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■£>p nr .vo
SCIENCE CENTER LIBRARY
FHOM THE BEQUEST OF
MRS. ANNE E. P. SEVER
OF BOSTON
Widow of Cd, James Warren Sever
(C1m« of 1817)
:v
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THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
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THE
SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
EDITED BY /. McKEEN CATTELL
VOUJME XIII
JULY TO DECEMBER, 1921
NEW YORK
THE SCIENCE PRESS
1921
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CopyriglLt, 1921
THE SCIENCE PRESS
THOMAS J. GBITinit AN» IONS
imCA, N. T.
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VOLXIII, NO. 1 ^vo'^""' '"^^^fK — lijl^IIf" JULY, 1921
( JlJN 27192M
THE SCIENTIFIC
MONTHLY
EDITED BY J. McKEEN CATTELL
CONTENTS
THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY. Profesaor John Johniton 5
THE CENTENNIALS OF HERMAN VON HELMHOLTZ AND RUDOLF
VIRCHOW:
HERMANN VON HELMHOLTZ. Profcator LouU Karpiniki 24
RUDOLF VIRCHOW— PATHOLOGIST. Dr. Carl Vernon Walker . 33
RUI>OLF VIRCHOW— ANTHROPOLOGIST AND ARCHEOLOGIST.
Professor Arthur E. R. Boak 40
THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH— THE INHERITANCE OF DURATION OF UFE IN
MAN. ProfeMK>r Raymond Pearl 46
VITAMINS AND FOOD DEFICIENCY DISEASES. Dr. Alfred C. Reed 67
HSHING IN LAKE MICHIGAN. Profeseor A. S. Pearw 81
THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE:
The Utilization and Conservation of the Natural Resources of the United States;
The Executive Committee on Natural Resources; Mme. Curie's Visit to the
United States; Exchange of Professors of Engineering between American and
French Universities; Scientific Items 91
THE SCIENCE PRESS
PUBUCATION OFFICE: 11 LIBERTY ST., UTICA, N. Y.
EDITORIAL AND BUSINESS OPnCE: GARRISON, N. Y.
Single Number, 50 Cents. Yearly Subscription, $5.00
COPYRIGHT 1921 BY THE SCIEMCE PRSSS
Eaiared u aeeond-elaM natter Febnury 8, 1921, at tha Pott Office at Utiea, N. Y.. ander the hcl of Mareb 8. 1879.
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SPACE AND TIME IN CX)NTEMPORARY PHYSICS
fBy MORITZ SCHUCK 9l^ ^30
An iid«iiiiiw, yet dear Moaiizit of Einstein's epocfa-maldng theotie* of iclativiQr.
ON GRAVITATION AND RELATIVITY
Sy Ralph Allen Sabxpson 90c
The Halley lectiue delivered by the Astronomer Royal for Scotland.
SOME FAMOUS PROBLEMS OF THE THEORY OF
NUMBERS
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TUTORS UNTO CHRIST
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FUNGAL DISEASES OF THE COMMON LARCH
"By W. E. Heley ^5.65
An elaborate investigation into larch canker with dcscrq}tions of all other known
diiwufii of the larch and numerous fine illusttadona.
THE GEOGRAPHY OF PLANTS
®y M. E. Hardy ^3.00
More advanced than the author's earlier work disaissing fully the conditions in which
plants flourish and their distribution throughout the earth.
SCHOOLS OF GAUL
*By Theodore Haarhoff ^5.65
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Wiestem empire.
THE ELEMENTS OF DESCRIPTIVE ASTRONOMY
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A simple and attractive description of the heavens ralnilaiyd to arouse the interest
of those who know little or nothing of the subject.
RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN EUROPEAN THOUGHT
Edited by F. S, Marvin 9^/ ^3.00
Twelve essays bv noted scholars summarizing the work of the leading European
thinkers in the last fifty years.
DEVELOPMENT OF TEiE ATOMIC THEORY
By A. N. Mbldrum 70c
A brief historical sketch attributing to William Higginsy not John Dehon as
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THE SCIENTIFIC
MONTHLY
JULY. 1021
THE fflSTORY OF CHEMISTRY*
By Professor JOHN JOHNSTON
YALE UNIYERSITT
CHEMISTRY is Che science of the ultimate composition and con-
stitution of matter, of the nmtual reaction between two or more
substances, and of the influence of factors such as change of temper-
ature, pressure, or extent of surface upon the stability of a substance
and its relation to other substances. The chemist studies the great
diversity of substances, organic and inorganic, which we see around
us; he analyzes these substances, ascertains their composition, and
builds them up again from their components; he investigates their be-
havior with respect to change in external conditions and in relation to
other substances. He learns how, not merely to imitate a substance
oocnring naturally, but to make the identical material artificially and
to discover new substances superior in usefulness to those found in
nature; and he considers how useful substances may^be produced more
economically from the raw materials available. The study of chemistry
is slowly yielding information as to the nature of biological processes
of importance to every one and so is assisting to retain health and to
control disease. Indeed our material well-being and comfort depend
in large part upon a fundamental knowledge of chemical processes and
how to control them; and continued progress along these lines will be
limited only by the rate at which we extend our knowledge of funda-
mentals, what chemistry has achieved being but a fraction of what it
may do for us.
The great practical achievements of chemistry are comparatively
recent, almost entirely within the last sixty years, quite largely indeed
within the present century. They are so manifold that it would not
be feasible in the space allotted even to mention a fraction of them;
consequently I have endeavored only to ^etch in general outline, as
free from technicalities as possible, the development of the main funda-
*A lecture delivered at Yale University, March 25, 1920, the second of a
series on the History of Science under the auspices of the Yale Chapter of
the Gamma Alpha Graduate Scientific Fraternity.
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i THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
moiital principles of chemistry, and even in this have been forced to
omit much that is important
Development of the Idea of Chemical Elements and of THEm
MirruAL Relationship
Two hundred years ago, at which time the classical mathematics
had already reached a high state of development, chemistry had not
begun to be a science, nor even an art; it was more or less of a mystery,
in which language was used to conceal the fact that there was no
thought— as it still is used by some today. Boyle in 'The Sceptical
Oiymist,** first published in 1661, refers to the vagueness of the ideas
then current in the following terms :^
The confidence wherewith chymJsts are wont to call each of the sub-
stances we speak of by the name of sulphur or mercury, or the other of the
hypostatical principles, and the intolerable ambiguity Uiey allow themsdves
in their writings and expressions, makes it necessary for me .... to
complain of the unreasonable liberty they give themselves of playing with
names at pleasure .... I cannot but take notice, that the descriptions
they give us of that principle or ingredient of mixt bodies, are so intricate,
that even those that have endeavored to polish and illustrate the notions of
the chymists, are fain to confess that they know not what to make of it
either by ingenuous acknowledgments, or descriptions that are not intelligible
.... Chymists write thus darkly, not because they think their notions
too precious to be explained, but because they fear that if they were explained,
men would discern, that they are far from being precious. And, indeed, I
fear that the chief reason why chymists have written so obscurely of their
three principles, may be, that not having dear and distinct notions of them
themselves, they cannot write otherwise than confusedly of what they but
confusedly apprehend; not to say that divers of them, being conscious to
the invalidity of their doctrine, might well enough disceme that they could
scarce keep themselves from being confuted, but by keeping themselves from
being dearly understood .... If judidous men, skilled in chymical
affau-s, shall agree to write dearly and plainly of them, and thereby keep
men from being stunned, as it were, or imposed upon by dark and empty
words ; it is to be hoped, that these (other) men finding, that ihey can no
longer write impertinently and absurdly, without being laughed at for doing
so, will be reduced either to write nothing, or books, that may teach us some-
thing, and not rob men, as formerly, of invaluable time; and so ceasing to
trouble the world with riddles or impertinendes, we shall either by their
books receive an advantage, or by their silence escape an inconvenience.
And again,' showing that he had no great opinion of their methods:
Methinks the Chymists, in their searches after truth, are not tmlike the
navigators of Solomon's Tarshish fleet, who brought home from their long
and tedjous voyages, not only gold, and silver, and ivory, but apes and
peacocks too: for so the writings of several (for I say not, all) of your
hermetidc philosophers present us, together with divers substantial and
noble experiments, theories, which either like peacock's feathers make a great
iThe Sceptical Chymist, Everyman's Edition, pp. 113-6.
K>p. dt p. 227.
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THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY 7
•how, bat are neither solid nor useful; or else like apes, if they have some
appearance of being rational, are blemi^ed with some absurdity or other, that
when they are attentively considered, make them appear ridiculous.
The general belief o£ the aldiemisla appears to have been that there
ia a primordial matter which, when combined with more or less of one
or more of their four so-called elements or principles — ^fire, air, earth
and water — ^becomes apparent to our senses as the various substances
we know; in other words, that matter is the carrier or embodiment of
certain qualities which can by appropriate treatment be enhanced or
attenuated. It is juster to look upon the alchemists' so-called elements
as qualities — such as hotness, coldness, dryness, wetness — typified by
the things named, though no single quality would suffice for a single
element, as each alchemist tended to endow his elements with such attrib-
utes as suited his immediate purpose. In addition to these four elements
some made use also of the ^bypostatical" (fundamental) prindples —
salt, sulphur and mercury, which again may be interpreted as typifying
fizky in die fire or incombustibility, combustibility, volatility and
metallic lustre, respectivdy. Such views lead one directly to believe
in the possibility of transmutation, of changing base metal into gold;
for to achieve this, it would be necessary only to effect a suitable change
in the proportions of the elemental qualities, a possibility which there-
fore seemed far from hopeless or absurd.
It is dear that no great progress in chemistry as a science could
have been made, so long as such false views prevailed. And indeed the
alchemists contributed nothing to the real jdiilosophy of chemistry,
ahhough they did discover — ^by chance, more or less — a few useful
substances, such as sulphuric add (oil of vitrei) and tartar emetic,
some of vi^ch found application as drugs. For one of the tasks they
set for themsdves was to find the elixir of youth, a quest along with
which went a bdief in the efficacy of doses of the strangest mixtures;
indeed, an ingenuous person examining the present-day offidal pharma-
copeias might wdl be led to think that the alchemists continued to
flonridi and to be powerful until very recent times.
The overdirow of this false philosophy was b^un by Robert Boyle,
in his ''Sceptical Chymist" He endeavored to distinguirii the quali-
ties of a substance from its composition, and enunciated views with
reference to the difference between elements and cdmpounds which are
still hdd. Thus he writes: ''I must not look upon any body as a true
prindple or dement, but as yet compounded, which is not perfectly
homogeneous, but is further resoluble into any number of distinct sub-
stances, how small soever. " ^l mean by elements, as those chymists
that speak plainest do by their principles, certain primitive and simple,
or perfectly unmingled bodies; irfiich not being made of any other
bodies, or of one another, are the ingredients of which all those called
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8 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
perfectly mizt bodies are immediately compounded, and into which
they are ultimately resolved.*^
It ia diflieult to picture the exact status of knowledge of chemical
art at that period, partly because the alchemists commonly described
their experiments in vague terms, partly because their false theories
prevented them from discovering all the pertinent facts and led them
to misinterpret much of what they did (^>serve. For instance, the doc-
trine of the indestructibility of matter — that the total weight of a
system remains unaffected by chemical changes taking place within it —
now r^arded as axiomatic, was not definitely formulated; the material
nature of air had not yet been recognised, nor had gases been really
differentiated; the process of combustion was not understood, and
analytical methods hardly existed.
Boyle's views gained ground very slowly, but the progress of
chemistry was hindered for a century by a false theory, the so-called
phlogiston theory. According to this view, there is an inflammable
principle— i^ilogiston — ^which escapes when a substance is burned.
For instance, when a metal is burned, phlogiston escapes and a calx
or earth remains; on which basis the metal is a compound of calx plus
phlogiston, whence it would follow that in order to regenerate the
metal, phl<^;iston must be supplied to the calx by heating vrith some
substance (such as carbon) rich in phlogiston. This theory
emphasized the fundamental similarity of all combustion processes,
and to that extent was a good and useful hypothesis; but the picture
it presented is almost the exact inverse of the real facts, for we now
know that a metal in burning actually unites with oxygen, that the calx
or oxide weighs more than the metal, and that the system as a whole
has lost energy, mainly in the form of heat — all of tfa^se changes having
to be reversed in order to regenerate the metal from the oxide. The
phlogiston theory, despite its falsity, continued to prevail for a century,
during which time it befogged the whole subject and paralyzed the
advance of chemical philosophy; the net result being that, until nearly
the end of the eighteenth century, the subject was as little clear as it
had been a hundred years before, although it had in the meantime been
enriched by many new observations of importance, and progress along
experimental lines had been quickened by improved tedinique. This
prevalence of a false theory, which hindred progress so greatly, leads
one to wonder if some of the hypotheses now ccnnmonly accepted do not
have a similar inverse relation to the real facts^ as was the case with
the phlogiston theory; it is this type of question which the promoters
of the theory of relativity are in effect asking with respect to our funda-
mental physical ideas.
Another mistaken notion was the material nature of heat The fact
K)p. cit p. 187-
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THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY 9
that flames issue from burning bodies led to the view that they were
material objects; and so fire was regarded as one of the elements. Even
after the overthrow of the ancient ideas of combustion, it was believed
that heat, or caloric as they termed it, though devoid of weight, was a
substance — an imponderable, in the same category as light and
electricity.
Thus, even as late as 1848, in a very interesting '^Manual of
Chemistry"* the author writes:
The first part comprehends an account of the nature and properties of
Heat, Light and Electricity — agents so diffusive and subtile that the com-
mon attributes of matter can not be perceived in them. They are altogether
destitute of weight; at least, if they possess any, it cannot be discovered
t^ our most delicate balances, and hence they have received the appellation
of Imponderables. They cannot be confined and exhibited in a mass like
other bodies, they can be collected only through the intervention of other
substances. Their title to be considered material is therefore questionable,
and the effects produced by them have accordingly been attributed to certain
motions or affections of common matter. It must be admitted, however, that
they appear to be subject to the same powers that act on matter in general,
and that some of the laws which have been determined concerning them are
exactly such as might have been anticipated on the supposition of their
materiality. It hence follows that we need only regard them as subtile
species of matter, in order that the phenomena to which they give rise may
be explained in the language, and according to the principles, which are ap-
plied to material substances in general.
From this it is apparent that the author did not feel quite sure of
his ground although Rumford's experiments in 1798 had shown that
heat could be generated without limit by friction alone; indeed the
question was not determined until the experimental investigations of
Joule, published 1843-9, established the doctrine of the conservation
of energy, that heat and work are mutually and quantitatively intercon-
vertible.
Thus, up to nearly the close of the 18th century chemistry had not
become a science. No descriptions had yet been given which cor-
related change of properties with change of composition in such a
way as to indicate new lines of investigation. Indeed the conception
of chemical composition, as we now understand it, had not taken form,
because the phenomena-r-and in particular, the change of weight — ac-
companying the transformation of one substance into another had not
been accurately observed. From this period date the use of the bal-
ance, perhaps the most characteristic single tool of the scientific chemist,
and the quantitative analysis of chemical changes; and with this ad-
vance chemistry begins to be a science, with a growing body of definite
principles.
4^'Manual of Chemistry on the Basis of Dr. Turner's Elements of Chem-
istry," by John Johnston (1806-79) Professor of Natural Science in the
Wesleyan University; new edition, Philadelphia, 1848; p. xiil
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10 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
In rendering chemistry, a science many men bore a part, but tba
outstanding fignre is Lavoisier, bom in 1743, beheaded in 1794 because
^e Republic has no need of scientistB,** a yiew which, thou^ still
widely held implicitly, is not now carried to its logical conclusion in
the same i¥ay as it was then. Lavoisier's ^Traite elementaire de
chimie,** published in 1789, is a systematic treatise which transformed
the subject He gave a definite meaning to the expression, ^'chemical
composition**; and recognized that the quantity of matter is the same
at the end as at the beginning of every operation. He stated that the
object of chemistry is *'to decompose the different natural bodies,
and to examine separately the different substances which
enter into their combination. We cannot be certain that what we think
today to be simple is indeed simple; all we may say is, that such or
such a substance is the actual term whereat chemical analysis has ar-
rived, and that with our present knowledge we are unable to subdivide
forther.** This quotation shows that Lavoisier had a much better
philosophic attitude towards the whole matter than have had many of
the demists since his time; indeed until recently chemists were so much
occupied in accumulating observations that they were prone to neglect
the philosophy by means of which alone these multitudinous observa-
tions can be correlated.
Lavoisier gave a table of elements, containing thirty-three names,
of which twenty-three are still regarded as elements — ^the definition of
a chemical element being that it is a substance which we have not suc-
ceeded in breaking up into anything simpler, the atoms of the several
diemical elements therefore being, so to speak, the small pieces of
tile of different kinds out of which are built up all of the numberless
patterns or mosaics whidi we see about us as diverse kinds of matter.
Of the others, five — ^lime, magnesia, baryta, alumina, silica — are oxides
which, with the experimental means then available to Lavoisier, could
not be decomposed. These twenty-three elements, the number known
at the end of the eighteenth century, comprise the following: carbon,
hydrogen, oxygen, nitrogen, phosphorus, sulphur; antimony, arsenic,
bismuth, cobalt, copper, gold, iron, lead, manganese, mercury,
molybdenum, nickel, platinum, silver, tin, tungsten, zinc. This list, it
will be noted, includes only six non-metals, one of which — sulphur —
was known to the ancients though not recognized by them as an element
in the modem sense of the term. Of the seventeen metals on Lavoisier's
list, seven — gold, silver, copper, iron, mercury, lead, tin — ^were known
to the ancients, though not as elements; most of the others were isolated
for the first time during the second half of the eighteenth century. In-
cidentally it may be mentioned, as an illustration of the slowness with
which knowledge is applied, that some of these metals — notably,
tungsten, molybdenum and manganese — ^were not used technically for
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THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY H
more than a hundred yean after their discovery; we now value them
highly, aa their use enables ua to achieve results of the greatest im-
portance technically and therefore economically, results which other-
wise were unattainable. It is of interest, furthermore, to note that the
names of two of these elements — cobalt and nickel — derive from words
meaning **the devil,** ores of copper admixed with these metals being
then considered useless; indeed we have only learned to make use of
such ores comparatively recently. Nickel has been produced on a
large scale for a short time, and no large use has yet been made
of cobalt, although it is comparatively plentiful.
By the year 1800, twenty-seven chemical elements had been
recognized, the four added since Lavoisier being uranium, titanium,
chromium and tellurium; thirty years later, in 1830, this number had
been doubled. The discovery of many of diese elements (for instance,
the metals associated with platinum — ^palladium, rhodium, iri£um,
osmium) was brought about by the application of more and more
careful analytical methods, in the hands of men such as WoUaston and
Berzelius — the latter alone adding five to the list The isolation of
others, notably the alkali and alkaline earth metals, (potassium,
sodium, calcium, strontium, barium) by Davy in 1807, was achieved by
a new and powerful method of analysis, namely, the application of the
electric current to the breaking up of substances. Davy, after proving
definitely by this means that water is composed solely of hydrogen and
oxygen, estd[>lished the fact, surmised by Lavoisier, that the alkalis are
oxides of metals; therefore that oxygen, the acid producer as it had
been named (erroneously as we now know) , is a constituent of the
alkalies. He was» however, puzzled by ammonia and in particular by
the ammonium radicle or grouping* which in its salts resembles so
closely the alkali metals; and this puzzle was not solved until about
1840, by which time the idea of the existence of similar compound
radicles in organic chemistry was b^inning to find general acceptance.
From this period dates the usefulness of the atomic theory, first
clearly enunciated by John Dalton in his *'New System of C!hemica]r
Philosophy** published in 1808. The speculation that matter is ulti-
mately composed of discrete particles, or atoms, had been common in
philosophical writings; but it had led to no real progress of knowledge
until Dalton showed how the assumption that each element is made
up of atoms serves to correlate experimental observations and to sug-
gest new inquiries. On this basis, the myriad substances we see about
us are all made up of combinations of a small integral number of atoms
of the several elements present, the atoms of each element having char-
acteristic properties, and in particular a characteristic weight.
Qiemical combination of one element with another is the union of an
•Sec infra.
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13 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
atom of one element with an atom, or a small number of atoms, of the
other; this number, in compounds of two elements, seldom exceeds four
and is always less than eight, and it is in no wise arbitrary but in accord-
ance with what is now termed the relative valence of the two elements.
As a simple case, in the ordinary combustion of carbon (coal) one car-
bon atom unites ¥nth two oxygen atoms, resulting in the formation of
carbonic acid gas; or, as the chemist writes it in his shorthand,
C + O2 ^ CO,. In more complicated structures, the number of ele-
ments present may be greater than two, but is seldom greater than five;
the total number of atoms making up the structure characteristic of the
substance is in some cases large, but in all cases it can be pictured as
made up of a number of groupings, each composed of two elements.
As a simple familiar instance, limestone (CaCOg) is made up of equiva-
lent amounts of lime (CaO) and carbonic acid (COj), and is decom-
posed into these two proximate constituents in the operation of lime-
burning, thus:
CaCOj (CaO.CO.) = CaO + CO, .
calcium carbonate calcium carbon
oxide dioxide
Furthermore the lime, when used as mortar, is slowly reconverted into
the carbonate by the action of the carbonic acid always present in the
atmosphere. In many chemical processes we are dealing with an ex-
change of partners, the substances A B and C D becoming A D and
B C; for example, hydrochloric (muriatic) acid added to a solution
of silver nitrate (lunar caustic) yields nitric acid and silver chloride,
the latter appearing as an insoluble white curdy substance; or in sym-
bols, HCl + AgNO, = HNO3 + AgCl. Tliis Ulustrates the fact that
the apparent affinity of one kind of atom for another is not the same
under all circumstances, and that consequently a firm and long-standing
union of two atoms may be broken up by the entrance of a third under
appropriate conditions.
The atomic theory was a very great step in advance, establishing, as
it did, the laws and processes of chemistry on a quantitative basis.
Progress since Dalton's time has only served to confirm the essential
correctness of the atomic theory; indeed there is now no longer need to
call it a theory, for the reality of atoms is no more open to question
than that of any other fact of physical science. The atoms are in-
finitesimally small, so small that, if a drop of water were magnified to
the size of the earth, the constituent atoms would be about the size of
footballs. Perhaps a more striking illustration is that, if the particles
in a cubic inch of air were magnified until they would just pass
through a very fine sieve (100 meshes to the inch), this fine sand of
particles would suffice to cover a highway extending from New York to
San Francisco, and one mile wide, vrith a layer about two feet deep.
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THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY 18
We cannot see the actual atoms, it is true, but we can weigh them and
measure them and study their characteristics; the same holds true for
dectridty, whidi, it may be remarked, is, according to modem views,
also made up of units, named electrons, which bear an extraordinarily
intimate relation to the structure of the atom itself.
In 1830, as noted diwre, about fifty-five chemical elements had been
recognized, and these include all — ^with one notable exception, argon,
to which wa shall refer later — ^which have yet been found in appreciable
quantities in the surface crust of the earth. Since that time the number
of recognized elements has been increased by about thirty, most of
which, however, are so very rare that only a few grams of them have
ever been isolated — ^in other words, most of them are chemical curiosi-
ties kept in small tubes in museums. Indeed the recognition and isola-
tion of the majority of these elements has been possible only through
the discovery, about 1860, of the possibility of spectrum analysis. This
degant method depends upon the fact that each chemical element,
whedier in combination or free, gives, when viewed under appropriate
conditions, a so-called spectrum made up of a series of bright lines,
the poeitionsi or colors, of which are absolutely characteristic. This
method of identification is so sensitive that an element can be recog-
nized even when it is present only in very small amount — an amount of
the order of one-millionth of a gram; it therefore enables one to learn
how to segregate or concentrate an element originally present in such
small quantities that no ordinary chemical test would then suffice to de-
tect it. Likewise, by observation and measurement of the spectra of
the sun and stars, it has been definitely determined that the elements
pres^it in their upper layers are identical with those which make up
the crust of the earth and are already familiar to us, with one or two
possible exceptions.
In 1868 Lockyer, irfiile examining the solar spectrum, observed a
bright line which did not correspond to any element then known, and
attributed it to a hypothetical element helium. This element was not
recognized on the earth for about thirty years, althou^ Hillebrand had
in the meantime, while examining the mineral uraninite, had some in
his hands, but, by reason of its inertness, considered it to be nterely
nitrogen. It was identified by Rayleigh and Ramsay in the course of
their investigation of the inert gases of the atmosphere, an investiga-
tion which arose out of the observation — originally made, in a sense,
by Givendish, a century earlier — ^that there is a fractional £CFerence in
density between nitrogen prepared chemically and that obtained from
purified air by removal of the oxygen. This investigation resulted in
the discovery of a family of five new inert gaseous elements, all of
which are present in the atmosphere, arg(m to the extent of about one
percent, by volume, helium and the others in the proportion of a few
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14 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
parts per million. Argon, therefore^ although all around ua in enor-
mous quantities — ^within a house 33 x 33 x 33 feet there is JbonX a ton of
air and consequently some forty pounds or 10,000 litres (400 cubic
feet) of argon — ^was not recognized, by reason of its inertness; for
neither it, nor any of the argon group, has hitherto been made to enter
into chemical combination. But this very inertness is now being taken
advantage of; in the case of argtxi, as a filling for electric li^ bulbs;
in the case of helium, as a non-inflammable filling for balloons, a mat-
ter which, during the war, was considered so important that large
quantities of it ivere finally separated from natural gas in Texas, after
many difficulties and at very large expense. Incidentally, this is an
excellent illustration of the results which may follow from scientific
woric carried on merely to learn about things, and not with any idea of
discovering something of particular use; for the possibility of produce
Ing helium on a large scale is a direct outcome of careful observations
of the spectrum of various samples of natural gas.
But the greatest interest in helium, from a scientific point of view
at least, is in quite another direction, namely, its intimate connection
with the phenomenon of radio-activity, or better, with the disint^ration
of the so-called radio-elements. These radio-elements, the best known
of which is radium, first discovered in 1898, differ from the other chem-
ical elements in one req>ect, but that one very significant, in that they
are disintegrating before our eyes. This disintegration, iidiich pro-
ceeds at a rate unaffected by any change of tonperature or by anything
tried hitherto, is accompanied by a continuous emission of energy — a
million times greater than is liberated in any change of matter pre-
viously known — largely in the form of material particles shot out with
great velocity. This energy is so great that one can indeed count the
number <^ particles shot out by observing the flash produced by the
bombardment of a suitable screen, as in the spinthariscope, or the
luminous watch dial in which the light is the aggregate of the flashes
produced by a quantity of radium which weighs only a millionth of a
gram. This phenomenon enables us to detect the presence of a small
number of atoms of a radio-element; trfiereas the smallest number of
atoms of an elonent whidi it has been possible to detect by means of
the spectroscope or by the most delicate methods of chemical analysis
is at least 10^', a number the magnitude of which will be more obvious
from the statement that it is several hundred times the total present
human population of the world. It is now definitely established that
these material particles are helium atoms, and that this disintegration of
the radio-elements is an actual transmutation, a transmutation, however,
beyond our present powers to control. If we should ever learn to con-
trol tUs atomic disint^ration, it would effect a mudi greater revolu-
tion than was caused by the utilization of coal for power; for in that
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THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY 15
case the energy deriyable from the atomic disintegratioii of a shovelful
of material would be as great as that now derivable from a thousand
tons of coal — ^in other words we would then be possessed of limitless
stores of energy. This has not been done yet, it may not be achieved
for a long time, it may not be possible; but he would be a rash man
who would deny its possibility. The phenomenon of radio-activity is a
very striking illustration of the way in which a new method, a new tool
of researdi, may open up a field which otherwise we would not even
sense — nay, hardly be bold enou^ to imagine; and there is absolutely
no reason for believing that other equally novel and unsuspected dis-
coveries will not be made in the future.
From the fact that the material particles shot out by a disint^rating
radio-element are helium atoms, it would appear that the helium atom
18 one of the kinds of brick which go to make up the more complex
type of structure of the atoms of the heavier elements. Now the two
simplest and lightest atoms known are the hydrogen atom and the
helium atom; and there is ground for believing that the hydrogen atom
also is one of the bricks of the atom-builder. Indeed recent ezperi*
ments of Rutherford (1920) indicate that he has succeeded, by bom-
barding nitrogen atoms with helium atoms, in dislodging hydrogen
atoms from somewhere — ^presumably from the nitrogen atom. If this
is confirmed, we shall have to introduce an interpretative reservation
into the present definition of an element, according to which a chemical
element is a substance not yet resolved into something simpler. This
however, is hardly part of the history of chemistry; though, one may ask,
what is the use of history, beyond being a sort of literary exercise, if
it does not enable us to make general predictions as to what is going to
happen, for tten only urill it be a science.
The deduction from experimental evidence that the hydrogen and
the helium atom are two of the building bricks brings us bade to a
very old idea, to the idea that matter as we see it or — one would now
say preferably, — ^the chemical elements are made up of one, two, or at
most a few, kinds of primordial stuff. The relative weight of the atoms
of the several elements can be determined by simple experiments; these
atomic weights were usually referred to hydrogen as unity, hydrogen
being the lightest known element, but for practical reasons are now re-
ferred to oxygen = 16.00, there being only a fractional difference be-
tween these two standards of reference. It was early observed that a
much larger proportion of these atomic weights approximate to whole
numbers than can be accounted for on the theory of diances. From
this it was inferred that the hydrogen atom was this ultimate unit; but
there were a number of well established marked exceptions^ which
would not be explained away and so tended to discredit the doctrine.
Nevertheless this hypothesis, often called Front's hypothesis, c<mtinued
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16 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
to be a useful one, as it was the occasion of much of the best work on
atomic weights; and in spite of the exceptions, it persisted as an aspira-
tion which was rewarded in time by the discovery of the periodic law
of the chemical elements, established by the writings of Mendelejeff.
According to this great generalization 'The properties of the ele-
ments, and, therefore, the properties of the simple, and of the com-
pound bodies formed from them, are in periodic dependence on their
atomic weights." In other words, if the elements are arranged in order
of increasing atomic weight, we find that like properties recur regularly,
and that by this means like elements are brought together into natural
groups, e. g. the alkali metals, the halogens, the inert gases. This peri-
odic classification had a profound effect in leading us toward the
correct yalue of atomic weight of many elements; and in enabling
predictions to be made as to the existence and properties of undis-
covered elements, predictions which were completely verified in three
cases by the subsequent discovery and investigation of the properties
and relations of scandium, gallium and germanium. But to record all
the consequences of this periodic law would be to recount the achieve-
ments in inorganic chemistry in the fifty years elapsed since its dis-
covery; suflke it to say that it forced the chemist to cease thinking about
the elements as unrelated entities and instead, to consider them as
members of a family or, at the least, as members of a series of related
families.
Time has only served to corroborate the essential correctness and
usefulness of the periodic classification of the chemical elements; and
no evidence has been more conclusive than that derived, within the last
few years, from investigations of X-rays and of radio-activity. This
work has led to the conception of a characteristic atomic number which
changes by unity in passing from one element to its neighbor in the
periodic system. It appears indeed that this atomic number is really
more fundamental than the atomic weight, that all the properties of an
atom, save mass and radio-activity, depend upon the atomic number,
which is the number of negative electrons (i. e. atoms of electricity)
surrounding the positive nucleus at which the mass of the atom is as-
sumed to be concentrated; or rather, that the distribution of the negative
electrons on which the ordinary physical and chemical properties de-
pend is a function, and a periodic function, of the units of electric
charge on the nucleus, and hence of the atomic number. It is believed
that the lightest known element hydrogen has an atomic number of 1,
helium of 2, lithium of 3, and so on up to thorium and uranium, the
TThese are now showing signs of yielding, in that the elements in ques-
tion seem to be mixtures of so-called isotopes which have identical chemical
properties, and so can not be separated by chemical means, but differ slightly
in characterbtic weight.
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THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY 17
heaviest known elements, with atomic numbers of 91 and 92 respectively.
If these views should be confirmed — and their success in correlating di-
verse phenomena makes it certain that the picture they present is one
aspect of reality — ^we shall have nearly returned to the hypothesis of a
primordial stuff; for present evidence indicates that the positive nuclei
of hydrogen and helium and the negative electrcm are amongst the units
from which the atoms of the elements are built. But this again is his*
tory in the making.
From the considerations just outlined it appears that all of the
chemical elements as we know them are of a similar order of c(Hnplex-
ity, since they belong to a series of families; and consequently that any
means which will decompose one element will also decompose others.
Moreover, the sequence of atomic numbers indicates that only five ele-
ments are missing in the series up to uranium, the heaviest element now
known and the parent of one of the two series of radio-active elements.
Whether elements heavier than uranium exist is open to question; if
they do exist, they would presumably be radio-active, and with a shorter
life than uranium. The most common elements in and about the surface
layers of the earth are in general elements of smaller atomic number, as
is shown by an estimate of the percentage of the several elements which
go to make up the earth's ^crust,'' defined for this purpose as a layer
ten miles in thickness.
It appears that two elements, oxygen and silicon — the latter irfioUy
in primary combination with the former, the remainder of the oxygen
being combined with the other elements — together constitute three-
quarters of the earth's crust; and that the eight most abundant elements
make up nearly 99 per cent of the whole.
It is also noteworthy that, of the metals in daily and common use, only
aluminum, iron, manganese, chromium, vanadium, and nickel, appear among
those elements that are present in the rocks of the crust in sufficient amount
to be commonly determinable by the usual processes of analysis. Such com-
mon and "every-day" metals as copper, zinc, lead, tin, mercury, silver, gold,
and platinum, antimony, arsenic, and bismuth— metals that are of the utmost
importance to our civilization and our daily needs— all these are to be found
in igneous rocks, if at all, only in scarcely detectable amounts. Though they
are tdtimately derived from the igneous rocks, they are made available for
our use only by processes of concentration into so-called ore bodies.*
Up to the present, then, the number of known chemical elements is,
excluding the isotopic radio-elements, about eighty. That is, chemists,
in spite of laborious and prolonged efforts, analyzing all manner of
material from all quarters of the globe — and even from the heavens in
the form of meteorites — have been able to resolve their multitudinous
diversity into combinations and pemnitations of some eighty sub-
stances; and these hitherto irreducible minima — ^the so-called chemical
«H. S. Washington, J. Franklin Institute, Dec., 1920, p. 778.
VOL. xm.~4.
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18 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
elements — are members of a family, or of a group of families, and
so represent the same stage of simplicity or complexity of structure.
Knowledge of the structure of the atom is extending rapidly, but it
would lead too far afield to go into this absorbing question here.
Development of Ideas Respecting Chemical Combination,
Particularly in Organic Chemistry
The chemical elements are not all of the same degree of importance
to us, although there are not very many which we could well do with-
out; but there are four, in a sense, of supreme importance, as they are
the main constituents of all living matter. These four elements are
carbon, hydrogen, oxygen, nitrogen, with which are associated relatively
small, but absolutely indispensable, proportions of other elements.
For a long time it was thought that the substances which make up living
matter — ^the so-called organic compounds — were associated with s<Hne
sort of vital force, and so were to be placed in another category from
mineral substances — the inorganic compounds. But this distinction
was broken down, for the first time, nearly one hundred years ago; it
remains now only in the names organic and inorganic chemistry, the
term organic chemistry now connoting merely the chemistry of carbon
compounds, from whatever source derived.
So long as the idea persisted that the behavior of organic substances
is determined more or less by a mysterious vital force, progress, it is
obvious, could hardly be rapid; and indeed the rise of organic chem-
istry as a science may be said to date from Wohler's discovery, in 1828,
that urea — a typical product of the animal organism — could be made
from materials classed as inorganic compounds. Under certain condi-
tions, the molecule* of ammonium cyanate, which is a compound of the
ammonium radicle (NH4) with the cyanate radicle (CNO), undergoes
a rearrangement, a change of grouping, yielding urea; or as we would
now symbolise it
NH.
NH.OCN >. OC <
NH,
ammonium cyanate urea
Here we have, therefore, two different substances composed of the
same atoms, and convertible one into another by appropriate treatment;
this instance illustrates the fact that the properties of a compound de-
•The molecule may be defined, for our present purpose, as the smallest
portion of a compound which can be conceired to exist alone ; for subdivision
if it were carried further, would break up the compound into its constituent
parts. The radicle is a grrouping of elements, which reacts as a unit and is
like a chemical element in many respects, with the outstanding difference that
the radicle can, by appropriate treatment, be decomposed into its elements or
altered.
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THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY 19
pend, not only upon the kinds of atoms and number of each present,
but also upon the arrangement of these atoms within the molecule. In
other words, the behavior of a substance is dependent upon its constitu-
tion, just as the behavior of an animal is dependent upon its constitu-
tion. But this is to anticipate by some thirty yeais; for at that time
chemists were still a long way from a clear understanding of the matter.
The primary reason was a confusion between the atomic weight and
the combining weight to be assigned to an element; this confusion re-
sulted in a lack of consistency in assigning formulae to substances — ^for
instance water was then frequently written HO — ^a circumstance vdiich
in turn, so to speak, hid the simple relations of the several cmnpounds
and, indeed, makes it hard for us now to follow much of the writing on
chemistry at that time. But it would lead too far into a field of in-
terest only to the chemist, to recount the various steps in the slow ad-
vance towards an attainment of consistent ideas of chemical combi-
nation and constitution. We can only mention some of the outstanding
figures in this advance: Wohler and Liebig, with their discovery
(1832) of the radicle benzoyl; Dumas, with his older type theory
(1839), Gerhardt and Williamson with modified theories of types of
formulation of organic compounds.
Liebig's name cannot however be passed over without mention of
the enormous influence which he and his teaching had upon the de-
velopment of the subject. Shortly after becoming professor at Giessen
in 1824 he instituted systematic laboratory instruction in chemistry,
and Giessen soon became the most famous chemical school in the world,
attracting many who were subsequently themselves to become leaders
in further development Still more important was Liebig's pioneer
work on the chemistry of the processes of life, both animal and vege-
table, work which makes him the real f oimder of two branches of the
subject — biochemistry and the chemistry of agriculture; the develop-
ment of these two branches is being attended with incalculable benefits
to human welfare.
From about 1830 onwards, interest in chemistry enhanced steadily,
the number of competent workers grew rapidly, and there was a con-
stantly increasing body of facts of observation; but these various ob-
servations and the deductions from them awaited reconciliation and in-
terpretation which came only when the proper theory was developed.
This did not happen until 1860 when, at a conference which had been
called in the hope of bringing about some more general understanding
of the questions at issue, Carrizzaro brought to the attention of the
chemical world the hypothesis of Avogadro, showed how on this basis
the apparent anomalies disappear, and so clarified the whole situation.
Indeed it may be said that modem chemistry dates from 1860, with the
enunciation of clear and consistent views with respect to chemical com-
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«0 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
binatioiiy as a direct consequence of grasping the real significance of
Avogadro's hypothesis.
From the gas-laws of ^Boyle and Gay-Lussao — ^namely, that equal
changes in pretsure and in temperature occasion equal changes in equal
volumes of gases — and from Gay-Lussac's diBcovery (1809^ that two
gases reacting with one another do so in simple proportions by volume
and that the volume of the product, when gaseous, also bears a simple
relation to that of the factors, — ^reasoning from these Avogadro about
1811 was led to the hypothesis: Under the same conditions of tem-
perature and pressure, equal volumes of gases contain equal numbers
of molecules. The molecule is the smallest particle of a substance ob-
tainable by mechanical subdivisi<Hi; the atom can be obtained only by
chemical subdivision of the molecule of which it constitutes a part, and
is therefore a particle usually incapable of persisting alone but m most
cases existing only in combination with other atoms* This combination
may be between like atoms, in which case the molecule so formed is
that of the element itself, or between unlike atoms, constituting the
molecule of a compound. In either case the same principle holds; with
the obvious deduction, as Avogadro diowed, that the relative weight of
two species of gaseous molecules is measured by the ratio of the weights
of equal volumes, under the same conditions of temperature and
pressure, — i. e. of the densities — of the two gases. A molecule of the
elements which are gaseous under ordinary conditions is made up of two
atoms, ¥rith exception of the family of rare inert gases which are mono-
atomic; that of other elements, — ^for example, sulphur — may ccmtain
six or more; in all cases there is, as we now know, a progressive dis-
sociation of the molecules with increasing temperature and diminiriiing
pressure, so d&at at the highest temperatures and lowest pressures a
large proportion of the molecules are in eCFect broken up into mono-
atomic particles.
With the acceptance of Avogadro's hypothesis, the chemist had at
last a definite criterion for deciding when he was dealing with really
comparable quantities of d^menXs or of compounds; he was enabled to
fix the atomic weight definitely,' and hence to deduce the correct
empirical formula of his compotmds. When this was done, many things
became clear. For instance, the full significance of the idea underlying
the theories of radicles and types, which had been developing for the
previous tvrenty or thirty years, became apparent; and this, in turn, led
to the conception of valence, according to which the atom of each ele-
ment has a maximum saturation capacity with reject to other atoms.
Certain groupings of atoms are so relatively stable that they remain
in combination although chemical change is eCFected in the molecule as
a whole; such groupings, known as radides, react commonly as units
and are therefore in many respects analogous to chemical elements, the
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THE HISTORY OP CHEMISTRY ti
chief differences being that the radicle cannot commonly be isolated as
gudi and that it can, of course, be decomposed into its constituent ele-
ments. The earliest dear example is the ammonium radicle (NH4)
which forms a whole series of salts differing no more from the corres-
ponding salts of potassium (K) and sodium (Na) than these differ from
one another; in other words, NH4 can, in principle, replace K or Na in
a whole series of compounds each of which closely resembles its
analogue. Likewise we have a whole series of organic radicles, ranging
from the simplest— methyl (CH,), ethyl (C^H. or CH^.C!!,)— up to
quite complex groupings, — such as stearyl (QtHssCO or CHs.CCHs)!^
CO) but all ideally reducible to a small number of types. For in-
stance, consider the following series of compounds, with the correspond-
ing analogues in which hydrogen (H) is substituted for methyl (CH3) :
CHy'H methane, the main con- H'H hydrogen gas
stitaent of natural gas
CHj-OH methyl alcohol H-OH water
CHj -a methyl chloride H -Q hydrochloric add
CHj-CHO acetaldehyde HCHO formaldehyde
(formalin)
CHj-COOH acetic add (vinegar) H-COOH formic acid
(CH,)jO methyl ether H,0 water
(CH^)2S methyl sulphide H^S hydrogen sulphide
This list could be extended indefinitely, in either direction; for a
whole series of other radicles can be r^arded as derived from methyl
by successive substitution in place of one or more of its H atoms, of
CH3 groups or chlorine atoms or indeed of any other atom or radicle
which exhibits the appropriate aflinity relations. For instance, we have:
CH -H
CH -CH.
CH,CH CH,
CH -CH -CH -CH.
ck.
CA
C,Hy
cX
methyl
eSiyl
propyl
bu^l
and so on, in homologous series, as it is termed; further C2H4CI,
chlorethyl as in (C2H4CI)2S, dichlorethylsulphide (mustard gas) ; C CI,,
trichloromethyl, as in CC1,*CH0, trichloralddiyde (chloral), and so on.
With the recognition of the relationships just outlined, of the
existence of radicles related to one another in a simple manner and
of the fact that the multifarious compounds are formed by the possible
ccmibinations of the several radicles and elements, it became possible to
organize a ccmsistent nomenclature. The advantage of this is obvious;
for if to each chemical compound had been assigned an arbitrary name
(as has been the case in naming minerals) it would have been possible
to read chemical literature only by memorizing a list numbered now
in hundreds of thousands — a task which would have been harder than
learning the Chinese characters, and would have resulted in a similar
retardation of progress. For certain common substances or common
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22 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
groupings specific names are retained, but in general the name is de-
signed to exhibit the constitution — ^and therefore the general properties
and behavior — of the substance with the least possible memory work;
and the chemist gets from these names, in some cases apparently very
ccHnplicated — e. g. phenyl-dimethyl-isopyrazolone (antipyrin), di-
methyl-methane-diethyl-sulphone (sulphonal) — ^much more informa-
tion about the substance than the layman gathers from the term '^third
assistant secretary to the fourth assistant postmaster-general" with re-
spect to the real function of that personage. As simple examples of
systematic naming, consider the substances obtainable by chlorinating
methane:
CH,
CH3CI
CH,a,
CHOj
ca^
methane
(methyl chloride)
(chlorofonn)
(earboa tetimehloride)
Closely allied to the doctrine of radicles and types is the doctrine
of valency, according to which each element has a maximum saturation
capacity with respect to other elements. This doctrine developed about
the same time, though in somewhat more rigid form than would now be
generally accepted. Accordingly, to carbon was assigned the valence 4,
to oxygen 2, to hydrogen and chlorine 1, and so on; and it was but a
short transition to picture the valence numbers as the number of Unk-
ings or bonds with' which one atom may hold others, and from this to
the writing of graphic or structural formulae. The graphic formula
enabled the organic chemist to represent still more satisfactorily the
structure of his substances, and has been an indispensable tool in the
subsequent great development of organic chemistry; the following
simple examples will suffice:
H H H H H H H
H — C — H H — C — C — O — H H — C — C — O — C — C — H
I 'I J i J I
H H H H H H H
methane ethyl alcohol (diethyl) ether
In 1861 appeared the first portion of Kekul6's great text-book which
emphasized and illustrated the new views with hundreds of examples. The
foundations of modern organic chemistry were therein laid and, what is
more important for us here, the date marks the time when the great con-
tribution of organic chemistry to the historical develoixnent of tne science
as a whole was fully rendered. ^^^
So far we have mentioned only compounds whose structure can be
represented by a straight chain of carbon atoms, and grouped under
the general name of aliphatic (or fatty) compounds from the circum-
stance that fats belong to this category. But there is another category,
the so-called aromatic compounds, the simplest, and typical member
of which is benzene, which has the empirical formula CaH^. A satis-
factory structural formula for this substance was first given, in 1865,
WF. J. Moore, History of Chemistry, p. 173.
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THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY 23
by Kekule who assumed that the six carbon atoms are arranged in a
ring, a single hydrogen being attached to each; and all the subsequent
work on aromatic compounds has only senred to confirm the useful-
ness of this hypothesis. One instance only can be mentioned here,
namely, that whereas there is only one mono-substitution product, (i. e.
where one atom of hydrogen is replaced by a different atom or group-
ing, as in phenol) there are three disubstitution products (designated
as ortho, meta, para) which differ by reason of the different relative
position of the two substituting groups. Tliis will be evident from
the structural formulae, as now written:
H NH OH OH OH OH
I H
V
uuno'beoaeno plwnol ortho-anino- meU-amiao- pani*«miao-
(aBaiae) (eafboUe aeid) phraol pheool phenol
The long controversies which ended about i860 in the triumph of
Avogadro's hypothesis and the vindication of the atomic theory had been
fought out in the organic field, and had culminated in the establishment of
the valence theory as the guiding principle in that branch of the science.
This gave, perhaps, to organic chemistry a somewhat exaggerated importance
— at any rate, the idea that chemical compounds could be visualized as
groups of real atoms united by real bonds exerted a remarkable fascination,
and young chemists in great numbers began to devote themselves to synthetic
studies, attempting on the one hand to prepare from the elements the most
complex products of nature, and on the other to make the greatest variety
of new combinations in order to find the utmost limits of chemical affinity
and molecular stability. The rise of the coal-tar industry and the possibility
of preparing from this source so many compounds of practical utility was
partly cause and partly effect of this great movement which is going on
uninterruptedly at the present day.
If, however, we ask what direct contribution to the science as a whole
has been made by organic chemistry since i860 we can hardly give it so
high a place. We must rather confess that this branch of the science has
lived largely for itself and while it has, during that time, developed a real
history of its own which is of fascinating interest to the specialist, its great
historical service to chemistry culminated in the work of Williamson, Ger-
hardt and K€kvL\€M
{To be eimctmded)
iiF. J. Moore, History of Chemistry, p. 212; italics mine.
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24 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
HERMANN VON HELMHOLTZ^
By Professor LOUIS C. KARPINSKI
UNIVERSITT OF MICHICAN
rE history of science concerns itself with the historical and logical
sequence of scientific concepts. The process of development
by which man arrives at fundamental laws of the universe in which we
live is a vital study, having great possibilities for furthering the ad-
vance of science. Studies in this field have shown that the part of par-
ticular individuals, even men of great genius, is much less than is
commonly supposed. Advance in science rests upon the work of many
individuals whose observations and reflections cover rather long inter-
vals of time. The genius is that fortunate individual who arrives upon
the scene when the accumulation of observations enables the formula-
tion of some general law for whose reception and acceptance the way
has been prepared. The genius "^reaps where others have sown^; the
genius is great, as Nevrton intimated, because he stands upon the
shoulders of giants.
Obviously only few men can be successful in attaching their names
to fundamental laws. Prominent in this group is Hermann von Helm-
holtz, who in 1847 at the age of twenty-six, gave a complete statement
of the law of the conservation of energy. Good fortune came his way
in this law of energy and more than once again, but it must be said that
Helmholtz met good fortune more than half-way, and entertained her
so royally that no one could dispute his right to the visitation.
Helmholtz was favored, also, in living to see the law of the con-
servation of energy accepted as a truism, to see this law made the
basis of the researches of hundreds of able scientists, and in being able
himself to devote nearly half-a-century of vigorous intellectual activity
to problems intimately connected with his first success. Towards the
very end of his life in 1894, the great German was working upon the
similar but more inclusive '^principle of least action** which he hoped
to extend mathematically so as to apply to all forces of nature.
Helmholtz applied rigorously to biological problems the methods
of physical science and mathematical reasoning. His activity marks
the beginning of the period in which philosophical speculation about
lA paper read at a meeting of the Research Gub, University of Michigan,
April 20, 192T, in commemoration of the centennials of Hermann von
Helmholtz and Rudolph Virchow.
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HERMANN VON HELMHOLTZ 26
Bcience was definitely superseded by experimental research in science,
combined with mathematical treatment of the observations. The law of
the conservation of energy was stated by him with a wealth of illustra-
tions from mechanics, electricity, heat and biology, but it also included
a mathematical formulation and discussion of the problem. In the
study of physiological optics and of light, in the study of sound and
harmony and the ear, in the study of the psychology of the senses, in
the study of vortex motions, in the study of electrical phenomena and
of physics generally, Helmholtz constantly reinforced experimental
work with rigorous mathematical demonstration. Were one to attempt
to characterize in a few words his extraordinary range of researches,
one would say that Helmholtz brought biological und physical problems
under the dominion of mathematical formulas and methods.
The role of the mathematical formulation and treatment of physical
problems can not be overestimated. Kelvin, the intimate friend and
active co-worker in science with Helmholtz, has stated: ^AU great
scientific discoveries are but the rewards of patient, painstaking sifting
of numerical data.'' With these data the scientist starts, making funda-
mental assumptions in the mathematical formulation of the problem.
The successful formulation explains on the basis of the fundamental
assumptions the observed facts; further than this, the procedure places
the observed facts in harmony with other apparently widely-diverse
phenomena, shovdng the harmony of natural forces and the reign of
law in nature. But more than this the mathematical formulation sug-
gests new facts of observation, and permits the prediction of obser-
vations which had previously escaped the observer. This is the peculiar
merit, for example, of the Einstein theory, that it explains the facts of
the. Newtonian universe, explains certain facts which were in conflict
with the Newtonian theory and enables the theorist to predict other
natural effects not consonant with the Newtonian theory and hitherto
unobserved. This type of mathematical ability Helmholtz had in a sur-
prising degree, and it made possible his contributions to the advance-
ment of science.
In a centennial recognition of a life of such great significance for
mankind, the purpose is both historical and inspirational. What is the
historical setting of the contributions of Helmholtz to civilization?
What were the circumstances of birth and training, of academic posi-
tion and environment, which made possible the wonderful productivity
in apparently diverse fields of science? What can we do to foster the
production of such men and to encourage this type of devotion to pure
science? This brief survey of the life and activity of Helmholtz is pre-
pared from the point of view of these questions.
Hermann von Helmholtz was bom in Potsdam, August 31, 1821.
His father was a teacher of phiilology and philosophy in the Potsdam
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26 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
gymnasium, while his mother was a lineal descendant of William Penn.
Despite a certain frailty of body his preparatory work included not
only the traditional classical course with Latin, Greek and Hebrew, but
also English and Italian, privately, with a beginning of Arabic, together
with serious training in music. Even in the schoolroom he found
further time for experimental work in physics and science. At the
age of sixteen, although then desiring to devote himself to physics, he
took an examination for a scholarship in the Royal Frederick William
Institute of Medicine and Surgery, since the financial status of his
family made desirable the election of the surer means of livelihood in
medicine. One year later, Helmholtz entered upon the strenuous five
year course of the institute. Here he completed the regular work, and
studied, while acting as librarian, the works of Euler, Daniel Bernoulli,
d'Alembert and La Grange. His thesis, *The Structure of the Nervous
System in Invertebrates," contained the announcement that the nerve-
fibers originate in the ganglion cells found by Von Ehrenberg in 1833;
this discovery has been regarded by some physiologists as the histo-
logical basis of nervous physiology and histology.
For one year Helmholtz acted as house surgeon at the Charite in
Berlin and then for five years at Potsdam as army surgeon as required
of graduates of the institute. During these six years, he maintained
active scholarly relationships with his teacher Miiller, and with his inti-
mate school friends, Brucke and du Bois Reymond, physiologists of
later repute.
At this time the vitalistic theory was still dominant in physiology.
Muller proposed the problem as to the nature of the vital force,
whether self-engendered or similar to those of the inorganic world.
This study of ^yiXdX forces'* and the formulation given to the problem
by Liebig, the chemist, stimulated the young student to several studies
concerned with animal heat and with vitalistic problems. During these
six years Helmholtz acquired further familiarity vrith mathematical
physics and chemistry, made necessary by the problems he was con-
sidering. It was in this period, in 1845, that the Physical Society was
founded by du Bois Reymond, Briicke, Karsten, Knoblauch, Beetz and
Heintz, and Helmholtz became one of the most active members with
many contributions, published in the FortschriUe der Physik.
On July 23, 1847, Helmholtz read before the Physical Society his
paper, "Die Erhaltung der Kraft." This paper was oflfered to
PoggendorflTs Annalen^ but rejected by Gustav Magnus, the physicist,
since he regarded experimental and mathematical physics as separate
departments. In fact, Magnus warned Helmholtz ^^against undue
partiality for mathematics, and the attempt to bring remote provinces
of physics together by its means."
Despite the peculiar objection of Magnus, unfortunately diared
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HERMANN VON HELMHOLTZ 27
by many {Aysicists of that day, the article was published and received
the enthusiastic support of a chosen few who recognized the relationship
to the work of earlier mathematical physicists.
In 1848, Helmholtz received the appointment as lecturer in anatomy
at the Academy of Art and assistant in the Anatomical Museum of
Berlin, in recognition of his researches, and a year later was called to
Konigsberg as professor of physiology.
In 1885, Helmholtz became professor of anatomy and physiology
at Bonn, where he remained but three years, being called in 1858 to
Heidelberg as professor of physiology. In 1871, at the age of fifty,
he received the call as professor of physics to Berlin, having at that time
incidentally made contributions to physics comparable in both range
and worth ifith those made by any other physicist of the same period.
In 1888, Helmholtz was relieved of teaching to devote himself entirely
to the Riysico-technical Institute of Berlin of which he became the first
president In this office the great scholar continued until his death in
1894.
The first fruits of his lectures at Konigsberg on the physiology of
the sense organs was the invention, late in 1850, of the opthalmoscope,
an instrument which renders it possible to examine the retina of the
living eye. Helmholtz says:
While preparing my lectures I hit upon the invention of the opthalmo-
scope, and then on the method of measuring the velocity of nervous impulses.
The opthalmoscope became the most popular of my scientific achievements,
but I have already pointed out to the oculists that good fortune had more
to do with it than merit. I had to explain the theory of the emission of
reflected light from the eye, as discovered by Brticke, to my students.
Brucke himself was but a hair's breadth off the discovery of the opthalmo-
scope. He had only neglected to ask himself what optical image was formed
by the rays reflected from the luminous eye. For his purpose it was not
necessary to put this question. Had it occurred to him, he was just the man
to answer it as quickly as I, and to invent the opthalmoscope. I was turning
the problem over and over, and pondering the simplest way of making it
clear to my audience, when I came on the further issue.
The opthalmoscope establl^ed the position of Helmholtz in the
scientific world. More than that, opthalmic medicine had a new birth
with this instrument and with the opthalmometer which Helmholtz per-
fected for measuring the physical constants of the eye. Many students
were drawn to diis field, although his description of the opthalmoscope,
published in 1851, was somewhat slow in general acceptance because
of the mathematical and physical knowledge pre-supposed. Helmholtz
himself stated:
I attribute my subsequent success to the fact that circumstances had
fortunately planted me with some knowledge of geometry and training in
physics among the doctors, where physiology presented a virgin soil of the
utmost fertility, while, on the other hand, I was led by my acquaintance with
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28 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
the phenomena of life to problems and points of view that are beyond the
scope of pure mathematics and physics.
With both the opthalmoscope and the opthalmometer, thorough
familiarity with mathematical physics was absolutely essential in the
theory and construction of the instruments.
His inaugural lecture **on the nature of human sense-perceptions*
was delivered at Konigsberg on June 28, 1852. This discussion in-
volved, in connection with the study of sensations of sight, problems of
the theory of knowledge; it also involved an exposition of the un*
dulatory theory of sound and light, including the statement that li^t
rays and heat rays are identical, impinging on two different kinds of
nerve end organs.
For more than fifteen years, Helmholtz worked intensively on
physiological optics and his ^^Handbuch der Hiysiologischeii Optik**
(1856-66), marks an epodi in the physiology of the eye, in the physio-
logical-psychology of sensations and perceptions of sight, and in the
physical theories of light and color. To-day the current issue of the
^Handbuch^ is published with four editors to present adequately the
varied fields mentioned. To particularize further his numerous con-
tributions to optics would take more time than is at my disposal. It
may be of interest to the many sufferers from astigmatism to know that
this condition was discovered by Helmholtz with his opthabnometer;
the defect is that the cornea and crystalline lens are not accurately
centered, preventing the sufferer from seeing vertical and horizontal
lines with equal clearness at the same time.
The ^Handbuch der Physiologischen Optik** will long remain as
one of the most noteworthy contributions made to ph3rsiological psycho-
logy, not alone from the strictly physiological and the psychological
sides, but quite as much because of the comprehensive grasp of geo-
metrical and physical properties of light and lenses as related to the
physiological structure of the eye and the sensations communicated to
the brain.
The notion that sensations of light and color are only symbols for
relations of reality, giving no knowledge of the real nature of external
phenomena, was one fundamental conclusion of these researches on
optics. The wide interest in this subject induced Helmholtz to investi-
gate the subjectivity of sensation for the other senses, beginning with'
acoustics. In this field the physicist. Ohm, has suggested ^that the ear
analyses and hears the motions of the air in exact correspondence with
Fourier's series.** This theorem of Fourier states that any perio(&c
function of a variable may be expressed as the sum of periodic sine
functions, of x and integral multiples of x, or, in other words that any
repeating wave form may be decomposed into a number of shnple
waves of different length, the longest of the same length as the given
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HERMANN VON HELMHOLTZ »
wave and die others of one half, one third, one fourth, and so on,
integral portions of this length. This application of a mathonatical
theorem to a physiological process was in such harmony with the pre-
ceding woik of Helmholtz that no surprise is occasioned by his exten-
sion and development of the idea. Particularly the application of this
theory to harmony was an outstan(£ng contribution made by Helmholtz.
Consonance, he taught, is produced when the ear perceives as a con-
timious sensation tone movements that are regularly repeated at given
intervals; on the other hand, discontinuous sensation gives dissonance.
Biathematically he demonstrated that vibrations in the ratio of small
intq;ers give rise to movements r^ularly repeated. The place of
resonance and of the upper partial tones in the theory of consonance
and of sound was definitely established by mathematical methods with
most ingenious mechanical d^ces for making these upper partials evi-
dent to an observer. So far as the physiological structure of the ear is
concerned, his theory was that the fibers of the basilar membrane act
like the strings of a piano, and furnish the instrument of analysis into
simple tones. Here, in this field the text-bode which he wrote was
again the result of a series of contributions to the theory of sound, based
conunonly upon mathematical formulation of the problems involved.
In mathematical physics proper, probably the most noteworthy con-
tribution is that of 1857 *^0n the integrals of the hydrodynamic equa-
tions which express vortex-motion.'' The treatment both from the
mathematical and the physical point of view is still fundamental in the
discussion of the motions of fluids. Another paper of 1859 treats *^the
theory of aerial vibrations in tubes with open ends,*' in which from
purely theoretical considerations he deduces the relations between the
plane waves of the tube and hemispherical waves that spread from the
tube, solving the problem of the influence of the open end upon the
sound and determining the necessary lengths^. Kelvin elaborated the
theory of vortex motion, the indestructibility of the vortex furnishing
an approach to a theory of the constitution of the matter.
The electrical researches of the later years came at a period when
fundamental dianges in point of view were preparing. Helmholtz had
accepted and furthered Maxwell's electro-magnetic theories and his
gifted pupil. Hertz, achieved the experimental confirmation of the
Maxwell theory, leading to the development of wireless telegraphy.
Helmholtz was not only receptive to the new ideas, but active in their
sit is of some interest to know that Steinway worked in the laboratory
of Helmholtz during the time of Helmholtz's researches on sound. One of
our own Michigan professors, Watson, the astronomer, sat on the jury of
award at the Paris Exposition where the Steinway piano was given first place
largely because of its superiority from the scientific standpoint (This note
is supplied to the writer by Professor A. A. Stanley.)
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30 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
dissemination. In his Faraday lecture of 1881, he definitely pro-
pounded the atomistic theory of electricity now commonly accepted,
which is intimately connected with fundamental chemical problems.
Several studies on the thermodynamics of chemical processes followed,
and the Helmholtz-Gibbs equation is to-day the fundamental theorem in
this field.
Helmholtz recurred so frequently in popular lectures and in scien-
tific papers to the conservation of energy that it seems desirable to dis-
cuss the historical setting of this contribution. Particularly also, since
an acrid controversy arose over the question of priority in statement.
Englidbmen to-day commonly credit an Englishman with the first state-
ment, while the Germans, with better right in this case, credit a German,
Robert Mayer. This arouses popular interest; many more people can
compr^end the theft of an idea than can comprehend the idea. Par-
ticularly to follow the genesis of an idea requires a certain concentration
which is not popular.
At the time of Helmholtz, the indestructibility of matter was ac-
cepted, apparently first started by Huygens, (1629-95). The Academy
of Sciences at Paris had declined to receive any further attempts at
perpetual motion since they assumed that energy could not be created.
Huygens even made a general statement, in his treatise on light, that
true philosophy is that *4n which one conceives the cause of all natural
efifects as mechanical." So far as heat and energy are concerned, it is
true that at this time many scientists still considered heat as a sub-
stance. However, Rumford, in 1798, showed definitely by observations
on the boring of cannon that the substance theory was not tenable; Sir
Humphry Davy, in 1799, clinched the argument of heat generated by
friction by rubbing two pieces of ice together and generating sufficient
heat to melt the ice. With Camot, in 1824, heat was definitely recog-
nized as a form of energy, and Clapeyron, writing in 1834 in the Journal
de r Scale polytechnique reprinted in 1843 in PoggendorflTs Armalen,
states definitely that a quantity of heat and a quantity of work are
^^knagnitudes of like nature and that it is possible to substitute the one
for the other.*'
The possibility of the universal application of these and other
related facts to the whole field of energy was seen almost simultaneously
by different observers. Robert Mayer, a German physician located in
a small village, was certainly the first of this period, in 1842, to make
the general statement in a paper '^On the forces of inorganic nature,"
and he had it at first rejected by physicists of repute, and unnoticed
after publication. Joule, a brewer scientist of England, in 1843 pre-
sented before the British Association a paper in which he gave the me-
chanical equivalent of heat, and studied relationships between electrical
and chemical and mechanical efifects, while in 1847, he gave the com-
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HERMANN VON HELMHOLTZ 81
plete formulation of the principle of the conservation of energy. The
formulation by Helmholtz came at a more fortunate time and place,
with a richer presentation involving mathematical investigation of the
fundamental considerations. But the priority of Mayer can not be dis-
puted; nor can one dispute the great value of Joule's determination of
the mechanical equivalent of heat.
A general idea of such wide significance is only possible because
it is^ more or less, ^*in the air.'' The idea is of value because it is
definitely related to the past and to the present; the great idea must be
capable of appreciation by an active group of intellectual workers, and
this appreciation is only possible for an idea which has had some
orderly process of growth.
Helmholtz assumes that all problems of natural science can be re-
duced to ^unchangeable, attractive and repulsive forces whose intensity
depends upon the distance. The solution of this problem is the condi-
tion for complete compr^ension of nature." This assumption has vdth-
in ten years been definitely rejected. Notably Albert Einstein, in a
paper on ^Theoretische Atomistik," and Max Planck, in a paper on
^Das Prinzip der Kleinsten Wirkung," reject this conception, while re-
taining the greater part of the theoretical achievements of Helmholtz
in his conception of the conservation of energy and the principle of
least action.
Helmholtz, it should be noted, resolutely set himself against any
commercialism or financial exploitation of his researches. His words
on this subject are worthy of serious consideration to-day in every
great American university, where in some departments a tendency exists
to mix devotion to science and learning with devotion to private iu-
terests. Helmholtz says: ^'Whoever, in the pursuit of science, seeks
after immediate practical utility may generally rest assured that he
will seek in vain, ... we must rest satisfied with the consciousness that
he too has contributed something to the increasing fund of knowledge
on which the dominion of man over all the forces hostile to intelligence
reposes."
Helmholtz was always one of the leading figures in the academic
communities in which he worked. In the German universities of that
day, as in the English and European Universities of to-day, the pro-
ductive scholar was given the tribute of popular recognition. No ad-
ministrative officers, neither presidents nor deans, nor bursars nor
secretaries, served to divert student and popular attention from the men
who made the university a place of learning. In fact, the attitude to-
wards scholarship was such that political office was tendered to Helm-
holtz, and every recognition the state could bestow upon an individual
was given him.
One concession Helmholtz made to this popular interest, vrhich
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82 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
should also be seriously considered by American scholars, particularly
in our great universities. Helmholtz prepared popular expositions for
general audiences of the results of his own and allied researches. Tliese
popular expositions attracted in print a great circle of readers, un-
doubtedly contributing to a wider appreciation and understanding of
the methods and aims of science. This type of activity, so much
neglected in our own universities, riiould be, as a university matter, a
c<Hicem of the Research Club. Now it is only a matter of accident,
if students of this university and citizens of this state learn what are the
real contributions to human progress made within the walls of this insti-
tution. Not otherwise can a wider appreciation for true science be
obtained than through the active cooperation of productive scholars.
In closing, I wish to point out how easily a man's life may be given
a false interpretation by apparently competent observers. No less able
a writer than W. K. Clifford states of Helmholtz that in studying the
eye and ear ^*he found it was impossible to study the proper
action . . • without studying also the nature of light and sound, which
led him to die study of physics; he is now one of the greatest physicists
of the century .... He then found it was impossible to study physics
without knowing mathematics; and accordingly, he took to studying
mathematics, and he is one of the most accomplished mathematicians
of this century." This statement is both false and pernicious; and yet
has received wide circulation and recognition. False it is because at the
age of 26, and continuously for many years thereafter, Helmholtz
demonstrated himself to be one of the great mathematical physicists of
the world, having devoted many years to mathematical training.
Pernicious it is because students are led to suppose that in later years
they can atone for the neglect of their youth, and study fundamental
subjects as the need arises. Helmholtz is a shining example of a man
well prepared in fundamentals, whose preparation made possible for
him the madiematical formulation and investigation of problems not
before subjected to this analysis. His complete command of the tools
prepared by mathematicians and physicists of preceding ages made
Helmholtz a great contributor to modem civilization.
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RUDOLPH VIRCHOW^PATHOLOGIST 83
I
RUDOLF VmCHOW— PATHOLOGIST
By Dr, CARL VERNON WELLER
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
N his delightful autobiography, the elder Gross^ writes of his first
European visit in 1868.
There were three professional men in Berlin whom, as their names had
long been familiar to me as household words, I was most anxious to see—
Virchow, Langenbeck and Gracfc. Accordingly, early in the morning of
the second day after our arrival, I went to the Allgoneines Krankenhaus in
search of Virchow, the illustrious pathologist and accomplished statesman, a
professor in the university of Berlin, and a member of the German parliament
The great man, upon my entrance, was in the midst of his pupils, engaged
in a post-mortem examination. As my presence attracted some attention,
.... I deemed it my duty, although the moment was not the most op-
portune, to pass my card to the professor, at the same time apologizing for
the intrusion. He at once saluted me with a gracious bow, and, shaking me
cordially by the hand, introduced me to his pupils and expressed his gratifica-
tion at seeing me. After a few minutes spent in conversation, he resumed
his knife and completed his examination. He showed me his laboratory, his
lecture-room, and many of his more interesting pathological specimens, most
of them prepared by his own hands. His collections of diseased hearts of
children, the result of inherited sjrphilis, is the largest in the world, and, as
he explained specimen after specimen, he became not only enthusiastic but
eloquent .... The laboratory, or work-shop as it may be termed, of
Professor Virchow is a model in its way, admirably adapted to the wants of
the student for improvement in the use of the microscope and the examina-
tion of morbid specimens. . . . Microscopes are provided in great num-
bers, and, in fact, every facility is afforded for the acquisition of knowledge.
.... Such a room with the necessary appliances ought to exist in every
well-organized medical institution in the United States.
Dr. Gross died in 1884, so diat he lived to see but the slightest
realization of this wish, which has now reached a degree of fulfilment
beyond the greatest anticipation either of Virchow himself or of his
contemporaries.
To continue Dr. Grose's personal narrative — and I can do no better
m order to give an intimate acquaintance with him whose centennial
we celebrate:
I A paper read at a meeting of the Research Qub, University of Michigan,
April 20, 1921, in commemoration of the centennials of Hermann von
Helmholtz and Rudolph Virchow.
^Autobiography of Samuel D. Gross. G. Barrie, Philadelphia, 1887.
VoL I, p. 231-335.
VOL. XIIL— a.
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34 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Virchow is a most patient and laborious investigator and yet he never
seems to be in a hurry. His dissections [autopsies]' seldom occupy fewer
than two and a half or three hours each. Every organ of the body is
thoroughly explored. For years past his habit has been to open, every Mon-
day morning, a cadaver in the presence of his private pupils with a view of
instructing them in the art of conducting autopsies— holding the knife, using
the saw, and taking notes, the whole being supplemented by microscopic in-
spections of the more important diseased structures. In these dissections
he is, if possible, more patient even than Rokitansky, his great Viennese
prototype.
Virchow is a thin, slender man, about the medium height, with a fine
forehead, although the head b not large, and handsome black eyes, con-
cealed by a pair of glasses. He is deliberate in his movements, a good talker,
very affable, courteous and warm-hearted— in a word, a gentleman of the
higher type.
The eveitiiig before Dr. Gross left Berlin he had further occasion
to appreciate Virchow's splendid courtesy. While he was the guest of
honor at Virchow's own table^ together with von Langeubecky von
Graefe, the oculist, Bonders, Gurlt and others, the host drew from
under the table a large book, which proved to be the second edition of
Grosses ^^Elements of Pathological Anatomy,*' and, rising, took his
guest by the hand and in a graceful speech referred to the text as one
from the study of which he had derived much useful instruction and
one which he always consulted with much profit
American medicine has too seldom received that full appreciation
in Berlin and Vienna that Virchow was always willing to give. In re-
views and abstracted articles edited by him one is struck by the large
number of English and American references included.
Nearly twenty years after the visit of Gross to Berlin, we find Sir
William Osier a pilgrim in Virchow's laboratory. Perhaps it has been
the growing breadth of vision during those years, but not unlikely it
is the wonderful catholicity of interests, possessed by the great visitor
himself which changes the character of the pen picture. Part of his
narrative I must reproduce even though it reaches beyond the limits of
my subject. Osler^ writes:
In 1884, on returning to Berlin for the first time since my student days,
I took widi me four choice examples of skulls of British Columbian Indians,
knowing well how acceptable they would be. In his room at the Pathological
Institute, surrounded by crania and skeletons, and directing his celebrated
diener, who was mending Trojan pottery, I found the professor noting the
peculiarities of a set of bones which he had just received from Madeira.
Not the warm thanks, nor the cheerful, friendly greeting which he always
had for an old student, pleased me half so much as the prompt and decisive
identification of the skull which I had brought, and his rapid sketch of the
cranial characters of the North American Indian. The profound expert, not
^Bracketed words are inserted by the author.
*Osler, William. Virchow, the man and the student, Johns Hopkins
University Circulars, 1891, XI, 17-20.
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RUDOLF VIRCHOIV—PATHOLOGIST 35
the dilettante student has characterized all of his work in this line . . .
As an illustration of his capacity for varied work, I recall one day in 1884,
in which he gave the morning demonstration and lecture at the Pathological
Institute, addressed the Town Council at great length on the extension of
the canalization scheme, and made a budget speech in the House, both of
which were reported at great length in papers of the next day.
Rudolf Virchow graduated in medicine from the Friedrich-
Wilhelm Institute in 1843 with the dissertation De rheumate praesertim
comeae. In the autumn of 1844, he became an assistant in pathological
anatomy under Froriep, and in 1846 he was appointed prosector in the
same clinic. He became a lecturer in the University of Berlin in 1847.
Possessing vigorous political views, which would be considered liberal
even today, he lost his university connections during the stormy period
of 1848 and 1849, largely through the publication with Leubuscher of
a half-medical, half-political journal, which they styled Medicinische
Reform. From 1849 to 1856 he occupied the chair of pathological
anatomy at "Wiirzburg, where^ working with the greatest industry, he
raised his department to foremost rank and pursued investigations upon
which much of his later work was based. At the end of that period,
he was recalled to Berlin as professor of pathological anatomy and
director of the newly established pathological institute in Berlin Uni-
versity, with which he was connected until his death.
To understand Virchow's relation to pathology and to medicine is
to understand something of the stages throu^ whidi scientific medicine
has passed in the last one hundred and fifty years. We are now, and
have been for some fifty years, in a period characterized by search
for the etiological factor in disease. In part, the bacteriologist has
been in the ascendency and we already have sufficient perspective to
see the greatness of Pasteur and Koch. Among our contemporaries
there may be those equally to be honored by another generation. More*
over, there are those who would have us believe that we are even now
passing from the epoch of bacteriology into a period dominated by
biodiemistery, serology and immunology, but upon this transition, if,
indeed, it should be dignified as such, light is still to be shed.
At any rate, these present-day tendencies will serve to illustrate the
shifting emphasis in medical progress. Does it mean that the stage
has been set for a certain scene, or that a brilliant and indefatigable
worker, inspiring a group of collaborators, strides ofif into the un-
known? As we read current medical history, the advance appears to
be gradual and simultaneous along interdigitating lines. In re-
trospect, the advance assumes the topography of a series of steps rising
from plateau-like surfaces. The highest step of the nineteenth century
was the rise of microscopical pathology as established and developed
by Rudolf Virchow.
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36 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Cellular pathology rose from a foundation of gross pathology. In
the later half of the preceding century John Hunter had developed his
wonderful museum of gross preparations of both normal and patholog-
ical anatomy. He had had the hardihood to apply objective experi-
mental methods to the investigation of pathological problems. Through
the experimental production of arterial anastomoses, he found that it
was possible to ligate arteries whose flow had previously been con-
sidered essential to the life of a part For Hunter, Virchow had the
greatest admiration, and it has been said that for a long time Hunter's
picture alone was found upon the walls of his laboratory. Fifty years
or so after Hunter, Rokitansky in Vienna brought the period of gross
pathology to its greatest height The first autopsy protocol written in
his own hand is dated October 23, 1827. In March, 1866, he achieved
his thirty thousandth post-mortem examination. It is said that before
his death he had access to 100,000 protocols of autopsies done by him-
self and his assistants. With this enormous material he brought de-
scriptive gross pathology to a degree of perfection never before
realized.
As will be noted by the dates just given, Rokitansky was well es-
tablished in his field of gross pathology when Virchow read his
inaugural dissertation. In fact, Virchow was still in his assistantship
when the first volume of Rokitansky's Lehrbuch der patholqgischen
AnaUmUe appeared in 1845. With- the microscope at his disposal, his
independence of thought, his originality in attack, and, above all, his
ability to exalt pure objective description as an end in itself made it
possible for Rudolf Virchow to do for the pathology of the cell what
Rokitansky had done for the pathology of the organ and tissue.
AH medicine before Virchow had been burdened with mysticinn,
dogma and hypothesis. Witness the pertinacity with which the humoral
theory survived in its varying forms, even to the extent of obscuring the
earlier part of Rokitansky's work. All this Virchow was able to cast
aside and, avoiding dogma, he developed a method rather than a theory.
To those who would lessen the importance of Virchow's work by
reference to Bichat, it need but be said that while the latter did resolve
the various organs and tissues of the body into twenty-one simple, and,
as he supposed, elemental types, this analysis was done on the basis of
naked-eye observation alone. Bichat did not use the microscope. Like
Virchow, however, he placed the objective d^ailing of facts before
speculation. To Schleiden and Sdiwann, Virchow gave full credit for
the earlier development of the idea of the animal cell as interpreted
in terms of cellular botany. Yet, it must be remembered that to a
great extent Virchow was called upon to formulate for himself stand-
ards of normal histology as well as to describe the changes produced
in the cell by disease.
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RUDOLF VIRCHOW^PATHOLOGIST «7
No adequate analysis of Virchow's published woxk can be given
here. Its volume is remarkable. In 1901, Schwalbe^ and others whose
assistance he invited, compiled a Virchow bibliography as their part
in the celebration of the eightieth birthday of their old master. In the
preface, Schwalbe himself says that a Virchow bibliography lays bare
not alone the life-work of a man, but exposes as well a history of
medicine and anthropology for the preceding sixty years. Requiring
118 pages, with an average of about eighteen items to the page, this list
of approximately 2,000 titles bears witness to the industry, breadth of
interest and critical scientific discrimination of the cellular pathologist
From all of this material I can refer only to the two most important
books, to the journals developed under his leadership and to a few of
the most important articles.
