cell has equal
chances in fertilization. Referring to the diagonal lines
below the FI germ-cells (Fig. 19), the germ-cell B may unite
in fertilization with another cell B or with a cell W; the cell
W may unite with a cell B or with a cell W. This exhausts
the theoretical possibilities and gives the ratio 1 B B : 2
B W : 1 W W, by the laws of chance. It is the same as in
matching heads and tails with a coin. If you throw heads
your opponent may throw heads, if you throw heads he may
throw tails, if you throw tails he may throw heads, if you
throw tails he may throw tails; which would be 1 H H : 2
H T : 1 T T A simple algebraic multiplication also illus-
trates the case: (x + y) X (x + y) = x2 + 2xy + y2. The
fundamental ratio of 1:2:1 is thus explained as due to
chance combinations of germ-cells which are pure, in the
sense that they carry that which determines one member of
a contrasting pair of adult characters to the exclusion of the
other. Purity of the germ-cells with reference to the paired
unit-characters of the adult is thus a primary assumption in
the explanation of Mendelian ratios.
The principles of Mendelian inheritance as thus disclosed
are: (1) that an adult animal possesses unit-characters,
which (2) segregate in heredity, and (3) that the determin-
ers for contrasting unit-characters are not carried together
in the same germ-cell. An adult organism is a mosaic of
these unit-characters, not a blend. Contrasting unit-char-
acters may be combined in the individuals of an FI genera-
tion, but in subsequent generations they segregate in definite
ratios. The existence of the ratios is explained by assuming
that the germ-cells are thus pure with respect to a pair of
THE CELL-DOCTRINE
141
Fio. 19. Explanation of Mendelian Segregation in Terms of Germ-Cells. The
cases originally studied by Mendel \\ere in the edible pea. The present
figure shows how the explanation which Mendd offered applies to the
color of the blue andalusian fowl. Compare with Fig. 20, showing the
modern extension of Mendel's explanation in terms of chromosomes.
See discussion in text. Squares represent adult individuals, circles ova
and spermatozoa. Pi, etc., as in previous Figs.
142 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
characters like the black and white and that combination
occurs by chance.
The application of the cell-theory in the foregoing explana-
tion of the 1:2:1 ratio is obvious. The germs to which
Mendel referred in general terms are germ-cells. Fertiliza-
tion is a fusion of two cells, each containing one-half the
normal number of chromosomes. The modern chromosome-
theory of heredity, which is a theory of intra-cellular organ-
ization, furnishes an even more precise explanation of the
phenomena. The most important discoveries since the
work of Mendel have been those relating to the chromosomes
in heredity.
In illustration of the relationship between chromosome
behavior and Mendelian heredity, a pair of characters
may be arbitrarily represented by A and a. The use of the
large letter expresses the fact that A is dominant while a is
recessive, The use of two letters of the same sort, rather
than two different letters, shows that A and a are a con-
trasting pair of Mendelian unit-characters. The pure adults
would, therefore, be designated respectively as A A and aa;
the hybrids as A a. Suppose the number of chromosomes in
the body cells is four pairs, which means four single chromo-
somes to a germ-cell, i. e., one member of each pair (cf.
Fig. 16). The case may be represented as in Fig. 20, again
using squares for adults and circles for germ-cells. The
addition of globular bodies indicates the chromosomes as
they occur in every cell of the adult body and in the germ-
cells.
Assume that the A determiner is carried in one of the
pairs of chromosomes of the dominant individual and the a
determiner in the corresponding chromosomes of the reces-
sive. This may be indicated by writing the letters upon the
chromosomes in question. When reduction in the number of
chromosomes occurs, during the final ripening of ova and
spermatozoa, the result is as shown in the PI germ-cells of
Fig. 20. Each germ-cell possesses but one of the chromo-
THE CELL-DOCTRINE
143
Fio. 20. Explanation of Mcndclian Segregation in Terms of Chromosome*.
The number of chromosomes is taken as four pairs in cells of adult body,
reduced to one member of each pair in the ova and spermatozoa. See
discussion in text. Squares and circles as in previous figure.
144 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
somes to which the characters have been assigned, and hence
what might be described as a single dose of the character in
question. Union of the germ-cells to form the FI adult
produces an A a combination in this pair of chromosomes.
The germ-cells of the FI will be as shown, because reduction
of the chromosomes to one-half the adult number occurs
by disjunction of the members of the pairs. Combination
of these FI germ-cells will occur in the 1:2:1 ratio, as indi-
cated by the F2 adults of the figure, on the assumption of
their union by the laws of chance.
Thus the arrangement and behavior of the chromosomes
is of such a nature as to explain segregation. The hypothe-
sis that the determiners for adult characters are carried by
the chromosomes is justified by the outcome. The chromo-
somes are distributed in a manner that parallels the heredity
of the members of a contrasting pair of unit characters.
The foregoing explanation of Mendelian heredity by
means of chromosomes is an explanation in terms of cells.
Only, the analysis has gone deeper and disclosed the portion
of the cell that is primarily concerned. The diagnosis is more
complete than has been indicated here, giving consistent
results where additional pairs of characters are involved.6
But the foregoing explanation is sufficient to show that the
mechanism of Mendelian heredity is a cellular one. Just as
the visible structure and functioning of the body are refer-
able to microscopic cells, so is the inheritance of structure
and function. Development consists of cell division and
differentiation from a single-celled organism, the oosperm,
to a many-celled organism the adult (Fig. 12). There is
cellular continuity between generations. Herein lies the
physical basis of heredity. It seems inconceiveable that a
single cell should contain within its limits an organization
capable of producing an adult if only a suitable environ-
ment is provided. But where adult characteristics are
8 C/. Table on p. 133 of the present volume, and the account of the chro-
mosome theory of sex determination on p. 204.
THE CELL-DOCTRINE 145
shuffled about as in Mendelian heredity, it is necessary to
suppose not only that the adult is in some manner contained
within the germ but also that something within the germ-
cells can be shuffled in a corresponding manner. These
somethings, which are called determiners, genes, or factors,
appear to be located in the chromosomes. Superficially,
development is a process of building the adult organism a
step at a time — epigenesis. When examined more closely,
it is a coming into being of what is potentially existent, just
as the dealing of hands at cards is the production of an end
result foreshadowed by an arrangement within the pack.
To this extent the concept of preformation is applicable to
development.7
If the cell must furnish clues to the resemblances be-
tween generations it must also furnish clues to variation.
Heredity and variation are simply different aspects of the
reproductive process. Like begets like, but. not just like.
We often speak of heredity and variation as conflicting
forces. They are merely the two sides of development.
Heredity and variation are the initial processes in evolution-
ary change. Explain these two phenomena and you explain
the starting points of evolution. Cell-theory and evolution-
ary theory here meet. The discovery of a cellular mechan-
ism for Mendelian heredity establishes a continuity between
fields of biological knowledge which are at first glance
distinct.8 Investigators continue to approach the evolution-
7 A brief discussion of the modern concept of the relation between preforma-
tion and epigenesis in development appears on p. 193 of the present volume.
Cf. also: Parker, G. H., "Biology and Social Problems," Chapt. Ill,
Reproduction.
•Recognition of cell problems as related to evolutionary problems first
appears in the writings of August Weismann (1834-1914). The nature of the
genetic continuity between parent and offspring having been established, Weis-
mann realized that once in each generation the potentialities of the individual,
and BO of the race, are encompassed within the limits of single cells — the ovum
and the spermatozoon, and the oiteperm formed by their union. Whatever
restrictions subsequent investigation may place upon his conclusions, Weis-
mann will remain a commanding figure, because he first brought into correla-
tion the two major lines of biological interest.
146 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
ary problem from the side of adult organization rather than
from the side of individual development. But the fact is
acknowledged that evolutionary origins must, in the last
analysis, be explained as changes originating within cells
and perpetuated by a cellular mechanism.
RAMIFICATIONS OF THE CELLrTHEORY
Within the field of physiological science, as well as in
zoology, applications of the cell-theory were the great
achievement of the nineteenth century. When bodily
activities were seen to be nothing but cell activities, the
way was opened for a comprehensive explanation of all
general functions in both animals and plants. Take the
production of a secretion such as saliva, gastric juice, or
perspiration: The older physiologists had studied the
phenomena which were visible to the unaided eye. The
nature of secretions had been investigated, so far as chemi-
cal knowledge allowed. Many interesting phenomena had
been ascertained.9 There remained the problem of how
the chemical compounds dissolved in the water of a partic-
ular secretion were produced and secreted. The series of
chemical changes involved in the process is still incompletely
known. The setting can, however, be described in terms
of cells.
One of the glands hi the skin of a frog will illustrate what
happens hi cases where the secretion is passed to the outside
or to an internal cavity like the stomach. The gland in
this instance is relatively simple, consisting of a flask-
9 A classical example is the work of the American physician, William Beau-
mont, who was fortunate in having under observation, for some years following
1822, a soldier who had been wounded in the stomach and whose wound had
healed in such a manner that an orifice remained through which the processes
of secretion and digestion could be observed. Many problems of gastric
digestion are still investigated, in a fashion comparable with that pursued by
Beaumont, without reference to the origin of the gastric juice within the cells,
but the formation and liberation of any secretion is a cellular function.
THE CELL-DOCTRINE
147
Secretion
f Ctll
FIG. 21. Diagrammatic Vertical Section through Skin of Frog. Showing
cellular structure and parta.
shaped cavity, with the neck opening as a pore on the outer
surface of the skin (Fig. 21). Lining the gland is a single
layer of cells. Outside is a network of capillaries, through
which passes a constant flow of blood. Each gland-cell
produces within itself a substance, which, if not the actual
148 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
secretion, contains the parent chemical compounds out of
which the secretion is formed as it passes from the cell into
the central cavity. The gland-cell is like a factory, which
receives certain raw material delivered by a common carrier
at the back door, and transforms it into a product that is
passed out on the other side. The blood is the carrier of
raw material, which the gland-cells receive and which they
convert into the secretion exuded into the cavity of the gland
and thence passed to the outside. A substance like water,
which is, of course, present in all secretions, passes through
the cells unchanged. The substances distinctive of a partic-
ular secretion, and not present in the blood, must, obviously,
be manufactured within the gland-cells from material
received from the blood. The gland-cell, therefore, re-
sembles an industrial establishment engaged in the manufac-
ture of chemicals. Some of the physico-chemical processes
which occur in cells of this nature are well established.
Others remain to be discovered. No one claims that having
thus localized the formation of a secretion within the cell,
he has explained the ultimate vital phenomena. The point
is that in secretion, as in other vital processes, the structural
and so the functional basis for what goes on is a cellular
basis. The phenomena of muscle and nerve might be traced
in like manner to their cellular foundation. Structure and
function are everywhere explicable in terms of cells.
The science of physiology was thus advanced from a study
of gross phenomena, such as the mass-contraction of a
muscle, the conduction of a nerve-impulse, or the simple
features of a process like secretion, to an examination of
cellular activities underlying the more obvious phenomena.
The publication of Verworn's classical work upon " General
Physiology," 10 hi which the problems of physiological
science were attacked as cell problems, expressed this prog-
ress from the study of functional activity in the mass to its
study within the cell. It also indicated the advance toward
10Verworn, M., "Allgemeine Physiologic," 1895.
THE CELL-DOCTRINE 149
a mechanistic explanation of vital phenomena. For what-
ever one may think of the relative merits of vitalistic and
mechanistic concepts of the life-process, the history of biolog-
ical science shows that the forward steps have usually con-
sisted of further extensions of chemico-physical, and hence of
mechanistic, explanations.
This development within the science of physiology
exerted a profound influence upon the progress of medicine.
The theory of cells led to medical advances which were un-
thought of at an earlier period. We find here the most
advanced phase hi that control of nature, which may distin-
guish biological science hi the future. During recent years
the physiologists have laid the foundations for changes in
medicinal science as far-reaching as those necessitated by
the germ-theory of disease. Then- studies in nutrition, in
secretion, in the chemistry of blood and tissue, and the like
are restricting the art of medicine and forcing progress along
the lines of science. These investigations could never have
reached their present state in the absence of some com-
prehensive theory of microscopic organization.11
The theory that certain diseases are caused by minute
organisms or germs, living as parasites within the bodies of
animals and plants, has been intimately associated with the
theory of cells. Analogies between the spread of disease and
the multiplication of living organisms were long recognized,
without being explained. For centuries, a variety of dis-
orders were attributed to parasitic worms, although the
life-cycles of forms like tapeworms were not ascertained
until the middle of the nineteenth century. Minute para-
sites had, however, been observed within the bodies of
larger animals since the early days of the microscope The
finding of bacteria in association with particular diseases
was, therefore, a suspicious circumstance. The Germ-Theory
of disease was established, in correlation with the cell-theory,
during the third quarter of the nineteenth century.
11 ('/. IAV, F. S., "Scientific Features of Modem Medicine."
150 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
The confirmation of the germ-theory as a scientific fact
begins with Pasteur (1822-1895). Working as a chemist,
this great Frenchman undertook to investigate fermenta-
tion. He found that each kind of fermentation, had asso-
ciated with it a particular kind of organism. Thus the wine-
yeast was always present in fermenting wine, the brewer's
yeast in beer, the bread-yeast in dough. The organisms
were necessary for the process. They were also specific for
particular fermentations. The so-called diseases of fer-
mentation, which had caused such heavy losses to the wine-
makers and brewers of France, were caused by the presence
of the wrong kind of organism or by some abnormality of
functioning in the one normally causing the fermentation.
The grosser features of the process, such as liberation of gas
and the manner in which a little leaven could leaven the
whole, had long been recognized. Now, the chemical proc-
esses involved and their causation through the activities of
specific organisms — yeasts and bacteria — were made known.
The decay of organic matter, and its accompanying fer-
mentation, was explained as caused by microorganisms.
The idea was formed that diseases in man and domesticated
animals, as well as in wines and beer, might likewise be
caused by microscopic germs.
Following his work upon fermentation, Pasteur undertook
the study of a disease of silk-worms, which had caused great
financial loss to the silk-raisers of France. He proved that
there were two specific diseases among the worms, each
of them caused by parasitic bacteria. The problem thus
became one of preventing the worms from becoming in-
fected, with the bacteria, since there was no disease save as
it arose from the parasitic germs. Pasteur next turned his
attention to the disease known as anthrax and again dis-
covered a specific germ, the Anthrax bacillus. Subsequent
work upon rabies and other diseases led to the preparation of
vaccines for particular maladies. In this manner Pasteur
and his successors not only established the germ-theory of
THE CELL-DOCTRINE 151
disease but also the present practice of vaccination for a
variety of diseases.12
The germ-theory of disease stimulated renewed interest
in the problem of generation. If organisms originated
de novo or spontaneously, their appearance was due to con-
ditions within the medium hi which they appeared. If they
arose from preexisting organisms by reproduction, their
appearance was due to conditions under which they obtained
entrance. Pasteur and other workers during the sixties and
seventies of the last century gave the death blow to the
theory of generation de novo. Microscopic forms were
shown to have life-cycles comparable with those of larger
organisms. Prevention and curation in a large class of
diseases became the problem of preventing the entrance and
effecting the destruction of parasitic germs. Contagion was
at length explained.
Remarkable applications of the above principles appeared
in surgery. The surgical wards of the hospitals had formerly
been veritable pesthouses for wound-infections. No pre-
cautions availed.13 Lord Joseph Lister (1827-1912) applied
to surgery the principles discovered by Pasteur. The sup-
puration of a wound was the putrefaction of organic ma-
terial. Putrefaction elsewhere was caused by microscopic
organisms. Exclude or destroy the organisms and there
would be no suppuration. Lister's results were amazing.
Surgery in which the germs were destroyed by means of
11 Before Pasteur, certain general features of the germ-/oc< of disease and of
the reactions of the body to such invasions had been discerned, for example, the
discovery by Jenner (1796) of vaccination against smallpox. What Pasteur
did was to give the first complete demonstrations of diseases as caused by
parasitic organisms, of infection as merely the entrance of the parasites, and of
the control of germ-diseases by vaccinations. A host of facts long known to
K-dical profession at once became intelligible.
11 During the American Civil War hospitals were even torn down and new
ones constructed in vain attempts to stamp out gangrene. But all to no avail,
for the surgeons unknowingly carried the infection attached to their instru-
ments and persons. This leaven soon leavened the new establishment so that
wound-disease waa again rampant,
152 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
antiseptics was the outcome. Infection came to be the
mark of a bungling surgeon or a rare accident. Subse-
quently, the methods of antisepsis have been hi part re-
placed by those of asepsis and by methods which enable the
natural bodily processes to destroy the germs that may
find entrance.14
The work of Koch (1843-1910) is representative of in-
vestigations which established the principles of treatment
and diagnosis now universal for infectious diseases. His
discovery (1882) of the bacillus of tuberculosis was epoch-
making. Bacteriology came into existence as a distinct
science during the last quarter of the nineteenth century,
when a long list of diseases were found either to be caused
by recognizable germs or to behave in such a fashion as to
indicate germinal causation. With the confirmation of the
mosquito-malaria theory, an important disease was shown
to be caused by a protozoon. During the last twenty-five
years, the list of such infections has been so rapidly extended
that protozoa have assumed an importance second only to
bacteria as disease-producing organisms. The important
r61e of insects, like mosquitos and house-flies, in the trans-
mission of disease has been discovered within the same
period. The immediate application of such knowledge in
medical practice renders these discoveries matters of com-
mon information.
The germ-theory thus brought revolutionary develop-
ments within the two main branches of medical science.
Surgery and the treatment of disease became established on a
new basis, because of the comparatively simple discovery
that many diseases and the decay of organic matter are alike
caused by the activities of microscopic organisms. Not all
diseases are so caused, and the germs of certain infectious
14 The story is vividly presented by the veteran American surgeon W. W.
Keen, "Before and after Lister," Science, June 11, 1915. See also:
"Medical Research and Human Welfare," by the same author; and the
essay by O. W. Holmes on "Puerperal Fever."
THE CELL-DOCTRINE 153
diseases have yet to be recognized as such. Nevertheless,
what is now the germ-/oc£ stands as the most comprehen-
sive generalization within the field of medicine.
The bearing of the cell-doctrine upon the germ-theory
of infectious diseases is obvious. The latter could never
have become established without detailed knowledge con-
cerning cells. The germ-theory became established along
with the fact of cellular continuity between generations.
Just as the physical basis of heredity was disclosed in terms
of cells, so the physical basis of contagion was found to be
the unicellular germ. The one reacted upon the other,
although the general theory of cells comprehended the par-
ticular theory of germs. It is not putting the case too
strongly to say that the cell-theory changed the entire con-
cept of the causation of disease, first, through its support
of the germ-theory and, second, through its explanation of
all pathological functions as abnormal cell activities. Not
only were infectious diseases explained, but a clue was
furnished for the explanation of all bodily disorders.
The history of the cell-theory illustrates the origin, de-
velopment, and ramification of a fundamental hypothesis.
A unifying explanation of innumerable disjointed observa-
tions was impossible without proper understanding of mi-
croscopic structure. As soon as the cell-theory was pro-
mulgated, its value was apparent. The organization of
animals and plants, both great and small, was brought
within the same category. The clue was discovered, both
as regards structure and function, to the origin of the in-
dividual, and hence to the continuity between generations.
Just as the evolutionary hypothesis unified a multitude of
facts regarding visible structures and activities of living
things, so the cell-theory unified the phenomena that under-
lie the visible features of the body as a whole. With such a
theory established, biological science could attack the prob-
lems of the living substance with some hope for a successful
issue.
154 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
Cells are the units of structural organization. All normal
functions are cell functions, and likewise all abnormal
activities. The value of such a generalization is apparent.
Its applications in medicine, in the problems of development,
in heredity, and throughout the field of biological science,
can be fully measured only by future accomplishment. The
cell-theory has unified facts of the most diverse nature and
has opened a way to the discovery of ultimate vital phenom-
ena. Outside the field of evolution, the recent progress of
biological science has been the progress of knowledge con-
cerning cells. Even heredity and variation are themselves
reducible to phenomena of the cell.
CHAPTER VII
THE BIOLOGICAL SCIENCE OF THE MODERN
PERIOD: THE THEORY OF ORGANIC
EVOLUTION
THE Cell-Doctrine and the doctrine of Organic Evolution
are the two most fundamental generalizations thus far
established in biological science. It is difficult to say which
has been the more effective in unifying a wide range of
established facts. As we have seen the cell-theory is a key
to the structures and functions which are everywhere ob-
servable in animals and plants. Its significance in the his-
tory of living things is almost wholly by implication from
what exists hi the present. The theory of organic evolu-
tion is primarily significant as an explanation of the past.
Whether we consider the one or the other the greater gener-
alization depends upon whether we are interested in the
immediate vital phenomena and their control by man, or
attracted by the philosophical aspects of biology. Cell
problems are problems of the present and of that part of the
future which will be important to the human race. The
problem of organic evolution is mainly a problem of the
historical origin of the animal and plant bodies around us.
The origin of the human species in comparatively recent
times and the beginnings of life upon our planet are two of its
most interesting aspects.
But organic evolution is only an aspect of the Evolution
of the Cosmos. Evolutionary development has come to be
accepted as the most reasonable explanation for the origin
of what now exists. This is true, whether it be the bodies
of animals and plants, the surface of the earth, or solar
systems. Organic evolution is part of the cosmic evolution,
by which the universe has reached its present organization.
156 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
The origin of our solar system may be removed from the
present by billions of years and the origin of our earth
may seem too remote for explanation. But the records of
the geological changes which have given the earth its present
surface are within our comprehension; and there is no ade-
quate reason for not extending the same kind of scientific
explanations to beginnings that antedate what is ordinarily
encompassed by the science of geology. The geologist takes
up the problem where the astronomer leaves it. The latter
may be vague and uncertain in his conclusions, but the pre-
sumption favors his evolutionary theories, because evolu-
tion so clearly appears to have taken place from the period
at which the record began to be written upon the crust of
our planet. As a part of the geological record, the history
of animal and plant life is found imperfectly recorded in the
rocks. 1
Organic evolution is, therefore, not a theory of the origin
of men from monkeys, but is concerned with the origin and
development of all the animal and plant bodies which now
exist ; and it is part of the larger theory of cosmic evolution,
which postulates that the visible universe has reached its
present state by a process of change. This change is going
forward in the present, and will, presumably, continue hi
the future. Concepts of infinite space and infinite time are
involved. Man's claim to importance, in the dynamic
system thus revealed, lies not in the pretense that this planet
was prepared for his coming, but hi the claim that he tran-
scends the visible universe in so far as he comprehends it.
1 The limitations of the palaeontological evidence are well set forth in a
famous chapter in Darwin's "Origin of Species," entitled "On the Imper-
fection of the Geological Record." Despite the additions to knowledge which
have since been made, the record must always remain fragmentary. Yet the
evidence is sufficient to completely establish the fundamental fact of progres-
sion.
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 157
ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL IDEAS REGARDING THE UNIVERSE
The nature of the Hebrew-Chaldean tradition regarding
the origin of mankind can be appreciated if we examine the
stories concerning creation that are found in the mythology
of other primitive peoples. Such stories differ widely in
detail, but they almost always ascribe the beginnings of
the world and of the particular tribe or people to the direct
action of some deity who resembles a glorified human being.
The tribe had its origin either directly from this being, as
child from parent, or by his act of creation. While there are
many variations of the theme, the idea of descent from, or
creation by, a god, who is a glorified man, is the common
foundation upon which the stories are elaborated. Of course,
the fact that the creation mythology of widely separate
peoples has features in common does not prove a common
origin for the many traditions, and it certainly proves noth-
ing as to the truth of these stories. The reasonable explana-
tion is that primitive minds arrived at similar conclusions in
the absence of pertinent data. When such parallelism exists,
it is, presumably, because human minds follow similar chan-
nels. As mythology, such stories are a fascinating study
for the ethnologist. The tradition of creation inherited by
Christendom is interesting for comparison and because it has
built itself into the thought of western civilization.
The account of the origin of man and of the animals and
plants, which appears in the first chapter of Genesis as part
of the general account of Creation, was probably derived
by the Hebrews from their neighbors in Mesopotamia. It
is a modification of a common tradition that, in its essentials,
was shared by the early peoples around the eastern end of
the Mediterranean. The assumed topography of the uni-
verse was quite definite, if we may judge from many refer-
ences in the Old Testament; and these concepts of the He-
ra were not unlike* those recorded by the Egyptians.
According to this belief, the earth was regarded as a flat
158 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
disk, covered by the sky which was like the ceiling of a dome
and rested upon the mountains. It was supposed that on the
east and west sides of this dome or firmament there were
doors, through which the sun passed in the morning and
FIG. 22. Schematic Representation of the Hebrew-Chaldean Concept of the
Universe. As indicated by references in the Old Testament. These ideas
seem to have been obtained by the Hebrews from Mesopotamian and
other earlier sources.
departed at night. The earth was surrounded by water
upon which it floated and the water extended also above
the firmament (Fig. 22). In the firmament were windows
and the stars were fastened to its lower surface. Above
the firmament was Heaven.2 Such expressions as, "the
foundation of the earth upon the waters," "the foundations
of the great deep," "the corners of the earth," "the pillars
of heaven," "the waters above the firmament," "the sun
2 Cf. the account of the universe by Cosmas, cited on p. 51 of the present
volume, and that implied in Milton's "Paradise Lost."
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 159
as a bridegroom coining forth from his chamber/' "the
windows of heaven/' and many others are not mere figures
of speech. They are indications of a picture of the universe
which existed in the minds of the writers of the Old Testa-
ment. These phrases are thought-fossils which tell us the
nature of the Hebrew concept of the world.3
The creation myths of the early Greeks were mainly of
Nordic origin and, therefore, unlike those of their eastern
neighbors.4 But Greek mythology agreed with that of the
Hebrew-Chaldeans, in its creation of man by gods who were
magnified human beings. If these Greek traditions are less
exalted, they exhibit a human quality that finds a sym-
pathetic response in the western mind. The Greeks were
the first among the European-Mediterranean peoples to
engage in critical speculation regarding the origin of the
cosmos. Observing that all nature was in a state of flux,
the Ionic philosophers sought for a permanent element
beneath the visible change. The claim that Greek thinkers
formulated a theory of organic evolution can hardly be sub-
stantiated. Their evolutionary hypotheses were vague
theories of a cosmic character with such elements as water,
air, earth, and fire as the underlying realities from which
other visible forms came into being. Ideas of organic
development were incidentally expressed as a part of this
philosophical concept of the evolution of the visible world.
The recognition of fossils, as the remains of animals and
plants which had formerly lived, is an example of the direct-
ness of the Greek mind with its sense for natural explana-
tions. The fossil seems to have meant nothing which implied
a grasp of its significance as evidence for a general process
of organic evolution. Xenophanes (c. 570-480) recognized
fossils as " proof s that the seas formerly covered the earth."
'White, A. D., "A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in
Christendom." Vol. I, p. 90.
"The Whit* Man's Magic in BMMT," \VnKhi, J., Scientific Monthly,
Dec., 1919.
160 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
But his general conclusion was "that water was the element
from which the earth was engendered." Empedocles, to
whom has been ascribed the formulation of a theory of the
Survival of the Fittest, "was an evolutionist only in so far
as he taught the gradual substitution of the less by the more
perfect forms of life." Perfect and imperfect forms, he be-
lieved, arose by spontaneous generation.5 Persistent belief
that living beings were generated spontaneously from non-
living matter was perhaps responsible for this failure of the
Greeks to pursue their speculations regarding cosmic evolu-
tion to the field of animal and plant origins.
Among the Romans, Lucretius shows comprehension of
the evolutionary process hi limited cases. His extended
account of the human race, as originating from a condition
essentially like that of the brute and advancing by gradual
stages, bears a remarkable resemblance to the general con-
clusions of modern anthropology. Man is pictured as first
a hardy animal-like race living in a wild state without agri-
culture and without family life. His food consisted of the
natural products of the earth and of the trophies of the chase.
He was without weapons save chance sticks and stones.
His earliest habitations were in the form of caves and shel-
tered places. The association of mates gave rise to family
life. Weapons and implements, huts, clothing of skins, and
fire were gradually acquired. Language developed from
natural cries and sounds, such as we now find animals making
to one another. Music later arose. Metal succeeded stone,
woven garments those of skins. Agriculture came to be
practiced. Animals were domesticated. Tribal and govern-
mental organization was slowly developed and also belief in
the gods, until civilized existence had thus come into being.
The whole account is a remarkable approach to the modern
scientific formulation of the history of human evolution from
an animal ancestry. It rested upon knowledge concerning
animals and savage races of mankind which was then extant,
5Osborn, H. F., "From the Greeks to Darwin," pp. 36-40.
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 161
and is an illustration of the fact that clues to a rationalistic
explanation of human origins were in existence even at this
early period.6
Naturally enough, these beginnings of evolutionary
thought found no supporters during the Middle Ages. Their
obliteration was an incident of the decline of Greco-Roman
science which has been described in an earlier chapter.
Christian theology, through its amplification of the Hebrew
story of Creation, furnished an explanation of the origin
of man and the universe that was accepted as satisfactory
until the Copernican system had displaced the older astron-
omy and the sphericity of the earth had become a matter of
common knowledge. From the decline of Greek speculative
thought until the middle of the eighteenth century, there
was no real grappling with the problem of the historical
origin of organic beings. Occasionally during the later
centuries of this period there were individuals, like Leonardo
da Vinci, who recognized the lapse of time involved in
geological change and who understood the nature of fossils.7
The Middle Ages stand for the same stagnation here, as in
other lines of scientific thought. Only, the concept of
organic evolution was longer delayed than any other scien-
tific generalization of equal importance.
Organic evolution appears in its proper setting, if we
realize that biological science has but recently passed
through a period of battle comparable to that through which
astronomical science passed in the period after Copernicus,
and geographical science following Columbus. The evolu-
• Lucretius, " De Rerum Natura," Book V. Translation by H. J. A. Munro,
entitled: "Lucretius on the Nature of Things."
7 Some of the medieval writings show that fossils were well enough known
to demand explanation. For example, these semblances of animal and plant
life were said to be caused by "fatty matter set into fermentation by heat";
by "lapidific juice"; by "the tumultuous movement of terrestrial particles."
Or they were regarded as: "sports of nature"; as "mineral concretions"; as
"creations of plastic force"; as "models," made by the Creator before he
decided upon the fin.il forms of creation . <» :is the bones of animals which had
pgrfahed in the Noachiari deluge. White, A. D., he. cit.
162 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
tionary concept is as fundamental in biology as the helio-
centric theory in astronomy or the theory of the earth's
sphericity in geography. This great biological generaliza-
tion was not established before the close of the Renaissance,
mainly because it was unthinkable from the standpoint of
traditional cosmogony and because its demonstration de-
pended upon so wide a range of facts. The older idea of the
structure of the heavens had passed away by the end of the
seventeenth century. But there did not seem to be adequate
reason for doubting the scriptural account of the origin of
the universe. The Mosaic account was still accepted despite
the difficulties which now began to be recognized. The case
is not dissimilar from what occurred in the nineteenth cen-
tury when attempts were made, to exclude man from his
place in the animal world, by the anti-evolutionists.
THE TRANSMUTATIONISTS OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
The first scientific formulation of organic evolution oc-
curred toward the middle of the eighteenth century. The
biological contribution of the Renaissance had consisted of
the progressive increase of knowledge in natural history.
During the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries,
knowledge concerning the number and kinds of animals and
plants and their distribution was acquired. By the opening
of the eighteenth century the question of their origin had
begun to demand something more than formal explanation.
The very number of different kinds of animals made it
difficult to understand how all could have been named by
Adam or how the progenitors of so many kinds could have
been contained within the ark of Noah. Moreover, the
problems of geographical distribution were being acknowl-
edged. The animals found upon oceanic islands presented
puzzling questions, which were at first explained on the
theory that the ancestors of these animals had been trans-
ported thither by man. But men came to doubt the possi-
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 163
bility of the transportation of ferocious beasts on long and
arduous voyages; while the voluntary transference of ani-
mals, which were positive pests, seemed highly improbable.
The Mosaic account of creation and the story of the Noach-
ian deluge became increasingly difficult to believe hi view of
the facts. But there was, as yet, no alternative explanation.
The classification of animals and plants, accomplished by
Linnaeus (1704-1778) during the eighteenth century, gave
additional emphasis to the facts which had produced these
difficulties. Increasing knowledge of anatomy, of embry-
ology, of heredity, and of variation gave clues for the for-
mulation of a theory of organic evolution on a scientific founda-
tion. To George Louis Lecler, Comte de Buff on (1707-
1788), more than to any other individual, belongs the credit
of having formulated this first scientific theory of organic
evolution. Buff on clearly expresses the idea that particular
types, like the vertebrates, the molluscs, and so forth may
have descended from a common ancestry. He even goes so
far as to suggest that all living things may have arisen from
an identical source. Had he not lived in an atmosphere of
orthodox tradition, Buffon might have gone much further
than he did. His phraseology is guarded and often self-
contradictory, but his meaning is clear. That his fears of
persecution were not unfounded is seen by the fact that he
was forced to recant (1751) by the faculty of the Sorbonne
at Paris.8
During the latter half of the eighteenth century there
were many other advocates of this new doctrine of descent
with modification. These men were called Transmutation-
• Buffon's printed recantation is as follows: "I declare that I had no inten-
tion to contradict the text of scripture; that I believe most firmly all therein
related about the creation, both as to order and as to order of time and matter
of fact, I abandon everything in my book respecting the formation of the
earth, and generally all which may be contrary to the narrative of Moses."
Quoted from: Clodd, E., "Pioneers of Evolution," p. 96. Buffon may be
accused of indirectness, but evidently his meaning did not escape the vigilance
of conrtcrvati.mil.
164 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
ists, because they maintained the transmutability of species.
We have already commented upon this first century of the
modern scientific period as a time when innovations were hi
the ah*. The theory of transmutation, and also certain
evolutionary concepts in geology, were advanced by Buffon,
on the basis of the first-hand knowledge set forth hi his
monumental work upon natural history. Buffon was not
widely supported by his scientific colleagues, but another
Frenchman, Pierre de Maupertuis (1698-1759), a philos-
opher rather than a scientist, exhibits "a wider intellectual
horizon than was common among the men of science of his
time." For example, Maupertuis examined critically the
theory of preformation, which then dominated embryological
science, and found it wanting. He set forth a remarkable
theory of epigenesis.9 He apprehended certain important
features in the problem of individual development at a
time when this matter had received scant consideration.
Examination of the problems of embryology led him to
consider those of heredity and variation. As a result he
came to regard the transmutability of species as a far more
reasonable belief than their fixity. He conceived the gradual
accumulation and the transmission of variations, carried on
for countless generations to be sufficient to produce all
existing species from a single original pair.10 Unlike Buffon,
Maupertuis was not primarily a contributor to scientific
knowledge. But he possessed an insight into the meaning of
current facts which was in advance of the understanding
shown by the vast majority of his scientific contemporaries.
A similar appreciation of meanings appears in the writings
of Denis Diderot (1713-1784). Although he was even less
9 The modern concept of development as a combination of preformation and
epigenesis is explained on p. 193 of the present volume. It is worth noting that
Maupertuis published his theory of epigenesis more than a decade before the
modern scientific formulation of this doctrine which appeared in the " Theoria
Generationis," by Kaspar Wolff in 1759.
10Lovejoy, A. O., "Some Eighteenth Century Evolutionists," Popular
Science Monthly, July, 1904.
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 165
of a scientist than Maupertuis, Diderot recognized the
evolutionary significance of the details of anatomy that were
being factually set forth by the great Daubenton (1716-
1800). The latter appears to have been oblivious of the
larger interpretations. Although he was the great pioneer
in the field of vertebrate anatomy, it was not Daubenton,
the scientist, but Diderot the philosopher, who saw the
meaning of the facts in relation to the mutability of species.
A vast array of anatomical data, which are now regarded as
one of the strongest lines of evidence for evolution, was be-
coming discernible. Its meaning was appreciated by a few
individuals before the middle of the eighteenth century.
The decade following 1745 witnessed the setting forth, by
Diderot and Maupertuis, of two of the most important
lines of evidence for descent — anatomy and inheritance with
variation, and also the publication of the first volume of
Buffon's "Histoire Naturelle" (1749). "The appearance of
modern evolutionism, as a theory definitely formulated and
based upon its proper embryological and anatomical premises, "
therefore, dates from the middle of the eighteenth century.11
Throughout the latter half of the eighteenth century, the
theory of the transmutation of species was a frequent topic
11 In the paper by Professor Love joy, loc. cit., the opinions of two other
eighteenth century writers are given at length — Johann Gottfried von Herder
(1744-1803), and James Burnett, Lord Monboddo (1714-1799). The former
has been greatly overrated as an early advocate of the transmutation hypoth-
esis. It is by no means clear, according to Love joy, "that he did not intend
explicitly to repudiate it." Monboddo, on the other hand, although he cannot
be taken very seriously as a zoologist, "was perhaps the first to make widely
familiar to the British public the doctrine that man is descended from ape-like
ancestors." His associates were such men as David Hume, Adam Smith and
James Hutton. "In this society, so distinguished for its scientific attainments
and for original theories in natural science and philosophy, Monboddo had the
reputation of being one of the most learned and most original," although it was
felt by most of his British contemporaries "that he pushed originality in theo-
rizing to the point of fantastic absurdity when he declared that civilized man
is akin to the orang-outang and a descendant of progenitors that lacked speech
and possibly had tails." "It is a pity," said Dr. Johnson, "to see Lord Mon-
boddo publish such notions as he has done; a man of sense and of so much
flfenot learning."
166 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
of conversation in intellectual circles, particularly on the
continent. In England, the subject was not widely con-
sidered until it was set forth at length in the "Zoonomia" of
Erasmus Darwin (1794). In France, the studies, upon which
Lamarck was to base his theory of the causes of evolutionary
modification, were already well advanced before the close of
the century. As we have seen, the closing decades of the
eighteenth century witnessed a remarkable extension of
fundamental concepts in many scientific lines. Notable
among them is this greatest of biological theories.
These early evolutionists have not received sufficient
credit, because the concept of organic evolution suffered a
decline during the early decades of the nineteenth century
and was not generally accepted until after the appearance of
Darwin's " Origin of Species." The fact that, as a group,
the transmutationists were not orthodox scientists is prob-
ably in part responsible for their neglect and for a certain
patronizing attitude toward men like Maupertuis and
Diderot on the part of nineteenth century commentators on
the history of evolutionary speculation. There has been too
much inclination to believe that serious evolutionary thought
began with Darwin. As a matter of fact, the state of scien-
tific opinion, during the nineteenth century prior to 1859, is
not creditable to the scientific workers in biological lines.
Instead of the open-mindedness, on which scientists pride
themselves, we see the men of science adhering to traditional
interpretations and blind to the meaning of their own facts,
while some of the supposedly inferior philosophers were
alive to the significance of the facts discovered by the scien-
tists. The explanation, which suggests itself, is that the
mind which is most capable, in the accumulation of details,
is frequently lacking in the appreciation of larger meanings.
At certain times in the history of science, the systematic
mind has prevailed and at others the mind which grasps at
meanings. Only the exceptional individual, such as Darwin,
combines the two. When lesser minds run to theorizing, as
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 167
in the post- Darwinian period of the nineteenth century, they
fail to produce results. When systematic minds of a high
order reach new territory they often miss the significance of
facts to an amazing degree, as was the case with Daubenton
the anatomist and Linnaeus the classifier.
The weakness of the pseudo-philosopher, who dabbles
in science, is that his theories always tend to outrun his facts.
But this is soon corrected. In the case under discussion it is
ungenerous for the biologist not to acknowledge the insight
of these eighteenth century savants. For despite their
dilettantism, they perceived what the majority of the techni-
cal scientific workers did not recognize until a century later.
One of the myths of the history of biology is the tradition
that the evolutionary doctrine was not definitely formulated,
for lack of facts, until about the middle of the nineteenth
century. This is not a fair historical statement and it does
grave injustice to those thinkers of the preceding century,
who saw the meaning of biological facts at a time when the
majority of naturalists were blind. It was blindness, rather
than scientific caution that caused the scientific formulation
of the evolutionary theory to be rejected for more than a
century.
THE LAMARCKIAN THEORY OF THE CAUSES OF EVOLUTION
Not only was the earliest scientific formulation of the
theory of organic evolution made during the eighteenth
century, but the same century produced, in the Lamarckian
Hypothesis, a theory of the causes of evolution. Even if this
theory has scant support at the present day, its promulga-
tion is indicative of the extent to which evolutionism had
developed by the opening years of the nineteenth century.12
K; date of the first publication of Lamarck's " Philosophic Zottlogique"
was 1809, and other publications, containing references to the problem of
organic evolution appeared during the first fifteen years of the century. But
in view of the fact that the first decade of the nineteenth century was in-
tellectually a continuation of the ci^htoenth century jH-riod. (he work of
168 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
The ideas of Jean Baptiste, Chevalier de Lamarck (1744-
1829) were a natural development from the evolutionary
concepts of Buff on. Lamarck was primarily a man of
science rather than a philosopher. He is usually regarded as
the founder of modern invertebrate anatomy. However
much one may be disinclined to accept the Lamarckian
doctrine, its originator was an active investigator. He is,
therefore, not open to the charge of having been a specula-
tive philosopher rather than a scientist.
Historically, the importance of the Lamarckian hypothe-
sis is found in the fact that it was the first comprehensive
formulation of the causes of the evolutionary process. Lamarck
accepted evolution as an historical fact. He proposed his
theory of the inherited effects of use and disuse and of the en-
vironment, as an explanation of the causes of evolution.13
The gist of the Lamarckian theory is that the individual is
modified by the use and the disuse of its parts and that these
modifications are transmitted to its descendants. The case
is similar with the effects of the environment. An animal
which runs develops the parts involved. It runs faster with
practice and it has stronger and larger muscles after many
repetitions of this activity, just as does the athlete who has
undergone prolonged training. The adage "practice makes
Lamarck was a product more distinctive of the eighteenth than of the nine-
teenth century. Lamarck's ideas represent the climax of the transmutationist
doctrines. Moreover, the more active working years of his life (1744-1829)
fall within the eighteenth century.
13 There exists in non-scientific circles at the present day a confusion between
evolution as an historical process and the causes which have produced evolu-
tion. This is frequently seen in the confusion between the Darwinian theory
of Natural Selection, which is a theory of the causes of evolution, and the more
comprehensive doctrine of organic evolution. The historical fact of evolution
is as distinct from its causes as the historical fact of the colonization of the
western hemisphere by Europeans is distinct from the causes which have in-
duced so many people to leave Europe during the past four hundred years.
The fact that the Americas were thus settled is beyond reasonable question.
The causes of this migration westward of Frenchmen and Englishmen and
Spaniards and later Germans, Irish, Italians, and the like are a different matter
and one concerning which there exist divergences of opinion.
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 169
perfect" describes the situation and no one disputes the
claim that such changes do occur in the individual. The con-
verse, of the disuse of a part, is no less familiar. The man
of sedentary life is painfully aware of the reduced capacity of
his little used muscles after a day of unusual exercise. The
religious fanatics of certain countries, by the voluntary and
persistent disuse of a limb, bring about not only a loss of
function in the part but its permanent reduction in size. In
animals under experimentation, similar atrophies can be
produced. Changes are also induced hi the individual by
environment. A mammal taken into a cold climate is
stimulated to lay on fat or produce longer hair. An insect
may be modified in color by a change in the water-content
of the atmosphere. The lowland tree, when growing upon a
mountain, is modified in a manner peculiar to the new en-
vironment. The human skin is tanned by the sun, hence
the white man, after long residence in the tropics, may
never recover his whiteness of face and hand, even though
he returns to his northern home.
Many examples of the effects of use and disuse and of
environment will occur to the reader. Animals and plants
under experimentation give similar results. There can be no
question regarding the effects produced by these Lamarckian
factors of use, disuse, and environment upon the individual.
New characteristics are thus acquired by the individual ; and
the phrase acquired characteristics has become a technical
term in biology, having this restricted meaning.
Thus far, we have spoken only of the individual animal or
plant, which is itself changed by the action of these Lamarck-
ian factors. But the crux of the theory is its claim that
characteristics, thus acquired by the individual, are inherited
by the next generation. It is for this reason that the La-
marckian hypothesis may be described as the theory of
inheritance of acquired characteristics, using the words ac-
quired characteristics in the sense above explained. La-
marck believed that the changes so produced in animals and
170 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
plants in a given generation were inherited in the next; that
if an animal used the same parts in the same way, generation
after generation, or if it failed to use them, the results were
cumulative. Each generation added a little and this was
passed on to its offspring. Thus bit by bit the modification
was carried to an extreme degree. Lamarck's own formula-
tion of his doctrine was complicated by mystical ideas about
the animal's willing to do or to be certain things. But its
essential claim was that effects produced by use, disuse, and
environment were inherited by the next generation.14
The Lamarckian theory of the causes of evolution was
not widely accepted at the tune of its promulgation for the
same reason that the entire theory of transmutation was
rejected. The opponents of the Lamarckian doctrine
criticized not only the proposed causes but also the claim
that evolution had occurred. The Lamarckian hypothesis
of evolutionary causation has survived to the present day
and still finds support from those who are called the Neo-
Lamarckians. But it has never been widely accepted. Of
late years the failure to obtain conclusive evidence for the
inheritance of characteristics acquired by the individual has
told heavily against the theory. It would seem that if such
inheritance occurs we should by now have secured experi-
mental proof. Convincing proofs have not been forth-
coming. The majority of biologists, therefore, regard the
Lamarckian Theory as distinctly not proved. Many go
14 Some of the specific cases which Lamarck cites are as follows: The webbed
feet of swimming birds were produced by the animals' efforts to spread their
toes in attempting to keep afloat; the legs of wading and of perching birds
became long or short by their use in these peculiar fashions; snakes lost their
limbs through disuse. Snails acquired tentacles by the stimulation of the
anterior end of the body, as the animal crawled about and came in contact with
obstacles. Lamarck's most extended statement of his doctrine appears in his
"Philosophic Zo5logique." Modern advocacy of Lamarckism will be founu
in: Packard, A. S., "Lamarck, His Life and Work," 1901; and Henslow, G.,
"The Origin of Plant Structures," 1895. An excellent, if brief, summary of
Lamarckism appears in: Herbert, S., "First Principles of Evolution," pp. 111-
116.
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 171
so far as to believe there is small chance of it ever being
proved.15
Even if the Lamarckian hypothesis should be substan-
tiated by satisfactory experimental proof, there still re-
main certain features of animal organization which are
not readily explicable in terms of this theory. For ex-
ample: The resemblance of many animals to their surround-
ings is so striking that it is commonly regarded as a means
of protection from enemies and hence of life and death import-
ance. The importance attached by Darwin to such adaptive
features of animal life led to their over-emphasis during the
post-Darwinian period. It is undoubtedly true that many of
the supposed examples of this form of adaptation are imagin-
ary. The reaction against the assumption that almost every
structure and every action of a living thing was adaptive
went to the opposite extreme, and at the close of the nine-
teenth century some biologists seemed to regard the whole
phenomenon of adaptation as a myth. When, however, due
allowance is made for the over-emphasis of adaptation,
when it is frankly acknowledged that animals may have
many features which are non-adaptive if not positively
harmful, and when we understand that it is the all-round
ability to meet the necessities of existence rather than a few
particular tests, which constitutes survival value, the fact
remains that a certain quality of fitness is one of the most
widespread features among living things. We cannot ex-
plain this fact by denying its existence. Resemblance to the
environment is a fact in many cases. After making every
allowance, there remain many instances which can be ex-
plained most reasonably on the assumption that resem-
blance to the surroundings is an important means of pro-
tection.
u The recent work of Guycr and Smith, who seem to have induced the
inheritance of eye defect* in rabbits, in of the greatest interest; but confir-
mation and more extended eXprtiMi.'M' V , •!! I- Iirrdrd l.rluIV the result* CHD
be regarded as conclusive-. Jour. Exp. Zool., Vol. 31, No. 2, 1920.
172 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
Granting the existence of such adaptative resemblance, its
mode of origin is something to be explained by any com-
prehensive theory of the causes of evolution. The Lamarck-
ian theory does not seem to give a satisfactory explanation.
One cannot easily imagine how an animal by its actions can
cause the color or the shape of its body to look like its sur-
roundings. It might remain quiet and arrange the parts of
its body in certain positions. But to suppose that it can,
by use or disuse, make its body look like its background
seems absurd. Neither can one imagine how the environ-
ment can cause an animal to resemble the background, save
in simple cases like that of the caterpillar which is green
because the green of the leaves devoured as food shows
through its semi-transparent body. The Darwinian theory
of natural selection, on the other hand, offers a satisfactory
theoretical explanation of how such fitness may have arisen.
Against the substantiation of the Lamarckian hypothesis as
a whole, there exists, moreover, a body of embryological
evidence, obtained during recent years, and supporting the
belief that the mechanism of inheritance is through the
germ-cells and not through the body.16
The most notable supporter of Lamarck, during the early
decades of the nineteenth century, was Etienne Geoffroy
Saint-Hilaire (1772-1844). St. Hilaire emphasized the ef-
fects of the environment, while Lamarck had emphasized use
and disuse. The Lamarckian theory, as we speak of it here,
includes all of these factors. In 1830, the year following the
death of Lamarck,17 a notable scientific debate took place
between Cuvier, who was then regarded as the foremost
living zoologist, and St. Hilaire concerning the doctrine of
transmutation. The superior acumen and the greater
18 The volume "Heredity and Environment," by E. G. Conklin, contains an
excellent statement of this modern interpretation of the part played by the
germ-cells in heredity.
17 In the later years of his life, Lamarck became blind and lived as a pathetic
figure, his theories ridiculed by most of his contemporaries and himself in
straightened circumstances.
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 173
knowledge of Cuvier won the day. Transmutation was
seemingly disposed of in the scientific world and the Lamarck-
ian doctrines seemed at an end. But almost immediately
afterward came the publication of the first edition of Charles
LyelTs "Principles of Geology" (1830). In this the theory
of geologic evolution was formulated as the only reasonable
explanation of the changes which have given the surface of
the earth its present form. The year following, Charles
Darwin set out on the voyage around the world which was
destined to become so decisive a factor in his subsequent
work upon the origin of species. The "coming of evolution"
was at hand even when its precursors seemed discredited as
hi the case of Lamarck.
THE DARWINIAN THEORY
There were other reasons for the initial failure of scien-
tific evolutionism. But the fundamental reason was the
inertia of the human mind when confronted with an inter-
pretation of nature which differs widely from established
tradition. Belief in special creation and an unscientific
attitude toward the larger problems of nature had dominated
thought for almost two thousand years. It was natural,
therefore, that the first scientific theories of evolution should
end hi failure. Nevertheless, this failure was apparent
rather than real.
During the early decades of the nineteenth century the
great Cuvier (1769-1832) continued the work of Daubenton
and established the science of Comparative Anatomy.
Karl Ernst von Baer (1792-1876) followed, establishing
Comparative Embryology during the second quarter of the
century. Geological science had received its initial impulse
during the eighteenth century through the work of James
Hutton (1726-1797), whose "Theory of the Earth" (1795)
maintained that the past history of our planet was explicable
in term* of changes observable in the present. In the main,
174 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
Button's ideas of volcanic action, of weathering, erosion,
deposition, and uplift were those which have been elaborated
by modern geology. His point of view was in every respect
scientific. His work constituted the foundation of British
geology. Hutton was followed by William Smith (1769-
1839) who is called the " Father of English Geology. " The
latter showed, in his " Strata as Identified by Organized
Fossils," that the layers of the sedimentary rocks may be
FIG. 23. William Smith's Geological Section across the South of England.
Exaggeration of the vertical scale makes the beds appear too steep. The
original drawing was in colors. (From Scott, "Land Mammals of Western
Hemisphere," published by the Macmillan Co. Reprinted by permission.)
identified by their fossils. This principle, which Smith
applied hi his geological sections across England (Fig. 23)
has since been extended by geologists, until the correlation of
the sedimentary rocks on different continents has been
effected by extended applications of the methods he laid
down.
During the early years of the nineteenth century, the
theory of creation, as applied to the earth's surface, was
changed into what was known as the Theory of Catastro-
phism. According to this theory, the earth was supposed to
have evolved through a series of creations, between each of
which life flourished until destroyed by a great catastrophy
which was the prelude to a new creation. The catastro-
phism hypothesis was developed to meet two facts that
were irreconcilable with the theory of a single creation:—
the discovery that animals of the past were unlike those
of the present; and the discovery that the dissimilarity in-
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 175
creased as the record was followed backward in time. Con-
versely, the fossils of more recent time were in many cases
almost identical with existing forms. Evidences of violent
geological disturbances were taken to mean that great
catastrophies or cataclysms had occurred. By supposing
that such cataclysms had destroyed all life and made neces-
sary a new creation, it was possible to save the creation
theory, since the creation described in Genesis could then be
regarded as but the last of a series. The Day of Judgment
was the cataclysm which would bring the present epoch to an
end. Catastrophism was a step forward, in so far as it
acknowledged facts of palaeontology, which were then well
established, and emphasized the study of natural forces
after the manner which Hutton had laid down.
Cuvier was the most forceful advocate of catastrophism.
His studies upon fossil animals forced him to recognize the
progressive sequence of the record, which is now regarded as
one of the strongest pieces of evidence for organic evolution.
But he approached the subject with preconceived notions
that were an inheritance from medieval cosmogony. He
was, therefore, opposed to the theory of descent. Eventu-
ally the facts of anatomy which he established became
important evidence for evolution.
While the acceptance of organic evolution was thus de-
layed, the evolutionary principle was established in geolog-
ical science by the work of Charles Lyell (1797-1875). Lyell
was not at first a believer in organic evolution, but was con-
verted to this view by Darwin's "Origin of Species." His
"Principles of Geology" (1830) was widely read and studied.
It maintained its place as an authoritative reference work
until the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The sig-
nificance of this book is found in the fact that it attempted
to explain the past in terms of the present after the manner
characteristic of modern geology. Its sub-title, ' ' An Attempt
to Explain the Former Changes of the Earth's Surface by
Reference to Causes now in Operation," indicates the manner
176 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
of attack. It gave the final blow to the doctrine of catas-
trophism by showing that there had been no catastrophies.
Great changes had occurred, but they had been orderly even
when they were most violent. Unconformity in the layers
was as much the result of orderly change as was conformity.
Lyell's position as a Uniformitarian in Geology 18 inclined
him to disbelieve the theory of the transmutation of species.
He offered what was the final convincing proof of geologic
evolution as the historical process by which the crust of
the earth had assumed its present form, and he firmly es-
tablished the Huttonian doctrine of interpreting the geo-
logic past by means of the present. We have seen that the
feature of progression in the fossil record had necessitated
modification of the idea of a single creation. But with the
overthrow of catastrophism by uniformitarianism, the
evidence for progression was temporarily ignored. Belief
that geologic forces had been constant was conducive to
belief in the constancy of species. Even Lyell did not ac-
knowledge facts, which were evident in his time and have
since become cardinal features in palaeontology, until they
were convincingly stated by Charles Darwin in the " Origin
of Species. "
The period between 1830 and 1859 has been commonly
represented, by the historians of organic evolution, as one
in which biological science hesitated to accept the evolution-
ary hypothesis because of lack of evidence. The acceptance
of evolution, which followed the appearance of the " Origin
of Species," seems dramatic, because the impression has been
18 The "Uniformitarians" opposed the "Catastrophists," pushing Button's
doctrines to an extreme, by arguing that the action of geological agencies in the
past had been so uniform as to preclude anything widely different from the
present. "They were inclined to disbelieve that the stratified formations of
the earth's crust furnish conclusive evidence of a gradual progression, from
the simplest types of life in the oldest strata to the most highly developed in
the youngest; and saw no reason why remains of the higher vertebrates should
not be met with among the Palaeozoic formations." Geikie, Archibald, Enc.
Brit., Article on Geology.
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 177
fostered that scientific evolutionism was a new idea as late
as the middle decades of the nineteenth century. Among
English-speaking naturalists, however, "the theory was a
commonplace topic of discussion for two or three dec-
ades before 1859, and especially after the publication and
immense circulation of Robert Chamber's "Vestiges of
Creation," of which the first edition appeared in 1844. Geol-
ogical textbooks of the period referred to the theory of
transmutation of species as a matter of course, though
usually only to reject it as an exploded hypothesis.19 It is an
interesting fact in the history of thought that a more glar-
ing obtuseness is exhibited by the scientific mind, during
these decades before the " Origin/' than was exhibited by
the naturalists of the eighteenth century who saw nothing
of significance in the evidence for evolution set forth by
Buffon and his contemporaries. It was Chambers, the lit-
erary man and amateur naturalist, who saw that which
Darwin had already seen, but that to which the majority
of technical workers were still blind.
It is much to the credit of Herbert Spencer (1820-1903) that
he accepted unreservedly the doctrine of organic evolution,
as shown by an early article of his upon the "Development
Hypothesis." M In this he supports the despised Lamarck-
19 Lovejoy, A. O., "The Argument for Organic Evolution before the "Origin
of Species," Popular Science Monthly, Nov., 1909.
10 In this article, which was published in a newspaper, called the Leader,
March 20th, 1852, Spencer writes as follows: "Those who cavalierly reject the
Theory of Evolution, as not adequately supported by facts, seem quite to
forget that their own theory is supported by no facts at all. Like the majority
of men who are born to a given belief, they demand the most rigorous proof of
any adverse belief, but assume that their own needs none. Here we find,
scattered over the globe, vegetable and animal organisms numbering, of the
nd (according to Humboldt) some 320,000 species, and of the other, some
2,000,000 species (see Carpenter) ; and if to these we add the numbers of animal
and vegetable species that have become extinct, we may safely estimate the
number of species that huvc existed, and are existing, on the earth, at not less
than ten millions. Well, which is tin- most rational theory about these ten
millions of species? Is it most likely that there have millions of
special creation^ mo~t likrlv that !>v rontinual modifications, due to
178 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
ian theory as the cause of evolution, a fact which probably
rendered his views on the broader question of descent
less palatable to his countrymen. In his later writings,
Spencer was primarily a philosopher, and this may account
in part for the scant acknowledgment he has been given by
scientists as compared with Darwin. Nevertheless he occu-
pies an important place in any critical history of the doc-
trine of evolution, because of his early conviction that such a
theory was the only reasonable interpretation which could be
placed upon the facts, as well as on account of his thoroughly
scientific viewpoint.
The foregoing discussion serves as an introduction to the
work of Charles Darwin (1809-1882). Darwin deserves
the place he occupies, because he combined the grasp of the
philosopher with the accuracy of the scientist. While still
a young man, on the Voyage of the Beagle (1831-1836), he
perceived the significance of biological and geological phe-
nomena which he later used as evidence for organic evolution.
So impressed was he by what he had seen, in parts of the
world where nature had been little changed by man, that
after his return he began the studies which culminated
twenty years later in his "Origin of Species" (1859). The
simultaneous announcement by Darwin and Wallace, of
the theory of Natural Selection is a familiar story.21 In the
summer of 1858, Darwin received a letter from his fellow
naturalist, Alfred Russel Wallace, who was then in the Malay
archipelago, asking Darwin to present on his behalf a theory
of the origin of species that Wallace had outlined. The
conclusions set forth in this brief communication were
change of circumstances, ten millions of varieties have been produced, as
varieties are being produced still?"
21 The two brief papers were published in the Journal of the Proceeding of
the Linnean Society, 1858, p. 45. Apparently, they made little impression, for
Darwin tells us in his autobiography that the only published notice he remem-
bered was to the effect " that all that was new in them was false and what was
true was old." Reprints of these papers will be found in the Popular Science
Monthly, Nov., 1901.
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 179
identical with those which had been reached by Darwin
after years of study. But so great was Darwin's generosity
and modesty that his first impulse was to publish Wallace's
views without any mention of his own work. Fortunately,
Lyell, and Hooker, the botanist, both of whom knew the
history of Darwin's work, persuaded him to announce the
results of his own studies in a similar formulation. This he
consented to do and was also persuaded to prepare the more
extended statement which appeared a year later as the
" Origin of Species." 22
The publication of this work marked the beginning of a
new epoch, both in biological science and human thought.
The origin of the human species was only suggested, its
discussion being reserved for a later volume, the " Descent of
Man" (1871). The dramatic features attendant upon the
publication and promulgation of Darwin's views are well
known. In 1900, the " Origin" was rated as one of the half
dozen books of the century in the number of copies printed.
What is less well understood, even at the present day, is
the exact nature of Darwin's scientific accomplishment and
its significance in the history of human thought.
Darwin's work accomplished two things in biological
science: — in the first place, it established organic evolution
as the only reasonable explanation of the past history of
living things; and secondly, it offered, in natural selection,
what then appeared an adequate explanation for the origin
of species and hence for the causes of evolution. Darwin's
essential argument in the " Origin of Species" was that one
species could give rise to another "by means of natural
selection or the preservation of favored races in the struggle
n The cordial relations which existed between Darwin and Wallace and the
generosity exhibited by both is one of the cherished traditions of biological
science. The case might have been very different, since there was abundant
opportunity for professional jealousy. Because of their mutual generosity,
history accords to Darwin and Wallace a joint position as discoverers of
natural Helec.tion, although it recognizer the priority whirl) should l>e accorded
to Darwin because of his earlier and more extended studies.
180 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
for life." If one species could be shown to give rise to an-
other, the same process could be continued. No limit could
be set. And the types thus produced could depart indefi-
nitely from the parent form. Once the mutability of species
is admitted, the only reasonable conclusion is that evolution
has taken place. This argument was supported by an im-
mense collection of facts along observational and experi-
mental lines. The total result was overwhelming, coming as
it did more than one hundred years after the original pro-
mulgation of the theory of transmutation which had been
repeatedly rejected by the main body of naturalists. Evo-
lution was accepted so quickly by scientists that the world
was startled. This sudden conversion gave rise to the im-
pression, even among scientific workers, that no serious
contribution to evolutionary theory had been made before
the period of Darwin.
Moreover, Darwin's second accomplishment, Natural Se-
lection, was accepted by science as a causo-mechanical ex-
planation of evolutionary change. The cogent statement and
the simplicity of the principle of selection were of great im-
portance for its acceptance along with the broader theory of
evolution. For a time, it seemed that selection offered a
complete explanation of evolutionary causation. Extended
exposition of the selection process will not be attempted,
because we are concerned with the general import of the
theory in biological and other lines of thought.23 The tabu-
lation, known as Wallace's Chart, which is an admirable
brief exposition of natural selection, may be cited in this
connection.
23 Brief statements of the theory of natural selection will be found in many
biological texts. But Darwin's own exposition, in the first chapters of the
"Origin of Species," is not so extended but that one can consult the original
source. G. J. Romanes, " Darwin and After Darwin," Vol. I, "The Darwinian
Theory" (1896), represents a post-Darwinian point of view. V. L. Kellogg,
"Darwinism Today," (1907) is a critical examination of the status of the
Darwinian theories at the end of half a century.
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 181
WALLACE'S CHART OF NATURAL SELECTION
PROVED FACTS CONSEQUENCES
A Rapid Increase of Numbers Struggle for Existence
B Total Numbers Stationary
C Struggle for Existence Survival of the Fittest
D Variation and Heredity (Natural Selection)
E Survival of the Fittest Structural Modifications
F Change of Environment
The importance of Darwin's work in the history of
scientific thought is that it convinced science of the truth
of organic evolution and proposed a plausible theory of
evolutionary causation. Since Darwin's time, evolution has
received confirmation on every hand. It is now regarded by
competent scientists as the only rational explanation of an
overwhelming mass of facts. Its strength lies in the extent
to which it gives meaning to so many phenomena that
would be meaningless without such an hypothesis.
But the case of natural selection is far different. Of
recent years, this theory of the causes of evolution has
suffered a decline. No other hypothesis, however, has com-
pletely displaced it, and it remains the most satisfactory ex-
planation of the origin of adaptations, although its all-
sufficiency is no longer accepted. Moreover, the initial step
in evolution is the appearance of individual variations which
are perpetuated by heredity, rather than the selection of
variations after they have appeared. The interest of in-
vestigators has now shifted to problems of variation and
heredity.
As a result of this situation, there has been much discus-
sion among scientists regarding the adequacy of what is
often referred to as the Darwinian Theory, meaning Natural
Selection. In condemning selection as an inadequate ex-
planation of the problem, biologists have often seemed to
182 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
condemn evolution itself. It is not strange that the layman,
for whom Darwinism and evolution are synonymous terms,
believes that evolution has been rejected when he hears that
belief in Darwinism is on the wane. He does not understand
that what is thus meant by Darwinism is not evolution, but
the proposed cause of evolution — natural selection. This
point may not seem vital, but those interested in biological
science frequently find the situation used to support claims
that the entire concept of organic evolution has fallen into
disrepute. There are many, even to-day, who rejoice at
anything which appears to weaken this major generalization
of biology.
The more important lines of evidence for organic evolution
may be grouped as follows:
1. Evidence from Structure is derived from:
Comparative Anatomy
Comparative Embryology
Classification
2. Evidence from Distribution, past and present, is derived from:
Palaeontology
Geographical Distribution
3. Evidence from Physiology is derived from:
Fundamental Resemblances in Vital Processes
Specific Chemical Resemblance of closely related forms,
e. g., Blood Tests
4. Evidence from Experimentation rests upon :
Unconscious Experimentation upon Animals and Plants since
their Domestication
Conscious Experimentation of Breeders and of Scientific In-
vestigators
The first three of the foregoing groups consist of evidence
that is wholly circumstantial. The fourth is hi part experi-
mental. The facts of comparative anatomy and embryology
are what might be expected if evolution has taken place.
Without evolution such facts are meaningless. Classifica-
tion, since it is based on structure, is a part of this anatomical
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 183
RECENT
PLEISTOCENE
UPPERPLIOCENE
LOMR PLIOCENE \GomphoTfonum
\
UPPER MIOCENf]
MIOOLE MIOCENE
Mention into
North America
fa LOh/ER MIOCENE
UPPfKOLIDOCME
LOmOUGOCENE
UPPER EOCENE
Ml DOLE EOCENE J
Moerittienum
(Short cfi in)
L OW£A £OC£M (ancestor u**no**).
Pio. 24. Evolution of the Elephant. (From Scott, "Land Mammals of Weit-
Hemiaphere," published by the Macmillan Co. Reprinted by per-
184 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
evidence. Palaeontology shows a progressive appearance of
higher and higher forms of life in geologic tune. There are
also special cases, such as the remains of the horse, elephant,
and the camel, which are very convincing (Figs. 24 and 25).
The present geographical distribution of animal and plant
life is, in many instances, explicable by reference to their
distribution at an earlier period. Innumerable facts receive a
rational explanation hi terms of evolution. Physiological
study shows that the living substance of all animals and
plants exhibits fundamental resemblances in waste, repair
and growth, irritability, reproduction, and the like. Hence,
all protoplasm is perhaps genetically akin. Recent work on
the chemico-physical properties of blood is very impressive,
because it confirms conclusions regarding relationship that
have been independently derived from anatomy and embry-
ology. In all of the foregoing, the facts are as they should be
if evolution has occurred. The first three groupings are thus
circumstantial evidence. But all evidence for the larger
evolutionary changes must be of this nature. The strength
of circumstantial evidence lies in its amount and variety, and
in these respects this evidence is very strong.24
Fragmentary records of the changes in animals and plants
under domestication together with scientific investigations
in breeding, heredity, and variation constitute the evidence
of an experimental nature. The modifications observed are
small, as compared with those postulated by evolution. But
the time has been short, and little more than evidence for the
mutability of natural species or of domestic breeds could be
expected. The significant fact is that the experimental
results tell a similar story in favor of evolution. There
seems to have been a certain amount of evolutionary change
hi our domesticated species during the past ten or fifteen
24 These conventional lines of evidence are presented at length in many texts
which deal with evolution. G. J. Romanes, "Darwin and after Darwin,"
Vol. I; S. Herbert, "First Principles of Evolution"; W. B. Scott, "Theory of
Evolution," all contain excellent statements.
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION 185
186 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
thousand years. Modern experimenters, like Darwin,
Mendel, and Morgan, have thrown much light upon the
workings of variation and heredity. The present situation
justifies the statement that since the publication of the
"Origin of Species" organic evolution has been substantiated
by evidence that is now overwhelming.
The effect upon biological science of the acceptance of
Darwin's conclusions was startling. Both evolution and
natural selection were accepted forthwith. The biologist
sought to interpret old facts in a new way and to discover
new facts which confirmed the evolutionary hypothesis.
In zoology, the study of embryology, as a means of deter-
mining racial descent, was eagerly pursued, although it
eventually proved disappointing as an answer to the broader
problems of relationship. However, evolution was more
firmly established by means of this work. On the other hand
the investigations of recent years have assigned less im-
portance to the theory of selection. When it is understood
that Darwinism may be used to mean either organic evolu-
tion or its alleged cause, natural selection, or both evolution
and selection, it becomes apparent that the dispute over the
efficacy of selection is not a challenging of the comprehensive
theory of organic evolution.
The biological position of the evolutionary doctrine has
been established. Evolution is the clue to the history of
living things. But the doctrine is most important to man-
kind, through its influence upon human thinking outside
strictly biological lines. Like the Copernican system of
astronomy, it has made the universe anew within the minds
of men. The concept of organic evolution has changed
man's concept of his position in the order of nature. It is
also changing our ideas regarding the organization of society.
Lines of thought, seemingly remote from the biological field
have been revolutionized. The end of this change has not
come to pass.
CHAPTER VIII
CURRENT PROBLEMS AND METHODS OF
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE
IT is sometimes said that the course of scientific progress,
even the existence of entire branches of science, has been
determined by a few men of genius, whose interest in partic-
ular fields has forced certain facts into prominence. As a
result, science develops in some directions while it lags in
others. This may possibly be true, but at times we can
discern changes which appear simultaneously in the work of
many individuals, affect a science as a whole, and are thus
independent of any single investigator. The present genera-
tion has witnessed a change of this composite nature within
the field of zoology. During the last three decades a transi-
tion lias been accomplished from a science the methods of
which were largely observational to one in which the domi-
nating methods are experimental. No commanding person-
ality has been involved, but rather the growing conviction
of many that progress cannot be continued without more
analytical methods of investigation. Proceeding to specific
illustrations, we may consider some of the problems now
being attacked by zoologists, their methods of work, and the
results attained. We may contrast their attitude with that
of investigators during the greater part of the nineteenth
century. Also, we may consider what the more analytical
spirit means for this branch of science. This account of
present-day zoology does not summarize all current investi-
gation. The method of random sampling is applied, with a
view to the selection of representative examples of zoological
research .
187
188 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
PROBLEMS OF DEVELOPMENT
Embryology: — The development of a fertilized egg into
an adult animal is a marvelous phenomenon. During the
nineteenth century the general course of this development
was ascertained for all the major groups of the animal king-
dom. The cruder misconceptions, regarding the links by
which an animal is connected with its descendants and its
ascendants, had been corrected before the middle of the
century. The cellular basis of development was made clear
during the fifty years which followed. But despite the
wealth of facts discovered by the embryologists, the marvel
of the developmental process has increased the more. Even
in the light of recent experimentation, it must be confessed
that relatively little is known regarding causation in develop-
ment, aside from a knowledge of the visible changes by
which the egg becomes the adult. These changes we know
tolerably well. What we wish to know is why particular
developmental changes occur as they do, why this or that
structure arises at a particular time, and what is the relation-
ship between internal and external phenomena. Now that
the sequence of structural changes has been made known, the
embryological problem has become the problem of under-
lying causation. In the solution of such a problem, there
must be recourse to experimentation.
Fertilization illustrates the historical development of a
biological problem and also the progress from nineteenth to
twentieth century zoology. The fact that the semen of the
male was in some manner necessary for conception in higher
animals was known to the ancients. Aristotle wrote with
remarkable acumen upon the reproduction of animals.
The fact that animals of certain sorts arose from eggs was
known wherever the eggs were sufficiently large to be recog-
nizable. The eggs of birds and reptiles, and later (Redi,
1668) the eggs of smaller forms like insects were recognized
as the initial stages of development, but this did not explain
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE 189
how the seminal fluid of the male was related to the genera-
tive process. After the spermatozoa and the microscopic ova
of many animals were discovered in the latter part of the
seventeenth century, the role of each was long in dispute—
the spermatists of the eighteenth century maintaining that
the embryo arose from the sperm, the ovists that it came
from the ovum. During this period a considerable amount
of experimentation was carried on in the attempts to deter-
mine, by filtration and similar methods, whether the sper-
matozoa or the fluid portion of the semen constituted the
fertilizing agent (Spallanzani, 1785).
During the first half of the nineteenth century it came to
be acknowledged that the spermatozoon and not the fluid of
the semen, was the activating agent. But the morphological
facts of fertilization remained obscure, until, in 1875, Oscar
Hertwig described correctly the cellular phenomena of
fertilization in the egg of the sea-urchin. It was shown that
fertilization consisted in the entrance of a single spermat-
ozoon into the egg, and the union of egg-nucleus with
sperm-nucleus to form the nucleus of the one-cell stage
from which the many-celled organism originated by cell-
division. Virchow's doctrine, omnis cellula e cellvla (1856),
was fully confirmed; and the nature of the continuity
between generations was explained in terms of the cell-
doctrine. *
Following 1875 there ensued a period of morphological
study, during which the exact nature of cell division and
the structure of the nucleus of egg and sperm-cells was ascer-
tained. It became apparent that fertilization involved two
dist inct phenomena, which should be investigated independ-
ently, despite their intimate association. On the one hand
were the phenomena related to the genetic problem of how
egg and sperm constituted the physical basis for continuity
tory of the Fcrtili/sition Problem. " Science, Jan. 14,
1916, contains an authoritative miramary of the history and recent status of
knowledge concerning thin fundamental process of reproduction.
190 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
between generations, and on the other were those related
to the physiological problem of how the spermatozoon served
as an activating agent which stimulated the egg and thus
caused its development. The term fertilization has latterly
been restricted to the second set of phenomena — the problem
of how egg and spermatozoon produce a cell capable of
division.
The analysis of fertilization from its morphological stand-
point, i. e., the structural features involved in the union of
egg and sperm, prepared the way for the physiological
analysis now in progress.2 This analysis consists of (1)
work upon artificial parthenogenesis, and (2) biological
studies upon what may be termed the fertilization reaction
between egg and sperm. The present status of the fertiliza-
tion question, as a physiological rather than a morphological
problem, illustrates the drift toward experimentation, which
has followed upon the establishment of morphological facts,
whether in embryo or adult.
But fertilization does not occur in the development of all
eggs, although it is necessarily the starting point in bi-
parental reproduction. The phenomenon of natural partheno-
genesis, by which the ovum or unfertilized egg-cell develops
without the entrance of a spermatozoon, occurs in a con-
siderable number of species, among the Insecta, Crustacea,
Trematoda, Rotifera, Arachnida, and perhaps the Verte-
brata.3 Males are known to exist hi most of these cases and
fertilization of the eggs occurs in certain generations, as in
the plant lice, or certain eggs are fertilized while others are
not, as in the case of the honey-bee. In some cases the males
are unknown, but it is presumed that they have not yet been
discovered, not that they are absent. Hence, in partheno-
genetic species it appears that certain eggs develop without
fertilization by the spermatozoa, while other eggs are capable
2Lillie, F. R., "Problems of Fertilization," 1919.