"Die Cellularpathologie" appeared in 1858. Tliis book, presented
in the form of twenty lectures illustrated by numerous wood cuts,
placed before the world for the first time a summation of the author's
views. Here was demonstrated that the principle of omnis cellula e
cellula, which he was first to put into words, applied equally to patho-
logical formations and to normal embryologic development. Trans-
lated into French by Picard and into English by Frank Chance,
"Cellular Pathology'' was seized upon with an avidity which must have
surprised even its author. From that year modem pathology is to be
dated. We cannot appreciate the eflfect upon Medicine of this new
point of view. Before, all morbid products, tumors, cancers, purulent
collections, tubercles, gummas had been explained as arising in, or
from, a hypothetical primitive blastema, itself exudative in nature.
Now these were shown to be composed of living body cells, diflfering
in various ways from the normal, exhibiting alterations both in form
and function. With histological technique in its infancy, much was in-
complete and misinterpretations were bound to occur, even as they
do to-day.
Let me illustrate the accuracy of observation shown in the
"Cellular Pathology" by quotations dealing with the subject of
arg3rria, the deposit of silver pigment in the tissues. Every student of
pathology now knows that argyriasis shows a selective affinity for the
fibrillae of connective tissue. Silver is not deposited in epithelial
structures, although it usually gains entrance to the body by passing
through an epithelium. Note how clearly Virchow states these facts.
We know that when any one takes salts of silver, they penetrate into tht
different tissues of his body. ... A patient who had . . . received
a solution of nitrate of silver as a lotion [for the eyes], very conscientiously
employed the remedy . . . ; the result of which was that his conjunctiva
'Schwalbe, J. Virchow-Bibliographie, 1843-1901. G. Reimer, Berlin,
1901. Pp. 183.
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Sft THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
assumed an intensely brown, nearly black appearance. The examination of
a piece cut out of it showed that silver had been taken up into the parenchyma,
and indeed in such a manner that the whole of the connective tissue had a
slightly yellowish brown hue upon the surface, whilst in the deeper parts the
deposition had taken place only in the fine elastic fibers of the connective tis-
sue, the intervening parts, the proper basis-substance, being perfectly free.
But deposits of an entirely similar nature take place also in more remote
organs. Our collection contains a very rare preparation from the kidneys of
a person who on account of epilepsy had taken nitrate of silver internally.
In it may be seen the Malpighian bodies, in which the real secretion takes
place, with a blackish blue coloring of the whole of the membrane of the
coil of the vessels, limited to this part of the cortex, and appearing again, in
a similar, though less marked form, only in the intertubular stroma of the
medullary substance The salts of silver do not deposit themselves
In the lungs [when present in the circulating blood], but pass through them
to be precipitated only when they reach the kidneys or the sldn.
Taking second place in importance among the larger works of
Virchow, is the three volume treatise on tmnors, *'Die Krankhaften
Geschwiilste.*' This was completed ia the years 1863-1867. In it
Virchow develops a systematic classification of neoplasms based largely
upon their microscopical characteristics. Here the influence of his
teacher, Johannes Miiller, is evident. The terminology used by Virchow
in this work still survives to a large degree.
Of the great array of lesser works, I can mention but a few groups.
In the late forties Virchow, published a series of epoch-making papers
on disturbances of the circulation. Here for the first time phlebitis,
thrombosis, metastasis and embolism were clearly set « forth. In fact,
the term Embolia, or as we now say, embolism, was introduced by
Virchow himself. Osier relates that in 1848, at the height of Virchow's
political activity, he performed an autopsy upon a patient, said by
Schonlein to have died from cerebral hemorrhage. Virchow found no
hemorrhage, but succeeded in demonstrating an embolus blocking an
important cerebral artery. Schonlein, who was present to see the out-
come of his diagnosb, turned to Virchow and in a half -joking, half-
vexed manner, said Sie sdten ouch uberall Barricaden. Other im*-
portant monographs, papers and groups of papers were those dealing
with calcium metastasis, pathological pigmentation, amyloid, leukaemia,
chlorosis, phosphorus poisoning, syphilis, trichinosis, rickets, cretinism,
encephalitis and peptic ulcer. The list might be mudi extended.
In 1847, Virchow with Reinhardt founded the Archiv fur pathologist
die Anatomie und Physiologic und fur klinisohe Medicin. This journal
has been continued since that time, and constitutes the most important
collection of original contributions to scientific medicine. After Rein-
hardt*s death in 1852, Virchow carried the editorship alone for many
years, so that even now one finds as many citations to this journal by
the phrase **Virchow Archiv^ as by ito proper title. From 1851 to 1893
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RUDOLF VIRCHOW-^PATHOLOGIST 3»
lie was the joint editor, and from 1893 to 1901 the sole editor, of
Canstatt*8 J^Aresberidu uber die Leistungen und Fortschritte in der
gaammien Medidn. From 1850 to 1862, Virchow shared with
Kolliker, Scherer and Scanzoni the editorship of the Verhandlwigen der
physUociiachrmediclnischen Gesellschaft in WUrzburg.
A list of Virchow*s pupils would include most of the makers of
medicine of the last fifty years. Scattered throughout the civilized
world, they have from time to time brought together in Festschriften
and memorial celebrations lists of names and collections of original
contributions of which their old master may well have been proud.
The Festschrift for his seventy-first birthday contributed by his former,
and then acting, assistants in the Berlin Pathological Institute includes
in its table of contents the names of v. Rechlinghausen, Klebs,
Salkowski, Orth, Grawitz and Langerhans, among others, all of whom
have had a great influence on the development of pathology and modem
medicine. American medicine owes much to those who were under
Yirchow's tutelage in the last three decades of the nineteenth century.
Virchow was wrong. The cell is not the ultimate unit of life, but
the methods of cellular pathology have grown no less important since
he gave his great work to the world. The cell with its miscroscopioally
demonstrable content is still the morphological unit of life. Disease
processes are still interpreted in the light of the cellular changes.
To Virchow we owe our conception of disease. Disease is not an
entity, entering the body from without. Disease is life, life which
deviates from the normal. The casual factor may reside ivithin or
may come from without in the form of trauma, infection, intoxication,
or what not, but the cause is not the disease. The disease is the
abnormal life of the body cells. The methods of modem medicine are
therefore broadly biologic, and along this road of promise Rudolf
Virchow pointed the way.
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40 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
RUDOLF VIRCHOW— ANTHROPOLOGIST AND
ARCHEOLOGISr
By Professor ARTHUR E- R BOAK
UmVERSITT OF MICHIGAN
RUDOLF LUDWIG KARL VIRCHOW was bom in the litUe
Pomeranian town of Schivelbein, on October 13, 1821. He died
on September 5, 1902. His parents were people in moderate circum*
stances, his father combining the occupation of a farmer with that of
a retail merchant The young Virchow received his early education at
the parochial school of Schivelbein, with special instruction from the
local clergymen. He then entered the gymnasium at Koslin, from which
he graduated in 1838 at the age of seventeen.
At the gymnasium he followed the regular classical program of
studies, but showed at the same time great enthusiasm for the natural
sciences, history and geography. He acquired and retained through-
out life a remarkable accuracy in both Greek and Latin, and in his
later years upon several occasions mercilessly criticized the barbarisms
which the younger generation attempted to introduce into medical
terminology. This same attention to accuracy of details characterized
Virdiow's work in every field, and gave him the perfectly astounding
mass of information which rendered him such a deadly critic of unstable
hypotheses. In addition to the study of the classics, Virchow found time
at the gymnasium to read widely in the French and German classics.
Italian and English he acquired later. It is interesting to have his
reflections upon suitable courses of study for the gymnasium, expressed
in an address delivered when rector of the University of Berlin. He
maintained that, as a preparation for scientific work, a course in
mathematics, philosophy and the natural sciences would have equal
value with a classical course, but that the later could not be replaced
by the modern languages.
From the gymnasium at Koslin, Virchow proceeded to the Royal
Medico-Surgical Friedrich Wilhelm*s Institute at Berlin. Here he
qualified for the doctorate in 1843. In connection with his inaugural
dissertation, Virchow defended, among other theses, two which he
afterwards looked upon as showing the early ripeness of his intellect
and the breadth of his interests. The first of these ran nisi qui liberals
lA paper read at a meeting of the Research Qub, University of Michigan,
April 20, 1921, in commemoration of the centennials of Hermann von
Helmholtz and Rudolph Virchow.
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RUDOLF VIRCHOW—ANTHROPOLOGIST 41
hua rebm faverU veram medidnae indolem non cognoscuiU (Thoee
who do not encourage progress do not grasp the true nature of
medicine) ; the second was an application of Agassiz's then recently
published glacial theory to Pomerania Pomeraniae petrificata glade
primordiaU disiecta. To Virchow there might fittingly be aj^lied the
saying, hcmo sum^ et nihil humanum mihi alienum puto. His ability
to connect science with life as a whole and his interest in everything
pertaining to life led him from the investigation of the dead to that of
the living man, from craniology to ethnology and to the history of
civilization, as well as from the laboratory into the political arena.
In full conformity with this atitude towards life was Virchow's
report upon the typhus epidemic in Silesia, published in 1848. Here
he showed that the source of the epidemic was to be found in the back-
ward social and political conditions of Silesia, and made radical sug-
gestions for their amelioration. The championship of the people which
he thus assumed he maintained throughout a long political career, as a
member of the Prussian House of Representatives, from 1862 to 1878;
of the Reichstag, from 1880 to 1893; and of the municipal council of
Berlin for 42 years. He was a founder of the progressive party
(FortschriUspartei) y and a firm opponent of Bismarck's imperialism,
being honored by the latter with a challenge to a duel. He f ou^t un-
ceasingly for the improvement of the education as well as the social
conditions of the masses, and the term Kulturhampf was an outgrowth
of his political manifestoes. But, at the close of his life, it was
Virchow's boast that, although he had devoted himself to both politics
and medicine, he had always succeeded in preserving for science its
independence of political influences.
While a professor at the University of Wurzburg (1849-56),
Virchow published two studies on cretinism in Lower Franconia and
pathological skull forms (1851-2). These may be taken to mark the
banning of his anthropological work, and were the first of more than
one thousand publications in this and allied fields. They were followed
(1857) by his ^'Investigations on the Development of the Base of the
Skull in Healthy and Diseased Conditions, and on the Influence of the
same upon Skull Form, Facial Structure and Brain Formation." In
this treatise he laid the foundation for an anatomical treatment of
craniology, pointing out as the problem for investigation the relation-
ship between the shape of the skull, the facial structure and the forma-
tion of the brain. His conclusion was that all typical variations in
facial structure rest chiefly upon differences in the formation of the
base of the skull.
For about a decade following his return to Berlin in 1856, Virchow*s
main interest and activity lay in the field of medicine. Then he began to
turn his attention in an ever increasing degree to anthropological and
allied studies, upon which he entered with all the enthusiasm of a true
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42 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
pioneer. In 1869, mainly through; his efforts, was organized the
Deutsche Andiropologische Gesellschaft. In the same year he founded
the Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urges-
chichte, and its organ the Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie. In addition to
directing the publication of the Zeitschrift^ he was also an editor of the
CorrespondenzbUAt of the Anthropologische Gesellschaft and, from
1870, of the Archiv fiir Anthropologie. The degree to which these new
fields absorbed Virchow's activities nuiy be gathered from the fact that,
although it was as a pathologist that he was elected to the Royal
Academy of Sciences at Berlin in 1874, only three of his numerous
papers read before the academy dealt with problems of pathology, while
nearly all the rest discussed anthropological subjects.
Passing from the study of the diseased to that of the normal skull,
in 1874 Virchow presented the results of his attempts to find ethnog-
nomic skull characteristics in an article entitled '*0n Some Character-
istics of the Skulls of the Lower Races of Man.^ Here he advanced the
generally accepted view that the frontal projection of the squamous
portion of the temporal bone is a pithecoidal characteristic, much more
frequent am(mg non- Aryan than Aryan peoples; and that the unproved,
but certainly to be suspected, defective formation of the temporal brain
parts as a result of thb frontal projection permits us to see in the latter,
and in the bare narrowing of the temporal area, a mark of lower, but
not necessarily of the lowest, races.
Virchow's next efforts were directed towards the determination of
the skull types of European races. Here the prevailing view was that
of Retzius: that each of the great racial divisions had a single type of
skull and that peoples must be differentiated as either dolicooephalic
or brachyoephalic. Virchow took a more cautious attitude and opposed
the selection of type skulls **until the whole breadth of individual
varieties was known." He also combatted Nilson's theory that an
original brachyoephalic European population had been overrun by a
dolichocephalic element which stood upon a hi^er plane of physical
and mental development, i. e., the Celts and the Germans.
In 1875, Virchow declared it impossible to establish definite cranio-
logical types for Germans, Celts, Slavs, Finns or Italians; that the
postulate of originally pure and homogeneous great culture races is
erroneous, and that all these have been formed by a mixture of smaller
elements, a view which now receives general acceptance. Then, in the
following year, in his '^Contributions to the Physical Anthropology of
the Germans,** he claimed that even greater weight should be laid upon
the height of the skull than upon its length or breadth, and he was able
to show that the old German cranial type, as represented by the Frisians,
were chamaeprosopic and mesooephalic rather than dolichocephalic as
had been maintained heretofore.
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RUDOLF VIRCHOW— ANTHROPOLOGIST 48
The scope of Virchow's anthropological studies widened umil he
sought to give an exact descriptive basis for the natural history of man.
Heace he directed his investigations toward living peoples, as well as
toyrard those which are now extinct, and entered upon the field of
ethnology. One great result of his efforts was the census of the school
children of the German Empire, taken from the point of view of racial
physical characteristics. This census brought out the fact that the
historic characteristics of the old Germanic type — ^blond hair, white
skin and blue eyes — ^were to be found united in only approximately one
third of the population of Prussia and one fifth of that of Barvaria.
Perhaps in this connection one should mention Virchow's establishment
in 1888 of the Museum for German National Costumes and Products
of Housdbold Industry, at Berlin.
Carrying his investigations outside of Germany, Virchow compiled
anthropological analyses of the Lapps, Eskimos, Patagonians, Terra
del Fuegians, Kaffirs, Australians and Malays. One of his most in-
leresling studies was that of the population of Ceylon, in which he
established the nanocephalism and racial purity of the Veddas, as well
as dieir relationship to the older Dravidian or pre-Dravidian popula-
tion of India, while showing that the Cingalese, on the contrary, were
a mixed race.
Virchow continued his craniological studies with unabated zeal until
the tizne of his death, when his collection comprised some 4,000 skulls,
ancient and modern, coming from all quarters of the globe. Yet he
had to acknowledge his inability to attain a satisfactory craniological
differentiation of races, or an explanation of how various skull types
arise among the same people. He gave great attention to the develop-
ment of more exact methods of craniological measurements, and
hdped to bring about the adoption of standard systems in this field.
Another beneficial result of his work in this field was the exclusion
of pathological forms from the list of skull types. Here it may be
mentioned tlutt he maintained that the celebrated Neanderthal skull
exhibited pathological characteristics, and consequently protested
against the acceptance of a distinct racial type upon the evidence of
this single specimen. But in tins he failed to win the support of the
majority of anthropologists.
In addition to studies upon Illyrian, Trojan, Cyprian, Moroccan,
East African, Ancient and Modem Greek, and Philippine skull types,
Virchow published a woric on American racial skulls-~Crania Etfanica
Americana— noteworthy both for its descriptive details and for its
differentiation of pathological deformities of the skull from futificial
deformities resulting from accident or intent His examination of the
remains of the Java ape-man — pithecanthropus erectus Dubois — led
him to the conclusicHi tliat it did not belong to the genus homo, but was
a gibbon of an extinct species, a view which now finds little acceptance,
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44 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
It was inevitable that Virchow should be attracted by the basic
problems of anthropology and biology, such as the origin of species
and the place of man in the natural world. And it was natural that his
point of view in these questions should depend upon his belief in the
identity of physiological and pathological processes. His formula was:
Individual and type equal pathology and physiology. Towards the
Darwinian theory of evolution he was by no^ means hostile, but exhibited
the same cautious attitude as in other anthropological questions. He
held diat there was a great gap in our knowledge, namely, in regard
to the development of the human from the lower forms of life. For the
time this gap may certainly be filled by an hypothesis, for only by
hypotheses can the path of research in unknown fields be marked out.
Such a hypothesis, Virchow felt, Darwin had supplied in the finest sense
of the word. ^It was an immeasurable advance,'* he declared, ^which
living Nature made when the first man developed from an animal,
whether that was an ape or other creature, which was the racial ancestor
of the ape as well. However, the actual proof of the descent of man
from the ape has not yet been made. None of the known apes supplies
the transitional stage.'* Still the theory of the descent of man was for
him, ^not only a logical, but also a moral postulate," whose value lies
not in being a new dogma, but a light for further research.
His attitude came to light clearly in his famous controversy widi
Haeckel, in 1887, when the latter demanded that his monistic doctrine
be introduced into the schools. Virchow objected strenuously to the
teaching of the problems as though they were the conquests of science,
taking the ground that this was contrary to the conscience of the
natural scientist, who reckons only with facts. He likewise protested
vigorously against any form of compulsion of conscience.
In approaching the problem of the origin of species, Virchow saw
more hope of attaining a solution through physiology and pathology
than through morphology, which gives only the possibility and not die
proof of evolution. *'He who teaches us," he wrote, "to develop a
Schimmelpilz out of a Spaltpilz will have accomplished more than all
the heralds of the geneological tree of man."
In his "Rassenbildung und Erblichkeit" (1896), he developed his
doctrine of the pathological nature of variations from type. Originally
each species, or variaticm from type, is produced by a permanent dis-
turbance of the parental organism, and is in this sense pathological.
Only by inheritance in the descendants does this con<£ti<Hi become
physiological: but, up to now, it is completely unknown why one dis-
turbance is inherited, another not. Races, too, are only hereditary
species, which rest upon a pathological disturbance in the parei^l
organism. Probably in most cases the disturbance is produced by the
environment, but often also by causes contained within the organism,
which become effective only after birth.
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RUDOLF VIRCHOW-^ANTHROPOLOGIST 45
Virchow's general interest in historical questions and his special
anthropological studies led him into the field of prehistoric archeology.
To this study, in Germany, he did a great service by raising it from
dilettantism to a recognized position among the social sciences. He was
early attracted by the history of his birthplace, Schivelbein, and, in
1866, wrote on its antiquities. From 1867 onwards, he became a
regular participant in the international congresses for prehistoric
archeology and anthropology. In 1869, he began his investigations of
North German pile dwellings. A careful study of ceramics enabled
him to determine that these pile dwellings were of later origin than the
corresponding structures in South Germany, and, on the basis of similar
evidence, he showed that the so-called Wendish cemeteries were really
pre*Slavic in origin.
Becoming interested in the questicHi of the mutual influences of pre-
historic cultures, Virchow made an exhaustive study of the ancient
amber and flint traflEb routes in Central Europe. It was largely as a
result of a friendship formed in 1875 with the Homeric enthusiast
Schliemann that Virchow extended his archeological studies beyond the
limits of his native country. In 1879 he accompanied Schlienuum to
the site of ancient Troy, in 1881 to the Caucasus, and in 1888 to Egypt,
Nubia and the Peloponnesus. It was Virchow's influence that induced
Schliemann to entrust his later excavations at Troy to the experienced
archeologist Dorpfeld.
Virchow's expedition to the Caucasus was undertaken in the hope of
finding there the source of the European bronze age culture, but in his
report on the Graveyard of Koban (1883) he decided against the pos-
sibility of this theory. One important result of his work in Egypt was
that he was the first to adduce positive evidence for a period of neolithic
culture in the Nile Valley.
Hia Caucasian studies led Virchow to encourage others to interest
themselves in the origins of the civilization of the Near East, and
through the work of his pupils the civilization of the ancient kingdom
of Colchis was revealed. Shortly before his death, Virchow had as-
sumed the honorary direction of a new German Society for the Investi-
gation of Asia Minor, especially Anatolia and Cappadoda.
In these closely related fields of anthropology, ethnol(^ and pre-
historic archeology, Virchow's fame rests not so much upon the in-
fallibility of his own conclusions as upon his introduction of scientific
methods of investigation, his establishment of organizations for co-
operative effort in research, his l<^ical and independent thinking and
his deep sense of truth. A great worker himself, he stimulated the work
of others, not only in his own country, but also abroad, and so became,
in the best sense of the word, an international figure.
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46 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH— V. THE INHERITANCE
OF DURATION OF LIFE IN MAN^
By Professor RAYMOND PEARL
the johns hopkins uniyersfft
1. The Determination of Longevity
IN the series of papers up to this point we have seen, in the first
place, that immortality is a potential attribute of cells generally
and becomes actually realized when conditions are so arranged as to
make continued life possible. These conditions are not realiased in'
the metazoan body because of differentiation and specialization of
structure and function. What actually happens in the metazoa is that
sooner or later some differentiated organ or system of organs gets to
functioning badly and upsets the delicate balance of the whole. As
a result the entire organisn presently dies. We have further seen
that in the case of man, where alone quantitative data are available,
the breakdown of particular organ systems, and consequent death of
the whole, occurs in a highly orderly manner in respect of time or age.
Eadi organ system has a characteristic time curve for its breakdown,
differing from the curve of any other system. Tlie problem which now
confronts us is to find out what lies back of these characteristic time
curves and determines their form. In view of the biological facts
about death which we have learned, what determines that John Smith
shall die at 58, while Henry Jones lives to the obviously more re-
spectable age of 85? We have seen that there is every reason to be-
lieve that all the essential cells of both their bodies are inherently
capable under proper conditions of living indefinitely. We are fur-
ther agreed that it is the differentiated and specialized structure
of their bodies which prevents the realization of these favorable
conditions. But all this helps us not at all to understand why in fact
one lives nearly 30 years longer than the other.
It may help to visualize this problem of the determination of long-
evity to consider an illustrative analogy. Men behave in respect of
their duration of life not unlike a lot of ei^t-day clocks cared for by
an unsystematic person, who does not wind them all to an equal
degree and is not careful about guarding them from accident. Some
he winds up fully, and they run their full eig^t days. Others he winds
only half way and they stop after four days. Again the clock which
iPapcrs from the Department of Biometry and Vital Statistics. School
of Hygiene and Public Health, Johns Hopkins University, No. 32.
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH 47
has been wound up for the full eight days may fall off the shelf and
be brought to a stop at the third day. Or someone may throw some sand
in the works when the caretaker is off his guard. So, similarly, some
men bdiave as though they had been wound up for a full 90-year
run, while others are but partially wound up and stop at 40 or 65, or
some other point Or, again, the man wound up for 80 years may,
like the dock, be brought up much short of that by an accidental in-
vasion of microbes, playing the role of the sand in the works of the
clocL It is of no avail for either the clock or the man to say that the
elements of the mechanism are in whole or in major part capable of
further service. The essential problem is: what determines the good-
ness of the original winding? And what relative part do external
things play in bringing the running to an end before the time which
the original winding was good for? It is with this problem of the
winding up and running of the human mechanism that the present
paper vrill deal.
There are two general classes of factors which niay be involved
here. These are, on the one hand, heredity and, on the other hand, en»
vironment, using the latter term in the broadest sense. Inasmuch as
we can be reasonably sure on a priori grounds that longevity, like most
other biological phenomena, is influenced by both heredity and en-
vironment, the problem practically reduces itself to the measuring of
the relative importance of each of these two factor groups in deter-
mining the results we see. But before we start the discussion of exact
measurements in this field, let us first examine some of the general
evidence that heredity plays any part at all in the determination of
longevity.
2. The Hyde Family
The first material which we shall discuss is that provided by the
distinguished eugenist. Dr. Alexander Graham Bell, in his study of the
Hyde family. Every genealogist is familiar with the *^Genealogy of
the Hyde Family,'* by Reuben H. Walworth. It is one of the finest ex-
amples in existence of careful and painstaking genealogical research.
Upon the data included in this book. Bell has made a most interesting
and penetrating analysb of the factors influencing longevity. At first
thought one might conclude that hi^ly biased results would probabl]f
flow from the consideration of only one family. Bell meets this point
very well, however, in the following words:
A little consideration will show that the descendants did not constitute a
single family at all, and indeed had very little of the Hyde blood in them.
Even the children of William Hyde owed only half of their blood to
him, and one-half to his wife. The grandchildren owed only one-quarter of
their blood to William Hyde, and three quarters to other people, etc. The
descendants of the seventh generation, and there are hundreds of them, owed
only one sixty-fourth of their blood to William Hyde, and sixty-three sixty-
fourths to the new blood introduced through successive generations of
marriages with persons not of the Hyde blood at all.
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THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
It will thus be seen that the thousands of descendants noted in the Hyde
Genealogy constitute rather a sample of the general population of the country
than a sample of a particular family in which family traits might be expected
to make their appearance.
K)0
A6C
TIG. 1. SHOWDfC SURVIVAL CURVES OF MEMBERS OF TEE HYI» FAMILY
(Floltttd from Ball'a dftta)
The substantial normality of the material is shown in Figure 1,
which gives the 1^ line, that is, the number of survivors at each age,
of the 1,606 males and 1,352 females for whom data were available.
The solid line is the male l^ line and the dotted line the female Ix*
It is at once apparent that the curves have the same general sweep in
their passage over the span of life as has the general population life
curve discussed in the preceding paper. The descent is a little steeper
in early adult life. The female curve differs in two respects from the
normal general population curves. In the first place, b^inning at
age 15 and continuing to age 90, the female curve lies below that for
the males, whereas normally for the general population it lies above
it. This denotes a shorter average duration of life in the females than
in the males, the actual figures being 35.8 years for the males and 33.4
years for the females. Bell attributes the difference to the strain of
child-bearing by the females in this rather hi^ly fertile group of
people, belonging in the main to a period when restrictions upon size
of family were less common and less extensive than now. In the sec-
ond place, the female Ix curve is actually convex to the base through-
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH
49
out a considerable portion of middle life whereas normally this
portion of the curve presents a concave face to the base.
Apart from these deviations, which are of no particular significance
for the use which Bell makes of the data, the Hyde material is essen-
tially normal and similar to what one would expect to find in a ran-
d<«i sample of the g^eral population. In this material there were
2,287 cases in which the ages at death of the persons and the ages at
death of their fathers were knoivn. It occurred to Bell to arrange
this material in such a way as to show what, if any, relation existed
between age at death of the parent and that of the offspring. He ar-
ranged the parents into four groups, according to the age at which
they died, and the offspring into five groups upon the same basis. In
the case of the parents the groups were: First, those dying under 40;
TABLE I
Analysis of the Hyde family data by person's age at death, showing
her and percentaae having (a) fathers and (6) mothers who
at the age periods named, (From Bell),
the num-
died
Person's age at death
F
"^thei
•s age
at dea
ih
Stated
-40
40-60
60.80
80+
2,287
66
522
1.056
643
669
20
189
299
161
538
18
140
269
111
467
12
11&
215
124
428
18
67
196
162
186
8
20
77
85
Stated
Under 20
20 and under 40.
40 and under 60.
60 and under 80.
80 and over
Percentages
Stated
Under 20
20 and under 40.
40 and under 60.
60 and under 80.
80 and over
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
2.9 22.8 46.2 28^
8.0
3.4
2.6
28.2
26.0
24.8
3.0 13.3
1.6 10.8
44.7 24.1
50.0 20.6
46.0 26.6
45.8 37.5
41.6 46.0
Person's age at death
Mother's age at death
Stated
-40
40-60
60.80
80+
1,805
191
435
713
466
511
88
129
199
95
407
42
104
176
85
379
27
92
159
101
360
26
80
129
125
148
8
30
50
60
Stated
Under 20
20 and under 40.
40 and under 60.
60 and under 80.
80 and over
Percentages
Stated
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
10.6
17.2
10.3
7.1
7.2
5.4
24.1
25.2
25.6
24.3
22.2
20.3
39.5
39.0
43.2
42.0
35.9
33.8
25.8
Under 20
18.6
20 and under 40
20.9
40 and under 60
26.6
60 and under 80
34.7
80 and over
40.5
VOL. XnL~4.
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THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
second, between 40 and 60; third, between 60 and 80; and fourth, at
age 80 and over. The groups for the offspring were the same, except
that the first was divided into two parts, namely, those dying under 20
and those dying between 20 and 40. The resulting figures are ex-
hibited in Table 1.
660
53d
467
4^6
idg
P£JP90N$
PERSONS
PCflSOW
PCRSONS
poiaoHS
OED
DICD
DILD
0€D
acD
~20
20'^
^o-eo
60-60
eoi^
so
FIG. 2. INFLUENCE OF FATHER'S ACE AT DEATH UPON LONGEVITY OF OFFSPRING.
FIrat dot in Mch dli«ram show* th« pereenuge hsTinff |ath«n who died at 40; Mcond dot the
perceatage havinc father* who died from 40— 60; third dot the percentage having fathera who died
from 60— W; fovrth dot the percenUge having father* who died 80+
The results for father and offspring are shown in Figure 2, based
upon the data of Table 1. In each of the 5 polygons, one for each off-
spring group, the first dot shows the percentage of f adiers dying under
40; the second dot the percentage of fathers dying between 40 and 60;
and so on, the last dot in each curve showing the percentage of fathers
dying at age 80 and over. It is to these last dots that attention should
be particularly directed. It will be noted that the dotted line connecting
the last dots of each of the 5 polygons in general rises as we pass from
the left-hand side of the diagram to the right-hand side. In the case
of offspring dying under 20, 24 per cent of their fathers died at ages
over 80. About 21 per cent, of the fathers of offspring dying between
20 and 40 lived to be 80 years or over. For the next longer-lived group
of offspring, dying between 40 and 60, the percentage of fathers living
to 80 or over rose to 27 per cent In the next higher group, the per-
centage is nearly 38, and finally the extremely long-lived group of off-
spring, the 185 persons who died at ages of 80 and over, had 46 per
eent or nearly one half of their fathers living to the same great age. In
other words, we see in general that the longer-lived a group of off-
spring is, on the average, the longer-lived are their fathers, on the
average; or, put in another way, the higher the percentage of very
long-lived fathers which this group will have as compared with
shorter-lived individuals.
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Sll
407
J79
960
148
ocesoNS
PES^ONS
PCf^SONS
PERSONS
PERSONS
acD
DIED
DIED
DIED
DIED
-10
t(h40
4o-eo
6o-eo
eo-t'
FIG. 3. INFLUENCE OF MOTHER'S ACE AT DEATH UPON LONGEVITY OF OFFSPRING.
Fint dot in each diafrom ahowi Uie pereenU|fl haviag inodieri who died at 40; aeeond dot the
percentage haring mothers who died at 40 — 60; third dot the percentage having mothers who died
60 — 80; fourth dot the percentage having mothers who died 80-{-
Figure 3 shows the same sort of data for mothers and offspring.
Here we see the curve of great longevity of parents rising in an even
more marked manner than was the case with fathers of offspring. The
group of offspring dying at ages under 20 had only 19 per cent,
of their mothers living to 80 and over, whereas the group of offspring
who lived to 80 and beyond had 41 per cent of their mothers attain-
ing the same great age. At the same time we note from the dotted
line at the bottom of the chart that as the average age at death of the
offspring increases, the percentage of mothers dying at early ages,
namely, under 40, as given by the first dots, steadily decreases from
17 per cent at the first group to just over 5 per cent for the off-
spring dying at very advanced ages.
These striking results demonstrate at once that there is a definite
and close connection between the average longevity of parents and
that of their children. Extremely long-lived children have a much
higher percentage of extremely long-lived parents than do shorter
lived children. While the diagrams demonstrate the fact of this con-
nection, they do not measure its intensity with as great precision as
can be obtained by other methods of dealing with the data. A little
farther on we shall take up the consideration of this more precise
method of measurement of the hereditary influence in respect of
longevity.
In the preceding diagrams we have considered each parent sepa-
rately in connection with the offspring in regard to longevity. We
shall, of course, get precisely the same kind of result if we consider
both parents together. For the sake of simplicity, taking only the
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THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
cases of extreme longevity, namely, persons living to 80 or over — ^the
essential data are given in Table 2.
TABLE 2
Longevity of parents of persons dying at 8o and over. (From Bell).
Age at death of ^rents
Number of
persona
Number of
persons lived
80+
Per cent of
persons lived
80+
Stated
1.634
827
683
184
337
246
133
44
57
38
38
13
8.7
Lived to be 80+
Nelther Dareut
5.3
One parent (not other) . . .
Both parents
3.8
20.6
Father (not mother)
Mother (not faither)
11.3
7.7
From this table it is seen that where neither parent lived to be 80,
only 5.3 per cent, of the offspring lived to be 80 or over, the percent-
age being based upon 827 cases. Where one parent, but not the
other, lived to be 80 or older, 9.8 per cent of the offspring lived to be
80 or older, the percentage here being based upon 583 cases. Where
both parents lived to be 80 or older 20.6 of the persons lived to the
same great age, the percentage being based, upon 184 cases. Thus it
appears that in this group of people four times as many attained great
longevity if both of their parents lived to an advanced age, as attained
this age when neither parent exhibited great longevity. The figures
from the Hyde family seem further to indicate that the tendency of
longevity is inherited more strongly through the father than through
the mother. Where the father, but not the mother, lived to be 80 or
older, 11.3 per cent, of the persons lived to age 80 or more, there
being 337 cases of this kind. Where the mother, but not the father,
lived to be 80 or older, only 7.7 per cent, or nearly 4 per cent fewer
of the persons lived to the advanced age of 80 or more, there being
246 cases of this sort Too much stress is not, however, to be laid upon
this parental difference because the samples after all are quite small.
One other point in this table deserves consideration. Out of the
1,594 cases as a whole, less than 9 per cent of the persons lived to the
advanced age of 80 or more. But out of this number there are 767,
or 48.1 per cent., nearly one-half of the whole, who had parents who
lived to 80 or more years.
Another interesting and significant way in which one may see the
great influence of the age of the parents at death upon the longevity of
the offspring, is indicated in Table 3, where we have the average dura-
tion of life of individuals whose fathers and mothers died at the
specified ages.
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TABLE 3
Showing the influence of a considerable degree of longevity in both father
and mother upon the expectation of life of the offspring. {After Bell).
(In each cell of the table the open figure is the average duration of
life of the offspring and the bracketed figure is the number of
cases upon which the average is based).
Father's age
at death
Mother's age at death
Under 60
60^0
Oyer 80
Under 60
32.8 years
(128)
33.4 years
(120)
36.3 yean
(74)
60-80
35.8
(261)
38.0
(328)
46.0
(172)
Oyer 80
42.3
(131)
46.6
(206)
52.7
(184)
We see that the longest average duration of life, or expectation of
life, was of that group which had both mothers and fathers living to age
80 and over. The average duration of life of these persons was 52.7
years. Contrast this with the average duration of life of those whose
parents both died under 60 years of age, where die figure is 32.8 years.
In other words, it added almost exactly 20 years to the average life of
the first group of people to have extremely long-lived parents, instead
of parents dying under age 60. In each column of die table the average
duration of life advances, as we proceed from top to bottom — that is,
as the father's age at death increases — ^and in each row of tke table the
avtf age expectation of life of the o£fspring increases as we pass from
left to right — that is, with increasing age of the mother at death. How-
ever the matter is taken, a careful selection of one's parents in respect
of longevity is the most reliable form of personal life insurance.
So much for Bell's analysis of longevity in the Hyde family. We
have seen that it demonstrates with the utmost clearness and certainty
that there is an hereditary influence between parent and oflfspring af-
fecting the expectation of longevity of the latter. Bell's method of
handling the material does not provide any precise measure of the in-
tensity of this hereditary influence, nor does it furnish any indication
of its strength in any but the direct line of descent. Of course, if hered-
ity is a factor in the determination of longevity we should expect its
effects to be manifested as between brothers and sisters, or in the
avuncular relationships, and in greater or less degree in all the other
collateral and more remote direct degrees of kinship. Happily, we
have a painstaking analysis, with a quantitative measure of the relative
influence of heredity in the determination of longevity, which was car-
ried out many years before Bell's work on the Hyde family, by the
pioneer in this field. Prof. Karl Pearson. His demonstration of the
inheritance of longevity appeared more than twenty years before that
of Bell. I have called attention to the latter's work first merely he-
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THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
cause of the greater simplicity and directness of his demonstration.
We may now turn to a consideration of Pearson's more detailed results.
3. Pearson's Work
The material used by Pearson and his student. Miss Beeton, who
worked with him on the problem, came from a number of different
sources. Their first study dealt with three series from which all deaths
recorded as due to accident were excluded. The first series included
one thousand cases of die ages of fathers and sons at death, the latter
being over 22.5 years of age, taken from Foster's ^Teerage." Ilie
second series consisted of a thousand pairs of fathers and sons, the
latter dying beyond the age of 20, taken from Burke's ^Xanded Gen-
try." The third series consisted of ages at death of one thousand pairs
of brothers dying beyond the age of 20 taken from the ^Teerage." It
will be noted that all these series considered in this first study dealt
only with inheritance in the male line. The reason for this was simply
that in such books of record as the ^Teerage" and ^^Landed Gentry"
sufficiently exact account is not given of the deaths of female relatives.
In a second study the material was taken from the pedigree records of
members of the English Society of Friends, and from the Friends
Provident Association. This material included data on inheritance of
longevity in the female line and also provided data for deaths of in-
fants, which were lacking in the earlier used material. The investiga-
tion was grounded upon that important branch of modem statistical
calculus known as the method of correlation. For each pair of rela-
tives between whom it was desired to study the intensity of inheritance
of longevity a table of double entry was formed, like the one shown
here as Table 4.
TABLE 4
Correlation table showing the correlation between father and son in respect
of duration of life.
Duration of Life of Father
1
23|28|33|38|43|48|63| 58| 63| 68| 73| 78| 83| 88| 93| 9S|103|Total8
23
1
1
2
5
3
11
6
7
11
9
6
121
8
2
2
86
K
28
1
6
4
5
12
16
10
13
10
7
1
85
^
33
1
2
2
5
7
8
7
10
7
8
8
4
70
38
1
1
2
2
8
5
3
9
11
11
9
5
1
70
§
43
1
1
5
1
6
6
11
10^
10
17
5
72
48
1
1
2
5
5
4
6
9
12
15
5
3
68
J
53
1
3
5
7
3
2
11
11
14
10
1
1
70
58
1
3
4
5
10
8
10
5
8
9
8
2
68
h
63
2
1
3
6
1
4
8
13
9
11
11
11
5
84
o
68
1
6
3
6
7
5
5
6
14
16
12
7
90
{?
73
1
2
1
6
5
4
7
9
10
14
13
8
1
1
90
78
1
1
2
2
4
4
4
lOj
5
8
9
4
8
67
88
1
1
5
8
1
2
i
7
10
13
3
2
53
g
88
1
2
3
1
4
7
5
1
2
2
28
^
93
98
1
1
2
2
1
1
5
4
Total8| 1| 8| 9|30|26|65|70| 76| 90|122|131|153|132| 53| 18| 15| 1| 1000
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH
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The figures in each cell or compartment of this table denote the fre-
quency of occurrence of pairs of fathers and adult sons having respec-
tively the durations of life indicated by the figures in the margins.
Thus we see, examining the first line of the table, that there were
11 cases in which the average duration of life of the father was 48
years and that of the adult son 23 years. Farther down and to the
rigjlit in the table there were 13 cases in which the average duration of
life of the father and the son was in eadi case 83 years. Tliese cases
are mentioned merely as illustrations. The whole table is to be read
in the same manner.
From such a table as this it is possible to calculate, by well-
known mathematical methods, a single numerical constant of some-
what unique properties known as the coefficient of correlation, which
measures the d^ree of association or mutual dependence of the two
variables included in such double entry tables. This coefficient meas-
ures the amount of resemblance or association between characteristics
of individuals or things. It is stated in the form of a decimal which
may take any value between 0 and 1. As the correlation coefficient
rises to 1 we approach a condition of absolute dependence of the va-
riables one upon the other. As it falls to zero we approach a condition
of absolute independence, where the one variable has no relation to the
other in the amount or direction of its variation. The significance of a
correlation coefficient is always to be judged, in any particular case,
by the magnitude of a constant associated with it called the probable
error. A correlation coefficient may be regarded as certainly signifi-
cant when it has a value of 4 or more times that of its probable error,
which is always stated after the coefficient with a combined plus and
minus sign between the two. The coefficient is probably significant
when it has a value of not less than 3 times its probable error. By
"significam:" in this connection is meant that the coefficient expresses
true organic relationship and not merely a random chance result
In Table 5 are the numerical results from the first study based upon
the "Peerage" and "Landed Gentry.'*
TABLE 5
Inheritance of duration of life in male line. Data from "Peerage" and
"Landed Gentry/* (Beeton and Pearson).
Relatives
Correlation
coefficient
I\Evt9i6r ("Peera«re")
Fatber (''Landed Gentry'O
J^ther CTeerage")
Father ("Landed Ctentry")
Brother (Peerage")
Son, 25 years and over
Son, 20 years and over
Son, 52.6 years and over
Son, 50 years and over
Brother
Ratio of CO-
efficiemt to
its piohahle
error.
.115 ± .021
.142 ± .021
.116 ± .023
.113 ± .024
.260 Hb .020
5.5
6.S
6.0
4.7
13.0
It is seen at once that all of the coefficients are significant in com-
parison with their probable errors. The last column of the table gives
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the ratio of the coeAdeDt to ito probable error, and in the worst case
the coeflbient is 4.7 times its probable error. The odds against such a
coirelation having arisen horn chance alone are aboot 655 to 1. Odds
snch as these may be certainly taken as demonstrating that the results
represent true organic relationship and not mere chance. All of the
other coeflicients are certainly significant, having regard to their prob-
able errors. Furthermore, they are all positive in sign, whidi implies
that a variation in the direction of increased duration of life in one
relative of the pair is associated with an increase in expectation of life
in the other. It will be noted that the magnitude of the correlation be-
tween brother and brother is about twice as great as in the case of
correlation of father with son. From this it is provisionally con-
cluded that the intensity of the hereditary influence in respect of dura-
tion of life is greater in the fraternal relationship than in the par-
ental. It evidently makes no difference, broadly speaking, so far as
these two sets of material are concerned, whether there are included
in the correlation table all adult sons, whatever their age, or only
adult sons over SO years of age. The coeflicients in both cases are es-
sentially of the same order of magnitude.
Perhaps some one will be inclined to believe that the correlation
between father and son, and brother and brother, in respect of the
duration of life arises as a result of similarity of the environments to
which they are exposed. Pearson's comments on this point are pene-
trating, and I believe absolutely sound. He says:
There may be some readers who will be inclined to consider that much of
the correlation of duration of life between brothers is due to there being
a likeness of their environment, and that thus each pair of brethren is linked
together and differentiated from the general population. But it is difficult to
believe that this really affects adult brothers or a father and his adult off-
spring. A man who dies between 40 and 80 can hardly be said to have an
environment more like that of his brother or father, who died also at some
such age, than like any other member of the general population. Of course,
two brothers have usually a like environment in infancy, and their ages at
death, even if they die adults, may be influenced by their rearing. But if this
be true, we ought to find a high correlation in ages at death of brethren who
die as minors. As a matter of fact this correlation for minor and minor is
40 to 50 per cent less than in the case of adult and adult It would thus seem
that identity of environment is not the principal factor in the correlation be-
tween ages of death, for this correlation is far less in youth than in old age.
The results regarding minors to which Pearson refers are shown
in Table 6. This table gives the results of the second study made by
Beeton and Pearson on inheritance of duration of life, based upon the
records of the Friends Societies. It appears in the upper half of the
table that wherever a parent, father or mother, appears with a minor
son or daughter the correlation coeflEcients are small in magnitude. In
some cases they are just barely significant in comparison with their
probable errors, as for example, the correlation of father and minor
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH
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TABLE 6
Inheritance of duration of life. Data from Quaker records,
(Beeton and Pearson).
1
Ratio of co-
Relatiyes
Codrr^ation
efficient to
coefficient
tta prohaMe
^«7
error.
X
y
r^^ E,
Father
Adult son
0.135 :± .021
6.4
Father
Minor son
.087 ± .022
4.0
Father
Adult daughter
.130 ± .020
6.5
Father
Minor daughter
.062 ± .023
2.3
Mother
Adult son
.131 ± .019
6.9
Mother
Minor son
.076 ±: .024
3.2
Mother
Adult daughter
.149 ±. .020
7.5
Mother
Minor daughter
.138 ± .024
5.7
Elder adult brother
Adult brother
Minor brother
Adult brother
Elder adult sister
Adult sister
Minor sister
Adult sister
Adult brother
Minor brother
Adult brother
Adult sister
Younger adult brother
Adult brother
Minor broths
Minor brother
Younger adult sister
Aduk sister
Minor sister
Minor sister
Adult sister
Minor sister
Minor sister
Minor brother
.229 ± .019
.285 ± .020
.103 ± .029
-.026 ± .025
.346 ± .018
.332 ± .019
.175 ± .031
-.026 ± .029
.232 ± .015
.144 ± .025
-.006 ± .035
-.027 ± .024
12.1
14.3
8.6
1.0
19.2
17.5
5.6
.9
15.5
5.8
.2
1.1
The cases above the horizontal line are all direct lineal inheritance;
those below the line collateral inheritance.
son, and that of mother and minor daughter. In the other cases in-
volving minors the coefficients are so small as to be insignificant On
the other hand, in every case of correlation between parent and adult
o£fspring of either sex, the coefficient is 6 or more times its probable
error, and must certainly be r^arded as significant It will further be
noted that the magnitude of the coeffid^its obtained from these Quaker
records is of the same general order as was seen in the previous table
based cm the "Peerage" and "Landed Gentry" material.
The lower part of the table gives the results for various fraternal
relationships. In general the fraternal correlations are higgler than the
parental. The coefficients for minors or for minors vrith adults are
very low and in most cases not significantly di£ferent from zero.. In
four cases — ^namely, adult brother with minor brother; adult sister
with minor sister; adnlt brother with minor sister; and adult sister with
minor brother — ^the coefficients are all n^ative in sign, although in no
one of the cases is the coefficient significant in comparison with its
probable error. A minus sign before a correlation coefficient means
that an increase in the value of one of the variables is associated ivith
a decrease in the value of the other. So that these negative coffieients
would mean, if they were significant, that the greater the age at death
of an adult brother, the lower the age at death of his minor brother
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58
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
or sister. But the coefficients are actually sensibly equal to zero.
Pearson points out that the minus sign in the case of these correlations
of adult with minor exhibits the efiFect of the inheritance of the mor-
tality of youth. Minors dying from 16 to 20 are associated with adults
dying from 21 to 25. That is, minors dying late correspond to adults
dying early. This situation may be a peculiarity of the Quaker mate-
rial with which this work deals. There is urgent need for further study
of the inheritance of the duration of life on more and better material
than any which has hitherto been used for the purpose. I have under
way in my own laboratory at the present time an extensive investiga-
tion of this kind, in which there will be hundreds of thousands of pairs
of relatives in the individual correlation tables instead of thousands,
and all types of collateral kinship will be represented. Because of the
magnitude of the investigation, however, it will be still a number of
years before the results will be in hand for discussion.
The facts which have been presented leave no doubt as to the reality
of the inheritance factor as a prime determinant of the length of the
life span.
At the beginning it was pointed out that it was on a priori grounds
hig^y probable that duration of life is influenced by both heredity
and environment, and that the real problem is to measure the com-
parative effect of these two general sets of factors. We have seen that
the intensity of inheritance of duration of life, taking averages, is of
the order indicated by the foUovring coefficients.
Parental correlation (adult children) r=.i36s
Fraternal correlation (adults) r=.283i
Now we have to ask this question: What are the values of parental
and fraternal correlation for characters but slightly if at all affected
in their values by the environment? Happily, Pearson has provided
such values in his extensive investigations on the inheritance of physi-
cal characters in man.
TABLE 7
Parental inheritance of physical characters in man, (Pearson).
Pair
Organ
Correlation
«
««
M
U
r and
<«
«(
««
r and
<«
««
«
rand
««
««
«<
«
«
««
««
«4
Fathei
Dansrhter
«
it
««
M
M
M
Mothe
Son
««
M
*«
M
«
M
Mothe
D&iurhter
(«
««
<«
M
«(
U
Stature ...
Span
Forearm ..
Eye Color
Stature ...
Span
Forearm . ,
EJye Color .
Stature . . .
Span
Forearm ..
EJye Color .
Stature ...
Span
Forearm .,
Bye Color
.51
.46
.42
.55
.51
.45
.42
.44
.49
.46
.41
.48
.51
.45
.42
.51
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH 59
In Table 7 are given the values of the parental correlations for the
four physical characters — stature, span, forearm length, and eye color.
Now it is obvious that the differences of environmental forces imping-
ing upon the various members of a homogeneous group of middle class
English families (from which source the data for these, correlations
were drawn) can by no possibility be great enough to affect sensibly
the stature, the aim-length, or the eye color of the adults of such fam-
ilies. It would be preposterous to assert that the resemblance between
parents and offspring in respect of eye color is due solely, or even sen-
sibly, to similarity of environment.
It is due to heredity and substantially nothing else. Now the aver-
age value of the 16 parental coefficients for the inheritance of physical
diaracters shown in the table is
r=.4675
TABLE 8
Fraternal inheritance of physical characters tit man. {Pearson).
Pair Organ Correlation
Brother and Brother Stature 51
" " " Span 65
Forearm 49
" « Eye color 52
" " Cephalic index 49
" Hair color .69
Sister and Sister Stature 54
«« " " Span 56
«* " " EV)rearm 51
•• •' " Eye color 45
'• " ** Cephalic index 54
" " " Hair color 56
Brother and Slater Suture 55
Span 53
Forearm 44
Bye color 46
Cephalic index 48
Hair color 56
Table 8 shows the coefficients for the fraternal inheritance of six
physical characters, cephalic index (the ratio of head length and head
bieadth) and hair colour having been added to those given in the
parental table. Again it is seen that the coefficients have all about the
same values, and it is as apparent as before that the resemblance be-
tween brother and sister, for example, in eye-color, or arm length, or
shape of head can not for a moment, because of the nature of the
characters themselves, be supposed to have arisen because of the
similarity of environment. The average value of all these fraternal
coefficients is
r = .5156
From these data, with the help of a method due to Pearson, it is
possible ^ determine the percentage of the death rate dependent upon
the inherited constitution, and the percentage not so dependent If
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•0 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
pN be the number of deaths in N cases which depend in no way upon
the inherited constitution of the individual, ibea (I'p) will represent
the diance of an individual dying because of hia inherited constitutional
makeup, and (l-p) * will be the chance of a pair of individuals^ say two
brothers, both dying from causes determined by inheritance. If further
r denotes the observed correlation between individuals in reepect of
duration of life, and ro the correlation between the same kin in respect
of such measured i^ysical characters as those just discussed, in the
determination of which it is agreed that environment can play only a
small part, we have the following relation:
Substituting the ascertained values we have
1. From parental correlations.
0.1365 = .4675 (l-^)s
(!-/»)« = .292
il'P) = .54
2. From fraternal correlations
0.2831 = .5156 (l-/>)s
(1-^) = .74
Fr<Hn these figures it may be concluded, and Pearson does so con-
clude, that from 50 to 75 per cent of the general death rate within
the group of the population on which the calculations are based, is
determined fundamentally by factors of heredity and is not capable of
essential modification or ameloriation by any sort of environmoital
action, however well intentioned, however costly, or however well
advertised. Mutatis mutandis the same conclusion applies to the
duration of life. I have preferred to state the conclusion in terms of
death rates because of the bearing it has upon a great deal of the public
health propaganda so loosely flung about. It need only be remembered
that there is a perfectly definite functional relation betwe^i death rate
and average duration of life in an approximately stable population
group, expressible by an equation, in order to see that any conclusion
as to the relative influence of heredity and environment upon the
general death rate must apply with equal force to the duration of life.
4. The Selective Death Rate in Man
If the duration of life were inherited it would logically be expected
that s<Hne portion of the deadi rate must be selective in character. For
inheritance of duration of life can only mean that when a person dies
is in part determined by that individual's biological constitution or
makeup. And equally it is obvious that individuals of weak and un-
sound constitution must, on the average, die earlier than diose of strong,
sound, and vigorous constitution. Whence it follows that the dianoes
of leaving offspring vrill be greater for those of sound constitution
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH tt
than for the weaklings. The mathematical diacuasicm which haa juat
been given indicates that from <Mie-half to thxee-f ourths of the death
rale is selective in character, because that proportion is determined by
hereditary factors. Jiut in proportion as heredity determines the death
rate, so is the death rate selective. The reality of the fact of a selective
death rate in man can be very easily shown graj^cally.
SO
1^
-wr
40
36
30
Z5
20
15
C
MOTHER AMD QHLDRCN
FATHCR AND CHtLOXN
'I II
M Z6 36 46 S6 66 76 Q6and omt
nc. 4.
AGL AT DEATH OF PARENTS
DIAGRAM SHOWING THE INFLUENCE OF AGE AT DEATH, PABENTS UPON THE
PERCENTAGE OF OFFSPRING DYING UNDER 5 YEARS. (After Ploets)
In Fig. 4 are seen the graphs of some data from European royal
families, where no n^lect of children, degrading environmental condi-
tions, or economic want can have influenced the results. These data
were compiled by the well-known German eugenist, die late Professor
Ploetz of Munich. The lines show the falling percentage of the in-
fantile death rate as the duration of life of the father and mother in-
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62 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
creases. Among the children of short-lived fathers and mothers, at the
left end of each line, is found the highest infant mortality, while among
the offspring of long-lived parents the lowest infant mortality occurs,
as shown at the righthand end of the diagram.
The results so far presented regarding a selective death rate and
inheritance of duration of life, have come from selected classes; the
aristocracy, royalty or Quakers. None of these classes can be fairly said
to represent the general population. Can the conclusion be transferred
safely from the classes to the masses? To the determination of this
point one of Pearson's students. Dr. E. C. Snow, addressed himself.
The method which he used was, from the necessities of the case, a much
more complicated and indirect one than that of Pearson and Ploetz.
Its essential idea was to see whether infant deaths weeded out the unfit
and left as survivors the stronger and more resistant All the infants
bom in a single year were taken as a cohort and the deaths occurring in
this cohort in successive years were followed through. Resort was had
to die method of partial or net correlation. The variables correlated
in the case of the Prussian data were these:
1. x^ = Births in year a given cohort started.
2. Xj^ = Deaths In the first two years of life.
3. x^ =. Deaths In the next eight years of life.
4. jT =r Deaths in the ten years of all imdividuals not included in
the iMirticular cohort whose deaths are being followed.
In the case of the English data the variables were:
x^ = Births In specified year.
x^ =. Deaths In the first three years of life of those bom in
specified year.
x^ = Deaths in fourth and fifth years of life of those bom in
specified year.
x^ = The "remaining" deaths under 5.
The underlying idea was to get the partial or net correlation
between ^^ and ^29 while Xq and XJ^ are held constant. If the mortality
of infancy is selective, its amount ^ould be negatively correlated to
a significant degree with the mortality of the next eight years when the
births in each district considered are made constant and when the
general health environment is made constant. Under the constant con-
ditions specified a n^ative correlation denotes that the heavier the
infantile death rate in a cohort of births the lighter will be the deadi
rate of later years, and vice versa. The last variable, x^, is the one
chosen, after careful consideration and many trials, to measure varia-
tion in the health environment. If any year is a particularly unhealthy
one — ^an epidemic year for example — then this unhealthiness should be
accurately reflected in the deaths of those members of the population
not included in the cohort under review.
Snow's results for English and Pmssian mral districts are set forth
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH
63
TABLE 9
Snov/s results on selective death rate in man,
rural districts.
English and Prussian
DaU
Actual
correlation
Expected correla-
tion if no
selection
Males:
English Rural
Distrlcte
(1870)
(1871)
(1872)
-^.4483
- .3574
- .2271
-^.0828
- .1014
- .0807
Prussian Rural
Districts
(1881)
(1882)
- .9278
- .6050
- .0958
- .0765
Females :
English Rural
Districts
(1870)
(1871)
(1872)
- .4666
- .2857
- .5089
- .0708
- .0505
- .0496
Prussian Rural
Districts
(1881)
(1882)
- .8483
- .6078
- .0933
- .0705
in Table 9. From this table it is seen diat in every case the correlations
are negative, and therefore indicate that the mortality of early life is
selective. Furthermore, the demonstration of this fact is completed by
showing that the observed coefficients are from 3 to 10 times as great
as they would be if there were no selective character to the deadi rate.
The coefficients for the Prussian population, it will be noted, are of a
distinctly higher order of magnitude than those for the English popula-
tion. This divergence is probably due chiefly to differences in the
quality of the fundamental statistical material in the two cases. The
Prussian material is free from certain defects iidierent in the English
data, which cannot be entirely got rid of. The difference in the co-
efficients for the two successive Prussian cohorts represents, in Snow's
opinion, probably a real fluctuation in the intensity of natural selection
in the one group as ccHupared vnth the other. How significant Snow's
results are is shown graphically in Figure 5.
Snow's own comments on his results are significant He says:
The investigations of this memoir have been long and laborious, and the
difficulties presented by the data have been great Still, the general result
cannot be questioned. Natural selection, in the form of a selective death-rate,
is strongly operative in man in the early years of life. Those data which we
believe to be the best among those we have used — the Prussian figures — show
very high negative correlation between the deaths in the first two years of
fife and those in the next eight, when allowance is made for difference in
environment. We assert with great confidence that a high mortality in in-
fancy (the first two years of life) is followed by a corresponding low mor-
tality in childhood, and conversely. The English figures do not allow such a
comprehensive survey to be undertaken, but, so far as they go they point
in the same direction as the Prussian ones. The migratory tendencies in
urban districts militate against the detection of selective influences there, but
we express the belief that those influences are just as prevalent in industrial
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64
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
as in rural communities, and could be measured by other means if the data
were forthcoming.
Our investigation substantiates for a general population the results found
by Pearson and Ploetz for more restricted populations, and disagrees with
many statements of health officers. It is with great reluctance that we point
out this disagreement, and assert a doctrine which, in the present sentiment
of society, is bound to be unpopular. We have no feelings of antagonism to-
wards the efforts which have been made in recent years to save infant life, but
we think that the probable consequences of such actions, so far as past
experience can indicate them, should be completely understood. All attempts
at the reduction of mortality of infancy and childhood should be made in
the full knowledge of the facts of heredity. Everybody knows the extreme
differences in constitutional fitness which exist in men and women. Few
intelligent people can be ignorant of the fact that this constitutional fitness
is inherited according to laws which are fairly definitely known. At the
same time marriage is just as prevalent among those of weak stocks as
to I-
J —
.0
mo
lerri
e72
IQQI
lOQZ
ENGU3H
PRUSSIAN
FIG. 5. SNOW'S RESULTS ON SELECTIVE DEATH RATE IN ICAN. The eroM-hatekad aiw
may be ukeo, ia eompariMMi with the muU clear area at the botUMB, to meaaiue the inioeaea of
the aeleetlTe death late in lacreaaing the correlatioaa
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH 65
among those of the vigorous, while the fertility of the former is certainly not
less than that of the latter. Thus a proportion of the infants born every
year mu5t inevitably belong to the class referred to in the report as "weak-
lings," and, with Pearson's results before us, we are quite convinced that true
infantile mortality (as distinct from the mortality due to accident, neglect,
etc — no small proportion of the whole) finds most victims from among this
class. Incidentally we would here suggest that no investigation into the
causes of infant and child mortality is complete until particulars are gathered
by the medical officers of the constitutional tendencies and physical characters
of the parents.
Our work has led us to the conclusion that infant mortality does effect
a "weeding out" of the unfit; but, though we would give this conclusion all
due emphasis, we do not wish to assert that any effort, however small, to
the end of reducing this mortality is undesirable. Nobody would suggest
that the difference between the infant rates in Oxfordshire and Glamorgan-
shire (73 and 154 per 1,000 births respectively, in 1908) was wholly due to
the constitutional superiority of the inhabitants of the former county. The
"wecding-out" process is not uniform. In the mining districts of South Wales,
accident, negligence, ignorance and unsanitary surroundings account for
much. By causing improvements under these heads it may be possible to
reduce the infant mortality of Glamorganshire by the survival of many who
are not more unfit than are those who survive in Oxfordshire, and the social
instincts of the community insist that this should be done.
This work of Snow's aroused great interest, and soon after its ap-
pearance was controverted, as it seems to me quite unsuccessfully, by
Brownlee, Saleeby and others.
Happily the results of Pearson, Ploetz and Snow on the selective
death rate have recently been accorded a confirmation and extension to
still another group of people — ^the Dutch — ^in some as yet unpublished
investigations carried out by Dr. F. S. Crum of the Prudential Life
Insurance Company, with the assistance of the dbtinguished mathe-
matical statistician, Mr. Ame Fisher. By the kind permission of these
gentlemen I am able to state the general results of these investigations
In advance of their publication.
The Dutch Government publi^es annually data which undoubtedly
furnish the best available material now existing in the world for the
purpose of determining whether or not there is a positive or negative
correlation between infant mortality and the mortality in the im-
mediately subsequent years of life. Fisher's naathematical analysis
embraces a very large body of material, including nearly a million and
a half births, and nearly a quarter of a million deaths of males occur-
ring in the first five years of life. The Holland data make it possible
to develop life tables for every cohort of births and this has been done
in the 16 cohorts of males during the years 1901-1916. The data also
make it possible to work up these life tables for urban areas and for
rural areas. After carefully eliminating secular disturbances the
Holland material appears to prove quite conclusively for the rural dis-
tricts that there is a definite negative correlation, of significant
VOL, xin.— 5.
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«6 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
magnitude, between infant mortality and the mortality in the im-
mediately subsequent years of life. The only place where positive cor-
relation appears is in the four large cities of the country with more
than a hundred thousand inhabitants each. Fisher makes the following
point (in a letter to the present writer) in explanation of these positive
correlations. He says:
The larger cities are better equipped with hospital and clinical facilities
than the smaller cities and the rural districts. More money is also spent on
child welfare. Is it therefore not possible that many feeble lives who in the
course of natural circumstances would have died in the first year of life are
carried over into the second year of life by means of medical skill? But
medicine cannot always surpass nature, and it might indeed be possible that
among cohorts with a low mortality during the first two years of life there
will be an increase of death rate in the following three years of life.
Altogether, we may regard the weight of present evidence as
altogether preponderant in favor of the view that the death rate of the
earliest period of life is selective — eliminating the weak and leaving
the strong. From our present point of view it adds another broad class
of evidential material to tbe proof of the proposition that inheritance is
one of the strongest elements, if not indeed die dominating factor, in
determining the duration of life of human beings.
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VITAMINS AND FOOD DEFICIENCY DISEASES 67
VITAMINS AND FOOD DEnCIENCY DISEASES
By Dr. ALFRED C REED
Assistant Clinical Professor of Medicine, Stanford UtovERsiTY
Medical School, San Francisco
AMERICAN scientific men have been credited with lagging behind
the progress shown in England and Europe in the domain of
medicine. Surgery has oome fully into its own, in the western hemi-
sphere. But American medicine too often is held to be engaged solely
in practising and teaching, and all too little in investigating. Its con-
tributions to scientific knowledge are held to be meager and unimport-
ant Among many, one of the finest refutations of this mistaken notion
is discovered in the impetus given by American scientists to our under-
standing of dietetics and food values, and the use of diet in the preven-
tion and cure of disease. Strictly speaking, modem medicine has
relatively little to do with drugs. Webster's definition of medicine is
best, namely, the prevention, cure and alleviation of disease.
It has remained for American investigators to lead in showing how
important is the role assumed by diet in the prevention, cure and alle-
viation of disease. The old dictum, *Teed a cold and starve a fever" has
been reversed. Laboratory studies on the basis of exact measurements
of energy requirements in the body under normal and pathologic condi-
tions, have demonstrated that in the presence of fever, more energy is
required, and that, if this additional energy is not furnished in an in-
creased diet, it will be secured at the expense of serious inroads on the
body reserves, and that such inroads result in definite symptoms and in
abnormal physiologic processes which invariably tend to make the in-
vading disease more dangerous.
Our appreciation of dietary requirements for health has advanced
so that the term, a balanced diet, means considerably more than merely
the provision of a sufficient energy supply. **Man shall not live by
br^d alone** is equally true of his physiologic mechanism. To-day
a balanced diet implies of course that the body shall receive a sufficient
quantity of energy from the food, that there shall be a proper number
of calories of food energy per unit of body weight. It means a suit-
able distribution of this total caloric requirement between carbo-
hydrate, fat and protein. It means also a proper mineral supply of
inorganic salts. Water is a prime necessity for digestion, absorption
and for cellular function. Four-fifths of die body weight is water and
only one-tenth of the water in the body is found in the blood. Hence
the necessity for sufficient water intake.
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68 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Since the epochal work of Emil Fischer, we now understand some-
thing still further of the mysteries of protein or nitrogenous metabol-
ism. In food the protein molecule is extremely large and complex.
In the process of digestion, through the action of digestive juices and
enzymes, this molecule is broken down into relatively small units called
amino acids. In digestion all forms of protein yield these ultimate
amino acids or building stones. Less than a score of amino acids are
known, but all proteins are composed of various groupings of two or
more of these building stones. Thus it is easily understood that for
repair of body tissue and for growth, there must be a correct selection
of amino acids. No protein contains all the amino acids and many
proteins lack certain amino acids which are absolutely essential for
growth or for maintenance of body cells. Thus in practical dietetics
it is necessary to do more than secure merely a certain total quantity
of protein per day. That protein must be so selected, in quantity and
quality, as to supply the required amino acids or ultimate building
stones in correct variety and quantity. This explains why proteins of
cereal or vegetable origin may not entirely substitute with safety for
proteins of animal origin.
For some time it was supposed that nutrition consisted solely in the
absorption and utilization by the body, either for energy or for tissue
building, of food stuffs which, according to the preceding description,
had been adequately prepared through the medium of digestion. These
food stuffs seemed to have been placed on a level of chemical and me-
chanical exactitude by the wonderful development of physiological
chemistry to which reference has been made, and by the classification of
food into the great divisions of proteins (amino acids), fats, carbo-
hydrates, minerals and water. The rapidly advancing and changing
conception of food deficiency diseases has, however, led to and ac-
companied an extension of the classification of food elements to in-
clude certain as yet largely unknown substances, called vitamins, which
have a definite controlling influence on nutrition, health and growth.
Imbalance, or lack of some or all of this group, is believed to eventu-
ate in physiological perversions which proceed to clinical disease. This
conception parallels the idea of physiologic perversions due to defici-
ency in the earlier recognized food elements, as observed in starvation,
or in the results of the body's inability to burn carbo-hydrate in
diabetes.
In general food deficiency may be said to act in one of three ways to
produce a departure hom normal health and nutrition. It may result
simply in mal-nutrition, or better, poor nutrition, from insufficient sup-
ply of the particular food elements lacking. This form of mal-nutrition
is automatically more or less compensated for by increased utilization
of other food elements. Such a compensatory use of other food elements
occurs least in the case of protein insufficiency. Proteins may be
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VITAMINS AND FOOD DEFICIENCY DISEASES 69
spared in bodily nutrition by increased utilization of carbo-hydrate and
fat, and thus the minknum necessary intake of nitrogenous food may
be lowered, but no other food can actually and entirely replace the
function of protein.
In the second place, a deficiency of some food element may cause
a general disturbance of metabolism. This is illustrated by the condi-
tion of acid intoxication, or acidosis, which may result from a diet
excessive in fat and deficient in carbo-hydrate, as seen, for instance in
certain types of infantile acidosis, and in the dangerous and often fatal
acidosis of diabetes. In the third place, a food deficiency may pre-
dispose to secondary factors which are directly responsible for disease.
Thus a condition of under-nourishment from general deficiency or
starvation, predisposes to infection. Again deficiency of a particular
food element may result in a selective mal-nutrition of some organ or
system of the body, as illustrated in the nerve degenerations of beriberi.
Thus it is evident that the problem of food deficiency is no simple
one, but that it is complicated by selective results produced in the
organism, by secondary factors which may become operative in the
presence of the deficiency, and by obscure inter-relations and balances
of nutritive equilibrium which easily may be disturbed by a variation
in the component food elements. Here too must be considered the
activity of various physiologic factors of safety in the animal body,
which nature providently furnishes as additional safeguards against dis-
ruption of the delicate and sensitive adjustment necessary for health.
Sudi a factor of safety is seen in the mechanism involved in maintain-
ing proper alkalinity of the blood serum, thus preventing acidosis.
Another illustration is the detoxifying function of the liver whereby
various diemical poisons, if they happen to gain access to the blood
stream, are automatically neutralized.
Given, then, a dietary constructed with due regard for water, mineral
salts, carbo-hydrate, fat and protein building stones, one additional fact
must yet be taken into account to secure a perfectly balanced food sup-
ply. This final factor has reference to the protein-like substances called
vitamins, or accessory food substances. At present three types of these
substances are recognized and a proper proportion of each is required
to prevent serious derangement of the metabolism. It is not known
whether these substances act in the body in a definite constructive
fashion, entering themselves into the chemistry of metabolic processes,
whether they act as catalytes, stimulating and originating changes in
other substances but taking no chemical part themselves.
Two general lines of investigation are responsible for our present
knowle^e of vitamins. For a considerable time these two lines seemed
contradictory, but they have gradually converged and a£Forded per-
spective and unity to our entire conception. The name 'Mtamin** was
coined in 1911 by Casimir Funk for a substance occurring in rice
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70 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
polishings and yeast, which appeared to cure neuritis in birds and
beriberi in man. This line of investigation was based on the earlier
work of Eijkman in the Dutch East Indies, who, in 1897, had demon-
strated a multiple neuritis in fowls fed on a polished rice diet and ob*
served that this neuritis was curable by feeding rice polishings. In
1907, Fraser and Stanton, American workers in the Philippines, found
that an alcoholic extract of rice polishings would cure experimental
neuritis. Funk found the same to be true for yeast and from an im-
perfect knowledge of the chemistry of the substance, called it vitamin,
an amino or basic nitrogenous body necessary for normal life. Thus
the study of beriberi led to the name and conception of vitamins.
Hopkins has suggested ^'accessory food substances'* as a better term, and
Graham Lusk *'food hormones." Both suggestions have merit and the
word vitamin has definite disadvantages, but priority, conunon usage
and brevity have established vitamin as the term of choice and so it
doubtless will remain.
The second line of investigation developed on the basis of nutri-
tional studies by Mc€ollum and his associates, by Osborne and Mendel,
and others, which showed that various foods of approximately similar
caloric value and total content of fat, carbo-hydrate and protein, ex-
hibited an enormous variation in their ability to maintain life and
promote growth. These experiments, in huge numbers, were carried
out on animals and the results threw brilliant light on the problems of
the food deficiency diseases as observed clinically in human-kind. It
was found that certain food stuffs produced results in growth and
nutrition out of all proportion to their quantitative or caloric value.
Out of a great mass of carefully directed investigation, there crystal-
lized in 1915 the recognition of two groups of vitamins, named by Mc-
Collum "fat soluble A" and "water soluble B." More recently evidence
has accumulated in favor of a third group of vitamins called "water
soluble C." This C group has to do with the prevention of scurvy. It
is now possible by specialized chemical procedures to concentrate and
isolate vitamins of these three groups.
The exact chemical nature of vitamins is unknown. The exact rela-
tion of vitamin deficiency is not in all cases clear. We can say, how-
ever, that growth, beriberi and xerophthalmia are directly related to
A and B factors. Scurvy seems definitely connected with deficiency of
the C vitamin* Evidence has accumulated that pellagra belongs with
the vitamin deficiencies, and then follow a number of less clearly de-
fined conditions, such as rickets, various forms of infantile and adult
mal-nutrition, anemia and marasmus. These latter seem to be as-
sociated with an excess of carbo-hydrate in the diet, together with an
insufficiency of mineral and animal constituents. While many cases
of eczema now are known to be caused by a skin reaction to certain
specific proteins of the food, still a large percentage of eczema depends
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VITAMINS AND FOOD DEFICIENCY DISEASES 71
on or is greatly influenced by an excess of fat or carbo-hydrate. The
last statement applies also to acne or "^pimples". A certain form of
acid poisoning in babies is caused by excess fat in the diet To a great
degree dietary irregularities are responsible for the uric acid abnor-
malities of gout, and finally no small proportion of cases of constipa-
tion follow a diet lacking in bulk or in cellulose.
Again, as has been mentioned, symptoms which had been ascribed
to certain diseases are found to be due in all probability to defective
nutrition, again illustrating the relation of food deficiency to disease
production. For example, diarrhea, delirium and the so-called
t]rphoid state have been considered integral elements of the natural
history of typhoid fever. However, since the introduction of the high
calory diet in typhoid, these symptoms are usually mild or in abeyance.
The inference is justifiable that these symptoms are due, not to the
typhoid infection, but to a food deficiency resulting in mal-nutrition.
This deficiency is doubtless qualitative as well as quantitative. It will
be found probably that many symptoms of many diseases are not at all
pathognomonic of those diseases, but are characteristic of and common
to some form of unbalanced diet
There is good reason to believe that the primary cause for the onset
of many diseases vrill be found eventually to lie with a dietetic defici-
ency of some sort. In the case of amebic dysentery, for instance, Mc-
Carrison in Coonoor, India, found experimentally on monkeys that the
disease appeared in the presence of a food deficiency where it did not
develop when the monkeys were well nourished on a balanced diet.
There is sound judgment in McCarrison's conclusion ^emphasizing the
importance in practice of a study of the dietary history of the case, be-
lieving as I now do that bacterial agencies are often but weeds which
flourish in soil made ready for them by dietary defects, and believing
also that in the fuller comprehension of the science of dietetics we
shall understand more perfectly the beginning of disease and its
therapy.**
One further illustration of the vast importance of food deficiency
in social, economic and health welfare, lies in the situation stressed by
Dr. Mazyck P. Ravenel, president of the American Public Health As-
sociation. Dr. Ravenel advocates the cultivation of a wholesome fear
of those diseases and infections which, while not apt to result in death,
yet are attended by a hi^ degree of social inefficiency and invalidism.
Less emphasis on mortality and more emphasis on invalidism figures
gives a better estimate of the real human seriousness of disease.
Malaria destroyed Greece and Rome, and malaria has not a high death
rate. Influenza struck the world with shocking severity, but it left no
social scar on the race, no aftermath of invalidism and social ineffici-
ency. Chronic exhaustive diseases like malaria, hookworm, tubercu-
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72 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
losis and syphilis are, after all, the greatest scourges of mankind, and
tl^eir social and economic cost is highest
In two ways food deficiency is closely related to the considerations
detailed in the last paragraph. In the first place, the greatest single
predisposing factor to the development of the chronic exhaustive type
of disease is food deficiency and mal-nutrition. Secondly, just as in
the case of specific diseases, the more serious human losses are due to
invalidism and social inefficiency, so in the realm of nutrition, after all
is said, the loss from the definite specific deficiency diseases does not
bulk so great as the huge loss from vague ill-health and more or less
severe invalidism resulting from unbalanced or insufficient diet. In this
connection are to be noted the nutritional dangers attendant on the in-
creasing use of food substitutes. Examples of such substitutes are cot-
ton seed oil for olive oil, or cod liver oil, margarines for butter, and
the use of milk powders. Food substitutes are very important and may
be very dangerous on a broad scale. The tendency in America is to
excessive utilization of meats and sweets, with a subnormal employment
of vegetables, fruits and dairy products. Such racial, local or indi-
vidual aberrations of diet are vastly important and to an unbelievable
degree are concerned with a sub-normal status socially, economically
and in health. From such a sketchy survey it is evident that the science
of dietetics promises to become ever more important in the treatment
and prevention of disease, and as essential from the sanitary and public
health point of view as for the individual man or woman.
We turn now to that smaller group of diseases which have been
noted as having a direct relation to vitamin deficiency. While we can
not state with absolute accuracy the specific element lacking in each
case, we can assert with complete safety that they are due to an un-
balanced or faulty diet, and that certain dietary procedures will serve
adequately to prevent and to cure them.
Having clearly in mind what is meant by the term vitamin, and in
spite of the disadvantages of the name, using it in a generic sense, it
b next in order to consider why there should be clinical differences in
disease types arising from a ccmimon etiology. Why should a vitamin
deficiency in one case eventuate in beriberi, in another in pellagra and
in a third in scurvy? While this question can not be fully answered at
present, certain suggestive hypotheses may be predicated. As already
explained, there is ground for the belief that vitamins are not unit
substances, but represent a group chemically related and unstable,
which may well have certain inter-relations necessary for their physio-
logic functioning. Thus absence of one type might be associated with
a special clinical syndrome.
Recalling the three methods in which food deficiency may disturb
the nutritional status, it is apparent that a vitamin deficiency may also
produce differing clinical results by virtue of secondary factors which
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VITAMINS AND FOOD DEFICIENCY DISEASES 78
may become operative under varying conditions of climate, general
condition of patient, concurrent infection, age — in short, that the e£fect
of the vitamin deficiency may be influenced or even determined by all
manner of extraneous circumstances, whose operation may conceivably
be initiated or modified by the deficiency. It is not unlikely that the
general type of caloric food supply used may be of importance, since
we find for instance that beriberi is most common in rice eaters, and
that pellagra is usually associated with maize.
Before discussing the common pathologic features of the deficiency
diseases and methods of cure and prevention, it may be well to re-
hearse briefly the clinical picture of scurvy, beriberi and pellagra, with
some suggestions of the experimental basis for believing them due to a
food deficiency.
Scurvy
Armies and ships have suffered notoriously from scurvy. The name
suggests the days of early exploration, long voyages and sailing ships.
Whalers, fishermen, armies, sailors, explorers — all have feared and
fought scurvy. As will be seen, the very circumstances which now are
best explained as due to a food deficiency, were once considered con-
clusive proof of the disease being an infection and this view has pre-
vailed to some extent, as in Russia, for example, almost to the present
time. Its true nature was apprehended by the British much earlier as
witnessed by the virtual disappearance of scurvy in the British navy
since the regular rationing of lime juice b^an in 1795.
Scurvy is characterized by a pronounced inclination to hemorrhage,
with soft, spongy bleeding gums, and hemorrhage under the skin and
from mucus membranes. Certain bony changes follow and a condition
of progressive weakness and anemia. In children, hemorrhages are
more apt to occur under the periosteum causing what is often diag-
nosed by the mother as ^'rheumatism of the legs", and characteristic
^eletal changes are seen. The condition rapidly improves upon the
addition of anti-scorbutic articles to the diet. Fresh meat and vege-
tables, especially with limes, lemons, onions, etc., are quickly curative
except in the extreme stage.
Comrie has recently detailed his experiences while on duty ^vith'
British troops in northern Russia in 1919. Scurvy appeared on a large
scale among prisoners and natives. After several months on a diet
deficient in protein, vegetables and fresh foods, the disease appeared in
wholesale fashion. Its effects were doubtless intensified by the crowded
prisons, general poor surroundings, and the long Arctic night. A pur-
puric rash on the legs usually came first, accompanied by mental de-
pression, loss of energy and weakness. Bleeding gums, swollen ankles,
and hemmorrhages into muscles and joints rapidly followed. Pain
was noticeably present Recovery was rapid with correction of the diet
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74 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
alone, and in a month's time the victims showed few sequels of the dis-
ease. An e£Fective anti^scorbutic was found in genninated peas or
beans. Preserved lime juice was useless.
Another striking outbreak of scorbutic disease occurred as reported
by Siccardi, in Italian troops serving at high altitudes in the Alps. In
the summer of 1916 these troops suffered from a transient epidemic of
a hemorrhagic form of scurvy. These hemorrhages were noted among
those sick of other diseases as well as in men who had no other com-
plaint The disease was traced to an unbalanced diet, in the presence
of cold, and ill ventilated under-ground quarters, and it was easily
controlled by proper diet and rest
Infantile scurvy is of surprising frequency especially in cities, where
the widespread use of Pasteurized milk always brings danger of scurvy
unless corrected by anti-scorbutics. Infantile scurvy is not conunon in
the advanced stage characterized by very poor nutrition, ^'rheumatism
of the legs,'' and bleeding spongy gums. But of surprising frequency,
especially in cities, is a status of more or less indistinct symptoms as-
sociated with failure to gain weight and a tendency to hemorrhage,
especially beneath the skin and mucus membranes, irritability and fret-
fulness, and sometimes femoral tenderness. Pateurized milk should be
corrected by the addition to the diet of orange juice. It must be re-
membered that the advantage of Pasteurization vastly overbalances its
tendency to produce scurvy, and that this tendency is easily controlled
by a simple means.
In the group of deficiency diseases mid-way between scurvy and
beriberi should be mentioned a peculiar syndrome called **ship beri-
beri." This affection differs from beriberi in its lack of involvement
of the peripheral nervous system and is related to scurvy by its tendency
to hemorrhage. The Newfoundland fishermen suffer from a similar
condition in which a beriberi-like dropsy is associated with sore, bleed-
ing gums. On the Labrador, the Esquimaux are frequently victims of
scurvy and b^iberi.
Dr. John M. Little, writing from Newfoundland, has described a
deficiency disease related in causation and also doubtless in path-
ology, to this group. It is known among the natives as kallak. Com-
menting on the need for proper vitamin content in the diet. Dr. Little
states that it is largely unknown as to where the Esquimaux get the
necessary ingredients for a balanced diet outside of meat The meat
suppfy comes from seals, caribou, birds and fish. In good seasons
berries too, are abundant, and when frozen, keep well. Dr. Little points
out a possible source of carbo-hydrate supply when either civilized
foods are not to be had, or when there is a failure of the berry crop.
He says that the great feast of the Esquimaux consists of a thid: soup
made of the blood and stomach contents of the caribou. The caribou
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VITAMINS AND FOOD DEFICIENCY DISEASES 75
eats coarse vegetable matter such as lichens, moss, tree bark and small
twigs, leaves and shoots, which are entirely unsuitable for the human
stomach. The powerful digestive juices of the animal's stomach con-
vert this coarse vegetable mass into forms which in turn can be acted
upon by the more delicate digestive mechanism of man, and thus
rendered assimilable. Thus is there secured the requisite vitamin sup-
ply from fresh v^etable sources.
Kallak appears on the Labrador in endemic form when there is
a deficiency especially of seal meat and berries, resulting probably
in a deficiency of the fat-soluble type of vitamins. It is in turn pre-
vented and cured by an abundance of seal meat and berries. It shows
itself in successive crops of a pustular emiption with intense itching.
The disease tends to recovery as soon as a balanced diet is procured.
Dr. Darling has described another variant of scurvy in the South Afri-
can Rand, which has certain features approximating beriberL
Beriberi
Beriberi is a disease of antiquity knovoi and described in ancient
China, and recorded as having attacked a Roman Army in Arabia be-
fore the Christian era. It is pre-eminently a disease of the Orient and
Pacific islands, although now widespread in Africa and South
America, and not infrequently reported from other countries. It is
not unknown in San Francisco and other parts of the United States.
Its conunon association with a predominant rice diet does not always
hold true. An instance of this is afforded by Draper, who in 1916 re-
counted nine early cases in a crew of fourteen men on a Norwegian
bark touching at St Helena. Here the victims had eaten sparingly of
rice and had an abundance of fresh vegetables. An evidently beriberic
diet was not demonstrable. Such instances lend credence to the
parasitic theory of causation, held especially by certain English writers.
For example, one of the most competent sanitarians in the Far East,
Dr. Arthur Stanley, health officer of Shanghai, wrote in his 1914 report,
The cause of this disease (beriberi) remains under close observation,
though up to the present wrapped in obscurity. The evidence prepon-
derates in favor of the disease being an infectious one, having no direct
relation to food but infective through body vermin." This view, how-
ever, is not tenable in relation to the American and Dutch results in
the Philippines and East Indies.
Beriberi can now be classified accurately as a food deficiency dis-
ease caused by a lack of neuritis-preventing vitamin, water soluble B,
in the food. Its occurrence in rice-eaters is associated with the use of
polished rice, where the pericarp is removed from the grain. In this
pericarp is the vitamin. The pericarp also contains an important
fraction of phosphorus and the relative quantity of vitamin present
can be measured by the quantity of phosphorus. Less than 0.4 per
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76 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
cent of phosphorus pentoxide indicates a dangerous vitamin deficiency,
if rice is the chief article of diet.
Beriberi is essentially a disease of the nervous system and shows
itself in poly-neuritis, accompanied by an edema especially of the
lower extremities and a weakened heart. This last is an important
differential point, and the extreme tendency to cardiac failure is most
serious. The disease may be acute and fatal within a few days or it
may pursue a chronic course. The term beriberi, includes a large and
more or less ill-defined group of diseases which have not yet been
carefully separated. There are various types and all degrees of inten-
sity, now one and now another symptom outstanding. Many forms
are on the borderline of scurvy and may represent a combined de-
ficiency. If the neuritis and nerve damage are sufficiently extensive,
there may be a residual paralysis which long outlasts the original dis-
ease. Beriberi is often of importance in its incipient or larval form,
because it predisposes to other diseases and in turn, larval beriberi
may suddenly fulminate under the excitation of some other acute dis-
order. Thus beriberi is remarkably frequent in association with acute
dysentery. It is interesting to note that beriberi is almost unique among
tropical diseases in having no features of laboratory importance. The
diagnosis rests solely on clinical data and the laboratory findings are
entirely negative or normal.
Pellagra
Pellagra is an endemic disease of modem history. It is not defi-
nitely known to have been recognized earlier than the 18th century,
when it was described in Italy and Spain as of rather wide distribution.
From the first reports in Italy it has been ascribed to a maize dietary.
It was early identified with '^Alpine scurvy''. The disease was recog-
nized in Egypt in the first half of the nineteenth century, and since
then in France and other parts of Europe. It was first described in
the United States in 1907 but had undoubtedly existed there for an
indefinite time preceding. It is estimated that there are 125,000 cases
in the United States at present. According to Goldberger of the U. S.
Public Health Service, who, with his associates has studied the disease
exhaustively, it is one of the foremost causes of death in the southern
states, in 1916 ranking fourth in Mississippi, third in Alabama, second
in South Carolina. Not only this, but it is responsible for an un-
guessed total of sickness and physical inefficiency in addition. Its
actual death rate is about 5 per cent. The relative infrequency of
pellagra outside the endemic area in the United States will probably
be found related to the dietary deficiency which we believe is its cause.
The incidence of pellagra has a close relationship to economic cir-
cumstances and living conditions. High food costs and hard times
lead to poor sanitary and unhygienic living conditions, which as al-
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VITAMINS AND FOOD DEFICIENCY DISEASES 77
ways, reach their climax where housing and sanitary knowledge are
meager. This tends to enforce a dietary favorable to the development
of pellagra especially in the south where com, fat pork and certain
types of vegetable food, are associated with a dearth of lean fresh
meat, milk, eggs and green fresh v^etables. Following the economic
conditions of 1914, the incidence of pellagra rose in 1915, again to
decline as conditions improved a year later. Again in 1917 an in-
crease was observed, due to like causes, and accurately foretold by the
scientists of the Public Health Service.
The symptoms of pellagra are in three groups, appearing re^
spectively in the skin, gastro-intestinal tract and nervous system.
Pellagra, or *Vough skin,** derives its name from an early observation
of the skin. Roughened, dry patches of erythema, often superficially
similar to sunburn, and symmetrically located, are the characteristic
lesions. These areas usually are on surfaces exposed to the sun, but
not necessarily so. The second major group of symptoms arises from
the gastro-intestinal tract, and includes various forms of indigestion,
diarrhea, increased acidity of the stomach, and sore mouth. The
mouth condition, in fact, is suggestive of sprue. Again, the tender
bleeding gums are suspicious of scurvy, and represent a relationship
to that disease as well as explaining the old name of ^^ Alpine scurvy".
The third major group of symptoms is referable to the nervous system.
Fortunately not all cases of pellagra progress to insanity. But from
the first a neurasthenic condition is present to which are added grad-
ually various paresthesias, dianges in reflexes, suicidal attempts,
tremors, and, in the final stages, a confusional insanity.
All of these symptoms show a remarkable vernal periodicity, ad-
vancing in the springtime and receding toward autumn and winter.
Not infrequently for several years the only symptoms noted will appear
in the spring and not be related to each other by the patient. Fever
is not present typically, except late in the disease and probably repre-
sents intercurrent infection due to the weakened organism. The out-
look in pellagra is very dark unless the patient can be subjected to
proper dietary treatment. Under such proper conditions, improve-
ment and cure ensue even in advanced cases. Treatment cannot repair,
of course, broken down tissues or remove organic changes in the brain
and elsewhere.
Other Deficienct Diseases
As has been pointed out, there is a heterogeneous group of diseases
and overlapping clinical conditions caused by deficiency of vitamin
supply. One of the most definite of these is xerophthalmia, in which
failing vision and blindness are produced by increasing opacity of the
cornea. H. Gideon Wells has described the occurrence of xeroph-
thalmia on a large scale among the famine sufferers of Roumania
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78 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
where it was promptly relieved by the administration of cod liver oil.
The malady is evidently due to deficiency of the fat soluble A vitamin.
Another and perhaps less clearly defined disorder is war edema, war
dropsy, famine edema, or perhaps best, in the words of Wells, "nu-
tritional dropsy". It was observed on a huge scale among prisoners
of war in Germany and rather in those who were compelled to work
while undernourished than among those who were merely underfed.
Decreased protein and caloric intake are associated. It was frequent-
ly seen in conjunction with xerophthalmia. Another affection, similar
in some points to beriberi and again to war edema, was reported from
northern Africa during the Great War. This nutritional edema is
probably identical with the dropsy occurring in infants fed for long
periods on a highly carbonaceous diet
It has been suggested that, succeeding an obvious state of mal-
nutrition in infantile life, there may appear some disorder in later
life with no apparent relation to the causal mal-nutrition. As an ex-
ample of this, indications are cited that dental caries is produced by a
deficiency in early life of a vitamin similar to fat soluble A. More
recently most interesting experiments have been conducted by W. G.
Karr, who finds a striking relation between the presence of water
soluble B vitamin and appetite. This appetite-provoking vitamin is
found in abundance in tomatoes and brewers' yeast
Comparative Patholocy
The beriberi-scurvy group of deficiency diseases exhibit a striking
relationship in morbid anatomy. Darling working in the Canal Zone
in 1915, graphically portrayed this relation in a chart of overlapping
circles whose centers were arranged in a straight line. The chief
pathologic findings were grouped in a series along the straight line,
ranging from palsy, through dropsy, cardiac weakness and degenera-
tion, nerve degenerations, spongy gums, hemorrhages, bone lesions,
to the legions at bone ends which are so notable a feature of rickets
and often of scurvy. The overlapping circles each of which embraced
several of the pathologic series, began with classical beriberi and
ranged through ship beriberi, scurvy, guinea pig scurvy, and infant
scurvy to rickets.
There is little doubt that beriberi is a disease group and not a fixed
disease entity. The same is unquestionably true of scurvy and doubtless
the other food deficiency diseases will eventually appear as types,
varying with the relative imbalance of vitamins, and modified by odier
nutritional and environmental factors. As has been indicated, scurvy
and beriberi have many points of pathologic similarity. Among these
are especially to be noted the nerve degenerations and enlargement of
the ri^t heart. Pellagra differs somewhat in having a triple complex
in pathology and symptoms, involving nervous system, gastro-intes-
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VITAMINS AND FOOD DEFICIENCY DISEASES 7»
tinal tract and skin. It is of interest that scurvy often shows a red-
dened, roughened skin. The deficiency diseases are characteristically
afebrile.
It is known that after eating buckwheat, many persons suflFer from
a severe dermatitis on exposing the skin to bright light. A similar
explanation has been ofifered very plausibly for the rash in pellagra.
It has been suggested, too, that the mental complex in pellagra is in-
duced by bright light in a nervous system predisposed by a nutritional
deficiency. The role of light, or actinic energy, in the causation and
treatment of skin rashes, even in the acute infectious diseases such as
smallpox, and scarlatina, is but poorly understood.
Darling found that in Rand scurvy, occurring with great frequency
in South Africa and Rhodesia, there was a striking eccentric hyper-
trophy of the right heart, along with severe degenerations of the vagus
nerve. Hess has noted the frequency of dilated right heart in infantile
scurvy. There is often also associated a cardio-respiratory disturb-
ance which still further illustrates the involvement of the nervous sys*
tern. Such findings indicate a close relation between scurvy and the
beriberi group. Darling calls attention to the contrast between beri*
beri as a neuro-cachexia, and rickets as an osteo-cachexia.
Vitamins and Diet
The fat soluble vitamins are found abundantly in butter, eggyolk
and cod liver oil. The water soluble vitamins are found in yeast, and
in many green vegetables and whole grains. There is reason for be-
lieving that vitamins can not be constructed either by animals or by
plants, but that they are a product of bacterial action. Their presence
is necessary for the growth of yeast and the rate of yeast growth has
been used as a measure of the quantity of vitamins present in food
substances. Vitamins are destroyed by heat, either excessive or of
moderate intensity but long continued.
An interesting study of vitamins in bread was made by Voegtlin,
Sullivan and Myers, of the U. S. Public Health Service, in connection
with investigations on pellagra. They were impressed with the marked
reduction in two decades of the vitamin content in the dietary
of the population studied (Spartanburg county. South Caro-
lina). They ascribed this reduction to three causes. First, reduction
in usage of vitamin-rich foods such as fresh meats, eggs and milk, due
to advancing cost. Second, increased use of highly milled cereals,
made from wheat and com, in which the vitamin-rich pericarp, husk
and kernel are largely removed. Third, the increased use of baking
soda in bread-making. The danger from soda lies in the fact that
too often it is used to raise bread in place of yeast, and is not neutral-
ized by acid as with sour milk. The soda apparently destroys the
vitamin of the grain and this increases the deficiency of the excessively
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80 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
milled grain. The use of soda to soften beans and other foods in
cookery, has an equally destructive result
It is evident that the use of highly milled grains is to be condemned.
The extensive utilisation of whole grain products during the war was a
most beneficial modification of our national dietary, and should be
continued. Its benefits pertain to the stimulating effect on the teeth,
the avoidance of a concentrated and costive diet, and the provision of
more vitamins.
Under ordinary circumstances no particular attention is required
to the practical details of securing suflkient vitamin content in the
dietary of the average individual in this country. But in the endemic
pellagra district, or where for any reason a varied supply of fresh
foods is not to be had, the securing of the necessary vitamins becomes
a matter of concern. Such a diet should include yeast bread made
from the whole grain. If rice is used to any considerable extent, it
should be undermilled, with a hi^ phosphorus fraction. At least
once weekly, legumes such as beans or peas should be served. Fresh
fruit and vegetables should appear several times a week. Barley
is especially desirable and should be added to all soups. Yellow or
water ground commeal is preferable to the white variety. White pota-
toes and fresh meat also should be included at least weekly, and better
once daily. So far as possible canned food should be discarded.
It may not be amiss to warn against commercial preparations of
vitamins which are beginning to appear on the market. Under ordi-
nary circumstances of life there is no need for such preparations. It
is questionable whether any circumstances at present justify their use.
Further than this, the chemical instability of vitamins makes it diffi-
cult to say under what conditions of preparation and preservation,
their potency will be maintained. Then, too, since there is no approved
method of standardization of vitamins, there is consequently no check
on adulteration of commercial preparations. It seems probable that
the appearance of vitamin preparations on the market, coupled with
the present scientific and popular interest in the subject, will lead to
an exuberant advertising campaign parallel to the exploitation of
starch-free foods for diabetics. Among these latter, a small minority
alone are found on analysis to be what they claim.
Conclusion
In summary, a new and important chapter is being written in our
knowledge of nutrition, and to the classical requirements for a bal-
anced dietary, has been added the requirement of a group of sub-
stances called vitamins. Vitamins are essential for growth, main-
tenance and reproduction of the human body, and lack of them leads
to definite disease on a basis of mal-nutrition.
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■-^^
IliAKLMCHIGAN
\
THE Great Lakes have rare scientific
interest Much of their history has
already been written by geologists, geo-
graphers, and hydrographers — to say T.^
nothing of historians, novelists, and poets. ^
This history contains thrilling chapters x T*
about glacier-built hills, the scouring out
of valleys, and changes in great drainage
systems. The evidence for these has been
gleaned from sedimentary deposits, fossil
beaches, and other enchanted castles where
facts are condemned to remain unknown
until scientific knights set them free and
they turn into the most beautiful of fairy
princesses — knowledge. It seems remark-
able that biologists have so long neglected
the opportunities that await research in
these great bodies of water. Sordid com-
merce should have urged science to take
up such investigation. There is "money"
if
I
1
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82 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
THE MACHINE FOR HAUUNG NETS
in the Great Lakes, and commerce must always depend on science
for the exploration, conservation and improvement of its re-
sources. The fisheries of the Great Lakes bring in more than ten mil-
lion dollars each year and the chief contributors are Lake Erie and
Lake Michigan.^
The men who fish in the Great Lakes have the picturesqueness
which is characteristic of deep water fishermen the world over. The
danger and uncertainly of "open water" fishing give it the touch of
romance that attracts bold spiriite who like to take chances. The life is
hard, but it may, and usually does, give rich rewards to those who fol-
low it with in-dustry, courage, and common sense. Fishermen are often
"rough on the outside", but their life and training make them honest,
independent and usually more thoughtfully courteous than those who
have acquired "polish" in drawing rooms. One who has fished for a
livelihood seldom goes back to the humdrum of a safe life on land.
To give some idea of what a fisherman does each day on Lake Mich-
igan the following description of a trip that the writer took as a guest
on board the "Albert C. Kalmbach" is given : ,
On July 26 I got up at half past four and made my way through the
deserted streets of Sturgeon Bay to the dock. A brisk wind was blow-
ing in from Green Bay and the sky was overcast. Frank Higgins and
his partner, Bill, were alrady loading boxes on board the "Albert C."
when I arrived. "Boxes" are really trays and each holds about 1,600
^According to the latest Report of the United States Bureau of Fisheries
the value of the fisheries in these two lakes for the year 1917 was $4,332,767
and $4,038,927 respectively.
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FJSHJXG L\ LAKE MICHIGAN 83
lineal feet of gill net This morning the "boys" were loatiing "small
mesh" nets, for they were going out after chubs and bloaters in the
deepest part of Lake Michigan. As they worked I looked over the boat.
The "Albeit C." had been in the water less than two months and was a
fine example of the type of boat now in growing favor with lake
fishermen. Years ago fishing tugs were in common Use. But tugs are
expenaiye to maintain and, as fishermen to man them grow harder to
find, they are graduaJly being superceded by little gasoline boats. The
"Albert C." measured forty-five feet in lengdi and had twelve feet of
beam. In the center of her cabin was a aKmiTig new two-cylinder
Kahlenberg engine which cost $2,500 and would delight the heait of
any fiflfherman — ^a heavy duty engine; not speedy, but to be relied upon
in a sfUNrm. Except for the little platform forward for the man at
the wheel, the remainder of the cabin was devoted to fishing tackle.
Oilskins and coiled lines hung on the walls and boxes of nets were piled
on the floor aft. A gasoline hoist for hauling the nets occupied the
space on the left side of the cabin forward.
As soon as the boxes were stowed Bill lighted the torches at the
tops of the cylinders. When "she" was hot he "turned her over" and
we started. We backed out of the slip just after five o'clock, went under
the bridge, and set our course toward the head of Sturgeon Bay. A
dirty fishing-boat named "White Swan" tried to race us, but Bill "let
her out a notch" and we soon left the upstart behind.
"Ain't that an engine?" said Bill.
At a quarter of six we passed the lighthouse and were on Lake
Michigan. A noisy flock of herring gulls greeted us. These birds fol-
PUTTING THE GILL NET ON A REEL
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84 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
lowed the boat all day, continually on the alert for fish or scraps. For
nearly two hours Frank ran ^'NNE''. It began to rain, the wind fresh-
ened and stirred up the lake. Toward ten o'clock, when we were about
twelve miles offshore, Frank sang out:
"There's one'."
I peered in the direction he indicated but could see nothing. As
we came close, however, I made out a couple of tattered squares of
canvas waving from a pole which projected from the top of a wooden
B.
c.
.<— SETTING NETS OFF THE STEM OF THE BOAT
B— A TROUT JUST OUT OF THE WATER
C— A LAKE TROUT
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PISHING IN LAKE MICHIGAN 85
buoy. The boys put on their oilskins. As the buoy came alongside
Frank tried to haul it in, but the waves were too much for him, and
he missed it We circled around and, approaching from a little better
angle, the buoy came on board. Bill quickly started the hoist, and
Frank threw the line that had been fastened to the buoy over it The
way the little fingers on the hoisting wheel handle lines and nets is
almost uncanny. The wheel is horizontal and as it revolves the fingers
around its margin take hold on one side and let go on the other.
When a line is placed over the wheel it is grasped and pulled across
from one side to the other. In this way the line came into the cabin
and brought up a '^string'* of nets from the bottom.
The nets that we pulled had been set for seven days at depths of
sixty-five to eighty fathoms. All of them were tied together in ^'strings''
of four boxes each. A line leading up to a flag buoy was attached at
each end of a string. Gill nets stand up from the bottom like a tennis
net; weighted along the lower side with leads and stretched by the pull
of corks along the upper side. Fishes swim into the meshes while mov-
ing along near the bottom and become entangled. Most of those
brought up in the nets are still alive. The deeper waters of lakes are
usually cold and fishes may live for a long time after being caught
Bill stood by the port where the lines and nets came in and kept
them running smoothly around the hoisting wheel. Frank dextrously
took the fishes from the net, using a short awl in order to save his
fingers from pricks and cuts. He also extracted cinders and twigs
from the net before coiling it down in the box in front of him.
By half past twelve twenty boxes had been hauled and nets from
the same number reset off the stem of the boat. The catch consisted
of about 500 lake trout, 200 bloaters, 150 chubs, 12 lawyers, 2 black-
fins, and 5 ugly little cottids, which the fishermen call '^stonerollers".
The lawyers, stonerollers, and a few of the other fishes were thrown
back into the lake — ^to the great delight of the gulls.
I ate my lunch at eleven o'clock, but Frank and Bill did not get
theirs until all the nets were set. On the way home Bill ran the boat,
while Frank cleaned the catch. Frank performed his work with re-
markable speed. Catching up a fish by its head, he laid it on a board;
one movem^it with the knife removed the gills, another slashed open
the ventral wall of the body, and a third threw out the visceral organs.
At 3:10 P. M. we were back at the dock with the catch of the day
cleaned and the cabin floor scrubbed.
I was glad to go on shore and rest, having lost my lurch in the
lake, but the crew still had two or three hburs work ahead. The nets
had to be boiled, to keep them from rotting, and then spread on reels
to dry. After that the nets to be set on the following day were to be
wound off the reels into boxes. While the boat crew were looking
after the nets, the men in the fish market sorted the fish and put them
on ice.
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86 THE SCIEXriFJC MONTHLY
Kalmbach's fish market, in Sturgeon Bay, is an interesting place.
It is well equipped to care for all sorts of lake fishes and does both
wholesale and retail business. The owner operates three boats which
fish on a co-operative basis, the owner furnishing nets and boats and
the crew getting a certain percentage of the catch. At the market fishes
from pound nets are bought, mostly sheepshead and perch, and line
fishermen bring in a number of pickerel each day. The retail depart-
ments sells fish to all who will buy — tattered urchins, pretty girls,
hotel managers, dames in silken gowns come for fresh fish. Behind
the market are three modern smoke houses where delectable chubs are
prepared.
B.
/<— FISHING BOAT AT THE LOCK
fl— UNLOADING BOXES OF LAKE FISH
C— BOILING NETS TO KEEP THEM FROM ROTTING
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I
FISHING IX LAKE MICHIGAX 87
Accordirg to the Report of the United States Commissioner of
Fisheries for 1918 the value of the equipment used for fishing in Lake
Michigan in 1917 amounted to $4,038,927. This amount includes boats,
nets, traps, lines, shore property, and the cash capital necessary for
operation. The returns from the fisheries amounted to $2,270,859 —
a very fair amount for the capital invested. The fishes furnishing this
revenue were as follows:
Fish. Pounds Value.
Trout, fresh 8,679,845 $856,228.00
Trout, salted 12,820 259.00
Ciscoes (chubs, bloaters, etc.), fresh 15,341,588 708,038.00
Ciscoes, salted and smoked 2,917,766 139,344.00
\vhitefish, fresh 3,145,780 327,991.00
Whitefish, salted 28,048 2,174.00
Perch, fresh 2,361,071 11641900
Perch, salted 1,725 81.00
Suckers, fresh 2,103,163 74,803.00
Suckers, salted 14,1 10 625.00
Wall-eyed pike 13-2.024 18,445.00
Carp 246,503 7.500.00
Catfish and bullheads 164466 6,627.00
Pickerel 40,597 3.375-00
Sturgeon, Caviar 346 904.00
Sturgeon 10,805 2,517.00
Crawfish 80,495 4,427.00
Lawyer 166,785 1,436.00
Rock bass 1,714 137.00
Buffalo 1,290 56.00
During 1917 the Great Lakes as a whole yielded $6,416,477 on a
total investment of $10,732,879. In Lake Michigan fourteen-fifteenths
•of the product of the fisheries came from the species which were
•caught in deep water. In Lake Erie, which is shallower, more than
half the value of the fisheries also came from deep water. These lakes
are in marked contrast to those in the course of the Mississippi River
(Lake Pepin, Lake Keokuk) ^ where practically all the revenue comes
from shallow water fishes — carp, buffalo, dogfish, catfishes, sheeps-
head, etc.
The fishes in Lake Michigan, which are of most value commercially,
not only live on or near the bottom in deep water, but secure their
food there. The soft bottom ooze, directly or indirectly, supports many
detritus-feeding crustaceans (Pontoporeia, Mysis), clams (Sphaeri-
dae), and insect larvae (mostly those of midges and may flies). The
-ciscoes, which are the most abundant fishes, the little cottids, the long-
nosed sucker, and the whitefish feed largely on this bottom fauna. The
trout and lawyer are primarily fish eaters. All these fishes are true
deep-water species which have not, in the long period since glacial
times, migrated to any extent into small inland lakes or into streams.
They are at home in the' cool depths of large lakes — where there is
always low temperature, great pressure, and little or no light.
2 Annual Report of the United States Commissioner of Fisheries to the
Secretary of Commerce, pp. 78, 79.
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88 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
CLEANING FISH ON THE WAY HOME
In the shallow waters of Lake Michigan the yellow perch is the
most abundant species. It is rather omnivorous in its food habits, and
is at home in a variety of habitats. These characteristics probably ac-
count for its abundance, but for some reason it does not go into deep
water. The pickerel and pikes, which are common, are fish eaters.
The sheepshead prefers snails to other foods. The other shallow water
fifihes which are of commercial importance are dependent on aquatic
vegetation and the small animals which live among plants for food.
Where vegetation is plentiful, as on swampy shores and at the mouths
of rivers, they are abundant.
The ability of any body of water to produce large numbers of
fishes depends primarily on its food resources. Somewhere in the
shore vegetation, or in the microscopic life of the open water, or in
the soft bottom mud there must be sufficient quantity to permit many
fishes to maintain themselves from day to day. In Lake Michigan the
great bulk of the fish food is in or near the bottom mud. Lake Erie
with its larger area of shallow water has a different ratio of food re-
sources and supports more shore fishes.
Lake Pepin, which is really not a true lake, but an expansion of the
Mississippi River, has quite different food resources for fishes. The
temperature of this lake is rather uniform at all depths and varies
markedly with the seasons. The bottom shifts continually and does
not support an abundant fauna. Hiere are none of the deep water
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FISHING IN LAKE MICHIGAN 89
fishes of lakes here, but many species peculiar to rivers — spoonbill,
redhorses, quillbacks, sand sturgeon, etc. The fishes in Lake Pepin
feed more on the microscopic organisms in the water and the foods
dependoit on aquatic vegetation than those in Lake Michigan. This
means that the food resources for the fishes that man makes commer-
cial use of are not in Lake Pepin (or in the Mississippi River) itself
but along the shores and in the tributary swamps and lakes. A river
is a highway to feeding groimds in lakes, swamps, or other habitats
where fish foods are abundant and many fishes pass through it. The
open water of a large river contains food for fishes as microscopic
plankton organisms which float in the water, but its bottom is rather
barren. The plankton is derived largely from swamps, ponds, shores,
and is not developed in quantity in open water.
The problems relating to conservation of the food resources of the
fishes which have commercial value are not the same in Lake Pepin
and Lake Michigan. Because the former resembles a river in being
largely dependent on is tributary lakes and swamps for food, it has
a more precarious food supply. Rainfall controls the height of its
water and the availability of its food resources. If the swamps along
the Mississippi are ever filled or drained to further agriculture, the
fisheries must suffer. If the access of fishes to tributary lakes is cut
off by dams, or if the value of the river as a highway is destroyed by
the presence of the wastes of commerce in the water, fishes must de-
crease in numbers. The continued success of the fisheries of the
Mississippi depends largely on the conservation of the habitats tribu-
tary to the river itself. The fisheries in Lake Michigan have greater
hope of continued stability because the food resources of the commer-
KALMBACH'S FISH MARKET
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90 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
cial fishes are in deep water, where they are less likely to be depleted
or destroyed by civilization.
The quantity of food available limits the number of fishes that
can exist in a given volume of natural water, but whether iishes grow
to large size is dependent on other factors. Stagnation or continued
movement of the water may make it impossible for fishes to take ad-
vantage of foods which might otherwise be available. Parasites may
be so abundant as to kill fishes or impede their growth. To state the
case briefly — the number of fishes that may exist depends largely on
food resources, but ability of fishes to grow to large size depends on
the opportunities they have to live a healthy, normal life and ^row.
In this connection true lake habitats appear to have the advantage over
those of rivers in their stability. The bottom and the deep water of
Lake Michigan are dependable; they can be counted on to furnish about
the same amount of food each year and to offer safe retreats. The
food for fishes in Lake Pepin depends on rainfall and varies in differ-
ent years. The variation in the height of the water also makes condi-
tions for breeding and shelter uncertain.
The inland fisheries of the United States constitute great natural
resources which ought to be as carefully and as scientifically conserved
as farm lands, forests or water power. Yet in proportion to their value,
they have received comparatively little attention. There are stations
for hatching eggs, and cars for distributing young fishes for stocking
inland waters. There are several well-equipped stations for the inves-
tigation of problems relating to marine fisheries. For fresh- water
there is only one station where scientific work concerned with fisheries
is undertaken — on the Mississippi River at Fairport, Iowa. This paper
attempts to point out that the fundamental problems relating to the
conservation of lake fishes are different from those in rivers.
THE GULLS FOLLOW THE FISHING BOATS ALL DAY LONG
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THE PROGRESS OF SCIEXCE
91
THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE
THE UTILIZATION AND CON-
SERVATION OF THE NATURAL
RESOURCES OF THE UNITED
STATES
No part of the world is more richly
endowed by nature with all that is
necessary for the building of a great
nation than the United States ; where
have these natural resources been
used in a more wasteful and prodigal
manner? Our nation has prospered,
but at the expense of a milch larger
consumption and loss of its resources
than was necessary, and we are now
actually confronted with the question
as to how long that which remains
will avail to maintain us. Our civili-
zation is as dependent on power,
light, heat, metals, lumber and other
material supplies, as it is on the air
we breathe, and, if it is to endure,
we must quickly recognize that the
utilization of these necessities must
be based upon the greatest economy
compatible with effectiveness.
Reared in the midst of national
abundance, the idea has become a mat-
ter of common expression that when
our present resources are gone
"something else will be found to take
their place," or that because we have
not as yet suffered for the want of
any of them, the time will never come
when the nation will suffer in conse-
quence of our past and present prodi-
gality. But whatever may be the ad-
vances of applied science, the re-
sources that nature supplies will al-
ways be needed.
The natural wealth that we have
inherited from the past is far from
inexhaustible, and for this generation
to pass away leaving a depleted herit-
age for those to come, with which to
maintain and advance th^ civilization
that we have here developed, would
be a folly and a grievous iniquity.
Much that is called development is
really destructive exploitation; much
that we call production is really con-
sumption; much that we call utiliza-
tion is merely thr sacrifice for small
immediate profits of things that will
be badly needed in the future. Nature
has been so lavish with us that we
have not felt the necessity of looking
at these facts in their true light, but
our nation and our civilization must
have a future as well as a past.
It seems, therefore, to be an im-
portant duty of scientific men to dis-
seminate information and instruction
as to the real condition of our natural
resources; to warn the nation where
danger of exhaustion lies, and in the
light of the best scientific and prac-
tical knowledge that we now possess,
and through new researches directed
to this end, to teach the. ^fays in
which our resources may best be
maintained. These great economic
problems are so involved with indus-
trial, financial and political questions
that little direct influence can be ex-
erted without a long educational cam-
paign. This will in time bear fruit,
but the longer the time that will be
required, the more important is an
immediate beginning. Exact scientific
knowledge alone can guide in this
large field, but even science can not
take care of industrial waste. Such
correction can be made only by an
enlightened moral sense.
THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
ON NATURAL RESOURCES
At the instance of the National
Academy of Sciences, a committee of
that body, and similar committees ap-
pointed by the American Association
for the Advancement of Science and
the National Research Council have
held two meetings at the American
Museum of Natural History in New
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Copyright by Undencood and Undancood,
JAMES ROWLAND ANGELL
Intulled on June 22 •• President of Yale University. Dr. AageU haa been profeMor of paychology
and dean of the facultiea in the University of Chicago. During the past two years he has served
successively as chairman of the National Research Council and president of the Carnegie Corporation
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THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE
98
York City, to consider the status,
utilization and protection of our nat-
ural resources. This joint board,
which has been authorized to assume
the name of the Executive Commit-
tee on Natural Resources, plans to
promote the scientifically directed ef-
fort and education for the most ef-
ficient and advantageous use of our
natural resources.
The committee plans the appoint-
ment of a paid executive and the nec-
essary clerical force, with an office in
Washington. Immediate steps will be
taken to secure the cooperation of as
many as possible of the educational
and scientific institutions of the coun-
try. The committee will not duplicate
the work of any existing organiza-
tion; its purpose is to help them in
securing better support In the mat-
ter of correcting and furthering leg-
islation that may bear on the subject
of our natural resources, the commit-
tee expects to provide the facts and
information and furnish a broad sci-
entific basis for State and Federal ac-
tion, keeping free from specific legis-
lative problems.
This Executive Committee on Nat-
ural Resources lays claim to public
confidence, as it is composed of sci-
entific men of standing, representing
the leading scientific organizations of
the country. It is hoped that among
the great body of patriotic and pub-
lic-spirited citizens, there will be
many to join in ensuring the initiation
and maintenance of the work of the
committee by their moral and finan-
cial support and encouragement, or
by personal work for its success.
The following is the present mem-
bership of the committee :
Representing the National Academy
of Sciences
John C. Merriam, President, the
Carnegie Institution of Washington;
John M. Clarke, Director, New York
State Museum; J. McKeen Cattell,
Editor, The Science Press,
Representing the National Research
Council
John C. Merriam, John M. Clarke,
J. McKeen Cattell, Vernon Kellogg,
Secretary, National Research Council ;
C. E. McQung, Director, Zoological
Laboratory, University of Pennsyl-
vania.
Representing the American Associa-
tion for the Advancement of Sci-
ence
John C. Merriam, Henry S. Graves,
Former Chief, U. S. Forest Service;
Isaiah Bowman, Director, American
Geographical Society ; Barrington
Moore, President, American Ecologi-
cal Society; V. E. Shelford, Professoi
of Zoology, University of Illinois.
Chairman, John C. Merriam.
Vice-chairman, John M. Clarke.
Secretary, Albert L. Barrows, Na-
tional Research Council, 1701 Massa-
chusetts Avenue, Washington, D. C.
Assistant Secretary, Willard G. Van
Name, American Museum of Natural
History, New York, N. Y.
MME. CURIE'S VISIT TO THE
UNITED STATES
The events arranged in honor of
Mme. Curie have been fully reported,
but it may be desirable to place them
in consecutive order for permanent
record.
Mme. Curie first visited Smith and
Vassar colleges. On May 17 she was
given a luncheon in New York by
the American Chemical Society, the
American Electrochemical Society,
the Chemists Club and American sec-
tions of the Societe de Chimie in-
dustrielle and the Society of Chemi-
cal Industry. In the evening a recep-
tion in honor of Mme. Curie was
given at the American Museum of
Natural History by the New York
Academy of Sciences and the New
York Mineralogical Club.
On Wednesday afternoon the
American Association of University
Women welcomed Madame Curie in
Carnegie Hall. Addresses were made
by Dr. Florence Sabin, professor of
histology at the Johns Hopkins Uni-
versity, and Dr. Alice Hamilton, of
the Harvard Medical School. Presi-
dent Pendleton, of Wellesley College,
announced the award to Mme. Curie
of the special Ellen Richards Re-
search Prize of $2,000. On Thursday
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THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE
95
evening, at a dinner given in her
honor by the National Institute of
Social Science, the gold medal of the
society was presented to her.
I'hc gram of radium valued at
$120,000, -a gift from the women of
America, was presented to Mme.
Curie by President Harding on May
20. M. Jusserand, the French Am-
bassador, made a brief introduction.
After the presentation Mme. Curie
responded as follows :
I can not express to you the emo-
tion which fills my heart in this mo-
ment. You, the chief of this great
Republic of the United States, honor
me as no woman has ever been hon-
ored in America before. The destiny
of a nation whose women can do
what your countrywomen do. to-day
through you, Mr. President, is sure
and safe. It gives me confidence in
the destiny of democracy.
I accept this rare gift, Mr. Presi-
dent, with the hope that I may make
it serve mankind. I thank your coun-
trywomen in the name of France. I
thank them in the name of humanity
which we all wish so much to make
happier. I love you all, my American
friends, very much.
In the evening at a meeting held
under the auspices of the U. S. Na-
tional Museum, Miss Julia Lathrop
extended to Mme. Curie greetings,
and Dr. Robert A. Millikan, of the
University of Chicago, gave an ad-
dress on radium, describing the re-
searches that led to its isolation by
Mme. Curie. On the following day
Mme. Curie set in motion the
machinery of the new low tempera-
ture laboratory of the Bureau of
Mines, which is dedicated to her.
The following week Mme. Curie
visited the laboratories at Pittsburgh
where was refined the gram of
radium presented to her.
Subsequently Mme. Curie visited
the Grand Canyon and Yellowstone
Park. Returning to Chicago, the
Wolcott Gibbs medal was conferred
on her by the Chicago Section of the
American Chemical Society, and she
was entertained by the University of
Chicago and by the Associated
Women's Organizations. After a
visit to Niagara Falls and a reception
at Buffalo, she proceeded to Boston,
where among other functions a din-
ner was given in her honor by the
American Academy of Arts and Sci-
ences. Mme. Curie then planned to
visit New Haven to be present at the
installation of President Angell on
June 22. She expected to sail with her
daughters for France on June 25.
EXCHANGE OF PROFESSORS
OF ENGINEERING BETWEEN
AMERICAN AND FRENCH
UNIVERSITIES
There has been for some time a
regular annual exchange of profes-
sors between individual universities
in France and America in regular
academic fields, such as literature,
history, law, fine arts, economics, etc.,
but no such exchange in engineering
or applied science. These subjects
are taught in France under special
faculties, not included in existing ex-
changes with America. Furthermore,
the French methods of teaching these
subjects are unlike our American
methods, for various reasons, based
on the history, traditions and soci-
ology of the two countries. The war
showed the importance of engineer-
ing in production and distribution,
and the many ties of friendship
which bind us to France depend in
various ways upon applied science.
It should therefore, be to the mutual
advantage of France and America to
become better acquainted with each
other's ideals and viewpoints, in the
study and in the teaching of these
subjects.
With these purposes in mind, the
late Dr. R. C. Maclaurin, in 1919, as
president of the Massachusetts In-
stitute of Technology, consulted the
presidents of six universities on or
near the Atlantic seaboard, as to
whether they deemed it desirable to
cooperate in a joint exchange of
professors with France, on a plan
definitely outlined. Their replies be-
ing favorable to the project, a com-
mittee was appointed, with one mem-
ber from each of the seven institu-
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96
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
tions, to report on the plan, and on
methods of carrying it into effect
The committee met in December,
1919, and ratified the cooperative
plan with some few modifications.
The present president of the commit-
tee is Director Russell H. Chitten-
den, of Yale University, and its sec-
retary Dean J. B. Whitehead of the
Johns Hopkins University.
Since the Institute of International
Education, in New York, concerns
itself with the interchange of college
students and teachers from all parts
of the world, the committee request-
ed the director. Dr. Stephen P. Dug-
gan, to undertake the negotiations
between the committee and the
French university administration. The
French administration responded
cordially to the offer for the annual
exchange of a professor. The
French have selected, for their first
representative, Professor J. Cavalier,
rector of the University of Toulouse,
a well-known authority on metallur-
gical chemistry, to come to America
this fall, and to divide his time dur-
ing the ensuing academic year, among
the seven cooperating institutions,
namely, Columbia, Cornell, Harvard,
Johns Hopkins, the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology, Pennsyl-
vania and Yale.
The American universities have se-
lected as their outgoing representa-
tive for the same first year (1921-22),
Dr. A. E. Kennelly, professor of
electrical engineering at Harvard
University and the Massachusetts In-
stitute of Technology.
SCIENTIFIC ITEMS
We record with regret the death
of Edward Bennett Rosa, chief
physicist of the Bureau of Standards
and of Abbott Thayer, the distin-
guished artist. Readers of this jour-
nal will remember Dr. Rosa's recent
article on the economic importance of
the scientific work of the government
and Mr. Thayer's articles on protec-
tive coloration.
The Royal Society has elected as
foreign members Dr. Albert Calmette,
of the Pasteur Institute; Dr. Henri
Deslandres, of the Paris Observa-
tory; Professor Albert Einstein, of
tlie University of Berlin; Professor
Albin Haller, of the University of
Paris; Professor E. B. Wilson, of
Columbia University, and Professor
P. Zeeman, of the University of Am-
sterdam.
Professor Albert Einstein sailed
for Liverpool on the Celtic on May
30. He has since delivered the
Adamson lecture of the University of
Manchester and given lectures at
King's College, London, and other in-
stitutions.
A COMMISSION of five engineers has
been appointed to visit England in
June to present the John Fritz medal
to Sir John Hadfield, in recognition
of his scientific research work. The
members of the commission are as
follows : Dr. Ira N. Hollis, president
of Worcester Polytechnic Institute;
Charles T. Main, of Boston, repre-
senting the American Society of Civil
Engineers ; Col. Arthur S. Dwight, of
New York, representing the Ameri-
can Institute of Mining and Metal-
lurgical Engineers ; Ambrose Swasey,
of Cleveland, of the John Fritz medal
award board and the American So-
ci:ty of Mechanical Engineers, and
Dr. F. B. Jewett, of New York, of
the American Institute of Electrical
Engineers.
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VOL. XIII, NO. 2 I JUL ?9 1921 ) AUGUST, 1921
THE SCIENTIFIC
MONTHLY
EDITED BY J. McKEEN CATTELL
CONTENTS
THE SCIENTIFIC CAREER FOR WOMEN. Dr. Simon Flexner 97
'THE MESSAGE OF THE ZEITGEIST. Dr. G. Stanley Hall 106
SWISS GEODESY AND THE UNITED STATES COAST SURVEY.
ProfesBor Florian Cajori 1 17
THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY. Professor John Johnston 130
THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH— EXPERIMENTAL STUDIES ON THE DURATION
OF LIFE. Professor Raymond Pearl 144
ADAPTATIONS AMONG INSECTS OF FIELD AND FOREST. Dr. E. P. Felt 165
STUDIES OF THE OCEAN. H. S. H. the Prince of Monaco 171
THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE:
The Second International Congress of Eugenics; The Edinburgh Meeting of
the British Association for the Advancement of Science; Meetings of British
and American Chemists; Edward Bennett Rosa; Scientific Items 186
THE SCIENCE PRESS
PUBUCATION OFFICE: 11 LIBERTY ST., UTICA, N. Y.
EDITORIAL AND BUSINESS OFFICE: GARRISON, N. Y.
Sini^e Number* 50 Cents. Yearly Subscription, $5.00
COPTRICHT 1921 BY THE SCIENCE PRESS
Essemd m weond-elaM natter Febnury 8, 1921, at the Post Office at Utlca, N. T., voder the Act of March 3. 1879.
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SPACE AND TIME IN CONTEMPORARY PHYSICS
^y MORTTZ SCHUCK ^/ ^2.50
An adequate, yet dear account of Einstein's epoch-making theories of relativity.
ON GRAVITATION AND RELATIVITY
^y Ralph Allen Sampson 90c
The Halley lecture delivered by the Astronomer Royal for Scotland.
SOME FAMOUS PROBLEMS OF THE THEORY OF
NUMBERS
Sy G. H. Hardy ^1.15
Inaugural lecture by die Savilian Profcnor of Geometiy at Ozfccd.
TUTORS UNTO CHRIST
^y Alfred E. Garvib "l^t ^2.25
An interesting introduction to the study of religions.
FUNGAL DISEASES OF THE COMMON LARCH
Sy W. E. HiLEY ^5.65
An elaborate investigation into larch canker with descriptions of all other known
dispayi of the larch and numerous fine illustrations.
THE GEOGRAPHY OF PLANTS
Sy M. E. Hardy ?3.00
More advanced than the author's earlier work discussing fully the conditions in which
plants flourish and their distribution throughout the earth. *■
SCHOOLS OF GAUL
"By Theodore Haarhoff ^5.65
An important study of Pagan and Christian education in the last century of the
Western empire.
THE ELEMENTS OF DESCRIPTIVE ASTRONOMY
^y E. O. Tancock ^1.35
A simple and attractive description of the heavens oilnilatpd to arouse the interest
of those who know little or nothing of the subject.
RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN EUROPEAN THOUGHT
Edited by F. S, Marvin ^^ ^3.00
Tivelve essays bv noted scholars summarizing the work of the leading European
thinkers in the last fifty year&
DEVELOPMENT OF THE ATOMIC THEORY
'By A. N. Mbldrum 70c
A brief historical sketch attributing to William Higgins, not John Dalton as
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JUL 29 1921
THE SCIENTIFIC
MONTHLY
AUGUST. 1921
THE SaENTIFIC CAREER FOR WOMEN ^
By DR. SIMON FLEXNER
THE ROCKEFELLER INSTITUTE FOR MEDICAL RESEARCH
MAY 18 of this year witnessed a notable public event A gathering
of several thousand persons, for the most part college women,
filling throughout the huge auditorium of Carnegie Hall in New York,
assembled to do honor to a woman who had added a great new fact
to sdence, and that audience was only one of the many that have
assembled during the past few we^ for the same purpose. Following
as it did so closely on the great war and the homage being paid to
military and diplomatic leaders of the victorious nations, the occasion
stands forth by contrast as signalling a new and precious order in
which the triumphs of the intellect, in this instance as embodied in
Madame Curie, received a merited recognition and reward. The state-
ment is often heard that the achievements which society most honors,
even in times of peace, are not the laborious ones of learning, but
rather the more spectacular ones of the military profession; and it is
just this perversion of values which now perhaps more than in any
previous period is so disheartening. And yet the event just mentioned
by no means lends support to this common point of view, but may
rather be looked upon as affording a new hope and inspiring a new
courage with which to meet the immeasurably important problems of
society now pending.
It is perhaps also permissible to find significance in the fact that
the recipient of the high honors now being conferred everywhere in
this country on the discoverer of radium is a woman. In view of the
discovery itself and the impetus given by it to physical, chemical, and
even biological research, it may seem idle to ask the question I have
so often heard asked whether there exists a scientific career for women.
But there are without doubt many people who will insist that one such
achievement, great as it is, can not be taken as setting aside for once
and all speculation on the subject. They may continue to doubt
1 An address given at the commencement exercises of Bryn Mawr
College, on June 2, 1921.
VOL. XIH.— 7.
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98 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
None the leas one must admit that Madame Curie's example is a great
and encouraging one for women.
The scientific career is not under all circumstances one thing.
Its opportunities adapt themselves rather to different times and differ-
ent types of mind. One of Leonardo da Vinci's aphorisms was that
truth is always the daughter of her period We readily distinguish
two main kinds of scientific achievement or discovery so called — one of
which is the outgrowth or the efflorescence of a line of investigation
dealing with things predictable. The result accomplished may be new
and important, but having been foreshadowed by the march of scien-
tific eveots, it lacks essential novelty. For this kind of discovery,
knowledge — often deep and precise — and method, but DOt the highest
talent, are demanded. The other partakes of the accidental rather than
the incidental; it never comes as a direct, but rather as an unexpected
result or side issue to some line of inquiry, as something for which
there is no precedent, and hence it may be easily overlooked. Dis-
covery in liiis field is more certainly the mark of that individuality to
which the designation genius has been applied. Perhaps the qualities
which distinguish it may be aptly defined under the phrase invented by
Pasteur of the ''prepared mind," that is, the mind so gifted with
imaginative insight and so fortified by accurate training as to be alert
to peix^ive and quick to seize upon the novel and essential, which is
turned at once to unexpected uses. It has been well said that ''the dis-
covery which has been pointed to by theory is always one of profound
interest and importance, but it is usually the close and crown of a long
and fruitful period; whereas the discovery ^diich comes as a puzded
surprise usually marks a fresh epoch and opens a new chapter of
science." *
The two kinds of adiievement are discernible in die work of mave
than one great investigator. Thus Pasteur^s laborious and ingenious
studies which led firrt to the overthrow of the doctrine of the spontane-
ous generation of life, and then by way of the all important demonstra-
tion of the biological nature of the processes of fermentation and putre-
faction to the secure founding of the germ origin of infectious disease,
may be considered as having been previously foreshadowed; while his
epochal discoveries in crystallography and in the domain of immunity
were bb dearly the harvests of the excepti<Mially brilliant and prepared
mind.
The history of science contains not a few instances in which the
line of investigation being carried on at a particular juncture by the
master exerts a strong, often indelible and permanently directive im-
pression up<m a pupil. Thus, for example, the life work of Professor
Theodore Richards in this country, which has corrected and re-
1 Lodge, Oliver, Bccquerel Memorial Lecture, Journal of the Chemical
Society. Transactions 1912. V. loi, II, p. 2005.
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THE SCIENTIFIC CAREER FOR WOMEN M
established the atomic weights of certain elements and for which he
has received the highest honors in science, was begun under his first
professor of chemietry. In like manner Pasteur became imbued with
his master Delafosse's enthusiasm for crystal structure, considered with
reference to the relation of atoms to the rotatory power upon a beam
of polarized light Hence when Pasteur obtained his first position
of '^preparateur^' to the professor of chemistry, he set himself the task
of studying crystal forms and by good chance chose the tartrates in
which the phencMnena he was seeking appear in the simplest form. Had
he chosen other crystals, be would have had to search much longer to
find the particular appearances so clear in them, but that in the end
he would have succeeded may be assumed. What was constantly in
Pasteur^s mind at this early period was the correladoo between a par-
ticular crystalline form called hemihedrism and rotatory power. This
relation is determined by little faces on one-half of the edges of the
crystals, the existence of which had already been noted by two chem-
ists, the one a conscientious observer without inspiration, or as the
French say sans flamme, and the other preoccupied vdth a theory
which he endeavored to fit to all the facts which his studies revealed.
Both thus failed to understand their significance.
Pasteur's discovery, although strictly speaking a discovery in chem-
istry, later had its percussion through the entire realm of science in a
manner so profound that to-day, seventy years after the event, its re-
verberations have not yet ceased. His biographer has described it as
follows:
^Pasteur noticed that the crystals of tartaric acid and the tartrates
had little faces on <me-half of their edges or similar angles (hemihed-
rism). When the crystal was placed before a glass the image that
appeared could not be superposed; the comparison of the two hands
was applicable to it. Pasteur thought that this aspect of the crystal
might be an index of what existed within the molecules, a dissym-
metry of form corresp<Miding with molecular dissymmetry. Therefore,
be reasoned the deviati<m to the right of the plane of polarization pro-
duced by tartrate and the optical neutrality of the parataitrate would
be explained by a structural law. Tlie first of these conclusions was
confirmed, but when he came to examine the crystals of parataxtrate
hoping to find none of them with faces, he experienced a keen dis-
appointment. The paratartiate was also bemihedral, but die faces of
Bome of the crystals were inclined to the right, and those of others to
the left. It then occurred to Pasteur to take up these crystals one by
one and sort them carefmlly, putting on one side those which turned
to the left, and on the other those which turned to the right. He
thought that by obtaining their respective solutions in the polarizing
apparatus, the two contrary bemihedral forms would give two contrary
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100 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
deviations; and then by mixing together an equal number of each kind,
the resulting solution would be neutral and have no action upon ligl^
Widi anxious and beating heart he proceeded to the polarizing ap-
paratus and exclaimed ^I have it.* His excitement was such that he
could not look at the apparaitus again; he rushed out of the laboratory,
not unlike Archimedes. In the passage he met a curaCor and embrac*
ing him dragged him out with him into the Luxembouig gardens to ex-
plain his discovery. Many confidences had been whispered under
the shade of the tall trees of those avenues, but never was there greater
or more exubecant joy on a young man's face. He foresaw all the con-
sequences of the discovery.* •♦•••«
In like manner there can be no doubt that the discovery by Pasteur
in 1880 of the artificial immunity to fowl cholera, which opened up
to exploitation the wide and varied field of immunity in medicine and
which is to-day one of the main achievements of medical science and is
holding out still greater pr<Hnises of progress in the control of disease
ia the future, came not as a direct incident, but rather as an accidental
circumstance to the experiments on iof eotion being pursued.
So it was ailso with the discovery of spontaneous radioactivity by
Becquerel, to which are directly traceable the discovery of radium, and
the superlative and successful efforts now being made to solve the age-
long problem of the atomic constitution of matter; while Madame
Curie's discovery of radium itself ivas not the result of a momentary
inspiration on her part, but rather the consummation of a labor extend-
ing over many years, begun under conditions of great hardship and
continued through obstacles and discouragements which only the great
in spirit surmount
1 shall not tarry on the threshold of the story to repeat to you
the details of the preliminary steps in the great career of Madame
Curie, during which she did what was virtually the menial service of
the Sorbonne, in order to gain the pittance of support which enabled
her to enter on her scientific training. But in the end her ability was
detected and she was placed in the laboratory to conduct an investiga-
tion leading to a thesis, and as it happened, under the young instructor
who afterwards became her husband.
The story b^ins about 1860, from which time on many obser-
vations had been made on the passage of electricity through tubes
from which nearly all the air had been pumped. These studies led in
1879 to the discovery of the cathode rays of Sir William Crookes and
in 1895 to the discovery of X-rays by Rontgen. A year later, or to be
exact, on March 7, 1896, Becquerel, who was studying the general be-
havior of phosphorescent bodies, examined uranium and its com-
pounds, and discovered that these substances gave off rays which re-
2 Vallcry-Radot, The Life of Pasteur, Eng. Trans. Vol. I, p. so.
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THE SCIENTIFIC CAREER FOR WOMEN 101
sembled the X-rays in their action on photographic platee. He also
made die exb'emely important observation that the rays '^ionizecT' the
air about them, or converted it from an insulator to a conductor of
electricity. A gold-leaf electroscope, which had been previously
charged with electricity so that its two leaves diverged, was discharged,
wilhi the consequent collapse of its leaves as soon as uranium was
brou^it near it.
Jhe comparative ease and rapidity and metrical character of this
method of examination induced Madame Curie to take as the subject of
her doctorial thesis the measurement of the radioactive powers of an
immense number of minerals, and so led her gradually to one of the
most brilliaDt and striking discoveries of modem times^ the whole
representing a new epoch in our knowledge of atoms and therefore in
physicoKJiemical science. ' Her initial momentous observatioin related
to ihie mineral pitchblende from which uranium is extracted, and which
she found to be four or five times as radioactive as uranium itself.
There was, of course, but one possible conclusion: the mineral con-
taizied another active element more powerful than uianium. At this
point her husband joined in the quest and the mineral was converted
into fractioiis, each of which was tested electroscopioally. The
bionuth fraction showed the presence of a powerful radioactive sub-
stance finally separated, and in honor of Madame Curie's native
country called polonium; but it was the barium fraction whidi was
most active and which finally yielded a salt of the new elemenl called
ra^ima. Thus it was in 1902, or after four years of arduous and in-
q>iring woric, that the researches leading to the doctor's d^ree but also
unlocking a new door in physics were brought to a temporary con-
clusion, and it was not until 1910, as you know, that Madame Curie
a<tiially obtained the element radium in a pure state. It is of some
interest to recall that the radium salt proved 2,500,000 times as active
as the uranium, the point from which her studies started.
Honors flowed in upon the discoverer. In 1903, she shared with
Becquerel and her husband the Nobel prize. Then in 1911, after the
isoladoii of pure radium, she was a second time awarded that great
prize and in the words of the President of the Swedish Academy, was
the first laureate to be awarded this distinction twice as ''a proof of the
importance which our Academy attaches to your discoveries * * *."
And yet, because she was a woman, the French Institute declined to
elect her to membership and die five French academies voted in favor
of uphol^fing '*an immutable tradition against die election of women
which it seemed eminently wise to respect.'*
Great discoveries never stand isolated and hence it frequently hap-
3 Lodge, Oliver, op. cit-
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102 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
peoB that their mam effect is to set into motion as by-products, sec-
ondary or new lines of researdi, the significance of which often eclipses
the great discovery from which they took origin. Hence to-day it is
especially in atomic physics and then in biology that the fnictifyiog
influence of the investigations in the field of radioactivity is note-
worthy. It has happened that new and unimagined forces have been
released suddenly for experiment and placed in the hands of the
physicist and the biologist. I am not capable of giving an account
of the latest experiments on atomic constitution which are being con-
ducted with radium, and I stand filled with wonder and adkniration as
I read that the rapidity of the a-particle or helium atom derived from
radium is about 20,000 times the speed of a rifle bullet, and that the
energy of this motion is such that an ounce of helium moving vrith the
speed of the a-particle is equivalent to 10,000 tons of solid shot pro-
jected with the velocity of 1000 meters per second. After having
been stunned by this statement, I can well imagine that the charged
particle is able to penetrate deeply into the structure of all atoms,
built up as they are now believed to be on a plan similar to diat of
the solar system with a central sun or nucleus, and a system of planets
m form ol negative electrons, and to pass through as many as 500,-
000 of them before being deflected and turned bad^, and thus made to
divulge the secrets of the electric fields near the center or nucleus of
the atom.
But I may be somewhat better able to explain the present status
of biological r^earch being carried out with radioactive substances
derived both from X-ray and from radium. The studies are proceed-
ing in two directions: the one being of theoretical and the other of
practical nature. The latter excite the greater interest because they are
already rendering a highly useful service, as in the treatment of a cer-
tain class of cancers and in reducing excessive amounts of lymphatic
tissue, even including recently the ubiquitous enlarged tonsils and
adenoids. And yet, the former may in the end be of surpassing value
in that they will serve to explain the manner in which radioactivity
brings about the biological effects noted, and the means by yAadi thoee
which are desirable and useful may be intensified and those which are
undesirable, because harmful, may be minimized or avoided altogether.
Already we have learned that the radiations act quite directly on the
lymphoid organs and, according to the amount or dosage employed,
either stimulate to over-activity or bring about destruction; while the
action on cancerous tissue is more indirect and bound up, in past at
least, with the impression made upon the lymphatic system. But what
I especially desire to emphasize is the connection which this clase of
investigations has established between the physicist and the biologist.
It happens that neither alone can compass the entire field; the one is
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THE SCIENTIFIC CAREER FOR WOMEN 103
too little a physicist, the other too little a biologist in order to man-
age on the one hand the rays and on the other the tissues. Together
they make a working team, and already a new division of research in
biophysics is b^inning to appear to herald that co-operation in
sdeitfific research which is to-day one of the necessities as it is the
harbinger of progress.
It sboald now be apparent how impossible it is for mere accident
to yield a discovery in science. Whether the investigator move in the
lower or the upper realm of experiment and observation, there are
demanded as a minimum, knowledge of fact and familiarity with
method, with which not even the moet fortunately circumstanced are
naturally endowed. Environment and possibly heredity also play
parts, sometimes highly important parts, in giving the impulsion which
leads into scientific careers and accomplishment Moreover it is a
mi^aken notion to suppose that the scientific intelligence can only be
and always is trained in school or college as ordinarily defined. The
history of science indeed contains illuminating pages recounting the
successes of men without any real formal edueadon who have sur-
mounted all difficulties and written their names large in ks story. Such
a man was Midiael Faraday, of whom it has been said that of all the
men who have spent their lives in the search for experimental dis-
coveries, no one has ever approached him in the number, variety, or
the importance of the new facts disclosed by his labors; and yet he was
led into the pursuit of science by reading the books which passed
through bis hands while he was a bookbuider's apprentice.
Hitherto it has been men rather than women who have chosen the
scientific career, and up to now the shining names on the banner of
science are those of men and not of women. It could not have been
odierwise; but now that the doors of opportunity have been thrown
widely open to women, one may expect that many more will pass their
portals and enter upon the career of science. Already they are feeling
its lure and perceiving their aptitudes. But the lesson, can not be en-
forced too emphatically that whether science is entered by the front
door of the college or by the back door of the amateur or apprentice,
in the end the material and means of science must be mastered if the
votary aspires to enter paths never trodden before. To acquire that
mastery to-day is no small undertaking, since the subject matter of the
sciences is so voluminous and the methods often so intricate and pre-
cise. But there is nothing in my opinion in either which the trained
intelligence can not grasp and the trained senses execute.
I do not recognjflse a line of demarcation between the sciences
which men on the one hand and women on the other should choose as a
career. With women as with men what sibbuld count are taste and
aptitude and opportunity. It is common experience to find that a man
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104 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
is directed or diverted into a given scientific field by accidental circum-
stances: a book falling into his hands at a critical nsoment; a par-
ticularly inspiring teacher who, like radium, transmutes his pupils as
that does the elements; a region favorable say to geological study; a
par^it or other person with whom the impressionable child chances to
be thrown. Once fairly launched on a career, the native ability de-
termines the rest, just wfai^ particular road is followed and how far
the traveller is carried along the road.
Even earlier influences may come to play a deciding part in direct-
ing ibc will and bent of the child. It does not take special insight to
discern the differences in the intellectual atmosphere surrounding boys
and girh in the home. While the girl is complacently occupied with
dolls and miniature dressmakii^ and millinery, the boy's imagination
is being excited by mechaniGal toys which his aroused interest impels
him to destroy, in order that the inner mechanism may be laid bare.
This is Hae period at which a youthful Galileo and Newton will con-
struct windmills and water clocks, and a future Hersdiel, aided per-
haps by another sister Carolin, will fashion some sort of optical device,
the forerunner of his first telescope.
Then also custom and habit will determine that the father himself
on science bent will endeavor to communicate his taste to his son rather
than to his daughter. It took three generations of the Becquerel
family, all concerned with the study of light phenomena, to produce
the discoverer of spontaneous radioactivity. Charles Darwin's son
and now his grandson are pursuing at Cambridge with distinction the
related fields of mathematical astronomy and mathematical physics.
Perkins, the discoverer when only seventeen years of age of the aniline
dyes, has been followed by a son, the eminent professor of chemistry at
Oxford; and father and son of the Bragg family have recently shared
the Nobel prize for discoveries in physics.
The examples might be multiplied in which because of custom the
boy, but not the girl, has been subjected to influences extending over
many years calculated to prepare or to lead him, if only insensibly,
into the patfis of science. Moreover, the boy has other advantages to
guide and spur him on: once launched on a scientific pursuit, he looks
forward to a life's career and indulges the hope, if not the expectation,
of being attended by some good woman. Now women have not yet
been offered anything approaching a like opportunity to that put before
men. The scientific career means too often for them, if consistently
pursued, the denial of domestic companionships and compensations
which men easily win and enjoy. In how far this condition alone will
operate to bar women from the higher pursuits and greater rewards of
a scientific caieer only experience can show. But as one who would
write himself down a lover of opportunity for women, I wish to ex-
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THE SCIENTIFIC CAREER FOR WOMEN 105
press the hope that the difficulty may not prove msurmountable.
Already in this country and in two fields of which I have personal
knowledge. Doctor Florence Sabin of the Johns Hopkins Medical
SdKX>l and Doctor Louise Pearce of the Rockefeller Institute foor
Medical Research have made themselves authorities in their respective
bnmcfaes of medical science. The latter has recently carried out a
difficult mission to the Belgian Congo in connection with African
sleeping sickness, such as formerly would have been entrusted to a man.
A last word. I hafve not spoken of the rewards of the scientific
career. As with other intellectual pursuits, diey are to be reckoned
only pertly in the coin of the country. Science is now so far developed
in Jhe United States that in college, research institution, or industry a
competence can readily enough be found. In >the end the greater re-
ward ¥nll be an inner satisfaction and happiness arisozig out of a
ocmscioiis mastery of a field of human endeavor. But for this there
must be a real mastery such as comes not easily but only after a
period of years and as a result of a seriousness of purpose and a can-
centration of effoit which alone devotion to a high cause will insure.
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106 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
THE MESSAGE OF THE ZEITGEIST
By Dr. G. STANLEY HALL
CLARK UNIVERSITY
rACKERAY wished he could have been Shakespeare's bootblack,
and many English men of letters rank the Elizabethan above the
Victorian age. Classicists have often wished they had lived in the day
of Plato or Caesar, asr if their age were superior to our own. F. W.
Robertson said he would give all his life in exchange for an hour's talk
with Jesu9 just after the Sermon on the Mount. Ruskin, William Morris
and their group, since we can not turn the wheels of time backward,
would reconstruct our owa industrial and social system on the pattern
of the ancient guilds. For good Catholics, the apical blossom of the
Tree of Life was found in the apostolic, patristic, or scholastic period,
and all that has happened in the world since is of really far less im-
port. For Max Miiller, the life of the primitive Aryan; for Schliemann,
that of the Homeric age; for Tacitus, the ancient Germans, were nearest
the ideal, while for Plato the golden age was in the lost Atlantis and
belonged to another era.
Christianity first in its doctrine of a millennium began the new
fashion of looking to the future for Utopia when we seek to escape the
pressure of present reality, and to this tendency evolution has now given
a great impulse, as seen in the vndtings of Bellamy, H. G. Wells, Pataud
and Pouget, C. W. Woodbridge, Chapman, Cramm, Howe, Tangent and
many other portrayers of the great and glorious things yet to come on
earth or yet possible. For those who abandon themselves to such
reveries, the pres^it seems preparatory for something greater, if not
again, a trifle mean compared with Altruria, Equitania, Sub-Coelum or
even Meccania. During and since the war there has been a great
revival of interest in what might, could, would, or should be, often in
some vague or obscure place, perhaps at a time no less indeterminate,
and sometimes our El Dorados have been projected to the center of the
earth or to another planet — ^Mare — Saturn, etc.
Now, my thesis is that all such fugues from actuality and what
Desjardin made supreme, viz,^ le devoir present^ are now as never
before in history, weak and cowardly, flights from the duty of the hour,
wasteful of precious energy, and, perhaps worst of all, they are a
symptom of low morale, pereonal or civic, or both. True greatness con-
sists solely in seeing everything, past, future or afar, in terms of the
Here and Now, or in the power of ^^prosentificaticm.^
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THE MESSAGE OF THE ZEIT-GEIST 107
The equivalent of everything that ever was, is, or can be made to
happen, is not far off or in some other life, age, or place, but wiithin or
about us. Creative processes take changing forms, but the energy that
impels them is identical with that which started cosmic evolution. All
tiie Hebrew prophets did and said, we now know was inspired by the
needs of the hour in which they lived, and they never strove to foretell
the far future. Our time is just as ripe for a true Messiah as when the
Star of Bethlehem appeared, and a new dispensation is just as needed
and just as possible as when the Baptist heralded the advent of the great*
est of all ^^presentifiers." Now, when all human institutions so slowly
and laboriously evolved are impugned, every consensus challenged, every
creed flouted, as much as and perhaps even more than by the ancient
So{rfu8t5, the call comes to us as it did to Plato (all of whose work was
inspired by the need he felt of going back to first principles) to ex-
plore, test, and if necessary reconstruct the very bases of conviction, for
all open questions are new opportunities. Old beacon lights have
shifted or gone out. Some of the issues we lately thought to be minor
have taken on cosmic dimensions. We are all *'up against*' questions
too big for us so that there is everywhere a sense of insufficiency which
is too deep to be fully deployed in the narrow field of consciousness.
Hence there is a new discontent with old leaders, standards, criteria,
methods and values, and a demand everywhere for new ones, a realiza-
tion that mankind must now reorient itself and take its bearings from the
eternal stars aikl sail no longer into the unknown future by the dead
reckonii^s of the past. We must find or make and ascend a new out-
look tower high enough to command the whole earth and its history, and
become familiar with the perspective and other phenomena of altitude,
akhough this is perhaps the hardest of all things for our distracted,
analytic, and spedalist-ridden stage of culture.
In a word, the world is sick and needs again a great physician for
its soul just as it does for its body (onediird of our youth being unfit
to fight). Its distempers, however, we hope may prove to be those of
youth and not of old age, but even if the latter, they are ominous for
the maturity of the raca Many specialists have diagnosed and pre-
scribed but they all deal with symptoms, and the real nature and true
cause of the disease still bafiTle us. It may well seem preposterous to
the ¥^oIe guild of doctors for a layman in everything, whose only ad-
vantage is his aloofness from all their works and ways, to suggest a
deeper cause demanding a more radical therapy. In what follows, how-
ever, I shall venture to attempt nothing less than this. Underlying
almost everything else is the fact that man has now filled the whole
eaith and that it will soon become even too full of his species. The
human population has in nearly every nook of the globe been increasing
in die last few generations at a prodigious rate, and its pressure upon
the means of subsistence is already in many regions more actite than even
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108 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Malthus foresaw. In this country almost within tlie memory of men
now living, not only the Pacific coast but even the great Mississippi
valley has been filled with a teeming and enlterprinng population. In
1890 some of the great powers doubted the advantage of extensive colon-
ies in remote regions, but since the great land scramble in the decade
that followed, about every part of the inhabitable earth has been ap-
propriated, explored, and is now being exploited. All Africa is ap-
portioned, and not only Australia but Madagascar, Borneo, New Guinea,
and all the smallest of islands opened up so that there are not only
no new continents but practically no new acres to be discovered. The
great era of di£fusion and tenancy is practically ended Man has not only
taken possession of every room but of every closet of his terrestrial
habiitation.
In this expansion he has been wasteful of material resources to a
degree so prodigal that we can now approximately date the exhaustion
of many of them. Prospecting has been so extensive and careful that
there will probably be no more great new finds of gold, silver, dlia-
monds, coal, natural gas, etc, like those of the past, and the lure and
glamor of great new openings thus made is already abating; while the
acreage that once yielded bumper crops without fertilization is losing its
spontaneous fertility.
The moral of all these trite facts is that henceforth the progress of
the world must depend upon quality, not quantity; trust more to nurture
and less to nature; realize that it can reap only where uid what it has
sown; must row where it has hitherto drifted with the current. This
country especially has grown to be the richest and greatest in the world
by its natural resources, but it must henceforth not only conserve but
laboriously cultivate. We have found that hereafter we must make and
can not expect to find our ways. And no less important is the develop-
ment of our human quality.
In the geologic history of the globe the great epochs have been
maiked by the alternation of two periods: first, that of the emergenoe of
vast areas of land from the primeval sea and its tenancy by species whidi
populated it from the ocean, adjusted themselves to terrestrial condi-
tions, and found a table spread for them so rich that they multiplied,
varied, and spread with great rapidity. Then the tides turned and there
were long periods of submergence and reduction of land areas during
which many foims that had established themselves upon teira firma
went back to their first love, the sea, like whales and dolphins; dw^dled
to insignificant size; or became extinct, like the great saurians, because
they could not adapt to a new habitat. What makes our age great be-
yond all historic comparisons is that it has seen within the last few years
the high tide of man's great processional over the earth and also the
beginnii^ of the recessional ebb when the world must have a new type
of both men and measures or else revert to a more primitive stage of
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THE MESSAGE OF THE ZEITGEIST 109
civilization. Already we see about us many alarming signs of re-
gression. The great war itself, which marked so signally the turn of
this all-dominating tide in human affairs, was only the inauguration of
the ooloflsal conflict between the old forces that expanded and the new
ones now in the ascendant that would redirect the progress of nuin by
adjusting to the new turn of fate.
If our planet had doubled in size while it has doubled in popu-
lati<Hk; if a vast, rich, new continent had just been discovered, as in
1492, or emerged from the sea; if the population of Europe had re-
mained whut it was in the days of Napoleon; if man's wants had not
increased or the standards of Irving risen or surplus products and
foreign markets had remained unknown, and there had been no sur-
plus population anywhere, Germany would never have had her mad
dream of subjecting Europe, for the world war marked the first impact
and repercusskm of the great current of expansion, which had behind
it the whole momentum of cosmic evolution upon material limitations.
Thus man has in a sense outgrown his world, so that it is now too
small for him. From now on development must be intensive rather
than extensive, and inward as well as outward.
When a fidp is wrecked on a savage island, passengers and crew
are thrown back to primitive conditions and adapt to a new environ-
ment and adopt new leaders, azid often reverse all conventional dis-
criminations; and Bolshevism is only an oetensive paradigm of what
the Zeitgeist is doing, only more slowly and comprehensively, for the
world, which is being thrown back to first principles, and finding
these to be no longer political but chiefly economic and psychological
so that even its past history has to be rewritten with a new per^>ective.
If the wealth of any land were equally divided, everybody would
be poor, not rich, and there is not wealth enough in the world to
satisfy one one-hundredth of the present demand for it. As civilization
advances, it costs not only more money, but more time and effort to
keep people happy. Thus there is a rapidly growing excess of demand
for pleasure over the supply, so that the volume of discontent is con-
stantly mounting. This life, which is all man now really believes in
or cares for, can not b^in to give what he asks of it. The average in-
dividual now never thinlra of the far future of the world or even of his
own posterity for more than a generation or two, but wants all that is
coming to him now and here, and uses every means in ius power (fair
and sometimes foul) to get it. Thus he plunges on toward the
bankruptcy of his hopes in their present form and sagacious minds are
now realizing that humanity can never be satisfied save by restricting
its desires or by transforming and re-directing its aspirations to more
attainable goals; or, in more technical language, by finding more in-
ternal surrogates for their gratification.
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110 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
This means nothing less than that the world is now squarely up
against the pr(d[>lem of getting a deeper knowledge of human (nature
and finding more effective ways of guiding it or of refitting Teufels-
drock's instituticmal clothes to his person, if not getting him a new suit
We must not forget that while our industrial system is less than two
hundred years old and even our political institutions go back only a
few thousand years, man is at least a hundred thousand years old, and
that we must readjust to all better knowledge of him, just as we do
to all the newly discovered laws of nature. Thus as man has reached
and rdbounded from hb geographic and other limits, has ideals of
material prosperity have also impinged upon adamantine limits, and
the current of his psychic evolution must now finally make a new way
in another direction. Just as there are now countless individuals who
should never have been bom and who could in no way so benefit the
world as by taking themselves out of it (but who will never do it, so
that society and industry must find ways of utilizing them as best they
can, trusting the slow processes of evolution to better the human
stock) , so there are innumerable spurious hopes, ambitions and aspira-
tions which should never have arisen, but which we must learn to
utilize and sublimate, striving slowly to subject opportunity to social
and human aims.
Nature and Man — there is nothing else outside, above, or beyond
these in the universe, and there never was or will be anywhere any
item of creative or conservative energy or influence either in nature or
mansoul that is not just as active here and now as it ever was or mil
be an3rwhere.
The way down the long scale from cortex to cord or even from man
to mollusc is as broad as the way up is straight and narrow, and many
there be that walk therein. The lowest sixKh. of the population of
England, we are told, produce one-half of the rising generation, and
infra-men breed a hundred times as fast aa really eugenic super-men.
The forces that make for huiiian degeneration were never so many, so
active, or so ominous, and nothing less than civilization itself is at
stake. It has never entered into the heart of even pessimists to conceive
what might happen if anarchy should prevail. But as Christianity
came in to save the world when R<Hne and the ancient order fell, by
proclaiming immortality, so now the idea of plasmal, which comes by
better breeding, and of influential immortality, that saves by contribut-
ing new knowledge and power — these ccmstitute our only hope of salva-
tion. The promise is to those who sedc, knock, adc, and is still open
to the investigator, who is its true heir.