'Phillips, E. F., "A Review of Parthenogenesis," Proc. Am. Philos. Soc.,
Vol. XLII, No. 174, 1903.
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE 191
of development only after fertilization like that which
occurs in the great majority of animal forms.
The natural parthenogenesis above described is a com-
paratively rare phenomenon. Its occurrence suggests that
eggs, which develop in nature only after fertilization, may
be caused to develop parthenogenetically if suitable stimuli
are applied. This is found to be the case; and the phenom-
enon is now designated artificial parthenogenesis, in contrast
to the natural parthenogenesis which occurs in nature.
Since the first successful experiments in artificial partheno-
genesis some twenty-five years ago,4 it has been found that
the eggs of many animals, among which are worms, molluscs,
echinoderms, and vertebrates, may be thus caused to
develop without fertilization. Development, hardly to be
distinguished from that which is normal, ensues when these
eggs are subjected to very dilute solutions of salts, acids,
narcotics, and other substances, to changes in temperature
and in some cases even to simple mechanical stimulation.
It is quite conceivable that there is no egg of any animal
which could not be artificially started on its development by
the application of a suitable stimulus.5
Experiments such as these give an understanding of fer-
tilization which could never be obtained by mere observation
4 The first recorded attempts at artificial parthenogenesis are those of
Hpallanzani (1785), who attempted "to start the development of eggs by
by the action of extracts of all the various organs, by vinegar,
dilute alcohol, lemon juice and other substances, all without effect." Lillie,
I |{ . lii History of the Fertilization Problem," loc. cit.
* As yet it has been impossible to carry through to an adult state the embryos
thus formed, save in a few exceptional cases. But this could hardly be ex-
pected at the present stage of investigation, bemuse the initiation of develop-
by these artificial means, is so wide a departure from the normal process.
Moreover, the normally fertilized eggs of these forms are reared with difficulty
laboratory. But there is a reasonable expectation that once the tech-
i.s discovered many artifieially fertili/able eggs may be carried through
their entire cycle to the adult Should this l>e accomplished, it would throw
linht u|Km problems of sex and of heredity, Ixjcause the adults thus formed
!*• without male parentage in the ^enerntion which immediately pro-
192 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
of normal processes. The experimental initiation of develop-
ment supports the hypothesis that spermatozoon brings to
ovum a minute quantity of an unknown, but no doubt dis-
coverable, substance which furnishes a necessary link in
the chain of causation that initiates development. If a sub-
stance, isolated from the spermatozoa, could be brought in
contact with eggs and thus cause them to develop,6 the
stimulus to development would be recognized as a specific
substance. Fertilization would then lose that intangible
quality which in the past has cast a spell of mystery over so
many biological phenomena. Research of this nature is now
being carried forward by so many investigators that we may
hope for a comprehensive understanding of this first step
in development, although the facts now established have
already raised unsuspected problems.7
The work upon artificial parthenogenesis has illuminated,
but not explained, the process of normal fertilization. What
is called the fertilization reaction between egg and sperm
must be attacked by experimental work upon the normal
activation of the ovum by the spermatozoon. The story
of the work now in progress is too extensive to be related. As
one investigator puts it, "the main physiological problems
of fertilization are still before us; all the work has merely
prepared the way for their solution. Fertilization is the
knot in the webs of successive generations which must be
untied before we can trace the strands from generation to
generation." For the purposes of our present discussion,
the history of the fertilization problem shows the biological
• Cf. the work of O. C. Glaser, " Fertilization and Egg-secretions," Biol.
Bull., Aug. 1921.
7 Considerable notoriety attached to the work upon artificial parthenogenesis
when the results of the first successful experiments by J. Loeb became
known. Newspaper feature stories hailed the accomplishment both as an ex-
planation of the immaculate conception and as a creation of living protoplasm.
The latter interpretation was manifestly ridiculous, since what had been done
was to artificially stimulate an already living egg to develop as it would have
done under normal stimulation by the spermatozoon.
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE 193
advance from an observational study of structural changes
to an experimental analysis of causation.
To follow another illustration: — one of the most famous
disputes among the earlier embryologists was that of pre-
formation versus epigenesis. Is the organism already formed
within the germ, like the bud of a plant, and does develop-
ment consist merely in an unfolding of what is already exist-
ent ; or is development the coming into being of one feature
after another from a beginning that is without form and
void, in so far as any resemblance to the completed organism
is concerned? The preformationists of the eighteenth century
went so far as to develop an elaborate theory of encasement,
by which the germ was supposed to contain all of the adult
structures in miniature, including the germs of all future
generations, enclosed one after another in ever-decreasing
magnitude, like toy eggs within eggs carried inward to
infinity. Thus, the ovary of Eve could be supposed to have
contained the encapsuled representatives of all future gen-
erations of the human race.
Of course, no very extensive knowledge of embryonic
stages was needed to demonstrate that the general course
of development in all animals is by epigenesis and not by
preformation. The fertilized egg possesses at the outset
no obvious resemblance to the future adult. Adult organ-
ization is attained through growth and cell division and by
gradual differentiation of parts (Fig. 12). Seemingly, there
could be nothing farther from an unfolding of what is al-
ready preformed. But the fact that two eggs, placed side
by side in a dish of water, develop into a frog and a toad,
or into a starfish and a sea-urchin, is evidence that some sort
of preformation does exist, unless one regards the develop-
ment of every individual as a supernatural process which
cannot be subjected to scientific analysis. Hence, the ques-
t i< m of epigenesis as opposed to preformation has engaged the
it ion of experimental embryologists during recent years.
I ho eggs of many animals, among others the frog, sea-
194 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
urchin, and starfish, are fertilized and develop in external
water without parental care. Here, experiments are pos-
sible which could hardly be made upon an egg developing
within a brood-pouch or other internal cavity of a parent.
The question of whether the protoplasm of the egg is pre-
formed, to the extent that certain of its parts are destined
to give rise to certain parts of the adult, has evoked con-
siderable interest. The problem has been attacked experi-
mentally by the removal of parts of the egg in the sea-
urchin and other forms. Pieces have been cut from different
regions of the fertilized and the unfertilized egg; two, four,
eight, and even sixteen cell stages have been separated into
their component cells. These and many other experiments
have been performed, with a view of demonstrating the
nature of the organization, which must be postulated, since
it is obviously something within the egg that determines the
major features of development.
So many and so diversified have been these experiments
that we can summarize only their general outcome. The
eggs of many animals exhibit within their cytoplasm (Fig.
12) recognizable substances, unlike the adult parts but
from which the adult parts take origin. Such eggs are thus
visibly organized or preformed to the extent that certain
regions of the egg become certain regions of the adult. The
eggs of other animals exhibit little differentiation which can
be, at present, recognized. In eggs of the latter sort, one
area is more nearly of the same value as every other, and
recognizable differentiation appears at a subsequent stage
of development. The truth seems to be that the eggs of
different animals are not alike with respect to their visible
differentiation at the one cell stage; that the first signs of
differentiation, while visible in some animals at the one cell
stage, are less apparent in others until a later stage of develop-
ment; while in those forms which have as adults great
capacity for the regeneration of lost parts, the organism
is never so completely differentiated as to be unable to re-
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE 195
form an entire body from a portion of the whole.8 Whether
such an organization is visible or not, something of the sort
must be present in every egg. Otherwise there can be no
explanation of the phenomena of heredity, which can
satisfy the demands of science. The embryologist is of
necessity a preformationist, but not in the older sense of the
word.9
In problems of this nature, satisfactory analysis can only
be based upon experiments which subject the organism to
new and controlled conditions. No observation of normal
development, no matter how extensive, will go so far toward
answering the question whether at the two cell stage the right
and left portions of the animal are irrevocably distributed
to right and left cells as will the simple experiment of sepa-
rating these two cells and seeing what happens. In a simple
way, this illustrates the whole point in the advancement of
zoology by means of experimentation.
In addition to this study of embryonic stages, there is
another method of attacking the developmental problem,
which may be illustrated as follows: If one deals out the
hands in a game of cards and then examines the cards in
each hand, he can, if he knows the nature of the dealing,
infer the manner in which the cards were arranged in the
pack before the dealing began. One must assume an ar-
rangement within the pack, which bears a causal relation to
the hands or he must assume the miraculous origin of the
arrangement which appears as a result of the dealing. The
inference that such an organization exists within the pack
before the deal begins is of the same sort as that which the
chemist makes in postulating atoms and molecules which
have never been seen. When one studies the inheritance of
qualities appearing in an adult animal, it is like examining
• Conklin, E. G., " Heredity and Environment in the Development of Men."
Wilson, E. B., "The Problem of Development," Science, Feb. 24, 1905.
• The case is analogous with that of the physicist and chemist who postulate
invisible molecules and atoms, as a basis for the visible phenomena.
196 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
the cards in the hands, while knowing something of the dealing,
but not knowing the organization of the pack. If it is
found that adult qualities appear in a certain manner, their
probable arrangement before the dealing, that is to say the
development, can be inferred.
An amazing result of the recent experimental work upon
the heredity of adult characters is that the knowledge thus
gained enables us to picture, without seeing, certain char-
acteristics in the organization of the germ-cells, much as the
chemist pictures the organization of molecules. There is,
however, one respect in which the biologist, who seeks to
understand the germ-cells has an advantage over the chem-
ist who postulates invisible structures. There exists within
the nucleus of ovum and spermatozoon, as in all other cells,
a visible substance, known as chromatin and appearing
at the tune of cell division in the form of bodies, the chro-
mosomes (Fig. 13), which are constant, both in number and
appearance for any given species. The behavior of these
chromosomes, as seen by the microscope, is so specifically
related to the end results of heredity as to virtually identify
them with the mechanism of transmission for certain adult
qualities through the germ, and hence to suggest the prob-
able organization of the germinal substance.10 It is thus
possible to attack the problem of development at its two
extremes; and, now that we understand the situation to
10 Morgan, T. H., "The Mechanism of Mendelian Heredity," 1915. This
volume is a current summary of conclusions reached by Professor Morgan and
his students. The work, which is still in progress, has already yielded results
of such importance that it is clearly the most comprehensive attack which
has been yet made upon the problem of heredity. It is important in relation
to the problem of preformation, because certain postulates can now be made
regarding the organization within germ-cells. If the results are sustained and
extended in correlation with the work of the cytologists, a supra-molecular
organization of the germ may soon be accepted in a manner comparable to
the way in which the chemist accepts his working hypothesis of molecular
organization. Development will then become the problem of how a germ with
a given organization develops into a given adult organism — how the dealing
is accomplished.
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE 197
correlate the attacks. Each supplements the other and sug-
gests new ways of advance.11
Although the field of embryology was among the earliest
to be invaded by the experimentalist in zoology, it is still
attractive, because there is no phenomenon of nature which
seems so inexplicable as the development of an adult indi-
vidual from a single cell. Unfortunately, many of the
organisms most desired for experimentation do not lend
themselves to particular experiments. The structure of
the animal and the nature of its environment impose limita-
tions. But the investigator's ingenuity frequently sur-
mounts difficulties which at first seem insurmountable.
What impresses those who worked as students during the
11 During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, August Weismann
recognized the logical necessity of assuming germinal organization, in any
attempt to explain the physical basis of heredity. His book entitled "The
Germ-Plasm" (1893) postulated, theoretically, a germinal organization by
which the mechanism of heredity and development could be depicted. The
Weismannian doctrine fell into disrepute among biologists, because its author
set forth the organization of the germ-plasm upon a basis which seemed far too
theoretical. Biology was still under the spell of the epigenetic concept of
development, as established by von Baer during the first half of the nineteenth
century. The crude notions of preformation were clearly untenable and the
tendency was to regard the germ-plasm as undifferentiated protoplasm. Noth-
ing was known regarding Mendelian heredity with its implications regarding
the germ. Weismannism received wide discussion but scant acceptance. But
the work of the embryologists has since revealed a certain degree of organiza-
tion within the egg. Simple undifferentiated protoplasm has been found to be
non-existent, since all protoplasm is differentiated in some degree. Later, the
facts of Mendelian heredity have forced the postulation of a complex germinal
organization. To Weismann belongs the credit for recognizing the necessity of
assuming a germinal organization similar, in its causal relationship to the adult
organization, to that which the students of Mendelian heredity have postulated
on the factual basis of inheritance of unit-characters. The ridicule which
was for a time heaped upon Weismann's doctrine resembles that which at-
tended the theory of organic evolution for many years after it had been recog-
nized as a logical inference by the scientist-philosophers of the eighteenth
y. To-day experimental embryologist and geneticist virtually acknowl-
edge a Neo-Weismannism. The hypothetical germinal unite of Weismann's
theory have been replaced by the hypothetical determiners or genes of the
lian theory. It should be remembered that Weismann first elaborated
the theory of preformation in terms of cellular biology.
198 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
closing years of the nineteenth century, when descriptive
embryology was still a dominant form of investigation, is the
fact that the study of embryology has become largely ex-
perimental. The sequence of stages has been well enough
established to make the more subtle causes of development
the subject of investigation.
Regeneration : — The term regeneration is used to desig-
nate the process by which an animal or plant repairs the
losses resulting from destruction or removal of parts.
Capacity for regeneration may be small, as in the higher
vertebrates which possess only the ability to heal wounds, or
it may be so great that a small piece cut from the organism
will reproduce the whole. The fresh-water worms known as
planarians possess astonishing powers of regeneration. If
the adult worm be cut in two transversely (Fig. 26), each
piece becomes a complete animal. When divided length-
wise, the pieces behave in a similar manner, failing to
regenerate only when too great an area of cut-surface is ex-
posed to bacterial infection or from other untoward circum-
stances. In whatever way the piece may be removed, it
tends to form a new individual having the characteristics of the
original body, although there are some exceptions, as when
heads or tails are formed in the wrong position (Fig. 26 D1)—
a phenomenon which is termed heteromorphosis. Even a
very small piece (one investigator has estimated that a
piece only 1/250 of the bulk of the original can form the
entire worm) is able to heal its wounded surfaces and so to
change its shape and proportions that growth alone is
necessary for the production of a normal individual.
In the formation of these new individuals by regeneration,
we observe, hi addition to a healing of the wound, a change
in the relative proportions of the piece by which the normal
shape is regained. This latter phenomenon is termed
regulation. After it has occurred, the new individual merely
grows to the original size. Another phenomenon is the
polarity or determination of the axes of symmetry. No
Fio. 26. Regeneration in Planarians. A, Planaria maculata, normal adult propor-
tion*; B and C, individuals regenerating after cutting a worm in two at e / in A,
•car tissue shown by stippled areas; B' and C/ the same assuming normal pro-
• ions; D and t/, hetereomorphosis in a piece cut from anterior end, a b in A.
B, F. O, and //, regeneration of a short transverse segment, e d e f in A, showing
regulation of proportions rui in B' and f"; /. hrtcromorphosis in :in individn.-il
lengthwiao from posterior end. Eyes and pharynx are shown by outline
within the figures; scar tissue by stippled areas. (/ aftor Morgan.)
200 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
matter how the piece may be cut, the axes of the old body
somehow become those of the new. It is as though every
part of the original were laid down on certain lines and these
lines persisted in the piece removed. Heteromorphosis is, of
course, an exception, though not impossible of explanation in
terms of the normal polarity.
The power of regeneration is widely distributed among the
lower organisms. Generally speaking, those animals and
plants which exhibit in their normal life-cycles marked
powers of vegetative reproduction (budding, fission, and the
like) are found to possess the greatest capacity for regenera-
tion. Specialized forms, which reproduce only by means of
germ-cells, can do little more than heal wounds of limited
extent or replace lost appendages, as does the crayfish.
Studies upon regeneration have shown the nature and extent
of regeneration in a wide variety of forms. With these facts
known, it has been possible to consider the more subtle
factors involved. The problems of regulation and polarity
have been attacked in recent years with some degree of
success. Study of the conditions under which a piece of
an organism forms a complete individual has thrown light
upon the nature of the organized system that we call an indi-
vidual.12 Regeneration, regulation, and polarity are part of
the larger phenomenon of growth and differentiation ex-
hibited by all many-celled organisms. Results in these
fields interlock with those obtained in the study of embryonic
development. The piece of an organism which regenerates
the whole is obviously possessed of the same kind of poten-
tiality that exists in embryonic tissue. How adult tissues can
thus exhibit embryonic capacities is an interesting problem,
the investigation of which may eventually throw light not
only upon embryonic development but also upon certain
pathological conditions which exist at times in the human
body and in the bodies of higher animals and plants.
Natural Death : — The early stages of development, which
"Child, C. M., "Individuality in Organisms, 1915."
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE 201
constitute the subject-matter of embryology, are not
the only progressive modifications, occurring within the life
of the many-celled animal. There remain the minor changes
of adult life, and the degenerative changes immediately pre-
ceding the natural death of the individual. Here again,
we find problems that must be attacked experimentally.
Death occurs by accident in the vast majority of animals.
In nature, only the merest fraction of any generation lives
to grow up. The individuals, which live to grow old, are
frequently killed by their enemies before natural death can
intervene. When accidental death does not occur, natural
death is, seemingly, the inevitable fate of the individual
among the multicellular animals.13 But this natural death
does not come to every cell encompassed by the body.
Certain of the germ-cells continue to live, through their
descendants which constitute the next generation. A
majority of the germ-cells perish, while a small minority of
them survives, if the race continues to exist. Hence, the
germ-cells are potentially immortal, while the body-cells
are destined to perish.
It is perhaps worth while to inquire why one type of cell is
thus able under certain conditions, namely, union in fertili-
zation with another germ-cell, to continue its existence to
another generation, and so perhaps to all future generations.
The neighboring cells of the body are destined for old age and
death. Why this difference between germ and body -cell?
Save for cases of normal parthenogenesis, the germ-cells
die, if they do not unite in fertilization. Continuation of
their life hinges upon this one small matter of union with
another cell. The balance between death and life is so
slight that, in some of the experiments in artificial partheno-
13 In animate which reproduce by budding or fission, it may be that the
individual can live on, as do the germ-cells. This has not yet been proved
experimentally for any many-celled animal; but plants like the potato or the
begonia may be reproduced indefinitely from cuttings, and, theoretically, an
animal like a hydra or a planarian might continue budding or fission forever,
and thus continue living without old age or sexual reproduction.
202 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
genesis, stimulation with a particular compound in an
extreme state of dilution keeps the egg alive, by causing it to
develop.14 If so small a difference determines life or death
for the germ-cell, it may be argued that the senile changes
of body-cells are the result of conditions that may some
day be comprehended. Is it only a dream to hope that
biological science will eventually so analyze the conditions
of bodily death and germinal immortality that death, as a
natural process, may be postponed if not eliminated? 15
Genetics and Cytology: — Twentieth century study of
evolutionary problems has come to be known as the science
of Genetics. Investigation of the origin of species has
passed beyond the stage where it is wholly observational.
Knowledge of heredity and variation, acquired during the
past thirty years, has brought the problem well within the
scope of experimentation. The experimental method has
been established in this branch of zoological study, although
its application has not yet produced results which have led
to agreement regarding the causal factors hi evolution. Our
earlier contention that evolutionary problems are, in their
14 The eggs of the marine worm, Thalassema melita, may be caused to develop
by artificial parthenogenesis after an immersion for 5 minutes in a solution
containing 17 cc. of JQ HC1 -}- 85 cc. of sea-water. This is the equivalent of a
solution of about .0608% of actual hydrochloric acid. Lefevre, George,
"Artificial Parthenogenesis in Thalassema Melita," Jour. Exp. ZooL, Vol. IV,
No. 1, 1907.
15 E. Metchnikoff has discussed at length what science can do to alleviate
such disharmonies of the human constitution as the evils of old age and the
fear of death, in his book, "The Nature of Man." (Translation edited by
P. C. Mitchell, 1903.) Metchnikoff's later theories, concerning the prolonga-
tion of human life, through the better adjustment of the physiology of nutri-
tion ("The Prolongation of Life," 1908), seem hardly tenable at the present
time. But his formulation of this very human problem illustrates the practical
answers proposed by science to a group of questions, which, in the past, have
been answered only by the metaphysics of religion and philosophy.
More concrete aspects of the problem of death are briefly summarized by:
Jennings, H. S., "Age, Death, and Conjugation in the Light of Work on the
Lower Organisms," Popular Science Monthly, June, 1912; and Loeb, Jacques,
"Natural Death and the Duration of Life," Scientific Monthly, Dec., 1919.
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE 203
final analysis, cell problems is again illustrated by the
present affiliation of genetics with cytology.
Cytology, or the science of the cell, concerns itself with
structure and function hi cells of every sort. But the
cytologist has been so occupied with the germ-cells and with
the early phases of development that cytological investiga-
tion to date is almost a synonym for germ-cell investigation.
Germ-cells or gametes are the links between successive
generations. Every many-celled animal is at one period of
its life-cycle encompassed within the limits of the single cell
formed by the united ovum and spermatozoon. The gametes
have naturally assumed an overwhelming importance in
cytology. They are no less important in genetics, because
the latter science must know how adult characteristics are
transmitted through the germ-cells to the next generation.
Genetics and the cytology which deals with germ-cells are
but different aspects of the same fundamental problem.
We have already described the probable mechanism of
Mendelian heredity as it appears in the chromosomes. The
interlocking of genetics and cytology was inevitable, once
the facts regarding the gametes had been established and
once Mendel's epoch-making discovery had become gener-
ally known. The chromosomes of the ripening germ-cells
were found to behave in a peculiar manner. Mendelian
unit-characters were found to be inherited in a fashion
equally distinctive. Suddenly it was realized that the
chromosomes offered an explanation of the segregation
which is the essential feature of Mendelian inheritance
(cf. Fig. 20). 16 Thus the experimental results of genetics
became of interest to cytology and the results of cytological
study assumed importance for genetics. The latter science
has arisen upon an experimental foundation in the breeding
iUon, E. B., "Mendel's Principles of Heredity and the Maturation of
the Germ-Cells," Science, Dec. 19, 1902. This brief paper summarizes the
•ne when the cytological imM-lmriMrn. whirli h:i^ simv fe
familiar, was just beginning to ho in
204 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
of animals and plants, first by the practical man and later by
the investigator. Cytology has heretofore consisted almost
wholly of observational studies. But under the stimulus of
genetics a measure of experimental work is being undertaken.
Genetics and the cytology of germ-cells are now advancing
side by side. The present theory of sex-determination,
which is an outcome of investigations in both cytology and
genetics, illustrates the union of these two fields of study and
also the progress toward experimentation.
The appearance of genetics as a full-fledged science is,
therefore, a recent development. Mendel's original publica-
tion appeared more than a half century, ago (1866). But
general knowledge of this great law of heredity dates from
the closing decade of the nineteenth century, when it was
independently rediscovered and when the original discovery
became generally known. With Mendel's law as a clue, an
amazing advance has been made. So much has been learned
regarding heredity and variation that Genetics has come into
being as a science. Already there are professorships and
research endowments within this newly created field.
Popular interest in heredity has stimulated the publication
of many books and articles in recent years. Mendelism is a
familiar topic, and the science of genetics is becoming almost
as well known to the public as bacteriology or pathology.
Sex-Determination; — The factors which determine sex
in man and the familiar animals have been the subject of
innumerable theories from ancient times until the present
day, all of which now appear to be groundless. Toward the
close of the nineteenth century the hypothesis most widely
accepted was that the sex of the individual was dependent
upon the amount or kind of food received during the earlier
period of development. This theory was believed to have
experimental evidence in its favor and hence obtained
recognition in biological circles. It was easily apprehended
and so gained wide acceptance in the popular mind. By the
terms of this theory, the sex was at first undetermined. As
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE 205
development proceeded, the individual became a male, if it
happened to receive a scanty diet; a female, if it chanced to be
well fed. Experiments in overfeeding and in underfeeding of
the young of vertebrates like the frog and of invertebrates like
the moth gave what many regarded as conclusive evidence.
But the experiments hi feeding, which were supposed to
have thus determined the sex, have been repeated in recent
years, with results that do not confirm the earlier conclu-
sions.17 Moreover, it has been found that the sex of many
animals is seemingly determined as early as the stage when
the individual originates by the union of egg and spermato-
zoon. The individual becomes a male or a female at the very
beginning. Nothing that happens in the subsequent devel-
opment changes the sex as thus early established.
The facts upon which the new theory rests may be illus-
trated by Fig. 27. As we have seen (Fig. 13), the nuclei
of cells exhibit at the time of division certain bodies, the
chromosomes, which occur in pairs (Fig. 16) and in numbers
that are constant for a given species. In the present in-
stance four pairs is the number chosen for the purposes of
the diagram (Fig. 27). It has been observed, in numerous
cases among insects and in a smaller list of other forms, that
the number of chromosomes is not the same for the two
sexes, since males lack one member of one of the pairs.18
The chromosomes of this particular pair are termed "X"
chromosomes, or better sex chromosomes, because their
distribution at the tune of fertilization appears to deter-
mine the sex of the individual. Thus, the PI adults of
17 In the language of one investigator, these later experiments "seem to show
that sex is not determined by the quantity or the quality of the food that the
larvae receive." This conclusion was based upon experiments with tadpoles
toad. It agrees with that reached by otluT investigators who have
rein vesti gated the influence of food upon sex in frogs, moths, and other forms.
King, H. D., "Food as a Factor in the Determination of Sex in Amphil>
Bid. Bulletin, V-.l. XIII. \<> 1. JUDO, 1M7.
11 In a few cases the condition is reversed and it is the female that lacks one
chromosome— several moths and butterflies and several birds.
206
THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
FIG. 27. Chromosome Theory of Sex Determination and Explanation of Sex
Linked Heredity in Terms of Chromosomes. The number of chromosomes
is taken as 6 -f- 1 x in the male and 6 + 2 x in the female or 3n + 1 x and
3 n + 2 x when n = the number of pairs of non-sex chromosomes. The
chromosome, assumed to carry the determiner in a case of sex linked
heredity like color blindness in man, is partially shaded. See discussion in
text. Squares represent adult individuals, circles gametes (ova and
spermatozoa).
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE 207
Fig. 27 give rise to germ-cells having one member of each
pair of chromosomes. But in the male one-half of the
spermatozoa will be without an "X" chromosome, because
males possess only one member of this pair. In the female
(Fig. 27, PI), each egg will, of course, have a single sex
chromosome, since both members of this pair are present in
the cells of females. There are, therefore, two kinds of
spermatozoa, (1) those with, and (2) those without the
"X" chromosome; but only one kind of ovum. When such
sperms and ova meet, with equal chances of union, there
will be, by the laws of chance, equal numbers of males and
females produced, as shown by the chromosome combination
in the Fi generation of Fig. 27. This agrees with the
observed fact that in many animals the numbers are equal
in the two sexes and explains how the formula for the cells of
a female comes to be 2n + 2x and for the male 2n + Ix.
There has, therefore, been established for a considerable
number of animals, a theory of sex-determination, which
recognizes not only the germ-cells as the important item but
a specific chromosome within the germ-cells. This theory is,
therefore, a part of the general theory of chromosomes in
relation to heredity.
Through the work of the geneticist, this recent cytological
theory of the determination of sex is correlated with facts
known for the inheritance of what are termed sex linked
characters. The peculiar inheritance of color blindness in
man, which has long been known to be related to the sex
of the individual, may thus be explained. Referring again to
Fig. 27, let us assume the existence of sex chromosomes in
the human body and its germ-cells, and assume further that
one of these chromosomes carries the factor for color blind-
The presence of such a factor may be indicated by
'• The difficulty in obtaining satisfactory material makes the number of
chromosomes in man still a matter of doubt Winiwater, H. v. (Arch, de
Itiol , Vol. 27, 1912) has reported 48 in (he female and 47 in thr in-.l. . hut
these result* have been
208 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
shading a portion of one of the "X" chromosomes (Fig. 27).
Color blind men are known to be much more numerous than
color blind women. But color blindness is transmitted by a
human male through his daughters to approximately one-half
of his grandsons.
Explanation of this very peculiar inheritance is as follows :
A color blind man is mated with a normal woman (Pi,
Fig. 27). The single sex chromosome of the man carries the
factor for color blindness, as shown by the shading. One-
half of the PI germ-cells of the male will be free of the defect,
since they possess no "X" chromosome. In the FI genera-
tion, the males are all normal and free from the defect. But
all the females have an "X" chromosome (partly shaded)
which carries the defect. For some reason such a " single
dose" will not produce color blindness in a woman although
it does so in a man. These FI females transmit the chromo-
some bearing the defect in the manner shown (F2), so that,
where numbers are sufficient to indicate the ratio, one-half
the grandsons of such matings are color blind and the other
half normal; while the granddaughters, although all seem
normal, are one-half free of the defect and one-half trans-
mitters of color blindness as the figure shows. Color blind
women result from matings in which two "X" chromosomes,
each with the color blind factor, are brought together. Such
a combination would be possible in one-half the daughters
arising from color blind men mated with women who were
transmitters, i. e., possessed a single dose of the defect.20
These results which have been obtained from the study of
sex linked characters, find their explanation in the work of
cytology. The latter science has been mainly observational.
The cytologist is now stimulated to extend his analysis by
means of experimentation. Hybridization offers an oppor-
tunity to produce new chromosomal combinations by ex-
perimental crossing. The observational foundation is suf-
ficient for the beginning of such experimentation.
20 Morgan, T. H., "Heredity and Sex." Cf. for extended discussion.
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE 209
If sex is determined by the kind of spermatozoon which
happens to fertilize a particular egg (Fig. 27), the difficulties
in the way of sex control seem insurmountable. There ap-
pears no immediate prospect of controlling sex production
in man and the domesticated animals. But something has
been gained if it becomes clear that we cannot alter the male-
ness or femaleness, which is established at the tune of fertili-
zation, by changing the food or environment of subsequent
stages. The point of attack is known, even though control
seems well-nigh impossible in the event that sex is irrevoc-
ably determined at the time of fertilization. Investigation
is pressing so closely upon the solution of the whole question
that the factors controlling the union of the germ-cells in
fertilization, and hence the sex of the individual, may be
discovered sooner than one expects. Control of sex in man
and the domesticated animals is, therefore, a remote, though
not an unthinkable possibility.21
The changes from the origin of an individual at the tune
of fertilization to its disintegration in death are a never-
ending wonder to the advanced investigator as well as to the
novice. So manifold has been the work of determining the
structural changes, by which the egg becomes the adult,
that embryology has but recently begun the experimental
analysis of causation in development which is illustrated by
the work above described. In this more intensive study,
experiment and observation must, of course, be inextric-
ably interwoven. Never the less the major problem hence-
forth must be discovery of underlying causation, rather
than description of structural sequence.
tl Although sex-determination by means of the sex-chromosome appears to
!><• \\« 11 established in certain animal types, there may be exceptions to the
established scheme. Also, there may be other factors which have a deter-
B art ion. The studies of Riddle upon the pigeon and those of Whitney
and of A. F. Shull upon rotifers, together with the work of F. R. Lillie upon
sex-hormones in cattle, illustrate the complexity of the problem and slmuM
make us hesitate to accept the chromosome-theory as a universal explanation
of the determination of sex.
210 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
PROBLEMS OF ANIMAL BEHAVIOR
The behavior of animals has been recognized as a subject
for scientific investigation only within recent times. So
long as the idea of souls or similar activating agents persisted,
there was scant opportunity for an analysis of behavior in
terms of science. The earliest scientific attack dates from
the work of Descartes in the seventeenth century, who seems
to have originated the doctrine "that the bodies of animals
and men act wholly like machines and move in accordance
with mechanical laws." The scientific study of behavior
was thus begun under the stimulus of the hypothesis that
animals are automata, a theory which is a phase of the more
general hypothesis known as the mechanistic conception of
Those who originally maintained the Cartesian doctrine
soon outstripped themselves and their teaching fell into dis-
repute. No real progress was made during the eighteenth
century, but in the early part of the nineteenth century we
find a tendency to interpret the behavior of animals as like
that of humans. Interest centered about exaggerated and
uncritical accounts of the intelligence of the higher animals.
The study of animal behavior consisted largely hi the col-
lection of anecdotes, the scientific value of which was passed
unchallenged, outside of scientific circles, until a very recent
date.23 Such work had its value because it fostered interest
in animals and in their humane treatment by man. It was
possibly a reflection of the romantic period in literature and
catered to imagination rather than to reason.
With the establishment of the evolutionary doctrine soon
22 Huxley, T. H., "On the Hypothesis that Animals are Automata," Collected
Essays Vol. entitled: "Method and Results."
23 The collection of stories, entitled "The Animal Story Book," and edited by
Andrew Lang, although published at a much later date (1896), is representa-
tive of the period in question. Its literary quality is pleasing and its influence
in arousing sympathetic interest is of the best, but as scientific natural history
it is, of course, unreliable.
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE 211
after the middle of the century, the genetic relationship be-
tween animal and human behavior became an absorbing
problem. Darwin's book upon " The Expression of the Emo-
tions in Man and Animals " (1872) is representative of the
underlying assumption that human behavior is an outcome
of evolution from the behavior of higher vertebrates. The
results of the best of this investigation, by such men as
Lubbock, Romanes, Preyer, and others, have been largely
confirmed. It is important to note that their work was ex-
perimental as well as observational and that it must be
highly regarded when we consider that " these investigators
were interested in the origin and evolution of responses and
of psychic phenomena, and not in the mechanics of reac-
tions." 24
Toward the end of the nineteenth century interest again
swung in the direction of the reduction of animal behavior
to mechanical principles. This interpretation of behavior
has been widely advertised hi recent decades and experi-
mental methods have been much in evidence. But observa-
tion is still of great importance. However much we may
desire to reduce a problem to one critical experiment, obser-
vation is frequently a necessary preliminary to the experi-
mental attack. At the present day, the sane verdict on the
question whether the animal body is a machine, whose be-
havior is predictable in terms of a mechanical system, is that
the case is not yet proven, although many simple responses
appear to be mechanistic in their nature.25
"The paper by S. O. Mast on the "Problems, Methods and Results in
Behavior," Science, Dec. 13, 1918, from which the above quotation has been
drawn, contains an authoritative resum6 of the history and present standing
of the study of behavior.
"The volumes by J. Loeb, "The Mechanistic Conception of Life" (1912)
and J. S. Haldane, the "Organism and Environment" (1917) represent, on
the one hand, the point of view of an extreme mechanist, and on the other,
that of an investigator who is an anti-mechanist rather than a vitalist. Hans
Driesch, in "The Science and the Philosophy of the Organism" (1908), has
pushed the vitalistic theories to a greater extreme than any biologist of the
present generation, using the facts observed in development as the principal
212 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
Opposed to the doctrine that the animal body is a ma-
chine, whose responses are predictable in terms of a mechan-
ism, is the doctrine of vitalism, by which it is maintained that
the actions of the living body involve something which is not
present in any non-living machine. Of course, the mechan-
ist does not maintain that all vital processes have been re-
duced to mechanical principles. He only maintains, as his
working hypothesis, that they will be so reduced when we
know more about them. The vitalist maintains, as his hy-
pothesis, that mechanistic explanations are insufficient.
The whole question of mechanism versus vitalism has prob-
ably attracted much more attention than it deserves. The
agnostic position would seem the only tenable one for a
long time to come. The vitalist should remember that
biological progress seems to be made in the direction of
mechanistic explanations. The mechanist should remember
the complexity of the phenomena and the scant progress
that has been made toward their comprehensive solution.
Moreover, undue emphasis of the mechanistic conception
has certain important human implications, which the mech-
anist tends to overlook.26 As a practical question, the
adoption of a mechanistic conception of human behavior
basis for his theories. The ideas of H. S. Jennings, expressed in his "Behavior
of the Lower Organisms" and numerous special papers, have always seemed
to the writer to represent a discriminating outlook upon the behavior problem
as a whole.
28 These implications are well stated by S. O. Mast, loc. cit., who writes as
follows: "Mechanism implies, as previously pointed out, that every phenom-
enon is specifically associated with changes in the special interrelationship of
material particles, masses or systems, changes in or states in material con-
figurations, which are absolutely determined by preceding changes or states in
material configuration. Consequently, if mechanism holds, every phenom-
enon, every act of every organism that ever existed, exists now, or ever will
exist, is absolutely determined with reference to character, time and place and
has been thus absolutely determined from the very beginning. If you can in
reality, at any given instant, move your hand either to the right or to the left,
mechanism breaks down, for according to the laws of mechanics, if you move
your hand to the right, that movement is by the material configuration within
and about you absolutely determined with reference to place, extent, duration
and time and you could not possibly have moved it to the left at that time."
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE 213
seems inadvisable in the absence of overwhelming evidence.
And such evidence does not exist. Mechanism is a fatalistic
doctrine, and fatalism whether promulgated under the garb
of science or theology exercises a pernicious effect upon
human conduct.
The question of mechanism in behavior is only one phase
of the investigation of animal reactions at the present day.
The nature of pleasure and pain and their distribution in the
animal series is another problem which is theoretically inter-
esting and one which has practical bearings. Knowledge
and not emotion should be the basis for our consideration
of the feelings of animals. As yet we have no thorough-
going knowledge for the pleasure-pain problem, considering
the animal kingdom as a whole.