Man had a most insignificant origin — a finger-long worm with a
withy spine; then a timid, tiny frugiverous creature for whom there
was no safety save in trees. Then there was a long and doubtful
struggle whether he or the great carnivora should be lords of creation
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THE MESSAGE OF THE ZEITGEIST lU
for lie was few and his enemies many. But during all this time he was
acquirkig unprecedented power of docility and adaptation, and the
evolutionary urge focussed on his species as its own chosen son. For
ages, loo, he quailed before creatures of his own imagination which
he fancied real and potent, and only now is he b^inning to realize that
he is truly supreme in all the universe we know, and that there is
nothing above or beyond him. Thus progress consists solely in the
subjection of nature to man and of his own instincts to reason and his
selfish interests to the oommon good, and man sees his destiny, which
is to rule the world within and without by the power that comes from
knowledge. He must go on learning to control where he has been
controlled. This is his vocation as man. As the development of erect-
ness and of the hand, which could grasp the club and impel the point
of flint first made him man, so now science is both his organ of ap-
prdieneioQ and his tool by which he must make his sovereignty com-
plete, come fully into his kingdom and make his reign supreme. Thus»
again, we see that researdi is his highest function. He is and always
has been the investigator par excellence^ and now he sees his calling
and election more clearly, and in the new era which is upon us he has
new and unprecedented motivation for mobilizing all his energies to
make his title of conquisitor clear.
If the spirit of research be the Paraclete, the native breath and vital
air of all true leaders in the world now being bom, we ought to know
UKM-e about it. What, then, is it? It is not sufficient to say it is crea-
tion in its most modem active stage, impelled by the primal impulse by
which worlds evolved out of chaos, neJbulae or any other mother-lye.
This is true but trite. If any kind of auperman is ever evolved, and
the man <^ the present day is destined to beoome a missing link like
the Java man, nurture must come to the aid of nature vrith every
hebamic art that eugenics and education can supply, even though our
remote posterity be as adiamed of having spmng from us as some
still are of our simian ancestry. Curiosity, seen in all the higher forms
of animal life, so strong in apes and so favored by their safe arboreal
life, and which harks back to the original fiat lux, is surely one
factor in the psychogenesis of the research urge. Strong as this
noetic urge is, ambition, emulation and the desire to excel is surely
another factor. Perhaps the hunting and collecting instinct made their
contributions to it. Philanthropy or the desire to better the estate of
man and to give him command of new resources is yet another element,
and this has countless lower though always beneficent expressions in the
impulse to alleviate suffering and in the amelioration of the tragedy in
the grim struggle for survival. But the ultimate motivation of the in-
vestigator, often deeper than his consciousness, is the vrill for power
to dominate nature, and to make man ever more completely raler and
master of the world within and vrithout As man is the highest and
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112 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
best and as mind is the best thing in him, so research is the supreme
function of mind, the true heir of the kingd(xn and of all .the primiises.
Research specializes because it must divide in order to conquer. Ic
makes such conditions for ils eicperimeiils as can be controlled and
excludes all others. We refine our methods and apparatus only in
order to make such answers as we can extract from the memnonian lips
of the sphinx more definite and explicit. Despite its baffling technique,
science is, as Vahinger long ago so convincingly showed us, the quick-
est and easiest way of grasping the universe.
In view of all this we must regard nothing as quite so opportune
or 80 true an expression of the Zeitgeist as the efforts to perfect the
organization of the National Research Council in this country, the
British Privy Council of Scientific and Industrial Research, and the
international reorganization at Brussels to the same end. There are
countless new problems in astronomy, geography, geology, archae-
ology, anthropology, economics, and in many other fields that can
be solved only by wide co-operative methods, which often also require
large funds, wise administration, systematic publication of results, and
the spur, which pure science in a measure always lacks, of immediate
utility, for every new discovery possible must foe made serviceable.
It is inspiring to be authoritatively told that whereas fifteen years
ago there were only four thousand individuals in this country who
could be called investigators, there are now more than ten diousand who
would be called such, and also that there are yet possible ^^finds,"
sometimes of great value, that can still be made even by amateurs and
non-experts whom chance or locality favor, and that more can be re-
cruited for this army of advance by questionnaire or correspondence
methods. The prospector, placer-miner, still has his place in any com-
prehenfidve survey of research pl^anning, and this work needs a con-
sistorium of its own.
But we must not forget that the true spirit of research at its best
can never be organized or administered and that to do so suggests
simony, the sin of the purchase of the gift of the Spirit with money.
Its very essence is freedom, and we can no more organize it than we
can love, art, literature, or piety. The investigator is a law unto him-
self, and he must often shatter old tables of value and propound new
ones. *The spirit goeth wherever it listeth'* and we can not tell
"whence it cometh or whither it goeth, such are they who are born of
the spirit."
Now, universities are to-day, or should be, true shrines of this
spirit and nurseries of these supermen. Are they? Over tvro hun-
dred of them have lately made ^drives" that have brought generous
and greatly needed increases of salary to their professors. Labor, too,
has doubled its wage, but the complaint is universal that along with
increased pay has very commonly gone a decrease in the quality and
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THE MESSAGE OF THE ZEITGEIST lU
quantity of efficient work or service rendered. The worker ^^sojers'*
more on his jdb, and not only the hours but the amount of work per
hour has decreased; as also has the quality of many kinds of goods
along with the rise in Cheir price. The bricklayer is now penalized by
his union if he layc» more than one^f ourth the number of bricks per day
he did when his wage was half its presemt amount.
Are our Faculties to illustrate the same tendency? In a number
of presidential reports I have lately lodged over I find no word of
wammg agauiet this danger, no hint that to whom more is given
will more be required, no exhortation to investigation, but
usually the old cry for more, ever more gifts. Not content to sliand hat
m hand on the street comer, academic agents and presidents appeal
to every graduate, poor as well as rich, to give, until they are made to
feel that they are ingrates or disloyal if they are unable to do so.
TheM reports often complain of a great influx of students, and all our
larger institutions are already too full for efficiency so that some have
even forsworn new departments or set a limit to the rush of students.
Two reports express the fear that the average quality of the latter is de-
clining, and one deplores the increase of mechanism, bookkeeping, and
deans' functions generally, which are necessary for the r^imentation of
the mob of new applicants. One very competent expert has studied the
program^ of the meetings of various scientific societies during last
Christmas week, with the result that several show in recent years a very
marked increase in the percentage of papers read by non-academic men
(80% now in one of the largest and oldest of them), which is not sur-
pri»ng when we consider the great number of professors now being
lured away from collies and universities by larger salaries offered
them to become experts in industry, which has apparently just now
awakened to the need of specialists.
Now, if there is any one general lesson of these tumultuous times,
any conclusion that underlies and conditions all others — ^as I insist
there is — ^it may be stated very simply as follows. Henceforth, as never
before, progress is committed to the hands of the intellectuals and they
must think harder, realizii^ to the full the responsibilities of their new
leadership. Science in its largest sense is from this time forth to rule
the world. The age of Udssez faire is ended and research, discovery,
investigation, and invention, which have done so much already, must
now take the helm and be our pioneers in this new era. In everything
it is the expert who must say die final word. Thus our prime duty is
to inventory and e^>ecially develop and devise every possible new
way of fostering the spirit of original research in this new day that is
now dawning upon the world, and in which it is the inestimable privil-
ege of diis generation to live. We can not too clearly realize or too
often repeat dat research is in the very center of the current of creative
VOL. XIII.-
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114 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
evolution and has the momentum of all the developmental urge behind
it. Its spirit is to the new era what the Holy Ghost was to the early
church. Once k made prophets and apostles, inspired visions, sent
men to waste places to meditate as hermits, anchorites, ascetics
crucifying the flesh, or impelled them to challenge rulers or to become
martyrs. Now it inspires men to seclude themselves in laboratories,
museums, studies, libraries; sends them to remote and perhaps hostile
and dangerous corners of the earth to observe, collect, excavate, de-
cipher, reccmstruct extinct animals from fossils or fragments of bones
and teeth, or to restore prehistoric life from vestiges and utensils in
caves, cromlechs, relics of pile-dwellers; or to reconstruct temples,
palaces, dwellings, and even huts fr<»n their buried foundations; per-
haps to explore the sources of mineral, agricultural, and industrial
wealth; or to study and control the ways of and antidotes for new
microbes, insect pests and toxins. Human culture began with the at-
tempt of man to understand his own soul, its nature and destiny; and to
this was soon added interest in his body and its diseases. Now we are
studying his relations to his home and his mother, Nature, and his
social, industrial, and family life.
When I lately asked my dentist why he hurt me so cruelly now
when the same operation on the other side eight years ago was painless,
he replied that now he had to use American instead of German
novocain and we have not learned to make the pure article. In looking
over Kahlbaum's catalogue of hundreds of chemical compounds neces-
sary for every research laboratory, I was told that only a very few of
them can even yet be produced outside of Germany and that our
chemical industries have focussed upon nitrates, dyes, and other large-
scale products that bring great profits.
Turning to other departments, ever since the Reformation German
scholarship has led in all Biblical studies, giving us the higher
criticism, and its preeminence has been no less in the study of classical
texts and history. Our professors <^ philosophy have largely con-
cerned themselves with problems of German origin from Kant to
Schopenhauer and Nietzsche. Biological work has for two decades
focussed on the theories of Weismann and Mendel, both Teutonic. In
every psycholc^ical laboratory the name of Wundt outranks all others,
while Freud has more lately given us another group of great ideas
which are working as leaven not only in the studies of mind normal
and abnormal, but in our conceptions of art, literature, daily life,
history, and religion. Students of the exact sciences are agog over the
theories of relativity as represented by Einstein and the even more
revolutionary concept of quanta, also of German origin. For decades
our best graduates who desired to specialize studied there and a large
pairt of our professors have been trained there, so that the apex of
our educational system was long found beyond the Rhine.
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THE MESSAGE OF THE ZEITGEIST 115
All this was in accordance with the policy laid down by Fichte only
a little more than a ceiitury ago in his famous address to the Gennan
nation when Napoleon had annihilated the Teutonic annies, crushed
the German spirit, and his spies were scattered through the very hall.
Fichte's thesis was that Germany must become the educational leader
of the world and must thus rehabilitate herself from bottom to top and
understand that her only possible way of escaping obscurity, if not
annihilation, was research, her only asset was in the truth to be dis-
covered and new powers to be utilized. In a word, her soil was poor,
her armies gone, her finances ruined, her spirit near despair, and the
gospel of Fichte, the ^presentifier" of his day, was that all the power
she could ever expect in the future muait come from knowledge — ^tfaat
her specialty must be in its creation and di£Fusion. And the world
knows the resttlt of this policy, which in a century made his country
the strongest in all history, which never saw so brief and great a
national regeneration in the same short span of years.
To-day this leadership is gravely impaired, and possibly forever
shattered, and it is craven and imbecile not to see that the situation
brings a new call to this country, now the richest and most prosperous
in the world — spending more money for education, we have just been
told, than all Europe combined — ^to aspire to this succession, to pay
back our intellectual debt, and possibly to bring the keystone of the
educational arch again to this country. Of course we must not forget,
as Kuno Francke reminds us, that Germany in her present distress may
again hark bade to the gospel of Fichte and seek to renew her strength
by a yet more intensive development of culture and hope to some-
time achieve a new intellectual conquest of the world, such as she
was so far on the way toward achieving when she turned from
culture to Kultur and, at length, not content with' this, made her
sapreme error of appealing to the sword. Of course science is universal
and knows no national boundaries, but our nationality, whatever it is
and is wordi, has here a new opportunity undreamed of before.
Not only does democracy, if it is to be made safe for the world,
require education of its citizenry much above the mental age of
thirteen and a half, which was the average of our soldiers tested, (and
we have even been called a nation of sixth-graders), but every land
— and this most of all — ^is now crying out for new leaders in every
department Our statesmen need broader training in international re-
lations and show every symptom which alienists find in all mincb
grappling vrith problems too large for their powers. Our captains of
industry need to look farther afield and farther ahead. The waste of
incompetency and the curse of mediocrity are upon us. We have ut-
teily lost all power of discriminating between the best men, things,
ideas, books, and the second or even the tenth best.
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116 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
The p»ycbol(^y of the whole matter is that we love knowledge be-
cause we love power. As man has domesticated some two hundred
species of animals, using for his own benefit their sdiength, inetinoCs,
keener senses, etc., so he strives to command the powers of nature and
to really become the captain of his own soul. Competent engineers
tell us that the average individual to-day commands some thirfy'three
man-power besides his own, whereas a century ago all inventions gave
him conunand over only two and a half tunes hie own strength. But
ever more is and will be needed although waste also increaBesi and all
we have known and controlled is only the beginning. Man is really
only just starting on his career as an iuTestigator so that thus research'
is not only the apex of creative evolution and the highest vooaiioo. of
num but ie the greatest joy that life affords to mortals. He who reveals
and teaches us to command more ol the world without and within
is the chief benefactor of the race, the true prophet, priest, and king in
our day.
Now, probably the univenity should be the diief shrine and also
the power-house of this spirit, which ought to be for the new post-
helium epoch now opening what the Holy Ghost was to the early
church, for in it the higher powers of man have their chief deployment
There is a final lesson from the church that we ought to lay to heart
Beside and above all its elaborate medieval organization, even when it
was at the height of its power and aspired to universal dominioa, its
greatest leaders always felt that above and beyond it was the larger
Church Invisible, eternal, not made ¥ritfa hands, the membership of
which consisted of everybody, everywhere, who strove supremely for
righteousness and truth. To-day we should give a similar place in our
scheme of things to the University Invisible, composed of all those
everywhere who are smitten with the passion of adding something to
the sum of the world's knowledge, even ever so tiny a brick to the
splendid temple ol science, which is the supreme creation of man, but
who realize that of this temple only the foundations are yet actually
laid and that the moet imposing part of the structure is not only not
built but can not even be cmnpletely planned. The members of this
new church of science are those who feel the call to make some original
contribution of their own toward either its plan or its further structure,
for the true university is, after all, only found in the investigators state
of mind. All through the history of the church, as Renan has shown,
ran a faith generally submerged but which had many timid out-crops
that in the fullness of time there was to come a new, third dispensation
superseding the old, viz.^ the dispensation of the Spirit It is that into
which we are now summoned to enter. Have we the virtue to hear and
heed the call?
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SWISS GEODESY AND THE UNITED STATES
COAST SURVEY^
By Professor FLORIAN CAJORI
UNIVERSITT OF CALIFORNU
rE infiuaice of the intellect transcends mountains and leaps across
oceans. At the time when George Washington warned his fellow
oonntrymen against entangling political alliances with European coun-
tries, there was started a movement of far reaching scientific im-
portance in a small country in the heart of the Alps which (as we shall
see) exerted a silent, yet potent scientific influence upon the young
republic on the eastern shores of North America. Our government
executives can restrict the movements of troops and can abstain from
making hazardous treaties, but these policies can not permanently
check the subtler movements of intellectual thought which often, like
aerial waves, encircle the world.
In 1785 a gifted and enthusiastic young German named Johann
Georg Tralles became professor of mathematics and physics at Berne
in Switzerland. Interested in applied as well as pure mathematics,
Tralles was active as a metrologist and geodesist. Maps of that part
of Switzerland had been altogether unreliable. He entered upon re-
fined surveys of the triangulation type. In this work he was assisted
by one of his pupils, Ferdinand Rudolf Hassler of Aarau, a young
man who belonged to a well-to-do family. His father had mapped
out for him a bureaucratic career which would have brought a good
competence. But the mathematics and the surveying instruments of
Tralles exerted an attraction impossible for him to resist. In 1791
Tralles and Hassler measured a base-line together, using a steel-chain
manufactured by the English mechanic Ramsden. The base line was
40,000 feet long; its mids were marked on blocks of stone four feet
high, with steel points held in position by cast lead. Not satisfied with
the accuracy reached, a few years later they remeasured this base with
improved apparatus. Carefully standardized rods now took the place
of chains. A net of triangles was adopted, the principal points of
which were the several summits of the Jura mountain range. For the
great distances between stations the instruments were found to be
inadequate. Tralles wrote to a friend about his angular measure-
1 Sigma Xi address delivered at Northwestern University on December
13,1920.
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118 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
ments: ^^I have tortured them out with a theodolite — measurement I
can not call this, when the telescope is so weak that one can not see
the signals, but only guess their position. You can readily see that
they are not small, for the telescope of the theodolite reveals them
at a distance of 100,000 feet" Hie government of the Canton of Berne
was appealed to for financial aid in the purchase of a more powerful
instrument. Six hundred dollars were voted immediately. Mr. Rams-
den in London, then the most celdbrated instrument-maker living, for a
sum somewhat exceeding this amount, promised to supply in 1794 a
complete azimuth circle, at least three feet in diameter. Due to various
delays the great instrument did not reach Berne until 1797. Mean-
while some smaller instruments had been secured from England;
Tralles and Hassler had been active in perfecting their technique.
Young Hassler received the commission to determine the boundary
line between the Cantons Berne and Solothum. Ramsden's three-foot
theodolite was a wonderful instrument; only two other instruments of
that size and precision are said to have been manufactured by Ramsden.
What a privilege for young Hassler to become practically acquainted
with the use of an instrument of the high type that very few surveyors
then living had ever seen!
Hassler repeatedly took trips to Paris and one trip to Germany;
he attended lectures and became personally acquainted with leading
scientists — among them Lalande, Borda, Delambre and Lavoisier in
Paris; Von Zach and Bohnenberger in Germany. With funds liberally
supplied by his father, Hassler purchased many instruments and
scientific books. He astonished Von Zach late one afternoon by meas-
luring with a five-indi English reflecting sextant and mercury horizon
the latitude of Zach's observatory and differing only five seconds from
previously known determinations. We see Hassler occupied with
serious studies and becoming familiar with the practical operation of
the most refined mathematical instruments in existance at the time.
Geodetic work in Switzerland was stopped by revolutionary events.
In 1798 French soldiers marched into Berne. Friction arose between
Franch and Swiss goedesists. A few years passed without bringing
relief. Hassler who meanwhile had married and had held various
official positions of responsibility in his canton of Aargau became weary
of European turmoil, and decided to se^ his fortune in the New World.
Strange to say we find him engaged in the organization of a stock com-
pany for the purchase of large tracts of land in South Carolina. In
1805 he departed with wife, children, servants and 96 trunks, boxes
and bales, and travelled down the Rhine, having previously chartered
in Amsterdam the ship ^Liberty" (350 tons) for Philadelphia. He
was accompanied on his trip by over 100 laborers to form a Swiss
colony in the South. Unfortunately Hassler's agent speculated with
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SWISS GEODESY AND THE U. S. COAST SURVEY 119
the funds entrusted to lum and Hassler sustained heavy financial loss.
He arrived in Philadelphia without means to support his family. While
waiting for remittances from his father, he sold some of his books
and instruments. He received financial assistance also from John
Vaughan, a prosperous and public spirited Philadelphian.
Hassler soon got in touch with scientific men in Philadelphia. He
attended meetings of the American Philosophical Society. On Decem-
ber 6th, 1805, he donated to this Society a model of Mont Blanc,
two chamois horns, and a specimen of feldspar. Hassler was elected
a member of the Society on April 17th, 1807. The year previous he
had sold to the Philosophical Society "the volumes necessary to com-
plete the transactions of the French Academy of Science of which the
Society possessed eighty-nine volumes, the bequest of Dr. Franklin."
Hassler sold also some volumes of the transactions of the Berlin Acad-
emy. I mention these items to indicate the kind of books Hassler
brought to America.
He brought also a number of instruments and standard weights
and measures, such as had never before been carried to the American
shores. Among these were a standard meter, made at Paris in 1799 by
the Conmuttee of Weights and Measures, a standard kilogram, an iron
toise, made by Cavinet in Paris, two toises of Lalande. All of these
were acquired by the American Philosophical Society and were loaned
to Hassler twenty-six years later when he was acting in Washington
as superintendent of weights and measures.
In 1806, Professor Robert Patterson and John Vaughan in Philadel-
[rfiia, John Gamett of New Brunswick and others were deeply im-
pressed by the ability and enthusiasm for science displayed by Hassler.
Patterson was then director of the United States Mint. Feeling no
doubt that the services of this talented young man of 36, whose long
course of special training secured in Switzerland, France and Germany,
made him one of the very foremost living practical geodesists, should
be enlisted by the American Government, Professor Patterson gave
President Jefferson an account of Hassler's life. "He would willingly
engage," said Patterson, "in an exploring expedition, such as those you
have already set on foot."
As neither Patterson's letter to President Jefferson, nor Hassler's
brief autobiography enclosed with it, has ever appeared in print, it
may be interesting to present these documents, at least in part' Pro-
fessor Patterson wrote:
2 For copies of these documents, and of the letters written by President
Jefferson and President Madison which we quote later, we are indebted to
the kindness of Dr. Anita Newcomb McGee of Washington, D. C. The
originals are in the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress. Dr.
McGee is a great granddaughter of Hassler.
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120 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
(From Robert Patterson, Director of the Mint, to Jefferson.)
Philad. March 3d 1806.
**Sir
"I beg leave to introduce to your notice Mr. Hassler, a gentleman
lately from Switzerland. He is a man of science & education; and, as
will appear from the enclosed paper, written by himself at my request,
was a character of considerable importance in his own country. It is
his wish to obtain some employment from the United States, which
would require the practice of surveying or astronomy. He would will-
ingly migage in an exploring expedition, such as those you have already
set on foot; for which, I have no doubt, he would be found well
qualified.
**In his education he paid perticular attention to the study of
astronomy, and statistical surveying; & from the enclosed paper you
will see, that he is well versed in the practice. He is a man of a sound,
hardy constitution, about 35 years of age, & of the most amiable con-
ciliating manners. Besides his knowledge of the Latin language, he
speaks the German, French, Italian & English. To his acquaintance
with mathematics in general, which, as far as I am capable of judging
from a *short though not slight acquaintance, is very extensive, he adds
a good knowledge of chemistry, mineralogy, and all the other branches
of natural philosophy. In short. Sir, I believe his services may be
rendered useful to this his adopted country. He possesses a very val-
uable library, and a set of surveying & astronomical instruments,
scarce inferior to any I ever saw.
**I shall only add, that the cause for which he struggled in his
native country, and the reasons for his seeking an asilum here, will not,
Sir, I am sure, detract from his merit in your estimation.
^*I have the honour to be,
*Vith sentiments of the
^^greatest esteem, —
^our most obedient servt.
R. Patterson.
*T. S. I forgot to mention, that Mr Hassler is at present settled
with his family (a wife & three children with a few domestics) on a
small farm near the banks of the Schuylkill, and that he proposes very
shortly to pay a visit to the seat of government."
Hassler's sketch of his life which was enclosed in the letter that
Patterson sent to President Jefferson, is reproduced here with all its
orthographic peculiarities:
"Feb. 27, 1806.
"After my first education in public and private schools at Arau,
my native town, I went in my 16th Year 1787 as a Voluntary in an
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SWISS GEODESY AND THE U. S. COAST SURVEY 121
office of the government of Berne, appointed for all kind of surveyings
and the care of the archives of the state, in which businesses I worked;
following at the same time the lessons of the College, then newly es-
tablished under the name of political institute, and the private instruc-
tions of Mr. Tralles Professor of Mathematics, (now member of the
Academy of Berlin) aplying chiefly to practical geometry & astronomy.
As a practical exercise of these instructions Mr Tralles & I undertoock
in 1791. (on my expenses) the trigonometrical mesurements for a map
of the country, and mesured a base of 7% Miles length and s<Hne
triangles, with proper means and instruments, till the season inter-
rupted the further prosecution.
^The Government of Berne, seeing the various advantages of this
Work, undertook to follow it, and appointed proper funds for the in-
struments; which were comitted to Mr Ramsden in London.
^*In 1792 I went to the university of Gottinguen, (staying a short
time in my passage at the Observatory of Mr de Zach at Seeberg) where
I continued my studies in mathematics and natural Philosophy, under
Kaatner and Lichtenberg; (with whom I was particularly acquainted) :
Obliged nevertheless by the wishes of my father, to give some time to
the study of Diplomatics under Gatterer.
In 1796, I went to Paris applying half a Year chiefly to Mineralogy &
Chymistry under Hauy, Vauquelin, Fourcroy &c. (being already ac-
quainted by a former Voyage there ¥rith LaLande & Borda.)
In 1797. a large Theodalite of Ramsc^ beeing arrived at Berne Mr
Tralles & I endeavoured to prosecute now for the Government the Geo-
graphical Operations begun in 1791. but ware soon stoped again by
the Revolution of Switzerland early in 1798. which event changed
at the same time my position by annulating a post of my father the
succession of which was secured to me since my 16th Year.
Though the ministry of Finances of the Helvetic Republic, desireous
of an accurate mape of the country gived me on a new the commission
to follow the Work and I worked at it a short time in 2 Seasons the
perpetual changes & finally extinction of the unitary Government
put an end to this Work for which I could neither get my advances
repayed nor my Labour. On my leaving the Country I left the un-
finished Work to one of my friends to be sold for a trifle to the new
Government.
Though I took no trouble to get any public office I was early in 1798.
elected to the Court of appeal of the Canton of Argovia for the direc-
tion of criminal affairs, (accusateur public) from which place I was
called in 1799. by the Central Government to the same functions at
the Supreme Court of the Helvetic Republic, after the extinction of
which in 1803, 1 went at home were I was elected by the representatives
of the Canton a member supleant of the Court of Appeals, and by my
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122 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
fellow-Citizens a member of the Counsel of the town, in which I was
trusted with the chief Direction of public buildings and Archives.
But foreseeing the constant oscillations in the state of the Country in-
volving always my position according to past experiences (intrigues
and ambition, which are wanted in such circumstances, beeing out
of my Caracter) I took with seme of my friends the resolution to
come over to America in search of more solidity in a peaceable
Country.
Thou^ I shall be one of the Directors of a Society of my countrymens
intending to come over in this Country my presence beeing not always
nor absolutely wanted, I could and wished to be employed in some
business where practical Geometry & Astronomy would be the requisites,
by preference.
Philadelphia 27th Febr: 1806: F:R:Hassler.''
In addition to Professor Patterson's letter and enclosure. President
Jefferson received a letter from Dr. C. Wistar of Philadelphia, recom-
mending Hassler. President Jefferson's reply to Dr. Wistar, which
has never been printed, is as follows:
"Yours of the 19th, [FAruary 19th 1807] has heea received, as
was a former one proposing Mr. Hassler to be employed in the survey
of the coast. I have heard so much good of him as to feel a real wish
that he may find the employment of the nature to which his physical
constitution & habits may be equal. I doubt if. in yielding this as to Mr.
Hassler, I transgress a principle I have considered as important in mak-
ing appointments. The foreigners who come to reside in this country,
bring with them an almost universal expectation of office. I recieve
more applications from them than would fill all the offices of the U. S.
* * * It is true there are some employments ♦ ♦ ♦ into which
meritorious foreigners & of peculiar qualifications may sometimes be
introduced, such is the present case."
It appears that the starting of the survey of the coast of the United
States was taken under consideration by members of the American
Philosophical Society at Philadelphia for the reason that there had
come into their midst a man preeminently qualified to undertake such
a survey. In other words, had Hassler not come to the United States,
probably no effort would have been made at that time to organize such
a slurvey. Upon President Jefferson's recommendation. Congress
passed a law, authorizing a survey on February 10th, 1807, and made
an appropriation of $50,000. Albert Gallatin, Secretary of the Treab-
ury, addressed a circular letter to scientific men, asking for plans for
carrying the survey into effect. Among the replies were letters from
Robert Patterson of the U. S. Mint, James Madison, then President of
William and Mary College, Andrew Ellicott who had long been active
as a surveyor in the United States, John Garnett of New Brunswick who
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SWISS GEODESY AND THE U. S. COAST SURVEY 123
was interested in astronomic and geodetic affairs. Hassler's reply was
written in the French language; it carefully outlined a trigonometric
survey and the use of chronometers in localities where trigonometric
surveys would be very difficult. At President Jefferson's direction, a
commission passed upon these plans. That Hassler's plans would be
chosen seemed to be a foregone conclusion in the minds of most scien-
tists interested. The commission was formed of the very men who had
submitted plans, with the omission of Hassler, who was then at West
Point In rejection of their own plans, they recommended Hassler's.
On account of political disturbances in Europe and America the sur-
vey was not begun in 1807. Meanwhile Hassler had been appointed
acting professor of mathematics at West Point, where he served two
years. Later he was for one year professor at Union College at Sche-
nectady.
During his residence at West Point and Schenectady he had occa-
sional correspondence with Patterson regarding details for the coast
survey, especially the necessary instruments. On September 2, 1807,
Patterson asked him by letter whether he would be willing to go to
London to direct the construction of the instruments there. Hassler
expressed his willingness to undertake the mission, but not until
August, 181 1, was the government able to send him. Hassler embarked
with his large family for England.
After the death of Ramsden, Edward Trou^ton came into ascend-
ency as a skilled mechanic. It was his ambition in life to surpass
Ramsden as an instrument maker. Hassler set Trou^ton and others
to work, manufacturing under bis direction instruments for the United
States Coast Survey. Some of the principal instruments were of Hass-
ler's own design. He secured instruments and books also from Paris.
Politically the time was unfavorable; the war of 1812 broke out.
Hassler was in the country of the enemy. Once he was refused a
passport in London until after a personal application was made to
the foreign secretary, who granted the passport with the generous re-
mark *^that the British Government made no wars on science."
The total amount expended for instruments during four years in
England and France was $37,500; including books, Hassler's salary
and travelling expenses, the outlay exceeded $55,000. Troughton, the
celebrated London instrument maker, remarked that there was not so
complete and useful a collection of instruments m the possession of
any government in Europe.
On October 16, 1815, Hassler informed Mr. Dallas, then Secretary
of the Treasury, of his safe arrival with the instruments, in Delaware
Bay; they were deposited at the University of Pennsylvania. Some of
the instruments were intended for use in two astronomical observa-
tories that were to be established according to Hassler's plans which
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124 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
had been matured some time in the interval 1807-1811. He brought
back all the instruments then deemed essential for the astronomical
observatories except a mural circle and zenith sector, which he ^'did
not venture to order, as their absolute necessity, in connection with
the survey of the coast, was not so obvious as that of the instruments
procured."
*'To procure the greatest advantage to the survey,** continued Hass-
ler, "their positions [positions of the observatories] should be as far
North East and South West as the very favorable position of the
United States admits" — one in the district of Maine, the other in Lower
Louisiana. "Nearly every celestial phenomenon observable from the
tropic to the arctic circle and within about two hundred degrees of
difference of longitude, could be observed at one or the other of them."
Little did Hassler realize at that time that over a quarter of a century
would elapse before Congress would authorize a national astronomical
observatory.
Not until May 2, 1816, did Congress pass appropriations for the
survey of the coast. In August of the same year Hassler was appointed
Superintendent of the Survey of the Coast. In his eagerness to begin
work Hassler had gone to Long Island and reconnoitered the neighbor-
hood during the month before his regular appointment. At first he
had only three inexperienced cadets from West Point to help him; in
September, Major Abert, one of his West Point acquaintances, was
detailed to assist him. Great difficulty was experienced in finding a
satisfactory locality for the measuremoit of a base line. Bad weather
caused further delays. Once his work was interrupted by a law-suit
brought by a man who charged that Hassler had cut off some branches
of a cedar bush, to make the remaining part of the bush answer as a
temporary signal. There were no railroads in those days; public hi^-
ways were few. Hassler's work took him to localities not easily reached.
For conveying of himself, his men and his delicate instruments, he had
constructed early in 1817 a spring carriage, of special design, to be
pulled by two or four horses. This carriage became famous because
of its odd appearance and because political opponents of Hassler
charged that he indulged in luxurious travel, such as was enjoyed by
no other government official.
Delays occurred also because of tardiness on the part of the Gov-
ernment in sending the necessary funds. At times Hassler advanced
money of his own, to prevent interruption of the work. The difficulties
experienced from wooded marshes and the absence of sharp points near
the coast made it necessary for him to plan for a full chain of triangles
back from the shore. The proper locality for a base was not found
until April, 1817. In February the Secretary of the Treasury asked
Hassler to state the probable time required for the execution of the
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SWISS GEODESY AND THE U. S. COAST SURVEY 125
survey. This was a disquieting question; as yet, the survey had hardly
begun! In the Canton of Berne, Switzerland, four years had been con«
sidered none too long a period for a much smaller project With
Major Abert as his only trained assistant, Hassler worked during 1817
from the opening of the season in April until the end of December,
when none but Hassler ^Uougfat it possible to stand it any longer" on
account of the cold. He worked early and late, whenever weather per-
mitted, and displayed an enthusiasm seldom equalled. At that time
Hassler knew little about American politics. He proceeded on the
supposition that if he maintained high scientific standards, if he worked
hard and faithfully, his services would be appreciated. He learned by
sad experience that this is not necessarily the case, that the head of a
government scientific bureau must take pains to keep in touch with
political leaders and through personal contact and courtesies extended
must endeavor to secure the inter^t and good will of these leaders;
in other words, that political leaders must be educated to the apprecia-
tion of science. Hassler did not work in Washington at that time. In
winter, when work in the field was impossible, he resided in Newark,
New Jersey. Even if he had tried, it would have been difficult to have
kept in touch with Congressmen.
In 1817 eight triangles were formed, determining the distances of
about forty points with great accuracy; two bases were measured; lati-
tudes and azimuths were ascertained. After December, the winter was
passed in performing the necessary computations. On April 6, 1818,
the Secretary of the Treasury apprised Hassler of the fact that the little
progress made in the survey had caused general dissatbf action in Con-
gress. This was a bolt from an almost clear sky. Hassler replied by
telling what had been accomplished — ^more than double what had been
achieved in the English survey in the same time. After sending this
reply, Hassler, who was in Newark, concluded that he had better go to
Washington with all his documents, so that he could offer any explana-
tion desired. His explanations to the Secretary of the Treasury were
of no avail; on April 14, 1818, the law authorizing the survey was so
modified by Congress as to exclude Hassler, a civilian, and leave
the survey in charge of military and naval officers.
The fundamental difference between Hassler and Congress was that
Hassler aimed to make a triangulation survey that would be a credit
to America in the eyes of scientific men of the world; such a survey
requires time. Congress, on the other hand, had no intention of aiding
science; they wanted a map of the coast and that without delay.
Terrific as this blow must have been to Hassler, he took it calmly.
Defeats never subdued him; they spurred him on to renewed efforts.
Krusenstern wrote him from St. Petersburg, ^'In Russia your talents
would have been better appreciated."
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126 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
For fourteen years nothing creditable was done on the coast sur-
vey. No one connected with it had the training, experience and vision
to carry it on successfully. These years constitute the dark ages of
the United States Coast Survey.
For Hassler these fourteen years from the age of 48 to 62 should
have been scientifically the most productive years of his life; but
eleven of the fourteen were the most barren. We pass in silence his
years of struggle to support his large family, years during which the
operation of a farm in northern New York proved financially disas-
trous, years during part of which his energy was dissipated by school
teaching in small private academies and in the compilation of elemen-
tary teKt-bodcs; years of mental anguish over the breaking of family
ties. I may add parenthetically that Hassler had nine children, several
of whom died in childhood. Hassler's eldest son has many descendants
in this country. Hassler's son, Charles Augustus, was a surgeon in the
U. S. Navy and was the father of Mary Caroline, wife of the late Simon
Newcomb, the astronomer. Mrs. Newcomb is now living in Wash-
ington.
In 1830 Hassler was placed at the head of the work of weights and
measures — a scientific department of the Federal Government organ-
ized by him. His ten years of preparation in Switzerland and his trips
to France and Germany fitted him admirably for such work. Finally
in 1832, when Hassler was 62 years old. Congress experienced a lucid
interval and re-enacted the law of 1807 on the Coast Survey. Hassler
was reinstated as superintendent For eleven years he labored assidu-
ously, until death claimed him. During that time the Coast Survey ad-
vanced with rapid strides, notwithstanding continual interference by
government officials and members of Congress.
Hassler remained mentally alert to the very last. He kept in touch
with geodesists and astronomers of Europe. He was in correspondence
with Gauss of Gotting^i. He was in touch with Bessel who wrote a
critical yet very appreciative review of Hassler's description of his plans
and instruments for the U. S. Coast Survey, printed in 1825. Bessel
saw in thos» plans original features which placed them higher than any
plans then in operation in other countries. Hassler was in regular
correspondence with Schumacher, the editor of Astronomische Nachr
richten; with Admiral Krusenstem and the elder Struve in Russia;
Hassler communicated with the astronomer Tiarks and with Edward
Troughton in England; occasionally he contributed papers to European
journals. He was an associate of the London Royal Astronomical So-
ciety. In our country he kept in correspondence with Thomas JefiPerson
and James Madison. Thus, instead of living a submissive, passive life,
instead of vegetating, he kept his mind alert, young and creative.
The reader may be interested in an unpublished letter which ex-
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SWISS GEODESY AND THE U. S. COAST SURVEY 127
Prendent Madison wrote Hassler on February 22, 1832, when Madison
was in his eighty-first year:
Montpelier, f ebruary 22, 1832.
Dear Sir :
I have received your favor with the accompanying copies of your report
on weights and measures. I have forwarded the two, one for Professor
Patterson and one for the University of Virginia, and shall dispose of the
others as you desire. For the copy allotted to myself, I return you my thanks.
The decrepit state of my health, added to my great age and other causes,
have prevented me from looking much into the work. My confidence in your
aptitude for it, takes the place of a positive proof of its merits.
I am glad to learn that you are to resume the important labor of sur-
veying the coast I hope you will be able to complete it; and to your own
satisfaction, in which case I doubt not it will be to the satisfaction of those
who invite you to the undertaking.
I tender you sir my esteemed friendly salutations.
(Signed) James Madison.
The creative side of Hassler is seen mainly in the design of new
instruments. He put forth an improved repeating theodolite. For
signals at geodetic stations, Hassler, in 1806, recommended spherical
reflectors, such as he had used in Switzerland, but later introduced
truncated cones of tin which could be manufactured easily and cheaply
and under ordinary and easy conditions, possessed advantages over
the heliotrope invented later by Gauss. Hassler appears to be the
earliest geodesist who thought of using the bright reflection of solar
light from a gilt ball or cone. After 1836 Hassler used Gauss' helio-
trope for great distances to be pierced under bad atmospheric condi-
tions. Most original was Hassler's base line apparatus which involved
an idea worked out by him in Switzerland and perfected in this coun-
try. Instead of bringing different bars in actual contact during the
progress of base-measurements, he used only one bar and optical con-
tact Each end of the bar was marked by a spider web; a compound
microscope standing upon a separate support was placed at the forward
end, right over the spider-web. As the place of this end of the bar
was determined by the microscope the bar could be moved forward and
its back end placed under the microscope. This was truly an ingenious
procedure.
It is interesting that Hassler's plans for an observatory in the United
States which were presented to the Government in 1816 and published
in 1825 should resemble those actually carried out later by Schumacher
in the Altona Observatory in 1826. From obvious principles both
scientists deduced independently of one another, plans closely resem-
bling each other.
In the making of maps, Hassler used what is now called the Ameri-
can polyconic projection. This projection was well adapted for the
eastern coast of the United States which is a narrow strip extending ap-
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128 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
proximately north and soutL Mr. C. H. Deetz of the Coast and Geodetic
Survey, says that ^*Hassler's polyconic projection possesses great popu-
larity on account of mechanical ease of construction and the fact that
a general table for its use has been calculated for the whole spheroid.**
^'It has," adds Mr. 0. S. Adams, ''been extensively used by the United
States Coast and Geodetic Survey."
When Hassler resumed work on the Coast Survey in 1832 his health
was somewhat broken, but his mind was clear and his spirit unbroken
and defiant of his opponents, to the very last ^'Difficulties have never
subdued me in my life," ''I have worked in sick days and in well days"
are statements the more impressive, when we recall his struggles
against poverty, the large family dependent upon him, the illness of
his children, his serious family vicissitudes, the advantages taken of
him by supposedly personal friends, the limitations placed upon him
by government red tape, and the political attacks hurled against him.
In these respects his career resembles that of the immortal Kepler.
In his struggles with government officials, Hassler insisted that for
the greatest success of the Coast Survey, the Superintendent must be
given liberty to hire men whenever the work required it, to arrange
for transportation of instruments by land or water, the purchase of
instruments and books within the limits set by the appropriations made
by Congress. This liberty, said Hassler, the Superintendent of the Coast
Survey should have, just as a sea-captain is allowed ''to set the sails
of his vessel according to the wind and sea." Hassler's signing the
list of accounts with the statement "these expenses were incurred in
consequence of my direction for the survey of the coast" were objected
to by auditors of the treasury department as insufficient. Hassler en-
tered a vigorous protest and in this struggle won out on many points.
A bone of contention was Hassler's salary. An anecdote became
current about 1836 that Secretary Woodburry and Hassler could not
agree on this point, and that Hassler was referred to President Jackson.
^So Mr. Hassler, it appears the Secretary and you cannot agree about
this matter," remarked President Jackson, when Hassler had stated
his case in his usual emphatic style. "No sir, we can't". "Well, how
much do you really think you ought to have?" "Six thousand dollars.
Sir." "Why, Mr. Hassler, that is as much as Mr. Woodbury himself
receives." "Mr. Voodburry!" declared Hassler, rising from his chair,
"there are plenty of Voodburrys, plenty of Everybodys who can be
made Secretary of the Treasury. But," said he, pointing his forefinger
toward himself, "there is only one, one Hassler for the head of the
Coast Survey." President Jackson, sympathizing with a character
having some traits in common with his own, granted Hassler's demand.
One objection raised to Hassler in Congress was that hb survey
was too slow and expensive; a modified, less scientific, more expedi-
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SWISS GEODESY AND THE U. S. COAST SURVEY 129
tioiis plan was advocated. As we look back now after the passage of
four score years, Hassler stands out greatest in perceiving and singling
out what was best in the practical goedesy of his time, in making im-
provements upon what he found, and then clinging to his plan, which
was a triangulation scheme, as being the best that the science of his day
brou^t forth — clinging as a mother does to her child in danger. What
looms highest is his moral quality and strength to resist compromises,
to resist hazardous alterations suggested by engineers and statesmen,
to maintain this opposition against the adoption of ^'cheaper*' yet **just
as good*' plans, and to persist in this opposition year after year,
decade after decade, from young manhood to old age. The services of
Hassler to the Nation loom larger and larger with the lapse of time.
Hassler scorned pretensions and shams. Says a recent writer: *^Due
to hb far sightedness the best foundation was thus laid for geodetic
operations."
Switzerland, at the close of the eighteenth century, embodied in its
triangulation surveys the best that European science could offer.
Tralles and Hassler introduced some novelties of their own. The
Swiss science and art of geodesy were carried by Hassler to the
United States. Keeping in constant touch with European progress,
Hassler exercised his genius in adopting European practice to Ameri-
can conditions and adding improvements of his own. Thus, Switzer-
land became the mother of Americ^in Geodesy.
VOL. xni.-
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130 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
THE fflSTORY OF CHEMISTRY— H.
By Profeasor JOHN JOHNSTON
tale untversitt
Development of Organic Chemistry in the Last Fifty Years
TIE science of organic chemistry developed, as we have seen, very
slowly until consistent ideas as to the mode of combination of the
elements, and consequently as to the structure of compounds, were
established; but since then its growth has been by leaps and bounds.
To-day the organic chemist has prepared, described, and ascertained
the constitution of compounds numbering 150,000 or more; amongst
these, in addition to a large number which had previously been isolated
from natural products, are a vast number never known until built up
in the laboratory. Indeed as soon as he established the structural prin-
ciples upon which organic compounds are built up, he became an
architect and designer of chemical structures, using as units the radicles
or groups, and proceeded in his laboratory to learn how to build up
such structures. And so it is now possible to synthesize in the labor-
atory a relatively complex substance such as uric acid from its ele-
ments; or, starting from benzene or napthalene, the chemist may finish
with a dye-stuff, a regular skyscraper of a compound whose structural
formula fills half a page and whose systematic name requires several
lines of type in more than one font.
In this connection it may be remarked that the so-called coal-tar
or aniline dyes bear about the same relation to coal-tar or aniline as
a steel battleship does to a heap of iron ore, the latter being merely
the raw material from which the former is fashioned. Moreover, an
artificial or synthetic substance is no imitation or substitute, but is
the real thing and indeed is often purer and better than the natural
product; synthetic indigo is real indigo, a synthetic ruby is a real ruby,
the only difference bdng that one is produced by what we are pleased
to call natural processes, whereas in the other the process is controlled
so as to yield a pure product
The successful synthesis of a substance is usually not possible until
its structure has been established, a matter which may require long-
continued laborious effort and analysis; even then it may be realized
very slowly, for one must learn how to make his units combine to form
the structure desired. Successful synthesis in the laboratory does not
imply that this synthesis will directly be carried out on a large scale;
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THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY 131
the development of an economically feasible scheme of operations
requires a time measured in years rather than in monthsr— even in war-
time, when considerations of financial economy are secondary and
when more effective co-operation can be secured, the interval between
preparation by the gram and production by the ton is a matter of many
mcmths. Indeed in some cases— e. g., sugar and rubber — there is no
immediate prospect of synthetic production on any large scale, be-
cause the material can be built up in the growing plant — the sugar
cane or the rubber tree — at a cost comparable with that of the basic
raw material required in its artificial production.
The story of even a single achievement in synthesis would be so
long and would involve so many technical details and explanations that
it cannot be given here; we shall have to limit ourselves to a mention
of some of the outstanding examples, premising that these achieve-
ments became possible only because of knowledge slowly accumulated
by the efforts of many men possessed by a curiosity with respect to
the inwardness of things.
Aniline, discovered first in 1840 as a decomposition product of
indigo, was found in coal-tar by Hofmann in 1843; in 1845, after his
discovery of benzene in coal-tar, Hofmann could make aniline in large
quantities from benzene. In 1856 Perkin, a student of Hofmann, while
oxidizing some crude aniline, obtained a dye; this was mauve, the first
of the aniline dyes, the starting-point of an industry which has since
grown to enormous proportions. In 1868 alizarin, hitherto prepared
from madder root, was synthesized, and, within a few years, was being
made on a large scale, to the complete displacement of the natural
product Indigo was prepared first in 1870, made from accessible coal-
tar derivatives in 1880, but it was not until 1890 that the process was
discovered which ultimately proved successful commercially; about
1902 the synthetic indigo came on the world-market, and by 1914 Ger-
many was selling over a million pounds a month at about fifteen cents
a pound, as compared with a price four times as great ten years earlier.
This list of materials made from coal-tar derivatives could be extended
indefinitely to include a whole host of compounds, many of which were
not known at all until built up by the chemist, used as dyes or drugs,
antiseptics or anaesthetics, perfumes or flavors, and now indeed con-
sidered indispensable.
About a hundred years ago, Biot observed that a ray of light polar-
ized in one plane has that plane twisted in passing through certain
organic substances; and that the direction and extent of this rotation
of the plane of polarization is different for different substances. In
1848, Pasteur — who later elucidated the whole question of fermenta-
tion and became the father of the science of bacteriology — observed
that ordinary tartaric acid rotates the polarized ray strongly to die
ri^t, but that certain tartars yielded an acid called raoemic add, iden-
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132 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
tical with tartaric acid in every respect except that it was optically in-
active. On further investigation he discovered that this racemic acid is a
mixture of two kinds of tartaric acid in equal quantities and having
equal but opposite effects on polarized light; and that the crystals of the
dextro form and of the laevo form differ only as the right hand differs
from the left or an object from its mirror-image. Pasteur also found
that any organic optically active substance will yield two forms of
crystal, left-handed and right-handed, and concluded that in such pairs
of substances the arrangement of atoms must in one case be the inverse
of the other. There the interpretatiim of the matter rested until 1874,
when vanH Hoff and Le Bel correlated the observations by the dis-
covery that the molecule of an optically active organic compound con-
tains at least one so-called asymmetric carbon atom — that is, a carbon
atom linked to four different groups — showing that optical activity
vanishes as soon as the carbon atom ceases to be asymmetric. This
type of isomerism cannot be readily visualized through structural
formulae written in one plane; but van't Hoff made it clear by pictur-
ing the carbon atom as a r^ular tetrahedron with linkages extending
outwards from the four apices, and by using solid models to represent
the compounds. On this basis it is apparent that a molecular struc-
ture comprising an asymmetric carbon atom may be either right- or
left-handed and that there will be two such stereoisomers for each
asymmetric carbon atom present; and the facts have been found to be
in complete accordance with these deductions.
The phenomenon of optical activity and its interpretation on a
stereo-chemical basis have proved of great usefulness, for it has been
to the chemist a very powerful tool in ascertaining the constitution of
many organic compounds. Particularly is this so in the case of the
sugars which have the general empirical formula CeHisOn. When Emil
Fischer started systematic work upon the sugars, in 1883, practically
nothing was known as to their constitution; in 1908, when his col-
lected papers on sugar were published, the C(Hnplex relationships had
been resolved. Fischer had succeeded in determining the structural
formula, and in synthesizing, each of the important sugars; he had
prepared many of the possible stereoisomers, thereby confirming the
usefulness of van't Hoff's theory, and had, indeed, systematized the
whole matter. This is only one of his great achievements; for he had
simultaneously established the constitution of many compounds of the
so-called purin group, a group which includes substances such as
caffeine and uric acid. His work on sugars brought in its train the
necessity for examining further the nature and properties of substances
which bring about the process of fermentation; from this it is but a
short step to the proteins, a class of substances more directly connected
with life processes than any other. And in this field likewise, which at
the outset presented unparalleled difficulties, Fischer progressed a long
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THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY 133
way; he was able to break down the complex substances into simpler
amino-acids and other nitrogenous compounds, to ascertain the struc*
tore of these decomposition products, and by bringing about recom-
bination of these units to prepare synthetic peptides which approximate
to the natural products.
The measure of Fischer's achievement in this matter is brought out
by a quotation from a short history of chemistry published as recently
as 1899:^
Not only the simple formic and acetic acids, but complex vegetable acids,
such as tartaric, citric, salicylic, gallic, cinnamic; not marsh gas and ethylic
alcohol only, but phenols, indigo, alizarin, sugars, and even alkaloids identical
with those extracted from the tissues of plants, are now producible by purely
chemical processes in the laboratory. It might appear that such triumphs
would justify anticipations of still greater advances, by which it might be-
come possible to penetrate into the citadel of life itself. Nevertheless the
warning that a limit, though distant yet, is certainly set in this direction
to the powers of man, appears to be as justifiable now, and even as necessary,
as in die days when all these definite organic compounds were supposed to
be producible only through the agency of a "vital force." Never yet has
any compound approaching the character and composition of albumen or any
proteid been formed by artificial methods, and it is at least improbable that
It ever will be without the assistance of living organisms.
This illustrates again the danger of prophecies as to the limitation
of man's powers; for the limitaticHis set are continually being trans-
cended by the genius, and he would be rash who would now set a limit
to what may be learned from biochemical investigations, in view of
the extraordinary progress made within the present cmitury; but to
discuss this fascinating subject is beyond the scope of this ^etch
of the development of the principles of chemistry.
General and Inorganic Chemistry Since 1860
Compared with the enormous growth of organic chemistry, that of
inorganic chemistry was for a long time insignificant. It remained for
many years largely in the hands of the so-called practical man, who
has been defined as the man who practices the errors of his grand-
father; and contented itself largely with descriptions of substances
rather than with their interrelations and structure. As one instance
among many, it may be mentioned that there has been no real technical
improvement in the Chamber Process of making sulphuric acid —
which is the key substance, made by the millions of tons yearly, in all
chemical manufacture — since Gay-Lussac invented his absorption tower
nearly one hundred years ago; nor does this mean that there is no room
for improvement, but merely that it was not sought properly. Indeed
as late as 1900, many chonists considered that but little more, and
that little not of the first importance, remained to be done in inorganic
chemistry; the truth being the exact opposite — that we had then barely
WW. T. Tilden, "A Short History of the Progress of Scientific Chem-
istry," p. 154.
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134 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
scratched the surface of this enormous field. It had not been ade-
quately recognized that chemistry had been dealing in the main widi
the bdiavior of a rather restricted range of substances over a narrow
range of temperature (say, from somewhat below the freezing point up
to 400°) and, practically, at a single pressure — with a mere slice of
the whole field, in fact — and that these conditions are quite arbitrary
when we consider the whole subject-matter of chemistry.
Nor is the development of inorganic chemistry of subsidiary im-
portance, from any point of view. If judged with respect solely to the
monetary value of its products it would be far ahead of organic chem-
istry, as will be obvious if we recall that it is concerned with the produc-
tion of all our metals, of building materials such as brick, cement,
glass, and with the manufacture of all kinds of articles in every-day
use. One reason for its comparative neglect for so many years is that
inorganic chemistry is in a sense the more diflKcult in that, whereas
organic compounds usually stay put and behave regularly— cme might
say Aat organic radicles are conservative and conventional — ^the be-
havior of many inorganic compounds is more complex, somewhat
analogous to that of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde; another is that the great
successes of organic chemistry attracted a majority of the workers.
But the main reason is that the proper theories for the interpretation
of the phenomena had not been available, consequently proper tools
and adequate methods of investigation had not been developed.
The fmidamental idea which was lacking is the conception of chem-
ical equilibrium, the importance of which was not really grasped until
about thirty years ago and is not yet adequately apprehended by many
chemists. The first contribution to this question we need notice dates
from 1865, when Guldberg and Waage published the so-called law of
mass-acticm. This paper may be said to inaugurate the quantitative
study of chemical equilibrium, though progress for many years was
quite slow. Indeed at that time the conception of equilibrium was very
recent; of the few cases then known, the majority were certain gases
which had been observed to expand with rise in temperature in an
apparently anomalous manner as compared to the so-called permanent
gases; this anomaly was accounted for on the basis that a progressive
dissociation of the gas, e. g. ammonium chloride (NH^Cl) into simpler
molecules of ammonia (NH,) and hydrochloric acid (HCl), takes
place on heating and that the constituents recombine on subsequent
cooling. Hundreds of instances are now kno¥m, all of which are in
quantitative accord with the law of mass-action.
According to this law, the extent of chemical action within a homo-
geneous gaseous system is determined by the ^'active mass", — or better,
the effective concentraticm — qf each species of molecule taking part in
the reaction; this implies that an apparently stationary condition, a
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THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY 135
state of equilibriiim, is finally reached, at which point the tendency
of the reaction to go forward is just counterbalanced by the tendency
of the reverse reaction^ This may be made more objective by an actual
example. By the equati<m
CO + H,0 -<=>. H^ + CO,
carbon monoxide steam hydrogen carbon dioxide
we symbolize the fact that under appropriate conditions in any mix-
ture of the ^ses CO and HgO some proportion of the gases H, and CO,
will be formed, and conversely, in any mixture of H, and COj some
proportion of CO and HjO will be formed; and the law of mass-action
states that the concentrations of the several gases will always adjust
themselves so that ultimately
["»] [">»] ^^
[CO] [H,0]
where the symbols [H,], etc., doiote the concentrations of the several
reacting species, and K is a constant, the equilibrium constant, the value
of which depends upon the temperature but not upon the original
amounts of any of the substances. From this it is obvious that, if we
know the value of K corresponding to any temperature, we are in posi-
tion to predict exactly what will happen in any mixture in which this
reaction may take place, and consequently to select the conditions under
which the maximum yield of any one of the substances may be expected.
The usefulness of this is so apparent as to require no ccmunent.
The law of mass-acdcm is but a special case of the general question
of equilibrium treated so comprehensively by Willard Gibbs, at that
time Professor of Mathematical Physics at Yale, on the general basis
of the laws of thermodynamics. These two laws now underlie so much
of the reasoning upon which advances in chemistry and physics have
been based that we must go back a little to consider them.
The doctrine that heat is an imponderable became finally untenable
about 1860, when the work of Mayer in Germany and of Joule in Elng-
land had finally convinced everybody that heat is a form of energy,
and that heat and work are quantitatively interchangeable. This leads
directiy to the First Law of Thermodynamics, the doctrine of the con-
servation of Clergy, that energy is indestructible and uncreatable, that
energy, though apparentiy disappearing, is simultaneously reappearing
in another form. The second law in its briefest form is that a ther-
modynamic perpetual motion is impossible; perhaps I can best convey
an idea of it by means of the picturesque analogies of a recent writer:^
There is one law that regulates all animate and inanimate things. It
is formulated in various ways, for instance: Running down hill is easy.
In Latin it reads, facUis descensus Averni. Herbert Spencer calls it the dis^
solution of definite coherent heterogeneity into indefinite incoherent homo-
i^Slosson, Creative Chemistry, page 145.
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136 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
geneity. Mother Goose expresses it in the fable of Humpty Dumpty, and
Sie business man extracts the moral as, "You can't unscramble an egg." The
theologian calls it the dogma of natural depravity. The physicist calls it
the second law of thermodynamics. Clausius formulates it as "The entropy
of the world tends toward a maximum." It is easier to smash up than to
build up. Children find that this is true of their toys; the Bolsheviki have
found that it is true of a civilization.
These two laws, which had been established largely by the work of
Mayer, Joule, Clausius and William Thomson (later Lord Kelvin),
have only been confirmed by all subsequent work; and they are now
considered as fundamental as any laws in physical science. The great
advance in applying them generally to chemical processes is due to
Gibbs, who in 1876 and 1878 printed in the Transactions of the Con-
necticut Academy the two parts of his epoch-making paper **0n the
Equilibrium of Heterogeneous Substances.^ Gibbs was, however, so
far in advance of his time and his paper was moreover so inaccessible,
that the importance of his work was not recognized for ten years, when
it was proclaimed by Roozeboom and began to be used as a guide —
almost entirely by Hollanders and Germans — in the interpretation of
chemical phenomena. It is hardly too much to say that the very large
number of subsequent advances in this field are merely applications
and variations of Gibbs' fundamental considerations; that his paper
mapped out the lines of advance in a new field of chemical science
comparable in importance to that uncovered by Lavoisier. The concep-
tion of equilibrium in chemical processes constitutes the central idea
of what is commonly called physical chemistry, which however would
be better termed theoretical or general chemistry since it deals with
the general principles of the science.
To many Gibbs' name is familiar only as the formulator of the
phase rule, a general principle, derived from his thermodynamic dis-
cussion of chemical equilibrium, which enables one to sort chemical
systems tending to equilibrium into categories, and to state qualita-
tively what behavior may be expected in each type of system. The
phase rule has been of indispensable service in the elucidation of prob-
lems as apparently diverse as the constitution of alloys (another large
field in which we have done little more than scratch the surface
hitherto) ; the origin of salt-deposits in the earth; the separation of
potash or other valuable salts from the waters of saline lakes; the rela-
tion between different crystal forms of the same chemical substance,
as exemplified in many minerals and in the so-called allotropic modifi-
cations of the elements themselves (e. g. diamond and graphite; phos-
phorus, white and red, etc.). Indeed the service which these doctrines
with respect to chemical equilibrium have rendered is but a fraction of
what they will render- to chemical science, and hence to the people
at large.
For a long time there had been investigations looking towards a
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THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY 137
relation between physical properties and chemical ccmstitution. An
early instance is the work of Dulong and Petit, who discovered that
equal amounts of heat are required to raise equally the temperature of
solid and liquid elements, provided quantities are taken proportional
to the atomic weights; and this was frequently used as a criterion in
fixing upon the proper atomic weight. This is an instance of the neces-
sity of comparing quantities which are really comparable chemically,
instead of equal weights; that r^ularities which otherwise would re-
main hidden will be appar^it when an equal number of chemical units
— ^molecules — are considered. Hence it is obvious that few such regu-
larities would be observed so long as there was confusion with respect
to atoms and molecules; but since 1860 there has been continuous prog-
ress in this direction, though until very rec^itly chemists had in their
comparisons often made insufficient use of chemical units, as compared
with the arbitrary unit of weight, the gram. As examples of this type of
relationship we may mention: the heat capacities (specific heats) of
gases; the molecular volume, the heat-change acc(»npanying combus-
tion, formation, or melting, particularly as applied to homologous
series of organic compounds; the relation between constitution and
color and other optical properties, etc.
Along with this went naturally the question of the properties of a
substance as affected by mixture with another, of solutions in particu-
lar. The fact that the boiling-point of a solution is hi^er than that
of the solvent itself had long been known, and measurements of the
rise in boiling point caused by equal weights of dissolved material had
been made; but it was not until 1884 that Ostwald pointed out that this
rise is approximately the same, for any one solvent, when computed
for equal numbers of molecules dissolved in the same amount of the
solvent. The measurements had been mainly of solutions of a salt
in water; but in 1886 Raoult extended the observations to other sub-
stances and stated what is now known as Raoult's law, which may be
considered as the fundamental law formulating the dependence of the
general properties of a perfect solution upon its composition; namely,
the lowering of the vapor pressure of the solvent is proportional to the
nim:iber of dissolved molecules per unit of solvent, or as now fre-
quently phrased, the partial pressure of a component of a solution is
proportional to its molar fraction, the molar fracticm being defined as
the ratio of the number of molecules of that component to the total
number of molecules present. Soon thereafter van't Hoff gave the
thermodynamic relationships between lowering of vapor pressure and
raising of boiling-point, lowering of freezing-point, and osmotic pres-
sure; by means of which any one of these may be deduced from another
provided that certain constants characteristic of the solvent are known.
It was then possible, from such measurements, to calculate the mole-
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138 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
cular weight of the substance in solution; when this was done, many of
the results were anomalous — in particular, the apparent molecular
weight of a salt in solution in water was little more than half what one
would expect from its formula.
Now it had long been known that certain classes of substances dis-
solved in water yield a solution which is a good conductor of electricity,
and that aqueous solutions of other substances are poor conductors;
the former class, called electrolytes by Faraday, comprises salts, acids
and bases (alkalies) , whereas the typical non-electrolyte is an organic
substance such as sugar. And it was precisely these electrolytes which
exhibited the anomalous molecular weight To account for this ano-
maly Arrhenius propounded the theory of electrolytic dissociation, the
basic idea of which is that the electrolytes, when dissolved in water,
dissociate into two or more constituent particles, that these constituents
are the ions, or carriers of electricity through the solution, and that
each ion affects the general properties of the solution just as if it
were an independent molecule. This theory is another landmark in
the field of chemistry, for it has served to correlate and systematize a
very large number of apparently diverse facts.
It would lead too far to go into the consequences and applications
of the theory of ionization; how it enables us to choose the optimum
conditions under which to carry out many analytical operations; how
it leads to the view that acidity is determined by the actual concentra-
tion of hydrogen-ion (H+), and basicity (alkalinity) by hydroxyl-i<xi
(OH"*) , etc Its usefulness and importance in aiding us towards a real
knowledge of aqueous soluticms — a knowledge so essential to progress
in many lines — ^is so great as to require no emphasis. And yet the
theory is not completely satisfactory, there being still some outstanding
anomalies, particularly in connection with the so-called strong electro-
lytes as typified by ordinary salts; but there is hope that these dis-
crepancies will disappear with the growth of knowledge of electro-
chemistry.
The fundamental law of electrochemistry was discovered by Fara-
day prior to 1840, namely: that one unit of electricity transports one
chemical equivalent of an ion, irrespective of voltage, temperature, con-
centration or other conditions. Later, it was established that these ions
move independently of one another, and with characteristic velocities,
facts which, with others, were satisfactorily coordinated by the theory
of ionization; which in turn led to greatly improved control of prac-
tical electrochemical processes, such as electroplating. Again, it had
long been known that an electromotive force is set up whenever there
is a differ^ice of any kind at two electrodes immersed in an electrolyte,
and when two similar electrodes are placed in different solutions, or in
solutions of the same substance at different concentrations. The next
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THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY 139
step in advance was taken by Nernst, in 1889, who, from thermodyna-
mical reasoning confirmed by direct experiment, deduced the relation
between the electro-motive force and the ratio of effective concentra-
tion of the active ion ki one solution to that in the other. Measure-
ment of electromotive force, dierefore, under appropriate conditions,
yields independent information as to the effective concentration, or
activity, of the ions. Nor is this the only application of this princi-
ple to the development of chemistry; for it also affords a measure of
chemical affinity.
One of the characteristic phenomena accompanying a chemical
change is an evolution or absorption of heat; in other words, the
amount of heat contained by the reacting system changes with the
chemical change. The measurement of this heat change, which may
range from a large negative quantity through zero to a large positive
quantity, is the province of thermo-chemistry. Our knowledge of these
heats of reaction is largely due to Thomsen and to Berthelot, each of
whom started irom the supposition that the heat effect is a direct meas-
ure of relative affinity; and it was with this end in view that
they carried out the very laborious work involved in these determina-
tions. It is now clear that this supposition is erroneous, that the maxi-
mum work producible by a reaction, or its free energy, is a truer meas-
ure of affinity, the heat effect being an important factor in this maxi-
mum work or free energy. The systematic determination of the free
energy of reactions, one of the most potent methods being the electrical
method outlined above, is an outstanding task of modem chemistry, of
consequence to the progress of the science as well as to industrial
progress.
Graham, the discoverer in 1829 of the law relating the rate of diffu-
sion of a gas to its d^isity, later made experiments on the rate of diffu-
sion of dissolved substances through animal membranes; this work led
him to divide substances into two categories — ^the rapidly moving
crystalloids, typified by salt, and the slow moving colloids, typified by
gum arable or gelatine. For a long time this distinction persisted,
colloids being regarded as somewhat mysterious, rather messy, sub-
stances; and it was apparently considered a good explanation of some
ill-understood phenomenon to attribute it, if possible, to a colloid. This
whole matter received little systematic attention for forty years and
only after 1900 did it become evident that we should not speak of a col-
loid as a distinct class of substances, but may speak only of the colloidal
state. The characteristic phen<Hnenon is the dispersion of one sub-
stance in another, the system being therefore heterogeneous; and the
properties of the colloidal system depend upon the kind of particle,
and upon their fineness, — in short, upon the nature and extent of the
surface of separation of the two phases. In an outline on the present
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140 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
scale <me cannot go further into colloid chemistry, except to say that
nearly everything remains to be done and that increased knowledge of
the subject is fundamental to progress along many lines in biology and
medicine, and is also of inestimable impoitance to ail manner of in-
dustries, ranging from tanning to pottery.
Closely connected with this, since they also are surface effects, are
the phenomena of adsorption and of catalysis, both known in more or
less isolated instances for a long time, and both very ill understood.
Their importance has been demonstrated recently, the former in con-
nection with the provision of a satisfactory gas-mask, the latter as a
means of making certain products — for instance, edible fats out of
inedible oils, — in the fixation of atmospheric nitrogen, etc. And there
is no question that both phenomena will be made use of increasingly,
and that this increase will be accelerated as soon as we begin to under-
stand the principles underlying these phenomena, a matter up<m which
we are still in the dark. Indeed, even as it is, extension of the use of
catalytic methods is proceeding so rapidly that predictions are being
made that we are entering upon what might be called a catalytic age
in so far as the making of many chemical products is concerned.
As we have already noted, practically all chemical work, until very
recently, had been carried out within a temperature range extending
only from 0° up to 400° and at pressures ranging from atmospheric
dovm to, say, 0.01 atmosphere. But the recent extension of these
ranges has had so many practical consequences as to require some men-
tion. This extension, though it hardly involves any important new
chemical principle, has in a sense been equivalent to erne, in that it
has forced chemists to consider the subject more broadly and to re-
member that ^'ordinary ciHiditions" are quite arbitrary in reference to
the subject as a whole. To illustrate, the chemistry at the 1000° hori-
zon, though subject to the same general principles, has to deal with
only a small fracti<m of the compounds familiar to us at the 25°
horizMi, and is inc<»nparably simpler; at the 2000° horizon it would be
still simpler, and at still higher temperatures — as in many of the stars
— ^tfae elements, at that temperature all gaseous, in place of being com-
bined with one another, would probably be in part themselves disso-
ciating.
Before 1845 Faraday had succeeded in liquefying, by cooling and
compressing, many of the gases thai known; but a few of the most
common gases — ^viz., nitrogen, oxygen, hydrogen, carbon monoxide,
nitric oxide, methane — ^resisted all his efforts, wherefore they were often
alluded to as the ^^permanent gases." The clue was givoi in 1861 by
Andrews, who showed that there is for each gas a critical temperature
above which it cannot be liquefied by any pressure whatever;^* and
the reason for lack of success with the permanent gases was that the
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THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY !«
lowest temperature employed had been above the critical point of those
gases. With appreciation of this point and with improvements of
technique, resukmg in part from theory and in part from practice,
success was finally achieved in all cases; all known gases have there-
fore now been liquefied, and there is only a difference in degree of
^^permanence" between hydrogen which condenses to liquid. at 30°
absolute and water vapor (steam) which condenses at 373° absolute.
Hie main victories in conquering this region are given in the follow-
ing table:
UQUEFACTION OF THE "PERMANENT** GASES
Snbitance Date whes ObMnrer Llqald
liquid fixM Critical Temperature Boiling Temperature Freea'f Temp,
obuined C. aba. C. aba. C. aba.
Oxygen 1883 Wroblewski — 1180 155 — 181° 92 —235 38
Nitrogen 1883 Wroblewski —146 127 —195 78 — 2i5 S8
Hydrogen 1898 Dewar —243 3© —252 21 —248 17
Helium 1908 Onnes —268 5 --269 4 2.5
To this may be added that liquid air was first obtained by Wroblew-
ski in 1885, was available for research purposes in 1891, and since
1895, with the development of the commercial machine for producing
it, has become an industry; it is now indispensable to several lines of
work — ^for instance, wherever very low pressures are required. Inci-
dentally, too, its development resulted in the invention of the vacuum-
jacketed, or Dewar, tube which is now a necessary tool in all work at
low temperatures and a convenience to the community generally.
With the command of low temperatures, it is now possible to make
accurate measurement, e. g. of specific beats, at temperatures not so
far removed from the absolute zero. And there is reason to believe
that this type of work is going to furnish very valuable information
on some moot questions; for instance, on the entropy of substances
at the lowest temperatures and on the applicability of the Nemst heat
theorem, called by some the third law of thermodynamics — questions
which bear a very intimate relation to the problem of the nature of
chemical aflhiity.
Apart frcHU mainly qualitative work, such as that of Moissan with
his arc-furnace on the carbides, little accurate high-temperature work
was done until about 1900. In the meantime methods of control and
measurement have been developed to such an extent that many types
of measurement may be made just as accurately at 1000^ as at 100°.
This has enabled many equilibria, both homc^eneous (usually in gas
systems) and heterogeneous (that is, essentially solubilities), to be
determined carefully over a wide range of temperature. Such knowl-
edge is essential for many purposes, both practical and theoretical —
from the nature of ccMnbusticm to the constitution of alloys and the
mode of formation of minerals and rocks. Very recently high tem-
WThough, as we now know, it may be solidified by application of sufficient
pressure at tonperatures higher than the critical end-point of the liquid.
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142 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
peratures have been coupled with minimal pressures in experimental
work on electron emission and related topics; but this is at the moment
usually considered a part of the domain of physics, which has not yet
received adequate attention from a chemical point of view. In the field
of high pressures, as in that of high temperatures, recent technical
progress has made it possible to follow many types of changes with
as high accuracy at a pressure of 10,000 atmospheres (i. e. 150,000
pounds to the square inch) as at 10 atmospheres. This is bringing to
light phenomena hitherto unsuspected; thus, when the whole range is
considered, it appears to be the rule, rather than the exception, that a
substance when solidified exists in more than one crystalline form, each
stable within a definite range of temperature and pressure. As an in-
stance of this, there are in addition to ordinary ice, at least four other
forms of crystalline water, stable at high pressure; and under increas-
ing high pressure the freezing temperature of water steadily rises until
at, for instance, a pressure of 20,000 atm. it freezes about 73^ (centi-
grade) higher than its ordinary freezing point.
The phenomena observed at high and low temperatures and at
high and low pressures all illustrate the fact that chemistry should not
be looked upon as a collection of isolated things which can be manipu-
lated in a sort of magical way, but is to be thought of as, in a sense,
almost a continuum all parts of which are subject to definite laws, still
incompletely elucidated; the relative behavior of all substances being
controlled by these laws in the same sense as the relative motions of
the heavenly bodies are controlled by the law of gravitation.
In this brief sketch of the development of chemical scioice, many
things must remain unmentioned. Yet it must not be supposed that
these things are intrinsically unimportant; indeed an explanation of
some puzzling phenomenon may arise out of work in another field, ap-
parently entirely unrelated, each advance in knowledge of any field
being that much wrested from the domain of ignorance, and reacting
in favor of advances at oth^ points of the line. In particular it has
not been practicable to mention the several branches of applied chem-
istry, for instance, the study of the substances and reactions involved
in life-processes, with its remarkable advance within the last few years,
which would require a chapter to itself; or even analytical chemistry, an
essential branch of the subject, which develops with each development of
principle, and is to be regarded as including all methods of anal3rsis
and not merely the semi-traditional methods applied to a scHuewhat re-
stricted group of salts of certain metallic bases. The growth of the
whole subject-matter may perhaps be gauged frc»n the fact that the
1920 volume of Chemical Abstracts, which gives merely brief ab-
stracts of papers of interest to chemists published within the year, con-
tains more than 4,000 pages, and that die index to this volume alone
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THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY 143
will cover more than 600 pages closely printed in double column.
From this it is obvious that, even though a large proportion of these
papers contain little of real value, one cannot keep abreast of advances
in the whole subject but can only hope to have a general knowledge
of principles and to acquire a special knowledge of some restricted
field.
These principles of chemical science are of its essence and consti-
tute its philosophy; only with development of this philosophy will it
be possible to progress in the correlation and systematization of the
multitudinous facts of chemistry. The progress of this philosophy,
which indeed demands the services of the physicist as much as those
of the chemist, is obliterating the line of demarcation between these
two sciences. Initially physics dealt mainly with changes which affect
matter independently of its composition, whereas chemistry was con-
cerned mainly with the change of composition; but the physicist and
chemist came to meet on common ground for the reason that the quanti-
tative measures of most of the so-called physical properties are inti-
mately connected with the constituticm of the substance. And it may
be said that the recent very significant advances — dating, say from the
discovery of the X-rays — concern the chemist just as much as the physi-
cist, and that each of them should be conversant with the general mode
of thought of the other. Indeed the several sciences have in the past
been too far apart from one another, and we should now sedc in-
creased co-operation, for it is precisely in the boundary regions be-
tween them that the most valuable advances in the immediate future
will be made.
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144 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH— VL EXPERIMENTAL
STUDIES ON THE DURATION OF LIFE^
By Professor RAYMOND PEARL
the johns hopkins university
1. Inheritance of Duration of Life in Drosophila
IN the last paper there was presented indubitable proof that in-
heritance is a major factor in determining the duration of life in
man. The evidence, while entirely convincing and indeed in the writ-
er's opinion critically conclusive, must be, in the nature of the case,
statistical in its nature. Experimental inquiries into the duration of
human life are obviously impossible. Public, opinion frowns upon them
in the first place, and even if this difficulty were removed man would
furnish poor material for the experimental study of this particular
problem because he lives too long. It is always important, however,
as a general principle, and particularly so in the present instance, to
check one's statistical conclusions by independent experimental evi-
dence. This can be successfully done, when one's problem is longevity,
only by dioosing an animal whose life-span relative to that of man is
a short one, and in general the briefer it is the better suited will the
animal be for the purpose.
FIG. 1. male and female FRUIT FLY {Drotophila meUnogatUr), (From Morgan)
1 Papers from the Department of Biometry and Vital Statistics, School
of Hygiene and Public Health, Johns Hopkins University, No. 33.
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH U5
An organism which rather completely fulfils the requirements of
the case, not only in respect of the shortness of the life span, but also
in other ways, such as ease of handling, feeding, housing, ^c., is the
common ^^fruit** or ^'vinegar" fly, Drosophila melanagaster. This crea-
ture, which every one has seen hovering about bananas and other fruit
in fruit shops, has lately attained great fame and respectability as a
laboratory animal, as a result of the brilliant and extended investiga-
tions of Morgan and his students upon it, in an analysis of the
mechanism of heredity. Drosophila is a small fly, perhaps one fourth
as large as the conmion house fly. It has striking red eyes, a browni^
body, and wings of length and form varying in different strains. It
lives normally on the surface of decajring fruit of all sorts, but because
of a more or less well marked preference for banana it is sometimes
called the ^^banana" fly. While it lives on decaying fruit surfaces its
food is mainly not the fruit itself, but the yeast which is always grow-
ing in such places.
The life cycle of the fly is as follows: The egg laid by the female
on some fairly dry spot on the food develops in about 1 day into a
larva. This larva or maggot squirms about and feeds in the rich
medium in which il finds itself for about 3 to 4 days and then forms a
pupa. From the pupa the vdnged imago or adult form emerges in
about 4 or 5 days. The female generally begins to lay eggs within the
first 24 hours after she is hatched. So then we have about 8 to 10 days
as the minimum time duration of a generation. The whole cycle from
egg to egg, at ordinary room temperature, falls within this 10-day
period with striking accuracy and precision.
The duration of life of the adult varies in an orderly manner from
less than 1 day to over 90 days. The span of life of Drosophila quan-
titatively parallels in an extraordinary way that of man, widi only
the difference that life's duration is measured with different yardsticks
in the two cases. Man's yardstick is one year long, while DrosophiUis
is one day long. A fly 90 days old is just as decrepit and senile, for a
fly, as a man 90 years old is in human society.
This parallelism in the duration of life of Drosophila and man is
well shown in Fig. 2, which represents a life table for adult flies of
both sexes. The survivorship, or Ix figures, are the ones plotted. The
curves deal only with flies in the adult or imago stage, after the com-
pletion of die larval and* pupal periods. The curve is based upon 3,216
female and 2,620 male flies, large enough numbers to give reliable and
smooth results. We note at once that in general the curve has the
same form as the corresponding Ix curve from human mortality tables.
The most striking difference is in the absence from the fly curves of the
heavy infant mortality which characterizes the human curve. There is
no specially sharp drop in the curve at the beginning of the life cycle,
VOL. xni.— 10.
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146
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
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FIG. 2. LIFE LINES FOR DrotophiU m^Umogutsr, SHOWING THE SURVIVORS AT DIFFERENT
AGES OUT OF 1000 BORN AT THE SAME TIME
such as has been seen in the Z, curve for man in an earlier paper in this
series. This might at first be thought to be accounted for by the fact
that the curve begins after the infantile life of the fly, but it must be
remenJbered that the human Ix line begins at birth, and no account is
taken of the mortality in utero. Really the larval and pupal stages of
the fly correspond rather to the foetal life of a human being than to the
infant life, so that one may fairly take the curves as covering compar-
able portions of the life span in the two cases and reach the conclusion
that there is not in the fly an especially heavy incidence of mortality in
the infant period of life, as there is in man. The explanation of this
fact is, without doubt, that the fly when it emerges from the pupal stage
is completely able to take care of itself. The baby is, on the contrary,
in an almost totally helpless condition at the same relative age.
It is further evident that at practically all ages in Drasophila the
number of survivors at any given age is higher among the females than
among the males. This, it will be recalled, is exactly the state of the
case in human mortality. The speed of the descent of the Drasophila
curve slows off in old age, just as happens in the human life curve.
The rate of descent of the curve in early middle life is somewhat more
rapid with the flies than in the case of human beings, but as will
presently appear there are some strains of flies which give curves almost
identical in this respect with the human mortality curves. In the life
curves of Figure 2, all different degrees of inherited or constitutional
variation in longevity are included together. More accurate pictures
of the true state of affairs will appear when we come, as we presently
shall, to deal with groups of individuals more homogeneous in respect
of their hereditary constitutions.
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH 147
Having now demonstrated that the incidence of mortality is in
general aimilar in the fly DrosophUa to what it is in man, with a suit-
able change of unit of measure, we may proceed to examine some of the
evidence regarding the inheritance of duration of life in this organism.
The first step in such an examination is to determine what degree of
natural variation of an hereditary sort exists in a general fly popula-
tion in respect of this characteristic. In order to do this it is necessary
to isolate individual pairs, male and female, breed them together and
see whether, between the groups of offspring so obtained, there are
genetic differences in respect of duration of life which persist through
an indefinite number of generations. This approaches closely to the
process called by geneticists the testing of pure lines. In such a process
the purpose is to reduce to a minimum the genetic diversity which can
possibly be exhibited in the material. In a case like the present, the
whole amount of genetic variation in respect of duration of life which
can appear in the offspring of a single pair of parents is only that
which can arise by virtue of its prior existence in the parents them-
selves individually, and from the combination of the germinal varia-
tion existing in the two parents one with another. We may call the
offspring, through successive generations, of a single pair of parents a
line of descent If, when kept under identical environmental conditions
such lines exhibit widely different average durations of life, and if
diese differences reappear with constancy in successive generations, it
may be justly concluded that the basis of these differences is hereditary
in nature, since by hypothesis die environment of all the lines is kept
the same. In consequence of the environmental equality whatever dif-
ferences do appear must be inherently genetic
The manner in which these experiments are performed may be of
interest An experiment starts by placing two flies, brother and sister,
selected from a stock bottle, together in a half -pint milk bottle. At the
bottom of the bottle is a solidified, jelly-like mixture of agar-agar and
boiled and pulped banana. On this is sown as food some dry yeast.
A bit of folded filter paper in the bottle furnishes the larvae opportun-
ity to pupate on a dry surface. About ten days after the pair of flies
have been placed in this bottle fully developed offspring in the imago
stage begin to emerge. The day before these offspring flies are due to
appear, the original parent pair of flies are removed to another bottle
precisely like the first, and the female is allowed to lay another batch
of eggs over a period of about nine days. In the original bottle there
will be offspring flies emerging each day, having developed from the
eggs laid by the mother on each of the successive days during which
the was in the bottle. Each morning the offspring flies which have
emerged during the preceding twenty-four hours are transferred to a
small bottle. This has, just as the larger one, food material at the
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148
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
bottom and like the larger one is closed vrith a cotton stopper. All of
the offspring flies in one of these small bottles are obviously of the
same age, because they were bom at the same time, using this term
''bom" to denote emergence from the pupal stage as imagines. EaxH
following day these small bottles are inspected. Whenever a dead fly
is found it is removed and a record made in proper form of the fact
that its death occurred, and its age and sex are noted Finally, when
all the flies in a given small bottle have died that bottle is discarded, as
the record of the duration of life of each individual is then complete.
All the bottles are kept in electric incubators at a constant temperature
of 25° C, the small bottles being padced for convenience in wire
baskets. All have the same food material, both in quality and quantity,
so that the environmental conditions surrounding these flies during
their life may be regarded as substantially constant and uniform for
all.
tooo
60 U 7Z 70 dd 90
no. S. UFE UNES FOR DIFFERENT INBRED LINES OF DESCENT IN DnuopkUm
Fgure 3 aihows the survival frequency, or Ix line of a life table,
for six different lines of DrosophUa, which have been bred in my
laboratory. Each line represents the survival distribution of the off-
spring of a single brother and sister pair mated together. In forming
a line a brother and sister are taken as the initial start because by so
doing the amount of genetic variation present in the line at the begin-
ning is reduced to the lowest possible minimum. It should be said that
in all of the curves in Figure 3 both male and female offspring are
lumped together. This is justifiable for illustrative purposes because
of the small difference in the expectation of life at any age between
the sexes. The line of descent No. 55 figured at the top of the diagram
gives an Ix line extraordinarily like that for man, with the exception of
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH 14»
the omission of the sharp drop due to infantile mortality at the begin-
ning of the curve. The extreme duration of life in this line was 81
days, reached by a female fly. The Ix line drops off very slowly until
age 36 days. From that time on the descent is more rapid until 72 days
of age are reached when it slows up again. Lines 50, 60, and 58 show
Ix curves all descending more rapidly in the early part of the life
cycle than that for line 55, although the maximum d^ree of longevity
attained is about the same in all of the four first curves. The general
shape of the Ix curves changes however, as is clearly seen if we contrast
line 55 with line 58. The former is concave to the base through nearly
the whole of its course, whereas the Ix curve for line 58 is convex to
the base practically throughout its course. While, as is clear from
the diagram, the maximum longevity attained is about the same for all
of these upper four lines, it is equally obvious that the mean duration
of life exhibited by the lines falls off as we go down the diagram. The
same process, which is in operation between lines 55 and 58, is con-
tinued in an even more marked degree in lines 61 and 64. Here not
only is the descent more rapid in the early part of the Ix curve, but the
maximum degree of longevity attained is much smaller, amounting to
about half of that attained in the other four lines. Both lines 61 and
64 tend to show in general a curve convex to the base, especially in the
latter half of their course.
Since each of these lines of descent continues to show through suc-
cessive generations, for an indefinite time, the same types of mortality
curves and approximately the same average durations of life, it may
safely be concluded that there are well marked hereditary differences
in different strains of the same species of Drosophila in respect of
duration of life. Passing from the top to the bottom of the diagram
the average expectation of life is reduced by about two-thirds in these
representative curves. For purposes of experimentation, each one of
dtese lines of descent becomes comparable to a chemical reagent. They
have a definitely fixed standard duration of life, each peculiar to its
own line and determined by the hereditary constitution of the in-
dividual in respect of this character. We may, with entire justification,
speak of the flies of line 64 as hereditarily and permanently short-lived,
and those of line 55 as hereditarily long-lived.
Having established so much, the next step in the analysis of the
mode of inheritance of this character is obviously to perform a
Mendelian experiment by crossing an hereditarily short-lived line with a
hereditarily long-lived line, and follow through in the progeny of suc-
cessive generations the duration of life. If the character follows the
ordinary course of Mendelian inheritance, we should expect to get in
the second offspring generation a segregation of different types of flies
in respect of dieir duration of life.
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AOC IN DAVS
FIG. 4. LIFE UNES SHOWING THE RESULT OF ICENDELUN EXPERIMENTS ON THE
DURATION OF UFE IN DrtuophiU, ExpkiutioD in text
Figure 4 shows the result of such Mendelian experiment performed
on a large scale. In the second line from the top of the diagram, label-
led *Type I Zz,** we see the mortality curve for an hereditarily long-
lived pure strain of individuals. At the bottom of the diagram the
**Type IV Ix^ line gives the mortality curve for one of our hereditarily
short-lived strains. Individuals of Type I and Type IV were mated
together. The result in the first offspring hybrid generation is shown
by the line at the top of the diagram marked ^^F^ l^.** The Fi denotes
that this is the mortality curve of the first filial generation from the
cross. It is at once obvious that these first generation hybrids have a
greater expectation of life at practically all ages than do either of the
parent strains mated together to produce the hybrids. This result is
exactly comparable to that which has for some time been known to
occur in plants, from the researches pcuticularly of Professor E. M.
East of Harvard University with maize. East and his indents have
worked out very thoroughly the cause of this increased vigor of the
first hybrid generation and show that it is directly due to the mingling
of different germ plasms.
The average duration of life of the Type I original parent stock is
44.2 dz .4 days. The average duration of life of the short-lived Type IV
flies is 14.1 + .2 days, or only about one third as great as that of the
other stock. The average duration of life of the first hybrid generation
shown in the Fi Ix line is 51.5 + .5 days. So that there is an increase
in average duration of life in the first hybrid generation, over that of
the long-lived parent, of approximately 7 days. In estimating the
significance of this, one should remember that a day in the life of a
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH 151
fly corresponds, as has already been pointed out, almost exactly to a
year in the life of a man.
When individuals of the first hybrid generation are mated together
to get the second, or Fg hybrid generation we get a group of flies which,
if taken all together, give the mortality curve shown in the line at about
the middle of the diagram, labelled **A11 F, ^.^ It, however, tells us
little about the mode of inheritance of the character if we consider all
the individuals of the second hybrid generation together, because really
there are several kinds of flies present in this second hybrid generation.
There are sharply separated groups of long-lived flies and of short-
lived flies. These have been lumped together to give the ^All F, l^
line. If we consider separately the long-lived second generation group
and the short4ived second generation group we get the results shomm
in the two lines labelled "Long-lived Fj Segregates Zxi" and "Short-lived
Fj Segregates /x*'' It will be noted that the long-lived F, segregates
have a mortality curve which almost exactly coincides with thait of the
original parent Type I stock. In other words, in the second generation
after the cross of the long-lived and short-lived types a group of
animals appears having almost identically the same form of mortality j
curve as that of one of the original parents in the cross. The mean
duration of life of this long-lived second generation group is 43.3 + .4
days, while that of the original long-lived stock was 44.2 + .4 days.
The short-lived F^ segr^ates shown at the bottom of the diagram give
a mortality curve essentially like that of the original short-lived parent
strain. The two curves wind in and about each other, the Fj flies show-
ing a more rapid descent in the first half of the curve and a slower
descent in the latter half. In general, however, the two are very clearly
of the same form. The average duration of life of these short-lived
second generation segregates is 14.6 + .6 days. This, it will be re-
called, is almost identically the same average duration of life as the
original parent Type IV gave, which was 14.1 + .2 days.
It may occur to one to wonder how it is possible to pick out the
long-lived and short-lived segregates in the second generation. This
is done by virtue of the correlation of the duration of life of these flies
with certain external bodily characters, particularly the form of the
¥dngs, so that this arrangement of the material can be made with per-
fect ease and certainty.
These results show in a clear manner that duration of life, in
DrosophUa at least, is inherited essentially in accordance with Men-
delian lavrs, thus fitting in with a wide range of other physical charact-
ers of the animal which have been thoroughly studied, particularly by
Morgan and his students. Such results as these just shown constitute
the best kmd of proof of the essential point which we are getting at —
namely, the fact that duration of life is a normally inherited character.
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152 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
I do not widi at this time to go into any discussion of tbe details of the
Mendelian mechanism for this character, in the first place, because it
is too complicated and technical a matter for discussion here,' and in
the second place, because the investigations are far from being com-
pleted yet. I wish here and now merely to present the demonstration
of the broad general fact that duration of life is inherited in a normal
Mendelian manner in these fly populations. The first evidence ihaX this
was the case came from some work of Dr. R. R. Hyde with Drosophila
some years ago. The numbers involved in his experiment, however,
were much smaller than those of the present experiments, and the pre-
liminary demonstration of the existence of pure strains relative to
duration of life In Drosophila was not undertak^i by him. Hyde's re-
sults and those here presented are entirely in accord.
With the evidence which has now been presented regarding the in-
heritance of life in man and in Drosophila we may let that phase of
the subject rest. The evidence is conclusive of the broad fact, beyond
any question I think, coming as it does from such widely different types
of life, and arrived at by such totally different methods as tbe statis-
tical, on the one hand, and the experimental, on the other. We may
safely conclude that the primary agent concerned in the winding up
of the vital clock, and by the winding determining primarily and funda-
mentally how long it shall run, is heredity. The best insurance of
longevity is beyond question a careful selection of one's parents and
grandparents.
2. Bacteria and Duration of Life in Drosophila
But clocks may be stopped in other ways than by running down.
It mil be worth while to consider with some care a considerable mass
of most interesting, and in some respects even startling, experimental
data, regarding various ways in which longevity may be influenced by
external agents. Since we have just been considering Drosophila it
may be well to consider the experimental evidence regarding that form
first. It is an obviously well-knomm fact that bacteria are responsible
in all higher organisms for much organ breakdown and consequent
death. An infection of some particular organ or organ system occurs,
and the disturbance of the balance of the whole so brought about
finally results in death. But is it not possible that we overrate the im-
portance of bacterial invasion in determining, in general and in the
broadest sense, the average duration of life? May it not be that when
an organ system breaks down under stress of bacterial toxins, that it is
in part at least, perhaps primarily, because for internal organic reasons
the resistance of that organ system to bacterial invasion has normally
3 Full technical details and all the numerical data regarding these and
other Drosophila experiments referred to in this and other papers m the series,
will shortly be published elsewhere.
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH 153
and naturally reached such a low point that its defenses are no longer
adequate? All higher animals live constantly in an environment far
from sterile. Our mouths and throats harbor pneumonia germs much
of the time, but we do not all or always have pneumonia. Again it
may fairly be estimated that of all persons who attain the age of 35^
probably at least 95 per cent, have at some time or other been infected
with the tubercle bacillus, yet only about one in ten breaks down with
active tuberculosis.
What plainly is needed in order to arrive at a just estimate of the
relative influence of bacteria and their toxins in determining the aver-
age duration of life is an experimental inquiry into the efifect of a
bacteria-free, sterile mode of life. Metchnikoff has sturdily advocated
the view that death in general is a result of bacterial intoxication. Now
a bacteria free existence is not possible for man. But it is poesible for
certain insects, as was first demonstrated by Bogdanow, and later con-
firmed by Delcourt and Guyenot. If one carefully washes either the
egg or the pupa of DrosophUa for 10 minutes in a strong antiseptic
solution, say 85 per cent, alcohol, he will kill any germs which may be
upon the surface. If the bacteria-free egg or pupa is then put into a
sterile receptacle, containing only sterile food material and a pure
culture of yeast, development will occur and presently an adult imago
will emerge. Adult flies raised in this way are sterile. They have no
bacteria inside or out. Normal healthy protoplasm is normally
sterile, so what is inside the fly is bound to be sterile on that account,
and by the use of the antiseptic solution what bacteria were on the out-
side have been killed.
The problem now is, how long on die average do such sterile speci-
mens of Drosophila live in comparison with the ordinary fly, whidi is
throughout its adult life as much beset by bacteria relatively as is man
himself, it being premised that in both cases an abundance of proper
food is furnished and that in general the environmental conditions
other than bacterial are made the same for the two sets? Fortunately,
there are some data to throw light upon this question from the experi-
ments of Loeb and his associate Northrop on the duration of life in this
form, taken in connection with experiments in the writer's laboratory.
Loeb and Northrop show that a sample of 70 flies, of the Drosophila
with which they worked, which were proved by the most careful and
critical of tests to have remained entirely free of bacterial contam-
ination throughout their lives, exhibited, when grown at a constant
temperature of 25° C. an average duration of life of 28.5 days. In our
experiments 2620 male flies, of all strains of Drosophila in our cultures
taken together, thus giving a fair random sample of genetically the
whole Droalophila population, gave an average duration of life at the
same constant temperature of 25° C. of 31.3 + .3 days, and 3216
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154
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
females under the same temperature lived an average of 33.0 ±: .2
days. These were all non-sterile flies, subject to all the bacterial con-
tamination incident to their normal laboratory environment, which we
have seen to be a decaying germ-laden mass of banana pulp and agar.
It is thought to be fairer to compare a sample of a general population
with the Loeb and Northrop figures rather than a pure strain because
prc^ably their Drosophila material was far from homozygous in re-
spect of the genes for duration of life.
The detailed comparisons are shown in Table 1.
TABLE 1
Average duration of life of Drosophila in the imago stage at 25° C.
Experimental group
Mean dura-
Uon of life
in days
Number of
flies
flteii'lff (liOeb and Northroo)
28.5
31.3
33.0
322
70
Non-sterile, males, all genetic lines (Pearl)
Non-sterile, females.
Non-sterile, both sexes. *
2620
3216
5836
Difference in favor of non-sterile
3.7
±. 1.0
Probable error of difference about
• . • .
We reach the conclusion that bacteria-free Drosophila live no
longer on the average, and indeed perhaps even a little less long, under
otherwise the same constant environmental conditions, than do normal
non-sterile — ^indeed germ-laden — ^flies. This result is of great interest
and significance. It emphasizes in a direct experimental manner that
in a broad biological sense bacteria play but an essentially accidental
role in determining length of the span of life in comparison with
the influence of heredity. There is every reason to believe that if the
same sort of experiment were possible with man as material, somewhat
the same sort of result in broad terms would appear.
3. Poverty and Duration of Life
But we must take care lest we seem to convey the impression that no
sort of environmental influence can affect the average duration of life.
Such a conclusion would be manifestly absurd. Common sense tells
us that environmental ccHiditions in general can, and under eome cir-
cumstances, do exert a marked influence upon expectation of life. A
recent study of great interest and suggestiveness, if perhaps some lack
of critical soundness, by the eminent Swiss statistician, Hersch, well
illustrates this. Hersch became interested in the relation of poverty
to mortality. He gathered data from the 20 arrondissements of the City
of Paris in respect of the following points, among others:
a. Percentage of families not iMiying a personal property tax.
b. Death rate per 1000 from all causes.
c. Still births per 1000 living births.
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH
165
PERSONAL PfXJPOny TAX IN PARIS 191 1 -1913
I 1 mYIN9 Hi CXCNPT
FIG. S.
1023 5^12 141518 11 13 19 20 I JL SI ET /MRS
CLASSES OF
ARfONOSSEMCm /WRI«fSSC«m
DISTRIBUTION OF POVERTY IN PARIS (1911-13) AS INDICATED BY EXEMPTION
FROM PERSONAL PROPERTY TAX. (After Bench)
Figure 5 shows in the black the percentage of families too poor
to have any personal property tax assessed, first for each arrondissement
separately, then at the right in broader bars for the four groups of
arrondissements separated by wider spaces in the detailed diagram, and
finally for Paris as a whole. It will be seen that the poverty of the
population, measured by the personal property yardstick, is least at
the lefthand end of the diagram, where the smallest percentages of
families are exempted from the tax, and greatest at the right hand ead^
where scarcely any of the population is well enough to do to pay this
tax.
MORTAUTY IN PARIS 1911 ■ 1913
77" 77F7 7 151 » K 4 5 II a » 19200 1 n or r /w»
CLASSCS CF
ARIXH)l5Xf€NTS ARUOOSSEMO/rS
FIG. 6. DEATH RATES IN PARIS (1911-13) FROM ALL CAUSES. (After Eaaeli)
Figure 6 shows the death rates from all causes for the same ar-
rondissements and the same groups. It is at once apparent that the
blad^ bars in this group run in a parallel manner to what they did
in the preceding one. The poorest districts have the highest death rates,
the richest districts the lowest death rates, and districts intermediate in
respect of poverty are also intermediate in respect of mortality. On
the face of the evidence there would seem to be here complete proof of
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156
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
the overwhelmingly important influence upon duration of life of degree
of poverty, which is perhaps the most potent single environmental
factor affecting civilized man to-day. But, alas, pitfalls proverbially
lurk in statistics. Before we can accept this so alluring result and go
along with our author to his final somewhat stupendous conclusion
that if there were no poverty the death rate from certain important
causes, as for example tuberculosis, would forthwith become zera, we
must exercise a little inquisitive caution. What evidence is there that
the inhabitants of the districts showing a high poverty rate are not
biologiadly as well as economically differentiated from the inhabitants
of districts with a low poverty rate? And again what is the evidence
that it is not such biological differentiation rather than the economic
which determines the death rate differences in the two cases? Un-
fortunately, our author gives us no whit o{ evidence on these obviously
so important points. He merely assumes, because of the facts shown,
that if some omnipotent spook were to transpose all the inhabitants
of the Menilmontant arrondissement to the Elysee arrondissement, and
tdce versa for example, and were to permit each group to annex the
worldly goods of the dispossessed group, then the death rates would
be forthwith interchanged. There is no real evidence that any sudi
result would follow at all. Probably from what we know from more
critical studies than this of the relation of social and economic condi-
tions to mortality, each group would exhibit under the new circum-
stances a death rate not far different from what it had under the old
conditions. One can not diake in the slightest degree from its solidly
grounded foundation the critically determined fact of the paramount
impoitance of the hereditary factor in determining rates of mortality,
which have been summarized in this and the preceding paper, by any
such evidence as that of Hersch.
TABLE 2
StUl births in Paris (1911-13) by classes of arrondissement s (Hersch)
Absolute figures
Still births
per 100 Uv-
ing births
Classes of Arrondiseements
StUl
births
Living
births
I
II
III
IV
1,004
1,390
7.279
3,024
12,313
19,998
82,821
30,853
8.2
7.0
8.8
98
Paris
12,679
145,986
8.7
This, indeed, he himself finds to be the fact when he considers the
extremely sensitive index of hereditary biological constitution furnished
by the still-birth rate. Table 2 gives the data. We see at once that
there is no such striking increase in the total mortality as we pass from
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH
157
the richest class of districts, as was shown in the death rate from all
causes. Instead there is practically no change, certainly none of
significance, as we pass from one class of districts to another. The rate
is 8.2 per 100 living births in the richest class and 9.8 in the poorest.
4. Experiments on Temperature and Duration of Life
Altogether it is plain that we need another kind of evidence than
the simple unanalyzed parallelism which Hersch demonstrates between
poverty and the general death rate if we are to get any deep understand-
ing of the influence of environmental circumstances upon the duration
of life or the general death rate. We shall do well to turn again to
the experimental method. About a dozen years ago Loeb,
starting from the idea that chemical conditions in the organisms are one
of the main variables in this case, raised the question whether there was a
definite coefficient for the duration of life and whether this temperattu*e
coefficient was of the order of magnitude of that of a chemical reaction. The
first experiments were made on the unfertilized and fertilized eggs of the
sea urchin and could only be carried out at the upper temperature limits of
the organism, since at ordinary temperatures this organism lives for years.
In the upper temperature region the temperature coefficient for the duration
of life was very high, probably on account of the fact that at this upper zone
of temperature death is determined by a change of the nature of a coagulation
or some other destructive process. Moore, at the suggestion of Loeb, in-
vestigated the temperature coefficient for the duration of life for the hydranth
of a tubularian at the upper temperature limit and found that it was of the
same order of magnitude as that previously found for the sea urchm egg.
In order to prove that there is a temperature coefficient for the duration of
life throughout the whole scale of temperatures at which an organism can
live experiments were required on a form whose duration of life was short
enough to measure the duration of life even at the lowest temperature.
A suitable organism was found in Drosophila. This was grown
under aseptic conditions, as already described. The general results are
shown in Table 3.
TABLE 3
Effect of temperature on duration of life of Drosophila,
(After Loeb and Northrop)
Duration
(in days) of
Temperature
Total duration
Larval stage
Pupal stage
Life of
imago
of life from egg
to death
oC
10
57
Pupae die
120.5
177.5 + ;r
15
17.8
13.7
92.4
123.9
20
7.77
6.33
40.2
54.3
25
5.82
4.23
28.5
38.5
27.5
(4.15)
320
....
....
30
4.12
3.43
13.6
21.15
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158 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
From this t^le it is seen that at the lowest temperature the duration
of life is longest, and the highest temperature shortest. Cold slows up
the business of living for the fly. Heat hastens it. One gathers, from
the account which Loeb and Northrop give of the work, that at low
temperature the flies are sluggish and inactive in all three develop-
mental stages and perhaps live a long time because they live slowly.
At high temperatures, on the other hand, the fly is very active and lives
its life through quickly at the ''pace that kills." These results are
exactly comparable to the effect of a regular increase of temperature
upon a chemical reaction. Indeed, Loeb and Northrop consider that
their results prove that
With a supply of proper and adequate food the duration of the larval
stage is an tmequivocal function of the temperature at which the larvae are
raised, and the temperature coefficient is of the order of magnitude of that of
a chemical reaction, L e., about 2 or more for a difference of 10° C. It in-
creases at the lower and is less at the higher temperatures. The duration of
the pupal stage of the fly is also an unequivocal function of the temperature
and the temperature coefficient is for each temperature practically identical
with that for the larval stage. The duration of life of the imago is, with
proper food, also an unequivocal function of the temperature and the tempera-
ture coefficient for the duration of life is within the normal tnnperattu-e limits
approximately identical with that for the duration of life of the larva
and pupa.
How are these results to be reconciled with the previous finding
that heredity is a primary factor in the determination of duration of
life of Drasophila? We have here, on first impression at least, an
excellent example of what one always encounters in critical genetic
investigations: the complementary relations of heredity and environ-
ment In our experiments a general mixed population of Drosapfula
kept under constant erwironment was shown to be separable by selec-
tion into a number of very diverse strains in respect of duration of life.
In Loeb and Northrop's experiments a general mixed population of
Drasophila^ but of presumably constant genetic constitution, at least
approximately such, throughout the experiment, was shown to exhibit
changes of duration of life with changing environments. It is the old
familiar deadlock. Heredity constant plus changing environment
equals diversity. Environment constant plus varying hereditary con-
stitution also equals diversity.
Can we penetrate no farther than this into the matter? I think in
the present case we can. In Lo^ and Northrop's experiments,
temperature and duration of life were not the only two things that
varied. The different temperature groups also differed from each
other — because of the temperature differences to be sure but not less
really — ^in respect of general metabolic activity, expressed in muscular
movement and every other way. In the genetic experiments metabolic
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH 169
activity was substantially equal in all the hereditarily different lines.
The idea suggests itself, both on a priori grounds and also upon the
basis of certain experimental data presently to be in part reviewed, that
possibly duration of life may be an implicit function of only die two
variables
a. Genetic constitution
b. Rate of metabolic activity.
The functional relations of metabolic activity with temperature,
food, light and other environmental factors are all well known. For
present purposes we do not need to go into the question of their exact
form. The essential point is that all these environmental factors stand
in definite functional relations to rate of metabolic activity, and do not
so stand in relation to genetic constitution. Genetic constitution is not
a function of the environment, but b for any individual a constant,
and only varies between individuals.
This may be thought merely to be an involved way of saying what
one knows a priori; namely, that duration of life, in general and in
particular, depends only upon heredity and environment. So in one
sense it is. But the essential point I would make here is that the
manner in which the environmental forces (of sub-leihal intensity^ of
course) chiefly act in determining duration of life appears to be by
(hanging the rate of metabolism of the individual. Furthermore one
would suggest, on this view, that what heredity does in relation to
duration of life is chiefly to determine, within fairly narrow limits^ tha
total energy output which the individual can exhibit in its life time^
This limitation is directly brought about presumably through two
general factors; viz, (a) the kind or quality of material of which this
particular vital machine is built, and (b) the manner in which the
parts are put together or assembled. Both of these factors are, of
course, expressions of the extent cmd character of the processes of
organic evolution which have given rise to this particular species about
which we may be talking in a particular instance.
There is some direct experimental evidence, small in amount to be
sure, but exact and pertinent, to the effect that the duration of life of
an animal stands in inverse relation to the total amount of its metabolic
activity, or put in other words, to the work, in the sense of theoretical
mechanics, that it o^ a machine does during its life. Slonaker kept 4
albino rats in cages like the old fashioned revolving squirrel cages, with
a properly calibrated odometer attached to the axle, so that the total
amount of running which they did in their whole lives could be
recorded. The results were those shown in Table 4.
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TABLB 4
Relation of longevity to muscular activity in rats (Slonaker)
Tbtal number of miles run during life
Age in monthB
at death
Rat No. 1
MileB
No. 4
MUes
No. 2
MUes
No. 3
Miles
26
1266
1391
2098
26
32
34
6447
It will be perceived that the amount of exercise taken by these rats
was astonishingly large. For a rat to run 5,447 miles in the course of
its life is indeed a remarkable performance. Now these 4 rats attained
an average age at death of 29.5 months. But three control rats confined
in stationary cages so that they could only move about to a limited
degree, but otherwise under conditions, including temperature, identical
with those in the revolving cages, attained an average age at death of
40.3 months. All were stated to have died of **old age.** From this ex-
periment it appears clearly that the greater the total work done, or
total energy output, the shorter the duration of life, and vice versa. Or,
put in another way, if the total activity per imit of time is increased by
some means other than increasing temperature, the same results appear
as if the increased activity is caused by increased temperature. It ap-
pears, in short, to be the activity per 5e, and not the temperature per se
that is of real significance. There is other evidence, for which space
lacks h^re, pointing in the same direction.
If we may be permitted to make a suggestion regarding the interpre-
tation of Loeb and Northrop's results in conjunction with our own on
Drosophiloj it would be to this eflfect Any given genetically pure
strain of Drosophila is made up of individual machines, constructed to
:tum out before breaking down a definite limited amount of energy in
the form of work, mechanical, chemical, and other. This definitely
limited total energy output is predetermined by the hereditary consti-
tution of the individual which fixes the kind of physicochemical ma-
chine that that individual is. But the rate per unit of time of the energy
output may be influenced between wide limits by environmental circum-
stances in general and temperature in particular, since increased
temperature increases rate of metabolic chemical changes in about the
same ratio, as demonstratea by a wealth of work on temperature co-
eflicients, as it increases other chemical changes. But if the rate of
energy output per unit of time is changed, the total time taken for the
total output of a predetermined amount of energy as work must change
in inverse proportion to the change of rate. So we should expect just
precisely the results on duration of life that Loeb and Northrop got,
and so far from these results being in contradiction to ours upon
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH 161
lieredity they may be looked upon as a necessary consequence of them.
Loeb and Northrop's final conclusion is: 'The observations oh the
temperature coefficient for the duration of life suggest that this duration
is determined by the production of a substance leading to old age and
natural death or by the destruction of a substance or substances which
normally prevent old age and natural death/' The view which I have
here suggested completely incorporates this view within itself, if we
suppose that the total amoui^ of hypothetical ''substance or substances
which normally prevent old age and natural death'' was essentially de?
termined by heredity.
5. Gonads and Duration of Life
There is another and quite different line of experimental work on
the duration of life which may be touched upon briefly. The daily
press has lately had a great deal to say about rejuvenation accom-
plished by means of various surgical procedures undertaken upon the
primary sex organs, particularly in the male. This newspaper notoriety
has especially centered about the work of Voronoff and Steinach. The
only experiments which at the present time probably deserve serious
consideration are those of Steinach. He has worked chiefly with white
rats. His theory is that by causing through appropriate operative pro-
cedure an extensive regen^ation, in a senile animal about to die, of
certain glandular elements of the testis, senility and natural death will
for a time be postponed because of the internal secretion poured into
the blood by the regenerated "puberty glands" as he calls them. The
operation which he finds to be most effective is to ligate firmly the
eflferent duct of the testis, through which the sperm normally pass, close
up to the testis itself and before the coiled portion of the duct is
reached. The result of this, according to Steinach's account, is to bring
about in highly senile animals a great enlargement of all the sex organs,
a return of sexual activity previously lost through old age, and a
general loss of senile bodily characteristics and a resumption of the
conditions of full adult vigor in those respects.
Space is lacking to go into the many details of Steinach's work,
much of which is indeed chiefly of interest only to the technical biolo-
gist, and from a wholly different standpoint than the present one. I
should, however, like to present one example from his experiments.
As control a rat was taken in the last degree senile. He was 26 months
old when the experiment b^an. He was obviously emaciated, had lost
much of his hair, particularly on the back and hind quarters. He was
weak, inactive and drowsy, as indicated by the fact that his eyes were
closed, and were, one infers from Steinach, kept so much of the time.
A litter brother of this animal had the efferent ducts of the testes
ligated. This animal, we are told, was at the time of the operation, in
VOL. xni.— 11.
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162 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
so much worse conditioii of senility than his brother above described
that it was not thought worth while even to photograph him. His con-
dition was considered hopeless. To the surprise of the operator, how-
ever, he came back, slowly but surely after the operation, and after
three lEind a half months presented a perfect picture of lusty yoimg rat-
hood. He was in full vigor of every sort, including sexual. He out-
lived his brother by 8 months, and himself lived 10 months after the
operation, at which time he was, according to Steinach, practically
moribund. This represents a presumptive lengthening of his expected
span of life by roughly a quarter to a third. It is to be remembered,
however, that Slonaker^'s rats to which nothing uxa done lived to an
average age of 40 months.
The presumption that Steinach's experiments have really brought
about a statistically significant lengthening of life is large, and the
basis of ascertained fact small. After a careful examination of Stein-
ach's brilliant contribution, one is compelled to take the view that
however interesting the results may be from the standpoint of functional
rejuvenation in the sexual sphere, the case is not proven that any
really significant lengthening of the life span has occurred. In order
to prove such a lengthening we must first of all have abundant and ac^
curate quantitative data as to the normal variation of normal rats in
respect of duration of life, and then show, having regard to the prob-
able errors involved, that the mean duration of life after the operation
has been significantly lengthened. This Steinach does not do. His
paper is singularly bare of statistical data. We may well await ade-
quate quantitative evidence before attempting any general interpreta-
tion of his results.
6. The Pituitary Gland and Duration of Life
Robertson has been engaged for a number of years past on an ex-
tensive series of experiments regarding the effect of various agents upon
the growth of white mice. The experiments have been conducted with
great care and attention to the proper husbandry of the animals. In
consequence the results have a high degree of trustworthiness. In the
course of these studies he found that the anterior lobe of the pituitary
body, a small gland at the base of the brain, normally secretes into the
blood stream minute amounts of an active substance which has a
marked effect upon the normal rate of growth. By chemical means
Robertson was able to extract this active substance from the gland in
a fairly pure state and gave to it the name tethelin. In later experi-
ments the effect of tethelin given by the mouth with the food was tried
in a variety of ways.
In a recent paper Robertson and Ray have studied the effect of this
material upon the duration of life of the white mouse with the results
shown in Table 5.
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH
163
TABLE 5
Effect of tethelin on duration of life in days of white mice.
(Robertson and Ray)
MALES
FEMALES
•aiaab
ATtfage
dandoB
oflif«
from
nonnal
D0V.
P. E.
ChADce
der.wM
■eeideo'
Ul
ATsnfe
dandon
ofUf«
Der.
fron
nomftl
D0V,
P. E.
Chane*
der.wM
•eclden.
tttl
Nomial
Tethfllia
7«7
8M
+ 99
S.0O
1:22^
719
800
+ n
2.25
lt«.7S
Both
Mze*
tofethor
Cluneo
der. WM
•od-
denul
ia50.2
From this table it is apparent that the administration of tethelin
with the food from birth to death prolonged life to a degree which in
the case of the -males may be regarded as probably significant statis-
tically. In the case of the finales whe)re the ratio of the deviation to
its probable error (Dev. / P. El) falls to 2.25 the case is very doubtful.
The procedure by which the chance of 1:150.2 that results in both sexes
together were accidental, was obtained is of doubtful validity. Putting
males and females together from the original table I find the following
results.
TABLE 6
Duration of life of white mice, both sexes taken together
(From data of Robertson and Ray)
No. of deaths
Afo
No. of amih*
of tethelin
Cn«p
of nomak
fed
(BothSosM)
(Both Seset)
200-299
3
..
•J*'*' Jarir
2
400-409
2
I
500-599
9
3
600-699
7
9
700-799
15
, ,
800-899
10
10
900-999
10
6
1000-1099
6
9
1100-1199
• ••
I
64
39
Tethelin fed : Mean age at death = 839 ± 20
Normal fed: Mean " " " = 743 ^ I7
Difference = 96 ± 26
Difference = 3.7
P.E.
Diff.
One concludes from these figures that tethelin can be regarded as
having lengthened the span of life to a degree which is just significant
statistically. One would expect from the variation of random sampling
alone to get as divergent results as these about 1^ times in every 100
trials with samples of 64 and 39, respectively.
In any event it is apparent that, making out the best case possible,
the differences in average duration of life produced by administration
of tethelin are of a wholly different and smaller order than those which
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164 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
have been shown in the earlier portion of the paper to exist between
pure strains of Drosophila which are based upon hereditary differences.
Putting together all the results which have been reviewed in this
and the preceding paper, it appears to be clearly and firmly established
that inheritance is the factor of prime importance in determining the
normal, natural duration of life. In comparison with this factor the
influence of environmental forces (of sub-lethal immediate intensity of
course) appears in general to be less marked.
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ADAPTATIONS AMONG INSECTS OF FIELD AND FOREST
ADAPTATIONS AMONG INSECTS OF FIELD AND
FOREST
By Dr. E. P. FELT
STATE ENTOMOLOGIST OF NEW YORK
ris well known that there are more kinds or species of insects in
the world than of all other animals. The number has been placed
by various authorities at from one to ten million and careful estimates
indicate that we have in the State of New York some 20,000 kinds or
species of insects, all diflfering from each other by more or less striking
characters and in the great majority of species, there are also recogniz-
able variations between the eggs, the maggots, larvae or caterpillars^
and the pupae or chrysalids, not to mention striking diflferences between
the life habits of these varied forms.
Summarizing, we have among insects an immense complex exhibit-
ing innumerable variations, some large, many minor and practically all
significant It is proposed to examine briefly some of the more striking
of these differences in the hopes of reaching a better understanding of
the insect problem as a whole.
It happesis that some years ago a list of all the insects known to
occur in the State of New Jersey was prepared and a careful analysis
of this ^ows that nearly one-half of all the insects therein recorded are
plant feeders, about one-sixth are predaceous, living mostly upon other
insects, another one-sixth are scavengers and live mostly upon decaying
organic matter and one-eighth are parasitic upon other animals, mostly
insects.
Among plant feeders we find one or more species living at the
expense of practically every growing plant. It may be that some
plants, such as oak and apple trees, are particularly adapted to insect
requirements an<I support a very large number of species. It may also
be observed that practically all parts of the plant are liable to attack,
including the roots, the wood or bark of the trunk, of the larger limbs,
of die smaller limbs, the buds, the developing leaves and flowers in the
buA, the fully developed flowers, the expanded leaves, the immature
fruit and the mature fruit; and broadly speaking there are insects which
confine themselves exclusively or nearly so to the parts designated.
This restriction is so marked that we have a large series of small
beetles known as seed weevils, because they live almost entirely in seeds
of various plants. There is one entire family, the members of which'
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166 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
bare almost exclusively in the bark and outer sap wood of trees and
because of tbis habit they are commonly known as bark beetles. Many
of the plant feeders, it might be added, are considered injurious be-
cause of the extensive losses they cause in cultivated crops; but it should
be remembered that comparatively few of the many plant feeders are
numerous enough to be of economic importance.
The predaceous inseots, approximately one-sixth of all the spedes,
habitually prey upon smaller animals, mostly insects, and are indirectly
beneficial because they destroy intentionally or otherwise many
destructive forms. The rapid, active, brightly colored tiger beetles,
nmny of the ground beetles, the ferocious dragon flies, the peculiar
aphis lions (the young of the lazy golden-eyed fly), all come in this
cat^ory together with many others.
The scavenger insects, comprising the burying beetles, many flies,
etc., are nearly as numerous as the predatory forms and, like other
insects, exhibit marked variations in structure and habks.
The parasites, somewhat less numerous than the two preceding
groups, are in many cases indirectly beneficial since they prey upon in-
jurious forms and incidentally hunt their prey under conditions which
would frequently seem to promise inmiunity from attack. Here we
find hyperparasitism which may involve three or even four of these
pirates working in the same host and each attacking the one ahead, as
it were.
Semi-aquatic and even aquatic insects are not protected by the sur-
rounding water from parasites and also borers inhabiting deep
galleries in hard wood by no means escape many enemies of this
character. Even the caterpillars of the pitch moth, living and moving
about readily in pitch and covered with this medium for a large propor-
tion of their existence succumb to the attacks of these vigilant enemies.
There is one entire family of small parasites which specialize upon in-
sect eggs, some being so minute that they can develop successfully in
the extremely small codling moth egg, which latter has a diameter only
about one-half that of the head of an ordinary pin and is furthermore
very flat and scale-like.
A general survey of insects as a whole shows all manner of varia-
tions from the minute midge approximately one-fiftieth of an inch in
length to our largest moths or grass-hoppers with a wing spread of
some eight inches. There are endless modifications in form from the
oval body of certain beetles or even scale insects to the extremely at-
tenuated forms such as dragon flies and walking sticks. The principal
organs of the body, such as the antennae or feelers, the eyes, the legs
and the wings are modified in innumerable ways and in some insects
have disappeared entirely while in others they have been developed to
an extraordinary degree.
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ADAPTATIONS AMONG INSECTS OF FIELD AND FOREST 167
We have been taught that kiaects have heads, wings, and legs and
pass through four stages of development, namely, the egg, the larva or
the caterpillar, the pupa or chrysalis and the adult; and yet modifica-
tion has proceeded to such an extent that it is possible to find some
insects where both structures and stages have been eliminated or con-
cealed to such an extent that, in a broad sense, there are species or
stages with and without such important accessories as heads, wings, legs,
mates, eggs, larvae, pupae or chrysalids and adults.
There is also a very great variation in the time required to pass
through the various transformations or what is known as the life-cycle,
this ranging from approximately 7 days, in certain species of plant lice
or aphi(k to 17 years in the case of the periodical cicada, sometimes
kno¥m, though improperly, as the 17 year locust.
Insects and warm weather are synonymous so to speak and yet snow
fleas may be found by the millions on snow in late winter, canker worm
moths fly and deposit eggs under equally adverse conditions and at
this season a peculiar wingless crane fly as well as the odd Boreus may
be found crawling upon the snow. The Arctic r^ions fairly swarm
with mosquitoes which have adapted themselves to the rigors of exist-
ence in the far north and issue in clouds in the cool, Arctic spring;
nevertheless it is true that most insects abound during warm weather
and the midsummer months of the temperate zone and the tropical
regions are remarkable for their abundance. Some thrive best under
humid conditions and others have adapted themselves to the arid
wastes of desert r^ions. These are simply suggestions regarding
climatic diversities endurable by insects.
Turning from the general to special instances, aphids or plant lice
illustrate iii a striking manner the possibilities of relatively defenseless
forms maintaining themselves under adverse conditions. These are all
soft bodied insects with indifferent powers of flight and slow movement
on foot; nevertheless there are something over 300 species living upon
a considerable variety of plants atid frequently occurring in enormous
numbers. Individually, they are not particularly prolific, they are
preyed upon by a considerable series of aggressive parasites and pre*
dators; but in spite of these handicaps are able to maintain themselves,
because many of them produce a generation within a very diort time,
some 7 days, and in addition certain species at least periodically
migrate to other plants. One migration is from birch to witchhazel
and vice versa. This change enables the aphids to escape, for a time at
least, from the frequently abundant natural enemies on the infested trees
and it also provides the insects with fresh and more acceptable food,
since badly infested plants soon become unsuitable for the maintenance
of the insects.
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168 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
The indirect efifect of climate is well illustrated among aphids since
a rise in temperature in warm weather in the spring is favorable to the
development of a number of efficient enemies and consequently such
conditions are very likely to result in a speedy control of a plant louse
outbreak through natural agencies.
Certain gall making aphids exhibit very striking adaptations. Some
species only curl the leaves and through such distortion obtain con-
siderable protection from the elements and presimiably also from
parasites, while certain of these forms simply establish themselves upon
the part of the plant selected and apparently, as a result of the with-
drawal of sap due to its feeding, the adjacent plant cells grow up
around the insect and eventually inclose it with protective walls,^
within which the mother plant louse and her young develop in security.
There is such a close adaptation between plant and insect in some cases
that the aphid is dependent upcm finding a given species of plant and
being able to establish itself upon a certain developing part, such as a
leaf stem, the base of the leaf or the developing shoot.
Biological modifications among plant lice have gone farther than
this and we not only find an alternation of food plants with a more or
less well defined migration but also, in some species, well marked
alternations of series of generations, these series being so different that
before the connection was established, they were supposed to belong to
entirely different species.
There is a very intimate relation between many insects and the host
plant and this is especially close in the case of the oaks and the long
series of gall wasps, a large and peculiar group, nK>stly confined to the
oaks, remarkable because of the varied forms of the numerous galls
they produce and noteworthy on account of the fact that a considerable
series presents a peculiar phenomenon known as alternation of genera-
tions. This may be briefly described as a series of unlike alternate
generations; in other words parents and children are unlike, while
parents and grandchildren are alike. It appears to be a special adapta-
tion due to the fact that one generation frequently develops upon the
leaves while the other lives in galls on the twigs or even roots. The
adults of one appear in warm, midsummer weather and those of the
other issue under the inclement conditions of late fall or early spring.
The long series of plant feeding insects mentioned above show
marked specialization in the case of some forms which actually live
upon a peculiar fungus cared for and grown by themselves. This may
easily be seen in the case of a number of our timber beetles, insects
which make deep galleries' in the dying wood of trees and utilize the
moist conditions there present for the growing of a* small fungus known
as Ambrosia, which they carry from one tree to another. Certain
species of ants, mostly tropical or sub-tropical, cultivate fungi in under-
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ADAPTATIONS AMONG INSECTS OF FIELD AND FOREST 169
ground chambers to which they carry portions of leaves cut from
trees, using this material as a stratum upon which to grow the fungus.
It should be noted in addition that insects may be found in almost
every environment. There are the salt marsh mosquitoes, for example,
represented by several species, each with distinct limitations and yet
so well adapted to the struggle for existence that one species, at least,
may be found breeding in saline pools hundreds of miles from salt
marshes. The series of fresh water mosquitoes is larger, exhibits even
under and more varied adaptations than the salt marsh forms and as an
extreme case we may mention the peculiar mosquito which lives only,
so far as known, in the water of pitcher plants. The silted bottom of
shallow pools a£Fords a suitable habitat for small midge larvae, one
species of which may be utilized to render milk waste from creameries
and cheese factories inoffensive. The maggots of another small fly
are important agents in rendering sewage innocuous. The quieter
portions of fresh water streams are inhabited by many caddis worms
wkh their peculiar cases, the rapids in such streams support large
patches of black fly larvae and between the adjacent stones, there may
be found the delicate silken webs of fishing caddis worms. Some
aquatic forms have developed to such an extent that they thrive by the
millions in the very saline or alkaline lakes of the west and in at least
one case the maggots of a small fly develop in pools of petroleum, a
product frequently used for the destruction of insect life.
The same varied life conditions obtain among terrestrial forms.
Insects are found in almost every conceivable situation, though abun-
dance is dependent to a very great extent upon environment. One of
the most remarkable cases of adaptation is found in the buffalo carpet
beetle and its close allies. One species has been able to maintain itself
for 17 years in an ear of very dry popcorn kept in a practically
hermetically sealed fruit jar. More remarkable than this, an investi-
gator has recently demonstrated that grubs of these beetles react to
conditions so perfectly that the normal process of molting to permit
increase in size and development to maturity may be reversed and in
the prolonged absence of suitable nourishment these grubs may actually
mok and decrease in size; and not only this but the process may be
continued in eidier direction in individual cases through a series of
molts by simply providing or withholding suitable nourishment. This
behavior may well be considered an extreme illustration of adaptability
so commonly found among insects.
A general knowledge of insects suggests that they have developed in
such varied forms and abundance because of an inherent adaptability
which has enabled them to exist under a great variety of conditions.
This adaptability to environment has been sealed as it were by per-
sistent tendencies toward structural variations, which latter incline to
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170 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
become more defined whenever a group is somewhat isolated, a condi-
tion very likely to follow variations in habit. It is difficult otherwise
to explain the almost endless structural modifications found among
insects, because it would severely tax human ingenuity to defend them
all on the ground of their bestowing a distinct advantage upon the
possessor, except possibly, as suggested above, in more firmly estab<
lishing specific distinctions and the usual accompanying variations in
habits. The relatively long series of similar species of such well segre-
gated units as the cut worms and grass web worms in the Lepidoptera
and the June beetles in the Coleoptera, indicate very material advant-
ages in biological adaptations, subsequently confirmed by minor
structural variations, since deviations from the normal mean a wider
field for the unit as a whole and consequently a greater probability of
the type persisting.
Consideration of the general problem compels the admission that
insects have gained their present important position in the natural
world through an adaptability unequalled in other groups. This has
been accomplished by variations favorable to the invasion of unoc-
cupied territory rather than by forcing other organisms into the back-
ground, aside from the inevitable limitations, in many cases important,
which insects have imposed upon plant life. It is noteworthy that this
status should be occupied by a group of comparatively weak, defense-
less creatures and the fact that this has been done indicates the pos-
sibilities of adaptation. Insects have succeeded where apparently better
endowed forms failed, largely because of their greater adaptability.
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STUDIES OF THE OCEAN 171
STUDIES OF THE OCEAN '
By H. S. H. THE PRINCE OF MONACO
AFTER exploring for five and twenty years all the levels of the North
Atlantic Ocean, from the tropical to the polar regions, chiefly
in order to enlarge our knowledge of zoological and physical oceano-
graphy, I was commencing more especially such studies as concern
physiology, when the German war came and upset the lives of all
workers. Eight years were then wasted in the activities of those men
who devote themselves primarily to the chief interests of humanity.
Yet such is to-day the power of human thought that in the whole
course of the war my oceaaiographical laboratories never desisited com-
pletely from this appointed task; and I was gratified with the sight
of two hundred thousand boys of your army visiting the Museum at
Monaco while staying on our sunny shore either to heal their wounds
or to improve their strength.
When I gave more prominence in my scientific undertakings to
physiology, I enjoyed the cooperation of such noted scientists as
Charles Richet and Portier, or a few younger men who were thus
preparing for their future. Joubin and Bouvier had previously visited
with me the awful spaces of the ocean, which alnoost daily yielded tons
of beings unknown to science — abyssal cephalopods or pelagic Crus-
tacea. Buchanan and Thoulet, those veterans of the early great
labors dealing with the sea, have been for thirty years closely con-
nected with my investigations. And the head of that pleiad, the like
of which is hardly likely to be seen again in the laboratory of any
ship, was Richard, director of the Oceanographical Museum at
Monaco, the faithful fellow-laborer in all my voyages and conse-
quently of all oceanographers, the best versed in our science as a whole.
Owing to Dr. Richard's ingenious ideas and to those of Com-
mandant Bouree, there have been of late years made available large
nets with extremely email meshes with which I have explored the inter-
mediate depths of the ocean from the surface down to over 5000
meters. In some instances it has been possible, by means of a special
bathometer attached to the net, to ascertain at about what level the
capture has taken plaoe.
It was already known that there exists between the great depths
and the surface of the seas a fauna consisting of many species and
wearing a unique aspect. A sample of that singular world is sometimes
1 Address before The National Academy of Sciences, April 25, 1921.
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172 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
THE MONACO OCEAIMOGRAPHICAL MUSEUM FROM THE GARDENS OF SAINT MARTIN
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STUDIES OF THE OCEAN 173
fouiul floating as a corpse in the very early morning before the sea-
birds have picked up these remnants of nightly struggles for life.
After the improvements in our operations, unexpected facts were
gradually brought to light and confirmed by other oceanographers.
And in 1912 I obtained, by turning to account the bathometer above
mentioned, which had been manufactured in Germany with great
difficulty, the true curve of the levels the net had passed through in
one operation.
Shortly after, I was able to make a net the opening and closing of
which could be controlled on board the ship. This ensemble of im-
provements enabled us to establish, by means of operations carried out
by day and by night at various depths, that there exists in those vast
spaces a whole bathypelagic world undergoing vertical oscillation by
which some individuals are dragged up from the lowest level at which
they live to within fifty meters of the surface, the process occurring
only at night. Consequently, we now find at about midnight, quite
close to the surface, strange animals which we formerly, when opera-
ting in broad daylight, had to seek through most elaborate means at a
depth of several thousand meters. Hence we know that those animals
live in a state of perpetual vertical oscillation the period of which is
twenty-four hours. We have also found that such animals as are able
to undergo this enormous displacement more frequently belong to the
species provided with luminous organs.
Of the broad researches to which I have applied myself for over a
quarter of a century in order to throw light on the problems concern-
ing the science of the sea, I will mention here my investigation of the
currents in the North Atlantic Ocean. Those motions of the sea
waters, so varied and at times so extensive, which are chiefly brought
about by meteorological influences, in their turn exercise a consider-
able influence over life in the seas. This occurs through the distri-
butkm of the plankton, which is an entire faima of forms extremely
minute and therefore unable to direct themselves among the sea-forces.
The plankton — the miniature animal and plant forms of the sea
world — is, consequently, swept about by currents over special regions
of the sea and is followed by troops of stronger animals that feed upon
it and are themselves fed upon by a yet mightier fauna. So it comes
about that there has been established in the living sea-world, from
the plankton masses to the biggest cetaceans, a broad cycle wherein
we see life constantly arising out of death, amid the waters striving for
their equilibrium. Currents thus exercise supreme influence over the
shoals of sardine or herring, as well as a good many other fish which
they supply with food under such conditions, that once upon ex-
amining the fltomach of one of those fish, we could calculate the num-
ber of peridinians lying there at twenty million.
Out of the ensemble of the facts concerning the history of sea-
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174 THE SCIEXTIFIC MONTHLY
DREDGING WITH THE NET ON BOARD THE "PRINCESSE ALICE." THE YACHT BUILT BY
THE PRINCE OF MONACO FOR THE STUDY OF OCEANIC LIFE. VOYAGE OF 1908
organifims I see more convincing grounds arise for regarding the sea
as the cradle of life. Looming on the horizon of human knowledge, I
descry the line of the species sprung one from another as they are dis-
tributed between surface and bottom. And while I compare that world,
which has remained homogeneous through the ages, with those more
distinct animals held on one plane on the earth's surface as though they
had fled from the ocean; it seems to me that the whole of this terrestrial
fauna because of its slower evolution tends to speedier disappearance,
oynag to the unstable light environment. A few groups, the pinnipedea
and cetaceous manmialians, for instance, have not been able to gain
even the requisite fitness and have remained half and half, with im-
perfect means of breathing and locomotion.
Having for a score of years observed the currents of the North
Atlantic Ocean by means of extensive experiments based on organized
flotation methods, I was, when the German war broke out, quite
prepared for the question of what bec(»nes of the wandering mines
drifting from the mine fields which were soon placed near the coasts
of both continents. I again took up my previous formulae which had
enabled me to draw a chart of the great currents sweeping along or con-
necting Europe and America, and owing to the similarity between the
drifting of mines and the method I had used during my earlier investi-
gations it became possible for me recently to present the navigators
on the North Atlantic Ocean with a very accurate chart of the course
followed by those formidable engines. On this chart one can see an
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STUDIES OF THE OCEAN 175
AIMING AT A WHALE (1902)
inmiense cycle, whose center is indicated by the Azores, described by
the mines in a period of about four years, such being the ^>aoe of
time necessary for the completion of their voyage from the English
Channel to the Canaries, the West Indies and back.
My calculations for this work are accurate with respect to the di-
rection and the velocity of the currents, for the hydrographical and
meteorological officers on both sides of the ocean observe the passing
by or meeting of mines in the manner I had announced to navigators.
The two sets of results mutually confirm each other after thirty-five
years' interval.
I will content myself with quoting here some phenomena connected
widi orientation in animals in their relation to the sea.
One of my operations, carried out with a large fish-pot at a depth
of about 1500 meters, brotught up not only very large Geryon crabs,
which had been caught inside, but a number of the same clinging to
die outside. Thus I witnessed the perplexity the latter must have
been in through want of resolution when the fish-pot was just leaving
the bottom. They were merely crawlers, unable to swim ; and a sudden
separation from the bottom whereon the apparatus was lying prevented
them from being resolute enough to drop back to their environment
by simply falling down the very small height by which at first they
were separated from it. They allowed themselves — for they were
found to be thoroughly alive — ^to be lifted through a height of 1500
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176 THE SCIEXTIFIC MONTHLY
FIRING A LANCE HARPOON FROM A CANNON AT A WHALE IN THE ARCTIC OCEAN.
Photofraph by Lieutenant Bouree
meters up to the surface in spite of the inconvenience they must have
felt owing to the change in temperature and the decrease in pressure.
Another time, in the Mediterranean between Corsica ainl France,
I met with a large whale which was apparently repairing to a pre-
^letermined goal, and accompanied it with my ship the "Princesee-
Alice," keeping close to its flank. For six hours it went on the same
«compa66-route, without departing from it more than two or three de-
grees, covering about 40 kilometers without a deviation although there
was no visible object to guide it. Moreover, its divings and surface
breathings, as measured with a chronometer, showed no marked differ-
ences, 10 minutes under water alternating with 6 to 8 breathings.
Lastly, with respect to terrestrial birds flying over the sea in their
migrations, I have always found facts showing complete lack of
orientation under definite circumstances. Thus they swerve from their
northward or southward route when there is no more land in either of
these directions. The migratory birds swept by some storm away
from continental Europe at length drop down to the sea, lacking the in-
stinct which would help them to find the lands that sometimes lie a
short distance eastward.
On the other hand those birds which in their chance-guided
endeavors have been so lucky as to reach the Azores never afterwards
left them. Several of these islands are therefore peopled with wood-
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STUDIES OF THE OCEAN 177
A METEOROLOGICAL KITE FROM THE EXPLORING YACHT IN THE MEDITERRANEAN
(1906)
cock and quail and wood-pigeons, which never depart; and there can
be visited at Sao Miguel de Ponta Delgado a large collection of
species captured under thoee circumstances.
With regard to phenomena relating to light, Messrs. Bertel and
Grein have pursued very important investigations at the Monaco
Oceanographical Museum concerning the penetration of the various
light radiations into the depth of sea-water. Mr. Grein in particular
has succeeded in securing a photographic print on highly sensitive
plates exposed between 10 a. m., and 1 p. m., at a depth of 1500 meters.
The main results may be stated as follows: If we set down as 1000
the amount of light radiations reaching 1 meter down, we find that
there remains at 5 meters but 3.7 of red and at 50 meters but 0.0021;
at 5 meters there remains but 2.5 of orange-yellow and at 100 meters
but 0.001. For green the figures are 230 at 5 meters and 0.0003 at
1000 meters; for blue they are 450 at 5 meters and 0.0001 at 1000
meters; for violet blue, 866 at 5 meters, 0.003 at 1000 meters, and
0.00001 at 1500 meters.
It was already known that the light radiations were absorbed in the
above order but in what ratios they reach various depths was not
known. M. Grein has moreover sitated the ratios of the various per-
centages of radiations at any given depth: thus at a depth of 1 meter
there are 96.7 per 1000 of red; 165.7 of orange yellow, green and
VOL. XIII.— 12.
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178 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
THE KING OF SPAIN (LEFT) AND THE PRINCE OF MONACO (RIGHT) ON BOARD THE
PRINCE'S YACHT, THE "PKINCESSE ALICE," AT ST. SEBASTIAN. (JULY. 1903)
green blue; 198.9 of blue; and 207.3 of violet blue. Below 1000
meters only blue remains and below 1500 meters only violet blue.
But there is still one question of biology that offers a very great
deal of interest. On my ship Dr. Charles Richet, assisted by Dr.
Portier, brought to light the following facts: The tentacles of certain
marine animals like Physalia provoke by simple contact local irritation
and hypesthesia. When injected with the extracts from these tentacles
the dog, the pigeon, and other animals are plunged into a state of
conscious semi-narcosis more or less prolonged during which they re-
main absolutely insensible to pain. Richet and Portier have named
this benumbing substance ''hypnotoxine.''
In experimenting with extracts from the tentacles of certain sea-
anemones, Richet and Portier found that dogs after having received
one injection became excessively susceptible to the action of a second
dose. These dogs could be killed by a quantity representing only a
fraction of the dose that would be fatal for a dog not previously
treated. They gave the name "anaphylaxis" to this state of abnormal
sensitiveness of a subject to the action of certain substances, which
might be foreign albumens of any kind, animal or vegetable; for ex-
ample, the blood-serum of an animal of a different species, egg-
albumen, substances usually harmless like milk, the extracts of
various organs, bacteria or the extracts from bacteria (bacterial
proteins) etc.
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STUDIES OF THE OCEAN 179
THE PRINCE OF MONACO (RIGHT) AND MR. KOHN (LEFT) ON BOARD THE "PRINCESSE
ALICE" ON THE VOYAGE OF 1905. Photograph by Dr. Richard. Director of the Monaco Museum
If, for example, a small amount of serum from the horse, even one
one-bun<iredth of a cubic centimeter, is injected into a guinea-pig, the
latter is rendered hypersensitive to horse serum. This hypersensitive-
ness goes completely unnoticed unless after a certain lapse of time the
guinea-pig is again injected with serum from the horse; under these
conditions the anaphylactic state reveals itself by a condition of
"shock*' with grave symptoms and sometimes even death in a few
minutes.
There was at first considerable surprise and incredulity because
scientist had hitherto been accustomed to r^ard the reaction of im-
munization or of diminution of sensitiveness as the appropriate re-
sponse of an organism to the injection of foreign substances. It was
therefore astoni^ing that exactly the opposite phenomenon could
result. Thus the laws of immunity were completely upset.
Though but a few years have passed since the condition of anaphy-
laxis was studied for the first time, it has now become one of the sub-
jects which have brought forth the most work in the domain of im-
munity. The amount of research carried out upon anaphylaxis is
enormous, and every day its literature increases. It is a field of the
highest importance not alone on account of its practical application in
serum therapy but because as a mystery it enfoWs within its depths
the secret of many deep-seated questions relating to mankind; also
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180 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
EXAMINING A CATCH OF THE BOUREE NET
because the researches alrea<}y performed upon anaphylaxis give great
hopes for the elucidation of these questions and for the discovery of
a method of rendering the human body insusceptible.
Among the things which contribute to the harmony of our ter-
restrial sphere we should observe the role pkyed by the marine plants
as frequently intermediaries between the living and the lifeless realms
of our planet. While on the one hand they furnish for many organisms
both protection and nouridbment, still another important function falls
to their lot : they fix certain mineral substances which are more or less
abundant in the bosom of the ocean and deliver them up for exploita-
tion by human activity. Thus it would be eminently fitting to con-
serve and to cultivate these products of the sea which are to-day our
auxiliaries in obtaining iodine, bromine, algine, chloride of sodium,
and the salts of potassium, magnesium, lime, iron and manganese.
Unfortunately in some places they are already the victims of waste.
Finding himself in the presence of wealth, one might say, man loses
completely the idea of providence. He seems then to suffer from a
vertigo which drags him to the radical destruction of things for there
is no gift of nature that can survive the ill-considered enterprises of
human industry.
Paul Gloess has said: ''It is in the marine plants that we find,
and shall always find with more certainty than elsewhere, that which
thus far in our carelessness we have neglected to ask of them or which
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STUDIES OF THE OCEAN 181
A FISHING SCENE ON BOARD THE "HIRONDELLE/* THE YACHT BUILT BY THE PRINCE
OF MONACO FOR OCEANIC EXPLORATION. FROM LEFT TO RIGHT ARE PRINCE ALBERT I
OF MONACO: L. TINAYRE. ARTIST; DR. RICHARD. DIRECTOR OF THE MONACO MUSEUM |
M. FUHRMEISTER. PRIVATE SECRETARY. AND DR. LOUET. PHYSICIAN
in otir extravagance we have squandered. ♦ ♦ ♦ The fertile soil of
the earth is constantly becoming poorer while the nourishing fluid of
the sea is growing richer and richer/'
All these data are valuable for the study of the beings living at
various depth-levels in the ocean«
A professor at my Oceanographical Institute, Monsieur Joubin, has
lately sug^sted the use of seaplanes to help open^sea fishermen by
guiding them towards the shoals of the fish they are sedcing while the
latter in their turn are pursuing large shoals of such Crustacea as serve
them for food. For instance, it has been found that the germon (the
blue tunny in the Bay of Biscay) is plentiful in the places tenanted by
certain red-colored amphipodous crustacea (EiUhemisto) of which the
germon is fond. Seaplanes would have no difficulty in signalling to
fishermen those red fields which distinctly mark off certain spaces in
the sea and move about as they are swept by the currents. Again, they
could signal the presence of various other shoals recognizable by dif-
ferent signs. Thanks to this cooperation, fishermen might save time
and much undue wear of their nets.
Now 1 shall take up a matter which I have had in hand for some
time and which is one of a really serious nature. I mean fishing
generally, the destructive effects of which are becoming greater and
greater in the seas where more and more powerful and numerous im-
plements such as steam trawlers are being used. The latter now graze
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182 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
the very soil of continental plateaux, plucking off the sea-weeds and
ruining the bottoms that are fittest for the breeding as well as the
preservation of a grea/t many species. So much so ihat in a few years'
time the tneans of maintenance of hundreds of thousands of fishermen
and their families on the coasts of Europe will have disappeared.
The trawlers steadily work farther and farther, deeper and deeper,
in ever increasing numbers; and wherever their devastation is possible
a waste is involved which certainly exceeds 50 per cent, of the edible
produce they seek. For we must include iu this summary valuation the
young the trawl maims and kills as it passes and those that reach the
ship in such condition that they are useless and in some cases untrans-
portable. Near the Arguin bank on the west African coast a still more
intensive waste occurs which is owing to purely c(Hmnercial causes.
In order to check this evil, I suggest the meeting of international
conferences possessing the most drastic powers to enforce the decisions
that are to be arrived at. I would recommend the adoption of the
reserved district principle, which has always been very efficient for
the preservation of wild terrestrial species, because it rests on logic and
simplicity. Besides, it is now showing its value in those parts of the
sea where the war raged and fishing was held up for a few years; as
soon as fis^hing was resiuned plenty of fish has been found, some speci-
mens being of a size unheard of for thirty years.
I have included within the domain of oceanography, for the present
at least, the study of phenomena observed in the upper atnwsphere
floating over the oceans. That these expanses receive from the sea the
principal elements of their activity seems evident when one remembers
the effects of evaporation on an inunense scale and of the win<l9 whidi
sweep continually over the surface of the waters.
Only with a great deal of difficulty have we succeded in obtaining
observations on the speed and direction of the wind and the temper-
ature and humidity of the air up to altitudes of 25,000 meters.
During several years I pursued, by means of aluminum instruments
weighing very little, the delicate experiments which these researches
entail. In the construction of these instruments Professor Hergesell,
who now accompanied me, had participated. Just as the Americans,
Edy and Rotch, had already done, I at first entrusted my instruments
to kites which carried them up to 4500 meters. But soon I abandoned
this means and adopted a new one which, on land, furnished satis-
factory results to the French investigators Hermite and Bezancon. This
was an arrangement of two linked balloons unequally filled, of which
the one less inflated carried the instruments. On reaching a certain
height the better filled balloon would be burst by the expansion of the
gas it contained, whereas the second, not sufficient alone to carry the
weight of the instruments, redescended toward the surface of the sea.
I was able to make such apparatus reach an altitude of 14,000 meters.
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STUDIES OF THE OCEAN 183
THE PRINCE OF MONACO VISITING THE GROTTO DEL CASTILLO, SPAIN, WHICH HE
EXPLORED FOR PREHISTORIC HUMAN REMAINS. THE PRINCE IS SEATED ON THE
RIGHT OF THE CAVE'S MOUTH, WHILE ON THE EXTREME LEFT STANDS HIS COLLABO-
RATOR. THE ABBE BREUIL. AND NEXT TO HIM THE ARTIST OF THE EXPEDITION,
LOUIS TINAYRE
The most serious difficulty presented in these operations was
always that of recovering the balloon that carried the instruments after
its descent to the sea, since the point of its fall was sometimes 50 to
100 miles distant from that of its ascent and in a direction quite differ-
ent from what the wind at lower levels would inilicate. Moreover, the
whole apparatus, though followed by the ship and located repeatedly as
long as it remained visible, would finally disappear without our being
able subsequently to judge the effect of the wind which carried it.
On board the "Princesse-Alice IF' we solved this problem by
special calculations which allowed us to mark on a map, as soon
as the balloon had disappeared from view, an approximate point to-
ward which to direct the course in order to rediscover it without fail.
Thanks to an ingenious idea of Professor Hergesell, this balloon left
to itself remains floating with its instruments at a height of 50 meters
above the water, its lifting power being recovered through a weight
suspended below which has only to touch the surface.
By using much smaller balloons, of about 1-meter size, which
carried no instruments but the movements of which were measured with
the theodolite as long as it was possible to observe them, we succeeded,
in arctic regions, in determining the velocity and direction of the wind
in the upper layers of the atmosphere, even up to 25,000 meters, as
before mentioned. Then our balloon was 80 kilometers from us in a
straight line; that such a visibility is possible results from the limpid
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184 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
TH€ PRINCE OF MONACO AND HIS PARTY VISIT THE GROTTO OF LA PASIEGO. NEAR
PUENTE VIESCO. NOT FAR FROM SANTANDER
arctic atmosphere free from dust and water-vapor. This same limpid-
ity permitted me one day to follow easily all the actions of 4 men
whom I had sent on a mission to a snowfield situated at a distance of
40 kilometers towards the interior of Spitzbergen.
To-day, therefore, I can release in the open ocean a balloon of 2-
or 3-meter size furnished with instruments and can find it mathe-
matically after it has made a long journey in a direction of which we
otherwise would have to remain totally ignorant.
I shall close my all too brief survey of the mighty dcHnain created
by the science of oceanography by speaking to this distinguished
assembly of the bathymetric chart of all the seas of the globe the
preparation of which I undertook at the time of the International Con-
gress at Berlin in 1899. I realized then that this task was necessary
as a basis and a program for the great work to which I have conse-
crated my life. To Conunandant Bouree I entrusted the direction of
this enterprise and to-day its imperativeness is already evident All
the hydrographic and oceanographic centers of the world have ap-
preciated this fact and are now sending me abundant data bearing on
the subject
This chart, on a scale 1 to 1,000,000, occupies 24 sheets and meas-
ures, without its separate polar circles, 2 meters 40 cm. by 4 meters.
The isobathic lines are those of 200, 500, 1000, 2000 meters, and so on.
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STUDIES OF THE OCEAN 185
The surfaces contained between succeeding contours are colored in
blues becoming progressively deeper in shade. The oceanic r^one of
which the depA still remains unknown are immediately disclosed.
If we had no more rapid system for taking soundings than that
which requires each time the stopping of the ship to send a lead to the
bottom, many years would still be required for the completion of such
a task; but the method of M. Marti, a hydrographic engineer in the
French navy, will doubtless soon enable us to take lines of soundings
with almost the usual speed of a ship under way.
M. Marti obtains the maiking upon a very sensitive recorder of a
slight explosion produced always under the same conditions. This
record being repeated in like manner by the echo sent back from the
submarine floor allows of a measurement of depth with greater precision
than by any other procedure. The principal experiments have been
carried on at the Oceanographic Museum of Monaco and it is to
be hoped that. M. Marti's method of sounding will be employed every-
where. When applied to slight depths it would render great services
to navigation; and as for my bathymetric map, it would very soon be
completed.
I have already told you that my life has been occupied ip anthro-
pological research as well as in oceanographic studies. My conjectures
on the origin of life in the sea carried with them as a necessary
corollary the formation of a group of beings susceptible to the laws of
evolution in such a way as to be led toward the synthetic whole that
has become the human form. Hence it was necessary to sec^ in the
series of marine animals, either among the living or among the fossils
which led the same life, whatever indications might shed light upon
such a question. From what marine ancestors has come the stem of
anthropoids from which one may ask the secret of the drama in which
we are now taking part?
In the midst of these reveries came the desire to found, under the
conditions of independence necessary for the development of scientific
truth, a home where anthropology could grow freely in the solicitude
accorded by the most trusted <£sciples of this science. So I created
beside the Oceanographic Institute of Paris the Institute of Human
Paleontology, where the professors without gathering cumbersome col-
lections study all the materials with which excavations supply us.
I come among you the better to express my happiness and my
pride in the great favor you have done me by bestowing upon me this
medal which commemorates the work of oceanographers. Nothing
could honor more the efforts to which I have consecrated my life that
the spirit of men might no longer be left ignorant of all that concerns
the science of the sea when it had already penetrated so many secrets
of the earth, this infinitesimal portion of the universe.
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186
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
THE PROGRESS OF SQENCE
THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL
CONGRESS OF EUGENICS
Arrangements are well advanced
for the International Congress of Eu-
genics which will be held at the
American Museum of Natural His-
tory, beginning September 22. The
officers are: Honorary president,
Alexander Graham Bell, Washing-
ton, D. C. ; president, Henry Fairfield
Osborn, Columbia University and the
American Museum; honorary secre-
tary, Mrs. C. Neville Rolfe, Lon-
don; treasurer, Madison Grant,
chairman of the Zoological Society,
New York; secretary-general, C. C.
Little, Department of Genetics, Car-
negie Institution of Washington.
The congress is organized in four
sections. In the first section will be
presented, on the one hand, the re-
sults of research in the domain of
pure genetics in animals and plants,
on the other, studies in human
heredity. The application to man of
the laws of heredity and the physiol-
ogy of reproduction as worked out on
some of the lower animals will be
presented. The leading address will
be by Dr. Lucien Cuenot, Nancy,
France.
The second section will consider
factors which influence the human
family and their control; the rela-
tion of fecundity of different strains
and families and the question of so-
cial and legal control of such fecun-
dity; also the differential mortality of
the eugenically superior and inferior
stocks and the influence upon such
mortality of special factors, such as
war and epidemics and endemic dis-
eases. First in importance among the
agencies for the improvement of the
race is the marriage relation, with its
antecendent mate selection. Such se-
lection should be influenced by nat-
ural sentiment and by a knowledge of
the significant family traits of the
proposed consorts and of the meth-
od of inheritance of these traits.
In this connection will be brought
forward facts of improved and unim-
proved families and of the persist-
ence, generation after generation, of
the best as well as of the worst char-
acteristics. The leading address will
be by Dr. Herman Lundborg, Upsala,
Sweden.
The third section will concern itself
with the topic of human racial differ-
ences, with the sharp distinction be-
tween racial characteristics and the
unnatural associations often created
by political and national boundaries.
In this connection will be considered
the facts of the migration of races,
the influence of racial characteristics
•on human history, the teachings of
the past with bearings on the policies
of the future. The results of research
upon racial mixture in relation to hu-
man history will be presented. Also
the topics of racial differences in dis-
eases and psychology will be taken up.
The history of race migrations and
their influence on the fate of na-
tions, especially modern immigrations,
should be set forth. The leading ad-
dress will be by Dr. M. V. de La-
pouge, Poitiers, France.
The fourth section will discuss eu-
genics in relation to the state, to so-
ciety and to education. It will in-
clude studies on certain practical ap-
plications of eugenic research and on
the value of such findings to morals,
to education, to history, and to the
various social problems and move-
ments of the day. In this section will
be considered the bearing of genetical
discoveries upon the question of hu-
man differences and upon the desir-
ability of adjusting the educational
program of such differences. Here
will be considered the importance of
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THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE
187
family history studies for the better
understanding and treatment of va-
rious types of hospital cases and those
requiring custodial care. The bear-
ings of genetics on sociology, eco-
nomics and the fate of nations may
be considered in this section. The
leading address will be by Major
Leonard Darwin, London.
In connection with this congress a
Eugenics Exhibition will be held from
September 22 to October 22, in the
Forestry Hall of the American Mu-
seum of Natural History. It is de-
sired to secure the most striking ex-
hibits available or which can be pre-
pared for this purpose. While the ex-
hibits must be able to withstand the
test of professional scrutiny, still
they should be of a nature which the
man of ordinary intelligence and edu-
cation, but without special scientific
training, may readily comprehend and
appreciate. Provision will be made
for exhibiting displays of highly tech-
nical work, but the popular aspect
will be given the preference.
THE EDINBURGH MEETING OF
THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION
FOR THE ADVANCE-
MENT OF SCIENCE
The British Association holds its
eighty-ninth annual meeting at Edin-
burgh, from September 7 to 14. Ac-
cording to an announcement in the
London Times, the president, Sir
Edward Thorpe, will address the as-
sociation on aspects and problems of
post-war science, pure and applied.
An evening discourse will be given
by Professor C. E. Inglis on a com-
parison of the Forth and Quebec
Bridges, and there will be an oppor-
tunity to visit the former. Another
discourse will be given on Edinburgh
and oceanography by Professor W.
A. Herdman, who, it will be remem-
bered, as president of the association
at Cardiff last year, pressed for a new
exploration of the oceans like that of
the Challenger, nearly 50 years ago.
Some presidents of sections will in-
troduce discussions on their ad-
dresses. Hitherto all addresses have
been formally read, and never dis-
cussed, but in the present program
the following addresses are announc-
ed to initiate debates: Sir W. Mor-
ley Fletcher, on the boundaries of
physiology; Professor Lloyd Morgan,
on consciousness and the uncon-
scious, opening the newly established
section of psychology; Dr. D. H.
Scott, on the present position of the
theory of descent in relation to the
early history of plants; Sir Henry
Hadow, on the place of music in a
liberal education; and Mr. C. S. Or-
win, on the study of agricultural eco-
nomics. Other addresses will be
given on problems of physics by Pro-
fessor O. W. Richardson, on the lab-
oratory of the living organism by Dr.
M. O. Forster, by Dr. J. S. Flett on
experimental geology, by Professor
E. S. Goodrich on some problems in
evolution, by Dr. D. G. Hogarth on
the application of geography, by Mr.
W. L. Hichens on principles by which
wages are determined, and by Pro-
fessor A. H. Gibson on water power.
This year the council called all sec-
tional committees to meet together to
consider common action, and out of
many suggestions then received sev-
eral topics of first-rate importance
were selected to be debated by ap-
propriate groups of sections, at joint
meetings which will form the princi-
pal items of the sectional programs.
These topics include the structure of
molecules, the age of the earth, bio-
chemistry, the proposed Mid-Scot-
land canal, the origin of the Scottish
people, vocational training and tests
and the relation of genetics to agri-
culture.
Among the other promised fea-
tures there is a popular exposition of
Einstein's theory of relativity by Pro-
fessor A. S. Eddington ; and the usual
public lectures will be given to the
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Photographed by Underwood and Underwood.