Another problem which many be investigated independ-
ently of the problem of mechanism versus vitalism is the
origin and evolution of consciousness. By this is meant the
awareness or subjective experience which is the basic feature
of each human personality and which we infer as existing
in other human beings and in the mentality of the animals
most like ourselves. Two methods of investigating the prob-
lem of consciousness present themselves. The older intro-
spective method, which has not yet become obsolete, and
the newer method of comparative behavior. By the former
method we obtain the clue which leads to the formulation
of the kind of consciousness that presumably exists in our
fellow men and in the minds of animals. The comparative
study of animal behavior can yield a clue to what goes on
inside the animal mind, only when we interpret behavior in
terms of the results obtained by our own introspection.
Some modern investigators are content merely to describe
how the animal behaves hi response to stimulation and to
put aside all consideration of the subjective states which
may be involved. To most of us the question of how the
awareness of the animal resembles our own consciousness is
too interesting a problem to be thus thrust aside.
214 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
Experimentation is the conspicuous method, through-
out this modern study of behavior. Observation is still
fundamental and is often the only feasible means of attack-
ing the problems. But here, as in other scientific lines, the
experiment under controlled conditions is the goal of inves-
tigation. In recent years the study of behavior has been
extended to the lower organisms, in the hope that simpler
forms of life would be more understandable in this particular
and that simpler types of behavior would be discovered and
synthesized to explain the reactions of higher animals.
Much has been accomplished. The behavior of forms like
the infusoria is now believed to be vastly simpler than when
likes and dislikes, comparable to those of men, were ascribed
to these lowly beings. Yet the reactions of the animal cell
are much the same, whether the ceil is that of an amoeba or
one within the human body. The responses, which the living
protoplasm makes to changes in its environment, are more
complex in the many-celled body, hi so far as this body con-
tains many different kinds of cells. But it is not clear that
the responses of individual cells of the many-celled body
are more complex than the responses of the individual cells
of the protozoa. The principal advance that has been made,
toward analysis and subsequent synthesis of the elements
of behavior, is the showing that behavior is, in its last analy-
sis, a problem of cellular functions.
PROBLEMS OF NATURAL HISTORY
We have seen that during the Scientific Renaissance
studies hi natural history constituted one of the two great
lines of biological advance. Until the middle of the nine-
teenth century, perhaps the major part of zoological effort
was devoted to studies upon animals and plants in the open
country. The work to which the naturalist gave himself
within doors was carried on primarily with a view to the
classification of material collected in the field.27 The an-
27 Such work as that recorded in Darwin's "Naturalist's Voyage round
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE 215
atomical, microscopical, and physiological aspects of zoology
developed mainly in relation to medicine. The laboratory
of the present day has come into existence in response to the
demands of this phase of zoological inquiry. The great
museum, with its staff of collectors and investigators and its
expeditions for the collection of material for research or for
public exhibition, is the modern representative of old-time
natural history.
Studies in natural history were important during the cen-
turies of their inception, because they enabled men to appre-
ciate the wealth and diversity of organic nature. They were
also a prelude to the doctrine of evolution. At the present
time their continuation by our museums is particularly
important as a means of preserving a record of the larger
forms of life, which have inhabited the earth during the Age
of Man but which are fast approaching extinction,28 and as a
means of cultivating the esthetic and recreational values of
biological science. The sum total of scientific work now being
conducted hi natural history is probably greater than ever
before. The advent of intensive study within the laboratory
and the spectacular control, which laboratory workers have
now attained over certain biological phenomena, have caused
the work of the naturalist to be regarded as one among
many lines of study, and sometimes a dilettanti line at that.
The latter point of view is unfortunate in the mind of the
the World," published in 1845, and Bates' "Naturalist on the Amazons"
(1863) are representative of the best in the older period.
28 The progressive destruction of wild life, in all parts of the world that have
been gripped by western civilization is appalling from the standpoint of the
naturalist. Even game preserves like the national parks of the United States
are not safe from the cupidity of business enterprise. Unless there is a radical
change in popular feeling at an early date, the extermination of all the larger
mammals not capable of domestication and of many of our song birds is a
matter of decades rather than centuries. Perhaps when it is too late, the
world of living things will be far less interesting because the birds are mostly
English sparrows and the mammals rats and mice. But it is still believed that
what we of the West call progress must continue. The volume by W. T.
Hornaday, entitled: "Our Vanishing Wild Life," contains a statement of the
present situation and an appeal for its amelioration.
216 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
public and reprehensible on the part of the laboratory
biologist. Popular appreciation of this biology of the field
and shore is attested by the enormous sales of books upon
birds, insects, shells, and the like. Interest hi natural his-
tory is quite spontaneous among children and would, no
doubt, find more expression hi the recreation and outdoor
esthetic enjoyment of adult populations, if Nature Study
were effectively taught by the schools.
The scientific attitude toward this modern natural his-
tory or field biology assumed a degree of hopelessness during
the closing years of the nineteenth century. The complexity
of inter-relationship between living things, as observed in
the field, was appalling. Studies on evolutionary problems
had been largely field studies. The evolutionary theory
seemed, of necessity, to be lacking hi precise evidence for
evolution hi the present. Fruitless discussion had char-
acterized the later years of the so-called Post-Darwinian
Period. Insurmountable obstacles appeared to stand hi the
way of progress beyond the analyses made by Wallace and
Darwin. Although the zoologist is still appalled by the mag-
nitude of the task, the problems of natural history have been
attacked anew by the modern science of Ecology. If they are
still far from being solved, progress has been made. The
ecologist needs all the powers of observation possessed by the
older naturalists, together with the mental equipment of the
experimentalist. What he does is to take the older observa-
tions for what they are worth, and, by carrying the intensive
methods of the laboratory to the field and bringing the field
into the laboratory, attempt an analysis of the complex
inter-relationships which exist in nature. He is not unduly
optimistic; nor does he believe he will shortly ascertain the
many factors involved. But step by step progress is being
effected. It may be hoped that some of the larger problems
will be solved, if industrial development does not obliterate
too rapidly the less resistant forms of life.
The science of ecology, which has thus supplemented
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE 217
modern natural history, further illustrates the change from
observation to experimentation. The earlier studies were,
almost without exception, observational hi their nature, but a
point was reached where progress became impossible by the
continuance of observation alone. No one recognizes more
clearly than does the ecologist the difficulties which attend
the introduction of experimentation in field zoology.
Observation still constitutes the major method. In the
plant, which is rooted to its environment, experimental
investigation is less difficult, and hence the ecology of plants
has advanced beyond that of animals. Yet in spite of the
difficulties, no one doubts that here, as elsewhere, observa-
tion will be increasingly supplemented by experimentation.
RELATION OF ZOOLOGY TO OTHER SCIENCES
The adoption of this growing measure of experimentation
has had an important bearing upon zoology hi its relation
to allied sciences. For one thing, many biological inter-
ests that were becoming divergent have become unified.
Toward the close of the nineteenth century it seemed that
such biological studies as those found in the works of Darwin
were becoming impossible, because of the appalling amount
of special knowledge hi the fields of zoology and botany.
No man could longer presume to become a master of both
sciences. While this is increasingly true, we find to-day that
the investigation of general biological phenomena, such as
growth, regeneration, heredity, and the like, leads to the
study of animals and plants by the same investigator. The
botanist and the zoologist find themselves on common
ground when engaged hi such investigations. A separation
which had seemed an inevitable but regrettable incident in
the advance of science has been at least postponed.
Again, a closer union has been effected between the
biological and the physico-chemical sciences, through study
of the physico-chemical processes that occur in the bodies
218 THE SCIENCE OF BIOLOGY
of lower animals and in plants. These have long engaged the
attention of physiologists, but until recently interest has
been centered upon the higher vertebrates. At the present
tune, zoologists and general physiologists are so engaged
with the bio-chemistry and the bio-physics of both the
simpler and the more complex organisms that the intelligent
reading of many zoological papers demands as much or more
knowledge of physics and chemistry as of natural history.
It may be noted, as a sign of the times, that candidates for
advanced degrees in zoology are now expected to be well-
grounded in chemistry and physics, as well as in general
zoology. These physical sciences are important for the
zoologist, not only because they afford a knowledge of the
facts but also because they foster an appreciation of experi-
mental methods.
The ancient affiliation between the biological sciences and
medical science continues. The r61e of insects in disease, the
new sciences of Protozoology and Parasitology, the interest
of the medical profession in heredity, the interest of the
zoologist in the physiological facts brought out by serum-
therapeutics, by the study of endocrine secretions, and the
like, are examples that illustrate the many points of contact.
Zoology arose in close association with medical science. The
more scientific medicine becomes the greater will be its de-
mands upon zoological science. Extended medical experi-
mentation upon human beings is impossible, though it often
happens that the physician sees the end results of such
experiments, as when a community begins the use of water
from a filtration plant after long experience with water from
a contaminated source. The experimental work of medicine
must be accomplished mainly by use of animals. Since this
experimentation is necessary for the advancement of medical
knowledge, medical investigation must deal with zoological
material. In the past it has utilized the higher vertebrates,
such as the cat, dog, rat, and guinea-pig. As the human
mechanism becomes subjected to a more searching examina-
ZOOLOGICAL SCIENCE 219
tion, more fundamental knowledge will be demanded and
medical science must draw upon every part of the animal
kingdom. The lower invertebrates and the protozoa are
already familiar objects in medical laboratories.
As zoology becomes more exact hi its conclusions, it will
have greater value hi the social sciences. At present the
influence of biological science within these fields consists
largely in the point of view which it imparts. But the
significance of zoological and particularly medical knowledge
is becoming evident to the social worker. He is eager for the
latest facts on heredity, hygiene, and sanitation; and this
eagerness will be lasting. The fact that the human species
is a product of evolution is acknowledged by students of
society. But we need a wider understanding of the zoologi-
cal basis of human behavior than now exists. Once estab-
lished, such an understanding must exercise a profound
effect upon the social activities of the human race. Now
that zoology is progressing toward the experimental analysis,
and hence the control, of vital phenomena, its conclusions
will be held hi more esteem, because they will rest in-
creasingly upon experimentation. In the future, the zo-
ologist will be heard upon a subject like heredity, not for his
much speaking, but because he presents facts that cannot
be denied and that are obviously important for the welfare
of mankind.
PART III
THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
CHAPTER IX
PHILOSOPHICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS
OF SCIENCE
SCIENCE and philosophy must go hand in hand since the
problems of organized thought have scientific bearings.
Human thinking may be regarded as an outcome of organic
evolution and one of the ultimate problems of science is the
relation of mind and matter. How a thinking race arose in
the course of thousands of years, how thinking men come out
of germs during the brief span of individual development, and
how the nerve cells of the brain are related to consciousness
are problems which the scientist should investigate, even
though their investigation leads him within the domain of
philosophy. Moreover, the natural sciences rest upon cer-
tain fundamental philosophical assumptions such as the
theory that all facts of experience may be systematically
related, through the principle of adequate causation. The
man of science is a philosopher hi spite of himself when-
ever he attempts to determine the ultimate realities of
science. Unless he accepts the naive conception of nature
and assumes that the external world is exactly what it seems
to the unthinking mind, he finds himself in the grip of
philosophy and must acknowledge his affiliation.
THE FACTS AND KNOWLEDGE OF SCIENCE
An examination of the facts of natural science, which are
commonly assumed to be realities external to ourselves, will
illustrate the assumption by science of philosophical hy-
potheses. Before proceeding to this examination, let us
have in mind the familiar distinction between the subject ivr
223
224 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
and the objective, taking it in the sense of what is within and
what is outside ourselves, the 7 as distinct from that which
is not myself. We know the subjective element, because we
are conscious of our own existence and of our mental proc-
esses. Hence there is one class of facts which is subjective
in origin and another which originates in sense-impressions
which are assumed to be induced by an objective or external
reality. We know the objective element solely through these
impressions of our sense-organs. The ego is like a telephone
operator shut in a central office and knowing nothing of the
outside world save by what comes in through the receivers.
To the objective or natural sciences, sense-impressions are
the ultimate reality upon which must be based any theory
of an external universe of matter.
We may pursue the case as follows: A man has reason for
believing, because of what he sees in bodies like his own, that
his particular human body presents anatomical and physi-
ological phenomena of the kind demonstrable hi other
human beings and hi the higher vertebrates. The individual
knows his own conscious existence first hand, and infers
the existence of everything else. Granting that 7 know I
exist, and you know you exist, and that we can each infer
that the other exists, how do we draw such an inference and
what do we mean when we say that this or any other infer-
ence has scientific validity?
We know the outer world only through the medium of our
sense-organs. You see a book before you, with its red cover,
gilt letters, and white leaves; it feels hard; it creates a noise
when dropped; it smells like a book fresh from the bindery.
If you desire yet another form of sense-impression, you
may taste the cover or the leaves, as you perhaps remember
doing when a boy at school, and so experience the last type
of first-hand knowledge which is presented by the more
familiar senses. You know that such an object as the book
exists only by these evidences derived from your sense-
organs and termed sense-impressions. You have learned
PHILOSOPHICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS 225
to say that light reflected from the book affects the retina
of your eye, which in turn stimulates your optic nerve, which,
in its turn, stimulates the centers of your brain. You know
only the sensations which are thus received; of the nature of
books you know nothing; for you perceive nothing beyond
the group of sense-impressions which you call a book. If
the book is a thing in itself other than these impressions, you
do not know it; for your ultimate objective reality consists
solely of sense-impressions. 1
The case is not otherwise with your knowledge of your
fellow men, and even of your own body — sense-organs
included. A friend before you is a group of sense-impres-
sions,— like the book, save that among the many sense-
impressions which constitute your friend there are those
leading you to infer the existence of another personality
like your own. These three cases, the book, your friend, and
your body, are typical of the whole external world of persons
and things; and sense-impressions are thus the ultimate
external reality that is perceived by the human mind. Upon
these impressions we build, within our minds, a so-called
external world. The problem of what lies behind the sense-
impression, what is the nature of the thing in itself, science
leaves to philosophy, believing that the nature of this ul-
timate philosophical reality is not open to investigation by
any of the scientific methods now available.
But one's knowledge of a book could never be so simple
a matter as above described, unless indeed he were a savage
who had never before seen a book. No sooner do the sense-
impressions reach his consciousness than he remembers other
books. The title attracts his attention; he remembers books
with similar subject-matter; and as he reads the pages his
mind may call up a multitude of earlier sense-impressions.
He may remember how he previously correlated impressions
derived from books, and conceived of books in general, or
1 An exposition of the facto of science, which is similar to the one hero :•
appears in Part I, Chapter II of the "Grammar of Science," by Karl Pearson.
226 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
paper in general, or lettering in general. The sense-impres-
sions received from the printed pages are signs which enable
him to conceive of possible sense-impressions and to recall
so wide a range of previous impressions and the conceptions
derived therefrom, that the reading may effect a profound
reorganization of his intellectual life. Starting with sense-
impressions past or present, which seemingly constitute
our only means of knowing what goes on outside our minds,
which are for us the real outside world, our complex mental
states are in some way built up, until it is impossible to say
whether anything like what we term consciousness could
exist in a being conscious of its own existence but devoid
of sense-impressions.
It appears, therefore, that what we call external reality
is, for the most part, created within our minds. Natural
science is the discovery and systematization of facts whose
basis is sense-impressions. Generalization consists in the
interpretations we put upon our past and present experience
with sense-impressions. A science that consisted of dis-
jointed sense-impressions would be one of unrelated facts,
whereas true science consists in the putting of simple facts
together and obtaining facts of a more complex nature or
generalizations. This point of view does not imply that
science is merely a static organization of knowledge, al-
though the accumulated facts of science may be so regarded.
Like an organism, science is something happening. It is a
process of rinding out the relationship and the order of
phenomena in nature. Predictability, based upon this ascer-
tainment of order and relationship, is its most important
function.
While the facts of natural science are in the first instance
sense-impressions, its field is the content of the human mind.
For out of sense-impressions, at first isolated and disjointed,
we build up within our minds a theory of the whole which
constitutes organized science. When this view is appreciated,
one understands why scientists maintain that the facts
PHILOSOPHICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS 227
compounded within our minds upon the basis of sense-
impressions are the only trustworthy facts, aside from the
subjective facts of the individual's existence and his knowl-
edge of the modes by which the mind operates. One comes,
therefore, to the belief that there is only one kind of knowl-
edge concerning external realities, and only one way by
which it is acquired.
Scientific reality, accordingly, consists in the fact, first,
that we get the expected result hi consciousness when we
again experience a given group of sense-impressions; and
second, that the mental states of other individuals appear to
follow a similar course. One check upon the reality of any
sense-impression and upon the validity of our conclusions
therefrom is the commonness existing in our minds over a
period of time and the commonness which appears to exist
between the impressions hi our minds and those within the
minds of other individuals. A check may also be obtained
by using other senses than the one temporarily in operation,
as when we verify sight by touch. Herein lies the difference
between reality, on the one hand, and delusion, illusion, and
hallucination on the other. The vividness of those latter ex-
periences, which are peculiar to the individual is not denied,
what is insisted upon is the difference between that which is
the product of a single mind and cannot be produced by
other minds in a normal state, and that product which can
be shared by many minds on the basis of a common under-
standing of sense-impressions.
In this connection the question arises whether the human
mind has methods of obtaining knowledge regarding external
realities other than the one above described, whether what
is vaguely termed intuition, insight, revelation, or the like
gives anything that can be dignified by the term knowledge.
According to the scientific point of view, these mystical
short-cuts to knowledge are valueless, because they are so
<li-imilar in different individuals that they fail to give suf-
ficient commonness when comparisons are instituted.
228 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
It is sometimes insisted that scientific knowledge is only
second-hand knowledge, that conclusions, even more valid
may be reached by what is popularly known as the method
of intuition. The word intuition has a variety of meanings.
But in the case under consideration, it is applied to a faculty
for acquiring reliable information quickly and without due
process of reasoning, to a kind of royal road leading straight
to the solution of any problem. Where intuition is used to
designate knowledge which is axiomatic, the scientist can
have no objection either to the term or the fact. Thus, if
one says he knows intuitively that 1 = 1 or that 2 + 2 =4,
it would seem that such knowledge is very near to that which
defies further analysis and which must be taken intuitively
at its face value, because our minds are so constructed that
we cannot think otherwise.
We shall not venture to discuss the concept of intuition
in its philosophical aspects. The kind of ui tuitions which are
obstacles to the advancement of science are those of every-
day life. When these are examined the following proposi-
tions are evident: Intuitions are effective only within the
field of complex phenomena; they are most emphasized by
persons not accustomed to careful analysis; they were
formerly applied to many phenomena since brought within
the grasp of science. All of which leads one to suspect that
the matter is reducible to this : What is simple we reason out;
what is complex and, therefore, not susceptible of exact
analysis, we settle by a mental process of the same order as
the hunch of the plain citizen.
The truth of these propositions is well illustrated by the
history of knowledge concerning disease. A century ago,
even a generation ago, an appalling amount of medical
diagnosis rested upon an intuitive foundation. To-day, an
increasing amount of such diagnosis rests upon a scientific
knowledge of organisms and of specific substances within
the body. The history of science is filled with similar ex-
amples of the unknown, and supposedly unknowable, of
PHILOSOPHICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS 229
one age becoming the known and the predictable of the next.
This being so, it is a fair presumption that what we decide
to-day by intuition may, at a later day, be brought within
the ken of science. Thus the realm of the intuitive becomes
a lessening one. Its name is synonymous with the unknown
or incompletely known, not with the unknowable. We have
intuitions regarding what we do not as yet understand,
and intuitions fade wherever scientific analysis establishes
a foothold.
The weakness of intuition is its individual bias. It is
the product of a single mind, not the collective agreement
of individuals who have examined the same data. As such,
it is always open to the suspicion of being influenced by
delusion or prejudice. Intuition works differently with
different persons, reflects to a large degree the personal
equation, and has the marks of a process which is not and
never can become reliable hi the analysis of phenomena.
The scientist, therefore, believes the method of intuition
unsatisfactory as a source of knowledge. When he says he
knows subjectively, he means only that he is conscious of his
mental states and of their manner of operation; when he says
he knows objectively, he means that any normal individual,
who puts himself under similar conditions, will experience
sense-impressions from which he may draw similar conclu-
sions. The scientist does not claim to know everything.
He does claim that such sources of knowledge as the intui-
tions of daily life, which are so frequently paraded as a
superior means of knowing, are not knowledge in any sense,
because they seem to represent either vagaries of the indi-
vidual mind or thought-processes too unorganized to be of
value in the determination of either external or internal
realities.
230 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
THE METHOD OF SCIENCE
If the field of the natural sciences is the content of the
human mind as determined by the incoming sense-impres-
sions, the method of these sciences is that by which the mind
deals with the facts of sense-experience. What is called the
external world is a creation of the mind, which, it is assumed,
parallels an objective reality.2 The science of logic attempts
to determine the methods by which the mind acts in dealing
with the facts of experience. Science, therefore, depends
upon logic to check its conclusions, but in the history of
thought it is significant that the logic of scientific practice
has preceded and not followed the development of logic as a
science. Thus the deductive logic of Aristotle was founded
upon the examples of mental procedure then in practice,
while the inductive logic advocated by Francis Bacon, and
elaborated by John S. Mill (1806-1873) and others in the
nineteenth century, was a formulation of mental processes
which had long been practiced and had already created
modern science.
Science was described by Huxley as ''trained and organ-
ized common sense," and the methods of scientific analysis
as but extensions of those common in everyday life.3 Hence
anyone who puts two and two together and draws conclu-
2Sellars, R. W., "Critical Realism," Chaps. I and II, presents a statement
concerning this assumption of parallelism which is clear to the scientist at
least.
8 Huxley, T. H., "On the Educational Value of the Natural History Sci-
ences." Collected Essays, Volume entitled: "Science and Education." This
much-cited paragraph runs as follows: "Science is, I believe, nothing but
trained and organised common sense, differing from the latter only as a veteran
may differ from a raw recruit: and its methods differ from those of common
sense only so far as the guardsman's cut and thrust differ from the manner in
which a savage wields his club. The primary power is the same in each case,
and perhaps the untutored savage has the more brawny arm of the two. The
real advantage lies in the point and polish of the swordsman's weapon; in the
trained eye quick to spy out the weakness of the adversary; in the ready hand
prompt to follow it on the instant. But, after all, the sword exercise is only the
hewing and poking of the clubman developed and perfected."
PHILOSOPHICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS 231
sions that are justified by the facts of objective experience
is performing a scientific act. The man of the street and
the man of the farm have much in common with the scientist,
though the latter may seem to them to be both fool and
dreamer,
As there may be some question regarding the meaning
of the term " common sense," we may agree at the outset
that a man has common sense when he deals rationally with
the facts of his experience. The man of common sense sees
the whole situation or, as the scientist would put it, he con-
siders all the data and draws his conclusions therefrom. We
think a man's judgment sound, if he does what a well-bal-
anced individual would be expected to do when confronted
with all the details of a particular situation. The theorist
fails if he does not consider the workaday elements of the
case. The practical man fails if he judges solely by rule-of-
thumb and without the light of theoretical considerations.
Now science has gone forward in the past, not by wizardry,
but by the application of this all-sided sense in the solution
of its problems. The methods of thought which advance
science do not differ in kind from those of the most hard-
headed man of affairs who creates a business of international
proportions.
The owner of a quarry uncovers a layer of rock different
hi appearance from any before offered for sale in his locality.
Lacking expert advice, he begins to experiment and to make
observations, with a view to determining the utility of the
new material. After subjecting it to a variety of tests, he
concludes that the stone can be put to certain uses. It is
good for crushing and for rough masonry, but not for sills
and lintels; good for road foundations, but not for surfacing.
In reaching these conclusions, he first establishes certain
facts; then compares these with facts previously known;
then classifies the stone as good or bad for a given purpose;
and thus arrives at the conclusion that a stone of this na-
ture may be put to certain uses. He is now in a position
232 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
to convince would-be-purchasers of the excellence of his
material. An Indian, selecting the proper flint for his arrow-
points in the same locality centuries before, might have
gone through similar mental processes.
If we compare the sense of science with the foregoing, the
case is as follows : A geologist examines the same rock layer,
because of peculiarities which have attracted his attention.
He first makes a survey of the entire bed, collecting the fossils
and observing structural features, comparing as he does so
the present bed with others he has seen. Ripple marks
and mud cracks may tell of shallow water, fossils may
indicate a marine origin, distorted bedding planes may give
evidence of lateral pressure. At last, he classifies the stone,
as part of a well known geological horizon, and therefore
belonging to a certain period of the earth's history. In
such a case, the geologist believes he has reached conclusions
obvious to others, and is prepared to take his colleagues over
the ground, exhibiting facts and setting forth his inferences.
The quarryman, did he but know it, goes through similar
mental processes; though he is likely to be led astray because
his knowledge of rocks is after all limited, and because hope
of gain is his main incentive. The advantage possessed by
the geologist lies in his broader knowledge and in his desire
to establish the facts rather than to make money. The point
for us is the parallelism between the mental processes of the
two men, which are in essence the inductive method of
science.
Thus the scientific method, like the scientific fact, may be
characterized by the adjective common. The facts and
methods of science are those which may be shared hi common
by members of the human species. They are not the whim
of one individual, but conclusions reached by individuals,
who may be regarded as competent judges in the particular
case, and who place similar interpretations upon groupings
of sense-impressions past and present. This last does not
mean that the mere holding of a belief by a large number of
PHILOSOPHICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS 233
persons is evidence of its validity. We no longer suppose
what is "believed always, everywhere, and by all" to be
true merely because of its wide acceptance, as was once the
case; for all may labor under similar delusions and thus hold
the same false belief. It means that facts, which have been
established by individuals competent in particular instances,
remain constant, that is to say common, for other trained
minds that examine the phenomena. The difference between
this species of commonness and that supposed to be obtained
by the esoteric insight of mysticism is that it rests upon
sense-impressions, and not upon states which are purely
subjective, and therefore individualistic. When these
sense-impressions are sufficiently checked, common con-
clusions follow. But this does not mean that later sense-
impressions of another sort may not alter these conclusions
in the future.
The question as to who are the normal individuals also
arises. To this one can only reply that the normal man is,
like the average man a creation of the mind. Every individ-
ual has his abnormalities and his incompetencies, the sub-
jective feature termed the personal equation must be ac-
knowledged. But as a practical matter, those who are not
too divergent get on well together. Obviously no two in-
dividuals can have identical sense-impressions of any so-
called external object, but this does not prevent a measure
of agreement. The more extensive is this agreement, in
both time and place, the more certainty may be attached to
an interpretation.
Again, it may be asked, in view of the frequent differences
of opinion among scientific men, whether any common in-
terpretation of phenomena does actually exist. To which
it may be answered that there are common interpretations
with respect to certain phenomena, and such interpretations
are increasing in number and importance with the advancs
ience. To illustrate specifically: It is a familiar fact
that all living bodies are composed of units known as cells.
234 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
The exceptions to this cellular organization of protoplasm,
such as multinucleated cells, plasmodia, syncytia, and so
forth, can all be brought into alignment with the general
theory of nucleoplasmic and cytoplasmic materials. There
was a tune hi the history of biology when nothing of the sort
was known, and later a tune when an hypothesis of the uni-
versal cellular organization of living matter was proposed on
a basis of limited observation. This working hypothesis
was at first debatable. But the increasing number of cases
in which cells were observed, soon led to the acceptance of
the cell-theory as an established generalization, which may
to-day be designated as a fact, since it is hypothetical only
when we assume, as is done in the erection of the cell-theory,
that all living things are constructed after this fashion,
whether we have examined them or not. Having studied
hundreds of thousands of animals and plants and found them
all composed of cells, the theory is that we shall continue
to find the familiar cellular organization as new organisms
are examined. The term cell-theory is, like the term theory
of gravitation, theoretical only when it is assumed that it
will hold good elsewhere, or when analysis is pushed further
and we theorize about underlying causes. No one disputes
the existence of cells, or the assumption that they will be
found as long as microscopes are used any more than he
disputes the universality of gravitation because of which it
is believed that stones fall when dropped from a height
whether it be in California or Japan or on the planet Mars.
There is, therefore, much common agreement regarding the
existence of cells, and the agreement extends to many details
of their structure and activity, as for example that all cells
contain chromatin and that all cells have arisen from pre-
existing cells.
When it is said that the cell-theory meets with common
acceptance, we mean that a host of trained observers have
examined the microscopic structure of innumerable plant
and animal bodies and found them composed of cells. Hence,
PHILOSOPHICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS 235
there exists among competent scientists, a consensus of
opinion which is formally known as the cell-theory; in other
words a common sense in which this phrase is accepted. The
only way this sense differs from the sense of persons without
biological experience is that it rests upon wider and more
critical observation and is, therefore, the more reliable. It
happens that these conclusions regarding cells may be drawn
only by persons trained to the use of microscopes ; and only
after special preparation of the materials examined, which
is an illustration of what Huxley meant by trained and or-
ganized sense. It is not that the observations and conclu-
sions involved are fundamentally different from those of
everyday life. They are refinements of these, made pos-
sible by the training of the scientist and the organization
of his material. There is no necromancy in science. Its
methods are the logical methods of thought which normal
individuals regularly use. Science has often made initial
strides, through the work of investigators who perceived
the unifying features in large groups of previously unrelated
phenomena, and whose daring hypotheses at first resembled
the flight of poetic imagination or the vision of some genius
of the commercial world. But what has finally counted has
been the confirmation of hypotheses step by step, until they
have become commonplace knowledge verifiable by any-
one who reviews the phenomena.
Another example may be given. Certain of the early
embryologists defended the dictum, omne vivum ex ovo, as
expressing the manner of generation; and later embryolo-
gists have extended this generalization, until we accept the
statement that "every cell comes from a preexisting cell."
We mean by the modern statement of the older doctrine,
that the facts have been recorded by earlier investigators
and confirmed by later ones; that we have seen for ourselves
the process of fertilization and development; and that our
fellow workers are familiar with the phenomena, for they
talk with u- of what they have seen. Moreover, it is assumed
236 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
that we shall see these processes again and again as observa-
tion is extended. Because the work is done by men who have
spent years in study, the methods are by no means those of
supermen, but only refinements of everyday work and
thought. Here as elsewhere, there is plenty of common
agreement and opportunity for verification of the simpler
facts.
Refinement in the technique of analyzing phenomena
thus constitutes the sole difference between the scientific
and the popular method of drawing conclusions. In ad-
justing any mechanical device, one may be exercising a very
common kind of sense. But it is a sense which differs from
that exhibited by the scientific investigator, only in so far
as the facts examined by the investigator are the more com-
plicated and can be approached only after extended prepara-
tion. The man who builds a concrete sidewalk in his yard
learns by experience and experiment, and by thinking things
out as he goes. The investigator who is trying to advance
our knowledge regarding the chemistry of cement, does
essentially the same thing. Only he begins far ahead of the
untrained man; and having a broader knowledge, he recog-
nizes possibilities of error that the other does not compre-
hend.
The conclusion that we reach is, therefore, that there is
nothing really unique in science or hi the method of science.
Scientists are not wizards, but men who apply to natural
phenomena the methods of analysis used by logical minds in
the affairs of daily life. The simpler facts of science can be
shared by all who possess the training necessary for their
apprehension. If the more complex facts are less commonly
apprehended it is because they are complex and hence dif-
ficult of verification or subject to erroneous interpretation.
Moreover, any normal person, who trains himself to ex-
amine the phenomena of nature, may be expected to sub-
scribe to the common agreements as formulated by well
established generalizations. If there is debatable ground
PHILOSOPHICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS 237
and difference of opinion, it is because science no sooner
gets a fact tolerably well established than it proceeds to
other facts. While we agree upon the interpretation of cer-
tain data, conflicting data may be adduced at any time; or
we may undertake entirely new lines of investigation, which
for a time yield uncertain results. Having satisfied ourselves
as to the general course of development in the individual,
and having a common agreement regarding the same, we
press on to something new, like the problems of fertiliza-
tion and of differentiation. Here, we find ourselves upon
ground where the facts are so sparsely established that we
are unable, for the present, to discover a common-sense
basis on which to formulate a theory. Divergent views exist
hi science only because the life of science is progress, and
because science concerns itself with what is to be done rather
than with what has been accomplished. Divergent opinions
frequently eventuate in agreement as soon as the facts are
known and established.
The function of the subjective process in the advance-
ment of science now becomes clear. The fundamental clas-
sification of human thought is along the lines of subjective
and objective reality. A so-called normative science like
logic deals with the operations of the subjective element in
its manipulation of facts and cannot of itself alone lead to
now truth regarding a supposedly external reality, although
it may discover more effective methods of handling the facts
of sense-impression. The popular suspicion that the logician
is merely juggling with words, even when his methods are
sound, seems to rest upon conviction that the technique
of reasoning is no more than a tool and therefore subordinate
to the material upon which it works. Belief that the human
mind can obtain knowledge of any so-called external or
objective reality, by means that are wholly subjective, is
repugnant to the thought of natural science as well as to the
ft 'inmon sense of mankind.
238 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
SCIENTIFIC LAWS AND SCIENTIFIC TRUTH
Scientific laws might better be termed generalizations,
because they are merely formulations of experience. The
use of the term law is misleading, if it results in belief that
scientific laws must be regarded as established by some
agency. In primitive times, the laws of social custom were
believed to have had divine origin; and later, civil laws
were known to be established by men. Hence, the popular
connotation of law is that of a rule, established by some
power, and which must be obeyed. By analogy, the laws of
nature are regarded as principles established for the guidance
of the universe. Nature thus appears to act under a sort of
legal necessity, whereas the fact is that we merely have so
constantly or so definitely observed certain sequences and
complexes of inter-relationship that we feel certain they will
reappear under similar circumstances. It is extremely
difficult to escape the idea of necessity in the case of the
relationship which is designated cause and effect. But even
here scientific analysis reveals no necessity, beyond the
relationship between phenomena which has been observed
in so definite a fashion that the cause may be presumed
always to be followed by its effect. A law in natural science
is a short-hand method of describing the probable order of
phenomena. In general, such laws are regarded by scien-
tists as discovered relationships, not as agencies which force
nature to move in particular directions.
It is true that science holds the hypothesis of adequate
causation as the most fundamental tenet of its faith. The
reply of science to the claim that "the day of miracles has
passed" is that there never was a day of miracles, since
every phenomenon has its adequate cause. Nevertheless,
the exact basis of the certainties called scientific laws should
be held in mind. It might be stated in this wise: Suppose
the present represents the middle of time. There is no other
way of regarding the present, because time must be thought
PHILOSOPHICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS 239
of as extending indefinitely into both past and future.
Suppose that a human mind could know all that had ever
happened in the past. One would then know only one-half
of the possibilities, because there would be as much time,
and therefore experience, yet to come. At most, one's
assumption that what had always happened would continue
to happen could rest only upon what might be termed a
fifty per cent experience of the possibilities. Granted that
far less certainty than this is good enough for practical pur-
poses, the theoretical situation is worth bearing in mind.
To pursue the matter further, the difference between a
coincidence and a law of nature is perhaps not so funda-
mental as is supposed. In the case of a coincidence, there is
an association of phenomena sufficiently unusual to attract
attention. In the case of a scientific law, we have seen cer-
tain phenomena associated so frequently or hi such a defi-
nite relationship that we have been led to assume their in-
variable association hi the future. There is no necessity for
the continuance of a given association beyond the fact that
it has been always so observed or that the definiteness of the
relationship makes even a single case appear conclusive.
Thus, if you saw a red headed man on a white horse you
would think nothing of the circumstance. If you saw
another such combination a block further on, you might
notice the coincidence. If you saw one at every corner, you
would begin to suspect that it was not a mere coincidence
but a constant relationship. And if you had never seen
white horses without red haired men on their backs and
always at street intersections, you would elevate this group-
ing of related phenomena to the level of a fact, established by
scientific observation and to be expected in the future, just
as one expects present-day birds to have feathers and beaks.
When so formulated as to state its assumed occurrence for
the past, present, and future, such a fact or group of facts
would become a law of science.
Tlu» forpfcoing illustration is drawn from the field of
240 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
relationship that is called classification. The case is not
otherwise when the law involves the relationship of sequence,
as determined by experiment. Thus, experiments may
determine that certain phenomena are to be recorded by
the series 2-4-6-8-10 and so forth.4 Here again, one ob-
serves a certain grouping of the phenomena. The serial
feature introduces a more definite time or space element and
a greater complexity of inter-relationship, but it is not clear
that it alters the underlying situation. Scientific laws are
not a kind of primaeval legislative enactment to which
nature must conform, they are merely formulations of
observed relationships. If we would cease to speak of them
as laws, and call them generalizations, certain unwarranted
implications would cease to encumber the philosophy of
science.
Again, the scientist has come to realize that, in the case of
complex phenomena, what he regards, as truth at any partic-
ular time may not be final. Like every one else, he tends to
believe truth as permanently established, when the tests of
science have been exhaustively applied to a particular
interpretation of a group of phenomena. If the case be one
of comparative simplicity, there is strong presumption in
favor of the finality of such an interpretation. But all that
is meant when we say anything is true, is that, with our
present knowledge, a certain timely statement can be made.
Such a conditional statement is the truth at any given
moment. If, at a subsequent time, new facts necessitate
reformulations, we then say the truth is quite different from
what we once thought it to be; and this new statement may
in its turn be changed or replaced.
Thus, what is held to be true by one generation may not
4 The discovery of a multitude of serial relationships in which one term of the
series is & function of what follows seems to be the most distinct advance made
by modern science over the scientific method of ancient times. In Greek
science the classificatory relationship A <c was comprehended, but the func-
tional relationship was obscure. It is this functional relationship which so
reinforces the idea of necessity in causation.
PHILOSOPHICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS 241
be held true by the next; because we designate as true that
which holds with the data available at a given time. By
this test, the Ptolemaic system in astronomy was truth for
the time being. Although later replaced by another concept,
Aristotle's explanation of respiration, as a means of cooling
the blood, was a good one for the knowledge of the period and
hence could be regarded as true in its day. Absolute truth
may be attainable, may, indeed, have been attained in some
instances. But when men believe that they have arrived at
finality hi truth they get into trouble and when the scientist
thinks any truth is established for all time, science is in
danger of ossification. Scientists need to tell themselves
that their truths are working hypotheses and that truths
which seem firmly established may some day be overturned.
It is a fact that the simpler truths established by science
regarding natural phenomena are more certain than any-
thing else within the objective field. Nevertheless, the truth
in science must always be held open to extension or modifica-
tion, if not to complete replacement.
CHAPTER X
THE NATURE AND MEANING OF
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH l
THERE is an exhortation, supposedly epitomizing the wis-
dom of practical life: " Don't waste your time speculating
on why black hens lay white eggs. Get the egg. " This is,
perhaps, good advice in business affairs, and appeals to
many as a sensible doctrine. Yet the most cursory survey
of the progress of civilization will show that the men, who
have done most for the world in a practical way, have often
been those who have speculated on just such problems — and
who have solved them. To-day, the man who gets the most
eggs is he who in breeding and rearing his poultry follows
the methods established by the scientific study of heredity,
of selection, and of general physiology. And it is worth
remembering that the workers who established the more
important of these facts, were not lured to their work by the
prospect of financial gain, but grappled with scientific
problems because of a conviction that knowledge of such
matters was worth while, and in the long run indispensable
to human welfare.
If we analyze the getting of eggs, as it goes on in the
varied activities of our modern world, we find that industry
is everywhere rooted hi the facts of science. Not uncom-
monly, whole fields of commercial enterprise go back to
some simple but fundamental scientific generalization.
Thus, the canning industry is founded upon what the biolo-
gist terms biogenesis or the fact that no life arises save from
preexisting life. Since putrefaction is an incident of the
1 The material which appears in this chapter is substantially the same as that
used in a lecture at Oberlin College in January, 1913, and later published in the
American Museum Journal, Vol. XVIII, No. 7, 1918.
242
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 243
growth of microscopic life in organic materials, there can be
no putrefaction where all living germs have been destroyed,
by heat or other means, and where new germs cannot obtain
access. The chemical processes which underlie so many
industries have all been built upon the fundamental theory
of chemical combination, which was elaborated during the
latter half of the eighteenth and the first half of the nine-
teenth century. The generalizations of physical science
regarding the indestructibility of matter and energy are
similarly important.
We all recognize with Leonardo, that " science gives
certainty and science gives power. " We also recognize that
only by painstaking effort can scientific knowledge be
obtained. We commonly fail to recognize the nature of the
scientific studies which have preceded the discovery of many
facts applicable to our daily lives. The scientific discov-
eries of the past constitute the foundations of life in civilized
communities as well as of modern industry; and the scien-
tific discoveries of the present will, if we do our share, be as
vital in the lives of future generations. We should eliminate
from our minds the terms pure and applied science. This
distinction is a false one, because no line of separation exists.
On every hand, discoveries of a theoretical and general
nature are of practical value; and, conversely, practical
achievements are a continual stimulus to further investiga-
tions along theoretical lines. These in turn influence prac-
tice in new and wholly unexpected ways.
Any research that promises substantial additions to
knowledge is worth doing in the present, because in the past
such work has often yielded results undreamed of at its
inception. The history of science urges us to the continua-
tion of theoretical and non-utilitarian investigation hi the
present, however much we may be tempted to press the
more obviously utilitarian lines of study. Research along
lines immediately useful will take care of itself, for we are all
convinced that it is worth while. But where the immediate
244 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
return is not in evidence, it requires a certain faith in the
final outcome, which can only be held by those who know
what has happened again and again in the past.
It is, therefore, important that scientists emphasize what
is called pure research. Scientific men have not made the
importance of this item of their creed sufficiently clear to those
who are not scientists. They should preach to the public
as well as to their fellows the need for investigation un-
hampered by utilitarian demands. The oneness of scien-
tific study should be emphasized, to the end that all may
understand how science advances and all may live in the
faith that knowledge of natural phenomena is worth more
than it costs to discover.
There is small danger that we shall fail to appreciate
practical research — how to grow thirty bushels of wheat
where ten grew before or how to produce a new antitoxin.
But there is danger that we may fail to see the other side, that
the men capable of doing creative work as investigators may
be unable to find a livelihood; and that in the present, as in
the past, the advance of science may depend too largely
upon the chance meeting of brains and means. To show that
this danger is real, not imaginary, it may be said that hi
zoological science there are, in the United States to-day,
relatively few positions in which a young man of promise
may earn a living in pure science. He may teach, with some
chance for investigation, or he may find limited opportuni-
ties in the applied zoology of government or state service or
of commercial enterprise. But for the man who gives
promise of being competent to do the pioneering demanded
by pure science, there is almost no opportunity for a living.
A like condition obtains in many other scientific lines and
this failure to provide opportunity for the worker of promise
is a reflection upon our civilization; for we are drying up the
springs which feed the fountain, and the extent of the loss is
incalculable.2
2 Since these paragraphs were written the National Research Council has
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 245
Conspicuous ability as an investigator is comparatively
rare and every effort should be made to discover the men
who give promise of such attainment. When found, they
should have their chance, should be given clearance papers
for a voyage into the unknown. Men who have this ability,
who, standing upon the ground already mapped, can see the
distant mountains, and whose imagination pictures the path
across the intervening valleys and deserts, are like the
explorers of a virgin continent; they " yearn beyond the sky-
line where the strange roads go down." The human race
has emerged from barbarism because the desire for knowledge
has impelled men of this adventurous spirit, in spite of dis-
couragement and misunderstanding, persecution and death,
to search after the facts of science in what is for man the last
"dark continent" — the realm of nature:
"We were dreamers, dreaming greatly,
in the man-stifled town;
We yearned beyond the sky-line where
the strange roads go down.
Came the Whisper, came the Vision, came
the Power with the Need,
Till the Soul that is not man's soul was
lent us to lead."
This stanza of Kipling will serve to enforce the analogy
between the "nature-searcher" and the explorer which we
shall here develop. It shows also that modern science has
not destroyed the opportunity for imagination. For,
though "the old order changeth," there remains in our
thinking that which brings the emotional appeal of lofty
imaginings; for here indeed, man does contend with gods
and strives to wrest from them the knowledge that shall
make his future more secure.
The history of almost any line of scientific investigation
come into being. One of the encouraging possibilities of this organization i-
its emphasis of research as a profession demanding adequate recognition.
246 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
will, if traced back, afford illustrations of the value of pure
research. For the purpose of illustrating what has happened
again and again, several representative cases may now be
elaborated.
DEVELOPMENT OF KNOWLEDGE REGARDING MICROORGANISMS
By means of this illustration, we propose to show: that
facts now recognized as of life-and-death importance for the
whole civilized world, had their beginnings in investigations
which were of questionable value when judged by the
utilitarian standards of the past; and further, that society
might profit by this bit of history and assume a more
farsighted policy hi dealing with scientific investigation in
the present.
That many diseases are caused by minute organisms,
living as parasites within the bodies of animals and plants,
and so producing the derangements called disease, is a fact
made familiar during recent years. It is also well known
that progress in the discovery of germs hitherto unrecognized,
of antitoxins, of vaccines, and the like is saving the lives of
millions. At the present day, diphtheria is no longer the
dangerous and often fatal disease it was even twenty years
ago. If we take the precautions already well tested, there is
no danger that yellow fever will again scourge our gulf
cities, or bubonic plague devastate Europe and America as it
still devastates the Orient. We have conquered typhoid
fever, at least in cases of local epidemics or where large
bodies of men are sent into dangerous territory, and no man
can foresee where such control of disease will end.
These are familiar facts. The steps by which the mastery
has been attained are less well known. We take this mastery
as a matter of course, without understanding the historical
development of the knowledge which now means life or
death. It is true one may be familiar with the most recent
chapters, as heralded in the newspapers and current mag-
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 347
azines, when an antitoxin for diphtheria or a method of
preventing typhoid fever has been announced. But these
are only the recent pages of a book long in the making, to
find the title page of which we must turn back through
many years and to matters having little apparent connection
with what is now before us.
To illustrate this last statement, let us trace the course of
man's discoveries regarding the microorganisms, taking as a
convenient starting point the year (1676) when the Hol-
lander, Anthony van Leeuwenhoek, discovered with the
microscope, but lately come into use as a toy and source of
amusement, what he described as " little animals observed
in rain, well, sea, and snow water as also in water wherein
pepper had lain infused." 3 Leeuwenhoek's discoveries were
no doubt regarded as useless by his contemporaries, save a
few by whom his work was highly esteemed. The possession
of a modest income enabled him to devote a generous portion
of his time to study; and at the end of a long life he had
examined with his microscope all he could lay hands upon in
both animate and inanimate nature. Among other things,
he discovered some of the larger bacteria, many protozoa,
the passage of blood from arteries to veins through the
capillaries (the one link needed to complete Harvey's evi-
dence for circulation) ; and he was the first to describe, if not
the discoverer of, the human spermatozoon.4
He became the first great microscopist. Thus at first:
"We were dreamers, dreaming greatly,
in the man-stifled town;
We yearned beyond the sky-line where
the strange roads go down."
'See: Kent, W. Sayviile, "Manual of the Infusoria," for quotations from,
and an account of, the work of Leeuwenhoek.
4 Interesting facts regarding the life and work of Leeuwenhoek will be found
in the article by D. F. Harris, "Anthony van Leeuwenhoek the First Bac-
teriologist," Scientific Monthly, Feb., 1921. Cf. also: Locy, " Biology and its
Makers."
248 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
Despite crude and imperfect microscopes, knowledge of
these animalcules grew apace, and during the eighteenth
century the more important types were recognized. Their
discovery reopened the discussion of spontaneous generation,
which, a few years before Leeuwenhoek's first observations,
had been discredited in the case of insects and the larger
organisms. The conflict was renewed between the opposing
forces. During this struggle facts were established which
not only aided in the final triumph of the modern theory of
biogenesis, but also resulted in extensions of knowledge
useful in other directions.
With the advent of the cell-theory in 1839 and with marked
improvements in the microscope, the distinction between
multicellular and unicellular organisms was established.
Finally, the age-long controversy was closed by : Pasteur, in
his studies upon disease and fermentation; Tyndall in his
examination of the floating matter of the air; Dallinger and
Drysdale, who first observed the complete life-cycle of a
protozoon; and a host of others. And here, these " nature
searchers," who since the days of Leeuwenhoek had been
pressing their forces into the seemingly useless fields that
teemed with microscopic life, joined with the men long baffled
in their fight for human lives, and gave to medicine the
support needed in reaching the vantage ground from which
to discover a new horizon-line in the germ-theory of disease.
For a long time, physicians had known that diseases were
catching. "The pestilence that walketh in darkness," was
no idle figure of speech. An analogy between the spread of
disease and the spread of living organisms had been pointed
out for centuries. But only in the nineteenth century, in the
generations of our fathers and grandfathers, did the medical
men, aided by the investigators who had ventured into the
wider domain of abstract science, show that the germ is so
truly the cause of infectious disease that without the micro-
croscopic germ the disease does not exist.5 Since the firm
6 First-hand contact with the medical discussion of this period may be ob-
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 249
establishment of this germ-theory, now the germ-fact of
disease, investigations in this direction have received in-
creasing support; until in recent years we have seen the
establishment of several institutions for general medical in-
vestigation, such as the Rockefeller Institute in New York
City and the State Cancer Laboratory in Buffalo. So im-
mediate have been the results, we may well believe that
laboratories of this character are destined in the near future
to be generously supported by public and private funds.
The fact of most importance, however, is that these recent
triumphs in an applied science had their beginnings in the
days of Leeuwenhoek. He was the first of a host of investiga-
tors in this field, who did not consider the immediate utilita-
rian values of what they sought. These men persevered in
the belief that all facts of nature are worth while and lived
and died hi the faith that somehow, sometime, the facts
they established would find a place in man's scheme of the
universe.
"Then the wood failed — then the food failed —
then the last water dried —
In the faith of little children
we lay down and died."
Did our space allow, we could follow this history in more
detail; we could show that the more important of the earlier
workers were students in pure science, attempting to make
what were termed in the earlier days " Contributions to
Knowledge"; that the long fight over the question of sponta-
neous generation was for centuries only an abstract and
academic matter, of no seeming value in everyday affairs;
that the burden of this pioneer work was borne by men who
were given scant public assistance and little recognition, who
followed no path of least resistance.
in Oliver Wendell Holmes' essay upon "Puerperal Fever," written in
1843. This is a medical classic and has the advantage of being found in almost
every library.
250 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
"On the sand-drift — on the veldt-eide —
in the fern-scrub we lay,
That our sons might follow after
by the bones on the way."
The lesson is plain. Are we in this day of enlightenment
doing much better by the workers in pure science? We hail
extravagantly the successful investigator in applied science
and he is well rewarded; though what he receives is in-
significant compared with that allowed to swashbuckling
captains of industry. But we do not provide for the man of
promise in abstract science a chance to keep at his work, in
the hope that he may make real contributions to knowledge.
We are greedy over the finished commercial product, while
we turn out, to starve or teach, the young men among whom
the Leeuwenhoeks of some future science must be found.
The conclusion is that our civilization though made possible
by the control of nature which science has brought, is not
offering adequate opportunity for further investigation. We
are neglecting that which might lead to things as undreamed
of as was the germ-theory of disease, when Anthony van
Leeuwenhoek discovered in 1676 " certain little animals in
rain, well, sea, and snow water and also in water wherein
pepper had lain infused."
LIFE-CYCLE OF THE FRESH-WATER MUSSEL
The life-cycle of the fresh-water mussel further illustrates
the nature and importance of research in science. First,
because the details of this unique life-history were dis-
covered after years of study by those adventurers of science
who struck into the hinterland of nature, where lay no beaten
trails; and second, because the facts, established in this
earlier period and with no utilitarian aim, have during the
past twenty years been turned to account in commercial
enterprise. We find here an illustration of the discovery of
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH
251
C.TKI.HE
FIG. 28. Fresh-water Mussel, Lampsilis subrostrata, and Developmental
Stages. Above, the gravid female showing fan-shaped brood-pouches (a
portion of outer gill). Middle, side and end views of the glochidium larva
greatly magnified. Many thousands of these larva would be found in
each brood-pouch. The groups of hair-like projections on the figure to
right are sensory organs. The fibres of the muscle by which the valves of
the glochidial shell are clamped upon the gill filament of a fish appear at
the bottom. Below, four views of a young Lampsilis which has recently
begun life upon the bottom after its parasitism on the fish. The outline
of the jrl.tchidial stage is still seen upon the shell which is growing rapidly.
The animal moves actively by means of the "foot" which is thrust from
between the valves of the shell. (After Lefevre and Curtis.)
252 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
economic values in a field originally explored without this
incentive.
Briefly, the life-cycle of the mussel, as illustrated by
Figs. 28, 29, and 30, may be summarized as follows: The
sexes are separate, the spermatozoa are discharged freely
into the water, entering the body of the female with the
FIG. 29. Glochidia of Lampsilis on Gill Filaments of a Fish. Above, small
portion of a filament with single glochidium partially overgrown thirty
minutes after original attachment. Below, small portion of a gill show-
ing several filaments heavily infected with glochidia, which are now
completely overgrown by the gill tissue. At moderate temperatures such
glochidia complete their parasitism in from three to four weeks. (After
Lefevre and Curtis.)
respiratory water currents and there fertilizing the eggs
contained in brood-pouches which are formed by a modifica-
tion of the gills. Development now begins and continues
until a larval stage, known as the Glochidium, is reached.
In this state the young are discharged from the female. The
glochidium, which in size is near the limit of visibility for the
unaided eye, now rests upon the bottom and must perish
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH
253
before many days unless it is accidentally brought into con-
tact with a fish. In this event, it fastens itself upon a fin or
gill of the fish, causes a growth of the fish's epithelium and,
in the course of a few hours, is completely enclosed within
the tissues of its host. Thus securely placed, it undergoes
development to a stage in which it is able to assume the life
FIG. 30. Rock-bass (Ambloplites rupestris) about five inches in length, infected
with glochidia of Lampsilis ligamentina. About 2,500 were successfully
carried through the metamorphosis by each fish in this infection. Note
the large number on the gills and the small number on fins. (After
Lefevre and Curtis.)
of the parent mussel. It then drops from the fish and takes
up an existence upon the bottom which it continues through-
out life. Two points are of importance in this cycle. First,
the glochidium is a stage at which development ceases and
death ensues, unless the larva becomes attached as a parasite
upon a fish. Secondly, the gaining of this favorable environ-
ment within the fish's tissues is wholly accidental; and so
many glochidia perish without so doing, they must be pro-
duced in enormous numbers in order that the chances of
destruction be overcome and the continuance of the species
assured.
When we examine the paths followed in the establishment
of the facts above outlined, it so happens that the trail
254 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
again begins with Leeuwenhoek. Before his day it was not
even known whether there existed in lowly organisms like
these mollusca anything comparable to the maleness and
femaleness recognized in higher forms. Their whole mode of
generation, whether spontaneous or by means of eggs, was a
matter of theoretical dispute. In his efforts to solve these
fundamental, but at the time wholly academic, questions,
Leeuwenhoek turned his microscope upon the fresh-water
mussels and discovered the innumerable eggs and larvae
which crowd the brood-pouches of the females. These he
correctly interpreted as the young of the mussel in which
they were found; and it is clear from his descriptions that he
saw enough of their development to justify his conclusion
that mussels, like the more familiar forms of animal life,
arose from eggs.
In the subsequent advance of our knowledge two periods
are conspicuous, one marked by a mistaken hypothesis, the
other by the discovery of the parasitism. The first period
(1797 to about 1830) was ushered hi when the failure to
secure stages beyond the glochidium led to the so-called
Glochidium-Theory, which maintained that the larvae were
not the young of the mussel from which they were obtained
but a wholly different species of bivalve living within the
mussel as a parasite. This theory had the negative advan-
tage of an incorrect hypothesis, it aroused opposition and
called forth investigations which showed once for all that the
glochidium was the young of the mussel in whose brood-
pouch it occurred.6
The collapse of the glochidium-theory left the subsequent
stages, by which the larvae reach the condition of miniature
adults, an unmapped territory where all trails went blind.
Not until 1866, when a young German investigator, Leydig,
8 In passing, it is of interest that the word Glochidium, by which we still
designate these larvae, had its origin at the period when the supposed parasites
were described as a species parasitic upon the mussel and named Glochidium
parasiticum.
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 255
made the somewhat accidental observation of glochidia
living as parasites upon fishes, was the clew discovered and
the work of following the later stages made possible.7 During
this final period, the post-glochidial development became
well known and the earliest stages of egg and embryo were
reexamined in the interests of fundamental research upon
development. Most significant of all in illustration of the
importance of abstract research, is the fact that from
Leeuwenhoek's beginning, all this work was part of an attempt
to understand the nature of individual development. It was in
no sense directed toward utilitarian ends. Originally, it was
a question of the mode of generation, whether spontaneous or
by eggs and sperms. Later, it became a question of compar-
ative embryology and the tracing of each organ in the body
back to the cell or group of cells from which it originated.
Through it all, the direct pressure of utilitarian considera-
tions is nowhere to be found; but rather a belief by the in-
vestigators that the facts were worth knowing, because they
gave a broader horizon to the landscape of nature.
In 1891 the first pearl button was cut from a fresh-water
mussel shell. The business soon became a substantial
industry and within ten years the destruction of the mussel
beds in the Mississippi River seemed imminent. At the
request of the manufacturers, the United States Bureau of
<Ties undertook a brief survey and offered some whole-
some advice, all of which was disregarded with the opening
of now sources of supply in Arkansas, Indiana, and along the
Ohio. Seven years later, under the stress of a still diminish-
ing supply, the manufacturers again approached the Bureau
of Fisheries, with the result that the Bureau made an ex-
tensive study of the mussel, having in view its artificial
propagation. The results of this investigation have been
brought together;8 and, since there are still many funda-
'LeydiR, F., "MitthciluiiK iilx'r don Panmitismus junger Unioniden an
Ftochon in N..1I Tiilmim-n. I Frmkfort :i M . 1866.
•Lefevre, G., and Curtis, W. C., "Studies on the Reproduction and Artifi-
256 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
mental questions involved, the federal government has con-
structed, at Fairport, Iowa, a station for the investigation of
these and all other problems of fresh-water biology, and as a
part of this station, a hatchery for the rearing of mussels by
artificial means.9
Although much remains to be done before the rearing of
the button mussels is established upon a commercial basis,
the results are encouraging and it may be hoped that before
many years the supply of raw material will be drawn from
beds artificially produced and maintained. As this work in
applied science advances, it is conceivable that the men who
have dealt with these practical problems may win popular
recognition greater than that given to any of their pred-
ecessors during the two hundred and fifty years since
Leeuwenhoek. Be this as it may, it is to the earlier workers
that the larger measure of credit belongs; for theirs was the
more unique attainment. Between the two is the difference
between the men who broaden a beaten trail and those who
penetrate territory wholly new.
THE PROGRESS OF KNOWLEDGE CONCERNING HEREDITY
The problem of heredity is our final illustration of the
relation between theoretical and practical knowledge in the
history of science. In this field we have known so little,
have so failed in the discovery of land-marks until very recent
years, that biological science is only beginning to get its
bearings and to hew its way into the wild. We to-day stand
cial Propagation of Fresh-water Mussels." Bulletin Bureau of Fisheries,
Vol. XXX, 1910. See also: the miscellaneous papers by other investigators,
published in Bull. Bur. Fisheries since 1910; and particularly, Coker, R. E.
etal. "Natural History and Propagation of Fresh-water Mussels," Bull.
Bur. Fisheries, Vol. XXXVII, 1919-20.
9 This station, which is probably the most extensive establishment of its
kind in the world, is described briefly by R. S. Coker, "The Fisheries Biological
Station at Fairport, Iowa." App. I, Rept. U. S. Commissioner of Fisheries,
1920.
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 257
like those who have just effected a landing upon a new con-
tinent, whose supply camps are established, whose ax-men
are out, and who are beginning the march. This is a field
of investigation where discoveries are so new that men have
not yet grasped their importance nor set the facts to work
in ways to suit their needs. This is a problem of the future,
and as such appeals more strongly to imagination.
The fact of hereditary resemblance must have been recog-
nized since man first gave attention to the breeding of domes-
ticated animals, or first saw that his offspring were like him-
self. But heredity remained rather the plaything of the
philosopher than the problem of the scientist, until the man-
ner of individual generation had become established and the
germ-cells recognized as its physical basis. All the earlier
work upon reproduction and development, all the investi-
gations which centered around the discussion of spontaneous
generation, all the studies which led to the cell-theory were
necessary to establish our present position, and to give the
modern investigation of heredity its point of departure.
With these things behind it, heredity has become a subject
of prune interest in present-day biology, and only hi the last
quarter century has our attack begun.
Two men stand out as pioneers of the recent advance—
Gregor Mendel, whose work was the earlier done but the later
known; and Francis Galton, who should be credited with
collecting valuable data and with arousing public interest
by his eugenic propaganda, although his laws of heredity
now seems of small value.
Without attempting an explanation of either the Galto-
nian or the Mendelian theory of heredity, a word may be said
in illustration of an essential difference between the two.10
Most of us are familiar with the tables, published by insur-
ance companies and stating the expectation of life for a man
at a given age. You are, say thirty years old. The table
10 The cellular aspects of Mendelian heredity have boon briefly discussed in
Chapter VII. pp. i:«M4.
258 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
says you may expect to live until you are sixty-four. This
is well so far as it goes. It is comforting to feel one has that
much lease on life, even though his life is almost half spent.
And this knowledge does very well for life insurance com-
panies, since it can be applied to thousands of policy holders
with a degree of certainty that places the whole superstruc-
ture of the insurance business upon a stable foundation.
In your particular case, however, this kind of certainty is
not satisfying, since it can tell you nothing of your own or
any other individual's duration of life. Though you die
to-morrow or live to be a hundred, your life merely counts
as one item in the statistics upon which such tables are
based.
The insurance tables, therefore, allow us to make proph-
ecies for populations, but not for individuals, and this is essen-
tially the nature of Galton's law of heredity. It attempts to
say what will be the inheritance on the average, but leaves us
in the dark as to what will happen in the individual case.
If, on the other hand, the life insurance company were able,
after looking you over, to say that, barring death by acci-
dent, you would become an octogenarian, or to say that in-
ability to resist disease would cut you off at forty, then we
should have the kind of prophecy it is possible to make in
cases of Mendelian inheritance which have been thoroughly
investigated. For here, we can, by proper testing of the
individual, foretell the characters he will transmit to his
descendants. Galton's law is then of value as a statistical
statement, but as a guide in the fundamental analysis of
heredity it can scarce be compared with the law of Mendel.
The discovery of the Mendelian phenomena, like most im-
portant advances in the science of biology, was not the re-
sult of any feverish search for utilitarian values. Mendel's
interests were along theoretical lines. The account of his
experiments remained buried hi an obscure publication,
until after the same phenomena had been rediscovered by
later workers about 1900. And now, less than a quarter of
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 259
a century later, Mendelism is becoming a household word.
So many facts have already been accumulated and so re-
volutionary are some of its conceptions, that we begin to
doubt whether our other theories of heredity have had any
value whatsoever. And we look forward with hope, because
we are at last upon firm ground and have found a way of
advance.
The results which must inevitably flow from the obscure
beginning made by Mendel are not easily appreciated, so
great is the importance to mankind of accurate knowledge,
and hence control, of heredity. Already the breeding of
domestic animals is feeling the impetus, and the super-
stitions that have clouded the efforts of practical breeders
are becoming things of the past. The breeder of animals who
would have large success from now on, must be not only
biologically trained; he must know every twist and turn of
the latest Mendelian formulae. For the same laws hold
good in many different animals and plants, in the wool of
sheep and in the colors of flowers. Breeding will soon be-
come an exact science, demanding extensive biological train-
ing and a thorough knowledge of the short-hand terminology
which the Mendelian worker has devised for the visualizing
of his complex phenomena.
For the human race, we may eventually breed better men.
Though, of course, the time is far distant when any selective
mating will be possible, save as we develop a social tradition
that makes us feel disgraced if we marry where the stock is
clearly defective, and save as we enforce a rigorous prohibi-
tion of the right which conspicuously defective individuals
now have to inflict their full quota of descendants upon
society. These things will come slowly, for the social
organization is discouragingly stable, and we cannot be over-
sanguine when we contemplate the attainment of perfection
at some future period. As Huxley puts it, "If the tem-
perature of space presented no obstacle, I should be glad to
entertain this idea of ultimate human perfection; but judg-
260 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
ing from the past progress of our species, I am afraid that
the globe will have cooled down so far, before the advent of
this natural millennium, that we shall be, at best, perfected
Esquimaux."
For practical purposes, however, it is encouraging that man
may improve his condition in the course of a century or so,
a thing we obviously do accomplish in some degree. And
we may expect material advance in the near future, if we
do no more than prohibit what is clearly bad, while giving
social approbation to the kind of matings which make for
better men. But shall we stop here once we recognize the
facts? We have given up, among individuals if not among
nations, the cherished right to knock the other fellow on the
head if he disagrees with us; and the type of mind which
desires progress rather than precedent believes that the
future will see the surrender or restriction of other rights now
regarded as fundamental. It may even come to this matter
of marriage and giving in marriage. Already we are making
the attempt to prevent hereditarily defective individuals
from reproducing their kind, something we can accomplish
only when the facts of heredity are fully known for these
particular cases. Moreover, eugenic propaganda lead the
thoughtful and conscientious members of society to consider
their obligations in the light of heredity.
When we really get beyond the present sky-line we shall
do more than this; for the future will demand better brain
and more of it than the past, and a sound body to go with
the better brain. It has been said that "the rulers of the
world have been big eaters"; which is probably true, in so
far as those who hold their fellow-men effectively in hand
are, commonly, men and women of some brute-force. One
might say, as the converse of this, that the thinkers of the
world are below the average in physical attainment. For,
while it cannot be stated accurately, it seems clear that na-
ture exacts heavy penalties for too much intellectual effort,
and that for most of the race physical toil, even though
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 261
arduous, is still the most wholesome of all activities. How
to realize the old Greek ideal of the sane mind in the healthy
body is still afar off. Present results indicate that heredity,
and not environment or education, leads to permanent
progress. If this is so, the application of the facts of heredity
to our species will be one of the great problems of the future.
We see now that we are on the right track, and that an ade-
quate knowledge, and hence control, of heredity may be
possible sooner than we had thought.
Returning to the main contention, what we have seen in
the history of man's study of the microorganisms, in a more
restricted case like the fresh- water mussel, and in the broad
field of heredity, will be found in other lines. Facts appar-
ently remote from present needs come to be the very life
blood of subsequent generations. There are, doubtless,
barren fields, but almost any facts of nature are worth
studying, since only by continuous searching do we find that
for which we seek. If a child is lost on a mountain and there
are searching parties out beating the bushes, now here, now
there, or systematically covering the ground, the one who
actually finds the child may be rewarded; when in reality
it is largely an accident that he rather than another suc-
ceeded in the quest. It is more than likely the credit belongs
to another who so organized the hunt that nothing could
be overlooked. In our quest for facts, we must so advance
that no spot is left wholly unexplored; for we cannot tell
what importance any part of the field may assume. We
cannot afford to concern ourselves to-day merely with what
seems useful, since the more important advances of the past
have commonly been made through fields which at first
gave small promise of value.
To some extent the needs of practical life have induced
men to explore the unknown territory of nature. But to a
greater extent investigators have been led into this terri-
tory by their attempts to learn more of nature, irrespective
of utilitarian values. We should, therefore, spare no effort
262 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
to make such investigations possible. The recent history
of science indicates that a larger amount of research is now
in progress, " where the strange roads go down," than at
any time in the past, and that the more important part of
this work is being pursued without the incentive of financial
gain. In the face of the very general failure to appreciate
this situation, the scientist should consider the means to a
better understanding. The case should be presented in a
way to make men understand that pure science is not "just
a lot of this bug business," as is sometimes said of zoology,
but a " man's job," which appeals to imagination and which
taxes to their limit the intellectual resources of mankind—
a task we must take up where our forebears lay it down.
That to conclude our analogy:
"Follow after — we are waiting,
by the trails that we lost
For the sound of many footsteps,
for the tread of a host.
Follow after — follow after —
for the harvest is sown:
By the bones about the wayside
ye shall come to your own!"
CHAPTER XI
THE ROLE OF SCIENCE IN THE SOLUTION OF
SOCIAL PROBLEMS
ACCEPTING the broad definition of science, as the product of
human rationality applied to the phenomena of nature, it is
possible to claim for science a larger place in the affairs of
men than could otherwise be maintained. What men call
civilized society with its material surroundings, its indus-
trial, political, and social institutions, its state of mind that
makes civilization a possibility, has arisen as the collective
product of human ideas acting upon the human and the
material environment. This vast complex is ultimately a
product of individual human minds reacting to their world
of persons and things. The first steps were, of course,
wholly unconscious. As civilization became established,
occasional thinkers began to understand the significance of
rationality in the control of environment. In later times, an
increasing number have apprehended human social organ-
ization as a process in space and time, have sought to ascer-
tain the end toward which it has progressed, and have
considered the extent to which man can assume direction of
its progress in the future. As a result of the analyses made
uch philosopher-historians as Guizot, Buckle, Comte,
Carlyle, Spencer, Hegel, and others, it seems fair to say that
the end toward which civilization has blindly directed its
main effort is the elevation and expansion of the individual.
In the advancement of civilization through the action of
the human mind upon its environment, no one factor, such
as religion or science or hero-worship, can be regarded as all-
important. But in so far as it is definable as the rational
attack upon phenomena, science holds a unique position.
253
264 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
In view of the definition of science above given, we under-
stand why the scientist does not accept the naive formulas,
by which the progress of society is frequently explained, for
example, belief that the advances of western nations, during
the past nineteen hundred years has been mainly a function
of the dominant religion. The spirit of the greatest of
ethical masters is in no small measure responsible, but the
progress of western culture is a more complex affair.
Acceptance of the traditional explanations of progress
would be unimportant, if such an attitude did not lead to
blindness in situations which involve the future of mankind.
We must have in mind the entire situation — must consider
all the data. When this is done, the rational processes of
the mind, which constitute the motive power of science,
appear as a dynamic factor in human progress. Behind the
life of the civilized community, with its elevation and ex-
pansion of the individual, is the driving force of ration-
ality.
THE MATERIAL FOUNDATIONS OF SOCIAL WELL-BEING
Whether or not it be agreed that the development of the
individual to the limits of his capacity constitutes the goal
of human effort, it is fairly obvious that human progress
from the Renaissance onward has proceeded in this direction.
The modern Utopia seems to be a world in which men will
not be debarred from a realization of the best that is hi them,
save by the obligation to give to others an equal opportunity.
We are far from the goal, but enough has been effected that
we may dream of a day when no human individual will lack
the opportunity to achieve, both physically and mentally,
the best that lies within him. Equality of capacity would
seem a biological impossibility, but equality of opportunity is
not unattainable within reasonable limits. It is this upward
surge of individuality that has produced the democratic
movements of the recent centuries; and the best guarantee
SCIENCE AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS 265
for the ultimate success of democracy is this persistent de-
mand for individual opportunity which can scarce be secured
under aristocratic forms of government, whether such forms
be landed or capitalistic.
The betterment of his material environment is important
not alone for man's physical gratification. Such betterment
enables men to devote their attention to that which is not
bread. The " misery of boots," as one writer aptly de-
scribes it, must be overcome before the individual can
realize his spiritual desires.1 The proposal to fill men's
stomachs as a stimulus to their morals is worthy of attention,
even though experience shows that great material prosperity
is not conducive to the spiritual advancement of individuals
or of nations. A degree of prosperity is indispensable, though
an excess may prove disastrous. Luxury, if we mean by this
the comforts over and above the necessities of life, may be
taken as one of the measures of civilization.
Hence, the most obvious application of science to the
problems of society lies in this direction. Science has estab-
lished a control of nature, through which the material wel-
fare of mankind can be permanently secured. In civilized
lands, men can, if they will, produce enough for the entire
population to eat and to wear. The problem is no longer
how to produce the necessities of life, it is how to distribute
them. In production, we are far ahead of our power to
effect a just distribution. The socialist is largely correct in
his contention, that if we would deal fairly in distribution no
man would be obliged to work long hours in shop or mine, but
could devote a fair measure of time to his spiritual interests,
and that under such a system many social problems would
disappear. The first claim for science, as having important
applications in the problems of society, is, therefore, its
stabilization and extension of material factors which are
indispensable. This value should not be minimized, since
it lies at the basis of civilized life, although it is easy to cite
> Wells, H. G.f "This Misery of Boote."
266 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
other applications not so immediately allied to things
material.
The claim that material environment and social conditions
arising therefrom largely determine aspiration and accom-
plishment will be challenged in certain quarters. There are,
in general, two methods of procedure, which are held to be
efficacious as means to progress. The one is by exhortation
and example, the other by making it possible for the good in
men to find an outlet. The former is important, but the
latter is prerequisite to the social, and hence to the spiritual,
advancement of large bodies of men. Without belying the
thesis that the more important values of science are spiritual,
we may regard material conditions as of the utmost impor-
tance, hi so far as they place spiritual attainmant within
reach. It can be shown that material factors are a most
effective stimulus to social progress; and scientific knowledge
is the means by which new material factors are brought into
being.
Although the individual and not his environment is the
primary factor, the ideals, the opinions, and the mental
habits of men are so closely related to their conditions of life
that improvement of material and social environment is
regarded by many able thinkers as the most practical and
effective means to progress. It is even maintained that the
moral relations of men in any age are largely a product of the
cultural level of the population. Great moral leaders arise
and exhortation has its uses, but there can be no real progress
save as the level of material, and therefore of social, condi-
tions is gradually advanced. If this be acknowledged, at-
tention should be directed to the amelioration of the condi-
tions which "stop down" aspirations that might spring into
being. The cultural level is the vulnerable point of attack,
if we really want progress. The reason why exhortation is so
popular is that it hurts no one, does not produce disturbing
consequences, and is inexpensive for those who foot the bills.2
2 This point of view is ably maintained by J. Beattie Crozier in the volume
SCIENCE AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS 267
The obvious fact, which most of us will admit, is that "all
exhortations to duty and morality, and to elevation and
expansion of mind, in the face of material and social condi-
tions adverse to the growth of these virtues, are a waste of
time and human energy; and are as absurd as to expect a
rich and vigorous fruitage from trees or plants in spite of
adverse conditions of soil."3 Unfavorable material and
social conditions are a check upon cultural progress and
hence upon the aspirations of men. Individual conscience
and perseverance are not a myth. But in a world where
things make so many of their relationships, that is, their
ethical values, through their influence upon the minds of
men, it is idle to suppose that high idealism will long flourish
in the face of a sordid environment. The talk about men
being men in spite of adverse social and material circum-
stances is well enough, but it is a terribly effective means for
the perpetuation of iniquitous conditions. If men's ideals
are not literally bred of their surroundings, it is true that
their ideals are thus conditioned. The material and social
environment, in other words the general cultural level, is a
limiting factor in the advance of society along the lines of the
elevation and expansion of the individual.