DR. LIVINGSTON FARRAND
Elected pretident of Cornell University to succeed Dr. Jacob Gould Schnrman. President Fsrrand
has been adjunct professor of psychology and professor of anthropology in Columbia UniTorsity,
president of the University of Colorado and chairman of the Central Committee of the American
Red Cross.
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THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE
189
citizens of Edinburgh. The speakers
will include Sir Oliver Lodge on
speech through the ether, Professor
A. Dendy on the stream of life, and
Professor H. J. Fleure on countries
as personalitieSi and a special lecture
will be arranged on market day in
Edinburgh for the agricultural com-
munity by Dr. E. J. Russell on science
and crop production.
The association, having failed to
regain its former concession of re-
duced railway fares for members,
proposes that they shall be offered fa-
cilities for traveling by motor coach
to Edinburgh from most of the uni-
versi^ and many other principal
towns in England, at fares substan-
tially less than those of the railways.
Full particulars of membership may
be had from the office of the asso-
ciation at Burlington House, or from
the local secretary at the University
of Edinburgh.
MEETINGS OF BRITISH AND
AMERICAN CHEMISTS
Joint meetings will be held this
autumn by chemists of Great Britain,
Canada and the United States. Mem-
bers of the Society of Chemical In-
dustry of Great Britain will join with
the Canadian branch of their organ-
ization in sessions in Montreal late
in August. The scientific and busi-
ness sessions will center at McGill
University, where there will be a spe-
cial convocation. The Canadian and
British chemists will inspect numer-
ous plants and will proceed to Ot-
tawa and Toronto, where they will be
entertained by the local sections. On
September 5, they will reach Niagara
Falls, where they will view the vast
establishments which modern physics
and chemistry have created.
The members will then cross the
border, being met by a committee of
the American section of their society
and conducted through the industrial
plants on this side of the Falls. Din-
ner will be served at Buffalo, and on
their arrival at Syracuse, they will
have luncheon with the Solvay
Process Company. The chemists will
then go to Albany and New York
City, where they will be welcomed by
the American Section of the Society
of Chemical Industry. Elaborate ar-
rangements for the reception of the
chemists will be carried out, through
the co-ordinating committee, of which
Dr. B. C. Hesse is chairman and Dr.
Allen Rogers is secretary. The fes-
tivities, meetings and entertainments
which will follow are designed to
bring into closer bonds all chemists
of Anglo-Saxon stock.
The fall meeting of the American
Chemical Society, with its 15,500
members, is to be held in New York
City from September 6 to 10, inclu-
sive. The first contact will be at a
lawn party, to be given on the after-
noon of September 7 to foreign
guests and to scientific societies at
Columbia University. Other so-
cieties asked to participate in the
welcoming of the visitors from
abroad are: The American Electro-
chemical Society; the American In-
stitute of Chemical Engineers; the
American Section of the Societe
de Chimie Industrielle ; and the Man-
ufacturing Chemists' Association of
the United States. The foreign
guests have also been invited to the
smoker and entertainment of the
American Chemical Society, which
will be held on the evening of Wed-
nesday, September 7.
Scientific sessions of the American
Chemical Society, in which many
matters concerning chemical research
and applied chemistry will be dis-
cussed, are to be held at Columbia
University. To these meetings the
British and Canadian guests have
been bidden. They will also be pres-
ent at the banquet of the American
Chemical Society on the evening of
September 9 at the Waldorf-Astoria.
The fortnight beginning September
12 will be dedicated to American
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Photographed by Harris and Ewing.
EDWARD BENNETT ROSA
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THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE
191
chemistry in all its phases, for it
marks the holding of the National
Exposition of Chemical Industries,
which is to be held in the Coast Ar-
tillery Armory in the Bronx. There
will be brought together under one
roof a demonstration of what has
been accomplished in this country
since the European War in adapting
the resources of the United States to
national needs.
EDWARD BENNETT ROSA
The death of Dr. Edward Bennett
Rosa, chief physicist of the Bureau
of Standards, Washington, D. C, is
a serious loss to science and to the
government service. Born in Rogers-
ville, N. Y., in 1861, he was a grad-
uate of Wesleyan University in the
class of i886, receiving the degree of
doctor of philosophy from the Johns
Hopkins University in 1891. For
a short time he was instructor at
the University of Wisconsin, leaving
there to become professor of physics
at Wesleyan University. He became
the chief physicist at the Bureau of
Standards in 190 1.
He did notable work in science and
electrical engineering. At Wesleyan
University he developed the physical
side of the respiration calorimeter
with Professor W. O. Atwater. This
apparatus was of great value in the
pioneer investigations on the value of
foods and the study of nutrition prob-
lems. He took a leading part in the
researches to establish the funda-
mental electrical units after going to
the Bureau of Standards and served
as secretary of the International
Committee on Electrical Units and
Standards. He has developed the
electrical work of the Bureau of
Standards from small beginnings
into an organization covering the
scientific and engineering aspects of
a great national laboratory.
When Dr. Rosa began his work in
the Electrical Division it was his am-
bition to determine a number of the
fundamental electrical constants. In
conjunction with Dr. Dorsey he im-
mediately undertook the determina-
tion of the ratio of the electromag-
netic and electrostatic units. About
1907 they started their work on the
determination of the ampere. This
was followed by work on the silver
voltameter and apparatus for deter-
mining the absolute value of the
ohm.
During his early years at the bu-
reau, Dr. Rosa published a large
number of papers on the computing
of inductance, and later, with Dr.
Grover, he collected together prac-
tically all the known formulae for
computing inductance. In 1910, there
was instituted under Dr. Rosa's di-
rection an exhaustive investigation
into the subject of electrolytic corro-
sion of underground ^as and water
pipes, and lead cable sheaths due to
stray currents from electric railways.
During the war, Dr. Rosa directed
the development of a number of
scientific instruments which were of
inestimable value to the American
Forces in France. Among these
might be mentioned a sound-ranging
device for locating big guns ; the geo-
phone for the detection of mining op-
erations, the development of aircraft
radio-apparatus, and the improve-
ment of radio.
In addition to his diversified work
in the field of electrical research, Dr.
Rosa was keenly interested in the
prevention of industrial accidents
and in the promulgation of safety
standards for use by state, municipal
and insurance organizations. He
conceived the idea of a National
Electrical Safety Code several years
ago, and the present code is largely
the result of his efforts. Similarly
the bureau has undertaken a number
of other national safety codes, the
Safety Code Section working under
his direction.
His broad vision showed him the
need of a central clearing house for
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192
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
engineering standards. For years he
worked whole-heartedly to bring
about the formation of such an or-
ganization. It was due in no small
measure to his efforts that the Amer-
ican Engineering Standards Com-
mittee is now functioning.
The broader aspects of the scien-
tific and engineering work of the
Federal Government were clearly
presented in a series of papers by Dr.
Rosa. His analysis of government
expenditures, printed in this joumali
was largely quoted by leading period-
icals as well as in both Houses of
Congress.
SCIENTIFIC ITEMS
Wz record with regret the death
of Dr. Francis Bacon Crocker, the
electrical engineer, formerly profess-
or at Columbia University; of Dr.
Marsh man Edward Wads worth, dean
emeritus of the School of Mines of
the University of Pittsburgh, and of
Dr. Gabriel Lippman, professor of
ph3rsics in the University of Paris.
Dr. Frank Pierrepont . Graves,
dean of the school of education of
the University of Pennsylvania, has
been appointed commissioner of edu-
cation of the state of New York and
president of the University of the
State of New York.
The Adamson lecture was deliv-
ered at the University of Manches-
ter on June 9 by Professor Einstein,
who had been invited by the council
in accordance with a senate recom-
mendation passed on February 3. At
the opening of the proceedings the
honorary degree of D.Sc was con-
ferred on him. Professor Einstein
lectured on June 13 at King's Col-
lege, London, on "The development
and present position of the theory of
relativity." After the public lecture
Professor Einstein was the guest of
the principal of King's College at a
dinner given in the college.
The Louisiana State University
will receive $7,500,000 for new build-
ings and equipment as a result of the
action of the Constitutional Conven-
tion which has just adjourned, this
sum having been set apart for the
purpose from funds accruing from
the newly established severance tax
on oil and other natural resources.
Plans are now being made for the
erection of the new buildings on a
tract of two thousand acres near
Baton Rouge, Olmstead Brothers, of
Brookline, Mass., having been secured
as landscape architects. The new con«
stitution, which has just gone into
effect, also provides for a half-mill
tax, which it is estimated will yield
an annual income of approximately
a million dollars for the mainten-
ance of the university.
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VOL. XIII, NO. 3 .^^^ ^'^^^ SEPTEMBER, 1921
( AUP 311921)
^fiHAn^/'^
THE SCIENTIFIC
MONTHLY
EDITED BY J. McKEEN CATTELL
CONTENTS
THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH— NATURAL DEATH. PUBLIC HEALTH AND THE
POPULATION PROBLEM. Professor Raymond Pearl 193
IMPENDING PROBLEMS OF EUGENICS. Professor Irving Fisher 214
A FEW QUESTIONABLE, POINTS IN THE HISTORY OF MATHEMATICS.
Professor G. A. Miller 232
THE EARLIEST PRINTED ILLUSTRATIONS OF NATURAL HISTORY.
Professor William A. Locy 238
GETTING MARRIED ON FIRST MESA, ARIZONA. Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons 259
HARMONIZING HORMONES. Professor B. W. Kunkel 266
GRAZING PRACTICE ON THE NATIONAL FORESTS AND ITS EFFECT ON
NATURAL CONDITIONS. Clarence F. Korstian 275
THE TOOGRESS OF SCIENCE:
Helmholtz and VircKow; The International Institute of Agriculture; The Na-
tional Geographic Society's Gift of Big Trees; Field Work of the Smithsonian
Institution; Birds Banded by tKe Biological Survey; Scientific Items 282
THE SCIENCE PRESS
PUBUCATION OFFICE: 11 LIBERTY ST., UTICA, N. Y.
EDITORIAL AND BUSINESS OFnCE: GARRISON, N. Y.
Single Number, 50 Cents. Yearly Subscription, $5.00
COPYRIGHT 1921 BY THE SCIENCE PRESS
Entered •• tecovd'ckis matter Febnury 8, 1921, at the Pmi Office at Utiea, N. Y.. under the Act of March 3, 1879.
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4
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I
I-
i
f
1
I
g^gfe^atei-riM^^e^^^^
/TCZlWTPi. Today, every walk in life has been divided and
^yi sub-divided. Oxford books reflect this progress both in their
^"^ wide variety and ever increasing number.
c4 seUction of those recently issued.
SPACE AND TIME IN CONTEMPORARY PHYSICS
^y MORTTZ SCHUCK ffet JJ2^0
An adequate, yet dear account of Einstein's epodi-maldng theories of relativity.
ON GRAVITATION AND RELATIVITY
®y Ralph Allen Sampson 90c
The Halley lecture delivered by the Astronomer Royal for Scotland.
SOME FAMOUS PROBLEMS OF THE THEORY OF
NUMBERS
^ G. H. Hardy ^1.15
Inaugural lecture by the Savilian Ptofcasor of Geomeny at Oifbcd.
TUTORS UNTO CHRIST
^y Alfred E. Garvib ^/ ;^2.25
An interesting introduction Xo the study of religions.
FUNGAL DISEASES OF THE COMMON LARCH
% W. E, HiLEY ' ^5.65
An elaborate investigation into larch canker with descriptions of all other kno%vn
diff*^fy*f of the larch and numerous fine illusecations.
THE GEOGRAPHY OF PLANTS
Sy M. E. Hardy ?3.00
More advanced than the author's earlier work discussing fully the conditions in which
plants flourish and their distribution throughout the earth.
SCHOOLS OF GAUL
Sy Theodore Haarhoff ^5.65
An important study of Pagan and Christian educatkm in the last century of the
Western empire.
THE ELEMENTS OF DESCRIPTIVE ASTRONOMY
Sy E. O. Tancock ^1.35
A simple and attractive description of the heavens calculated to arouse the interest
of those who know little or nothing of the subject.
RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN EUROPEAN THOUGHT
Edited by F. S. Marvin '5^^/ jia.OO
Twelve essays bv noted scholars summarizing the work of the leading European
thinkers in the last fifty years.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE ATOMIC THEORY
'By A. N. Meldrum 70c
A brief historical sketch attributing to William Higgins, not John Dalton as
generally supposed, priority in the discovery of the theory.
cAt all booksellers or from the publishers,
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 'American branch
35 WEST 32nd STREET. NEW YORK
XFORD BOOKS
Q/& standard cf textuaC excefience.
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THE SCIENTIFIC
MONTHLY
SEPTEMBER. 1921
THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH— VH. NATURAL DEATH,
PUBLIC HEALTH, AND THE POPULATION
PROBLEM^
By Professor RAYMOND PEARL
the johns hopkins university
1. Summary of Results
IN this series of papers I have attempted to review some of the im-
portant biological and statistical contributions which have been
made to the knowledge of natural death and the duration of life, and
to synthesize these scattered results into a coherent unified whole. In
the present paper I shall endeavor to summarize in the briefest way the
scattered facts which have been passed in review in the series, and to
follow a presentation of the general results to which they lead with
some discussion of what we may reasonably regard the future as hav-
ing in store for us, si> far as may be judged from our present knowl-
edge of the trend of events.
What are the general results of our review of the general biology
of death? In the first place, one perceives that natural death is a
relatively new thing which appeared first in evolution when differentia-
tion of cells for particular functions came into existence. Unicellular
animals are and always have been immortal. The cells of higher
organisms, set apart for reproduction in the course of differentiation
during evolution, are immortal. The only requisite conditions to
make their potential immortality actual are physico-chemical in nature
and are now fairly well understood, particularly as a result of the
investigations of Loeb upon artificial parthenogenesis and related
phenomena. The essential and important somatic cells of the body,
however much differentiated, are also potentially immortal, but the
conditions necessary for the actual realization of the potential im-
mortality are, in the nature of the case, as has been shown by the
brilliant researches of Leo Loeb, Harrison and Carrel on tissue culture,
1 Paper from the Department of Biometry and Vital Statistics, School of
Hygiene and Public Health, Johns Hopkins University, No. 34.
VOL. xra.— u.
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194 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
such as can not be realized so long as these cells are actually in and a
part of the higher metazoan body. The reason why this is so, and
why in consequence death results in the Metazoa, is that in such organ-
isms the specialization of structure and function necessarily makes the
several parts of the body mutually dependent for their life upon each
other. If one organ or group breaks down, the balance of the whole
is upset and death follows. But the individual cells themselves could
go on living indefinitely if they were freed, as they are in cultures, of
the necessity of depending upon the proper functioning of other cells
for their food, oxygen, etc.
So then we see emerging, as our first general result, the fact that
natural death is not a necessary or inevitable conseqpuence of life. It
is not an attribute of the cell. It is a by-product of progressive evo-
lution— the price we pay for differentiation and specialization of
structure and function.
The first result leads logically to the attachment, in any particular
organism such as man, of great importance to the quantitative analysis
of the manner in which different parts of the body break down and lead
to death. Such an analysis, carefully worked through, demonstrates
that this breaking down isi not a haphazard process, but a highly
orderly one resting upon a fundamental biological basis. The progress
of the basic tissue elements of the body along the evolutionary path-
way is the factor which determines the time when the organ systems
in which they are chiefly involved shall break down. Those organ
systems that have evolved farthest away from original primitive con-
ditions are the soundest and most resistant, and wear the longest under
the strain of functioning. So then, the second large result is that it is
the way potentially immortal cells are put together in mutually de-
pendent organ systems that immediately determines the time relations
of the life span.
But it was possible to penetrate more deeply into the problem than
this by finding that the duration of life is an inherited character of an
individual, passed on from parent to offspring, just as is eye color or
hair color, though not with the same degree of precision. This has
been proved in a variety of ways, first directly for man (Pearson) and
for a lower animal, DrosophUa^ (Hyde, Pearl) by measuring the de-
gree of hereditary transmission of duration of life, and indirectly by
showing that the death rate was selective (Pearson, Snow, Bell, Ploetz)
and had been since nearly the beginning of recorded history, at least.
It is heredity which determines the way the organism is put together —
the organization of the parts. And it is when parts break down and
the organization is upset that death comes. So the third large result
is that heredity is the primary and fundamental determiner of the
length of the span of life.
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH 196
Finally, it is possible to say. probably^ though not as yet definitely
because the necessary mass of experimental evidence is still lacking,
but will I believe be shortly provided, that environmental circum-
stances play their part in determining the duration of life largely, if
not in principle entirely, by influencing the rale at which the vital
patrimony is spent. If we live rapidly, like Loeb and Northrop's
Drosophila at the high temperatures, our lives may be gayer, but they
will not be so long. The fact appears to be, though reservation of
final judgment is necessary till more returns are in, that heredity de-
termines the amount of capital placed in the vital bank upon which
we draw to continue life, and which when all used up spells death,
while environment, using the term in the broadest sense to include
habits of life as well as physical surroundings, determines the rate at
which drafts are presented and cashed. The case seems in principle
like what obtains in respect of the duration of life of a man-constructed
machine. It is self-evident that if of two automobiles of the same make
leaving the factory together new at the same time, one is run at the
rate of 1,000 miles per year and the other at the rate of 10,000 miles
per year, the useful life of the former is bound to be much longer in
time than that of the latter, accidents being excluded in both cases.
Again, a very high priced car, well-built of the finest materials, may
have a shorter duration of life than the shoddiest tin bone-shaker, pro-
vided the annual mileage output of the former is many times that of
the latter.
The first three of these conclusions I believe to be as firmly
grounded as any of the generalizations of science. The last rests at
present upon a much less secure footing. Because it does, it offers an
extremely promising field for both statistical and experimental re-
search. We need a wide variety of investigations, like those of Loeb
and Northrop and of Slonaker, on the experimental side. On the
statistical side, well-conceived and careful studies, by the most refined
of modem methods, upon occupational mortality seem likely to yield
large returns.
2. Public Health Activities
Fortunately, it is possible to get some light on the environmental
side from existing statistical data by considering in a broad general
way the results of public-health activities, so-called. Any public-health
work, of course, deals and can deal in the present state of public senti-
ment and enlightenment only with environmental matters. Attempts at
social control of the germ-plasm — the innate inherited constitutional
make-up — of a people, by eugenic legislation^ have not been con-
spicuously sucoeseful. AxuA there is a good deal of doubt, having
regard to all the factors necessarily involved, whether they have always
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1»6 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
been even well-conceived. As an animal breeder of some years* ex-
perience, I have no doubt whatever that almost any breeder of average
intelligence, if given onmipotent c<mtrol over the activities and destinies
of human beings, could in a few generations breed a race of men on
the average considerably superior — by our present standards — to any
race of men now existing in respect of many of his qualities or at-
tributes. But, as a practical person, I am equally sure that nothing
of the sort is going to be done by legislative action or any similar dele-
gation of powers. Before any sensible person or society is going to
entrust the control of its germ-plasm to science, there will be demanded
that science know a great deal more than it now does about the vagaries
of germ-plasms and how to control them. Another essential difficulty
is one of standards. Suppose it to be granted that our knowledge of
genetics was sufficiently cunple and profound to make it possible to
make a racial germ plasm exactly whatever one pleased; what in-
dividual or group of individuals could possibly be trusted to decide
what it should be? Doubtless many persons of uplifting tendencies
would promptly come forward prepared to undertake such a responsi-
bility. But what of history? If it teaches us anything, it is that social,
moral and political standards change, and change radically, with the
passing of time. What a group of onmipotent thirteenth century
geneticists — all well-meaning, sincere, and, for their time, enlightened
individuals — ^would have thought to be an ideal race of human beings
would be very far from what we should so regard to-day. One can not
but feel that man's instinctive wariness about experimental interfer-
ences with his germ plasm is well-founded.
But becauae of the altogether more impersonal nature of the case,
most men individually and society in general are perfectly willing to
let anybody do anything they like in the direction of modifying the
environment, or trying to, quite r^ardless of whether science is able to
give any slightest inkling on the basis of ascertained facts as to whether
the outcome will be good, bad or indifferent. Hence many kinds of
weird activities and propaganda flourish like the proverbial bay tree,
and with a singularly unanimous and outspoken manifestation of that
unenlightened self-indifference, which is so charming a characteristic
of the highest descendants of the anthropoids collectively, we go on
paying out large sums of money to the end that they may continue to
flourish.
Of all activities looking towards the direct modification of the
environment to the benefit of mankind, that group comprised under
the terms sanitation, hygiene and public health have by all odds the
best case when measured in terms of accomplishment. Man's expecta-
tion of life has increased as he has come down through the centuries
(cf. Pearson and Macdonell.) A very large part of this improvement
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH
197
must surely be credited to his improved understanding of how to
cope with an always more or less inimical environment and assuage its
asperities to his greater comfort and well-being. To fail to give this
credit would be okanifestly absurd.
But it would be equally absurd to attempt to maintain that all
decline in the death-rate which has occurred has been due to the efforts
of health officials, whether conscious or unconscious. The open-minded
student of the natural history of disease knows perfectly well that a
large part of the improvement in the rate of mortality can not possibly
have been due to any such efforts. To illustrate the point, I have pre-
paid a series of illustrations dealing with conditions in the Registra-
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TREND OF DEATH RATES FOR FOUR CAUSES OF DEATH AGAINST WHICH PUBLIC
HEALTH ACTIVITIES HAVE BEEN PARTICULARLY DIRECTED
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198 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
tian Area of the United States in the immediate past. All these
diagrams (Figures 1, 2, and 3) give death rates per 100,000 from
various causes of death in the period of 1900-1918, inclusive, both
sexes for simplicity being taken together. The lines are all plotted on
a logarithmic scale. The result of this method of plotting is that the
slope trend of each line is directly comparable with that of any other,
no matter what the absolute magnitude of the rates concerned. It is
these slopes, measuring improvement in mortality, to which I would
especially direct attention.
In Figure 1 are given the trends of the death rates for four diseases
against which public health and sanitary activities have been par-
ticularly and vigorously directed, with, as we are accustomed to say,
most gratifying results. The diseases are:
1. Tuberculosis of the lungs.
2. Typhoid fever.
3. Diphtheria and croup.
4. Dysentery.
We note at once that the death rates from these diseases have all
steadily declined in the 19 years under review. But the rate of drop
has been slightly unequal. Remembering that the slopes are oompar-
able, wherever the lines may lie, and that an equal slope means a
relatively equally effective diminution of the mortality of the disease,
we note that the death-rate from tuberculosis of the lungs has decreased
slightly less than any of the other three. Yet it may fairly be said that
so strenuous a warfare, or one engaging in its ranks so many earnest
and active workers, has probably never in the history of the world been
waged against any disease as that which has been fought in the United
States against tuberculosis in the period covered. The rates of decline
of the other three diseases are all practically identical.
Figure 2 shows entirely similar trends for four other causes of
death — ^namely :
1. Bronchitis (Acute and Chronic).
2. Paralysis without specified cause.
3. Purulent infection and septicemia.
4. Softening of the brain.
Now it will be granted at once, I think, that public health and sani-
tation cam have had, at the utmost, extremely little if anything to do
with the trend of mortality from these four causes of death. For the
most part they certainly represent pathological entities far beyond the
present reach of the health officer. Yet the outstanding fact is that their
rates of mortality have declined and are declining just as did those in
the controllable group shown in Figure 1. It is of no moment to say
that the four causes of death in the second group are absolutely of
less importance than some of those in the first group, because what we
are here discussing is not relative force of mortality from different
causes, but rather the trend of mortality from particular causes. The
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH 199
NON - CONTROLLED CAUSES OF DEATH
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nC. 2. TREND OF DEATH RATES FR<»f FOUR CAUSES OF DEATH UPON WHICH NO
DIRECT ATTEMPT AT CONTROL HAS BEEN MADE
Toie of decline is just as significant, whatever the absolute point from
which the curve starts.
It is difficult to carry in the mind an exact impression of the slope
of a line, so, in order that a comparison may be made, I have plotted
in Figure 3, first, the total rate of mortality from the four controllable
causes of death taken together and, second, the total rate of mortality
from the four uncontrolled causes taken together. The result is in-
teresting. The two lines were actually nearer together in 1900 than
they were in 1918. They have diverged because the mortality from the
uncontrolled four has actually decreased faster in the 19 years than
has that from the four against which we have been actively fighting.
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200
LOCO
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
100
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FIG.
3. TREND OF COMBINED DEATH RATE FROM THE FOUR CAUSES SHOWN IN
FIGURE I AS COBfPARED WITH THE FOUR CAUSES SHOWN IN FIGURE 2
The divergence is not great, however. Perhaps we are only justified in
saying that the mortality in each of the two groups has notably de-
clined, and at not far from identical rates.
Now the four diseases in this group I chose quite at random from
among the causes of death whose rates I knew to be declining, to use as
an illustration solely. I could easily pick out eight other causes of
death which would illustrate the same point. I do not wish too much
stress to be laid upon these examples. If they may serve merely to
drive sharply home into the mind that it is only the tyro or the reckless
propagandist long ago a stranger to truth who will venture to assert
that a declining death-rate in and of itself marks the successful result
of human effort, I shall be abundantly satisfied.
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH 20.1
There is much in our public health work that is worthy of the
highest praise. When based upon a sound foundation of ascertained
fact it may» and does, proceed with a step as firm and inexorable as
that of Fate itself, to the wiping out of preventable mortality. Some
of the work, one regrets to say, has no such foundation, but is built
upon the exceedingly shifty sands of ignorance. Having jumped with-
out the slightest real evidence to an unsupported conclusion, the pub-
lic health propagandist puts into active practice and at great public
expense measures which totally lack any scientific validity. I am in
great sympathy with the words of the distinguished English patholc^ist,
William Bulloch, who said, in discussing tuberculosis, that he wished
^Ho enter a protest against the wild statements now being made in the
lay and medical press, that the whole problem of phthisis was one of
infection. Medical history showed that in tuberculosis, as also in the
case of other diseases, the most extreme views were taken, not by those
who had contributed the actual advancement in knowledge, but by those
whose business it was to apply those advancements for the needs of the
public. There were a large number of well-ascertained facts which
were not entirely explicable on the doctrine that disposition was not
an important factor in the genesis of the disease, and that before rigor-
ous measures were applied on a wide scale the actual facts should be
ascertained. He did not agree that public health authorities must
always ^do something.' This Moing something' should be put a
stop to until there was a reasonable supposition that it was going to
achieve its end. He did not wish it to be understood that the tubercle
bacillus was not a potent factor. What he did refuse to believe was
that it was the only factor. He considered that the disposition, the
power of the individual to resist the aggressive inroads of the bacillus,
was greater than many people held at the present day."
While this statement of Bulloch's turns upon a controverted issue
in the etiology of clinical tuberculosis, namely, as to the relative in-
fluence of heredity and environment, the same principle applies to
some other phases of public-health work. We shall save a good deal
of money and human energy, if we first take the trouble to prove that
what we are undertaking to do is in any degree likely to achieve any
useful end.
3. The Population Problem
Turning to another phase of the problem, it is apparent that if,
as a result of sanitary and hygienic activities and natural evolution,
the average duration of human life is greater now than it used to be and
is getting greater all the time, then clearly there must be more people
on the earth at any time out of a given number bom than was formerly
the case. It is furthermore plain that if nothing happens to the birth-
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202 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
rate there must eventually be as many persons living upon the habitable
parts of the globe as can possibly be supported with food and the other
necessities of life. Malthus, whom every one discusses but few take
the trouble to read, pointed out many years ago that the problem of
population transcends, in its direct importance to the welfare of human
beings and forms of social organization, all other problems. Lately
we have had a demonstration on a ghastly gigantic scale of the truth
of Malthus' contention. For in last analysis it can not be doubted that
the underlying cause of the great war through which we have just
passed was the ever-growing pressure of population upon subsistence.
Any system or form of activity which tends by however slight an
amount to keep more people alive at a given instant of time than would
otherwise remain alive adds to the difficulty of the problem of popula-
tion. We have just seen that this is precisely what our public-health
activities aim to do, and in which they succeed in a not inconsiderable
degree. But someone will say at once that while it is true that the
death-rate is falling more or less generally, still the birth-rate is falling
concomitantly, so we need not worry about the population problem.
It is evident that if we regard the population problem in terms of
world-area, rather than that of any particular country, its degree of im-
mediacy depends upon the ratio of births to deaths in any given time
unit. If we examine, as I have recently done, these death-birth ratios
for different countries, we iBnd that they give us little hope of any so-
lution of the problem of population by virtue of a supposed general
positive correlation between birth rates and death rates.
The relation of birdi-rate and death-rate changes to population
changes is a simple one and may be put this way. If, neglecting migra-
tion as we are justified in doing in the war period and in considering
the world problem, in a given time unit the percentage
100 Deaths
Births
has a value less than 100, it means that the births exceed the deaths
and that the population is increasing within the specified time unit
If, on the other hand, the percentage is greater than 100, it means that
the deaths are more frequent than the births and that the population
is decreasing, again wkhin the specified time unit. The ratio of deaths
to births may be conveniently designated as the vital index of a popula-
tion.
From the raw data of births and deaths, I have calculated the per-
centage which the deaths were of the births for (a) the 77 non-invaded
departments of France; (b) Prussia; (c) Bavaria; and (d) England
and Wales, from 1913 to 1920 by years. The results are shown in
Table 1.
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH
203
TABLE 1
Percentage of Deaths to Births
77 non-invaded
Year
departments
of France
1913
97 per cent
1914
no " "
1915
169 " "
1916
193 " "
1917
179 " «
1918
198 " "
1919
154 « "
1920
Prussia
66
per
cent.
lOI
((
117
«
((
140
«
«
132*
u
u
Bavaria
58 per cent
74
131
127
146
England and
Wales
57 per cent.
59 " "
69 "
65 "
75 "
92 -
73 "
42* "
* First three- fourths of year only.
The points to be especially noted in Table 1 are:
1. In all the countries here dealt with the death-birth ratio in
general rose throughout the war period. This means that the pro-
portion of deaths to births increased so long as the war continued.
2. But in England it never rose to the 100 per cent mark. In
other words, in spite of all the dreadful effects of war, England's net
population went on increasing throughout the war.
3. Immediately after the war was over, the death-birth ratio began
to drop rapidly in all countries. In England in 1919 it had dropped
back from the high figure of 92 per cent in 1918 to 73 per cent In
France it dropped from the high figure of 198 in 1918 to 154 in 1919,
a lower figure than France had shown since 1914. In all the countries
the same change is occurring at a rapid pace.
Perhaps the most striking possible illustration of this is the
history of the death-birth ratio of the city of Vienna, shown in Figure
4, with data from the United States and England and Wales for com-
parison* Probably no single large city in the world was so hard hit
by the war as Vienna. Yet observe what has happened to its death-
birth ratio. Note how sharp is the decline in 1919 after the peak in
1918. In other worcb, we see how promptly the growth of population
tends to regulate itself back towards the normal after even so disturb-
ing an upset as a great war.
In the United States, the death-birth ratio was not affected at all
by the war, though it was markedly so by the influenza epidemic. The
facts are shown in Figure 4 for the only years for which data are avail-
able. The area covered is the United States birth registration area.
We see that with the very low death-birth ratio of 56 in 1915, there was
no significant change till the influenza year 1918, when the ratio rose
to 73 per cent But in 1919, it promptly dropped back to the normal
value of 57.98, almost identical with die 1917 figure of 57.34.
In England and Wales, the provisional figure indicates that 1920
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THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
i9/£ I9i3 t9i4. tots
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FIG. 4. SHOWING THE CHANGE IN PERCENTAGE WHICH DEATHS WERE OF BIRTHS IN
EACH OF THE YEARS 1M2 TO 1919 FOR VIENNA ( ) ; 1915 TO 1919 FOR THE UNITED
STATES ( ); AND 1912 TO 1920 FOR ENGLAND AND WALES ( )
will show a lower value for the vital index than that country has had
for many years.
So we see that neither the most destructive war the modem world
has ever known nor the most destructive epidemic since the Middle
Ages serves more than to cause a momentary hesitation in the steady
onward march of population growth.
The first thing obviously needed in any scientific approadi to the
problem of population is a proper mathematical determination and
expression of the law of population growth. It has been seen that the
most devastating calamities make but a momentary flicker in the steady
progress of the curve. Furthermore, population growth is plainly a
biological matter. It depends upon, in last analysis, only the basic
biological phenomena of fertility and mortality. To the problem of
an adequate mathematical expression of the normal growth of popula-
tions, my colleague, Dr. Lowell J. Reed, and I have addressed ourselves
for some time past. The known data upon which we have to operate
are the population counts given by successive censuses. Various at-
tempts have been made in the past to get a mathematical representa-
tion of these in order to predict successfully future populations, and
to get estimates of the population in inter-censal years. The most
noteworthy attempt of this sort is Pritchett's fitting of a parabola of
the third order to the United States population from 1790 to 1880 in-
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH
205
elusive. This gave a fairly good result over the period, but was
obviously purely empirical, expressed no real biological law of
change, and in fact failed badly in prediction after 1890.
We have approached the problem from an a priori basis, set up a
hypothesis as to the biological factors involved, and tested the result-
ing equation against the facts for a variety of countries. The hy-
pothesis was built up around the following considerations:
1. In any given land area of fixed limits, as by political or natural
boundaries, there must necessarily be an upper limit to the number of
persons that can be supported on the area. To take an extreme case,
it is obvious that not so many as 25,000 persons could possibly stand
upon an acre of ground, let alone live on it So similarly there must
be for any area an upper limiting number of persons who can possibly
live upon it. In mathematical terms this means that the population
curve must have an upper limiting asymptote.
2. At some time in the more or less remote past the population of
human beings upon any given land area must have been nearly or
quite zero. So the curve must have somewhere a lower limiting
asymptote.
3. Between these two levels we assume that the rate of growth of
the population, that is, the increase in numbers in any given time unit,
is proportional to two things, namely:
a. The absolute amount of growth (or size of population) already
attained ;
b. The amount of as yet unutilized, or reserve, means or sources of
subsistence still available in the area to support further population.
*f •
nC. 5. SHOWING THE THEORETICAL CURVE OF POPULATION GROWTH
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206 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
These hypotheses lead directly to a curve of the form shown in
Figure 5, in which the position of the asymptotes and of the point of
inflection, when the population is growing at the most rapid rate, are
shown in terms of the constants. It is seen that the whole history of a
population as pictured by this curve is something like this: In the
early years following the settlement of a country the population
growth is slow. Presently it begins to grow faster. After it passes the
point where half the available resources of subsistence have been
drawn upon and utilized, the rate of growth becomes slower, until
finally the maximum population which the area will support is
reached.
This theory^ of population growth makes it possible to predict
what the maximum population in a given area will be, and when it
will be attained. Furthermore, one can tell exactly when the popula-
tion is growing at the mflTJmum rate. To test the theory, we have only
to fit this theoretical curve to the known facts of population for any
country by appropriate mathematical methods. If the hypothesis fits
well all the known facts for a variety of countries in different stages
of population growth, it may well be regarded as a first approximation
to a substantially correct hypothesis and expressive of the biological
law according to which population grows. In making this test the
statistician has somewhat the same kind of problem that confronts the
astronomer calculating the complete orbit of a comet. The astronomer
never has more than a relatively few observations of the position of
the comH. He has, from Newtonian principles, a general mathematical
expression of the laws of motion of heavenly bodies. He must then
construct his whole curve from the data given by the few observations.
So similarly the statistician has but a relatively few population ob-
servations because census taking has been practiced along presmt lines
only a little more than a century. According to the stage in historical
development of the country dealt with he may have given an early, a
late, or a middle short piece of the population ^'orbit'' or history.
From this he must construct on the basis of his general theory of
"population orbits*' the whole history, past and future, of the popula-
tion in question.
To demonstrate how successful the population curve shown in
Figure 5 is in doing this, three diagrams are presented, each illustrat-
ing the gro¥^h of the population in a different country. The heavy
2 The mathematical hypothesis here dealt with is essentially the same as
that of Verhulst put forth in 1844. As Pearl and Reed pointed out in this
first paper on the subject it is a special case of a much more general law.
A comprehensive general treatment of the problem we are publishing shortly
in anotiier place. The generalization in no way alters the conclusions drawn
here from a few illustrative examples.
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH ^
207
1700 eo ^ 60 eo BOO x> 4o eo so ooo » 4o 60 9a tooo a> 4o eo ao zioo
YEARS
FIG. 6. SHOWING THE CURVE OF GROWTH Of THE POPULATION OF THE UNITED
STATES. For further expUnation of this and the two following diagxami, lee text.'
solid portion of each curve shows the region for which census data
exist. The lighter broken part of the curve shows the portions outside
this observed range. The circles show the actual, known observations.
The first curve deals with the population of the United States. Here
the observations come from the first part of the curve, when the popula-
tion was leaving the lower asymptote. First should be noted the extra-
ordinary accuracy with which the mathematical theory describes the
known facts. It would be extremely difficult by any process to draw a
curve through the observed circles and come nearer to hitting them
all than this one does.
Before considering the detailed consequences of this United States
curve in relation to the whole population history of the country, let us
first examine some curves for other countries where the observed data
fell in quite different portions of the ''population orbit." Figure 7
YCAlfS
FIG. 7. SHOWING THE CURVE OF GROWTH OF THE POPULATION OF FRANCE
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208
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
noo MO 4o CO 60 igoo » 40 eo do ooo 20 4o 60 ao eooo so 4b id 00 aoo
YLARS
FIG. 8. SHOWING THE CURVE OF GROWTH OF THE POPULATION OF SERBIA
gives the curve for France. Since before the time when definite
census records began France has been a rather densely populated
country. All the data with which we had to work belong therefore
towards the final end of the whole population history curve. The
known population data for France and for the United States stand at
opposite ends of the whole historical curve. One is an old country
whose population is nearing the upper limit; the other a new country
whose population started from near the lower asymptote only about a
century and a half ago. But it is seen from the diagram that the
general theory of population growth fits very perfectly the known facts
regarding France's population in the 120 years for which records exist.
While there are some irregularities in the observation, due principally
to the eflfects of the Franco-Prussian war, it is plain that on the whole
it would be practically impossible to get a better fitting line through
the observational circles than the present one.
We have seen that the general theory of population describes with
equal accuracy the rate of groivth in a young country with rapidly
increasing population and an old country where the population is ap-
proaching close to the absolute saturation point. Let us now see how
it works for a country in an intermediate position in respect of popula-
tion. Figure 8 shows the population history of Serbia. Here it will
be noted at once that the heavy line, which denotes the region of known
census data, lies about in the middle of the whole curve. Again the
fit of theory to observation is extraordinarily close. No better fit by
a general law involving no more than 3 constants could possibly be
hoped for.
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH
300
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FIG. 9. SHOWING THE GROWTH OF A DROSOPHILA POPULATION KEPT UNDER
CONTROLLED EXPERIMENTAL CONDITIONS
I think that these three examples, which could be multiplied to in-
clude practically every country for which accurate population data
exist, furnish a cogent demonstration of the essential soundness and ac-
curacy of this theory of population growth. Indeed, the facts warrant,
I believe, our regarding this as a first approximation to the true
natural law of population growth. We now have the proper mathe-
matical foundation on which to build sociological discussions of the
problem of population.
As a further demonstration of the soundness of this theory of
population grovrth, let attention be directed for a moment to an ex-
ample of its experimental verification. To a fruit fiy (Drosophila) in
a half pint milk bottle such as is used in experimental work on these
organisms, the interior of the bottle represents a definitely limited uni-
verse. How does the fly population grow in such a universe? We
start a bottle with a male and a female fly, and a small sample, say
10, of their offspring of different ages (larvae and pupae). The re-
sults are shown in Figure 9. The circles give the observed population
growth, obtained by census counts at 3-day intervals. There can be
no doubt that this population has grown in accordance with our law.
The two final observations lie below the curve because of the difficulty
experienced in this particular experiment of keeping the food supply
in good condition after so long a period from the start.
Let us return to the further discussion of the population problem
of the United States in the light of our curve.
The first question which interests one is this: When did or will
the population curve of this country pass the point of inflection and
exhibit a progressively diminishing instead of increasing rate of
growth? It is easily determined that this point occurred about April
1, 1914, on the assumption that our present numerical values reliably
represent the law of population growth in this country. In other
VOL. Xm.— 14.
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210 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
words, so far as we may rely upon present numerical values, the United
States has already passed its period of most rapid population growth,
unless there comes into play some factor not now known and which
has never operated during the past history of the country to make the
rate of growth more rapid. The latter contingency appears improb-
able. The 1920 census confirms the result, indicated by the curve, that
the period of most rapid population growth was passed somewhere in
the last decade. The populaticm at the point of inflection works out
to have been 98,637,000, which was in fact about the population of the
country in 1914.
The upper asymptote given by our equation has the value 197,274,-
000 roughly. This means that the maximum population which con-
tinental United States, as now areally limited, will have will be
roughly twice the present population. This state of affairs will be
reached in about the year 2,100, a little less than two centuries hence.
Perhaps it may be thou^ that the magnitude of this number is not
sufficiently imposing. It is so easy, and most writers on population
have been so prone, to extrapolate population by geometric eeries or
by a parabola or some such purely empirical curve and arrive at
stupendous figures, that calm consideration of real probabilities is
most difficult to obtain. While we regard the numerical results as
only a rough first approximation, it remains a fact that if anyone will
soberly think of every city, every village, every town in this country
having its present population multiplied by 2, and will further think
of twice as many persons on the land in agricultural pursuits, he will
be bound, we think, to conclude that the country would be fairly
densely populated. It would have about 66 persons per square mile
of land area.
It will at once be pointed out that many European countries have
a mudb greater density of population than 66 persons to the square
mile, as, for example, Belgium with 673, the Netherlands with 499,
etc. But it must not be forgotten that these countries are far from
self-supporting in respect of physical means of subsistence. They are
economically eelf-supporting, which is a very different thing, because
by their industrial development at home and in their colonies they
produce money enough to buy physical means of subsistence from less
densely populated portions of the world. We can, of course, do the
same thing, provided that by the time our population gets so dense as
to make it necessary there still remain portions of the globe where
food, clothing material and fuel are produced in excess of the needs
of their home populations.
Now 197,000,000 people will require on the basis of our present
food habits about 260,000,000 million calories per annum. The United
States, during the seven years 1911-1918, produced as an annual aver-
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH 211
age, in the fonn of human food, both prurmry and secondary (£. e.,
broadly v^etable and animal), only 137,163,606 million calories per
year. So that, unless our food habits radically change, and a man
is able to do with less than 3,000 to 3,500 calories per day, or unless
our agricultural production radically increases, which it appears not
likely to do for a variety of reasons which can not be here gone into,
it will be necessary when even our modest figure for the asymptotic
population is reached to import nearly or quite one-half of the calories
necessary for that population. It seems improbable that the popula-
tion will go on increasing at any very rapid rate after such a condition
is reached. East, in what appears to be the most able and pen^rating
discussion of population of this generation, has shown that the United
States has already entered upon the era of diminishing returns in
agriculture in this country. Is it at all reasonable to suppose that by
the time this country has closely approached the asymptote here in-
dicated, with all the competition for means of subsistence which the
already densely populated countries of Europe will then be putting
up, there can be found any portion of the globe producing food in
excess of its own needs to an extent to make it possible for us to find
the calories we shall need to import?
Altogether, we believe it will be the part of wisdom for any one
disposed to criticize our asymptotic value of a hundred and ninety-
seven and a quarter millions because it is thought too small, to look
further into all the relevant facts.
The relation of this already pressing problem of population to the
problem of the duration of life is obvious enough. For every point
that the death rate is lowered (or, what is the same thing, the average
duration of life increased) the problem of population is made more
immediate and more difficult unless there is a corresponding decrease
in the birth-rate. Is it to be wondered at that most thoughtful students
of the problem of population are ardent advocates of birth-control?
Or is it remarkable that Major Leonard Darwin, a son of Charles
Darwin and president of the Eugenics Education Society in England,
should say in a carefully considered memorandum to the new British
Ministry of Health: ^In the interests of posterity it is most desirable
that parents should now limit the size of their families by any means
held by them to be right (provided such means are not injurious to
health, nor, like abortion, an offence against public morals) to such an
extent that the children could be brought up as efficient citizens and
without deterioration in the standards of their civilization; and that
parents should not limit the size of the family for any other reasons
except on account of definite hereditary defects, or to secure an ade-
quate interval between births."
It seems clear that the problem of population can not be com-
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212 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
pletely or finally solved by limitation of the birth-rate, however much
this may help to a solution. There are two ways which have been
thought of and practiced, by which a nation may attempt to solve its
problem of population after it has become very pressing and after the
effects of internal industrial development and its creation of wealth
have been exhausted. These are, respectively, the methods of France
and Germany. By consciously controlled methods France endeavored,
and on the whole succeeded, in keeping her birth-rate at just such
delicate balance with the death-rate as to make the population nearly
stationary. Then any industrial developments simply operated to raise
the standard of living of those fortunate enough to be born. France's
condition, social, economic and political, in 1914 represented, I think,
the results of about the maximum efficiency of what may be called the
birth-control method of meeting the problem of population.
Germany deliberately chose the other plan of meeting the problem
of population. In fewest words, the scheme was, when your own popu-
lation pressed too hard upon subsistence, and you had fully liquidated
the industrial development asset, to go out and conquer some one,
preferably a people operating under the birth-control population plan,
and forcibly take his land for your people. To facilitate this operation
a high birth-rate is made a matter of sustained propaganda and in
every other possible way encouraged. An abundance of cannon fodder
is essential to the success of the scheme.
Now the morals of the two plans are not at issue here. Both are
regarded, by many people, on different grounds to be sure, as highly
immoral. Here we are concerned only with actualities. There can be
no doubt that in general and in the long run the bandit plan is bound
to win over the birth-control plan if the issue is joined between the
two and only the two, if its resolution is purely military in character,
and if there is no international police force of a magnitude and cour-
age adequate to cope with bandit and othermse criminal nations. As
between two nations, allowed free rein to **fight it out'* by themselves
without help or hindrance, the decisive element is a mathematically
demonstrable one. A stationary population where birth-rate and
death-rate are made to balance is necessarily a population with a
relative excess of persons in the higher age groups, not of much use
as fighters, and a relative deficiency of persons in the lower age groups
where the heat fighters are. On the contrary, a people with a high
birth-rate has a population with an excess of persons in the younger
age groups.
So long as there are on the earth aggressively minded peoples who
from choice deliberately maintain a high birth-rate, no people can
afford to put the birth control solution of the population problem into
too extensive operation until such time as the common-sense of man-
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THE BIOLOGY OF DEATH 21S
kind decides that peace is in fact a more desirable state of society than
war and implements this decision to practical realization through
some international equivalent of a police force, which will restrain by
force, and plenty of it, the activities of disturbers of the peace. '^Dis-
turbanoe of the peace" is not tolerated in our domestic affairs. It is
no more a virtue in international relations. The only effective method
which society has yet devised to secure that our home peace shall not
be seriously disturbed is that of an adequate police force. There ap-
pears no insuperable difficulty in applying the same principle inter-
nationally. And any competent economist can easily show that its
cost as compared with war would be extremely small. Because some-
thing of the sort is not done, one seems bound, however reluctantly, to
conclude that nations as nations prefer wars and the opportunities for
wars to a state of enduring peace. What a long way the average human
intellect has still to proceed on its evolutionary pathway!
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214 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
IMPENDING PROBLEMS OF EUGENICS ^
By Professor IRVING FISHER
YALE UNIVERSITY
I feel a double sense of my unworthiness of the honor which you
have bestowed upon me by electing me president of this associa-
tion. On the one hand, I feel that eugenics is incomparably the most
important concern of the human race and, on the other, I am pain-
fully aware of the fact that I can bring to you no original contribution.
All that I can hope to do is to point out from my viewpoint as a student
of economics, and to some extent of hygiene, the opportunities which
would seem to mark out some of the paths which eugenists should ex-
plore more fully.
My main thought is that there is now a golden opportunity for
eugenists to ^^gear in," so to speak, with the great world of events. It
was the dream of Galton that eugenics should not forever remain
academic but that, being the vital concern of us all, it should become
a sort of religion. Hitherto eugenics has been largely studied
**microscopically," that is, by special technical laboratory investiga-
tions. The neart step is to study it more "telescopically," that is by
observations of the general facts of human history.
I do not mean, of course, that eugenists should drop their study
of the inheritance of finger prints or of the inheritance of musical
capacity, eye defects, skeleton abnormalities and twinning. The woric
of Pearson in London and of Davenport here and of their co-workers
and colleagues everywhere must go on uninterruptedly. But in addi-
tion to all these, steps should be taken to organize a study of the
eugenics or dysgenics of such historical events as war, immigration,
colonization, prohibition, hygiene, birth control, feminism, capitalism,
industrialism, democracy, socialism, bolshevism, population growth,
urbanization and diminishing returns in agriculture.
It is interesting to observe in passing that these historical occur-
rences are due in large part to the inventions and discoveries of civiliza-
tion, including especially those of rapid transportation, military
science, hygienic knowledge and devices for birth control. These in-
ventions are generally regarded as landmarks of progress. They have,
thus far, undoubtedly caused progress in economic well-being and
permitted an ever increasing number of people to subsist in a given
area.
1 Address of the president of the Eugenics Research Association, Cold
Spring Harbor, June 24.
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IMPENDING PROBLEMS OF EUGENICS 215
Mechanical inventions, particularly those which abridge distance,
have given us more and more room for expansion and we have mis-
taken this progressive conquest of nature for a progressive improve-
ment in ourselves. A few years ago the then president of the American
EconcHnic Association cited the increase of population as the best ob-
tainable criterion of "progress.*'
But the eugenist is interested in the quality of human beings rather
than their quantity, and one of the great problems to be seriously con-
sidered, is whether our boasted "progress" is not an illusion and
whether after all the human race, in spite of its rapid multiplication
and its increase in per capita wealth, may not be deteriorating. The
discovery that this is the case would doubtless surprise and shock the
country just as did the discovery that one man out of every three in
our army draft was unfit The conunon opinion is undoubtedly that
we have made great progress and are making great progress now.
The same opinion was held, so historians tell us, just before the down-
fall of Rome and of other civilizations which have failed.
We know that affluence often ruins men and women, and history
has at least produced a strong suspicion that it was the cause, or a
cause, of ruin of many civilizations now dead. As Goldsmith says:
111 fares the land to hastening ills a prey,
Where wealth accumulates, and men decay.
The economist has shown that wealth accumulates. The eugenist
may show that men decay. Dr. Pearce Bailey states that in the army
examinations mental defectives amounted to two thirds of one per cent,
and be concluded that a greater proportion existed In the general
population.
The statistics of the feeble-minded, insane, criminals, epileptics,
inebriates, diseased, blind, deaf, deformed and dependent classes are
not reassuring, even though we keep up our courage by noting that the
increasing institutionalization of these classes gives the appearance of
an increase which in actual fact may be non-existent because institu-
tionalization makes it possible to collect these statistics.
In Massachusettes thirty-five per cent, of the state income goes in
support of state institutions and Mr. Laughlin, the secretary of this
association, who compiled the government report on defectives, delin-
quents and dependents, estimates that seventy-five per cent, of the
inmates have bad heredity. The cost of maintaining these institutions
in the United States in 1915 was eighty-one millions of dollars. This
takes no account of the town and county care, while all the official costs
fail to take into account the cost to families and associates, the keeping
back of school children by the backward diildren, the cost from fires
of pyro-maniacs, the cost from thievery of kleptomaniacs, the cost from
crime, vice, etc., of paranoiacs, maniacs and paretics and the loss of
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216 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
services of able men and women drained away from other use to take
care of the defectives, delinquents and dependents.
I believe that any one who has worked in these statistics with the
sincere desire to get the truth has an uneasy feeling that degeneracy
may be really increasing and increasing fast Several competent
students in eugenics and related fields have already reached strong
convictions on the subject.
As I write, I find Professor William McDougall's new book, ^Is
America Safe for Democracy?" in which he says: *^As I watch the
American nation speeding gaily, with invincible optimism, down the
road to destruction, I seem to be contemplating the greatest tragedy in
the history of mankind." Research should make our conclusions on
this subject beyond question. A great load of degeneracy is certainly
upon us, whether it be true or not that it is increasing in weight. It is
incumbent upon us to reduce it. The first step is to measure it.
There are many startling evidences of racial decay. One is diat
the war has damaged the potential fatherhood of the race by destroy-
ing over seven million young men, medically selected for fighting but
thereby prevented from breeding. In quantity the loss of seven million
men by war is not great. If numbers were really our criterion of
progress we could take comfort in the fact that the world as a whole
to-day has undoubtedly more inhabitants than before the war. The
gap made by the war has been more than filled. This was mostly out-
side of Europe. In a few years Europe itself will catch up.
But small as is the number of lives lost as a fraction of population,
their loss may nevertheless be the loss of most of the good male germ
plasm of the nations concerned, particularly in Europe. In the United
States, of course, the war has been less injurious.
Herbert Spencer, David Starr Jordan, Vernon Kellogg and others
have urged with convincing force this reason for believing that war, in
general, is dy^enic.
Professor Roswell H. Johnson maintains that war may sometimes
be eugenic, that it is always partly so, although he has no hesitation in
concluding that the recent world war has left a big net dysgenic
balance.
We all agree, I think, that the destruction of seven million picked
young men in their prime is not only an irretrievable loss for this gene-
ration but for all succeeding generations — increasingly rather than
otherwise. A little reflection will show the argument In the first
place, to apply the argument backward, let us consider that our parents
were probably above the average of their generation. This is evidenced
by the very fact that they were parents. None of them died in infancy;
for if they had they could not have been parents. They all had enough
vitality to have gone through childhood and enough vitality and at-
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IMPENDING PROBLEMS OF EUGENICS 217
tractiveness to become married and to have children. To put their sup-
posed superiority in figures, let us, to fix our ideas, assume that they
constituted the upper fifty per cent, of their generation. The other
half of the people in their generation have left no living descendants.
Our grandparents were, in turn, presumably a still more select
class of the generation in which they lived, for they not only had the
vitality to become parents but, in every single case they possessed the
vitality to have had at least some children strong enough themselves to
beoonie parents. These grandparents, therefore, unlike our parents
were not simply the upper fifty per cent, of their generation but, let us
say, the upper forty per cent. Some of the remaining sixty per cent,
had children but their progeny ceased there and did not ladt to the
second generation. Likewise our great grandparents were still more
select, forming, let us say, the upper thirty per cent of their gene-
ration, the other seventy per cent having no desoendantB surviving
through three generations to the present day. And so the further back
we go the more select must have been our ancestors, until when we
reach one thousand years back it may be that (if there were only a
Eugenics Record Office to tell us) we should find, say, but ten per
cent, of thai generation whb had left any descendants in ours. Had that
ten per cent, been medically selected out and commissioned to shoot
each other to death none of us to-day would be here but instead there
would be the descendants of inferior stock. And that would seem to
be what must happen a thousand years hence. Europe will be in-
habited by the descendants of second-rate men of to-day simply because
they can not be descendants of those who now sleep in Flanders Fields.
But such pessimistic conclusions are apt to be rejected as too ter-
rible to be believed. Hope and optimism spring eternal in the human
breast Jeremiahs and Cassandras are always unpopular. If the
eugenic argument against war is fallacious it should be disproved,
while if it is correct it should be fortified by further research.
During the next decade there should be a wealth of statistical ma-
terial on this subject, which should enable us not only to demonstrate
further the truth but to bring the truth, whatever it be, home to the
men and, more particularly, to the women of all lands.
It may be, of course, that the bad results of the war in other coun-
tries will be neutralized by some counterbalancing good results. It
is one of the fundamental laws of human behavior to react so to an
evil as to convert it into a good. We did not have safety at sea until
the Titanic disaster had opened our eyes to the need. New York City
did not have a good health department until afflicted by an epidemic.
We have still reason to hope that the world war and the prospect of
another, tenfold more horrible, as portrayed in Will Irwin's book
Trhc Next War,'* may supply the needed stimulus to organize the
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218 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
nations into an '^association,'* or a league, or the league, to abolish war
or at least to minimize, localize and control it
And I have the further hope that the results of the eugenic research
in this field, may in the not distant future, give so great an impetus
to eugenics as a great social movonent as ultimately to neutralize the
dysgenic effect of the great war.
If nothing of the sort happens and there should be lacking the
brains and energy to accomplish at least some of these things, then
surely the dark ages lie ahead of us. The Nordic race will, as
Madison Crant says, vanish or lose its dominance if, in fact, the whole
human race does not sink so low as to become the prey, as H. G. Wells
imagines, of some less degenerate animal!
With this thought in view we should perhaps shudder as well as
laugh at the reflections of Clarence Day in his entertaining phantasy
*This Simian World," where he observes what a different place this
world would be if its masters, instead of being the descendants of
anthropoid apes, vrere the descendants of lions or elephants, or other
types of the animal kingdom!
But the obvious direct effect of war in destroying so much of the
best germ plasm from which our race would otherwise be largely bred
is by no means the only possible d3rsgenic effect of the war. Hrdlicka
thinks that the roar of artillery and the other excitements of battle may
make such an impression on the nervous system of soldiers as to affect
injuriously their children.
Similarly there should be considered the possible effects on future
generations of the undernourishment and general undercare of the
children and other noncombatants who will be the parents of the next
generation.
Dr. Lorenz, of Viemia, was recently quoted as saying that the aver-
age child of Vienna is about four inches below the normal height and
sixteen and a half pounds below the normal weight, that thousands are
suffering from rickets and not infreqfuently from broken bones which
have given way because of their unhealthy condition.
We are apt to shut our eyes to these possibilities of race damage
from the unsanitary environment and unhygienic mode of life brought
about in Europe by the war because of the widely accepted dictum that
acquired characters are not inherited. On this assumption we are in
danger of jumping to the conclusion that the stunted, rickety or
generally decrepit individuals now constituting a large part, probably
a majority, of the European population will have children just as large
and healthy as these particular parents could have had under ordinary
circumstances. We are severely told that rickets and broken bones are
not inherited.
Conklin says: ^How could defective nutrition, which leads to the
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IMPENDING PROBLEMS OF EUGENICS 219
production of rickets, afiPect the germ cells, which contain no bones,
so as to produce rickets in subsequent generations, although well
nourished?"
But granted all this as ^'gospel truth," its complacent application to
the existing European conditions would be altogether unjustified and
misleading.
Conklin himself, on the very next page after that from which I have
quoted, expresses an important qualification. He says ^'that unusual
conditions of food, temperature, moisture, etc., may affect the germ
cells so as to produce general and indefinite variations in offspring is
probable, but this is a very different thing from the inheritance of
acquired characters."
For our present purposes, however, the difference is small and the
similarity great. If the depleted vitality of Europe is to show in
future generations it is just as much depletion whether general or
specific, whether the rickets of this generation will be followed in the
next by rickets or by tuberculosis or neuro-pathic conditions or feeble-
mindedness or any other manifestation of damage done. From a
practical point of view the question is whether damage to the present
generation will still be damage in succeeding generations, and not the
technical question of whether the specific form of that later damage
will be the same as of the present damage. Biologists are in danger
of deluding themselves by clinging to form rather than substance in
this instance however technically correct is the insistence that acquired
characters are not inherited.
In this insistence they often give the impression, if in fact they do
not receive it themselves, that the sins and misfortunes of this gene-
ration are not visited on the next Observations and experiments on
the mutations of the primrose, of yeast and of insects indicate that
environment often does leave permanent marks on the species. Gy
in France has found that tobacco not only damaged the animals on
which he experimented but their offspring as well. Van der Wolk
found that maple trees injured by bacterial infection (rot) gave rise
to leaves of a changed color and to flowers which, unlike the original,
were monosexual; also that these changes were transmitted. The bac-
terial infection thus originated a new species!
One great field, therefore, for eugenic research is the study of the
extent to which future generations are damaged because of damage re-
ceived by their parents of the present generation, in other words the
extent to which hygienic or unhygienic conditions for the individual
are eugenic or dysgenic for his offspring — ^in short, the extent to which
hygiene is eugenic.
If it be true, as I have little doubt, that the recent unhygienic con-
ditions of war are sure to crystallize into permanent dysgenic condi-
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220 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
tians of peace, it is, by the same token, also true that in general and
quite irrespective of the war eugenics must take account of hygiene.
Now if what is poison to the individual is in general poison to the
race, if what helps or hurts the individual in his own life leaves, to
some extent, a beneficial or harmful impress on posterity, theb the im-
portance of eugenics is greatly extended and it becomes a task of
eugenic research to study the extent to which the indbcreCions and bad
environment, on the one hand, or the good habits and good environ-
ment, on the other, affect our descendants. And it becomes a mission
of the eugenics movement to discover and set itself against race poisons.
These may include not only alcohol, habit-forming drugs and infec-
tions but, if Gy is right, tobacco and, if Kellogg is right, even tea and
coffee. We have no right, in the present state of our knowledge, to
assume that these are harmless to the race, if they are harmful to the
individual.
I would emphasize this partly because, so far as I have any right
at all to speak as a eiigenist, it is on account of studies in the neighbor-
ing field of hygiene.
Civilization has thrown the daily life of the individual out of bal-
ance, so that not one person in a hundred lives what might be called a
biologic life. He is insufficiently exposed to the air, he eats too fast
and often too much. In America he eats far too much protein and
far too little bulk. His food is far too soft. It is usually lacking in
vitamines. His evacuations are too infrequent, his posture is usually
abnonnal and unhealthful. His activities are too one-sided. His mind
is too excited, worried and hurried. Worst of all, he is the unconscious
victim of many physical poisons and infections. The examinations of
the Life Extension Institute show some physical imperfections in
practically every person examined. And the average man is blissfully
unconscious of the damage he thus does himself, cumulatively, day
after day and year after year. Yet this damage keeps on like a creep-
ing fire under the leaves in the woods.
Hygiene and eugenics should go hand in hand. They are really both
hygiene — one individual hygiene and the other race hygiene — ^and both,
eugenics — one indirectly through safeguarding the quality of the germ
plasm and the other directly through breeding.
I do not mean to assert that hygiene, as practiced, is necessarily
eugenic. It may well be true that misapplied hygiene— hygiene to help
the less fit — ^is distinctly dysgenic. I remember being astonished at the
attitude of a university president, who became very enthusiastic over
the triumph of hygiene saying, "I know of a girl who had many dis-
abilities. She had a surgical operation to remedy one difficulty and a
course of hygiene to remedy others, so that finally she was so repaired
and improved as to be converted into quite a respectable human being
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IMPENDING PROBLEMS OF EUGENICS 221
and now she is married^ Schools for tubercular children give them
better air and care than normal school children receive. Institutional
care of defectives often surpasses that in the home.
Eugenic research can help the eugenic cause by showing the folly
of such differential care of the biologically unfit, especially when such
differential care is not accompanied by safeguarding against the mar-
riage of the unfit Undoubtedly the rule of eugenics should be ^^to
those that have shall be given** and this maxim will have added eugenic
worth the more it can be shown that biologic gifts belong not only to
the present generation, but to all that come after.
The picture of this world and especially of Europe suggested to
our minds by what has thus far been said is that population is increas-
ing in quantity but declining in quality.
At present the world contains seventeen hundred million people
and, according to Professor East, its population is increasing by about
fifteen millions per annum. It is fast filling up the empty spaces of
the globe. The rapid filling up of North America during the last
century will surely be followed by the filling up of South America and
Africa in the next century.
In a few generations as Thompson and t^t emphasize, the ex-
pansion in numbers must itself approach an end. Within the life time
of many living there will, in all probability, come a realization such
as at present scarcely exists of the profound truths set forth by Malthus
at the beginning of the nineteenth century. We must not be deceived
by the exceptional conditions under which we have been living in the
last two or three centuries. The opening up of America gave a new
outlet for population and reduced and postponed the operation of
Malthus* checks to population. Mechanical inventions, which increased
physical productivity, had the same effect. But after the lands now
empty are full and those now waste are reclaimed no increase of the
food-producing area of the globe is conceivable. Nor is it likely that
inventions which have made two blades of wheat grow where one grew
before can go on at a geometrical progression and so keep pace with
the biologically possible growth of population. And unless this be
possible population must necessarily in a few generations oome prac-
tically to a halt, either by the relentless check of an increased death
rate or by the more preventive check of a decreased birth rate.
What will be the eugenic significance of this future limiting of
population? This is one of the great questions for eugenic research.
The answer will doubtless depend largely on which of the two checks
will be put on population, whether it is to be the check from an in-
creased death rate operating through lack of subsistence or the check
from a decreased birth rate operating by volition of parents.
The former check shown by Malthus led Darwin to conceive his
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222 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
theory of natural selection, which in turn led GalUm to suggest
eugenics.
In so far as the future check on population is to be of this kind,
even though an increased death rate involve much misery, the presump-
tion is that, on the whole, it will be eugenic rather than dysgenic in its
effects. Those should survive who are best fitted to earn a livelihood.
But this is, as the critics of Malthus complained, a dismal outlook.
The operation of the other check is not so obvious. To-day we
have, in a way and to a degree of which Malthus probably never dream-
ed, the exercise of this prudential check under the title of neo-
Malthuftianism or birth-control.
Until recently this subject was not discussed in the open, partly
because the movement had not gained sufficient momentum, partly be-
cause of the conventional reticence on all matters of sex and partly
because of the continual existence (in this country alone among the
nations of the earth) of laws passed at the instigation, chiefly, of
Anthony Comstock, forbidding the dissemination of information on
birth-control.
But the subject is one especially deserving eugenic research; for, of
all human inventions, those relating to birth-control probably have the
most direct bearing on the birth rate and its selective possibilities.
It is startling to think that the sex impulse whidh hitherto has been
the unerring reliance of nature to insure reproduction can no longer
be relied upon. Some insects sacrifice their lives to reproduction.
Nature relies on their blind instinct to reproduce regardless of any
consequences to themselves. If we could suppose such an insect sud-
denly to be given an option in the matter so that it could satisfy its
sex impulse without the consequences of offspring or of immediate
death to itself, its instinct of self-preservation would presumably refuse
to make the ancient sacrifice and the species would perish from off the
earth.
In the case of the human species nature demands no such extreme
sacrifice of the mother; if this were the case birth control would almost
surely mean the ultimate extinction of the human race. But the human
mother has nevertheless had to sacrifice personal comfort and both
parents have had to sacrifice some economic well-being and some social
ambitions to meet the obligations of parenthood. Hitherto the only
effective ways to avoid this and still satisfy the sex instinct have been
infanticide and abortion. Birth-control offers another way, easier,
less objectionable and therefore destined to be far more widely prac-
ticed among civilized peoples.
This is largely a development of "feminism" in the interests of
women. It opens up amazing possibilities of race extinction or, on the
other hand, of race betterment.
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IMPENDING PROBLEMS OF EUGENICS 223
If the birth-control exercised by individual parents could itself be
controlled by a eugenic committee it could undoubtedly become the
surest kad most supremely important means of improving the human
race. We could breed out the unfit and breed in the fit. We could in
a few generaticms and, to some extent even in the life time of us of
to-day conquer degeneracy, dependency and delinquency, and develop a
race far surpassing not only our own but the ancient Greeks.
Thus birth-control is like an automobile. It can convey us rapidly
in any direction. As now practiced which way is it carrying us?
Where will birth-control really take us? This is a matter for eugenic
research to settle. There are three possibilities: (1) it may cause
depopulation and ultimately bring about the extinction of the human
race; (2) it may reduce the reproduction of the prudent and intelligent
and the economically and socially ambitious, leaving the future race to
be bred out of the imprudent, unintelligent and happy-go-lucky people,
thus resulting in race degeneration; or (3) it may cut off the strain of
the silly and selfish, the weak and inefficient who will dispense with
children for the very good reason that they lack the physical stamina
or the economic ability to support a large family.
The advocates of birth-control maintain, with much show of reason,
that it diminishes poverty, increases efficiency, prevents damage to the
mother's health, and improves the health and education of the children.
What does history tell us so far? The best opinion seems to be that
in Holland birth-control has reduced infant mortality by making better
intervals between successive children and by increasing their size and
vigor as well as the per capita wealth of the country. In countries
where birth-control has been exercised only, a short time the reduction
in the total number of births has been accompanied by an almost equal
reduction in the total number of deaths. There is a distinct correlation
between the death rate and the birth rate so that a moderate amount of
birth-control need not reduce much, if at all, the rate of increase of
population. In Russia, Roumania, Bulgaria and Serbia, presumably
without birth-control and where the birth rates are forty or fifty per
thousand, there is an increase of population between fifteen and twenty
per thousand, and in Australia and New Zealand, with birth control
and where the birth rates are from twenty-five to thirty per thousand,
there is substantially the same rate of increase. When birth-control
in these last named countries has been in use longer and more generally
the same effects as in France may perhaps be expected. In France
population was actually declining before the war, a situation realized
in no other country, except in the time of the World War, when it was
temporarily true of Ejigland, Serbia and some other countries.
It is worth noting here that if feminism is to have a depopulating
effect the first element it will extinguish is the feminist element itself.
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224 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
So far as it elevates woman, feminism is to be commended. But friends
of womankind should heed well the warning of some other movements
which contained the seeds of their own destruction. "Shakerism** killed
itself because it shunned marriage. Feminism may kill itself if it shuns
children. A bragging feminist recently referred to the old child-
bearing women as a type which has disappeared below the historical
horizon. If it has, then the type which will not bear children will
surely disappear in its turn just because it will have no children in its
own image.
The world's experience with birth-control thus far does seem to
show that the average family which practices it does not practice it in
the required moderation. Dublin has shown that, under present condi-
tions, it takes an average of about four children in the family for the
upkeep of population. An average of three means decrease of popula-
tion and an average of five means increase of population.
But aside from the danger of depopulation as shown in France is
the question of the kind of selective birth rate which birth-control will
bring about. Will this be a good or a bad selection? As birth-control
leaves births to human dioice instead of to instinct, many jump to the
conclusion that this is necessarily a step forward. But whether it is or
not depends on how this human choice will actually operate.
Professor McDougall has given reason to believe that the present
occupational stratification of society corresponds roughly to the
stratification of intelligence; that the four classes, (1) professional
men and business executives, (2) other business men, (3) skilled work-
men and (4) unskilled workmen represent on the whole four classes of
human beings graded as to innate mental ability. The college gradu-
ate means the professional man and business executive.
Cattell finds that the average Harvard graduate is the father of
three-fourths of a son and the average Vassar graduate the mother of
one-half of a daughter and that the average family of American men
of science is only 2.22 as compared with an average of 4.66 for the
country. Popenoe and Johnson give similar results sununarizing many
statistical studies of Yale, Harvard, and other educational instituti<ms«
At present, then, our educational system seems to be destroying the
very material on which it works! Colleges seem to be engines for the
mental suicide of the human race! Are the colleges of to-day sterilize
ing our scholars as did the monasteries and nunneries of the middle
ages? Sudi race suicide of scientific and educated men and of the well-
to-do classes means that their places will speedily be taken by the un-
intelligent, uneducated and inefficient.
Up to the present time, so far as I can see, birth-control has done
harm to the race, exactly in the same way as has the war.
But it is plain that the extension of birth-control to all classes will
tend to rectify this condition. At present it is practiced only in the
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IMPENDING PROBLEMS OF EUGENICS 225
upper one or two of the four strata which McDougall distinguishes in
his statistics. Its extension is rapidly going on, thanks to the propa-
ganda of Sanger, Drysdale and others and will inevitably include all
classes eventually. It is therefore too early to condenm utterly birth-
control. It may still prove to be a great instrument for eugenic im-
provement.
It will probably require long years of research to determine what
the ultimate effect will be. The hypothesis which now seems to be
probable is that there will be three stages.
The first effect of birth-control seems, as has been said, distinctly
bad because it is first practised by the intelligent class and is, for that
class, as Mr. Rgosevelt said, "race suicide."
The second effect will be that where birth-control is practised among
all classes, as has almost been the case in France, an actual decline in
population will occur which will seem alarming.
The third effect may then follow. It is a rapid repopulation from
the small minority of the strongest, most efficient, and the most child-
loving and altruistic persons of the population. We all know people
who, though fully aware of the possibilities of birth-control, never-
theless cb not practise it or do not practise it to excess, but rear large
old-fashioned families because they love children, can afford to have
them, and have no physical or economic difficulties in bearing and rais-
ing them. These vigorous champions of humanity will doubtless
possess not only physical strength but the intelligence necessary to earn
a sufficient livelihood to justify their choice of having large families.
Whenever civilizations have decayed, and many probably have done
so from race suicide, their places have been taken by strong and
fecund invaders. In the case of birdi-control the invasion need not
OMne from outside. It may come from inside the decadent nation
itself. It is said that, in this way, the Breton portion of the French
population is replacing the other portions. Multiplying by geometrical
progression, a tenth part of our population can in a few generations of
large families fill up all the gaps made by birth-control and make a
stronger race than we ever have had. Should this rosy prospect
actually work out in the twenty-first or twenty-second century, birth-
control would go down in human histor}% like the flood in the Bible, as
a means first of wiping out the old world and then replacing it by a
new, from the best seeds of the old.
At any rate, while there are undoubtedly grave possibilities of evil
facing us in birth-control, we must not be misled by averages. The
average Harvard graduate may not reproduce his kind, but among
thousands of college graduates there will almost certainly be found a
few who do and by geometrical progression the few can become the
majority.
VOL. XUI.— 15.
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226 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
An apparent objection to this forecast is that the most reckless
will practice birth-control the least and so will haye the greatest num-
ber of children. But this objection may possibly be answered by the
fact that such people will soon become public charges, as paupers for
instance, and that we may then stop their reproduction by enforcing
celibacy, segr^ating the sexes.
But the truth is that we can not yet tell what will ultimately happen
as the net result of birth-control, whether race degeneracy, depopula-
tion, or race improvement or, as I have suggested, all three in
succession.
One of the claims of enthusiastic advocates of birth-control is that
it will help save us from further war because it will save us from that
pressure of population which results in imperialistic ambitions. Hux-
ley and others are quoted to support the view that pressure of popula-
tion and the need of an outlet for surplus population lie b^ind emigra-
tion, colonization, conquest and war. It is inferred thi^ the real remedy
for the yellow peril or the "rising tide of color" must consist in the
extension of birth-control to the Orient How much truth there is in
this view is a matter for eugenic research to determine. The same
argument for extending birth-control to other nations applies as for
extending it to other races within our own.
At present the white race is still increasing faster than the other
races but it is easy to see that birth-control will soon put an end to
this unless birth-control is extended from the white race to the colored.
Birth-control, war and immigration are certainly associated problems.
Economically, immigration of cheap labor is beneficial (initially at
least) to capital and injurious (initially at least) to native labor.
The conflict between these two interests, of capital and of labor, consti-
tutes most of what is ordinarily included in the immigration problem.
The core of the problem of immigration is, however, one of race
and eugenics, despite the fact that in the eighteen volumes of the report
of the Immigration Commission scarcely any attention is given to this
aspect of the inmiigration problem. If we could leave out of account
the question of race and eugenics I should, as an economist, be in-
clined to the view that unrestricted immigration, although injurious to
some classes, is economically advantageous to a country as a whole,
and still more to the world as a whole. But such a view would ignore
the supremely important factors.
The character of the present immigration will make a great differ*
ence in the character of our future inhabitants.
Between 1788 and 1840 Elngland sent many of its undesirables to
Botany Bay, near Sydney, Australia, and to-day the excessively large
slums of Sydney are, according to the findings of Dr. Davenport, to a
large extent the progeny of those undesirables. At present the United
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IMPENDING PROBLEMS OF EUGENICS 227
States inherits, both socially and biologically, probably as much from
the eighty thousand original immigrants, who, Benjamin Franklin
said, had come to this country up to 1741, as from all the other im-
migrants since that time. Our problem is to make the most of this
inheritance. We can not do so if that racial stock is overwhelmed by
the inferior stock which ^^assisted" immigration has recently brought
If we allow ourselves to be a dumping ground for relieving Europe
of its burden of defectives, delinquents and dependents, while such
action might be said to be hmnane for the present gaieration, it would
be quite contrary to the interests of humanity for the future. Not
only should we be giving these undesirable citizens far greater oppor-
tunity to multiply than they had at home, but we would be taking away
the checks on the multiplication of those left at home. It would
be a step backward, a step towards populating the earth with defectives,
delinquents and dependents. That the foreign bom multiply faster
than the native stock has been shown by the Immigration Commission
and by East, Dublin, Baker and others. There is great danger, there-
fore, not only to this country, but to the whole world, of injuring the
germ plasm of the human race by the indiscriminate immigration of
recent times. The best service we can render, not only to ourselves, but
in the end to those very nations which would feign empty their alms-
houses, asylums and prisons on us, is to prevent their doing so. In
the words of Professor Ross in "The Old World in the New":
I am not of those who consider humanity and forget the nation, who
pity the living but not the unborn. To me, those who are to come after us
stretch forth beseeching hands as well as do the masses on the other side of
the globe. Nor do I regard America as something to be spent quickly and
cheerfully for the benefit of pent-up millions in the backward lands. What
if we become crowded without their ceasing to be so? I regard it (America)
as a nation whose future may be of unspeakable value to the rest of man-
kind, provided that the easier conditions of life here be made permanent by
high standards of living, institutions, and ideals which finally may be appro-
priated by all men. We could have helped the Chinese a little by letting
their surplus millions swarm in upon us a generation ago; but we have
helped them infinitely more by protecting our standards and having some-
thing worth their copying when the time came.
What has been said applies to immigration even from countries of
our own race.
The problem of Oriental immigration has a somewhat special
character. It involves race prejudice and impossibility of assimilation,
socially and racially. The arguments usually brought forward in this
connection are largely partisan and inconsistent. The Japanese immi-
grant in California is hated as belonging to an inferior race, on the one
hand, and, on the other because his industry, frugality and intelligence
are such that the native laborer can not compete with him. In other
words he is hated both because he is inferior and because he is superior.
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228 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Of him I would say, as of immigrants generally, that from a narrow,
shortsighted economic point of view, his immigration should be en-
couraged, but if we should let down the bars for Oriental immigration,
under modern conditions of rapid transportation, the country might be
inundated with Chinese, Japanese and Hindoos. We should then lose
even that modest degree of politioal solidarity which we now possess.
There would probably be a demoralization and disintegration of our
general social structure and, what most concerns us, we should add
to our present southern and black race problem a western and yellow
race problem; race wars, lynchings and massacres, such as we have
just been witnessing would ensue. Ultimately, if not speedily, actual
war with a United Asia would undoubtedly be brought about. What
Japan has done in one generation, China can do in the next And when
China is fully equipped with battleships, machine guns, aeroplanes and
poisonous gases, she and Japan could possibly conquer the whole
white world.