Scientific knowledge of fact has importance in the above
connection, because through science alone can men control
their material and social surroundings. Invoking a super-
natural control of these surroundings may be still practiced,
in the case of little-understood phenomena like disease and
the weather. But confidence in the effectiveness of such
invocations is rapidly disappearing, because mankind is
learning that the new way and the sure way lies through the
4 ( 'ivilization and Progress," in which he strenuously opposes the doctrine that
civilization is to be forwarded, rather by exhortations to duty and morality,
>y the gradual amelioration of the material and social conditions
.kind (Yo/.icr is thus opposed to Carlyle, whose emphasis upon
spirit ml values led him (<> pour contempt upon the whole of material
1 Croiier, J. B., Inc. ri/., p.
268 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
knowledge called science. When it is once discovered that
any set of phenomena is predictable, and to that extent
controllable after the manner of science, men cease to believe
in the control of these phenomena by supernatural agencies.
Thus it happens that the realm, in which supernatural
controls are believed to be effective, is being progressively
diminished. The scientific method is likewise important, be-
cause through this method alone can men induce the frame
of mind necessary for progress and for the control of social
institutions.
Concrete examples of the relation between scientific
knowledge and the material and social conditions in civil-
ized life need hardly be cited. This practical aspect of
science is familiar to all. The man in the street knows that
science gets him what he wants hi his industrial enterprises,
in agriculture, in household convenience, and in all the
varied materialities of life. This aspect of science consti-
tutes its justification in the eyes of the world. Moreover,
the familiar facts in the recent history of the western nations
make it a matter of common knowledge that a host of
popular material comforts, which were only for the rich and
powerful at an earlier day, are the outcome of a practical
knowledge of the natural world, which is the more exact
knowledge of applied science.
Social progress depends largely upon, first, the extent to
which society has developed the material conditions upon
which any advance of the cultural level must depend, and
second, upon the extent to which these conditions have been
diffused and equalized. The material basis for the finer
aspirations must be the birthright of a large majority,
before any change can be expected. Within the recent
centuries, science has accomplished this extension and
democratization of the material environment in western
society, by increasing both the volume and the nature of the
physical comforts which the majority can enjoy. Science
has created the material foundations of western culture.
SCIENCE AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS 269
Upon these foundations it has been possible to raise a
growing edifice of aspiration.
It therefore appears: that scientific knowledge is the
means to control of the physical environment; that proper
physical environment is prerequisite to a proper social en-
vironment among men; and that the level of any society is an
immediate function of the material, and hence the social,
conditions that exist. In a savage society, living without
safe and permanent means of subsistence, the higher forms
of relationship between individuals are non-existent. Aspi-
ration cannot exceed the cultural level. In a modern com-
munity, where decent material conditions are denied to any
large class of the population, and where, as a result, social
conditions are at their worst, it is idle to expect a flowering
of the nobler aspirations. If these aspirations are thus
related to material conditions, which are dependent upon
scientific knowledge, the basic importance of science in the
solution of social problems must be acknowledged.
FUNCTION OF SCIENCE IN SOCIAL PROGRESS
But important as its material applications may appear, a
deeper social significance lies in the influence of science upon
the outlook of the individual mind. The manifold inter-
actions between the members of a modern community are
dependent upon science for their successful outcome, al-
though here the relationship is less direct and the com-
plexity of phenomena, which involve men as well as things,
is such that the applications of science are less easily recog-
nizable. The influence of science in this connection lies hi
the fact that scientific thinking produces a state of mind
which makes for that expansion and extension of the individual
which appears to be the goal of civilized society.
Society suffers, because its members are so largely in-
fluenced by their emotions. Mankind will doubtless con-
tinue to be guided by the heart rather than the head, but it is
270 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
to be hoped the former may listen more to the latter. That
is to say, it is important that we consider probable conse-
quences before adopting new lines of procedure. At the
beginning of clear thinking, in all politico-social questions are
facts that have been more or less scientifically ascertained.
The scientific method is needed at every turn, if complex
social situations are to be dealt with in any other fashion
than by the blundering methods of the past. The plea is not
that the scientist is always a good citizen, but that the
scientific method is useful for the citizen; that, as social
life becomes more complex, it is necessary to apply the
method of science, as a tool wherewith to shape the conclu-
sions which shall guide our social conduct. The need for
scientific knowledge and insight is particularly great now
that society has become so highly organized. At an earlier
day, the problems were simpler and the ignorance of the
population was the element that made the situation seem
hopeless. To-day, ignorance is still the greatest bar to
progress, but it is an ignorance that shows signs of enlight-
enment and that is frequently maintained on an artificial
basis by tradition and propaganda.
The difficulty in taking over the scientific frame of mind,
to fields where personal considerations hold sway, is acknowl-
edged. The scientist, who exhibits dispassionate judgment
in a restricted field of investigation, is not infrequently as
narrow-minded in his social judgments as the individuals hi
other callings whom the scientist sometimes holds up to
scorn. It is difficult to be open-minded and dispassionate
where self-interest is involved. But the frame of mind
which is avowedly and conscientiously disinterested and
progressively inclined is more likely to produce good citizen-
ship than the one which habitually works on closed circuits.
There is one very practical point of difference, in the
application of scientific principles within the field of the
social as compared with the natural sciences, which has a
bearing upon the taking over of the scientific habit of mind.
SCIENCE AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS 271
It is comparatively easy to make experiments in the natural
sciences. Two chemical compounds may be brought to-
gether, a group of physical conditions may be arranged, an
animal or a plant may be subjected to new conditions; even
in medical science, it is not difficult to find an individual
whose hopelessness over his own case or whose altruism will
lead him to try the new cure or to allow himself to be in-
fected with the virus. It only takes one experimenter and
one trial to begin with. If that is a success the experiment
may be repeated again and again; and, in the case of ex-
periments upon individual human beings, satisfactory
results quickly lead to the willingness of a larger number of
individuals to become subjects for experimentation. The
result of this in such cases as the use of anaesthetics and of
anti-typhoid vaccination, is the very rapid extension of any
procedure that gives satisfactory results.
But within the field of social phenomena, the trained
observer may feel sure that a social experiment, such as a
reform of the currency, is justifiable. Yet to perform the
experiment, it is necessary not merely to convince one
human being, then another, and another, but to persuade the
dominating element of a population to submit to untried
conditions. Moreover, the complexity of the situation and
the time required are such that the outcome may always be
called in question. It is as though a civil engineer could
never experiment with the stresses and strains on his bridge
until just such a bridge had been built full size; and could
not build it until he persuaded a majority of the population
to embark upon a venture which might prove disastrous,
ociety from the beginning of civilization has been con-
tinually embarking upon such ventures, unconsciously
blundering through with them at whatever cost in human
life and treasure.
Conscious attempts to solve the problems of society
have had no very obvious influence in the past nor do they
in the present. !><•< 'i.'il decisions are made not l>\
272 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
competent thinking but by blind reactions. The effort
of innumerable individuals, each pushing his own way and
led by what appeals to his own imagination, constitute the
medium in which progress develops. Nevertheless, if ra-
tionality amounts to anything hi the world of social re-
lationship, we must act on the assumption that intelligent
analysis counts in the long run. Now that so many are able
to read, even if they read only newspapers, it is possible for
human thought to carry farther than ever before.
The thinker is always at a disadvantage as compared
with the demagogue, because the latter so readily captures
the popular imagination. The discriminating insight into
the problems of human life, which may characterize the
finer intelligence, is often directly felt by only a small circle of
readers and acquaintances. But hi the end the progress of
society seems to be dominated by the ideas of a few minds;
and usually these ideas are relatively simple because they
are fundamental. Descartes and Darwin are examples of
individuals whose thought has influenced the structure
of society. The triumphs of the ancient science were seem-
ingly obliterated by the unscientific attitude of the Roman
mind and by the social disasters that overtook the Roman
Empire. Yet the concepts of Hellenic genius, through their
re-creation and extension hi the Renaissance, made the
modern world.
Open-minded consideration of ideas involving social re-
adjustments is clearly related to the conscious direction of
social progress. Society regards change with such suspicion
there is no danger that change will ever occur with undue
rapidity, despite the recurrence of revolution. Conservatism
is seldom out of the saddle for long at a time, and is, in gen-
eral, supported by all forms of human activity, with the
possible exception of science. Religion, art, government,
and even education represent the conservation of what has
been already won. Science is the one field of human endeavor,
which, from its very nature, looks forward rather than back-
SCIENCE AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS 273
ward. Religion harks back to revelation; government, as
expressed by law, is founded upon precedent, the emotional
factor hi art arouses primitive psychic states. Science is not
only the latest born, it is also the only form of human
activity which is continually projecting itself into the future.
Under these circumstances, the scientific frame of mind,
with its disregard for precedent, is of evident value in solving
social problems. Open-mindedness and fair judgment in
such questions are essential to progress. Honesty is needed,
and so is sense. The method of science is the method of fair
judgment and of the open mind — the state of mind which
makes progress a possibility. Moreover, the method of
scientific thinking is the competent method in the analysis
of complex situations, despite the claims for intuition. One
might characterize the land of thinking that is done by the
vast majority of human beings as in one dimension. A
small number think in two dimensions, and a very few in
three. This last form of thought is about as comprehensible
to the individual of the one dimensional mind as is the fourth
dimension of the mathematician to the ordinary layman.
Blind acceptance of what is, because it has been, is an ex-
ample of one dimensional thought. Habit and tradition in-
cline us to take things pretty much as we find them. When
an individual arises who seriously questions tradition, he is
regarded as dangerous.
Now it is against the flooding current of traditional beliefs
that science has struggled in the past and must struggle in
the future. The unscientific frame of mind does not seem to
be born into men so much as it is trained into them by educa-
tion. The cases of individuals who begin in the old grooves,
but by some lucky chance of education or opportunity
find themselves and grow into the broader state of mind, are
sufficiently numerous that one need not feel discouraged for
the race. But it is a serious indictment of our educational
system that the schools are much concerned with what has
happened and little with what might happen if men would
274 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
use more of their wits. The true ideal of education is a
leading out, as the derivation of the term implies, and
this is in line with the ideal of science, which is the discovery
of new truth.
Science causes social progress by its incessant erosion of
the traditional ideas that tend to keep society within the
established bounds. Science is thus a dynamic factor. This
does not mean that great civilizations are impossible, without
organized science in the modern sense, but that society
advances only in so far as it is influenced by the spirit
characteristic of science. Ancient Egypt possessed a high
civilization, founded, as we have seen, upon scientific
knowledge in the arts. But the Egyptian and also the
Mesopotamian civilizations possessed little beyond the pomp
and panoply of social organization, because their culture was
not an expression of the progressive spirit expressed in terms
of collective organization. Greece, alone among the ancient
nations, kindled the undying fire. The scientific factor in
western society first arose in Hellas. Some of the far-eastern
civilizations of modern times seem to represent a frame of
mind, essentially like that of earlier cultures. They are not
likely to be shaken from their lethargy so long as the spirit
of conservatism prevails. India, for example, is not likely to
be profoundly changed by the preaching of any new religious
philosophy, for India is surfeited with religious philosophies,
but by the development of a willingness to break with tra-
dition. The history of Japan within the last half century
shows what can happen when the spirit of change strikes
home.4
The claim that the progressive attitude of science furnishes
a dynamic factor hi social progress thus rests upon the fact
that the scientific state of mind is the one that readily breaks
with tradition. Science is a persistently radical factor in
4 We do not imply that the. immediate outcome in Japan or elsewhere is
other than deplorable. But the results that can be attained where there
exists the will to break with tradition must be acknowledged.
SCIENCE AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS 275
society. It works from the bottom, by changing material
conditions in such a way that new horizons are opened. It
works from the top, by challenging old ideas and traditional
schemes of social organization. The conservative function
has its value, but the radical function gives us new worlds
for old.
THE SCIENTIFIC VERSUS THE LEGALISTIC MIND
.As intimated in the preceding section, two contrasting
points of view appear within the social field. It is not that
human minds are sharply divided in two different sorts, but
that two states of mind, which all men possess in some
degree, contend for the mastery. On the one hand is what
may be described as the legalistic frame of mind, and on the
other the scientific. The use of the term legalistic does not
imply that the former attitude is the exclusive possession of
one profession, although it is well exemplified by the mental
outlook of many lawyers. This word is used, because it is
more expressive than such a term as conservative. The
radical and forward-looking nature of the scientific mind has
been sufficiently explained. The obstacles to its expansion
can be illustrated by a comparison with the antithetical
spirit of legalism.
What is here designated as legalistic is the spirit which is
tied to the past, and which looks for guidance to what has
been done, rather than to what might be done in any social
situation. This mental state appears: in the lawyer, who
believes that constitutions should be the molds for society
rather than being molded by society; in the churchman,
who believes that men exist to glorify the Church and not
the Church to express the idealism of men; in the political
Bourbon, who harps upon the democratic ideals of the past
without making their obvious applications in the present;
in the military man, enmeshed in red-tape and unable to
find his way out; and in the industrial magnate, who, having
276 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
accumulated wealth in ignorance of the world of ideas and of
the essential facts in human progress, poses as an expert in
the problems of society and opposes any suggestion of
change in the social situation. On its emotional side, this
type of mind is often strongly religious in a" formal way. It
possesses moral convictions which are incapable of progres-
sive development; while a general inclination toward mysti-
cism and conventionality, together with a willingness to
accept irrational explanations, indicate that it is a survival
and might properly be described as archaic, when com-
pared with the outlook of the modern world. The intimate
relation existing between the sacerdotal and the militaristic
spirit is but one example of a linkage that connects to-
gether a whole series of mental states which are deep-seated,
and which are, in general, opposed to the rationalism of
scientific thought.
The behavior of the legalistic mind within the legal pro-
fession presents striking illustrations. Research in anthro-
pology and archaeology has shown the probable course by
which law and justice originated from their foundation upon
the minimum of mutual confidence, which was necessary,
before any associations beyond the family could be formed;
and upon the attempts to punish digression from the un-
written laws of the group. Some measure of loyalty, self-
restraint, and honesty had to be enforced from the first.
Law and the administration of justice arose from this natural
source and not from supernatural revelations. The later
evolution of the law and its ideals hi the European world are
familiar to the student of history. The law has exercised its
larger functions, only hi so far as it has adjusted itself to the
new demands of a changing social order. It is necessary to
have regard for precedent in order to conserve those prac-
tices of the past which are applicable to the present. But
the real problem for the law is what is here and now, not what
was at an earlier period. The lawyer tends, unconsciously,
to feel that his law came down from heaven, and that what has
SCIENCE AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS 277
been is more sacred than what might be. This is not unnatural,
because it is an important function of the law to administer
the kind of justice, which has been arrived at through the
experience of the past; and because the results of experimen-
tation are uncertain. To the conservative mind, there is a
majesty to tradition and precedent, because they represent
what so many individuals have accepted hi the past, it
matters not how blindly.
The stickling for the phraseology of an indictment, while
the essential facts of the case are disregarded, is a familiar
illustration in the legal procedure of our own land. The Eng-
lish law, from which ours took origin, has largely eliminated
this insistence on the letter, which arose at a time when
merciful judges attempted by this subterfuge to save unfor-
tunate individuals from the action of harsh laws. Insistence
upon the letter has survived in America, because we are a
conservative nation, and because the members of an over
crowded profession must earn livings. The lawyer is wonder-
fully able to keep in mind the essential point, in true scien-
tific fashion, when he is after the facts of evidence. As a
judge upon the bench, he shows that he can sift out facts
according to the method of science. His point of view is
wholly different when it comes to the law as a function of
society. To the mind of the scientist, the law should drive
through with an eye to the main issue, which is the adminis-
tration of justice in a changing world. Neither justice nor
morality have absolute values which men have as yet dis-
covered. The belief that they have such values is a survival
from the concept of a static world.
The violent resistance of the legal mind to innovations,
which threaten social readjustment, is a result of the self-
interest involved where law and business hunt together,
and of the precedent-following mind. For example, the
suggestion that in cases where an employer surrounds his
employees with riot-producing conditions, he is to be classed
as one of the responsible parties is a new idea and as such
278 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
it falls upon stony ground when cast into the legal mind.
But forget the law and regard the case with an open mind!
What is it we are after any way? Is it the profit of the in-
dividual employer or is it the expansion of the individual, in
so far as his expansion does not stifle the opportunities of
other individuals like himself? Proposed restriction of the
employment of industrial spies is a further example of a legal
innovation that will no doubt be opposed by the mental
attitude of legalism as well as by the paid activities of the
legal henchmen of the industrial world.5
Take the broad problem of vested rights: The scientist
holds no brief for confiscation. But what appalls him is to see
conservatism, so blind as not to realize that confiscation is
sure to come when a social situation becomes intolerable,
as during the French Revolution and more recently in Russia.
There is a type of mind which never realizes that the reason
why men protect property is that protection of property is
necessary for the safety of the individual. The individual
and his life is the real issue. In the long run, vested
property rights can survive only as they square with the
right of the individual to life and opportunity. There are
lawyers who have the broader view of law. But there are
too many of them who think society is static, and that ideas
can be restrained by machine guns and policemen's clubs,
backed up by legal precedents.
The influence of industrialism in civilization presents a
curious contradiction, in this conflict between the legalistic
and the scientific mind. Modern industry has been re-
sponsible, more than any material factor, for the spread of
the matter-of-fact and rationalistic point of view. The idea
of scientific causation has established itself in the popular
imagination, largely through the fact that men have every-
5 The development of the spy-system in industry has been investigated
under the auspices of the Cabot Fund for Industrial Research. See pamphlet
entitled: "The Labor Spy," which is a reprint of articles published in The New
Republic by Sidney Howard.
SCIENCE AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS 279
where become familiar with the laws under which machines
are set in operation. The idea of man as a controller and
director of natural forces and not as a worker of miracles,
and of nature as something which acts according to discover-
able laws has been the work of the thinkers. Its wide
acceptance has been an incident of modern industrial de-
velopment. This situation was mentioned in our account
of the practical applications of science during the closing
decades of the eighteenth century. Moreover, on its com-
mercial side, the industrial character is distinctly matter-
of-fact and scientific, caring mainly for results. The growth
of such a frame of mind exercises an important influence
upon the intellectual horizon.
But with the rise of great industrial organizations during
recent years, the inertia, with which science has always to
contend, appears in a new guise. The stronger forces of
conservatism to-day appear, intrenched within the indus-
trial domain. The more extensively the older dominance
of Church and Government is replaced by the all-powerful
domination of bourgeois Industry, the more Industry be-
comes an obstacle to the freedom of science. In the past,
the scientific spirit has contended with ancient dogma in
the form of theology. To-day, it is being confronted with
the Great God Business, which, although it fosters the mate-
rial extensions of science, is, on the other hand opposing the
extension of the scientific frame of mind in the solution of
social problems. Just as industrialism tends to eliminate
war, by establishing a pax commercii, while the rivalries
which it engenders constitute the underlying cause for
modern wars, so industrialism, while fostering the spread
of a scientific state of mind among the toilers, shifts the au-
thority in society from those who dominate Church and
State to those who dominate Industry. It thus enthrones
Industry as the strongest defender of the status quo against
which the scientific spirit now contends. The hopeful
aspects of the situation are the growth of the scientific
280 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
state of mind among the masses and the growing demand
from the engineer and expert technician for a position of
equal importance with that accorded to the capitalist. The
matter-of-fact demands of science are having their influence
in the central organization as well as in the lower levels of
industry.
Psychology may some day know enough regarding the
reactions which indicate a permanent closure of mental cir-
cuits so that many an elderly gentleman, who would now
occupy a place of authority in matters of social welfare, will
be relegated to a subordinate position, in favor of the man
of open mind, who has enough elasticity remaining in his
arteries and elsewhere to make him fit to assume authority
in matters that affect the lives and happiness of large num-
bers of men. In war, if war lasts that long, it may also be
possible to select, at the outset, generals whose wits have not
undergone ossification; and in industry to curtail the in-
fluence of those who are hopelessly unable to meet new social
situations.
The fact that men easily establish a reputation for sanity
and sound judgment when they never depart from established
points of view, and the fact that men tend always to regard
as sane those who agree with them are the two strong but-
tresses which support the wall of conservatism against the
pressure of new ideas. It is considered safe to follow the prec-
edent. But is the folio whig of precedent the mark of insight
so much as of the lack of this quality? The sheep-like tend-
ency to go with the herd is a very human trait, but is it
what we should honor? Will it get us anywhere in the
future?
Like industry, modern journalism acts as an encourage-
ment and also as an impediment to the scientific attitude
of mind. A situation has developed, which we are just begin-
ning to recognize, and which marks the appearance of prop-
aganda as a distinct factor in social progress. What has
been essentially propaganda has always been used in society,
SCIENCE AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS 281
when certain individuals or groups have sought to mold the
ideas of a population by indirect methods. The modern and
secular form of propaganda has developed hi intimate rela-
tion to the advertising of modern business. The character-
ization of advertising, " as persuading people to buy things
they do not need and would not want if they were not over-
persuaded/' may be resented, but it possesses a measure of
truth. What we designate as propaganda is the attempt to
influence public opinion by subtle and indirect means.
Where the attempt is made by direct appeal and frank ac-
knowledgment of purpose, the term advertising is to be pre-
ferred. Propaganda and advertising are, however, so in-
extricably connected that distinctions are arbitrary. The
case of corporations that spend large sums in advertising,
which, although descriptive of the articles for sale, is pri-
marily designed to build up a favorable opinion and thus
enable the corporation to combat governmental action,
illustrates the relationship. The abuse of news colums for
this purpose is familiar to all.
With the extension of literacy, the printed rather than
the spoken word became the medium of mental exchange;
and the newspaper has now become the most effective con-
troller and director of ideas, which civilization has ever
known. Not even the Church at an earlier day possessed so
effective a means of molding the thoughts of men. The
newspapers are, in general, organs of conservatism, because
they are so closely allied to great commercial interests. The
dangers hi such a situation are evident. Now that popular
opinion has become so important a factor in social progress,
this opinion should be correctly informed. The ideas which
the press constantly reiterates become dominant. The social
dangers, inherent in the use of propaganda to perpetuate
the archaic frame of mind, can only be dealt with by the
methods of scientific analysis, backed by determination to
get at the bottom of particular cases despite the mass of
selfish motive that obscures the issue. The general prob-
282 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
lem of how to secure a measure of social honesty in a world
of knaves is here illustrated. There can be no progress to-
ward its solution without recourse to the facts and the method
of science and without subordination of the legalistic to the
scientific frame of mind.
Further examples of the conflict between this formal,
conservative, sacerdotal, legalistic, and, in general, archaic
attitude and the scientific spirit might be cited. The illus-
trations given are sufficient to show the nature of the strug-
gle and the fields in which it is waged. We do not claim that
scientists as a group have a monopoly of the scientific frame
of mind, but that the nature of science is such that the for-
ward-looking attitude tends to be emphasized more than
any other. Science must be willing to stand the gaff, when-
ever it can be convicted of a lack of open-mindedness and
a backward-looking spirit. Men naturally prefer that to
which their individual experience has made them accustomed,
both in ideas and in material surroundings. Conservatism
has this great law of human thinking always at its back.
But the frame of mind that challenges tradition is not
impotent. Had it been so, a certain type among the higher
apes would never have broken with the traditions of animal
mentality, as happened at a remote period of human ancestry.
INFLUENCE OF SCIENCE UPON GOVERNMENT
The influence of science upon governmental organization
may now be considered. There are, in the last analysis,
but two forms of government — aristocracy and democracy.
Aside from maintaining order and administering justice,
government exists to promote the general good. To this
all will agree. But what constitutes the general good and
how it may best be promoted are questions regarding which
there is no such agreement. Self-interest and prejudice,
together with divergent points of view make unanimity of
opinion seem hopeless. Aristocracy and democracy are
SCIENCE AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS 283
both so strongly defended upon the ground that each pro-
duces the greatest good, one wonders whether the problem
is not so complicated that the bearing of science upon the
form of government cannot be ascertained. Nevertheless,
certain clues are apparent. The fact that the western ideal
of democracy has developed side by side with the scientific
frame of mind, and that aristocracy is commonly associated
with the older forms of thought is not without meaning.
Science, with its emphasis upon matter-of-fact judgments
and its disregard for precedent, has been a factor at every
step in the advance from the despotic aristocracies of the
ancient world to the modern democratic states. In ancient
times, government was intimately associated with religious
leadership, the ruler being either a priest or an individual
regarded as consecrated by divine authority. Belief in the
divine right of kings was the last disturbing survival of this
ancient union of Church and State. Secularization of gov-
ernment has gradually broken down the connection between
ruler and priest. Rationality has applied itself in political
life; and since political life accomplishes for the many what
philosophy does for the few, the spread of the rationalistic
attitude has been encouraged by the political activities of
larger numbers of men. The judicial spirit, which is an out-
come of the secularization of government, is the rational,
scientific spirit appearing within the political field. The
give-ADd-take of political activity fosters a spirit of inde-
pendence and the spirit of independence leads to new forms
of thought along other lines.
We regard democracy as a sound concept of government,
because of its effects upon the individual. One must believe
that the influence of a dominant and privileged group, par-
ticularly one that rules by hereditary right, is not conducive
to the extension and elevation of the individual mind for
which mankind seems to be striving. The fact that the
forms of democratic government, through which the eleva-
tion of the individual has been attempted, have often
284 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
unsuccessful does not mean that the ideal of democracy is
unsound.
In taking this position with reference to democracy, we
are not insensible to the claims of aristocracy. The inequal-
ity of men is a biological fact, but it is also a fact that men
resemble one another hi their more essential particulars of
mind as well as body, hence the genus Homo. It appears
from biological studies that intellectual ability is widely
distributed, and chance Mendelian combinations may at
any time give rise to genius in peasant hut or city slum. The
indictment of aristocracy is that it degrades the masses;
while among the few that are elevated, a large proportion
are maintained hi their position by hereditary advantage
and not by personal worth. The relation of servant to master
is beautiful in a way, if the master be a just one and the
servant faithful. But the finer human qualities are not
developed by those who are submissively obedient, nor by
those who assume the obedience of others to be their right.
It is when men contend with men in a fair field with no fa-
vors that the virile qualities of the human spirit make their
appearance. Those who cry that men should think on
duties not on rights forget that duty means submission, and
that while submission may be necessary at tunes it should
be regarded as a means to an end not an end hi itself.
An established aristocracy must always be founded upon
certain unfair advantages. These advantages may be the
visible splendor of vast estates and palaces or they may be
the prestige which makes great splendor unnecessary to
command the respect of inferiors. The industrial aristocracy
of the modern community is a case where the visible founda-
tion is hi evidence, while the German Junker, whose income
from his land was far from lucrative, was a case where pres-
tige was substituted for more impressive possessions. From
now on, it would seem impossible for any form of society
to endure which does not tend toward equal opportunity
among the people as a whole. True, the attempts at de-
SCIENCE AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS 285
mocracy among the western nations have had a pitiful out-
come to date. It appears that we have but replaced an
aristocracy of birth, originating hi military prowess, by one
of wealth, originating hi commercial greed. The new masters
have no tradition of a God-given obligation, and they possess
no creed but that of power. The outcome can only be an
entrenched aristocracy, worse if anything than the older
forms, unless we can check the concentration of wealth and
its transfer, through inheritance, to those who have not done
the concentrating, to say nothing of the producing.
This new aristocracy casts its shadow directly athwart
the progress of society as a whole, since material and social
conditions must be in a measure equalized, before there
can be an approach to the equality of opportunity which
alone can satisfy the demands of an advancing civilization.
Science made modern industrialism a possibility. Indus-
trialism has been the most important factor in completing
the overthrow of feudal aristocracy. And now industrialism
creates new aristocratic traditions. The solution of the situa-
tion again lies with science, this tune with science applied
directly to the problems of society. It has been said that the
cure for the evils of democracy is mare democracy. This does
not appear to be true, if by more democracy we mean more
voting on more detailed issues, as in the practice of the
initiative and referendum. But if we mean by more de-
mocracy a nearer approach to the ideal which proclaims
equal opportunity to all and special privilege to none, the
cure is to be recommended. Equality of opportunity has
become imaginable, because science presents the means to
this end, however difficult the road. Society seems to have
reached an impasse, unless a greater measure of this equality
can be realized through more effective social organization.
Science points the way to such organization.
A better balance of power between the different groups
in society would seem one of the means of securing greater
equality of opportunity. An equality of mights tends to-
286 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
ward an equality of rights. Hence, democratization of indus-
trial enterprise appears to be one of the most important
single steps now before us. Such democratization can be
accomplished only by the application of scientific knowledge
to particular problems of social organization, and by the
further extension of the scientific frame of mind as it affects
our concept of the rights of the individual. The idea of a
common humanity and of the dignity of individual human
life was promulgated on its ethical side by the Founder of
Christianity. On the intellectual side, this recognition of
the dignity of man seems first to have become a fact, rather
than a notion, during the Renaissance in Italy. At that
time, distinctions of birth lost their former importance,
because "men were here first thoroughly and profoundly
understood. This one single result of the Renaissance is
enough to fill us with everlasting thankfulness. The logical
notion of humanity was old enough — but here the notion
became a fact." 6 The earlier ideas of merit or demerit, as
inherent in particular social groups, first began to disappear,
under the influence of the rationalistic doctrine of personal
merit and demerit. This point of view has since had an im-
portant influence upon the spread of the democratic prin-
ciple of equal opportunity.
It is also possible that some relatively simple material
discovery may have far-reaching effects as an equalizer of
opportunity. Historians commonly believe that the intro-
duction of gunpowder into Europe worked in this manner,
by making the footman the equal of the knight on horse-
back, and by rendering the feudal castle no longer secure
against attack. Latterly, the development of elaborate
engines of warfare have again given stability to entrenched
power, battleships and artillery to powerful states, machine
and poisonous gas to the hands that can use them
rebellious subjects. But it is conceivable that, with
some %ew"' '"twist, jrf material discovery, all these may pass
Ito'BurcKmrdt, J., "The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy," p. 354.
SCIENCE AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS 287
away. Nations and social groups within nations which now
find themselves physically impotent may come into new
powers.
Individual organisms, contending for the opportunity
to live, is the scheme of things throughout the world of
living nature. Individuality, with the minimum of restraint,
appears to be the working basis of the animal and plant
world. The democratic ideal is in line with the individua-
tion that pervades organic nature and that finds its highest
expression in the extension and expansion of the individual
which appears to be the goal of civilization. Individualism
is restrained among animals and plants by the presence of
many individuals together. Where new territory is being
occupied, by men or animals, individualism may go mad,
as it has done in America during the era of exploitation now
drawing to a close. The outcome of such an orgy must be
either a new-formed aristocracy or the bringing to heel
of individualism hi order that the many may again have
opportunity.
In view of the historical movement toward democracy
and the present status of democratic government, we be-
lieve that the ideals of science are parallel with the ideals of
democracy; that the growth of science has fostered the
growth of democracy; and that democracy offers the type
of governmental organization which is, of necessity, com-
mitted to the development of science in the future. In the
recent past the influence of science and of the scientist in
government has been indirect. Law and the legal profes-
sion have been dominant, because government has con-
sisted largely of the administration of established procedures.
The dominance of the lawyer in government is natural and
almost inevitable. But when, as in our own country, the
situation becomes, what has been jocosely termed, "a gov-
ernment of the lawyers, by the lawyers, and for the lawyers,"
such government is not conducive to an intelligent handling
of many important < \ \ i» -i i< >n-. The precedent-following ni in< I
288 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
may be looked to for guidance so far as government is the
administration of what has been established. But in so far
as government consists of problem-solving, it might better
be conducted by those whose business is the solution of
problems. The successful conduct of government in the
modern world, although it consists largely of the perform-
ance of established operations, also demands the ability to
grapple with new situations and to solve problems which
already exist. The failure to perform this second function
is due to the dominance in government of a mental attitude
which is interested in operating the machinery as it has been
operated, and not in the invention of new machinery or of
new methods of operating the old.
Democracy can justify itself only by more effective ac-
complishment than hi the past. Science appears to have
fostered the democratic ideal in the past. At the present
day, science, rather than legalism, offers the means of triumph
to democracy in the future. A time must come when the
scientist, and by scientist we mean the engineer, the chemist,
the sociologist, the economist, and the like, will be accorded
his rightful place in the affairs of state.
In the foregoing discussion of science in relation to the
problems of society, the general applications of the scientific
point of view have been emphasized, rather than specific
applications in concrete problems. As in the ensuing dis-
cussion of values, it is assumed that the practical impor-
tance of science is familiar to all. We have emphasized the
influence of science upon the human mind. Its concrete
applications in social questions, like public health, eugenics,
industrial problems, divorce, the problems of sex, of popula-
tion, of public taste, and the like might have been considered
at length. But we have chosen what we regard as the under-
lying significance of science within the field of human
relationships.
The idea at the bottom of western society seems to be that
man does not need to sit passively content with his lot, but
SCIENCE AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS 289
that he can, within limits, control his environment. Control
is secured through science. The immediate outcome of this
underlying concept is frequently disastrous to much in the
older cultures that might well be preserved. It appears that
no other type of organization can stand against the matter-
of-fact. Whether this practice can succeed remains to be
seen; but for the present it goes steadily forward. Science
acts as a dynamic factor in progress, on the one hand by
ameliorating the material conditions of human life, and on
the other, by continually destroying dogmas that restrain
the human spirit. Scientific knowledge induces not only
new worlds of a material sort, it also constructs new worlds
of social relationship as outgrowths of its material creations.
In addition, it opposes the formal and legalistic point of
view, and aligns itself with democracy.
CHAPTER XII
THE HIGHER VALUES OF SCIENCE '
THE material values of science are widely acclaimed. Its
higher values are commonly ignored. For the man of the
street, science represents only control of his physical en-
vironment. As a matter of fact, the changes induced by
science within this environment are insignificant, when com-
pared with those wrought within the human mind. To
designate these higher values of science, the term spiritual
may be used, over against the term material, without further
implications and without attempt at exact definition. If
we speak of man's spiritual yearnings in contrast to his
material needs, we may not have a clear concept of what the
former term signifies; but we acknowledge, by the frequent
drawing of such a contrast, the existence of that which is the
opposite of material. That which constitutes the spirit of
the man, while too elusive for definition is no less a reality.2
Science emancipates the spirit of man by freeing it from
ignorance and superstition. The freedom thus acquired
enables him to make proper use of his material surroundings.
It is time for more emphasis to be laid on this value of
science. On the material side, science has won and its
victory has been acknowledged and acclaimed. On the
1 A considerable portion of the matter contained in this chapter appeared in
Science, June 14, 1918, as part of the Symposium conducted by the American
Society of Zoologists, Minneapolis, Dec. 29, 1917.
2 The term spiritual possesses an unfortunate connotation for the scientific
mind. But there is no reason why a word for which a satisfactory synonym
can hardly be found should be monopolized by a particular field of thought. If
scientific men speak of their scientific spirit, they may with equal propriety
refer to the spirit of man and to the spiritual values of scientific knowledge,
without implying either belief in ghosts or tacit acceptance of certain concepts
of orthodoxy.
290
THE HIGHER VALUES OF SCIENCE 291
spiritual side, the fight is on; but its importance is not yet
comprehended. Lest science fail in its larger mission, the
significance of the higher advance should be made known.
Science is obliged to exploit its material triumphs in order to
gain support in its combat with the idols of the past. The prac-
tical man cares little for the thoughts of scientist or philos-
opher unless they can be turned to economic account. He
nevertheless acquires the scientific point of view by insensi-
ble stages, because he habitually employs both the method
and the knowledge of science in his everyday life. Science is
the great transformer of opinion at the present time. And
this transformation is accomplished primarily through the
material efficiency of scientific knowledge. Just as religion
was more effective spiritually, when it was believed that
supplication brought desired material blessings, so science
is effective at the present day. But the material benefits
which science has conferred upon mankind do not constitute
the highest scientific values.
SCIENCE AND IMAGINATION
It is often said that nothing remains for imagination, now
that science has destroyed the mystery of the universe.
This statement has no basis in fact, and arises from a mis-
understanding of what science has accomplished. Instead of
restricting imagination, science has so enlarged the mental
horizon that imagination may take a bolder flight. To
primitive man and to the savage who survived in this state
until recent times, nature appeared a thing of caprice rather
than of ordered sequence. The world was one of spirits,
good and evil, who had always to be considered and with
whom man must make his peace. The day as well as the
night was peopled with beings who ruled in the absence of
any definite sequence of events, and safety could be found
only by submission or propitiation. Under these conditions
imagination had full play. But who in the present genera-
292 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
tion would choose this kind of imagination? Possibly a few
modern mystics and people of irrational and superstitious
type of mind.
When men first observed the changeless motion of the
stars " without haste, without rest," and gained an inkling
that the same orderly sequence might apply to all natural
phenomena, the opportunity for imagination was not lost.
It was placed on a higher plane. The inhabitants of Europe,
whose forefathers once imagined the Islands of the Blest to
lie beyond the Atlantic and the Inferno of lost souls to be
within the bowels of the earth, have undoubtedly relin-
quished many fields hi which the imagination of medieval
man found exercise. But what a vista has been opened!
Consider the sweep through time and space of the concept of
evolution : The measureless past even of our own planet, the
cooling of the gaseous and later molten mass, the differentia-
tion of the land, the seas, and the atmosphere, the appear-
ance of the earliest life, and its progress through time, the
age of invertebrates, the ages of fishes, amphibia, reptiles,
and mammals, the emergence at length of the ape who walked
like a man, and the struggling ascent of his descendants
during the glacial epoch. The account of creation in the
book of Genesis, when compared with the tale outlined by
modern science, is like some nursery story, cherished as part
of a departed childhood and wonderful hi its proper setting,
but not to be classed with the great symphony made known
by science, although having its place in legendary literature.3
The clouds are no less wonderful because we know some-
thing of their relation to the weather. One can watch the
sunset, entranced by its colors and imagining islands in a
flaming sea or castles hi the air. The ocean still "goes
nakedly between the weed-hung shelves."4 Or let us think
8 A vivid portrayal of these steps in evolution is given at some length in the
opening chapters of the "Outline of History," by H. G. Wells. This author
has made an eloquent plea for a new "Bible of Civilization," in his volume
"The Salvaging of Civilization."
4 Leslie Stephen has well answered the yearning sometimes expressed for a
THE HIGHER VALUES OF SCIENCE 293
of man as the victor over nature, notwithstanding those
laws which are inexorable for other living things. No
other species is known to have spread itself so widely over
the earth and to have so changed its environment to suit its
needs. Herein lies the difference between man and the rest
of the animal world. Wherever else an animal has been
subjected to a new environment, the result has been death or
the evolution of a new type suited to meet the changed
conditions. But man has taken himself and his domesticated
plants and animals into surroundings to which neither he
nor they are naturally adapted; and, instead of paying the
penalty inevitable in a state of nature, they have survived,
and flourished. Where nature would say "Die!" man has
said, "I will live!" And he has succeeded, because he has
return to the imaginings of an earlier day in the following passage: "Words-
worth expresses the familiar sentiment when he wishes that he could be 'a
pagan suckled in some creed outworn.' The sight of Proteus and Triton might
restore to the world the long-vanished charm. Now, as far as science is con-
cerned, we are tempted to say that Wordsworth is simply wrong. The Greek
mythology gave an inaccurate representation of the facts. The more accu-
rately we know them the better for us. A slight acquaintance with the law of
storms is far more useful to the sailor than any guess about a mysterious being,
capriciously raising the waves, and capable, perhaps, of being propitiated by
charms. From the purely utilitarian point of view, we are the better off the
closer the correspondence between our beliefs and the external realities. But,
further, we are tempted to say the same even in a poetical sense. Why should
Wordsworth regret Proteus and Triton? Because the Greek inferred from the
sea the existence of beings the contemplation of whose power and beauty was
a source of delight to him? But, in the first place, the facts are to Wordsworth
what they were to the Greek. If the Greek thought the sea lovely in colour or
form, the colour and the form remain. The imaginary being in whom the
phenomena were embodied could only be known through the phenomena.
The beauty is beautiful still, though we no longer infer an imaginary cause.
Nothing is lost but a dream, and a dream, which, by its nature, could only
reflect the reality. Why not love the sea instead of loving Proteus, who is
but the sea personified? And, secondly, we must add that the dream reflects
the painful as well as the pleasurable emotions. When the superstition was a
living reality, instead of a poetical plaything, we may be sure that it expressed
horror as well as delight. The sailor, imagining a treacherous deity lurking
beneath the waves, saw new cause for dread, and would often have been glad
enough to learn that Proteus was a figment." "English Thought in the
Eighteenth Century," p. 14, 2nd Edn.
294 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
forced from his environment the readjustments necessary
for his well-being. Not always is this possible. The path
is not one of ease, but it is being steadily pursued. In the
essay entitled "Nature's Insurgent Son," a noted British
scientist 5 compares man to an insurgent gone so far in his
rebellion that there is no return, for whom capitulation can
mean only death. The rebel against natural forces must
continue on his course until the end is won, if he would find
safety. Man cannot now return to the dominion of nature,
he must see the battle through, and succeed by mastering
his environment and so controlling his destiny. Hence
knowledge of how to secure this mastery is more vital to
him than aught else.
Again, take the poetry of modern invention. For it is
there in plenty when you know how to find it, as Kipling has
done time and again, but nowhere better than in his verses
on "The Deep-sea Cables. "
The wrecks dissolve above us; their dust drops down from afar-
Down to the dark, to the utter dark, where the blind white sea-
snakes are.
There is no sound, no echo of sound, in the deserts of the deep,
Or the great gray level plains of ooze where the shell-burred cables
creep.
Here in the womb of the world — here on the tie-ribs of earth
Words, and the words of men, flicker and flutter and beat-
Warning, sorrow and gain, salutation and mirth —
For a Power troubles the Still that has neither voice nor feet.
They have wakened the timeless Things; they have killed their
father Time;
Joining hands in the gloom, a league from the last of the sun.
Hush! Men talk to-day o'er the waste of the ultimate slime,
And a new Word runs between: whispering, "Let us be one!"
There is a great fund for imagination in the wireless
6Lankester, E. Ray, "The Kingdom of Man."
THE HIGHER VALUES OF SCIENCE 295
message. "Warning, sorrow and gain, salutation and
mirth" pass over our heads on the wings of the air, and the
telling of their passage illustrates the presence of natural
phenomena concerning which man knoweth naught, but
which are not unknowable. Have we not gained far more
than we have lost by such advances of science? Imagination
need not go unfed, when out of the fog, the night and the
distance, as though from another world, comes that which
signals Save our Ship, to listening ears a thousand miles
away on sea and shore.
THE ESTHETIC QUALITY IN SCIENTIFIC THINKING
Esthetic appreciation may seem at first thought to have
no place in the field of science. Yet if we analyze the case,
our esthetic responses become, when stripped of what is
non-essential, intellectual rather than sensuous pleasures.
The "good, the beautiful, and the true, " as we see them, are
largely that to which we are accustomed, whether it be a
social institution, a style in dress, or a scientific theory.
Moreover, their cost, as one critic shows,6 is a factor whose
importance is commonly underrated. But may we not hold
to the faith that the beautiful and the ugly represent realities
over and above that to which one is accustomed and based
upon some measure of thoughtful analysis? The difficulty
is in regard to the standard or plane of judgment. Within
the purely intellectual realm, however, we are on safer
ground. For example, the satisfaction one experiences hi the
demonstrated theorem or in the chain of evidence when the
last link is forged, has its clearly esthetic quality. There is
the same feeling of completeness as hi beholding the creation
of artist or sculptor from which nothing could be taken away
or nothing added without marring its perfection. Let it be ad-
mitted that we appreciate such things merely because our
minds run in certain channels. The fact remains that our
• Vcblen, T., "The Theory of the Leisure Clan."
296 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
minds so function, and that as long as human minds continue
to be what they are we may expect them to follow similar
courses. Stories are told of great minds completing their
scientific discoveries in a state bordering on religious exalta-
tion. The tale of Isaac Newton's emotional excitement,
when he saw himself approaching the verification of his
great hypothesis, is a classic example. The story is that
being overcome by his emotions he asked a friend to com-
plete his calculations. The result was that, "in a state of
excitement which is said to have been so great that he could
hardly see his figures, he proved that the fall of a stone to
the earth and the majestic sweep of the moon in her orbit
may be ascribed to one and the same cause. " 7
But ordinary men may feel the thrill of discovery even
when the work is not their own. In intellectual manhood
one recalls how certain theories in science or ideas in litera-
ture gripped the mind when they were first apprehended.
It mattered not that they had been produced by others.
They opened new horizons. Nascent generalizations, such
as the Mosquito-Malaria theory as first proposed or the
explanation of Mendelian heredity and of sex-determination
in terms of chromosomes, give the joy of discovery even to
those who have no part in their investigation. In spite of
uncertainties and the necessity for further study, one often
feels that he is gazing at a picture, near completion and so
wonderfully ordered as to call forth esthetic fervor. To
many of us, therefore, scientific thinking and the contem-
plation of the theories of science, present an esthetic appeal
of the first order.
Moreover, it is a fact that some of the highest forms of
esthetic appreciation are of comparatively recent origin,
having been developed within the period dominated by
modern science. Of all the ancient peoples, the Greeks
attained the greatest development of the esthetic sense; and
all things considered, no modern race has ever equalled their
7 Whetham, W. C. D., and C. D., " Science and the Human Mind," p. 129.
THE HIGHER VALUES OF SCIENCE 297
attainment. But in some respects esthetic appreciation
was undeveloped even among the Greeks. The beauties of
the landscape seem to have been largely ignored, at least
such beauty is not commonly referred to in the Greek liter-
ature that has been preserved. The influence of Christian
theology partly obliterated what remained of the classical
artistic sense after the fall of the Roman Empire. Despite
the Gothic cathedrals, which typify medieval exaltation
and aspiration, the modern esthetic spirit has been a new
birth coincident with the rise of the rationalistic spirit.
Dante's appreciation of nature was a new note and is dis-
tinctly modern. Petrarch's descriptions of natural scenes,
his mountain climbing, and the beginning of modern land-
scape painting in the work of the Italian and Flemish artists
of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, are examples of the
lifting of the veil thrown over nature during the Middle
Ages. These esthetic developments have occurred in a
period dominated by science.8
It is, therefore, hard to believe that there exists in science
anything hostile to the esthetic frame of mind, when we
realize that this re-creation of the esthetic sense and its
subsequent development have been accomplished in part by
individuals, who, from Petrarch onward, have been imbued
with the spirit of the modern scientific mind. The Greek
use of art to inculcate right thinking meets the unqualified
approval of the modern scientific student of the methods of
education. And it is recognized by every broad-minded
follower of science that outside the sphere of scientific in-
vestigation there exists another approach by which men may
draw near to nature, namely, through the appreciation of
nature's beauty. The scientist, therefore, finds esthetic
delight in his intellectual endeavor, and he does not find his
senses dulled to the beauties of nature, save as the intensive
study of particular phenomena inevitably leads to a certain
•Burckhardt, J., "The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy," Pt. IV,
Chap. Ill, 'The Discovery of Natural Beauty."
298 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
disregard of what is seen by the artist. The artistry of the
microscopic organism or of the spiral nebula is not unper-
ceived by the man of science, but he is interested also in other
aspects of these natural objects. Not being an artist, the
scientist does not perhaps fully recognize all the form and
color that is evident to the artistic eye. But neither does
the artist recognize all the special details which are appreci-
able to the scientist.
SCIENCE AND FAIR JUDGMENT
A further aspect of science, having spiritual value, is the
ideal of fair-mindedness inherent in the scientific method of
reasoning. If the essential element of scientific thinking is
reasoning hi a way to reduce the personal equation to a min-
imum, science may perform an important service by helping
us to impersonal judgments in other lines. The scientific
attitude of mind aids in dispassionate consideration of
subject-matter that is frequently dominated by prejudice.
The concept of evolution, both organic and inorganic,
may be cited in illustration. If this be presented as an inter-
pretation of the facts of nature, to be accepted or rejected
on the same basis as one would the earth's sphericity or the
Copernican theory of the solar system, it is easy to show that
the cases are parallel, when viewed impersonally and as
scientific problems. Once involved in the subject, one
passes insensibly to the problems of society, which are at
bottom evolutionary problems. Poverty and crime, eu-
genics and euthenics, the organization of the state, and the
rights of the individual are debatable hi no such simple
terms as comparative anatomy and embryology, palaeon-
tology or ecology; and because of this they are subjects for
prejudiced controversy rather than open-minded discus-
sion. Let us take the case of poverty as an example. One
possessed of the scientific temperament cannot possibly
regard this as a question to be decided wholly in terms of
THE HIGHER VALUES OF SCIENCE 299
the convenience and profit of the landlord or the employer
of labor. It is a question involving the welfare of the in-
dividual and of society, and all the facts that seem to have
a bearing need to be carefully considered, before an effective
policy can be discovered leading to the elimination of this
festering sore from our social life. The biologist may be
influenced by his preconceptions of heredity and environ-
ment, the humanitarian by his quickened sympathies; but
in so far as either shuts his eyes to the evidence and fails
to consider all the factors involved, he is false to the scien-
tific spirit, which must be the final arbiter in the just de-
cisions of conscience. We contend, therefore, that the scien-
tific method furnishes the only talisman that can be used
effectively in solving the complex problems of social life;
since it enables us to grapple with these problems in dispas-
sionate fashion, and since it makes for fair judgment and
the elimination of prejudice.
This elimination of what influences the you and the me,
in favor of what can be agreed upon as a fair interpretation
by us all, is no easy matter. Scientific men do not always
live up to their ideal of dispassionate thinking within their
own domain, nor do they always carry over this ideal to
daily life. But the impersonal manner of thought is a price-
less possession of the human race. If men strive to apply
it in the problems of human relationships, the effort is worth
while, however short it falls of the ideal. We need more
facts of science for our material progress; but more than this
we need the unprejudiced judgments of science for the pene-
tration of sham and for the elimination of personal interest
in dealing with our fellow men.
THE SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT AND THE OPEN MIND
The ideal of fair judgment necessitates living in a state of
suspended judgment with reference to many questions.
Those who acquire the scientific frame of mind find that it
300 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
enables one to live, on the edge of difference, instead of in
the emotional attitude of onesidedness. For one who assumes
the latter position, the important questions of life are settled,
it matters not in how dogmatic a fashion. It is, of course,
sometimes better to settle a question, even wrongly, than
to endure the paralyzing effects of an uncertainty that
inhibits action, where action of some sort should be taken
without delay. But it is a very human failing to form judg-
ments upon, and to settle out of hand, matters which call
for investigation before any intelligent action can be taken.
The ability to suspend judgment is a necessary corollary
of the fair judgment, which all men profess, but which so few
attain that one wonders how it can ever be attained by men
of action. Men so yearn for the settlement of important
problems that settlement is commonly made, irrespective
of the facts which might be ascertained. The mind tends to
emotional rather than intellectual decisions, and to a closing
of the circuit once a decision has been reached. Established
convictions prejudice the thought of every individual in
ways of which he is quite unconscious. An open mind is
the ideal to which most men aspire, but which they never
fully attain.
The open-mindedness that comes with the ability to
suspend judgment, where judgment cannot be based upon
adequate data, is an ideal of science. The very nature of
scientific truth makes it clear that the open mind must be
maintained, even in matters which the scientist believes to
have been firmly established. Science has value, because
its methods of thought dignify both the suspension of judg-
ment and the willingness to revise judgment that condi-
tion the open mind.
The intellectual advancement of individuals and thus of
nations is obviously dependent upon the acceptance of new
ideas. The opposition to any significant change hi social
customs, in legal enactments, or in religious beliefs is but
an illustration of the fact that the individual resents any
THE HIGHER VALUES OF SCIENCE 301
alteration in that to which he is accustomed. The reason
why youth accepts innovations, which shock old age, is that
the mind of youth has not become so wedded to established
practices. If the innovation survives, and becomes a part
of the social order, the generation which has accepted it
may later resist a further change. One of the tragedies of
life is the fact that so many minds close at the threshold of
what might have become a great adventure. We hear a
great deal about the individuals who choose the wrong moral
direction, and the facts are serious enough; but we hear
little about those who choose the closed in place of the open
frame of mind, whose intellectual development ceases before
they are grown to man's estate and who go through life with
a mental attitude that is immune to new ideas. Whatever
the shortcomings of the individual scientist, the ideal of
science is one of intellectual development, of a state of mind
that is always open to conviction when presented with new
evidence. This mental habit is not easily maintained be-
cause of the human tendencies aforementioned. It is, how-
ever, indispensable to intellectual and also to moral progress.
In professional life, men not infrequently fail because
they lose the capacity to grow intellectually. The individual
begins perhaps with an education that puts him ahead of
the majority of his competitors. As the years go on, he
gradually fails, while other men go steadily forward to
greater accomplishment. It is not the sclerosis of old age
stopping down the blood supply to the brain, but a sclerosis
whifh overtakes the mind perhaps at the beginning of man-
hood. Material success may be attained, but intellectually
life is at an end when the circle is closed and when there is no
chance to enlarge its circumference. The intellectual life
is the life of mental expansion, so that one cannot limit its
boundaries and continue to live. The physician, who is
too busy practicing to study either his patients or his jour-
th<» clergyman, whose theology does not change with
jx ning years, the college professor, who settles coin-
302 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
fortably into the same intellectual routine, all go the way
of the closing mind which is so easy and so natural for man-
kind. When a man's opinions on complex problems do
not change for a term of years, it is well for him to beware,
if he has any ambition to be more than he has been. And the
same might be said of nations.
How this intellectual slothfulness, which is the mark of
the closed mind, affects society through the Church and
through Government could be easily illustrated from the
history of any modern country did space permit. The
point of this discussion is, however, that science counts on
the side of the open mind, and that the new ideas, by means
of which advancement is effected, will fall on fertile ground
only to the extent that open-mindedness prevails.
THE VALUE OF SCIENTIFIC SKEPTICISM
Usage has given the word skeptic a reproachful meaning.
A term, which originally signified thoughtful or inquiring, has
been so long used as a controversial epithet that it expresses
an odious distinction. Frequently, the skeptic is mentioned
as though he were an undesirable citizen. Now skepticism
and its correlated attitudes of agnosticism and open-minded-
ness are intrinsic features of the scientific frame of mind.
Skepticism, concerning that which cannot be accepted,
without disregarding the facts of the case, is a commendable
position. It is an attitude of mind which is unusual in a
world where decisions must be made and action taken, and
where lack of conviction exercises a paralyzing influence upon
the conduct of an enterprise. We can be sure that the world
will be full of the credulous rather than the skeptical, that
those who doubt will continue to be a minority. But as we
have seen, human progress has not been the product of
credulity and the ignorant acceptance of unwarranted con-
clusions.
The popular usage of the term skepticism assigns it to the
vocabulary of theology. We shall here use the term, in its
THE HIGHER VALUES OF SCIENCE 303
more general sense, as meaning thoughtful doubting of that
which cannot be proved, and shall consider the significance
of such a state of mind. What we shall try to show is that
some measure of skepticism regarding present practice is the
foundation for a spirit of toleration. The history of religious
toleration, for example, shows that skepticism, regarding
the authority for theological dogmas, was the force that
finally curbed persecution. Conviction that he is right is
part of the psychology of the persecutor. To doubt the
grounds for one's convictions means eventually the collapse
of intolerance.
Religious toleration is fairly well established in western
society, but so-called heathen communities often exhibit a
spirit which puts us to shame.9 If there is less of toleration
within the politico-economic field, a reasonable degree is
practiced, save hi times of excitement when it appears that
intolerance is very near the surface. This is perhaps because
political and economic convictions matter so greatly in our
practical world, while theological convictions have come to
be regarded as unimportant. For example, if one is skeptical
as to the perfections of the existing social order, and chal-
lenges the conviction that the founders of the nation possessed
an omiscience enabling them to create a form of govern-
ment which must remain unchanged, his mental attitude is
far from unimportant in the eyes of the authorities. It
not only irritates, by going counter to what has been assumed
as a matter of course, it also suggests disagreeable possibil-
ities, such as changes in material and economic conditions.
Denunciation of skepticism is sound procedure for those who
would maintain the status quo in any field, because skepti-
cism eventually means toleration and hence possible modifi-
cation of the established order.
The value of skepticism to the human mind lies in the fact
that it creates the frame of mind, which is willing to break
• A forceful statement of tin- r. ]iKious toleration existing in a certain East
Indian state is pven by Price Collier MI Th. \\ , t in th. East," p. 274.
304 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
with established convictions, and which, therefore, makes
progress possible. Skepticism is part and parcel of the
general scientific attitude of wanting to know and of wanting
to know the grounds for knowing. The function of skepticism
in relation to intellectual and other progress is that it
challenges convictions which produce intolerance and end
in persecution. The value, which inheres in a wholesome
questioning of all authority as such, is so great that we can
ill afford to decry the doubter. The skeptical individual, is
the exceptional individual, because men tend to go with the
herd. There is no danger that the skepticism which even-
tuates in group activities will undermine traditions that do
not deserve destruction.
In a world of action, skepticism cannot go far without a
rebound, since skepticism defeats its purpose when it results
in doing nothing in an emergency. It is a thoroughly scien-
tific procedure to recognize the importance of the skeptical
frame of mind, and at the same time to recognize the paral-
ysis that comes when skepticism degenerates into a pessi-
mism that sees no solution and possesses no convictions. The
cure for the impotent frame of mind, which is thus pro-
duced, lies in action. The doer must be in some measure
a doubter of tradition, if his work advances to higher levels.
When doubting ties the hands that will not long be tied,
doubts are flung aside by the demand for doing. Every one
knows that he must know he can do it to go on to victory, and
there is this same attitude in the collective behavior of the
group.
Historical examples, showing how skepticism has grad-
ually replaced the intolerance of an earlier tune by the
toleration we now enjoy, will occur to the reader. The
spirit of toleration exhibited by ancient Rome may be cited
as a genuinely scientific quality of the Roman mind. The
success of the Roman conquests was in no small measure due
to the respect accorded to the beliefs of the conquered. The
Roman outdid the Greek in this particular. The beliefs of
THE HIGHER VALUES OF SCIENCE 305
Rome suffered in consequence. The spirit of toleration,
which thus existed hi ancient tunes, was followed by the
intolerance and persecutions of the Middle Ages, which
were only brought to a close by the changes hi intellectual
outlook resulting from scientific knowledge. As the spirit of
truth-seeking became more prevalent, doubt arose. With
the advent of doubt, persecution began to wane.
The persecutions sanctioned by the Medieval Church were
an outcome of the doc tr hie of exclusive salvation.™ Since
there was but one manner of salvation, the Church was jus-
tified in maintaining that it should " compel them to enter
in." The justification of coercion being admitted, persecu-
tion followed. Pagan worship succumbed, the Jews in Europe
were horribly maltreated, the attempts of Frederick II to
found a humane culture in southern Italy were stamped out,
the Protestant defection brought on the Religious wars.
Protestantism proved little better. Calvin burnt Servetus
because of his views regarding the Trinity. The Puritans hi
England and America persecuted those who did not accept
their dogmas, and were in turn subjected to persecution fol-
lowing the Restoration. The first real step toward toleration
in England was the growth of skepticism regarding the doc-
trine of exclusive salvation which had been at the root of per-
secution. The date of the Toleration Act (1689) is signifi-
cant, although its passage was largely the result of political
changes. Throughout this span of fifteen centuries, from the
decline of the old to the appearance of the new spirit of
toleration, it is evident that not one sect or group was at
fault, but rather a frame of mind that gave unquestioning
allegiance to traditional beliefs and that regarded as impious
the doubts which eventually put an end to an insufferable
situation. The history of the decline of belief in magic and
witchcraft might be used in further illustration of the func-
tions of skepticism. But the foregoing outline of the passing
of religious intolerance will Midi
"LecLy, W. K II History of Rationalism in Europe."
306 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
Historical analogies are valuable, because they are so
generally accepted. But it may be doubted whether we
actually learn anything from history, except as we find that
history reinforces what is observed to be true in the present.
Events, which are now transpiring in the world, are a
better illustration of the contention that the foundation
of toleration is doubt, and that without a degree of doubt
neither religious nor any other form of toleration can
exist.
The general politico-social situation which has been a
product of the Great War exhibits points of interest. There
is a parallel between what occurred centuries ago, as the
outcome of an accepted theological dogma, and what is
occurring at the present day as a result of the social dogma
that political salvation can be secured only through the
traditional forms of government. War is a period of intoler-
ance in all lines. Having entered a struggle of life-and-
death importance the nation feels that those "not with us
are against us," and at such a tune it is idle to expect the
same toleration of divergent opinion upon the matter in
hand, as in less strenuous times. The most to be hoped is
that the nation will not allow either its individual citizens or
its constituted authorities to indulge in practices that will
be cause for shame as soon as the excitement has subsided.
War is, moreover, conservative, if not reactionary, in its in-
fluences, since it tends to make men feel that they should hold
to what has been gained, and must, for the time being, put
aside any thought of organic changes in government. Thus
in Germany, while the war was on and likely to succeed,
there was little chance for the social developments that
were in the air before it began. The same was true in Great
Britain and in the United States. A man fighting for his
life has no time to examine the steps toward the expansion
and elevation of individual existence. Political reaction is
to be expected during war, and perhaps following war in the
case of nations that are victorious. The problem is to bring
THE HIGHER VALUES OF SCIENCE 307
about the return to conditions in which progress and not
reaction is the watchword.
In times of reaction, the existing forms of government
appear as the exclusive means of political salvation. Legal-
istic minds support tradition, and the general prejudice in
favor of the existing has full sway. What is is right. Those
who condemn it are in the wrong and should be dealt with.
Persecutions, of the kind tolerated at the present day, are
likely to follow. When to the uncritical deductions of the
honest citizen there is added the support of those who profit
financially by the situation as it exists, the outcome fre-
quently gives no cause for congratulation. The aftermath
of war has brought us to such a state in America, and there
is no assurance that insidious survivals of this condition will
not impede social progress for a generation to come. After
the political offenders are released and the mobs cease to
function, reaction may still dominate the nation.
Specific examples will occur to anyone who follows the
history of current events. The thing to.be criticised is, not
so much the capitalists or the socialists or the bolshevists or
union labor or the lawlessness of the mobs, as it is the frame
of mind which accepts that which has been as the standard of
what ought to be, and having done this, proceeds to condemn
all who do not hold to this exclusive manner of salvation.
Persecution naturally follows. As in the past, the decline of
this state of mind, which is at the root of persecution, can
come only when doubt is cast upon the underlying assump-
tion that the traditional forms of organization and activity
constitute the highest good.
Skepticism, therefore, appears to have its value. Beliefs
possessing scant foundation cannot be made the basis for
dogmatic assertion and its implied intolerance, when chal-
lenged at their source. Skepticism has been the most
effective support of toleration in the past and it occupies a
similar position in the present. The skepticism of scion <v
is not the trifling doubt of dilettantism. Science is thoughtful
308 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
inquiry into the order of nature, human nature included.
Thoughtful inquiry demands skepticism, wherever the
grounds for a conclusion appear inadequate. Within its own
field, science escapes the paralyzing effects of skepticism,
because science is continually encouraged by its material
accomplishments. It is, therefore, able to function un-
disturbed by the pessimism bred of abstract thought.
Within the field of human relationships, skepticism becomes
effective only where the facts make then* meaning clear.
The doubting mind, like the open mind, is the one through
which comes progress and displacement of the idols of tradi-
tion.
SCIENCE AND EMANCIPATION
But even more important that its values as a material
foundation, as a broader field for imagination and esthetic
emotion, as an example of fair judgment and the open mind,
and as the foe of persecution, is the value of science in the
intellectual emancipation of mankind. The faith of science
that truth makes men free has been more than justified.
Many lesser cases might be cited, but a single comprehensive
example of the emancipation, which has followed the spread
of an important scientific doctrine, will suffice. The theory
of organic evolution is the best illustration afforded by
biological science, and perhaps by science in general.
As we have noted, the evolutionary theories current
among the Greeks were tinctured with philosophy. Lacking
concreteness, these philosophical concepts made little head-
way. The beginnings of modern evolutionism appear in the
accumulations of facts regarding animals and plants, which
marked the closing centuries of the Scientific Renaissance.
To Buffon and to other less known writers of the eighteenth
century belongs the credit for having first promulgated the
evolutionary theory in a form that was scientific rather
than philosophical, and that carried a measure of convic-
tion, despite its crudities and the hamperings of theological
THE HIGHER VALUES OF SCIENCE 309
criticism. One cannot turn the pages of Buffon's encyclo-
paedic work without a growing respect for his knowledge of
animal life. Obviously, the foundation for much of our
comparative anatomy of vertebrates was even then estab-
lished. In a preceding chapter it has been shown how
Lamarck was the first to offer a theory of the causes of
evolution and how he failed to make his case as against the
authority of Cuvier; also how the latter, although opposing
the theory of evolution, accumulated some of its strongest
evidence, through his studies in comparative anatomy; and
how von Baer supplemented this by his work in embryology.
We saw, finally, that in Darwin's day, there were ample data
for the establishment of the historical fact of evolution, if not
for the determination of its causation. The almost immedi-
ate acceptance, in biological science, of Darwin's views and
the spread of the evolutionary concept to other fields, during
the remaining years of the nineteenth century, are well
known. We are here concerned with the effect of the evolu-
tionary doctrine upon human thought in the present and the
possible extension of its influence in the future.
The triumph of the evolutionary concept completed the
overthrow of those older ideas of the universe which cul-
minated in medieval theology. Evolution was the final
extension of that enlarging mental horizon disclosed by the
fact of the earth's sphericity and the Copernican explanation
of the solar system, conceptions which are indissolubly
united and each of which represents a stride forward in
the face of resistance. Copernicus would have suffered, as
Galileo did later, had the full implications of his theory been
recognized before his death. Buffon was not in physical
danger, though forced to recant. Darwin, though heaped
with abuse, suffered no real inconvenience at the hands of
his critics, for he lived in a more tolerant and enlightened
age.
During the three centuries involved, man's picture of
himself changed from that of a being, recently created and
310 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
awaiting a day of judgment in the not distant future, to that
of a being originating as part of organic nature and set in a
universe without beginning and without end. The by-
product of this intellectual revolution was an emancipation
of the human spirit from the bonds of authority. Authority
indeed remains, but it is no longer the authority of book
or priest, however potent such authority may still appear to
be. In its place stands the authority of nature; and so great
has been the emancipation we have, as yet, recognized but
an insignificant measure of the changes in human thinking
which must follow.
While we can best visualize the effects of the evolutionary
doctrine by reviewing its historical development, it is
equally important that one recognize what is happening
to-day; hi what way this doctrine has affected theological
beliefs since the publication of Darwin's " Origin of Species "
(1859) ; what has happened in philosophy; and what changes
have occurred in our outlook upon the problems of society.
In theology, the evolutionary doctrine is carrying us
from the concept of a single religion, revealed to man by
agents duly inspired, to the concept of a multitude of
religions of varying worthiness, but all the outgrowth of
yearnings which originated with human intelligence. In
other words, religion of whatever sort is a product of organic
evolution, just as human intelligence is a product of evolu-
tion. When religion is so regarded, we need not condone the
shortcomings of the fathers nor strive for metaphysical
explanations of sin and death, of sorrow and pain; since
these are but the present outcome of our origin from the
brute. We know in part whence we came, if not whither we
are going, and it is enough if we may, by our own efforts,
somewhat improve the material and spiritual state of our-
selves and our children. This point of view has been reached,
not by a sudden break with the past, but by a gradual shift
of mental attitude which makes the older doctrines impos-
sible of acceptance. The evolutionary concept has been
THE HIGHER VALUES OF SCIENCE 311
applied to religion, as to every other expression of organic
nature; and the result has been a revolution, accomplished
before its beginnings were recognized. Thus science has
brought emancipation from theological bondage, and set
free the spirit of man for higher flights in the future.
In philosophy, the evolutionary theory has necessitated a
change from the concept of a static to that of a dynamic
universe, as witness the contrast between the philosophical
systems of the early nineteenth century and the views of
Bergson.11 This change has not yet completed its remodel-
ling of philosophical theories. But only a philosopher can
explain its workings in detail.
In the field of social phenomena, the influence of the
evolutionary theory appears in the recurrent question-
ing of the necessity for existing conditions. If the revolu-
tions of the later eighteenth and earlier nineteenth centu-
ries attacked the foundations of civic power and sought to
install the authority of peoples over that of kings, the un-
seen revolution induced by the evolutionary theory has
shaken the whole edifice of social tradition. Whatever is
may be the natural outcome of the evolution of society to
date, but it is not thereby right nor is it necessarily perma-
nent. The evolutionist may recognize the stability of social
customs that have arisen by evolution; but he also recog-
nizes these customs as subject to change. Moreover, the
human race must consider the intelligent direction of its
future evolution as a possibility, however remote. Evolu-
tion has not always taken the most desirable course, as
witness the degeneration incident to parasitism; and while
man will probably have little to do with its outcome in the
human species, what he may do is worth considering.
The influence of the evolutionary concept may be seen
11 It docs not seem to the writer that the ideas of Bergson are particularly
enlightening to the biological scientist. They exhibit too much of mysticism.
But they illustrate the advent of a philosophy which takes more cognizance of
organic evolution
312 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
again in the attitude toward a variety of social problems.
Disease and crime are not inevitable conditions to be treated
by curative measures only. They are to be attacked with
all the knowledge at our command, and finally eliminated by
the evolution of a type of man and a form of society in which
such evils will be non-existent. Man is no longer piously
content with his lot, merely because he sees no prospect of
immediately changing it. Conditions have changed in the
past and mankind wants to change them in the future.
Man is not content to let evolution take its course with him,
he strives to make it go his way. Thus the insight into
social problems which evolution has brought gives a habit of
mind that will brook no limitation of the human spirit. As
within the field of philosophy, so within the field of social
phenomena, this changing point of view is an outcome of
the recognition of a dynamic as opposed to a static world.
There is thus taking place, under the influence of the
evolutionary doctrine, a subtle change of ideas and of
beliefs, comparable to the changes of intellectual outlook in
the past, by which superstitions, like infant damnation,
witchcraft, demoniacal possession, and the belief in ghosts
were rendered impotent. Such changes occur in what may
be designated the frame of mind. They are, seemingly,
effected not so much by argument as by the imperceptible
growth of a conviction that the traditional belief is un-
reasonable. Old beliefs often persist, apparently in full
vigor, until the collapse is at hand; but when beliefs begin to
excite ridicule, their course is nearly run. The history of
scientific progress has been marked by spiritual emancipa-
tions. To-day the process still goes on, for supernaturalism
is not yet fully vanquished, but lingers on as a miasma of
society.
In this manner, science feeds the spiritual as well as the
material man. Science deals with that we can measure and
weigh, is wholly impersonal, is a thing of intellect rather than
of emotion. But intellect and emotion are not separate
THE HIGHER VALUES OF SCIENCE 313
entities of the mind, rather the mind is a unit which has its
intellectual and its emotional sides. The raw material of
scientific fact is susceptible of unlimited organization within
the mind, and this process of organization gives play alike to
the intellectual and the emotional aspects of man's nature.
If we have made our point, it has been shown that the
progress of science has given the mind of man infinitely
more than it has taken away.
CHAPTER XIII
MANKIND AND THE FURTHER PROGRESS
OF SCIENCE
AN attempt has now been made to delineate the place of
science in human affairs. The materialities of civilized life
rest upon scientific knowledge. The spirit of the modern
world is the rationalistic spirit of science. Mankind is
becoming increasingly dependent upon the creations of
hand and mind which science has brought forth. If vast
populations must be artificially fed and clothed, science be-
comes a necessity in the lives of men. The extent to which
mere physical demands should be satisfied may be questioned,
but once established they become insistent. On the material
side, the science of the future must concern itself with facts
of serious import regarding exhaustion of natural resources
and increases of population. The mad expenditure of human
effort in pursuit of the material luxuries of civilized life
cannot continue indefinitely, unless new sources of energy
are discoverable. But even in that event, men may become
convinced that such effort is not worth while; since satisfac-
tion of physical needs is not the highest human aspiration.
Science has this more lasting significance — well-balanced
lives can be lived only in the scientific spirit. The great
problem of the scientific future is spiritual adjustment, not
physical gratification. Although nothing seems able to
stand against material matter-of-fact, this aspect of science
must eventually occupy a subordinate position. A brief
consideration of certain possibilities concludes the dis-
cussion.
It is sometimes declared that science has reached the
point of diminishing returns, that future advances cannot
314
MANKIND AND THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE 315
equal those already made. The easier work has all been
accomplished, and hence substantial progress will shortly
come to an end. Never again can there be such a period as
the recent centuries. Without venturing a prophecy, these
statements may be challenged, in so far as they express con-
viction that the greatest triumphs of science lie behind us.
Such pessimism is foreign to biological science and we doubt
its existence in other lines of scientific effort.
The ultimate goal of scientific endeavor is conquest of
the universe, in so far as this is demanded by human wel-
fare and aspiration. Despite seeming pretension, science is
not vainglorious. New and more difficult problems arise
from each problem solved. There seems no immediate near-
ing of the goal. The Cosmos we know to-day is unbeliev-
ably complex and more is being disclosed. Things un-
dreamed of in our philosophy continually appear. Consider,
for example, the concept of a super-universe, which has
arisen as an outcome of recent astronomical investigations;
and the Theory of Relativity.
Nature still presents unlimited problems, and the desire
for intellectual dominion is a guarantee for the continuation
of scientific effort hi the future. The biological discovery of
man's place in nature did more than change traditional
beliefs; it gave a point of departure into a future, unknown
but fraught with possibilities. Mankind has grasped the
idea of controlling nature through understanding of natural
law. And once this lays firmer hold upon imagination, there
will be no satisfying of desire save by the advancement of
scientific knowledge. The permanent future of science
seems assured, in so far as human inclination is concerned.
Neither lack of incentive nor exhaustibility of unexplained
phenomena will check its progress, but rather the limitations
of human understanding.
There is no positive evidence for a progressive evolution
of human intelligence during the recent centuries. The race
is apparently at a stands! ill in thi< particular, unless, indeed,
316 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
regression may not be in progress, as a result of recent ma-
terial changes in civilized life. The absence of precise data
precludes extended discussion, but a permanent equilib-
rium would have such momentous consequences that mere
indications should not be disregarded. If we can obtain
even suggestive evidence, by comparison of the mental
product of the present day with that of the past, or in any
other manner, the facts are worthy of consideration.
Comparison indicates that human mentality of to-day
does not differ appreciably from that which existed in the
dawn of written history. Discounting present capacity in
terms of cultural heritage, the wise and foolish seem to
have been distributed in much the same proportions during
many centuries. If defectives were less gently handled in
primitive times, it tended to raise the average. But since
the progressives were as commonly repressed, little change
was effected. Neither do the physical features of mankind
offer conclusive evidence of evolution during the centuries
in question. Resistance to certain diseases is probably an
instance of progressive modification. But this is being nul-
lified by the curative and preventive measures which medical
science has recently placed at the disposal of society.1
The individuals who exhibit high mentality at the present
day seem, therefore, to possess no greater capacity than did
those of earlier times. A modern boy may easily know more
fundamental facts of natural science than did any of the
Greek philosophers, but there is not one chance in a million
that he will become their equal. Modern men of ability
do not seem superior to those of antiquity, hi view of ac-
complishment under different conditions. As for the aver-
age intelligence of to-day, the biologist challenges all claims
that inherent ability has changed perceptibly during thou-
sands of years.