We have often laughed at the yellow "peril" especially when it was
the nightmare of the Kaiser. But later he showed us what peril vfiay
be in even one comparatively small nation. To-day the yellow
color peril is the subject of a seriously alarming book by Lothrop Stod-
dard, ^The Rising Tide of Color." It is in the thoughts of many far-
seeing people on the Pacific coast. Under unrestricted immigration,
within a century a majority of this country might become Oriental,
especially if we commit race suicide. It would require only a few
years for millions to enter and by geometrical progression it requires
only a few generations for millions to become scores or hundreds of
millions.
What has been said is from the point of view of our own white race
and American nationality. Theoretically and academically it may be
that true eugenics for the human race as a whole may favor some other
race than ours, and that, say, yellow domination rather than white
domination, may, in some distant future, be the ideal domination. But
we can not be expected, especially in the absence of any proof that we
are an inferior race, to act on that assumption and quietly lie down and
let some other race run over us.
Again, it is possible that the ideal for remotely future ages may be
a human race which is a mixture of all existing human races. That is
also a subject for eugenic research. The solution, for instance, of the
Jewish problem, if such exists, may be their racial assimilation. But
if such a mixture is ever effected, especially a mixture of widely dif-
ferent races, it must come slowly. We can not ignore race prejudice,
and any sudden mixture is sure to produce an unstable compound,
which will blow up in race war and social demoralization. Professor
East believes that die black and white mixture in Africa will be one of
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IMPENDING PROBLEMS OF EUGENICS 229
the greatest of race problems three generations hence. The obvious
safeguard at present is restriction of immigration of a drastic kind.
This should be done tactfully and reasonably. As Stoddard points out,
if the white world does not wish to be dominated by the world of color
it ought to cease its own attempts at dominating the latter.
Of the great problems which I mentioned at the outset, I have
sketched briefly the problems of war, hygiene, birth-control and im-
migration in their relations to eugenics.
The results of a cursory bird's eye view seem to indicate that much
of what we call progress is an illusion and that really we are slipping
backwards while we seem to be moving forwards. Human ambitions
under the opportunities afforded by civilization seem to sacrifice the
race to the individual. We congregate in great cities and pile up great
wealth but are conquered by our very luxury. We seek imperial power
and not only damage but destroy our germ plasm in war. We seek
social status and education but limit motherhood. Like moths attracted
by a candle, we fly toward the glamour of wealth and power and
destroy ourselves in the act
In concluding this telescopic review of big eugenic problems, I may
be permitted to point out the directions in which it seems to me we may
hope for remedies.
If it be granted that war is dysgenic, then a League or Association
of Nations which will prevent or minimize war is an important eugenic
device.
If it be true that birth-control among the intelligent is due, to a
certain extent, to the fact that children are an economic handicap.
Professor McDougalFs suggestion of putting an economic premium on
large families among the fit ought not to be overlooked. A millionaire
like Carnegie, instead of pensioning professors or rewarding heroes,
might subsidize children among a specific group of biologically fit to
be determined by a committee of award. Ultimately when public opin-
ion is ripe, the government might subsidize the children of school
teachers also instead of, as is at present sometimes the practice, dis-
charging women school teachers if they marry.
Coeducation In colleges ought not to go unmentioned as promising
somewhat to increase the marriage rate among college graduates.
S^regation of the sexes in public institutions is a eugenic device
of undoubted value. It does no violence to our humanitarian ideas to
take care of the present crop of undesirables on condition that they
shall not act as seeds for future crops.
If it be granted that, from our standpoint at least, indiscriminate
ixnmigration is dysgenic, a discriminating exclusion must be eugenic.
Laughlin's proposal of having aliens examined in their home town for
mental and other defects is full of promise: The proposal of registra-
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230 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
tion of immigrants and then deporting and purging the country of the
most undesirable among thrai as soon as these undesirables turn up
later at feeble-minded and other institutions is likewise full of promise.
Doubtless much can be added to this meager program as a conse-
quence of eugenic research and some things may be subtracted from it
But, in order to lead to anything practical and e£fective eugenic re-
search must be followed by, and in fact accompanied by, some far-
reaching publicity. I mean that there must be a di£fusion of the knowl-
edge gained and, what is far more important from the standpoint of
securing action, a diffusion of a sense of the pre-eminent importance of
eugenics. Finding ourselves in the shadow of the Great War, in a
world damaged by that war and by the other causes of degeneracy
which have been mentioned, we can not stand silently by and see the
general public enjoying a fooFs Paradise. In the bliss of ignorance
they mistake economic production and expansion for genuine progress
and, with the best of intentions are, we fear, paving the road to hell.
There are millions of people in the world to-day whose enthusiastic
support for eugenics could probably be obtained at the price of a little
publicity. We now have a golden opportunity that should not be
missed.
One means of enlightening the public is through increasing in-
terest in hygiene, especially individual hygiene. Charity begins at home
and, psydiologically, the only route to race hygiene is through indi-
vidual hygiene.
The teaching of both hygiene and eugenics in schools and colleges
merely enough to show the elements of both, including the Mendelian
principles of heredity and the responsibility of each person to the race,
will appeal alike to self interest and to that idealism which is always
present in young people whose lives lie ahead of them. Just as the
Catholic church proselytes by getting children at the formative age,
just as prohibition got its grounding in the public schools, so hygiene
and eugenics can become the life-long possession of the next generation
if inserted in the school books of the present generation.
In our public schools should also be included eduoalioDal and
mental measurements. They are rapidly coming into use in our col-
leges and universities throughout the nation. They emphasize indi-
vidual differences and will serve to correct the view that **men are
created equal" in the biological sense while leaving them equal in op-
portunity before the law.
We may hope that the proposed national Department of Public
Welfare will spread knowledge in regard to scientific ^^humaniculture''
as knowledge of scientific agriculture has been spread through the De-
partment of Agriculture.
Another vehicle or starting point which should not be forgotten is
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IMPENDING PROBLEMS OF EUGENICS 231
the coming International Congress of Eugenics in the fall. Extraordin-
ary pains should be taken to see that the newspaper, magazine and
moving picture publicity in regard to that congress may be adequate
and effective. This congress should be followed up by an organized
movement for general publicity on eugenics. This may, or may not,
be the proper function of the Eugenics Research Association. If it is
not, a new association should be started as a go-between to connect
scientific research with the public.
Needless to say, in any propaganda care must be exercised to pre-
vent the hasty endorsement of unproved methods and theories. But
there is ample basis already for a movement the initial purpose of
which will not be so much a detailed specific program as a general
spread of the idea that eugenics is the hope of the world. Details can
wait. Where there is a will there is a way and without a will there is
oeortainly no way at all. While eugenic science is painfully finding
the way there is ample work for a propaganda organization to secure
the will.
I believe in Galton's idea that eugenics must be a religion. It will
prove a wonderful touchstone by which to distinguish between what is
racially and radically right and what is racially and radically wrong.
It will bring home to parents the thought that much, if not all, of their
conduct may be fraught with future significance for their children
and children's children. It will throw its searchlight into every nook
and cranny in the life of the individual and of society.
Therefore it will help mould all human institutions. Especially will
it help mould that fundamental institution, human marriage. While
marriage is a most intensely individual and private matter, it has
been regarded, from time immemorial, as of vital concern to society.
Around this great institution of human marriage have always clustered
many sorts of folkways. In civilized times the law has made legitimate
marriage a binding contract and religion has given it its divine blessing.
It now remains for science which in so many other ways is remodeling
the whole modern world, to affix its seal of approval.
And just as law and religion discriminate and refuse their seal of
approval to alliances which are found to be improper from their re-
spective viewpoints, so must science discriminate. Dysgenic marriages
must be discountenanced just as bigamous or incestuous marriages are
discountenanced.
In thus withholding or giving a coveted approval eugenic science
will elevate maiTiage in its way as greatly as have law and religion in
theirs. It will shed the light of reason on the primeval instinct of re-
production. It will exalt what is already a "legal contract** and "holy
matrimony** into a dedication of all we are to what we want posterity
toJi>e.
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222 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
A FEW QUESTIONABLE POINTS IN THE HISTORY
OF MATHEMATICS
By Professor G. A. MILLER
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS
MOST of the professional mathematical historians have been base-
ment builders and many of our general histories of mathe-
matics remind one of the church buildings which consist of a basement
roofed over while funds for completing the structure are being awaited.
In some cases, such as Cantor*s noted Vorlesungen uber Geschichte der
Mathematik, the beisement is not even roofed over.
In fact, the work of Cantor might remind one in a mild way of the
following statement in the Scriptures: "This man began to build and
was not able to finish.*' If it is true that about fifteen volumes would
be required in order to cover the developments of the nineteenth
century as completely as Cantor covered the period up to the begin-
ning of this century, as is suggested in the preface to Volume 1 of
Didcson's "History of the Theory of Numbers," 1919, it results that
Cantor did not complete one-fifth of the job of writing a general history
of mathematics up to the end of his scientific activity.
It seems questionable whether a basement history, even when the
basement is roofed by slight attention to the developments of the
nineteenth and the twentieth centuries, is the most suitable history to
place in the hands of the young student. Present day activities in
mathematics have received entirely too little attention even on the part
of the students who specialize in this subject.
A considerable number of questions in the history of mathematics
have been answered diflFerently by different writers and hence this sub-
ject offers unusual opportunities for the exercise of judgment and for
argumentation. To sOTie this may appear to be an attractive feature
since disputation has long been recognized as a useful educational
exercise and elementary mathematics presents comparatively few ques-
tions to which different answers have been given by good recent writers.
Hence the student of this subject is inclined to confine his attention
too closely to questions which can be answered definitely.
It is not the object of the present paper to give a definite answer
to some of the questions which have been in dispute for a long time
but rather to direct attention to a few more questions which seem to be
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QUESTIONABLE POINTS IN HISTORY OF MATHEMATICS 233
open to dispute, in the hope that the interest in these questions may
thereby be increased and the interest in the history of our subject
may thus be fostered. In the main the present writer will present here
arguments exhibiting a point of view which is not in accord with the
one presented in the second edition of Cajori's "History of Mathe-
matics," 1919, and our references to pages relate to this work.
On page 142 it is stated that "the foremost French mathematician
before Vieta was Peter Ramus (1515-1572), who perished in the
massacre of St. Bartholomew.'' It can not be assumed that the fact that
Ramus perished during the massacre of St Bartholomew constitutes a
a claim to mathematical fame since thousands of others were then slain,
but one consults the index of Gijori's history in vain for other reasons
for calling Ramus the foremost French mathematician before Vieta.
It is interesting to note that in the history of many a country there
is a record of some mathematician who is very much better known than
any of his predecessors in the same country. As instances we may cite
Newton in England, Leibniz in Germany, Napier in Scotland, Abel in
Norway, etc. In some cases very little is known about any of the
predecessors of such a man in the country in question. For instance,
C. A. Gibson stated that before Napier (1550-1617) Scotland made not
a single contribution to mathematical science ^. In case more is known
about the predecessors of such a man it is a question of some interest
to inquire into the relative merits of their contributions.
Hence one is naturally interested in knowing something about the
work of the French predecessors of Vieta who is doubtless much better
known than any of these predecessors. Among these there are, in addi-
tion to Ramus, such favorably known men as N. Oresme and N.
Chuquet. The reader who recalls the many references to the works of
the last two mathematicians (e. g., on page 14 of tome 3, volume 3, of
the "Encyclopedic des Sciences Mathematiques" G. Enestrom notes that
a work by Oresme serves as a graphic preamble to the introduction of
analytic geometry) will naturally wonder why Ramus is placed ahead
of them in both editions of Cajori's "History of Mathematics.''
It is true that Ramus is better known in general than Oresme or
(^uquet, but Ramus is known principally on account of his attacks on
the accepted views of his day and not on account of his contributions
towards the advancement of mathematics. In mathematics he also
exhibited his quarrelsome disposition but he failed even to understand
the more subtle points involved in some of the mathematical methods
which he attacked. He emphasized the importance of teaching the
practical methods of calculation employed by the merchants of the
street and his mathematics was of the business college type rather than
of the university type.
1 "Napier Tercentenary Celebration Handbook," 1914, p. 2.
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234 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
His contention that the method of giving a collection of definitions
first, as is done in Euclid's ^EHements," is unnatural since a forest
was not created by growing the roots of the trees first may have had
considerable influence on later textbooks on elementary mathematics.
It is, however, a question whether a quarreling and quarrelsome
dialectician, sudi as Ramus was, should be placed ahead of Oresme
and Chuquet as a mathematician even if his activities had a wholesome
influence on mathematical instruction and may have been largely re^
sponsible for the early and radical departure from EkiclicPs "Elements"
on the part of French textbooks on geometry.
As the names of Oresme and Chuquet are prominent in the history
of exponents in elementary madiematics, the former having used frac-
tional exponents and the latter the exponent zero, their work naturally
calls in question the following statement found on page 149: "It is
one of the greatest curiosities in the history of science that Napier con-
structed logarithms before exponents were used." The notion of
exponents and not the formal use of them in tbe modem way is related
to the development of logarithms, and this notion was much older
even than the work of Oresme, who lived more than two centuries
before Napier.
In view of the great mathematical influence of the Ecole Normale
of Paris it may be of interest to refer to the statement found in various
places to the effect that its first students were young pupils. For
instance, on page 256, it is stated that "at the establishment of the
Ecole Normale in 1795 in Paris, he (Lagrange) was induced to accept
a professorship. Scarcely had he time to elucidate the foundations of
arithmetic and algebra to young pupils, when the school was closed."
While the term "young pupils" is not very definite, yet few people
would be likely to associate it ¥rith students whose ages varied from 21
to 66. In fact, according to "Le Centenaire de TEcole Normale,"
1895, page 125, nearly half of these "young pupils" were from 30 to
60 years old, and among them was Bougainville, a celebrated navigator,
who was 66 years old. The law prescribed that none of these students
should be less than 21 years old but it did not fix an upper limit to
their ages as the best prepared available students were desired.
In view of the great influence which this ephemeral experiment had
on the teaching of mathematics and other sciences in the secondary
schools of France and the fact that the professors of mathematics
(Lagrange, Laplace and Monge) were eminent matfaonaticians, it is
of interest to know that these early students, who were paid to come
to Paris from various parts of France, were not "young pupils" in
the sense in which this term is commonly understood, but were, in the
main, mature men who could derive much profit from a profound pre-
sentation of the elements of various educational subjects. Some of
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QUESTIONABLE POINTS IN HISTORY OF MATHEMATICS 235
Lagrange's lectures prepared for these students were translated by T.
J. McCormack and published in 1901 under the title "Lectures on Ele-
mentary Mathematics, by Joseph Louis Lagrange/' The Open Court
Publishing Company.
It may be noted here that the official journal of this normal school
during the first brief period of its existence was entitled Seances des
Ecoles Normalesy and not Journal des Ecoles Norrnales as is stated in
various places including the Encyklopadie der Mathematischen
Wissenschaften, volume 3, page 519, and on page 274 of the history
noted above. In the latter work we find also on page 204 the title
Transactions of the London Mathenuoiced Society instead of Proceed-
ings of this society. In this case the title is the more misleading since
the number of the volume is also incorrectly stated as 20 instead of 22.
It is true that the said Seances really were a journal and the said
Proceedings really involve what is commonly called transactions, but
the work of the beginner is apt to be greatly increased by a failure to
give exact references and it is the beginner who should be especially
encouraged to look up references. If such a reader fails to find a
journal which bears the exact title given in the reference he seldom
looks further.
While a study of the history of mathematics doubtless tends towards
the formation of clearer mathematical concepts it is evidently neces-
sary for the student of this history to distinguish carefully between
the good and the bad in ancient methods. Some of the ancient methods
which may appear to be praiseworthy for the time when they originated
would be questionable and perhaps even intolerable if they were used
in our modem textbooks. Possibly the ancient Gredc proof of the fact
that V2 is not a rational number belongs to this category since it is
special and does not appear any easier than the following more general
proof, which is based upon the elementary fact that if a rational frac-
tion is reduced to its lowest terms than every integral power of this
fraction is also in its lowest terms.
»
Suppose that \Jm-=ic/d, where c/d is reduced to its lowest
tenns and d is not equal to 1. By raising both members of this equa-
tion to the /I** power it results that c"/(f»=7n, and since c»/(/" is re-
duced to its lowest terms m can not be an integer. This known proof
establishes at one stroke the existence of an infinite number of ir-
rational numbers if we assume the existence of at least one real n*^ root
of every positive integer. To the extent that a knowledge of the history
of mathematics leads us to prefer old historic methods to equally
simple more general methods it is positively injurious.
Young teachers who study the history of mathematics with the
laudable purpose of increasing their efficiency in the class-room should
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236 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
bear in mind that there are exceptions to the rule that the mathe-
matical development of the student is similar to the mathematical de-
velopment of the human race. The modem student can not afford to
acquaint himself with all the special and crude methods of the ancients
before becoming familiar with the more powerful modem methods.
The history of our subject is useful to the teacher provided he uses it
to suggest methods rather than to supply these methods.
One of the most important questionable points in a general history
of mathematics is the emphasis, or the lade of emphasis, on mathe-
matical insight into the questions under consideration. It is evident
that statements which have no mathematical sense such as the follow-
ing: "In 1869 C. F. Geiser showed that *the projection of a cubic sur-
face from a point upon it on a plane of projection parallel to the
tangent plane at that point, is a quartic curve; and that every quartic
curve can be generated in this way,*' which is found on page 318 of
the history noted above, should be avoided as far as possible.
Similarly, authors should aim to avoid statements which are apt to be
misunderstood because additional data must be supplied before they
have any real significance, such as the following: "Newton uses his
formulas for fixing an upper limit of real roots; the sum of any even
power of all the roots must exceed the same even power of any one of
the roots," which is found on page 202 of the same work.
There are, however, many statements which are perfectly accurate
and yet fail to bring out the real mathematical situation. As regards
modem developments some such statements can scarcely be avoided in
view of the fact that details would involve an almost endless amount of
explanations, but such details can be more easily supplied as r^ards
ancient mathematics. For instance, the following theorem relating to
the addition of the digits of a positive integer is found in various general
histories of our subject. If any three consecutive positive integers, of
which the largest is divisible by 3, are added together there results a
number which is either 6 or reduces to 6 by the successive addition of
its digits. The full significance of this theorem becomes clear only
after considering it as a special case of the theorem that numbers
which are congruent modulo 9 constitute an invariant with regard to
the operation of adding digits, and observing the connection between
this theorem and the ancient rales relating to "casting out the ^s."
We shall direct attention here to only one more questionable his-
torical statement which appears on page 175 of the history to which
we referred several times above, and reads as follows: *TTie new
feature introduced by Descartes was the use of an equation with more
than one unknown^ so that (in case of two unknowns) for any value of
one unknown (abscissa), the length of the other (ordinate) could be
computed." From the words in italics one would naturally infer that
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QUESTIONABLE POINTS IN HISTORY OF MATHEMATICS 237
the emphasis was to be placed on the fact that Descartes used equations
involving more than one unknown. On the contrary, the emphasis
should be placed on the functional relation between the unknowns.
Equations with more than one unknown are very old in mathe-
matics. In fact, it is well known that statements equivalent to such
equatioDB appear on one of the oldest fragments of papyri. In modem
notation these equations have been expressed as follows:
x^+y^=100 y=%x.
A considerable part of the well known ^^Arithmetica'' by Diophan-
tus relates to equations in two unknowns and the Hindus used equations
with more than one unknown, distinguishing them by colors, as the
black, blue, yellow, red, or green unknown. As regards the expression
of functional relations Descartes* work is well known to have been
epoch-making.
In die present state of our knowledge of the history of mathematics
it seems almost impossible to avoid questionable statements in works
which aim to cover the entire field. The suggestions here offered re-
lating to the other side of questions involved in various such statements
may serve to arouse interest in a few important historical matters,
especially on the part of those who enjoy the cla^ of views in a
friendly combat.
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238 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
THE EARUEST PRINTED ILLUSTRATIONS OF
NATURAL fflSTORY
By Professor WILUAM A. LCXIY
NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY
IN 1475, soon after the completion of the first quarter-century of
printing, there appeared in Augsburg a popular book on natural
history illustrated by woodcuts of animals and plants, some of which
bear internal evidence of having been drawn from nature and of having
been especially prepared for this book. Under the archaic title "Das
Puch der Nature" by Conrad von Megenberg we have the prototype of
illustrated treatises on natural history and popular medicine. It stands
alone and is not genetically connected with any other; nevertheless it
was the first of its kind, and perhaps it served as a model for other
illustrated books of similar purpose which were published in Germany
within the next ten or fifteen years. Conrad^s book of nature passed
through six editions before the year 1500 and enjoyed a wide circula-
tion; we might even speak of it as one of the b^t sellers of the period,
and thus the venture of the enterprising publisher, Hans Bamler,
justified itself.
Since the book was the first to contain printed pictures of animals
and plants it is of especial interest and challenges examination, not
alone for philological study of the old dialect (Bavarian-Austrian) in
which it is printed, but more especially as representing the scientific
aspect of the period.
Another book, the "Gart der Gesuntheit" ("Herbarius zu Teutsch,**
etc), published in Mainz in 1485, surpasses all odiers in the quality
of its illustrations even up to the herbal of Brunfels published in 1530.
This statement is so much at variance with the commonly expressed
opinion of well-known writers of biological history (Sachs, Greene,
Miall and others) that it seems desirable to reexamine the originals of
each of these books from the standpoint of content and quality of illus-
trations. Both books are very rare and have been accessible to few
naturalists. One bibliographer, Dr. Jos. Frank Payne, has (1902) dis-
cerned the unique position occupied by the Gart, "the publication of
which (he says) forms an important landmark in the history of
botanical illustration, and marks perhaps the greatest single step ever
made in that art. It was not only unsurpassed but unequaled for nearly
half a century.** Dr. Payne does not comment on the few pictures of
animals in the "Gart der Gcsuntheit** but they are equally notable.
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PRINTED ILLUSTRATIONS OF NATURAL HISTORY 239
The book of nature and the *'Gart" (for this title see below) have
not received the notice of which they are deserving partly becau^ at-
tention has been diverted from them by the notice given to the Hortus
Sanitatis which was published in 1491 and in many editions thereafter.
The ^Hortus Sanitatis^' belongs to the same family of publications as
the ^'Gart der Gesuntheit/' but on account of its size, its numerous
illustrations (1066) , its later date of publication and its great popular-
ity, it has been natural to assume that the ^^Hortus Sanitatis" represented
the highest development of this class of books, and as a consequence, the
two earlier (and much rarer) books have been passed by lightly and
much greater attention given to the ^^Hortus Sanitatis."
The book of nature (1475) and the "Gart" (1485) not only ante-
date the Hortus Sanitaitis but they are superior to it in several par-
ticulars; as already mentioned this superiority is especially marked in
the better class of illustrations of the "Gart." These two early printed
books represent a forward trend of the human spirit and should come
under separate consideration. If ever we are able to gage the thought-
life of the later Middle Ages, and especially of that interesting period
of intellectual development just preceding the full bloom of the
Renaissance, it must be accomplished by a study of the publications of
the period. Accordingly, let no one assume that these books are merely
curiosities of antiquarian interest
The bocJcs of the time which have claimed most attention fropi
scholars show another phase of the mental life of the period — ^that of
the mystical-minded scholar and the theologian whose writings were
more subjective in type, while Conrad's book, as well as the "Gart,"
represent the more objective or scientific attitude of mind. These two
cnirrents of mental life ran parallel, but at this time the instinct for
creation through subjective methods was more conspicuous and the
scientific attitude was undeveloped if not primitive.
The literary output of the period was more diversified than one
might at first suppose. Besides Bibles, books of devotion, the famous
**City of God" of Augustine, other religious writings and also legal
treatises, a reader of the period found to hand printed copies of secular
writings — some of belles-lettres and others of diversion: Dante,
Petrarch, Boccaccio, Chaucer, Aesop's fables, the Bidpai stories showing
aflbiities with the **Arabian Nights," Breidenbach's travels, the "Dia-
logues of the Creatures," "Reynard the Fox," "Romaunt of the Rose,"
etc All these lay outside the field of the scientific and realistic books
which were embodied in medical treatises and nature books.
Also dealing with nature (as well as other subjects) were such wri-
tings as the huge encyclopedias of Vincent of Beauvais, the "Properties
of Things" by Bartholomaeus Anglicus and the "Liber de naturis
rerum" of Thomas of Cantimpre (the latter being the original of
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240 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Conrad's book of nature) . Furthermore, it should be remembered tbat
the printing presses were turning, out on a relatively large scale the
remains of classical and early mediaeval learning. Among these may
be mentioned the scientific writings of Aristotle, Theophrastus, Pliny,
Dioscorides and Galen.
But the book publishers of the period were desirous to stimulate a
wide market for the sale of their wares and did not depend wholly on
curiosity and mental interest. In the Latin preface of the ^Hortus
Sanitatis,'' published in 1491, there is a clever appeal to the commercial
instinct The writer, or compiler, says that he has been moved first
and foremost by compassion for the poverty of those sufferers who have
not the means to hire doctors and apothecaries and that by the teach-
ings of the book these persons ^Vith quite small expense to themselves
will be able to compound helpful remedies and perfect medicines.*^
This gives it the character of a book on popular medicine intended for
the people. Another feature had more influence on the thought of the
time; by pictures and descriptions, the attention of the people was
directed to the productions of nature and information was spread re-
garding animals, plants and minerals. As Klebs says, '^almost the entire
structure of modern (biological) science rests on such humble begin-
nings." These books gathered what the monastic student had "milked,**
often uncritically, from the brain of the ancients and added comments
and observations of their own. These additions mark the onset of in-
ductive science. On the whole, the "Book of Nature,** the "Gart** and
other similar books represent a phaae of the struggle to get away from
the mystical and the subjective and to arrive at independent observation
of nature. This was the call of the human spirit to engage in objective
studies to which some types of mind are temperamentally inclined.
Conrad von Mecenberg's "Puch der Nature'*
This nature book was a German translation, with some changes,
from the Latin "De Naturis Rerum*' of Thomas of Cantimpre. The
original was completed by Thomas about 1248, and translated by "Cun-
rat von Megenberg'* a hundred years later. It was a complete review
of nature and the first book of its kind of the Middle Ages. The German
translation existed in manuscript for 125 years before it vras first printed
in 1475. That it was popular and widely circulated in manuscript form
is attested by the numerous manuscripts in existence. Pfeiffer mentions
17 copies of the German translation in the library at Munich, 18 are
reported from Vienna and many copies are known in other continental
libraries.
In its printed form the book is now very rare. There are two copies
of the first (1475) edition in the United States, both in the J. Pierpont
Morgan library at New York. Through the courtesy of Mr. Morgan and
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FIG. 1. TKACINC OF FOUR FIGURES FROM A FOUO PLATE OF TWELVE QUADRUPEDS.
PUCH DER NATURE (1475). ORIGINAL IN THE J. PIERPONT MORGAN LIBRARY
FIG. 2. TRACING OF THE FALCON FROM A PL.ATE OF THIRTEEN BIRDS. PUCH DER
NATURE (1475). ORIGINAL IN THE J. PIERPONT MORGAN LIBRARY
VOL. XIIL— 16.
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FIG. 3. PHOTOGRAPH OF A FOLIO PLATE OF LNVERTEBRATES. PUCH DER NATURE
(1175). ORIGINAL IN THE J. PIERPONT MORGAN LIBRARY
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PRINTED ILLUSTRATIONS OF NATURAL HISTORY 243
his librarian I have had the opportunity of examining these books and
taking photographs of the plates.
The short foreword, which was probably inserted by the publisher,
telling the scope and the source of the book is as follows:
Here follows the book of nature which treats first of the peculiarities
and nature of man, then of the nature and the properties of the heavens,
of beasts, of birds, of plants, of stones and of many other natural things.
And upon this book a highly learned man worked for fifteen years collecting
for his use from the following named sacred and secular teachers, poets
and other approved doctors of medicine, such as Augustine, Ambrosius, Aris-
totle, Basil, Isadore, Pliny, Galen, Avicenna, etc., and many other masters
and teachers. Out of these and others he read, made excerpts and com-
piled the book. Which book Master Conrad von Megenberg transferred from
Latin into German and wrote it out. Here is a useful and entertaining
material from which every man can learn many unusual things.
Among the several other authorities cited in the book, but not men-
tioned in the preface, is the "Physiologus."
In its original form, therefore, it purported to be merely a compila-
tion and not a book of original studies. After fifteen years of labor
Thomas of Cantimpre had completed the "De naturis rerum** and Con-
rad merely translated it. The German translation was repeatedly
printed and widely distributed, while the original remains unpublished
to this day. A curious turn of fate, as remarked by SudhofiF who says
further, that the original Thomas, "in spite of all its faults and errors,
had always served as an important document of medieval science and
deserved publication certainly more thkn many another work."
Conrad's translation was not made directly from the text of Thomas,
but, as Haupt has shown, from a working over and rearrangement of
Thomas by Bishop Albert of Regensburg.
Conrad, the translator, was a cleric and teacher, who after various
vicissitudes of life, became Canon at Regensburg. Evidently he was a
lover of nature and had written a book on the world (Sphsera) and
another on the "Gestelt der Welt.'* In translating the book of nature he
says he rearranged and added to the book as well as omitted some
points. Indeed, some of the manuscripts of Thomas contain an account
of 193 animals not found in the translation (Cams), but there still re-
main 267 animals commented upon. He seems to have improved and
added to the plants (Meyer). From time to time, he makes original
comments, either expressing doubt of some statement or adding a re-
mark of his own — introducing what he has to say by "I also Megen-
berger says" — but these comments are not of weighty importance.
Evidently the manuscript used by Conrad did not contain the
author's name since he expresses doubt as to the writer of the Latin
book, **whether Albertus Magnus or not, I do not know." The source
oi the book, however, is now well established.
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FIG. 4. PHOTOGRAPH OF ONE OF THE TWO BOTANICAL PLATES. PUCH DER NATURE
(1475). ORIGINAL IN THE J. PIERPONT MORGAN LIBRARY
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PRINTED ILLUSTRATIONS OF NATURAL HISTORY 245
A complete copy of Conrad's book should contain 292 folio leaves
and twelve plates of woodcuts. The two copies of 1475 which I have
seen in the J. Pierpont Morgan library are rather handsome volumes
as to format and printing. They were derived from the library of
William Morris. Each copy contains the twelve folio plates and is
nearly complete as to text. This is somewhat notable, since Hugh
William Davis says that five of the plates are missing in the copy of
the first edition in the British Museum. All cuts of both books in
Mr. Morgan's library are colored alike in detail; accordingly, I pre-
sume that they were both done by the same hand or that there was a
conventional type of coloring prevailing at that time.
The descriptive part of the book is disappointing. The art of
description rests on good observation and at this period in-
dependent observation had not been developed. The text is
diiefly a series of brief quotations from the writers of classical
antiquity and the Middle Ages — ^Avicenna and Averroes (1198)
being among the most recent. The excerpts are mainly folk
stories and trivial observations about animal behavior. The
book is comprehensive in range but the largest part of it is devoted
to animals. In relatively brief compass, the text preserves for us the
medieval lore about animals, plants and stones, but it is not descriptive
science. I have not found a systematic or methodical description of
any animal, but only quotations beginning ''Aristotle says, Pliny says,''
etc. A few authors are cited under each title. Habits and behavior are
spoken of but there is no description of appearance, color form, etc.
Among flowers, rarely is the color of the flower mentioned (as fre-
quently it is in the ''Gart**) . The conunents on particular objects vary
in length from seven lines up to two or three pages. Frequently one
account occupies from one quarter to one half a page.
The general tone of the writing is shown by the following slightly
abbreviated quotation about the lion. This is one of the longer (but
by no means the longest) accounts and answers for the others.
The Lion is king of all other animals, as Jacobus and Solinus say. This
beast has nothing false, untrue or cunning about him. He is so hot by nature,
that one may think he is always in a fever. The lioness always at first gives
birth to fiye whelps,then to four, then to three, thereafter to two and the fifth
time to one only. After that she is barren. Augustine says, when the cubs
arc bom, they sleep three days until the father comes; he cries very loud
over them, and being frightened by the noise they awaken. The lion fears
the sharp sting of the scorpion and flees from it as from a deadly enemy. He
fears also the rattling of wheels as they turn on the wagon, but he fears
fire the most. Solinus says, that the lion is not easily angered, but being
enraged, he seeks the offender (Zornmacher) and tears him to pieces. He
never attacks man willingly, and only in great hunger. Adelius says, when
the lion sleeps, he has his eyes open. When he travels, he blots out his
footsteps with his tail, so that the hunter may not find him. Also Pliny says,
that lions arc friendly among themselves and do not fight. Aristotle says,
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FIG. 5. PHOTOGRAPH OF A FOLIO PLATE OF ANIMAL FIGURES. BREIDENBACH*S
TRAVELS (1486). ORIGINAL IN THE J. PIERPONT MORGAN LIBRARY
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PRINTED ILLUSTRATIONS OF NATURAL HISTORY 247
the lion hides his bone the same as the dog. When in hunger, he draws
with his tail a large circle on the ground and roars loud and frightens other
beasts so they do not dare to come within the circle. He scorns the eating
of yesterday and the remains of his former feasting. Some say that the lion
dies of his own anger, he is so violent. The lion willingly captures the
wild ass and chases him in nature. Ambrose says, when he is sick, if he
catches an ape and eats him, he becomes well. When the lion drinks dog's
blood, he becomes well. Solinus and Pliny say, that when the lion holds his
tail quiet, he is mild and friendly; but that is seldom Pliny says,
that lion's flesh and especially the heart is good for people to eat ; those who
are too cold by nature, when they eat lion's flesh, will become warm. The
lion's bones are so hard, that one can strike Are with them as with a flint.
The lion's fat is an antidote against poison. When a man annoints himself
^with wine and lion's fat, it drives away all beasts from him, also snakes.
The lion's fat is of warmer nature than that of any other animal. The lion
is continually afflicted with a quartan fever so that he desires especially the
flesh of apes, that he may become well. Lion's fat with oil of roses frees
man's face from freckels, clears it and keeps it so. The lion's neck is thick
and the flesh of the neck is cartilaginous, so he can not raise his head
backwards. Alexander says, that the lion has great strength in his breast,
in his fore feet and in his tail. Leon in Greek is a king, therefore is this
beast called leo, because he is the king of all other beasts. The lion is warmer
by nature in the fore part of the body and colder in the hinder part; also
the sun is in the constellation of the lion. Aristotle says, that of all animals
the lion has no marrow in its bones except in the femur. Therefore his
bones are harder than those of any other animal, except the dolphin. The
lion's intestine is like the dog's intestine. The lion is feverish in the sum-
mer, but is well in the winter. He also becomes feverish before the face
of man.i
The duck is dismissed with seven lines, while the account of the
hen is unusually long, occupying three and one-half pages. Regarding
the ass, "Pliny says, it has white milk . . . that Nero was nourished on
ass's milk."
Elach of the twelve parts into which the book is divided is preceded
by a general introduction in which one often finds moralizations and
expression of theological views. In various places Conrad makes un-
complimentary allusions to the profligate priests (iippigen Pfaffen),
who like the ass are weak when they should carry the cross and strong
when they are unchaste. The bishop is compared to the peacock and
also to the raven. It is merely a conjecture, but the great rarity of the
book may be partly owing to these attacks on the priests. These
allusions would naturally arouse the hostility of the very powerful
theological bodies and, not unlikely, lead to attempts to suppress the
book. In looking over the Index Librorum Prohibitorum, however, I
have not found the "Book of Nature" on the prohibited list.
The illustrations in Conrad's book of nature are on twelve folio
II am indebted to my colleague, Professor James T. Hatfield, for assist-
ance in translating some of the more obscure passages.
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FIC. 6. ANIMAL FIGURES IN THE DIALOCUS CREATURARUM (1«0). ORIGINAL IN THE
J. PIERPONT MORGAN LIBRARY
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PRINTED ILLUSTRATIONS OF NATURAL HISTORY 249
plates, inserted as leaves separate from the text, one plate at the begin-
ning of each division of the book. The wood-cutting is coarse, and the
drawings are by no means so good as those of the ''Gart.'' So far as
known these fetches have no forerunners; they are not traditional
figures copied from earlier manuscripts, as was frequently the case
of illustrations printed before 1530. On ten of the twelve plates there
are not less than eighty-six figures of animals (some of the smaller
repetitions not being counted). The remaining two plates contain nine-
teen figures of plants and trees.
The illustrations vary in quality — when the figures are of domestic
animals, so that the designer could see examples, the figures are rather
good — see the dog and the horse in Fig. 1. The goose, dear to the
heart of the German for festive occasions, the falcon (Fig. 2) , the wood-
pecker, the peacock, although crude are evidently drawn from nature.
The exotic animals, however such as the camel, the lion, and especially
the elephant (Fig. 1), with cleft-hoof and schematic trunk, are very
bad — ^the designer had no specimens to locJc at. The fishes are not
well drawn. The general appearance of the plates with a rough border
is shown in Figs. 3 and 4. The plate of animals (Fig. 3) , shows several
insects — ants, bees, grasshoppers, butterfly, — a spider, a snail, etc. The
plate of plants (Fig. 4), shows the grape vine, the apple tree, the pear
tree, and other pictures less easily recognizable.
The figures in the "Book of Nature" are the earliest printed pictures
of natural history — they mark the b^inning of scientific iconography.
Arnold Klebs, in his Incunabula Lists (1917), speaking of the "Her-
barium" of Apuleius Barbarus, Rome, 1483 (and 1484), says: "Its
illustrations, crude formalized pictures of plants, are, with possibly one
exception, the earliest ones in a printed book.'* He does not mention
the "Book of Nature," but certainly there were two plates of botanical
illustrations in this book published in 1475. The rarity of Conrad's
book, and especially of perfect copies, accounts for the little notice it
has received and also for misconceptions regarding the number of
plates which it contains. Mrs. Arber in her very fully illustrated
treatise on herbals reproduces one of the plates from the "Puch der
Nature" (1475), and speaks of it as "the single plant figure" with
which the book is illustrated. Hugh William Davis, in "Early German
Books" has already pointed out that five plates are missing from the
copy of the first edition in the British Museum. For the second plate
of botanical figures see Fig. 4.
The introduction of pictures into printed books of science was an
important step. The preparation of cuts forced observation and
sharpened it. Through this means attention was directed to details
and observation was promoted. This was an entering wedge of inde-
pendent observation at a time when observation was struggling for the
right to exist. The preparation of the figures required greater accuracy
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PHOTOGRAPH OF A FOLIO PLATE OF ANIMALS. BARTHOLOMAEUS ANCLICUS
(1486). ORIGINAL IN THE J. PIERPONT MORGAN LIBRARY
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PRINTED ILLUSTRATIONS OF NATURAL HISTORY 251
and some independent observation and these original efforts were al-
lowed to stand. They did not provoke the hostility of the censors as
did original comments. The pictures might pass, but expressions of
independent opinion might be contrary to theological doctrine. The
pictures of the *^Gart der Gesuntheit" were so much more notable that
further comment will be withheld until the next section.
It will be interesting for local color to compare figures of animals
in contemporary bo(dcs of different purpose. In connection with the
special examination of the ^^Book of Nature/' I also had for use in the
J. Pierpont Morgan Library copies with illustrations of Breidenbach's
*Travels" (1486); several copies of Bidpai (1486 and others); the
^^Dialogus Creaturarum" (1480 and others) ; Bartholomaeus Anglicua,
in Flemish (1486), and in English (1495); the former with good
pictures of animals and plants, the latter with wr^ched ones.
The single plate of animal pictures in Breidenbach's 'Travels"
(Fig. 5) contains pictures that are superior as to drawing and as to
woodcutting. Although there are some mythical animals represented,
the camel and the giraffe are well executed and are evidently drawn
from nature. William Morris says, in general, of many pictures in
Breidenbach's book: 'These woodcuts are remarkable, not only as
the best executed illustrations in any medieval book, but as being the
first woodcuts in which shading is used in masses and not merely to
help the outline.*' In Bidpai ("Buch der Weisheit" and other titles)
is a grotesque figure of an elephant with cleft hoofs and a long bovine
tail and also a schematic trunk similar to the one in Conrad's picture
(Fig. 1). In the "Dialogus Creaturarum*' (1480), )there occurs an
elephant with the soliped hoof of the horse and with the horse's tail
(Fig. 6) . Now these are not pictures drawn for a sciei^fic book but
as representing the conception of these animals by designers of the
time they are significant. The figures in the Flemish edition of
Bartholomaeus Anglicus (erroneously de Glanville), (Fig. 7), although
published in 1486, far surpass those of the English translation, pub-
lished in 1495, by Wynkyn De Worde. The plate of quadrupeds
(Fig. 7), of birds and of plants of the Flemish edition show signs of
observation from nature (note especially the elephant in Fig. 7) . The
figures in the English edition on the other hand are wretched caraci-
tures — some of them being degraded copies of the figures of Conrad^s
book. Mrs. Arber published the plate of plants from the English edi-
tion of 1495, but the botanical plates in the earlier Flemish edition are
much superior.
For readers who may be interested in looking over the literature
relating to the "Book of Nature" and its translator, I make note of
the chief references consulted. Besides the original edition of 1475, I
have made use of the analyses of the book by Choulant ("Anfange
wissenschaftlicher Naturgeschichte und naturhistorischer Abbildung in
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FIG. 8. PHOTOGRAPH OF THE YELLOW FLAG. GART DER GESUNTHEIT (1485).
ORIGINAL IN THE SURGEON GENERAL'S LIBRARY
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PRINTED ILLUSTRATIONS OF NATURAL HISTORY 253
christlichen Abendlande," 1856); by Meyer ("Geschichte der
Botanik," 1857) ; by SudhoflF ("Studien zur Geschichte der Medizin/'
1908) and the bibliographical notice by Hugh William Davis in
"Early German Books" in the library of G. Fairfax Murray, 1913. In
1861, Pfeififer published (without illustrations) the entire book under
the title "Das Buch der Natur, von Konrad von Megenberg, Die erste
Naturgeschichte in Deutcher Sprache." This is a study of the book
from the philological standpoint and is accompanied by a dictionary of
some 250 pages. There is also a metrical translation in Flemish, and
in rimed verse, entitled "Naturen Bloeme." This was made by Jacob
de Mserlandt Who died in 1300, so that his translation preceded that
of Conrad. The first part of the Naturen Bloeme was published in
1856 and the complete work in 1878.
The "Gart Der Gesuntheit"
While the "Book of Nature" had a long history in manuscript, the
German translation going back to 1349, the Gart, on the other hand,
although a compilation, seems to have been a product of the time —
arising about the printing house. It was thus an expression of pub-
lisher's enterprise — ^the excerpts being chiefly made by a physician who
acted as the scientific collaborator, and the blocks being cut under
the eye of the publisher. No anticipations of the illustrations nor of
the text are known, except that the text is pieced together out of earlier
HTitings on nature. From the account in the preface it would appear
to have been the product of the combined labors of the original de-
signer, a master of medicine and a skilful artist. The following quo-
tation is taken from Mrs. Arbor's translation of the preface :
Since, then man can have no greater nor nobler treasure on earth than
bodily health, I came to the conclusion that I could not perform any more
honorable, useful or holy work or labor than to compile a book in which
should be contained the virtue and nature of many herbs, and other created
things, together with their true colors and form, for the help of all the
world and the common good. Thereupon I caused this praiseworthy work to
be begun by a Master learned in physic, who, at my request, gathered into a
book the virtue and nature of many herbs out of the acknowledged masters
of physic But when, in the process of the work, I turned to the
drawing and depicting of the herbs, I marked that there are many precious
herbs which do not grow here in these German lands, so that I could not
draw them with their true colors and form, except from hearsay. Therefore
I left unfinished the work which I had begun, and laid aside my pen, until
such time as I had received grace and dispensation to visit the Holy
Sepulchre, and also Mount Sinai Then, in order that the noble
work I had begun and left incomplete should not come to nought, and also
that my journey should benefit not my soul alone, but the whole world, I
took with me a painter ready of wit, and cunning and subtle of hand. And
so we journeyed from Germany In wandering through these
kingdoms and lands, I diligently sought after the herbs there, and had them
depicted and drawn with their true color and form. And after I had by
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FIG 9. PHOTOGRAPH OF THE WHITE LILY. GART DER GESUNTHEIT (1485). ORIGINAL
IN THE SURGEON GENERAL'S LIBRARY
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PRINTED ILLUSTRATIONS OF NATURAL HISTORY 255
God's grace, returned to Germany and home, the great love which I bore this
work impelled me to finish it, and now, with the help of God, it is accomp-
lished. And this book is called in Latin, Ortas Sanitatis, and in German,
gart d'gesuntheyt.
Considerable confusion has arisen as ,to the distinctive title by
which this work should be known. Choulant, who in 1857, gave the
first complete analysis of the book, called it the "smaller Hortus" and
thus it came to be confused with the "larger," or true "Hortus Sanitatis"
which was first published in Mainz in 1491, and became widely dis-
tributed in later editions. Although the "Hortus Sanitatis" owes some-
thing to the "Gart" as a forerunner of the same type, it differs in
language and in extent — ^being much more voluminous and having
1066 figures, while the "Gart" originally had a total of 397 illustra-
tions. Most of the pictures of the "Gart" were copied and recut for
the "Hortus Sanitatis," but they were d^raded and of much lower
quality. The "Gart" was originally prepared in German; "the Hortus
Sanitatis" was in Latin, but not a translation of the "Gart" although
modeled after it and showing generic resemblances to it. Neither was
the "Gart" a German translation of the Latin "Herbarius" which pre-
ceded it by one year (1484). The text and, notably, the illustrations
are different, not only more numerous (150 in the Herbarius and 397
in the "Gart") but of superior quality.
The extant copies are rarely complete and the title page is
frequently missing ; but, whatever the title on the fly leaf of the various
issues and variants of the "Gart" — ^'*Herbarius zu Teutsch," "Ortus,"
etc*, there occurs an unvarying title in every preface — "And this book
is called in Latin Ortus Sanitatis, in German ein Gait der Gesuntheit."
(From the first Mainz edition, 1485). Arnold Klebs in his Incunabula
Lists (1917) has greatly clarified the matter by a complete analysis of
what he calls the Hortus family, showing the family to consist of some
forty issues of related books — the "Hortus Sanitatis" of 1491 being the
central member and the most extensive. The origined edition of the
"Gart" is the most important for determining the quality of its illus-
trations and any confusion of title should by all means be avoided.
The suggestion of both Sudhofi' and Klebs to designate the work by
the short title "Gart" is opportune since this gives a distinctive title
that can not be confused with that of any other member of the "Hortus"
family. The "Gart" is the original of the entire "Hortus" family.
The name of the designer of the book is not known but the scientific
collaborator is believed to have been Johann de Cube (mentioned on
page 127 near the end of chapter 76) and identified by Sudhoff with
Johann de Woninecke, a practicing physician of Frankfurt at the end
of the fifteenth century.
A complete copy of the "Gart" of 1485 should contain 356 folio
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FIG. 10. PHOTOGRAPH OF THE FOX. CART DER GESLNTHEIT (1485). ORIGINAL IN
THE SURGEON GENERALS LIBRARY
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PRINTED ILLUSTRATIONS OF NATURAL HISTORY 257
leaves, 435 numbered chapters with 386 pictures of plants (one re-
peated) and eleven of animals (one repeated). The copy placed at
my disposal at the Surgeon General's Library in Washington has 320
leaves, and 427 chapters but lacks a few intervening leaves. I am
greatly indebted to Colonel Garrison and others of the library staff for
assistance and opportunity to photograph the plates of the book.
Choulant mentions thirteen issues of the ^^Gart." The number of
illustrations varies in the different issues — one edition, with the addi-
tion of genre-pictures, has as many as 542 pictures (Klebs).
Choulant says that die pictures of the pirated edition, printed in
Augsburg five months after the Mainz edition and attributed to the
press of Anton Sorg, aire for the most part better than those of the
original edition. I have been much puzzled by this statement of
Choulant as to the quality of the pictures, and, owing to the recognized
thoroughness of Choulant's work, am reluctant to question it. How-
ever, the book to which Choulant refers (Hain 8949*) is assigned by
recent bibliographical experts to the press of Schonsperger. I have
recently seen a perfect copy of this in the Newberry Library of
Chicago, which is not listed in the Census of Fifteenth Century Books
owned in America. It is dated at Augsburg, August 22, 1485, but the
name of the printer is not given. As determined by reference to
Haebler's Typenrepertorium, the book is printed in Schonsperger type,
No. 1, and is 120 as to size. There remains the question of the quality
of the illustrations — those in the book of the Newberry Library are
smaller and inferior to those of the original Mainz edition. I have also
sem die Augsburg edition of March, 1486, from the Schonsperger
press, derived from the collection of the late Theodore L. De Vinne, and
_now owned by the John Crerar Library of Chicago. This is a smaller
book, printed in two columns instead of full-page, and its illustrations
are much smalls and much inferior to those of either the Mainz or
the Augsburg edition of 1485.
It is in reference to the illustrations that the '^Gart" is especially
notable. Tlie pictures are chiefly those of plants, numbering 386, while
there are only eleven pictures of animals. The pictures vary in
quality, but seven pictures of animals and five or six of plants are of
unique perfection among the early printed illustrations. The picture
of die yellow flag (Acorus) (Fig. 8), of the white lily (Fig. 9) and of
the fox (Fig. 10) are fine examples of drawings from nature. The cut
of die yellow flag has been published full-size by Dr. Payne and by
Mrs. Arber, but, so far as I am aware, the figures of the white lily, and
of the fox and other animals have not been reproduced.
No one can examine the original cuts and retain any doubt that they
were drawn from nature by a skilful artist and a careful observer.
The lines of the woodcuts are coarse but the few best sketches rival
VOL. Xra.— 17.
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258 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
those published by Brunfels (1530) and Fuchs (1542). The best
figures in the '^Gart" show the highest level to which botanical and
zoological illustrations attained not only in the fifteenth century but
also in the first third of the sixteenth. Fifty-five years before the reno-
vation of botanical illustration by Brunfels, and sixty-seven years before
the publication of the figures of Fuchs, the best pictures of the
*^Gart'' stand out as beacon lights in the development of scientific
illustration. They are of singular importance in the history of
scientific iconography and are deserving of great praise. An un-
predjudiced examination of them can not fail to modify the incorrect
estimate as to the quality of all printed illustrations of natural history
before those of Brunfels.
In the botanical books that followed for fifty-five years from the
printing presses of various countries, the pictures of the "Cart" were
copied and recopied, but in the process they were degraded and conven-
tionalized, so that one can get a correct impression as to quality only
by examining those of the first Mainz edition. Even so careful and
original a student as E. L. Greene, whose ^'Landmarks of Botanical
History" shows great thoroughness, maturity of judgment and first-
hand acquaintance with the sources, repeats the generally accepted
opinion, saying (p. 195) : ^To a generation that had been accustomed
to such books as the ^Hortus Sanitatis,' filled with the most wretched
caricatures of plants in place of true representations of them, this great
book of Fuchsius must have appeared as nothing less than luxurious"
and again, (p. 167) : "Even 40 or 50 years before these fathers of
plant iconography there were printed copies of the 'Hortus Sanitatis,'
and its German version ^Gart der Gesuntheit' illustrated by some 500
wood engravings of plants. Doubtless the wretched character of these
first printed plant pictures, along with the great popularity of the books
containing them, were what moved Brunfels to undertake the publica*
tion of the 'Herbarium Vivae Icones.' " Here a direct reference is
made to the **Gart der Desuntheit" (the "Hortus Sanitatis" having
1066 figures, instead of 500) . The criticism will apply to the degraded
pictures of the "Hortus Sanitatis" but not to the better pictures of the
"Gart." The explanation of such an unwarranted sweeping conclusion
is doubtless to be set down to the great rarity of the "Gart," and to
the belief that, since the "Gart" was an earlier publicaticm of the same
type, the pictures of the "Hortus Sanitatis" can be taken as showing the
quality of the pictures of the earlier book.
No one can look at the pictures of the dodder, the yellow flag, the
white lily, the fox, etc., and consider them as wretched caricatures;
they rival the printed pictures in the herbals of Bnmfels and of Fuchs
as to quality and fidelity to nature.
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GETTING MARRIED ON FIRST, MESA, ARIZONA 259
GETTING MARRIED ON FIRST MESA, ARIZONA
By Dr. ELSIE CLEWS PARSONS
TIHERE are three towns or rather two towns and a suburb on First
^ or East Mesa, Walpi, the Hopi town, with its suburb Sichumovi,
and Hano or Tewa, a Tanoan settlement from the East, made, it is
said, two hundred or more years ago.
It was from Yellow-pine, a young Tewa woman married for about
three years that I heard most about Tewa wedding practices. Yellow-
pine spoke English comparatively well, well enough to tell a
story in English in about the same way as she would tell it in Tewa.
This is her narrative:
"The boy goes to the girl's house at night to see her. If the girl's
mother does not want him, she tells the girl. If she wants him, she says,
'You can talk* to him/ she says. (But if the girl wants the boy, even if her
people do not want him, she can talk to him.) The boy tells his people; if
they say yes, then the boy comes again and tells the girl. Then the girl
makes piki [wafer bread, in Tewa, mowa], the narrow kind of piki, like
sticks (makana). She makes piki all day. She piles it high, beginning early
in the morning. At night the girl and her mother take the piki to the boy's
house. The boy's people are happy and say. Thank you,' and give them meat.
They bring it home. From that they all know that he is going to marry her.
Now, any night, they take piki again to the boy's house, and the boy's people
give meat. From then on they begin to get married. . . .
They grind corn every day until they fill ten or twelve boilers [store-
bought tin boilers]. It takes a month to complete that work. They also pre-
pare white corn to put in water for the boys to drink. Then they are ready.
They go to the boy's house to tell the boy's people they will come in four
days. The boy's people get things ready to eat. The girl tells her uncles
[maternal uncles or kinsmen] and fathers [paternal kinsmen] to come to her
house on the night they plan for. . . .
On this night they dress the girl in her manta [i. e. ceremonial blanket]
and wheel her hair. Then they go to the boy's house where all the boy's
people are gathered together, and where they have set out meat and bread
and coffee. *We have brought this girl to you to grind as much as she can/
say the girl's uncles. *Is that so? All right. We are glad to have her/
they say. . . .
Next day, early in the morning, the girl starts to grind. She has to
grind all day ,2 stopping only to eat. For three days the girl grinds. Early in
1 At Zuni, the New Mexico pueblo where custom is most like Hopi cus-
tom, "to talk to" is also the usual expression for courting.
2 I. e., until about 4 p. m., the closing time of the Hopi work day.
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260 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
the morning of the fourth day they wash the girl's head. The girl grinds
once more and finishes. They [in the girl's house] make many bowls of blue
com meal, and they make tnowasi, (com boiled and wrapped in com husk).
The girl's clanswomen come in to help. That night the girl's people take to
the girl's house five or six boilers [empty] from which they are to give out
meal to the boy's people, his aunts [father's sisters], uncles, and mothers
[mother's sisters or kinswomen], meal and piki and on top mowasi. What-
ever is left over is given to the boy's mother.
That day the boy's clansmen have brought out cotton to weave into a
blanket for the girl. They take the cotton to the girl's house. Her mother
thanks them, and puts meal for them in the bowl that held the cotton. The
men take the cotton to the kiva to work on it While they work, the girl has
to stay on in the boy's house and do the cooking of the house and the sweep-
ing, while they work for her in the kiva. . . .
When the men in the kiva start to make the white blanket, they take piki
to them and white com water to drink. And every day they take bread and
meat. At the girl's house they are making heaps of meal and the girl's dans-
women are making piki, all night the women are making piki, and all night
there is a meal set out for thenL The next night they make pigami (a stew
of samp and mutton).
A day or two later they take water to the girl's house and to the boy's
house to get ready to make piki early in the moming. In both houses they
make piki to take to the houses of the men who are working in the kiva for
the girl. In that way they pay the men for making things for the girl.
Then the boy's mother tells the girl's mother in how many nights they
are going to take the girl home again. They get ready, they cook for that
night. . . . They put on the girl her blanket and moccasins. That night
they cut the girl's hair on the sides.* The boy's mother and sisters take the
girl to the girl's house. There, to thank them, are assembled the girl's
uncles.
Early the next moming, they wash the boy's head [he has followed his
wife], all the girl's mothers and father's sisters wash his head.
Four days later they make piki all day in the girl's house and towards
evening they take it all to the boy's house. . . .
Afterwards, at any time, perhaps two or three years afterwards, the
girl has ground in her house ten boilerfuls of com, including one boilcrful
of white com and one of sweet com. After this grinding, the boy's people
go to the girl's house and whitewash the walls and clean house. The next
day the boy's mothers and father's sisters bring water to the girl's house.
The next day, early in the mornmg, in the girl's house they start to make
piki They make piki and they grind meal all day. They fill up the baskets
to take them to the boy's mothers. With a pan of beans the girl's mother
goes first, the girl in her white blanket follows and the other wwnen. The
boy's people are waiting, they get happy. They go to the girl's house and
eat. That is all, except that afterwards, at any time when the men who made
« Like the hair of Zufii and Keresan women. Hopi women, married
women, part the hair and with a string twist the locks on either side of the
face. . ; . , That the Tewa women have thus preserved their own style of
hairdressmg IS an mteresting fact. Style of hairdressing and language are,
as far as I know, the only distinctive traits, exclusive of religion or public
ceremony, preserved by these Tewa immigrants whose town is within a
stone s throw of the houses of their Hopi neighbors.
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GETTING MARRIED ON FIRST MESA, ARIZONA 261
her things are going to dance, the girl dresses in her white blanket and takes
the dancers pigami,* — It is hard work for us to get married.
A long time ago, it was not so hard. But now we get married just like
Hopi, and it is much longer and harder."
It is quite likely, as Yellow-pine suggested, that Tewa marriage
ceremonial was formerly more simple, as it is among other Pueblo
Indian peoples. In Tewa folk-tales the ceremonial or etiquette of get-
ting married is much the same as in Zuni tale and practice ^ and
probably in ancient Keresan practice.^ The youth comes to the girl's
house. She sets food out for him, he tells the parents what he has
come for, they say that it is not for them to say, but for their daughter.
(As Yellow-pine remarked, the choice is really with the girl.'') The
youth leaves, to return another night with his bundle, his gifts of
blankets, belt, and moccasins to the girl. If she accepts them, she
carries in her turn a gift of com meal to the young man's house, where
she stays four days to grind. There on the fourth morning her head
is washed. Then the couple return to live at the house of the girl's
mother. A gift of apparel from the man, a gift of meal from the
girl, her visit, a betrothal visit, so to speak, to the man's maternal
house, the rite of head washing, and the return to the girl's maternal
bouse — ^this seems to be the generic Pueblo form of wedding to which
the Hopi and then the Tewa, in imitation, gave elaboration. Curiously
enough, Spanish influence in the Eastern pueblos, Keresan and Tan-
oan,' has tended to a somewhat analogous elaboration, a case of sim-
ilarity, we can but think, due to convergence.
The extent of the Hopi elaboration appears even more fully in
another account of Hopi wedding practices given me by a Tewa man,
• At Oraibi, Voth notes that all the brides of the year appear in their
white blankets at the close of the niman kachina or farewell performance in
July, the most elaborate of the masked dances. ("Oraibi Marriage Customs,"
p. 246. American Anthropologist, II. 1900).
5 Cp. Parsons, E. C. "Notes on Zufii," pt. II, 302, 307, 322, 325. Mem.
American Anthropological Association, IV, No. 4, 1917. Lack of weaving at
present day Zufii and the comparatively small amount there of clan cooperation
would account in large part for the simpler way of getting married.
Second marriage is among the Hopi comparatively simple because no
bridal outfit is to be made.
• Dumarest, N. "Notes on Cochiti, New Mexico," pp. 148, 149. Mem.
American Anthropological Association, VI, No. 3, 1919.
7 On the other hand I have been told that among old-fashioned people the
girl's parents and uncle (mother's brother — note the significance of participa-
tion by the uncle to the theory of cross-cousin marriage, p. 265) would look
for a boy for her. "My daughter, you will marry that boy," they would say to
her. To be sure, "she might leave the boy they chose and choose her own
boy," and, if her fsmiily were angry, she would go to live with some kins-
woman.
• Cp. Parsons, E. C. "Further Notes on Isleta," American Anthropologist,
in proof.
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262 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
a Bear clansman married into a Hopi (Sichumovi) bouse and the
father of a girl whose wedding was not yet completed, although she
was the mother of a three months' old infant. The final gift of meal
was not yet made. My Tewa friend had the wedding of hb daughter
Butterfly in mind, as he talked, I think, although he put his narrative
into an impersonal form. Some of his narrative is supplemented by
information from his wife, Butterfly's mother.
Whenever a girl finds a boy, the boy comes to see the girl's parents.
After >he comes, the parents ask what he wants. "I come to see about your
daughter," he says. "I don't know about it," says the father of the girl, also
the mother of the girl. "We will tell her uncles (taamato, her mother's
brothers, etc.), and see what they have to say" . . . The mother of the
girl tells her uncles to come to her house. They come at tlie time she
says. (There were six uncles who came in to talk about Butterfly). The
mother of the girl says, T called you because there is a boy wants our child.
I told him I had nothing to say until I called you.* An uncle may say, T don't
think we want that boy to marry our niece (tatiwaiya, sister's child).' Or
an uncle may say, *Well, it is all right.' [In this case] the next time the boy
comes, the mother of the girl says, *I told my uncles. It is all right, they
say. Tell your mother and father, and they will tell your uncles, and what
your uncles say you tell us.' Then the mother of the boy will call in her
uncles and tell them that the boy has been to the girl's house. 'Her mother
and father said for me to call you and see what you think about it' . . .
If it is all right, the girl's people take some food (piki) to the boy's house to
let them know that the girl is going to marry the boy. This piki the boy's
mother distributes to all members of her clan. . . . After this the parents
of the boy have to look for buckskin, and for cotton to weave into the wedding
blankets (kwatskyapa) . . . The girVs people begin to grind corn to fill
ten bowls. (To help Butterfly, there were, besides her mother and mother's
mother and mother's sister, one other close relative and five clanswomcn).
Then they say when they will take the girl to the boy's house; they tell the
mother of the girl to tell the mother of the boy. The mother of the girl
goes and tells the mother of the boy, and she tells all her uncles to come to
her house and all her clans women (nahimatd) and all the aunts (kyamato,
father's sisters) of the girl and all the girl's father's brothers (namato) i. e.
clansmen. (When our girl married only my own two brothers came, but
we asked all the Bear men. We can't tell who will come.)' The girl's aunts
take some corn meal to the girl's house, in the evening, and the aunt ^o of the
girl dresses the girl and puts her hair up in wheels. They all talk to the
girl, each of them saying she must work at the boy's house and not be
lazy. . . . They go to the boy's house, the girl's aunt goes first, carrying
corn meal on her back, then the girl, then the girl's mother and then the
girl's father, then the uncles, then the girl's brothers. They all go single file
— [the usual Hopi formation for any formal group in progress]. At the
boy's house they have prepared supper for all who are to come. They eat
supper, they leave the girl there, they go back home. This night the mother
of the boy takes care of the girl. Early in the morning the girl gets up to
9 This is characteristic of all invitations to clanspeople, whether to join
in a work party or a name-giving rite or other ceremonial occasion. All arc
asked; but only the closer relatives feel any obligation to come.
w The senior sister or cousin of the girl's father, her aunt par excellence.
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GETTING MARRIED ON FIRST MESA, ARIZONA 263
grind corn. Across the place where the girl is grinding they hang a blanket
or, nowadays, a wagon cover, so nobody may talk to her or the sun shine
on her. They give her breakfast. . . . The boy's father's mother tells
all her clanswomen to go to the boy's house, carrying water. The boy's
mother goes around and invites her clanswomen to come to help her against
the boy's father's clanswomen. Then they start to fight. {Moungkipoh mowa,
female connection by marriage; kipoh, go to fight). [See p. 265 for explana-
tion]. Then they go back home. . . . The girl grinds all day. The
mother of the boy tells the girl when to stop grinding. They cat supper,
they go to bed, and the mother of the boy takes care of the girl. . . .
The first day the girl grinds white corn, the second and third days, blue com,
the fourth day, pop corn to be drunk in water. On the third day, in the
evening, the mother of the girl begins to put up her meal to take to the
boy's house. The father or brother of the girl are to take it to the boy's
house. All night any of the townswomen may go to the girl's house to help
make piki^^ as well as the girl's clanswomen, even clanswomen from other
towns. . . . Early in the morning they wash the girl's head; first the
mother of the boy takes down one wheel of the girl's hair and washes, then
the father of the boy takes down the other wheel and washes, then the boy's
sisters wash and then his clanswomen.12 [They wash, as usual, with jucca
root suds, dipping the suds on the head with an ear of white corn that is
completely kemelled, one of the ears people refer to as "mother" and which
is used on many ceremonial occasions. The dipping is quite formal, the head
touched lightly four times, when a few words of prayer may be said. A
thorough washing follows. After the washing, corn meal is rubbed on face,
arms, and body, and meal is given to the person washed to take out and
sprinkle, perhaps in a shrine, or on the eastern edge of the mesa, with a
prayer for long life and prosperity.] They dress the girl's hair in a roll along
each side of the head.i3
After the head washing they eat the piki brought from the girl's house
and the pigami made in the bo/s house and for which his father has killed
a cow. Other piki is given later in the day to the boy's clanswomen who
come in to wash the girl's head, piki and on top of it chakobiki, sweet corn
meal, which is to be drunk in water.
Then the boy's uncles (taamato) and the boy's father's brothers (natnato)
[L e. clansmen] bring in cotton to spin and weave for the girl. The girl's
mother who is in the boy's house refills the baskets holding the cotton with
11 At Oraibi the girl friends of the bride bring in trays of corn meal.
The following morning the trays are returned filled with ears of corn by the
groom's mother. ("Oraibi Marriage Customs," p. 241).
^ On Third Mesa at Oraibi the groom's head is also washed at this time,
by his mother-in-law. The bodies of the couple are also bathed. The heads
of bride and groom are first washed in separate bowls, then in the same bowl,
a symbolic act of union, according to Voth. which has lapsed in the case of a
bridegroom who has had his hair cut short at school. (Voth, H. R. "Hopi
Marriage Rites on the Wedding Morning," .pp. 147-9. Brief Miscellaneous
Hopi Papers, Field Mus. Nat. Hist. Pub. 157. Anthrop. Ser: Vol. XI,
No. 2. 1912). At this headwashing rite at Oraibi wrangling by the women
(see above and pp. 264-265) is said to occur, the visiting women trying to
displace the bride. ("Oraibi Marriage Customs," p. 242).
w At Oraibi the girl's hair is taken down from the wheels or whorls worn
by virgins by her own mother before mother and daughter take their first
gift of meal to the boy's house ("Oraibi Marriage Customs," p. 240). The
two rolls of the married woman's hair are wrapped with brown yam stiffened
with grease, so that the hair slips in and out of the wrapping or rather casing.
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264 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
corn meal, in return for the cotton. The cotton is divided into four piles,
the father of the boy is to make one oba (white blanket with red and black
border), the boy's uncle, an oba and an ato, (larger white blanket, em-
broidered), and the boy's father's brother, a belt (wokukwewa). [They may
also make a dress of black wool]. They take the cotton into the kiva, to
spini* and weave They don't Imow how long it will take— several days,
sometimes a month, sometimes less. (For Butterfly they were spinning three
days, and weaving three days). During this time the girl is grinding or
making piki in the boy's house, where her clanswomen come to help her.
This is for the men at work in the kiva to eat. They take the piki to them
every afternoon, and sweet corn meal in water. Besides, at this time, the
boy's clanspeople come to the boy's house to eat. Whatever com meal or
piki is left over is given to the guests to carry away with them, [as is usual
in Pueblo Indian circles when a meal is thought of as pay in kind.]
Through with weaving, they make the moccasins, perhaps the boy's
father makes them, perhaps his uncle. The night of the day they finish
making the moccasins, they take the girl back to her house, first dressing her
up in her new things, and the boy follows her. For all of them, the mother
of the girl has a meal ready. Earlier in the day the boy's mother has carried
the girl's mother a basket of corn. Before the boy leaves his house, his
people talk to him, telling him not to be lazy and to be good to everybody
in his wife's house — "that is why he is getting married."
Early the next morning [after the night return to the girl's house] the
clanswomen of the girl come in to wash the boy's head, just as the girl's
head has been washed. Three days later the boy has to get wood. On the
fourth day the girl's clanswomen come in to make piki all day. That evening
they take the piki to the boy's house. The following evening those piki
makers return to the girl's house to which the boy's mother brings some piki
and meat for them to eat. That is the end of it. . . .
If the girl is married in the fall,i5 the following fall [i. e. a year later]
they begin to grind corn again. They put the meal into twelve baskets *• to
take to the boy's house to pay for the wedding outfit."
"When is the first time they sleep together?*' I asked. **The night
of the morning they wash the girl's head. I forgot that.'' He forgot
that, because, I presume, it was the ceremonial that was of significance,
not the personal relationship. "I forgot that" — ^what more telling com-
mecnt on wedding ceremonial — anywhere?
On my last visit to First Mesa I had the good ludc to witness a
wedding attack, the kind of mock or ceremonial attack referred to in
the foregoing narrative, by the groom's father's kinswomen on his
own kinswomen. High pitched voices were heard out of doors near
M Voth got the impression at Oraibi that any townsman might join in
the spinning. ("Oraibi Marriage Customs," pp. 243-244).
15 Fall or winter is the usual season for weddings (Oraibi Marriage
Customs," p. 240). None would marry in Kyamuye, the dangerous moon,
i. e. our December.
w The flat gayly colored baskets got in trade from Second Mesa. . . .
At the time of my November visit a year after Butterfly's wedding, her
family had acumulated only eight baskets and when I left they had but seven,
as they gave me one.
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GETTING MARRIED ON FIRST MESA, ARIZONA 265
by, about four o'clock of an afternoon, and I was called out to see the
sport of the ^Vomen's fight" and join in the laughter of the neighbors
standing about There were but two women on either side, to throw
water and any refuse they could pick up in the street. One woman had
already had her face smeared with mud when I arrived on the scene,
and all were drenched. The attackers would vociferate in shrill tones
against the closed door of the house of the groom's mother — ^they
were charging the bride with being lazy, unable to cook or to work —
and then one of the women would burst out from inside to throw water
and to talk back, to say that the bride caidd work, ivas industrious, etc.
(No other insults appear to be indulged in on these occasions, there
are, for example, no sex jeers.) But for the amused and non-inter-
fering bystanders, two dozen or so, the row seemed thoroughly realistic.
It was vigorous, though brief, lasting less than an hour.
The bride of this occasion was the sister of the town chief, the
gigyaumxti or one of the chiefs of the houses, corresponding to the
woman member of the kyakweamosi (chiefs of the houses) of Zuni.
She had been married before and separated, as had the groom. During
the ceremonial row she remained, not in the maternal house of the
groom, but in her own house at Walpi. That morning she had been
married by government license in the schoolhouse below the Mesa.^'^
Marriage by license in the morning and in the afternoon a wedding
assault, what uncritical theorizers would once have called a 'Vape
syn^ol"! New custom and old, side by side, as is ever the way in
Pueblo Indian life
Although the old custom, the assault, is not a symbol of rape, since
the grievance is on the part of the groom's people, his father's people
against his mother's people, it is, nevertheless, we may fairly assume,
give certain other data,*® a symbol or survival of an earlier custcxn, that
of cross-cousin marriage, where the favored or acceptable marriage was
with the father's sister's daughter or clanswoman.
17 Hopi converts, "Qiristians" as they are called, are married in tbc
church; but the unconverted are likewise required by govermnent to be
married, in the schoolhouse.
18 See Freire-Marecco, B. "Tewa Kinship Terms from the Pueblo of
Hano, Arizona," American Anthropologist, XVI, 286, 1914. For his paternal
aunt to call a boy "our bridegroom" is also Hopi practice or joke. Another
Hopi joke is that were a man to marry his fathers sister's daughter (clans-
woman), a certain lizard called manana would dart at him. Oppositely, at
Laguna, children are told that if they are shy of calling certain connections
by the cross-cousin terms of relationship, which is "just like saying husband
or wife," the lizard will dart. The cross-cousin terms of relationship in sev-
eral Pueblo tribes point to some time cross-cousin marriage. In the Hopi
hoinazve, a war dance, the girl dancers appoint the men dancers, appointing
from their mother's brother's sons. As sexual license once characterized war
dances, in this choice of dance partners may be seen another hint of cross-
cousin mating.
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tM THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
HARMONIZING HORMONES
By ProfesM>r B. W. KUNKEL
LAFAYETTE COLLEGE
rE mechanism of coordination within the animal body is one of
the most subtle of all the organ systems of the higher animals, as
it is one of the subtlest properties of the microscopic body of die pro-
tozoa. What it is in the single cell of the Paramecium, for example,
that enables all the cilia covering its body to beat harmoniously in
order to propel the organism either forward or backward is quite un-
known. Our ignorance we cover by saying it is a property of the living
substance to adapt itself to its environment and hence to advance or
retreat according to the stimuli it receives. I have no desire at this
time to inquire into diis question of adaptation, interesting diou^ it be,
nor have I any desire to become involved in the discussion of a possible
"vital principle" at work to keep the organism behaving as a perfectly
unified body capable of maintaining itself in a changing environment.
The problem I would consider very briefly has to do with the vis-
ible or physical coordinators that can be demonstrated in the labora-
tory and that do not lead us at once into the realm of metaphysics.
There are three well defined coordinating systems in the higher ani-
mals. The simplest is made up of the connective tissues which hold the
different parts of the body in proper spatial relations to each other,
which exert pressures and tensions on different parts and prevent the
mechanical interference of one part with another. Ligaments and bones
by their special forms and attachments prevent us from wringing our
own necks. In addition to the connective tissues, which are mechanical
coordinators, the muscles may also be mentioned. The muscles of the
neck must be strong enough to keep the head balanced and the tongue,
though it may be *%ung in the middle'^ in some of us must not be too
large to fit comfortably within the mouth cavity. The second and far
and away the most complex system of coordination is the nervous sys-
tem which has evolved in the course of the history of living things to
an elaborateness beyond that of any other. Coordination by means of
the nervous system is brought about by the peculiarly specialized prop-
erty of nerve cells of transmitting certain changes along their l^igth so
that the modification of one part of the body by a stimulus is transmit-
ted to other distant parts and throws them into activity. The exact
nature of these nerve impulses is still quite problematical bu,t there has
recently cotne to light evidence of their chemical nature since carbon
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HARMONIZING HORMONES 267
dioxide is liberated more abundantly by a nerve along whicb impulses
are passing than by one not active. The third form of coordinator in
the body is the circulatory system by means of which materials are
transported through the medium of the blood and lymph. By virtue
of the rapid movement of the blood stream, all parts are furnished with
a uniform nutriment and oxygen supply and washed free of accumu-
lated wastes, and at the same time bathed with special chemical sub-
stances which modify the action of different parts of the body.
It is only very recently that the full significance of this last class of
coordinators has been realized and it is to this system that I would call
your attention specially. Within the past few years the energies of
a great number of physiologists have been directed to certain specialized
organs having the structure of glands but not conununicating with any
free surface by means of ducts. These organs secrete internally, di-
rectly into the blood stream from which they have derived the raw mate-
rials from which the hormone is secreted. The eflfects on neighboring
organs of the products of other organs has been studied with great
earnestness for some years, but our knowledge is still in its infancy.
From the medical point of view there have been some remarkable ad-
vances made in this field. As Sir William Osier said recently, medicine
has made no more brilliant advance than in the cure of certain dis-
eases of these ductless glands.
One of the most important hormones which is produced by every
living cell in the body is carbon dioxide. This is the normal product
of cellular activity and affords a kind of measure of the vitality of a
part. Resting, inactive cells produce comparatively little; actively con-
tracting muscles or secreting glands produce large quantities. This waste
matter, the product of the metabolism of the cells, is poured into the
blood to be eliminated finally in the lungs. But before it is finally got
rid of, it stimulates the respiratory center of the brain which activates
the respiratory muscles. The more active the respiratory center, the
more rapid and deep is the respiration. There is a most perfect co-
ordination between the respiratory activity and the muscular activity
of the body generally so that the quantity of carbon dioxide in the
blood is maintained practically constant. Although breathing is under
the control of the will within limits, we ordinarily respire involuntarily
and unconsciously, and we take- a breath only when the blood reaching
the respiratory center of the brain contains an excess of carbon dioxide
and stimulates it to greater activity; a fact which may be proved by
any one most readily. Sitting quietly with watch in hand, the experi-
menter breathes rapidly and moderately deeply for from one half to
one minute thus ventilating the lungs thoroughly. Then without trying
to hold the breath he will note how long an interval passes before the
slightest impulse to breathe is felt. In this case, by the thorough ven-
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268 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
tilation of the lungs more than the normal quantity of carbon dioxide
passes out of the blood and is exhaled so that the blood reaching the
respiratory center is abnormally poor in CO,. The interval, until the
impulse to breathe again is felt, represents the time it Cakes for carbon
dioxide to accumulate in the blood to the normal amount. Conversely,
the inhalation of carbon dioxide leads to more rapid and forced breath-
ing because of the over-stimulation of the respiratory center. Before
the young mammalian is bom it does not breathe air through the lungs;
in fact, its lungs do not begin to function until the infant is separated
from the maternal blood circulation and the carbon dioxide produced
by the activity of its cells has accumulated suflBciently in the blood to
throw the respiratory center into activity and in consequence the mus-
cles by means of which the air is changed in the lungs. This, of course,
is simply a matter of seconds.
That it is the composition of the blood which determines the activ-
ity of the respiratory muscles may also be demonstrated in another way.
The lungs of birds are so connected with air spaces which extend
through the bones that it is possible to pass a continuous stream of
fresh air through them by connecting the cut end of one of the larger
bones with a suitable pump. Under the circumstances, the bird makes
not the slightest respiratory movement for an indefinite time since its
blood is maintained in a perfectly normal arterial condition, with an
abundance of oxygen in it and unable to stimulate the respiratory
center.