The superiority of the ancient Greeks did not consist
1 Reid, Archdall, "The Principles of Heredity," 1896; Holmes, S. J., "The
Trend of the Race," 1920.
MANKIND AND THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE 317
in the possession of minds greater than any which have ap-
peared elsewhere, but in the presence, within a small popu-
lation, of a greater proportion of able individuals. One com-
petent critic declares that the average ability among the
Athenians in the period of their glory was as far above that
of Englishmen at the present time as the average ability of
the English is above that of African negroes.2 Accurate
comparison is, of course, impossible, but judged by intel-
lectual accomplishment the statement seems no exaggera-
tion. So far as the evidence goes, the European races have
not advanced, either in average or in exceptional intellec-
tual capacity, since the days of the Greeks, perhaps not since
the decline of the Cro-Magnards.3
The biological significance of such a conclusion is obvious.
It creates a justification for eugenic propaganda. For the
present purpose, we merely point to the limitations that
may be placed upon scientific progress by the absence of
minds, which exceed the capacity of any that have preceded
them, and by a lowered average of mentality in whole popula-
tions. There is danger here for science as well as for society.
The advancement of science is more likely to be checked by
such limitations of the human mind than by exhaustion
of unsolved problems.
Hope for an unlimited advancement of natural knowledge
:i the biological possibility that the human species has
not reached an equilibrium with respect to intellectual
ability, even though it may seem to have been at a standstill
2 "It follows from all this that the average ability of the Athenian race, is,
on the lowest possible estimate, very nearly two grades higher than our own —
that is, about as much as our race is above that of the African Negro." Galton,
F., "Hereditary Genius," 1892 Edn., p. 330.
a The Cro-Magnards were the highest of the cave races of Europe. They
finally disappeared sometime within the past twenty-five thousand years. In
skull capacity (1800 c.cm.) some of th<» individuals discovered seem slightly
to exceed the best races of modern times. Although they could not have
been other than savages, when judged by present standards, their physical
features and perhaps their inherent mentality were remarkable. Osborn,
H I , "Men of UM < >M Stone Age," p. 299.
318 THE PRESENT IMPORTANCE OF SCIENCE
for some thousands of years. The idea of a superman is
more than a subject for jest to those who look into the future
and who recall the races of the Eurasian continent before
the appearance of Homo sapiens. The advance of science
may, indeed, be checked by the present level of intelligence.
But further evolution may remove this limitation.
As for the immediate possibilities in biological lines, it is
necessary only to trace the growth of scientific knowledge
and become familiar with current investigations to appreciate
the promise of the morrow. The nineteenth century brought
revolutionary advancement in the physico-chemical field.
The twentieth century bids fair to witness similar progress
within the domain of biology. Not only the medical aspects
of biological science, but its social aspects as well, offer start-
ling possibilities. The results that may eventually flow
from the eugenic and euthenic principles already established
are difficult to picture. Biology seems to be entering upon a
period in which many of its current problems may be solved.
Whatever their solution the results will benefit mankind.
As we have seen, control over nature is merely acqui-
escence in nature's laws and the ordering of human affairs
in such fashion that nature serves the needs of man. The
winds and waves obey us, in so far as we effect adjustments
whereby they accomplish our purpose. In the past, control
has been extended mainly within the domain of inanimate
nature. Relatively little has been accomplished with re-
spect to vital phenomena; but men have caught the
vision. Because they have dreamed of a glorious near-
future, many of the present generation wish they might live
out the present century and play a part hi the eradication
of disease, the prolongation of human life, and all the attain-
ment which seems within reach. Just as the existing mastery
of non-living nature has become possible through scientific
knowledge, so must the control of living nature be accom-
plished. In the long run, such a result is capable of bringing
greater happiness than mankind has ever known.
MANKIND AND THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE 319
What science intends, both for the immediate and the
remote future, is to keep going. The scientist believes that
his rationalistic method offers a means of moving forward,
which sets no limit and sees no end. He is content to main-
tain the advance without undue speculation regarding im-
mediate or ultimate goals. There are plenty of problems
within vision, and many opportunities for applications of the
facts now established. Most to be feared is a frame of mind
that discourages investigation, for example, any widespread
conviction that certain classes of problems cannot be solved.
Whether he advances knowledge or not, the individual
scientist is determined to keep trying; for it is his creed that
to try persistently will in time produce worth while results.
The future of mankind seems likely to be a scientific fu-
ture. Modern culture has come into being through science
and through the control of natural phenomena, which is
bred of scientific knowledge. The rationalistic scientific
spirit is the spirit of the modern world. Any thinking man
can comprehend the relation of science to human affairs,
although comprehension may demand reversal in mental
orientation. Science is the product of human reason applied
to the phenomena of nature, human nature included. Its
course has not been run. The future is bright with a prom-
ise that stands at the threshold of realization. Ignoring of
science by one generation bars the door of progress and
the next generation suffers accordingly. Understanding of
science is the greatest legacy we can bequeath to posterity.
INDEX
Abelard, 54
Academies of Science, 89
Acquired characteristics, 169, 170
Adams, G. B., 50, 67, 82
Adaptation, 171-172
"Admirable Doctor," the, 62
Adriatic sea, 78
Advertising, 281
jEgeans, 19, 26, 27
Agar, 128, 130
Age of Reason, 115
Agnosticism, 302
Agobard, 53
Agricultural Revolution, 106
Albertus Magnus, 60
Alchemy, 36, 83
Alexandrian Library, 35, 56
Alexandrian Museum, see Museum
Alfonso, King, of Naples, 82
Algebra, 57, 58
Al-Mamun, 56, 57
American Museum of Natural His-
tory, 185
Amma, 130
Anatomy, comparative, 165, 173, 182,
184
Andalusian fowl, 135, 136
Animalcules, see Microorganisms
Anthrax, 150
Antipodes, 51-52, 61
Antisepsis, 152
Apes, 99
Applied science, 107-108
Arab Conquest, 55, 56
Arab culture, characterization of, 58
Arab science, 36, 53, 54, 56, 59, 67, 90
Archimedes, 32, 35
Aristarchus, 32
Aristocracy and science, 283-289
Aristotle, 33, 34, 62, 63, 64, 68, 84,
230,241
Arithmetic, 23, 24, 27
Arkwright's \v;itcr frame, 105
Asepsis, 152
logy, 24, 76, 81
Astronomy, 24, 57, 62, 64, 72, 83,
94,96
Athenians. 28, 317
< Theory, 33, 97, 98
Authority, 4-8, 310; see also Tradition
Automobile, 62
Averroes, 58, 64, 76
Avicenna, 58
Awareness, 213
Babylonian science, 3, .23
Bacillus of tuberculosis, 152
Bacon, Francis, 62, 74, 91, 106, 111,
112, 230
Bacon, Roger, 58, 62-63, 65, 67, 68,
90, 91, 106, 112
Bacteria, 85, 247
Bacteriology, 120
von Baer, K. E., 173, 197, 309
Bagdad, 56
Baikie, J., 26
Baptism, 51
Barbarians, 60
Basil, 47
Bates, 215
Bayle, 113, 114
Behavior of Animals, 210-214
Berbers, 59
Bestiaries, see Physiologi
Bible, see Scriptures
Biblical traditions; see Scriptures
Binomial nomenclature, 98
Biogenesis, 242, 248
Biological science and modern
thought, 10, 73, 84, 95, 119-120,
149, 217, 318
Biological Station, Fairport, 256
Biology and medicine, 218
Blanckenhorn, M., 13
Blood tests 182, 184
Boccaccio, 77
Botanical gardens, 36, 84, 85
Botany, 84, 217
Boyle, 72, 83, 97
Brahe, Tycho, 72
Breasted, J. H., 13, 21
Breeding of animals, 87, 257, 259
Brooks, W. K., 88
Browne, C. A., 32, 36, 48
Bruno, Giordano, 74
Buckle, 263
Button, 99, 16&-164, 168, 177, 308,
309
322
INDEX
Burckhardt, J., 53, 54, 87, 297
Bureau of Fisheries, U. S., 255
Burials, early Egyptian, 17
Burnett, James, see Monboddo
von Buttel-Reepen, H., 11
Cairo, medical college of, 57
Calendar, 18, 23, 62
Cancer Laboratory, Buffalo, 249
Cards, dealing of, compared with
development, 195
Carlyle, Thos., 263
Carpenter, W. B., 177
Cartesian doubt, 112
Cartwright's power loom, 105
Cams, J. V., 50
Castelli, 89
Catastrophism, 174-175
Catastrophists, 176
Cattle, hornless Egyptian, 19
Causation, 6, 31, 33, 223, 238
Cell, 120-122, 233
Cell-doctrine, see Cell-theory
Cell-lineage, 125
Cell-theory, 84, 94, 98, 100, 120, 121,
123, 142-146, 153, 155, 189, 234,
248
Celsus, 47
Cereals, early Egyptian, 17
Chaldean records, 23
Chambers, Robt,, 177
Charlemagne. 60, 68, 90
Charlemagne s Reformation, 53
Chemical combination, theory of,
94, 97
Chemical science, 35, 57, 72, 83, 97
Child, C. M., 200
China, 11
Christianity, 42, 44, 45-46, 49, 56
Chromatin, 122, 127, 196
Chromosomes, 127, 128, 131, 191,
203; and color blindness, 207-208;
and heredity, 127-134, 142-144,
207; and sex, 205-208; in man,
207
Church of Rome, 60, 110
Circulation of blood, 84, 247
Circumference of earth, 58
City beautiful, 80
Civilization, analysis of, 263; as
dependent on science, 10; as af-
fected by science, 263; beginnings
in Egypt, 16-22; continuity be-
tween Greek and earlier cultures,
28
Classical language requirements, 6-7
Classification, 87, 98, 120, 163, 177,
182, 240
Clement IV. 63
Climate and culture, 21
Clodd. E., 163
Closed mind, the, 301
Cnossus, Hill of, 25
Coincidences and laws of science, 239
Coker, R. E., 256
Collier, Price, 303
Color blindness, 207-208
Columbus, 71, 161
Combustion, 98
Commerce and science, 11, 67, 102-
104
Common sense and science, 230-237
Commonness in sense-experience, 227
Compass, 58
"Compel them to enter in," 114
Compounds, chemical, 83, 97
Compton's muslin wheel, 105
Comte, 263
Conklin, E. G., 125, 172, 195
Consciousness, 213
Conservation of Energy. 94, 97
Conservatism vs. spirit of science, 272
Constantinople, 69
Contagion, 151, 248
Control of nature, through science,
4, 9, 45, 62, 74, 91, 106-109, 111,
149, 219, 261, 267, 315, 318, 319
Copernican Theory, 7, 39, 82, 161,
186, 298, 309
Copernicus, 35, 72, 75, 82, 83, 96,
161,309
Corot, 79
Cosmas, 51-53, 158
Cosmogony, 3, 75, 155-162
Cosmos, 31-32, 40, 75, 158, 315
Coster, Laurens, 74
Cotton, 23
Counter Reformation, 110
Crete, 25-26
Cretans, see JSgeans
Critical spirit, 74, 76-77, 90
Cro-Magnards, 317
Crozier, J. Beattie, 266, 267
Crusades, 59, 67, 68
Ctesibius, 35
Cultural level, as influenced by
science, 268-269
Cuvier, 172, 173, 175, 309
Cytology, 202-204; see also Cell,
and Cell-theory
Cytoplasm, 122, 134
Dallinger, 248
Dalton, 98
Dante, 34, 75-76, 297
Dark Ages, 42-55
INDEX
323
Darwin, Chas., 98, 156, 166, 173, 175-
181, 186, 217, 211, 214, 272, 309,
310
Darwin, Erasmus, 166
Darwinian theory, 168, 173-186
Darwinism to-day, 180
Daubenton, 165, 173
Day of Judgment, 175
Death and old age, 201-202
Debate of 1830, 173
Deists, 110
Deluge, 79, 162-163
Demagogue vs. thinker, 272
Democracy, 30, 283-289
Democritus. 32, 40, 97
"De Naturis Rerum," 85, 86
"De Rerum Natura," 40, 161; see
also Lucretius
Descartes, 74, 75, 83, 110, 112, 113,
210, 272
"Descent of Man," Darwin, 179;
see also Man's place in Nature
Determiners, 140, 142, 144, 145
Determinism, 212
Development, 123, 125-126, 188-
202, 192, 195-196
" Development Hypothesis," Spencer,
177
Devil, 62
Dias, Bartholomew, 71
Dickinson, G. Lowes, 30
Diderot, Denis, 164-165, 166
Differentiation see Development
Diminishing returns, point of, 314
Disease, 20, 100, 149^-153
Domestication of animals and plants,
17, 20, 182, 184
Dominance, 136-137
Donation of Constantine, 82
Draper, J. W., 23, 36, 57, 89
Driesch, Hans, 211
Drosophila, 131, 132, 133
Drysdale, 248
Duns Sootus, 64
r, Albrecht, 72
Renaissance, 53
Ecology^ 120, 216
Economic development, 74
Education, 6, 274
Egypt, physical conditions of, 21;
see also Nile Valley
Egyptian culture and science, 3, 11-
274
Egyptian race, 18, 21
Eight wnth-cf-ntury ncinicc. 101
Moment*, chemical, «)7, B8
Elephant, evolution <>f. 183, 184
Elixir of life, 36, 59
Emancipation and science, 308-313
Embryology, comparative, 173, 182,
184, 186, 188; see also Develop-
ment
Empedocles, 32, 33, 160
Encyclopaedists, 96
Energy, 97
English, intellectual ability of, 317
Environment, 4, 169
Eoliths, 16
Epicurean philosophy, 40
Epigenesis, 145, 164, 193-197
Esthetic appreciation, 295-298
Ether, 98
Eugenics, 25^261, 317
Europeanization of world, 103
Eusebius. 47
Evans, Sir Arthur, 26
Evolution, 75, 94, 98, 99, 120, 145,
155-156, 292, 298; and philosophy
311; and religion, 310-311; and
social phenomena, 311-312; and
theology, 310-311; causes of, 167-
168; coming of, 176-179; con-
fusion between fact and causes of,
168; cosmic, 96, 155, 156; evidence
for, 182; geologic, 156, 164, 173;
Greek speculation on, 31-33, 159;
human, 160; influence of the con-
cept, 308-319; influence upon
studies in animal behavior, 211;
of elephant, 183, 184; of horse,
184, 185; organic, 94, 98, 99, 120,
155-156, 161, 163; present status,
186; theory and cell-theory com-
pared, 153, 155
Exclusive salvation, 305
Experimentation, in Arab science,
57; in medical science, 218; in
social sciences, 271; in zoology,
187, 195, 197, 208, 214
External world, 225
Ewing, J. A., 105
Factors, see Determiners
Factory system, 104
Facts of science, 5, 7, 223-229
Fair judgment and science, 298-299
Families, 98
Faraell, L. R.; 30
Ferrero, Guglielmo, 45
F(>rtili/.:iti<>n, 122, 127, 129, 188-193
Fire engine, 35
Flint \vorki-i>. 11, 16
Flood, see Deluge
Floivnc.r, S7
I IMMH machine, 62, 79
324
INDEX
Flying shuttle, 105
Fossils, 78, 79, 159, 161, 174, 175, 176
Frederick II, 305
Freedom, as established by Renais-
sance, 92
French Revolution, 278
Fresh-water mussel, 252-253
Frog, development, 124-126; skin
gland, 147
Galen, 5, 39, 84
Galileo, 35, 72, 82, 83, 96, 101, 309
Galton. Francis, 257, 317
Galton's analysis of heredity con-
trasted with Mendel's, 257-258
da Gama, Vasco, 71
Gametes, see Germ-cells
Geikie, Archibald, 176
Genera, 98
Genes, see Determiners
Genesis, 157, 292
Genetics. 202-204
Genius, individuals of, 74, 75, 81, 317
Genus, 33
Geo-centric theory, 82
Geographical discoveries, 67; distri-
bution, 162-163, 182, 184; science,
35, 71. 83, 96
Geography and racial traits, 61
Geological science, 35, 78, 79, 156,
173, 175^176, 177
Geologist, illustration of, 232
Gerbert of Rheims, 54, 58, 62
Germ-cells, 126, 140, 203
Germ diseases, 246, 248-249
Germ-theory of disease, 101, 149-153
German science and industry, 108
von Gesner. Conrad, 73, 87
Gilbert of Colchester, 71
Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, 74.
81
Glacial Period, 11, 12, 13, 16
Glaser, O. C., 192
Glochidium, 252; theory, 254
Gnosticism, 49
God, 5. 30, 47, 50, 75, 157
Goose barnacles, 61
Gonzaga, Francesco, Duke of Man-
tua, 87
Government as influenced by science,
282-289
"Grand Age," of Crete, 26
Gravitation, 83 96
Great God Business, 279
Great War, 306
Greco-Roman culture, continuity
with Egyptian and Mesopotamian,
18,22
Greece, antecedents of, 25; intel-
lectual failure of, 31-32
Greek, ideal of life, 9, 30; mind and
modern science; 31; mythology
as basis for imagination, 293;
science, 3, 29, 274
Greeks, intellectual superiority of,
316-317; origin, 27; racial stock
of Athenians, 28
Grenada, 89
Grew, 121
Guizot, F., 263
Gunpowder, 58
Gutenberg, 74
Guyer, M. F., 171
Haldane, J. S., 211
Hargreave's spinning jenny, 105
Harmony, spiritual, of Greece, 37
Harris, D. F., 247
Harvey, 73, 84, 247
Hawes C. H., and H. B., 26
Heated air engine, 35, 105
Hebrew-Chaldean traditions, 157-
159, 161
Hegel, 263
Hellenes, see Greeks
Hellenistic Age, 37, 58
Henslow, G., 170
Herbert, S., 170, 184
Heredity, 181, 195, 219, 256^261;
and variation, as cell-problems,
145; cellular basis of 126-145;
chromosome theory of, 127-134,
142-144; sex-linked, 208
Hero of Alexandria, 35, 105
Hertwig, Oscar, 189
Heteromorphosis, 198
Higher Criticism, 7
Hindu science, 56
Hindus, 57, 58
Hippocrates. 32, 36, 39
"Historic Naturelle," Buffon, 165
Histology, 85, 120
"Historia Animalium," Gesner, 87
Hobbes, 74
Hohenheim, Philippus von; see "Par-
acelsus"
Holmes, O. W., 152, 249
Homeric Tales, 27
Hooke, 121
Hooker, the botanist, 179
Hornaday, W. T., 215
Horse, domestic, 23; evolution of,
184, 185
Howard, Sidney, 278
Human intelligence, evolution of,
315-317
INDEX
325
Human progress, means to, 266;
influence of the cultural level, 266;
ineffectiveness of exhortation, 266
Humanism, 9, 76, 89, 92
Humanistic philosophy, 6, 9, 40
Humanists, 73, 76-77, 82
Humbolt, 177
Hume, 112, 113, 165
Button, 79, 165, 173, 174, 176
Huxley. T. H., 112, 210, 230
Hypatia, 48
Ice-age; see Glacial Period
Image Worship, 46
Imagination and science, 291-295
Impersonal thinking, 299
Implications of science, 114^115
India, 11, 274
Individual, expansion and elevation
of, 263
Individualism in society, 287
Inductive sciences, 91
Industrial Revolution, 95, 104, 107,
109
Industrialism and science, 278-279
Industry in relation to science, 95,
102-109
Infidels, 67
Innovation, 301
Insects and disease, 152
Intolerance, 109, 302-309
Introspection, 213
Intuitions, 227-229, 237
Invention and the Industrial Revo-
lution, 105
Inventor vs. the scientist, 107-108
Iron, 23
Islam, 59
Italy, 67
Japan, 274
Jastrow, J., 25
. 100. 151
.K-nnings. H. S., 202, 212
Jesus, ethical teachings of, 45-46
Jews. 57, 59
Joachim of Flora, 54
Johnson, Dr. Samuel, 165
Jones, W. H. S., 45
Journalism, 280-281
Kant, 112, 113
Kay's flying Hhuttle, 105
152
KflOogg. V. L., 180
Kent, W. Sayville, 247
2, 75. 83
Km*, H 6.,ifc
Kipling, R., 245, 294
Knowledge, objective, 229; of science,
223-229, 237; subjective, 229
Koch, 152
Koran, 56
Kramer, Gerhard, "Mercator," 71
Lamarck, 166, 167, 168, 172, 173, 309
Lamarckian hypothesis, 99, 167-172,
Lang, A., 210
Lankester, E. Ray, 112, 294
Laplace, 96
Lavoisier, 98
Law; see Legalistic
Lawyer in government, 287
Laws, of science, 238-240
Lecky, W. E. H., 46, 51, 76, 113, 305
Lecler, see Buffon
Lee, F. S., 149
Leenwenhoek, 73, 85, 247, 248, 249,
250, 255
Lefevre, George, 202
Lefevre and Curtis, 251, 252, 253, 255
Legalistic frame of mine, 275-282
Leibnitz, 74
Leonardo, da Vinci, 74, 77-83, 101,
112, 161, 243
Leone Battista Alberti, 74, 82
Leydig, F., 255
Libby, Walter, 32
Life, origin of, 33, 99
Lillie, F. R.. 189. 190, 191, 209
Linkage in heredity, 132-133
Linnaeus, 98, 163, 167
Lions, 86
Lister, Lord Joseph, 151
Locke, 74, 112, 113 '
Locy, W. A., 85, 86
Loeb, J., 192, 202, 211
Logic, 31, 230, 237
Lombardy, 78
Lovejoy, A. O.. 96, 99, 164, 165, 177
Lubbock, Sir John, 211
Lucretius, 40, 97, 160, 161
da Luzzi, 84
Lyell, Chas., 173, 175, 179
Machine, earliest known, 20
Magellan, 71
Mahaffy, J. P., 29, 36
Malaria, 45, 152, 296
Malpighi, 85, 73, 121
Mankind, in relation to science,
319; see also Control of Nature
Man, paleolithic. 11; pliocene, 16;
pre-ohellean, 16
Man's place in nature, 10, 99, 156,
326
INDEX
160, 165, 179, 186, 202, 293-294,
309, 315
Man's relation to nature, 111
Mariolatry, 46
Mast, S. 6., 211, 212
Matarazzo, 87
Material foundations of society in
relation to science, 264-269
Material progress in relation to
science, 107-109
Material vs. spiritual influences of
science, 4, 9, 114-115, 290
Mathematical science, 58, 72, 83, 84
Mathematics and philosophy, 74
Matter, 32, 97, 98
Maupertuis, 164, 165, 166
McCurdy, E., 79
Mechanistic conception of life, 210-
213; conception of nature, 112
Medical science, 76, 94, 100, 228
Medicine, and biology, 218; chemical,
83
Medieval, craftsman, 5; frame of
mind, 52, 54, 63-64, 65, 68, 90,
92? 305; science, 4, 53-55, 85
Mediterranean race, 27, 38
von Megenberg, Conrad, 85, 86
Mendel. Gregor, 257, 258, 259
Mendelian heredity, 134, 139-145,
197, 203, 296
Mendel's analysis of heredity, con-
trasted with Galton's, 257-258
Mendel's Law, 203, 204; rediscovery
of, 258
Menageries, see Zoological Gardens
Mercator, 71
Meriam, J. C., 11
Mesopotamia, physical conditions, 22
Mesopotamian, civilizations, 18, 22,
274; peoples, 22
Metal implements, 17
Metcalfe, M. M., 61
Metchnikoff, E., 202
Method of science, 230-238
Mice, dominance of gray over white,
136
Microorganisms, 95, 100, 150, 240-
250, 247
Microscope, 62, 84, 95, 247
Microscopy, 84, 88, 247
Middle Ages, 42, 49-50, 53, 60, 65,
67-69, 297; see also Medieval
Mill, J. S., 230
Mina, 23
Minoan civilization, 25
Miracles, 110
Mitchell, P. C., 202
Mitosis or Mitotic cell division, 128
Modern Scientific Period, 60, 94
Mohammedan, see Arab, 67
Molecules and atoms, 98
Monasteries, 55
Monboddo, Lord, James Burnett, 165
Monotheism, 30
Montaigne, Michel, 74, 113
Moors, 59, 89
Moorish Kingdom, 56
Morgan, T. H., 133, 186, 196, 199,
208
Mosquito-malaria theory, 152, 296
Munro, H. J. A., 40, 161
Murray, Robert, 61
Museum at Alexandria, 35-36, 39, 58
Muslin wheel, Compton's, 105
Mussel, fresh-water, 250-256
Mycenae, 26
National Research Council, 244
Natural history, 84, 88, 214-217
Natural law vs super-natural, 110;
see also Superstition
Natural resources, 314
Natural Selection, 40, 168, 172, 178,
179, 180, 181, 186
Naturalism, 91, 110
Nature, control of by man; see Con-
trol of Nature
"Nature's Insurgent Son," Lank-
ester, 294
Nature-eearcher and the explorer, 245
Nature Study, 216
Near East, 11, 25, 103
Nebular hypothesis, 96
Negroes, intellectual ability of, 317
Neo-Weismannism, 197
Nestorians, 57
Newcommen's steam engine, 105
Newton, Isaac, 72, 75, 83. 96. 97, 296
Nile Valley, 13-15; see also Egypt
Nordic race, 27, 38
Normative sciences, 237
Notation, see Numerals
Nucleus, 122; vs. cytoplasm in
heredity, 134
Numerals, 23, 24, 37, 57
Objective reality, 224 237
Observation, in Arab science, 57;
in zoology, 187; see also Experi-
mentation
Old age and death, 201-202
Omar, Khalif, 56
"Omne vivum ex ovo." 235
"Omnis cellula e cellula," 189
Oosperm, 130
Open mind, the, 299
INDEX
327
Open-mindedness, 270, 302
Organization of germ, 195-197
Organized science, 3
Origen, 48
"Origin of Species," 98, 166, 173,
175-180, 186, 310
Osborn, H. F., 11, 34, 160, 317
Ovists, 189
Ovum, 122, 127
Pacioli, 72
Packard, A. S., 170
Paganism and Christianity, 45-46
Paracelsus, 73
Parasites, 149
Parasitology, 218
Parker, G. H., 145
Parthenogenesis, 190-191, 201, 202
Pascal, 74, 83
Pasteur, 150, 151
Pathology, 120
Pearl button industry. 255
Pearson, Karl, 225
Pergamum, 39
Persecution, 54, 109, 113, 114, 303,
305,307
Perugia, 87
Peter of Apono, 76, 82
Petrarch, 76r 82, 89, 297
Philistines, 27
Phillips, E. F.; 190
Philosopher, influence of the, 113;
in relation to science, 111
Philosophers, 159, 166, 167
Philosopher's stone, 59
" Philosophic : Zoologique," 167, 170
Philosophy in relation to everyday
life, 113; evolution, 311; religion
in Greece, 30-31; science, 111, 113,
223; theology, 74
Philosophy, of scholasticism, 68;
origin of modern, 112; The Aris-
totelian vs. Platonic, 34
Phlogiston-theory, 83, 97
Phonieians, 19, 102
al degeneration of Romans, 44
al science, 72, 83, 84, 91. •»:.
< <>-chemical .-nuly <>f biological
phenomena. 218
Physiologi, 50, 76, 85, 87
Physiological processes, cellular baais
of, 140-11!)
Physiology, 84, 182, 183
Platonic philosophy, 34
v, the elder, 89, 78
Plow, 20
l*o rivor, 78
Polarity, 198, 200
Post-Darwinian Period, 167, 171
Postal system, 23
Potter's wheel, 20
Pottery, 17
Pound, 23
Poverty, 298
Power-driven machinery, 105
Power loom, Cartwright's, 105
Practical inventions, 104
Practical needs in relation to theo-
retical knowledge; see Theory and
Practice
Practical vs. theoretical knowledge,
104, 106; see also Theory and
Practice
Preformation, 145, 164, 193-197
Presence-and-absence theory, 137
Preyer, 211
Primitive ideas of Cosmos, 75; see
also Cosmogony
Prince Henry, the "Navigator," 71
Printing, 74
Probability, theory of, 74
Professional growth, 301
Progression, in geological record, 176
Propaganda, 280-281
Protective resemblance, 172
Protoplasm, 121, 123
Protozoa. 85, 152, 247, 248
Protozoology, 218
Providence, visitations of, 100
Psychology, 280
Ptolemaic system, 241
Ptolemy of Alexandria, 35, 39, 82
"PuchderNatur,"85, 86
Pure science, 107-108, 250
Puritans, 305
Pyramid Age, 20
Quarryman, illustration of, 231
Race suicide of Romans, 44
Radium. 97
Rationalism, 65, 74, 75-91, 94, 95,
110, 111, 114
Ray. John, 73, 88
Reality, internal and external,
227
Reality, scientific, 227
Recessive. 139
Red headed man on horee, illustra-
tion of, 239
Redi, 73, 85, 100, 188
Reformation, 82, 91, 110
Rrnrncratinn, l'.»S-'JOO
Regulation. I'.N, 200
328
INDEX
Relativity, theory of, 315
Religion, and ev9lution, 310-311;
and Philosophy in Greece, 30-31 ;
and science, 7-8, 24-25, 30, 43-
49, 310; natural, of Deists, 110;
past and future, 7-8
Renaissance, 5, 55, 59, 66, 264r-
308; and establishment of modern
science, 66, 82; cultural antece-
dents, 67-69, 70-75; earlier and
later periods of? 70, 77; extent as
a scientific period, 66; science of
in contrast to modern, 70; scien-
tific discoveries of, 112; signifi-
cance for science, 66, 69, 95;
summary of its accomplishments,
90-93
Research laboratories, 249
Revelation, 7, 310
Revival of Learning, see Renaissance
Revolution, French, 91; Industrial,
95; spiritual induced by science,
4; see also Science and Scientific
Revolutions, religious and political,
92
Rheims, 54
Riddle. Oscar, 209
Rockefeller Institute, 249
Roman culture, 38-39; notation,
58; science, 40, 43-44
Romanes, G. J., 180, 184, 211
Romans. 37-38
Rome, decline of, 43-45
Royal Society of London, 89
Russian Revolution, 278
Sahara, 12
Salerno, medical college of, 57
Saltness of sea, 79
Satan, 54, 62, 63
Savery's steam engine, 105
Schleiden, 121
Scholastic vs. scientific system, 112,
113
Scholasticism, 64-65, 68, 77, 88, 90
Schoolmen; see Scholasticism
Schools, among Arabs, 56; of Charle-
magne, 90
Schultze, 123
Schwann, 121, 123
Science, as advanced by the phi-
losopher, 111; beginnings of mod-
ern, 32, 82; broader influences
of, 114; characterizations of, 3,
78, 114, 230, 263; during Modern
Period, 4, 9, 101, 109, 115; impli-
cations and extensions of, 114-115,
166; influence upon government,
282-289; intentions of, 319; its
influence upon frame of mind,
312-313; position of modern, 114-
115; practical values of, 314; pure
and applied, 243-244, see also
Theory and Practice; vs. scho-
lasticism, 112, 113; spirit of, vs.
conservatism, 272; in education,
273-274; vs. supernaturalism, 267-
268; the ideal of, with reference
to state of mind, 301
Science in relation to, aristocracy,
283-289; advancement of civili-
zation, 263-264; commerce, 102-
104; common sense, 230-237; cos-
mogony, 3. 75, 155-162; democ-
racy, 283-289; emancipation,
308-313; esthetic appreciation,
295-298; fair judgment, 298-299;
future of mankind, 319; good citi-
zenship, 270; human reason, 3,
319; imagination, 291-295; in-
dustrialism, 278-279; industry,
102-109; material foundations of
society, 264; modern philosophy
of life, 9; modern thought, 4;
persecution, 109; philosophy, 97,
111, 113, 223; religion, see Re-
ligion; social problems, 298-299;
social progress, 269; superstition,
74; toleration, 109
Scientific, awakening, summarized,
90-91; certainty, nature of, 238-
239; facts, 223-229; frame of mind,
268, 270, 273, 282 ;vs. the legalistic,
275-282; generalizations, 238-240;
hypotheses, illustrated by cell-
theory, 153; knowledge. 223-229;
laws, 3, 238-240; method, 82, 230-
238, 268; spirit, 3, 42, 299, 314;
truth, 240-241
Scientist, in government, 280; vs.
the inventor, 107-108
Scientists, their appreciation of
meanings, 166-167
Scott, W. B., 174, 183, 184
Scriptures, 5, 8, 7, 47, 51-53, 63, 68,
309-311
Secretion, 146-148
Secularization, 67
Sedgwick, W. T., 23, 31, 32
Segregation in Mendelian heredity,
134-136, 139, 140-144
Sellars, R. W., 230
Sense-impressions, in relation to
reality, 224-227
Sequence, in relation to causation,
240
INDEX
329
Sex, chromosome, 205; control, 209;
determination, 204-210; in lower
organisms, 254
Sex-linked heredity, 208
Ships, 20
Shull, A. F., 209
Signatures, Doctrine of, 50
Skepticism, 74, 113, 302-308; and
indecision, 302, 304; and tolera-
tion, 303, 304; and persecution,
303; during Renaissance, 76-77;
growth of, 90; in politico-economic
field, 303
Skin gland of frog, 147
Slavery, 45
Slocum, S. E., 23
Smallpox, 101, 151
Smith, Adam, 165
Smith, Elliott, 18
Smith, E. A., 171
Smith, Wm., 174
Social, phenomena in light of evolu-
tion, 311-312; progress as in-
fluenced by science, 269; reorgani-
zation incident to Industrial Revo-
lution, 106; sciences, 94, 96
Soil exhaustion, 45
Solutions, 97
Sorbonne, 163
Spallanzani, 100, 123, 189, 191
Sparta, 28
Species, 88, 98
Spectacles, 62
Spencer, Herbert, 177, 178, 263
Spermatists, 189
Spermatozoon, 122, 127, 129, 247
Spinoza, 74
Spinning jenny, Hargreave's, 105
Spiritual values of science, 4, 9, 114-
11"), 290; see also Science and
Scientific
Split-wheat, 22
Spontaneous generation, 33, 85, 100,
123-124, 151, 160, 248, 249
St. Ambrose, 46
!:iirp, 172
Stahl, 72, 97
St. Augustine, 53
Stahl 72, 97
Standard measures, 23
Steam engine, 35, 62. 105
Steam locomotive, 105
Steamboat, 105
Steamship, 62
Stephen, Leslie, 111,292
Stevinus of Bruges, 72
o development, 192
!M
Subjective reality, 224, 237
Sumerians, 22
Superman, 206, 317
Supernaturalism, and naturalism 91,
110, 267, 312
Superstition, 40, 75; see also Tradi-
tion
Surgery, 151, 152
Surveying instruments, 57
Survival of Fittest, 33, 160, 181
Suspension bridge, 62
Swammerdam, 73, 85
Sylvester Giraldus, 61
Symonds, J. A., 53, 77, 92
Synesius, 48
Taxonomy, see Classification
Taylor, H. O., 21, 24, 38, 43, 52, 63,
Telescope, 62
Temptation of Eve, 25
Theology, and religion, present
status, 8; in light of evolution,
310-311; in relation to philosophy,
74; see also Religion
"Theoria Generationis," 164
Theory and practice, 231, 236, 242-
243, 248-250, 256, 258, 261-262
Thing-in-itself, 225
Thinker vs. demagogue, 272
Thomas Aquinas, 64, 76, 110
Thomas of Cantimpre", 85, 86
"Thought-fossils," 159
Tickner, F. W., 105
Tiryns, 26
Toleration, 56, 74, 94, 103, 114,
303-305, 307
Toleration Act, 305
Torricelli, 89
Toscanelli, 71
Towns, 26
Tradition, 74, 270-275, 280, 282.
299^302; see also Authority and
Scriptures
Transmutationj 99
Transmutationists, 162-167
Trinity, 46
Truth, in science, 240-241; and
human freedom, 308
Turks, 59
Tyler, H. W., 23, 31, 32
Tyndall, 248
Uhlhorn, G., 43, 44, 47
Unconformity, 176
rnifonnitarians, 176
• haraetere, 140, 197
I'tmvr-r. MB < 'osmoa
330
INDEX
Universities, 35, 55, 68, 88, 89
Urban life? 45
Use and disuse, 169
Utopia, 264
Vaccination, 101, 151
Vaccines, 150
Valla, 82
Variation, 181; and heredity, as cell
problems, 145; inheritance of, 164
Veblen, T., 295
Verwora, M., 148
Vesalius, 73, 84
Vespucci, 71
Vested rights, 278
"Vestiges of Creation," 177
da Vinci, see Leonardo
Virchow, 189
Vitalism, 211-213
Voltaire, 113, 114
Voyages of discovery, 39
"Voyage of the Beagle," Darwin,
173, 178
Wallace. A. R., 178, 179
Wallace's chart, 180-181
Water frame, Arkwright's, 105
Watson, J. A. S., 185
Watt's steam engine, 105
Weaving industry, 105
Weismann, A., 145, 197
Wells, H. G., 265, 292
Western culture, controlling idea of,
288
Whetham, W. C. D., and C. D., 23,
29, 64, 79, 296
White, A. D., 48, 61, 63, 161
Whitney, D. D., 209
William of Occam, 64
Wilson, E. B., 120, 195, 203
von Wmiwater, H., 207
Wireless message, 295
Wolff, K., 164
"Wonderful Century," 20
Wordsworth, 293.
Worker, modern industrial, his out-
look, 5
Wright, J., 159
"X "-chromosome, see Sex-chromo-
some
Xenophanes, 159
Zoological, gardens, 36, 85-87;
science, recent developments of,
187
Zoology, and experimentation, 187,
UK, 197, 208, 214; and the social
sciences, 219; in relation to other
sciences. 217
"Zoonomia," 166