Another most clearly proved chemical harmonizer, which makes
the pancreas secrete at the moment its secretion is needed, is the sub-
stance secretin which is formed in the intestine by the stimulation of
the intestinal wall by an acid. This substance is carried to the pancreas
in the circulation and causes that organ to secrete pancreatic juice, the
most important digestive juice. The stimulation of the pancreas by
some material transported thither rather than by nervous stimulus has
been proven in several ways. All the nerves connected with an isolated
loop of intestine are cut, so that no impulses can pass from the stimu-
lated part of the intestine, but the blood vessels are left intact An
acid, like the acid of the gastric juice, is introduced into this isolated
part of the intestine and the flow of pancreatic juice is noted. The in-
crease of the flow of pancreatic juice is quite as great as when the nerves
are not cut Again, it has been found that the blood leaving the intes-
tine which has been stimulated by an acid has the power of stimulating
the flow of pancreatic juice in a second animal into whose blood ves-
sels this blood is injected. It has been demonstrated also that acid in
the blood alone has no such effect on the flow of pancreatic juice. Here
we have a clear example of harmonious, purposeful action; namely, the
secretion of pancreatic juice at the time that the contents of the stomach
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HARMONIZING HORMONES 269
pass into the intestine, effected through a definite chemical substance
manufactured in the intestine under the influence of an acid and trans-
ported to the pancreas.
Some very interesting cases of accurate coordination through chem-
ical means have been noted in the development of the embryo from the
c^g. Let me illustrate with some experiments on the development of the
eye of the tadpole. You may recall that the fine coordination displayed
by the development of the eye was a stumbling block to Darwin in the
way of the g^ieral acceptance of the theory of natural selection. The
experimenter, however, has shown that to some extent this beautiful
and complex coordination of parts is accomplished by chemical sub-
stances produced by certain organs. Before explaining the experiments,
it will be necessary to describe very briefly the embryology of the eye.
At a very early age before the body form of the embryo has been es-
tablished and before many organs have been laid down, the brain
broadens out in the form of a small conical projection on each side.
The apex of this cone finally reaches the level of the skin. This swell-
ing is known as the optic vesicle and from it is derived the portion of
the eye which is sensitive to light, the retina. The bit of skin in con-
tact with the apex of the optic vesicle sinks down beneath the surface
like a little cup or pit, pushing the optic vesicle down with it, }ust
as one might push in one side of a rubber ball with the thumb. The
margins of this depression finally close together forming a hollow ball
which becomes separated from the skin. This later becomes the lens
of the eye. These are facts which could be demonstrated to you in a
half hour in the laboratory. The lens of the eye, of course, is very
different from the skin and if we did not know its embryological his-
tory we would hardly guess that it was derived from the skin. The
embryologist used to think that the bit of skin which came to lie di-
rectly over the optic vesicle was unlike the rest of the skin, being en-
dowed vrith special powers of forming the crystalline lens of the eye,
and the mystery was, how it chanced that these lens-potentialities were
accumulated at exactly the right spot and that there did not occur at
times stray lenses scattered about on other parts of the body. The
experimentalist, however, who has done so much to destroy illusions
and push further back the limits of the mysterious, has shown that the
formation of the lens depends entirely upon the contact of the optic
vesicle and that any part of the skin under the influence of this structure
will develop into a lens. Under the dissecting microscope with very
fine needles it is possible to operate on the young tadpole before the
eye is formed and to transplant the optic vesicle to some other part of
the body. The results of this very drastic treatment are that any part
of the skin which overlies the transplanted optic vesicle will form a
lens. Any embryonic skin of the right age apparently has the power
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270 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
of developing into a lens under the proper stimulus. In fact the ex-
perimenter has gone so far as to graft two tadpoles of different species
in such a way that the optic vesicle of one comes to lie directly beneath
the skin of the abdomen of the other. But even here the skin of the
abdomen of the strange tadpole developed a lens in a perfectly ortho-
dox fashion.
Darwin today would not be so mystified over the question of how
the different layers of tissue of different degrees of transparency and
refraction chanced to occur in the right relations to each other to form
a complex purposeful organ like the eye. The difficulty to-day is to
explain how the skin of the embryo is endowed with such wonderful
powers and how the optic vesicle is able to call forth such a complex
response.
The phenomenon of internal secretion, that is, the discharge of sub-
stances manufactured by an organ directly into the blood passing
through the organ and not to a free surface, was discovered by the great
French physiologist, Claude Bernard, in 1876, when he demonstrated
that the liver manufactures sugar and pours it constantly into the blood
passing through that organ. Besides these organs which only incidrat-
ally to other functions secrete into the blood, like the liver, the pan-
creas, the sex glands and the developing fetus in the mammal, there
are certain organs specialized for this purpose alone. These are called
ductless glands, because they have no outlet to a surface, or endocrine
organs, that is, organs secreting to the inside. The most important of
these are the pituitary body, situated on the under side of the brain
next to the roof of the pharynx and tucked into a little pocket on the
floor of the skull ; the pineal body, on the upper side of the brain but
buried deep in the crease between the two halves of the cerebrum; the
thyroid gland situated on the front of the throat just below the "Adam's
apple" and enlarged in goitre; the thymus gland situated in front of
the heart, from which the true "neck sweetbreads" are taken; and the
adrenal bodies situated just above the kidneys.
The ductless glands just enumerated seem to have the most marked
effect upon growth, development, and nutrition. Some of them, espe-
cially the adrenal body, also have a marked effect upon the blood pres-
sure.
The thyroid gland influences powerfully the growth of the body and
the rate at which the mature state is reached.
A few years ago one of our American experimenters showed that
the growth of the tadpole may be stopped almost immediately by feed-
ing thyroid gland. At the same time that the increase in size ceases,
the transformation of the tadpole into a frog goes on with increased
speed. Tadpoles were obtained which had the fore legs in fifteen days
from the time that they issued from the egg while ordinarily they ap-
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HARMONIZING HORMONES 271
pear only after about four months. The action of the thyroid gland on
the human subject seems to be somewhat different from that just de-
scribed although its action affects development The distressing dis-
ease, cretinism, characterized by the squat stature and low mentality,
with puffy skin and bleary eyes, is the result of insuflksient activity of
the thyroid which may be made good by feeding thyroid glands from
oxen or sheep. Thyroid feeding is sometimes ooiployed to reduce
obesity, as under its stimulus more rapid oxidation of the tissues takes
place. Thyroid fed to immature rats retards growth. Rats fed thyroid
gland do not gain weight as rapidly as normal ones. To one-half of a
litter kept under conditions as nearly like the other half as possible
were fed small quantities of thyroid. In three or four days the thyroid
individuals gained only 4.2 gms. on the average as compared with 10.1
gms. for those not specially fed.
Another organ which has a very marked effect upon growth is the
pituitary body, a small structure which is attached to the under side of
the brain and which originates in the embryo from the roof of the
mouth. When this gland secretes more than the normal amount in
childhood before growth is completed, gigantism results and the child
continues its growth beyond the normal and becomes a giant The
overactivity of the same gland later in life when normal growth is
complete leads to a disease known as acromegaly in which the extremi-
ties of the body alone grow abnormally. Conversely, if the pituitary
body is removed or if it is not suflBciently active on account of disease,
there follows a condition known as infantilism, characterized by the
develojHnent of much fat beneath the skin and more or less atrophy
of the sexual organs.
Regarding the function of the thymus we are especially in the dark.
As is well known it degenerates before the adult condition is attained
and it may be removed from young animals apparently without caus-
ing any modification in the rate of growth or any special symptoms of
any kind. The feeding of thymus gland to tadpoles has been found,
however, to have a marked effect upon growth, prolonging the period
of growth and inhibiting the metamorphosis of the tadpole.
The action of die adrenal bodies has already been alluded to. The
removal of the organs is followed by death in about 36 hours in the
mammals ordinarily used for experimental purposes like dogs, cats,
rabbits, and the like. When the adrenals are diseased, a number of
definite symptoms known as Addison's disease appear; the skin assumes
a coppery color, there is great muscular weakness and lowering of the
tanperature of the body. The application of the extract of the gland —
adrenalin — to a bleeding or inflamed part is followed at once by a con-
striction of the capillary blood vessels and a blanching of the part.
This property, of course, makes the extract of great value to the sur-
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272 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
geon in operations in which there is profuse bleeding from many tiny
blood vessels^ like many operations on the nose. So powerful is the
hormone of the adrenal body that one part of adrenalin in one hundred
million of Ringer's solution produces marked effect on the contraction of
involuntary muscle.
The pineal body, which Descartes thought was the seat of the soul
of man, has a most obscure function which cannot at present be clearly
defined The removal of the organ is very difficult ¥dthout serious
injury in the operation. When it is successfully removed without injury
to the animal there has been found to be in some cases a precocious
development of the sexual organs but in other experiments the effects
have been negative.
The ductless glands seem to be more or less closely related to each
other in function so that the removal of one may be accompanied by
changes in others, but it is apparent that there is much still to be
learned regarding the exact working of these very subtle organs. The
fact, however, that the precise functions of some of these organs have
not been exactly determined does not mean that they have little effect
upon the organism as a whole. What has just been said regarding the
pituitary, suprarenals, and thyroids shows that the contrary is the fact
Considering the organs which only incidentally secrete internally,
the pancreas exhibits a very interesting harmonizing action. The func-
tion of the pancreas is not only the secretion of a digestive juice which
performs the great bulk of the digestion of food in the intestine, but
also the secretion into the blood of something which enables the sugar
absorbed from the intestine to be stored in the liver until needed in the
active organs of the body. If the pancreas is removed entirely, diabetes
appears at once due to the failure of the liver to remove the sugar from
the blood. In order to determine that this condition is not due simply
to the elimination of the pancreatic juice from the alimentary canal,
the experiment has been made of simply tying off tightly the duct lead-
ing from the pancreas to the intestine, but not interfering with the cir-
culation of the blood through the organ, and also of grafting the pan-
creas which has been cut out, on some other part of the body so that
blood will pass through it In both these experiments diabetes does
not appear and we must conclude that the pancreas secretes into the
blood a substance which enables the liver to store up grape sugar.
The effects of the reproductive organs upon the body as a whole
have been known in a general way from time immemorial. Especially
in the male sex have the reproductive organs been removed for economic
or social reasons. Emasculation in the human subject when performed
in early youth prevents those changes from taking place which normally
occur at puberty, such as growth of hair on various parts of the body,
the growth of the larynx with the consequent lowering of the pitch of
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HARMONIZING HORMONES 273
the voice, and the growth of the chest. It has been said also that in
oxen and horses the removal of the male sexual organs at an early age
causes the haunch bones to change to the female type. It has been
known for years that if the very young male deer is castrated, the
antlers never appear and if the operation is performed when the antlers
have already begun to develop, they fail to reach their normal size and
remain covered with the velvet, like young antlers. In the adult deer
castration causes the antlers to be shed precociously and they are re-
placed, if at all, by imperfect antlers which are never renewed. Thus
we see that the complex changes involved in the development of the
antlers are dependent upon the presence of something supplied by the
sex glands of the male.
The female sex organs are no less potent in determining the course
of development. One experimenter removed the testes of a guinea pig
and a rat and replaced them with ovaries from a female. The pres-
ence of the ovaries in the body of the emasculated male led to a remark-
able development of the mammary glands and a change in the propor-
tions of the skeleton to more nearly those of the female. Another
important change is that the size of the feminized males is less than
that of the normal castrated males, showing that there is something
produced by the ovary which prevents the normal growth of the male.
These experiments are not numerous but they indicate something of the
power of the sexual organs to determine by their internal secretions
the growth and relative size of parts of the body.
Equally marked eifects have been noted in the case of birds. The
desirable effects of removiniz; the male organs have been known for
many years and capons have been highly esteemed as delicacies. It is
well known, of course, that the removal of the male organs in poultry
leads to increased size and deposition of fat. Notwithstanding, the
male plumage with all the secondary sexual characters appear as in
normal birds. During the past few years the experiment of removing
completely the ovaries from a female bird has been successful. In this
case the ovaries were removed from a very young Mallard duck, in
which the plumage of the male and female are very different. It was
found that the plumage of the spaye.d female became similar to that
of the male.
The developing fetus within the uterus of the female exercises an
important effect upon the development of the milk glands so that the
latter are able to supply an abundant nourishment for the young which
are to be bom shortly. This effect is produced by the discharge of
some substance into the blood stream of the mother through the pla-
centa. This has been demonstrated with rabbits by injecting into the
blood vessels of a virgin rabbit, in which the milk glands are prac-
tically invisible, the extract of a fetus taken from a pregnant female.
VOL. Xni.— 18.
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274 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
The injection is followed by a rapid growth of the glands. That this
e£fect is produced directly upon the milk glands and not indirectly
through the action of the uterus and ovaries has been shown by making
the injection after the removal of those organs. The efiFect upon the
milk glands is just as marked as when ovaries and uterus are present
A further confirmation of the harmonizing of the activity of the mam-
mary glands and the needs of the body throu^ hormones is afforded
by the famous case of the Blazdc sisters who were joined like the
Siamese twins with blood vessels united but with entirely separate
nervous systems. In spite of the absence of nervous connections be-
tween the two, pregnancy in the one produced a normal growth of the
manmiary glands of the other, and with the birth of the child the secre-
tion of milk by the glands of the two sisters occurred. A third method
of demonstrating the chemical control of the manunary glands is by
severing the spinal cord at the level from which the nerves going to the
glands are given off, so that the nervous connections between the two
ends of the mammary glands in such an animal as the dog whose glands
extend along the entire length of the abdomen, are severed. In spite of
this separation, however, secretion occurs simultaneously in all the
glands.
Our knowledge of the presence and action of hormones in the blood
is in its infancy. There can be little doubt that further investigations
will prove that many more are working in the body than we dream of
now and that their effects may be found to be of far more importance.
The endocrine organs can not be supposed to allow of the complex
development which the nervous system has experienced in the animal
kingdom nor can it ever have the same far-reaching effects, but enough
perhaps has been presented to show how the integration of the body
as a whole is brought about by non-living products of cells circulat-
ing in the blood. In conclusion, however, we can hardly say that the
physiologist, studying the chemical harmonizers of the body, has solved
the problem of individuality, or that the conception of the animal body
has been rendered more simple as a result of these discoveries. TTie
explanation of the timely appearance of these harmonizers and the
mechanism of the complex reactions to them is quite as difficult and
perplexing as that of the harmonies themselves. The knowledge of
these chemical bodies is an aid to us in pushing back further in the
life cycle those forces or mechanical devices which are capable of pro-
ducing the integrated living body, and the harmonizers of the body
afford a mechanical explanation of many phenomena which in the past
required a mystical or vitalistic explanation. The chemical harmon-
izers in their action and the response of the body to them are quite as
baffling as the fact of harmonious action itself, so that pushing back
the mystery only deepens it.
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GRAZING PRACTICE ON THE NATIONAL FORESTS 276
GRAZING PRACTICE ON THE NATIONAL FORESTS
AND ITS EFFECT ON NATURAL CONDITIONS*
By CLARENCE F. KORSTIAN
U. S. FOREST SERVICE
rE Statutory purposes of the national forests are to insure a per-
petual supply of timber, to preserve the forest cover which regu-
lates the flow of streams, and to provide for the use of all resources
which the forests contain, in the ways which will make them of the
greatest peimanent good to the entire nation.^
Grazing on the national forests is regulated with the object of using
the forage resources to the fullest extent consistent with the protection,
development and use of the other resources. Since the national forests
were established primarily for the protection and development of the
forest resources and the protection of the watersheds, great care is
taken to harmonize grazing with these primary purposes. The im-
portance of adjusting grazing so as to secure the perpetuation of the
range resources and yet not to interfere with the requirements of the
other resources is emphasized in the administration of the national
forests.^ If the fundamental principles of range management, such as
the proper division of the range among different classes of stock, the
establishment of correct periods of grazing, stocking the range to actual
carrying capacity, and securing proper management of the stock are
followed in practice, actual damage to the forests will be limited to
unusual cases where a combination of factors makes special treatment
necessary to insure the proper protection of the forest resources and the
watersheds. The forest officers in charge of the administration of graz-
ing fully appreciate that much remains to be done in developing range
management, especially in connection with the determination of the
proper grazing season and methods of handling stock on the national
forest ranges.
Through a series of investigations and experiments extmding over
* Prepared for the Committee on the Preservation of Natural Conditions
of the Ecological Society of America.
1 U. S. Forest Service. The National Forest Manual; Regulations and
Instructions. 1914.
The Use Book; A Manual of Information about the National Forests.
1918.
* Jardine, James T. and Anderson, Mark. Range Management on the
N'ational Forests. U. S. Dept. of Agri. Bull. 790. 1919 .
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FIG. 1. SHEET AND GULLEY EROSION ON AN OVERGRAZED RANGE IN NORTHWESTERN
NEVADA. Snow lie* on the Lare portion in the background until early tummer and die cattle
follow the receding anow, eating all of the succulent vegetation before it haa become eatablirfiad.
The Forest Service has closed this watershed together with three others aggregating 20,000 acres to
grazing by all classes of livestock, for a period of at least five years for the purpose of revegettting
the range with palauble forage plants and of regenerating the sunds of aspen on the watershed*.
FIG. 2. ASPEN SPROUTS AND A FAIR STAND OF FORAGE ON THE AREA, A PORTION OF
WHICH IS SHOWN IN FIG. 1, AFTER IT HAD BEEN CLOSED TO GRAZING FOR TWO YEARS.
After the aiipen reproduction has become established and is out of reach of the gracing of livestock,
the areas will be opened to regulated grazing and probably other areas closed for a like period.
This practice will be rontinued until the entire Fore*t has been revegetated to forage plants and
regenerated to aspen reproduction.
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GRAZING PRACTICE ON THE NATIONAL FORESTS 277
a period of years, a number of important principles of range manage-
ment and management of livestock have been developed for harmoniz-
ing grazing use with the regeneration and growth of forests.'
A proper understanding of the forest cover in relation to the regula-
tion of stream flow and erosion is important in range management, since
"cover" in the sense used includes the tree cover, the herbaceous and
shrubby cover, and the surface soil with its comparatively rich admix-
ture of organic matter. * Over-grazing frequently results in padcing
the soil, decreases its power of absorbing and holding precipitation,
and causes the partial or complete destruction of the ground cover, a
condition almost invariably associated with erosion and the reversion
of the native vegetation to a lower successional stage.^ In this case
the reestablishment of the more permanent type of vegetation is pre-
vented until, with the return of the original fertility of the soil, the
8ttb-climax species again appear.
The grazing of livestodc may either retard or promote the develop-
ment of the vegetative cover and cause either retrogression or progres-
sion of the types, depending chiefly upon the closeness with which the
herbage is grazed annually and the time of cropping.* Continuous pre-
mature and too close grazing not only favor degeneration of the cover
and ultimately the destruction of the vegetation, but also tend to impair
the fertility of the soil through erosion. On the other hand, deferred-
and-rotation grazing, that is, grazing the depleted range only after seed
maturity and later applying this practice in rotation to all the other
parts of the range favors progressive succession. ' The efiFects of graz-
ing upon plant succession depend not only on the character and in-
tenflity of grazing, but also upon the type of vegetation. However, it
may be said that properly regulated grazing shows a tendency to hold
»Cf.
Sampson, Arthur W. and Dayton, William A. Relation of Grazing to
Timber Reproduction. U. S. Forest Service Review of Forest Service In-
vestigations, Vol. 2, pp. 18-24, 1913.
Hill, Robert R. Effects of Grazing Upon Western Yellow Pine Repro-
duction in the National Forests of Arizona and New Mexico. U. S. Dcpt.
of Agri. Bull. 580, 1917.
Sparhawk, W. N. Effects of Grazing Upon Western Yellow Pine Re-
production in Central Idaho. U. S. Dept. of Agri. Bull. 738, 1918.
Sampson, Arthur W. Effect of Grazing Upon Aspen Reproduction. U.
S. DcpL of Agri. Bull. 741, 1919.
♦ Reynolds, Robert V. R. Grazing and Floods : A Study of Conditions
in the Manti National Forest. U. S. Forest Service Bull. 91, 1911.
5 Sampson, Arthur W., and Weyl, Leon H. Range Preservation and its
Relation to Erosion Control on Western Grazing Grounds. U. S. Dept. of
Agri. Bull. 675, 1918.
« Sampson, Arthur W. Plant Succession in Relation to Range Manage-
ment. U. S. Dept. of Agri. Bull. 791, 1919.
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FIG. 3. A BADLY OVERGRAZED AREA ON A POORLY MANAGED CATTLE RANGE
ADJACENT TO THAT SHOWN IN FIG. 2 IN NEED OF REMEDIAL MEASURES. Th« compUce
■btence of atpen reprodoetion and the dearth of palatable forage planu is evideaced by the bairen
'appearance of the aurface of the ground. Eroaion is alao evident.
FIG. 4. AN OLD BURN IN A LODGEPOLE PINE FOREST IN CENTRAL IDAHO WHICH IS
ADEQUATELY RESTOCKING WITH NATURAL REPRODUCTION. The forage ia b«iBg piopetly
utilised as a result of regulated grazinK, so that no injury is reaulting to either the foreat tree
seedlings or to the forage pUots themselves.
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GRAZING PRACTICE ON THE NATIONAL FORESTS 279
the vegetative succession in one of the sub-climax, or occasionally
climax stages of the herbaceous and shrubby vegetation, but should
o£Fer little or no interference with the climax forest type, since grazing
is very frequently excluded from forest areas being regenerated.
The value of regulated grazing as a means of fire protection is
recognized in the utilization of the annual growth of grass, which, if
not utilized, becomes dry and inflanmiable, and a real cause of forest
fires. ^ It is thus seen that grazing in itself is beneficial as a control
of fires. In addition to this, the extensive work in forest fire prevention
and suppression is a very important factor in promoting and maintain-
ing climax types of vegetation.
With the development of the livestock industry in the West, came
the economic necessity of controlling predatory animals. The decrease
in their number, especially of the coyotes, probably resulted in an in-
crease in the number of rodents, many of which are active range
destroyers. These in turn have had to be controlled. With the decrease
in the number of predatory animals there should be an increase in the
number of game animals; but this has been largely, if not wholly, offset
by the increased number killed by hunters within recent years.
The national forest policy provides that the protection and develop-
ment of the wild life of the forest must go hand in hand with the de-
velopment and management of the range resources for use by domestic
stock. Before opening up new range to domestic stock the use or
probable use of the area by game is carefully considered.
Suitable camping grounds are provided on the national forests and
^re given sufficient protection from grazing to preserve their. natural
attractiveness for the recreational use of campers and tourists.
The conserving of the national parks in an unmodified condition in
the interests of natural history and research and the desirability of
maintaining the original balance between the plant and animal life has
already been emphasized.^ The management of areas for game and
fidi production will doubtless cause disturbances and readjustments in
7 Sampson, Arthur W. Range Improvement by Deferred and Rotation
Grazing. U. S. Dept. of Agri. Bull. 34, I9i3-
Sampson, Arthur W. Natural Revegetation of Range Lands Based upon
Growth Requirements and Life History of the Vegetation. Journal of Agri-
cultural Research, Vol. 3, No. 2, pages 93 to 148, 1914.
Jardine, James T. Improvement and Management of Native Pastures
"in the West U. S. Dept. of Agri. Yearbook Separate 678, 191 5.
• Graves, Henry S. Grazing and Fires in National Forests. American
Forestry 17:435. 191 1.
Hatton, John H. Livestock Grazing as a Factor in Fire Protection on
the National Forests. U. S. Dept. of Agri. Circ. 134, 1920.
• Grinnell, Joseph and Storer, Tracy L Animal Life as an Asset of
National Parks. Science, N. S. 44:375-380, 1916.
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FIG. 5. AN OPEN STAND OF LODGEPOLE PINE IN CENTRAL IDAHO ON AN AREA WHICH
IS BEING GRAZED TOO HEAVILY BY LIVESTOCK. Note the absence of forage plants and the
flattened, bnahy shape of the lodgepolc pine aeedlinga, which is not characteristic of this species,
due to being browsed by the stock. The injury was eliminated, and the range is being restored
through properly regulated grazing based on the scientific principles of range management as worked
out by the grazing specialists of the Foiest Service.
FIG. 6. YOUNG DEER ON GARDINER RIVER, MONTANA. The concentration of game animals
on winter ranges may result in over>graxlng and even eliminate certain desirable forage plants fron^
the range.
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GRAZING PRACTICE ON THE NATIONAL FORESTS 281
the ecological balance between the plant and animal life, both terrestrial
and aquatic. The introduction of exotic species may become a danger-
ous factor in disturbing the original balance, even to the extent of as-
suming economic proportions. The uncontrolled increase of game
animals on game preserves may produce conditions very similar to those
resulting from the grazing of domestic stock. However, in most cases
the number of game animals on any range should be limited to the
number which the range will carry through the winter.
FIG. 7. AREA IN BIG COTTONWOOD CANYON ON THE WASATCH NATIONAL FOREST IN
CENTRAL UTAH WHICH IS CLOSED TO LIVESTOCK GRAZING BECAUSE IT IS ONE OF THE
MAIN SOURCES OF SALT LAKE CITY'S MUNICIPAL WATER SUPPLY AND ALSO ON AC
COUNT OF ITS IMPORTANCE FOR RECREATIONAL USE.
In rendering the secondary uses of the national forests compatible
with the primary uses and in harmonizing the secondary uses, it fre-
quently becomes necessary to close areas to grazing as, for example,
watersheds which comprise important sources of municipal water sup-
ply; recreational areas and those of unusual scenic attractiveness, such
as the national monuments ; areas on which the range is needed for im-
portant game animals; and forest areas in the course of regeneration.
From the list of areas on which natural conditions are now being pre-
served, ^® it is seen that the forest areas are of considerable size.
w Compiled by the Committee on Preservation of Natural Conditions of
the Ecological Society of America and to be published in the near future.
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282
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE
HELMHOLTZ AND VIRCHOW
One hundred years ago were born
in Prussia Hermann Helmholtz and
Rudolf Virchow, the former in Potts-
dam on August 31, 1821, the latter in
an obscure village of Pomerania on
October 13, 182 1.
The University of Berlin was open-
ed in 18 10 after Prussia had lost by
the peace treaty of Tilsit the Univer-
sity of Halle, which Napoleon in-
cluded in his new kingdom of West-
phalia. Germany, defeated in war,
required to pay an immense indem-
nity, its army limited to 42,000, turn-
ed its energies to education and to
science. Both Helmholtz and Vir-
chow were students of medicine in
Berlin, and later became professors
in the university. Their genius was
born with them, but the stimulus and
the opportunity to apply it to the ad-
vancement of science must in large
measure be attributed to the spirit
of the university founded by Hum-
boldt and his associates when the
political fortunes of Prussia were at
low ebb.
Helmholtz was the son of a gym-
nasium teacher, his mother, Caroline
Penne, being a descendant of William
Pcnn. After a childhood of ill
health, he studied medicine and was
for four years a military surgeon;
for a year he was teacher in the Ber-
lin Academy of Fine Arts, and after-
wards from 1849 to 1855 professor of
physiology at Konigsberg. He was
professor at Bonn for three years
and was then professor of physiology
at Heidelberg from 1858 to 1871,
when he was transferred to Berlin as
professor of physics. In 1888 he
was made president of the Reichsan-
stalt, organized under his direction.
All possible academic and national
honors were conferred upon him.
A list of von Helmholtz's contri-
butions to science would fill many
pages. The essay on the conservation
of energy was printed in 1847. Re-
searches of great range and import-
ance, including the invention of the
ophthalmoscope, led to his two epoch-
making books on physiological psy-
chology— "Tonempfindungen" (1862)
and "Physiologische Optik" (1867).
Helmholtz always continued his
work in physiological psychology, but
his transfer from a chair of physi-
ology to one of physics represented
a change in his main interests. His
great contributions to mathematical
physics, especially electrodynamics,
are of almost unparalleled import-
ance.
Virchow more than any other one
man established, the science of path-
ology and made it possible for medi-
cine to become an applied science.
Only second in importance to his con-
tributions to pathology was his work
in anthropology which covered all
branches of the science. His scien-
tific work was singularly complete.
He made numerous and exact ob-
servations and experiments; he de-
duced from them wide-reaching
theories; he conducted an important
journal for more than fifty years; he
wrote text-books, summaries of sci-
entific advances and books populariz-
ing science; he established a school
to which students came from all
parts of the world, while at the same
time taking part in the education of
the people; he founded a great mu-
seum and took a leading part in sci-
entific societies; he applied science
directly to human welfare.
It is almost incredible that among
these multifarious scientific activities
Virchow should have been one of the
leading statesmen of his coucftry.
He was a member of the municipal
council of Berlin for more than forty
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HERMANN VON HELMHOLTZ
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THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE
285
years, and through him the hygienic
conditions of the capital were revolu-
tionized. He was from 1862 a mem-
ber of the Prussian chamber and
was for twenty-five years chairman
of the committee on finance. He
was leader of the radical party in
the Reichstag. In his public career
he opposed centralization, autocracy
and war, and advocated all measures
for the welfare of the people. He
was at one time compelled to leave
the University of Berlin owing to his
political activity, but his personality
and eminence were such that he was
recalled to a professorship in 1856,
and he was thereafter the preeminent
representative of academic freedom.
THE INTERNATIONAL INSTI-
TUTE OF AGRICULTURE
The president of the International
Institute of Agriculture at Rome has
transmitted to the Secretary of Agri-
culture, through the State Depart-
ment, a copy of resolutions adopted
in April, 1921, by the permanent com-
mittee of the institute, authorizing
the conferring of the title "donating
member" upon any person who
makes a gift, donation, or contribu-
tion to the institute amounting in
value to 10,000 Italian lire, which at
normal rates of exchange is equiva-
lent to about $2,000.
The International Institute of Agri-
culture was established as the direct
result of the eflForts of David Lubin,
a successful merchant of California,
with the active support of the King
of Italy, who foresaw the advantages
which would accrue to agriculture,
commerce, and industry from an in-
ternational clearinghouse for system-
atically collecting and disseminat-
ing official information supplied by
the various governments of the world
on agricultural production, consump-
tion, movements, surpluses, deficits,
and prices of agricultural products,
transportation, plant and animal dis-
eases and insect pests, rural credits
and insurance, standard of living,
wages and hours of labor on farms,
cooperative organizations of farmers,
legislation affecting agriculture, and
similar information. The interna-
tional treaty was drafted at Rome on
June 7, 1905, and has since been rati-
fied by more than 60 governments.
The institute survived the trying
period of the World War and is now
entering upon a period of expansion
and increased usefulness. Its work
benefits all peoples. In accordance
with the recent action of the perma-
nent committee, which is made up of
delegates from the adhering govern-
ments and serves as a board of direc-
tors of the International Institute of
Agriculture, citizens of the United
States and other countries who are
in sympathy with the purposes of the
institute have an opportunity to con-
tribute to its support and develop-
ment and to receive permanent recog-
nition therefor as "donating mem-
bers" by having their names and na-
tionality and the date of their dona-
tion inscribed on a marble tablet
which will be placed in a conspicuous
position in the halls or vestibule of
the marble palace occupied by the in-
stitute, situated in a beautiful park
on an elevation overlooking the
Eternal City. Such donations can be
made either through the Secretary of
Agriculture, the Secretary of State,
or the American delegate to the In-
ternational Institute of Agriculture,
Rome, Italy.
THE NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC
SOCIETY'S GIFTS OF BIG
TREES
The trustees and officers of the Na-
tional Geographic Society announce
to members that the society has been
continuing its efforts, begun in 19 16,
to preserve the Big Trees of Sequoia
National Park. By a final purchase
in April, 1921, of 640 acres of land in
Sequoia National Park, these famous
trees, oldest and most massive among
all living things, the only ones of
their kind in the world, have been
saved ; they will not be cut down and
converted into lumber.
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THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Were a monument of human erec-
tion to be destroyed, it might be re-
placed; but had these aborigines of
American forests been felled, they
would have disappeared forever. The
Big Trees could no more be restored
than could those other survivals of
indigenous American life, the red man
and the buffalo, should they become
extinct.
Members of the National Geo-
graphic Society will recall that, in
1916, G>ngress had appropriated $50,-
000 for the purchase of certain pri-
vate holdings in Sequoia National
Park, but the owners declined to
sell for less than $70,000. In that
emergency the National Geographic
Society took the first step toward sav-
ing the Big Trees by subscribing the
remaining $20,000. Thus 667 acres
were purchased. The society's equity
in them was conveyed to the govern-
ment, and this tract became the prop-
erty, for all time, of the American
people.
In 1920, inspired by the first bene-
faction, three members of the society
gave the society sums equivalent to
the purchase price of $21,330 neces-
sary to acquire three more tracts, ag-
gregating 609 acres. Thus the orig-
inal area of Sequoias saved from de-
struction was almost doubled.
There still remained one other im-
portant private holding in Sequoia
National Park amounting to 640
acres. Through this tract, which is
covered by a splendid stand of giant
sugar-pine and fir, runs the road to
Giant Forest. To acquire this ap-
proach to the unique forest and to
eliminate the last of the private hold-
ings in this natural temple, the Na-
tional Geographic Society and friends
of the society, in 1921, contributed
$55iOOO, with which the tract was pur-
chased. On April 20, 1921, it was for-
mally tendered in the name of the
society, through Secretary of the In-
terior Albert B. Fall, to the American
people.
This sum of $55>ooo includes $10,-
000 from the tax fund of Tulare
County, California, within which the
Sequoia National Park is situated, a
practical evidence that the people
closest to the park are alive to the
importance of our government own-
ing the land.
FIELD WORK OF THE SMITH-
SONIAN INSTITUTION
The Smithsonian Institution has is-
sued its annual exploration report
describing its scientific field work
throughout the world in 1920.
Twenty-three separate expeditions
were in the field carrying on re-
searches in geology, paleontology,
zoology, botany, astrophysics, an-
thropology, archeology, and ethnol-
ogy, and the regions visited included
the Canadian Rockies, fourteen states
of the United States, Haiti, Jamaica,
four countries of South America,
Africa from the Cape to Cairo,
China, Japan, Korea, Manchuria,
Mongolia, Australia, and the Hawai-
ian Islands.
Secretary Walcott continued his
geological work in the Cambrian
rocks of the Canadian Rockies in the
region northeast of Banff, Alberta.
The particular questions involved in
the season's research were settled sat-
isfactorily and some beautiful photo-
graphs of this wild and rugged region
obtained. Other geological field work
was successfully carried on in various
states of the United States by mem-
bers of the staff.
In astrophysical research the insti-
tution was unusually active. Through
the generosity of Mr. John A. Roeb-
ling of New Jersey, the Smithsonian
solar observing station located on the
plain near Calama, Chile, was moved
to a near-by mountain peak, where
the observations will be unaffected by
the dust and smoke, and a new station
was established on the Harqua Hala
Mountain, Arizona, probably the most
cloudless region in the United States.
From daily observations of the radia-
tion of the sun at these two widely
separated stations, it is hoped to es-
tablish definitely the value of the
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THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE
287
"solar constant" observations in fore-
casting weather. Dr. C. G. Abbott,
director of the work, also describes
the successful operation on Mt Wil-
son, California, of a solar cooker de-
vised by him. With this apparatus it
was possible, using only the sun's
heat, to cook bread, meat, vegetables,
and preserves.
Mr. H. C. Raven represented the
Smithsonian on an extensive collect-
ing expedition tlirough Africa from
south to north. Although many dif-
ficulties were encountered, among
others a railway wreck in which two
members of the expedition were kill-
ed, Mr. Raven shipped to the institu-
tion much interesting zoological mate-
rial, which was greatly needed for
purposes of comparison in working
up the famous Roosevelt and Rainey
collections already in the National
Museum. Many interesting photo-
graphs of the animals, the natives,
and the country itself are shown in
this account and in that of Dr. Shantz,
who accompanied the expedition as a
botanical collector. In Australia,
a Smithsonian naturalist collected,
through the generosity of Dr. W. L.
Abbott, specimens of the fast disap-
pearing remarkable fauna of the con-
tinent, while Dr. Abbott himself se-
cured a great number of plants, birds,
and other natural history material for
the National Museum, in various
regions of Haiti. A number of other
zoological and botanical expeditions
are briefly described and illustrated.
BIRDS BANDED BY THE BIO-
LOGICAL SURVEY
Persons engaged in outdoor activi-
ties, whether or not trained bird ob-
servers, are requested to cooperate
with the Bureau of Biological Survey,
United States Department of Agri-
culture, by furnishing data to supple-
ment the bird-banding work that is
being conducted by the bureau. When
any one happens to capture a banded
bird or to come upon one that has
been hurt or killed, it will be of great
assistance to the investigations of the
department to have a report made of
the facts by returning the band (if
the bird is dead; otherwise the band
should not be removed, but its num-
ber noted), together with details as to
when and where the bird was found.
The aluminum bands issued by the
Biological Survey carry the abbrevia-
tion "Biol. Surv." and a serial num-
ber on one side, and "Wash., D. C."
on other. But as other bands have
been used on a large number of birds
by various individuals and institu-
tions, it would be advisable for any-
one finding a bird that carries a band
not marked as above indicated, or of
which the address is not clearly un-
derstood, to forward the information
to the Biological Survey, where every
effort will be made to locate the per-
son responsible. These bands are
placed on the bird's tarsus, the bare
portion of the leg immediately above
the toes.
Experts in bird work are using the
banding method to solve a variety of
problems relative to the migrations
and life histories of our native birds
which are thus approached from the
aspects of the individual birds. Some
of the more important questions that
can be solved by banding operations
are: How fast do the individuals
of any species travel on their periodic
migrations; does any one flock con-
tinue in the van or is the advance
made by successive flocks passing one
over the other in alternate periods of
rest and flight? Do individuals of
any species always follow the same
route, and is it identical for both
spring and fall flights? Do migrat-
ing birds make the same stop-overs
every year to feed? How long do
birds remain in one locality during
the migration, the breeding, or the
winter seasons? Do birds adopt the
same nesting area, nest site, and win-
ter quarters during successive sea-
sons? For how many broods will
one pair remain matted, and which
bird, if not both, is attracted next
year to the old nesting site? How
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THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
far from their nests do birds forage
for food; and, after the young have
left the nest, will the parent birds
bring them to the feeding and trap-
ping station? How long do birds
live?
A minimum of 100,000 banded birds
is planned, from which it is hoped
that valuable information will be ob-
tained in regard to the habits of
migratory birds.
SCIENTIFIC ITEMS
We record with regret the death of
Winthrop E. Stone, since 1900 presi-
dent of Purdue University, and pre-
viously professor of chemistry; of
Edmond Perrier, director of the
Paris Museum of Natural History ; of
Gabriel Lipi^nan, professor of physics
in the University of Paris, and of
Professor Viktor von Lang, formerly
professor of physics at Vienna.
The Mathematical Association of
America and the American Mathe-
matical Society will hold their sum-
mer meetings at Wellesley College,
September 6-7 and 7-9, respectively.
Two joint sessions will be devoted to
a symposium on "Relativity." On the
afternoon of the seventh, Professor
Pierpont, of Yale University, will
give a paper entitled "Some mathe-
matical aspects of the theory of rela-
tivity," while on the forenoon of the
eighth, Professor Lunn, of the Uni-
versity of Chicago, will speak on
"The place of the Einstein theory in
theoretical physics."
The Municipal Observatory at Des
Moines, Iowa, which is said to be the
only municipal observatory in the
world, was opened on August i. The
observatory building is to be equip-
ped by Drake University with an 8-
inch equatorial telescope. It is to be
under the control of the university
and open to the public at least three
times a week, and at any other time
when occasion may warrant.
A NEW forest experiment station,
the first in the Eastern States, has
been established at Asheville, N. C,
by the Forest Service of the United
States Department of Agriculture.
Steady depletion of the Southern Ap-
palachian thnber supply has been re-
sponsible for the location of this sta-
tion in the East, and the object of
the work to be conducted will be to
secure the information needed by
foresters to determine the best meth-
ods of handling forest lands in the
southern mountains.
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VOL XIII, NO. 4 V , y OCTOBER, 1921
THE SCIENTIFIC
MONTHLY
EDITED BY J. McKEEN CATTELL
CONTENTS
THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE:
THE CONSTITUTION OF MATTER. Sir T. Edward Thorpe 289
THE LABORATORY OF THE UVING ORGANISM. Dr. M, O. Forater 301
EXPERIMENTAL GEOLOGY. Dr. J. S. Flett 308
SOME PROBLEMS IN EVOLUTION. Profcwor Edwin S. Goodrich 316
APPLIED GEOGRAPHY. Dr. D. G. Hogarth 322
SCIENTIFIC IDEAUSM. Dr. WUliam E. Ritter 328
FIELD CROP YIELDS IN NEW JERSEY FROM 1876 TO 1919. Harry B. Weiw 342
THE PLAY OF A NATION. Professor G. T. W. Patrick 350
EVARISTE GALOIS. Dr. George Sarton 363
MARS AS A UVING PLANET. G. H. Hamilton 376
THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE:
Scientific Meetings; The Activities of the Rockefeller Foundation; The Har-
vard School of Public Health; Scientific Items.. 380
THE SCIENCE PRESS
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EDITORIAL AND BUSINESS OFFICE: GARRISON, N. Y.
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COFnUGHT 1921 BY THE SCIENCE PRESS
mm MtOBd-cbM natter Febnury 8, 1921, at the Po«t Office at UUca. N. Y., vnder the Act of Mureh 3. 1879.
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WITHIN THE ATOM
By JOHN MILLS
(Author of "Realities of Modem Science'')
A fascinating non-technical exposition of the structure of the
atom and the electron theory.
Describes with entire freedom from mathematics the recent dis-
coveries of Langmuir, Bohr, Millikan, Einstein, and others of our
foremost modem scientists.
The charm of its lucid style will appeal to the reader untrained
in science.
UP-TO-DATE CLEAR INTERESTING
232 Pages Qoth $2.00 Rlus. 5x7l^
Send this ' 'ad, " with $2. 00 to your dealer, or to
D. VAN NOSTRAND CO,
8 Warren Street New York
Third Edition — 'Soto Ready
AMERICAN MEN OF SCIENCE
A BIOGRAPHICAL DIRECTORY
Edited by J. McKeen Cattell and Dean R. Brimhall
The third edition of the Directory contains about 9,600 sketches as compared with
4,000 in the first edition and 5,500 in the second edition. The work should be in the
hands of all those who are directly or indirectly interested in scientific work.
( 1 ) Men of science will find it indispensable. It gives not only the names, ad-
dresses, scientific records and the like of their fellow workers, but also an invaluable
summary of the research work of the country, completed and in progress.
(2) Those interested in science, even though they may not be professionally en-
gaged in research work, will find much of inte^?*t and value to them in the book.
(3) Executives in institutions of learning and others brought into relations with
scientific men will use the book constantly.
(4) Editors of newspapers and periodicals will find it to be one of the w^orks of
reference that they will need most frequently.
(5) Libraries will find the book to be a necessary addition to their reference
shelves.
Price, Ten Dollars, Net, Pottage Paid
THE SQENCE PRESS
GARRISON, N. Y. LANCASTER PA
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MONTHLY
OCTOBER. 1921
THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION FOR THE
ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE'
THE CONSTITUTION OF MATTER
By Sir T. EDWARD THORPE. CB.. F.RS.
PRESIDENT OF THE ASSOCIATION
rE molecular theory of matter — ^a theory which in its crudest fprm
has descended to us from the earliest times and which has been
elaborated by various speculative thinkers through the intervening ages,
hardly rested upon an experimental basis until within the memory of
men still living. When Lord Kelvin spoke in 1871, the best-established
development of the molecular hypothesis was exhibited in the kinetic
theory of gases as worked out by Joule, Clausius, and Clerk-Maxwell.
As he then said, no such comprehensive molecular theory had ever
been even imagined before the nineteenth century. But, with the eye
of faith, he clearly perceived that, definite and complete in its area as
it was, it was ^but a well-drawn part of a great chart, in which all
physical science will be represented with every property of matter
shown in dynamical relation to the whole. The prospect we now have
of an early completion of this chart is based on the assumption of atoms.
But there can be no permanent satisfaction to the mind in explaining
heat, light, elasticity, diffusion, electricity and magnetism, in gases,
liquids and solids, and describing precisely the relations of these
different states of matter to one another by statistics of great numbers
of atoms when the properties of the atom itself are simply assumed.
When the theory, of which we have the first instalment in Clausius and
Maxwell's work, is complete, we are but brought face to face with a
superlatively grand question: What is the inner mechanism of the
atom?'
If the properties and affections of matter are dependent upon the
inner mechanism of the atom, an atomic theory, to be valid, must com-
prehend and explain them all. There cannot be one kind of atom
for the physicist and another for the chemist. The nature of chemical
affinity and of valency, the modes of their action, the difference in char-
acteristics of the chemical elements, even their number, internal con-
I Extracts from addresses given at the Edinburgh Meeting.
VOL. Xm.— 19.
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290 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
stitution, periodic position, and possible isotopic rearrangements most
be accounted for and explained by it. Fifty years ago chemists, for the
most part, rested in the comfortable belief of the existence of atoms in
the restricted sense in which Dalton, as a legacy from Newton, had
imagined them. Lord Kelvin, unlike the chemists, had never been in
the habit of 'evading questions as to the hardness or indivisibility of
atoms by virtually assuming them to be infinitely small and infinitely
numerous.' Nor, on the other hand, did he realize^ with Boscovich,
the atom 'as a mystic point endowed with inertia and the attribute of
attracting or repelling other such centres.' Science advances not so
much by fundamental alterations in its beliefs as by additions to them.
Dalton would equally have regarded the atom 'as a piece of matter of
measureable dimensions, with shape, motion, and laws of action, in-
telligible subjects of scientific investigation.'
In spite of the fact that the atomic theory, as formulated by Dalton,
has J)een generally accepted for nearly a century, it is only within the
last few years that physicists have arrived at a conception of the struc-
ture of the atom sufficiently precise to be of service to chemists in con-
nection with the relation between the properties of elements of
different kinds, and in throwing light on the mechanism of chemical
combination.
This further investigation of the 'superlatively grand question — the
inner mechanism of the atom,' — has profoundly modified the basic
conceptions of chemistry. It has led to a great extension of our views
concerning the real nature of the chemical elements. The discovery
of the electron, the production of helium in the radioactive disint^ra-
tion of atoms, the recognition of the existence of isotopes, the possibility
that all elementary atoms are composed either of helium atoms or of
atoms of hydrogen and helium, and that these atoms, in their turn, are
built up of two constituents, one of which is the electron, a particle of
negative electricity whose mass is only 1/1800 of that of an atom of
hydrogen, and the other a particle of positive electricity whose mass is
practically identical with that of the same atom — the outcome, in short,
of the collective work of Soddy, Rutherford, J. J. Thomson, Collie,
Moseley and others — are pregnant facts which have completely altered
the fundamental aspects of the science. Chemical philosophy has, in
fact, now definitely entered on a new phase.
Looking back over the past, some indications of the coming change
might have been perceived wholly unconnected, of course, with the
recent experimental work which has served to ratify it. In a short
paper entitled 'Speculative Ideas respecting the Constitution of Matter,*
originally published in 1863, Graham conceived that the various kinds
of matter, now recognised as different elementary substances, may
possess one and the same ultimate or atomic molecule existing in
different conditions of movement. This idea, in its essence, may be
said to be as old as the time of Leucippus. To Graham as to Leucip-
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THE CONSTITUTION OF MATTER 291
pus 'the action of the atom as one substance taking various fonns
by combinations unlimited, was enough to account for all the
phenomena of the world. By separation and union with constant mo-
tion all things could be done.' But Graham developed the conception
by independent thought, and in the light of experimentally ascertained
knowledge which the world owes to his labours. He might have been
cognisant of the speculations of the Greeks, but there is no evidence
that he was knowingly influenced by them. In his paper Graham uses
the terms atom and molecule if not exactly in the same sense that
modem teaching demands, yet very differently from that hitherto re-
quired by the limitations of contemporary chemical doctrine. He con-
ceives of a lower order of atoms than the chemical atom of Dalton, and
founds on his conception an explanation of chemical combination based
upon a fixed combining measure^ which he terms the metron, its relative
weight being one for hydrogen, sixteen for oxygen, and so on with the
other so-called 'elements.' Graham, in fact, like Davy before him,
never committed himself to a belief in the indivisibility of the Dal-
tonian atom. The original atom may, he thought, be far down.
The idea of a primordial yle, or of the essential unity of matter, has
persisted throughout the ages, and, in spite of much experimental work,
some of it of the highest order, which was thought to have demolished
it, it has survived, revivified and supported by analogies and arguments
drawn from every field of natural inquiry. This idea of course was at
the basis of the hypothesis of Prout, but which, even as modified by
Dumas, was held to be refuted by the monumental work of Stas. But, as
pointed out by Marignac and Dumas, anyone who will impartially look
at the facts can hardly escape the feeling that there must be some reason
for the frequent recurrence of atomic weights differing by so little
from the numbers required by the law which the work of Stas was
supposed to disprove. The more exact study within recent years of
the methods of determining atomic weights, the great improvement
in experimental appliances and technique, combined with a more
rigorous standard of accuracy demanded by a general recognition of
the far-reaching importance of an exact knowledge of these physical
constants, has resulted in intensifying the belief that some natural
law must be at the basis of the fact that so many of the most carefully
determined atomic weights on the oxygen standard are whole numbers.
Nevertheless there were well authenticated exceptions which seemed to
invalidate its universality. The proved fact that a so-called element
may be a mixture of isotopes — substances of the same chemical attri-
butes but of varying atomic weight — ^has thrown new light on the
question. It is now recognised that the fractional values independently
established in the case of any one element by the most accurate experi-
mental work of various investigators are, in effect, 'statistical quanti-
ties' dep^ident upon a mixture of isotopes. This result, indeed, is a
necessary corollary of modem conceptions of the inner mechanism of
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292 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
die atom. The theory that all elementary atoms are composed of
heliun atoms, or of helium and hydrogen atoms, may be regarded as an
extension of Prout's hypothesis, with, however, this important distinc-
tion, that whereas Front's hypothesis was at best a surmise, with little,
and that little only weak, experimental evidence to support it, the new
theory is directly deduced from well-established facts. The hydrogen
isotope Hg, first detected by J. J. Thomson, of which the existence
has been confirmed by Aston, would seem to be an int^ral part of
atomic structure. Rutherford, by the disruption of oxyg^i and
nitrogen has also isolated a substance of mass 3 which enters into
the structure of atomic nuclei, but which he regards as an isotope
of helium, which itself is built up of four hydrogen nuclei together
with two cementing electrons. The atomic nuclei of elements of even
atomic number would appear to be composed of helium nuclei only,
or of helium nuclei with cementing electrons; whereas those of ele-
ments of odd atomic number are made up of helium and hydrogen
nuclei together with cementing electrons. In the case of the lighter
elements of the latter class the number of hydrogen nuclei associated
with the helium nuclei is invariably three, except in that of nitrogen
where it is two. The frequent occurrence of this group of three hydro-
gen nuclei indicates that it is structurally an isotope of hydrogen with
an atomic weight of three and nuclear charge of one. It is surmised
that it is identical with the hypothetical ^nebulium' from which our
^elements' are held by astro-physicists to be originally produced in the
stars through hydrogen and helium.
These results are of extraordinary interest as bearing on the question
of the essential unity of matter and the mode of genesis of the elements.
Members of the British Association may recall the suggestive address on
this subject of the late Sir William Crookes, delivered to the Chemical
Section at the Birmingham meeting of 1886, in which he questioned
whether there is absolute uniformity in the mass of the atoms of a
chemical element, as postulated by Dalton. He thought, with Marignac
and Schutzenberger, who had previously raised the same doubt, that
it was not improbable that what we term an atomic weight merely
represents a mean value around which the actual weights of the atoms
vary within narrow limits, or, in other words, that the mean mass is
^a statistical constant of great stability.' No valid experimental evi-
dence in support of this surmise was or could be offered at the time
it was uttered. Maxwell pointed out that the phenomena of gaseous
diffusion, as then ascertained, would seem to negative the supposition.
If hydrogen, for example, were composed of atoms of varying mass
it should be possible to separate the lighter from the heavier atoms
by diffusion through a porous septum. *As no chemist,' said Maxwell,
lias yet obtained specimens of hydrogen differing in this way from
other specimens, we conclude that all the molecules of hydrogen are
of sensibly the same mass, and not merely that their mean mass is a
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THE CONSTITUTION OF MATTER 2W
statistical constant of great stability.'^ But against this it may be
doubted whether any chemist had ever made experiments sufficiently
precise to solve this point
The work of Sir Norman Lockyer on the spectroscopic evidence for
the dissociation of 'elementary' matter at transcendental tempera-
tures, and the possible synthetic intro-stellar production of elements,
through the helium of which he originally detected the existence, will
also find its due place in the history of this new philosophy.
Sir J. J. Thomson was the first to afford direct evidence that the
atoms of an element, if not exactly of the same mass, were at least
approximately so, by his method of analysis of positive rays. By an
extension of this method Mr. F. W. Aston has succeeded in showing
that a number of elements are in reality mixtures of isotopes. It has
been proved, for example, that neon, which has a mean atomic weight
of about 20 and .2 consists of two isotopes having the atomic weights
respectively of 20 and 22, mixed in the proportion of 90 per cent
of the former with 10 per cent, of the latter. By fractional diffusion
through a porous septum an apparent difference of density of 0.7
per cent between the lightest and heaviest fractions was obtained. The
kind of experiment which Maxwell imagined proved the invariability
of the hydrogen atom has sufficed to show the converse in the case
of neon.
The element chlorine has had its atomic weight repeatedly deter-
mined, and, for special reasons, with the highest attainable accuracy.
On the oxygen standard it is 35.46, and this value is accurate to the
second decimal place. All attempts, to prove that it is a whole
number — 35 or 36— have failed. When, however, the gas is analysed
by the same method as that used in the case of neon it is found to
consist of at least two isotopes of relative mass 35 and 37. There is no
evidence whatever of an individual substance having the atomic weight
35.46. Hence chlorine is to be regarded as a complex element con-
sisting of two principal isotopes of atomic weights 35 and 37 present
in such proportion as to afford the mean mass 35.46. The atomic
weight of chlorine has been so frequently determined by various
observers and by various methods with practically identical results that
it seems difficult to believe that it consists of isotopes present in definite
and invariable proportion. Mr. Aston meets this objection by pointing
out that all the accurate determinations have been made with chlorine
derived originally from the same source, the sea, which has been per-
fectly mixed for aeons. If samples of the element could be obtained
from some other original source it is possible that other values of
atomic weight would be obtained, exactly as in the case of lead in
which the existence of isotopes in the metal found in various radioactive
minerals was first conclusively established.
Argon, which has an atomic weight of 39.88, was found to consist
1 Clerk-Maxwell, Art 'Atom/ Ency. Brit pth Ed.
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294 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
mainly of an isotope having an atomic weight of 40, associated to the
extent of about 3 per cent., with an isotope of atomic weight 36.
Krypton and xenon are far more complex. The former would appear
to consist of six isotopes, 78, 80, 82, 83, 84, 86; the latter of five
isotopes, 129, 131, 132, 134, 136.
Fluorine is a simple element of atomic weight 19. Bromine con-
sists of equal quantities of two isotopes, 79 and 81. Iodine, on the
contrary, would appear to be a simple element of atomic weight 127.
The case of tellurium is of special interest in view of its periodic rela-
tion to iodine, but the results of its examination up to the present are
indefinite.
Boron and silicon are complex elements, each consisting of two
isotopes, 10 and 11, and 28 and 29, respectively.
Sulphur, phosphorus, and arsenic are apparently simple elements.
Their accepted atomic weights are practically integers.
All this work is so recent that there has been little opportunity,
as yet, of extending it to any considerable number of the metallic
elements. These, as will be obvious from the nature of the methods
employed, present special difficulties. It is, however, highly probable
diat mercury is a mixed element consisting of many isotopes. These
have been partially separated by Bronsted and Hervesy by fractional
distillation at very low pressures, and have been shown to vary very
slightly in density. Lithium is found to consist of two isotopes, 6 and
7. Sodium is simple, potassium and rubidium are complex, each of
the two latter elements consisting, apparently, of two isotopes. The
accepted atomic weight of caesium, 132.81, would indicate complexity,
but the mass spectrum shows only one line at 133. Should this be
confirmed caesium would afford an excellent test case. The accepted
value for the atomic weight is sufficiently far removed from a whole
number to render further investigation desirable.
This imperfect smnmary of Mr. Aston's work is mainly based upon
the account he recently gave to the Chemical Society. At the close
of his lecture he pointed out the significance of the results in relation
to the periodic law. It is clear that the order of the chemical or
'mean' atomic weights in the periodic table has no practical signifi-
cance; anomalous cases such as argon and potassium are simply due to
the relative proportions of their heavier and lighter isotopes. This
does not necessarily invalidate or even weaken the periodic law which
still remains the expression of a great natural truth. That the expres-
sion as Mendeleeff left it is imperfect has long been recognised. The
new light we have now gained has gone far to clear up much that was
anomalous, especially Moseley's discovery that the real sequence is the
atomic number, not the atomic weight. This is one more illustration
of the fact that science advances by additions to its beliefs rather than
by fundamental or revolutionary changes in them.
The bearing of the electronic theory of matter, too, on Front's dis-
carded hypothesis that the atoms of all elements were themselves built
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THE CONSTITUTION OF MATTER 295
up of a primordial atom — his protyle which he regarded as probably
identical with hydrogen — ^is too obvious to need pointing out. In a
sense Front's hypothesis may be said to be now re-established, but
with this essential modification — ^the primordial atoms he imagined are
complex and are of two kinds — atoms of positive and negative elec-
tricity— respectively known as protons and electrons. These, in Mr.
Aston's words, are the standard bricks that nature employs in her
operations of element building.
The true value of any theory consists in its comprehensiveness and
sufficiency. As applied to chemistry, this theory of 'the inner mechan-
ism of the atom' must explain all its phenomena. We owe to Sir
J. J. Thomson its extension to the explanation of the periodic law, the
atomic number of an element, and of that varying power of chemical
combination in an element we term valency. This explanation I give
substantially in his own words. The number of electrons in an atom ;
of the different elements has now been determined, and has been found
to be equal to the atomic number of the element, that is to the position
which the element t)ccupies in the series when the elements are arranged
in the order of their atomic weights. We know now the nature and
quantity of the materials of which the atoms are made up. The
properties of the atom will depend not only upon these factors but
also upon the way in which the electrons are arranged in the atom.
This arrangement will depend on the forces between the electrons
themselves and also on those between the electrons and the positive
charges or protons. One arrangement which naturally suggested itself
is that the positive charges should be at the centre with the negative
electrons around it on the surface of a sphere. Mathematical investi-
gation shows that this is a possible arrangement if the electrons on the
sphere are not too crowded. The mutual repulsion of the electrons
resents overcrowding, and Sir J. J. Thomson has shown that when
there are more than a certain number of electrons on the sphere, the
attraction of a positive charge, limited as in the case of the atom in
magnitude to the sum of the charges on the electrons, is not able to
keep the electrons in stable equilibrium on the sphere, the layer of
electrons explodes and a new arrangement is formed. The number of
electrons which can be accommodated on the outer layer will depend
upon the law of force between the positive charge and the electrons.
Sir J. J. Thomson has shown that this number will be eight with a law
of force of a simple type.
To show the bearing of this result as affording an explanation of the
periodic law, let us, to begin with, take the case of the atom of lithium,
which is supposed to have one electron in the outer layer. As each
element has one more free electron in its atom than its predecessor,
glucinum, the element next in succession to lithium, will have two
electrons in the outer layer of its atom, boron will have three, carbon
four, nitrogen five, oxygen six, fluorine seven and neon eight As there
cannot be more than eight electrons in the outer layer, the additional
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296 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
electron in the atom of the next element, sodium, cannot find room in
the same layer as the other electrons, but will go outside, and thus the
atom of sodium, like that of lithium, will have one electron in its outer
layer. The additional electron, in the atom of the next element,
magnesium, will join this, and the atom of magnesium, like that of
glucinum, will have two electrons in the outer layer. Again, alu-
minum, like boron, will have three; silicon, like carbon, four; phos-
phorus, like nitrogen, five; sulphur, like oxygen, six; chlorine, like
fluorine, seven; and argon, like peon, eight The sequence will then
begin again. Thus the number of electrons, one, two, three, up to eight
in the outer layer of the atom, will recur periodically as we proceed
from one element to another in the order of their atomic weights, so
that any property of an element which depends on the number of elec-
trons in the outer layer of its atom will also recur periodically, which
is precisely that remarkable property of the elements which is expressed
by the periodic law of Mendeleeff, or the law of ^octaves of Newlands.
The valency of the elements, like their periodicity, is a consequence
of the principle that equilibrium becomes unstable when there are more
than eight electrons in the outer layer of the atom. For on this view
the chemical combination between two atoms, A and B, consists in the
electrons of A getting linked up with those of B. Consider an atmn
like that of neon, which has already eight electrons in its outer layer;
it cannot find room for any more, so that no atoms can be linked to it,
and thus it cannot form any compounds. Now take an atom of fluor-
ine, which has seven electrons in its outer layer; it can find room for
one, but only one, electron, so that it can unite with one, but not with
more than one, atom of an element like hydrogen, which has one elec-
tron in the outer layer. Fluorine, accordingly, is monovalent. The
oxygen atom has six electrons; it has, therefore, room for two more,
and so can link up with two atoms of hydrogen: hence oxygen is
divalent Similarly nitrogen, which has five electrons and three vacant
places, will be trivalent, and so on. On this view an element should
have two valencies, the sum of the two being equal to eight Thus, to
take oxygen as an example, it has only two vacant places, and so can
only find room for the electrons of two atoms; it has, however, six elec-
trons available for filling up the vacant places in other atoms, and as
there is only one vacancy to be filled in a fluorine atom the electrons
in an oxygen atom could fill up the vacancies in six fluorine atoms,
and thereby attach these atoms to it A fluoride of oxygen of this com-
position remains to be discovered, but its analogue, SF^, first made
known by Moissan, is a compound of this type. The existence of two
valencies for an element is in accordance with views put forward some
time ago by Abegg and Bodlander. Professor Lewis and Mr. Irving
Langmuir have developed, with great ingenuity and success, the conse-
quences which follow from the hypothesis that an octet of electrons
surrounds the atoms in chemical compounds.
The term 'atomic weight' has thus acquired for the chemist an alto-
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THE CONSTITUTION OF MATTER 297
gether new and much wider significance. It has long been recognised
that it has a far deeper import than as a constant useful in chemical
arithmetic For the ordinary purposes of quantitative analysis, of tech-
nology, and of trade, these constants may be said to be now known with
sufficient accuracy. But in view of their bearing on the great problem
of the essential nature of matter and on the 'superlatively grand ques-
tion. What is the inner mechanism of the atom?* they become of
supreme importance. Their determination and study must now be
approached from entirely new standpoints and by the conjoint action of
chemists and physicists. The existence of isotopes has enormously
widened the horizon. At first sight it would appear that we should
require to know as many atomic weights as there are isotopes, and the
chemist may well be appalled at such a prospect. All sorts of difficul-
ties start up to affright him, such as the present impossibility of isola-
ting isotopes in a state of individuality, their possible instability, and
the inability of his quantitative methods to establish accurately the rela-
tively small differences to be anticipated. All this would seem to make
for complexity. On the other hand, it may eventually tend towards
simplification. If, with the aid of the physicist we can unravel the na-
ture and configuration of the atom of any particular element, determine
the number and relative arrangement of the constituent protons and
electrons, it may be possible to arrive at the atomic weight by simple
calculation, on the assumption that the integer rule is mathematically
valid. This, however, is almost certainly not the case, owing to the
influence of 'packing.' The little differences, in fact, may make all the
difference. The case is analogous to that of the so-called gaseous laws
in which the departures from their mathematical expression have been
the means of elucidating the physical constitution of the gases and of
throwing light upon such variations in their behaviour as have been
observed to occur. There would appear, therefore, ample scope for the
chemist in determining with the highest attainable accuracy the de-
partures from the whole-number rule, since it is evident that much
depends upon their exact extent
These considerations have already engaged the attention of chemists.
For some years past, a small international committee, originally ap-
pointed in 1903, has made and published an annual report in which
they have noted such determinations of atomic weight as have been
made during the year preceding each report, and they have from' time
to time made suggestions for the amendment of the tables of atomic
weights, published in text-books and chemical journals, and in use in
chemical laboratories. In view of recent developments, the time has
now arrived when the work of this international committee must be
reorganised and its aims and functions extended. The mode in which
this should be done has been discussed at the meeting in Brussels, in
June last, of the International Union of Chemistry Pure and Applied,
and has resulted in strengthening the constitution of the committee and
in a wide extension of its scope.
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298 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
The crisis through which we have recently passed has had a pro-
found effect upon the world. The spectacle of the most cultured and
most highly developed peoples on this earth, armed with every offensive
appliance which science and the inventive skill and ingenuity of men
could suggest, in the throes of a death struggle must have made the
angels weep. That dreadful harvest of death is past, but the aftermath
remains. Some of it is evil, and the evil will persist for, it may be,
generations. There is, however, an element of good in it, and the
good, we trust, will develop and increase with increase of years. The
whole complexion of the world — ^material, social, economic, political,
moral, spiritual — has been changed, in certain aspects inmiediately
for the worse, in others prospectively for the better It behoves us,
then, as a nation to pay heed to the lessons of the war.
The theme is far too complicated to be treated adequately within the
limits of such an address as this. But there are some aspects of it
germane to the objects of this association, and I venture, therefore, in
the time that remains to me, to bring them to your notice.
The Great War differed from all previous internecine struggles in
the extent to which organised science was invoked and systematically
applied in its prosecution. In its later phases, indeed, success became
largely a question as to which of the great contending parties could
most rapidly and most effectively bring its resources to their aid. The
chief protagonists had been in the forefront of scientific progress for
centuries, and had an accumulated experience of the manifold applica-
tions of science in practically every department of human activity that
could have any possible relation to the conduct of war. The military
class in every country is probably the most conservative of all the
professions and the slowest to depart from tradition. But when nations
are at grips, and they realise that their very existence is threatened,
every agency that may tend to cripple the adversary is apt to be resorted
to — no matter how far it departs from the customs and conventions of
war. This is more certain to be the case if the struggle is protracted.
We have witnessed this fact in the course of the late War. Those who,
realising that in the present imperfect stage of civilisation, wars are
inevitable, and yet strove to minimise their horrors, and who formulated
the Hague Convention of 1899, were well aware how these horrors
might be enormously intensified by the applications of scientific know-
ledge, and especially of chemistry. Nothing shocked. the conscience
of the civilised world more than Germany^s cynical disregard of the
undertaking into which she had entered with other nations in regard,
for instance, to the use of lethal gas in warfare. The nation that
treacherously violated the Treaty of Belgium, and even applauded the
action, might be expected to have no scruples in repudiating her obliga-
tions under the Hague Convention. April 25, 1915, which saw the
clouds of the asphyxiating chlorine slowly wafted from the German
trenches towards the lines of the Allies, witnessed one of the most
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THE CONSTITUTION OF MATTER 299
bestial episodes in the history of the Great War. The world stood
aghast at such a spectacle of barbarism. German KuUur apparently
had absolutely no ethical value. Poisoned weapons are employed by
savages, and noxious gas had been used in Eastern warfare in early
times, but its use was hitherto unknown among European nations.
How it originated among the Germans — ^whether by the direct un-
prompted action of the Higher Command, or, as is more probable, at
the instance of persons connected with the great manufacturing concerns
in Rhineland, has, so far as I know, not transpired. It was not so
used in the earlier stages of the War, even when it had become a war
of position. It is notorious that the great chemical manufacturing
establishments of Germany had been, for years previously, sedulously
linked up in the service of the war which Germany was deliberately
planning — ^probably, in the first instance, mainly for the supply of
munitions and medicaments. We may suppose that it was the tenacity
of our troops, and the failure of repeated attempts to dislodge them by
direct attack, that led to the employment of such foul methods. Be this
as it may, these methods became part of the settled practice of our
enemies, and during the three succeeding yeeirs, that is from April 1915,
to September 1918, no fewer than eighteen different forms of poison —
gases, liquids and solids — ^were employed by the Germans. On the
principle of Vespasian's law, reprisals became inevitable, and for the
greater part of three years we had the sorry spectacle of the leading
nations of the world flinging the most deadly products at one another
that chemical knowledge could suggest and technical skill contrive.
Warfare, it would seem, has now definitely entered upon a new phase.
The horrors which the Hague Convention saw were imminent, and from
which they strove to protect humanity, are now, apparently, by the
example and initiative of Germany, to become part of the established
procedure of war. Civilisation protests against a step so retrograde.
Surely comity among nations should be adequate to arrest it. If the
League of Nations is vested with any real power, it should be possible
for it to devise the means, and to ensure their successful application.
The failure of the Hague Convention is no sufficient reason for despair.
The moral sense of the civilised world is not so dulled but that, if
roused, it can make its influence prevail. And steps should be taken
mthout delay to make that influence supreme, and all the more so that
there are agencies at work which would seek to perpetuate such
methods as a recognised procedure of war. The case for what is called
chemical warfare has not wanted for advocates. It is argued that poison
gas is far less fatal and far less cruel than any other instrmnent of war.
It has been stated that 'amongst the ^'mustard gas" casualties the
deaths were less than 2 per cent, and when death did not ensue complete
recovery generally ultimately resulted. . . . Other materials of
chemical warfare in use at the armistice do not kill at all ; they produce
casualties which, after six weeks in hospital, are discharged practically
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without pennanent hurt' It has been argued that, as a method of
conducting war, poison-gas is more humane than preventive medi-
cine. Preventive medicine has increased the unit dimension of an
army, free from epidemic and communicable disease, from 100,000
men to a million. Treventive medicine has made it possible to main-
tain 20,000,000 men under arms and abnormally free from disease,
and so provided greater scope for the killing activities of the other
military weapons. . . . Whilst the surprise effects of chemical war-
fare aroused anger as being contrary to military tradition, they were
minute compared with those of preventive medicine. The former slew
its thousands, whilst the latter slew its millions and is still reap-
ing the harvest.' This argument carries no conviction. Poison gas is
not merely contrary to European military tradition; it is repugnant
to the right feeling of civilised humanity. It in no wise displaces or
supplants existing instruments of war, but creates a new kind of
weapon, of limitless power and deadliness. ^Mustard gas' may be a
comparatively innocuous product as lethal substances go. It certainly
was not intended to be such by our enemies. Nor, presumably, were
the Allies any more considerate when they retaliated with it. Its
effects, indeed were sufficient terrible to destroy the German morale.
The knowledge that the Allies were preparing to employ it to an almost
boundless extent was one of the factors that determined our enemies to
sue for the armistice. But if poisonous chemicals are henceforth to be
r^arded as a regular means of offence in warfare, i& it at all likely that
their use will be confined to bustard gas,' or indeed to any other of
the various substances which were employed up to the date of the
armistice? To one who, after the peace, inquired in Germany concern-
ing the German methods of making 'mustard gas,' the reply was: —
•Why are you worrying about this when you know perfectly well that
this is not the gas we shall use in the next war?'
I hold no brief for preventive medicine, which is well able to fight
its own case. I would only say that it is the legitimate business of
preventive medicine to preserve by all known means the health of any
body of men, however large or small, committed to its care. It is not
to its discredit if, by knowledge and skill, the numbers so maintained
run into millions instead of being limited to thousands. On the other
hand, 'em educated public opinion' will refuse to give credit to any
body of scientific men who employ their talents in devising means to
develop and perpetuate a mode of warfare which is abhorrent to the
higher instinct of humanity.
This association, I trust, will set its face against the continued
degradation of science in thus augmenting the horrors of war. It
could have no loftier task than to use its great influence in arresting a
course which is the very negation of civilisation.
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THE LABORATORY OF THE LIVING ORGANISM 301
THE LABORATORY OF THE LIVING ORGAiNISM
By Dr. M. O. FORSTER. FRS.
PRESIDENT OF THE CHEMICAL SECTION
AMONGST the many sources of pleasure to be found in contempla-
ting the wonders of the universe, and denied to those untrained in
scientific principles, is an appreciation of infra-minute quantities of
matter. It may be urged by some that within the limits of vision im-
posed by telescope and microscope, ample material exists to satisfy the
curiosity of all reasonable people, but the appetite of scientific inquiry
is insatiable, and chemistry alone, organic, inorganic, and physical,
offers an instrument by which the investigation of basal changes may
be carried to regions beyond those encompassed by the astronomer and
the microscopist
It is not within the purpose of this address to survey that revolu-
tion which is now taking place in the conception of atomic structure;
contributions to this question will be made in our later proceedings
and will be followed with deep interest by all members of the section.
Fortunately for our mental balance the discoveries of the current cen-
tury, whilst profoundly modifying the atomic imagery inherited from
our predecessors, have not yet seriously disturbed the principles under-
lying systematic organic chemistry; but they emphasise in a forcible
manner the intimate connection between different branches of science,
because it is from the mathematical physicist that these new ideas have
sprung. Their immediate value is to reaffirm the outstanding impor-
tance of borderline research and to stimulate interest in sub-micro-
scopic matter.
This interest presents itself to the chemist very early in life and
dominates his operations with such insistence as to become axiomatic.
So much so that he regards the universe as a vast theatre in which
atomic and molecular units assemble and interplay, the resulting pat-
terns into which they fall depending on the physical conditions im-
posed by nature. This enables him to regard micro-organisms as co-
practitioners of his craft, and the chemical achievements of these
humble agents have continued to excite his admiration since they were
revealed by Pasteur. The sixty years which have now elapsed are rich
in contributions to that knowledge whicH comprises the science of mi-
cro-biochemistry, and in this province, as in so many others, we have to
deplore the fact that the principal advances have been made in countries
other than our own. On this ground, fortified by the intimate relation
of the science to a number of important industries, A. Chaston Chap-
man, in a series of illuminating and attractive Cantor Lectures in De-
cember, 1920, iterated his plea of the previous year for the founda-
tion of a National Institute of Industrial Micro-biology, whilst H. E.
Armstrong, in Birmingham a few weeks later, addressed an appeal to
the brewing industry, which, although taking the form of a memorial
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302 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
lecture, is endowed with many lively features depicting in characteristic
form the manner in which the problems of brewing chemistry should,
in his opinion, be attacked.
Lamenting as we now do so bitterly the accompaniments and conse-
quences of war, it is but natural to snatch at the slender compensations
which it offers, and not the least among these must be recognised the
stimulus which it gives to scientific inquiry. Pasteur's Etudes sur la
Biere were inspired by the misfortunes which overtook his country in
1870-71, and the now well-known process of Connstein and Ludecke
for augmenting the production of glycerol from glucose was engendered
by parallel circumstances. That acquaintance with the yeast-cell whidi
was an outcome of the former event had, by the time of the latter
discovery, ripened into a firm friendship, and those who slander the
chemical activities of this genial fungus are defaming a potential
benefactor. Equally culpable are those who ignore them. If children
were encouraged to cherish the same intelligent sympathy with yeast-
cells which they so willingly display towards domestic animals and
silkworms, perhaps there would be fewer crazy dervishes to deny us
the moderate use of honest malt-liquors and unsophisticated wines,
fewer pitiable maniacs to complicate our social problems by habitual
excess.
Exactly how the cell accomplishes its great adventure remains a
puzzle, but many parts of the machinery have already been recognised.
Proceeding from the discovery of zymase (1897), with passing refer-
ence to the support thus given by Buchner to Liebig's view of fermoita-
tion. Chapman emphasises the importance of contributions to the sub-
ject by Harden and W. J. Yoimg, first in revealing the dual nature of
eymase and the distinctive properties of its co-enzyme (1904), next
in recognising the acceleration and total increase in fermentation pro-
duced by phosphates, consequent on the formation of a hexosediphos-
phate (1908).
In this connection it will be remembered that a pentose-phosphate
is common to the four nucleotides from which yeast nucleic acid is
elaborated. The stimulating effect developed by phosphates would not
be operative if the cell were not provided with an instrument for
hydrolysing the hexose-diphosphate as produced, and this is believed
by Harden to be supplied in the form of an enzyme, hexosephosphatase,
the operation of which completes a cycle. As to the stages of dis-
ruption which precede the appearance of alcohol and carbon dioxide,
that marked by pyruvic acid is the one which is now most favoured.
The transformation of pyruvic acid into acetaldehyde and carbon di-
oxide under the influence of a carboxylase, followed by the hydrogena-
tion of aldehyde to alcohol, is a more acceptable course than any alter-
native based upon lactic acid. Moreover, Fembach and Schoen (1920)
have confirmed their previous demonstration (1914) of pyruvic acid
formation by yeast during alcoholic fermentation.
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THE LABORATORY OF THE UVING ORGANISM 303
Hie strict definition of chemical tasks allotted to yeasts, moulds,
and bacteria suggests an elaborate system of microbial trades-unionism.
£. C. Grey (1918) found that Bacillus coli communis will, in presence
of calcium carbonate, completely ferment forty times its own weight
of glucose in forty-eight hours, and later (1920) exhibited the threefold
(Jiaracter of the changes involved which produce (1) lactic acid,
(2) alcohol with acetic and succinic acids, (3) formic acid, carbon
dioxide, and hydrogen. Still more recent extension of this inquiry by
Grey and E. G. Young (1921) has shown that the course of such
changes will depend on the previous experience of the microbe. When
its immediate past history is anserobic, fermentation under anserobic
conditions yields very little or no lactic acid and greatly diminishes
the production of succinic acid, whilst acetic acid appears in its place;
admission of oxygen during fermentation increases the formation of
lactic, acetic, and succinic acids, diminishes the formation of hydrogen,
carbon dioxide, and formic acid, but leaves the cpiantity of alcohol
unchanged. The well-known oxidising effect of Aspergillus niger has
been shown by J. N. Currie (1917) to proceed in three stages marked by
citric acid, oxalic acid, and carbon dioxide, whilst Wehmer (1918)
has described the condition under which citric acid and, principally,
fumaric acid are produced by Aspergillus fumaricuSy a mould also re-
quiring oxygen for its purpose. The lactic bacteria are a numerous
family and resemble those producing acetic acid in their venerable
record of service to mankind, whilst among the most interesting of the
parvenus are those responsible for the conversion of starch into butyl
alcohol and acetone. Although preceded by Schardinger (1905), who
discovered the ability of B. macerans to produce acetone with acetic
and formic acids, but does not appear to have pursued the matter
further, the process associated with the name of A. Fembach, and the
various modifications which have been introduced during the past ten
years are those best known in this country, primarily because of the
anticipated connection with synthetic rubber, and latterly on account
of the acetone famine arising from the War. The King's Lynn factory
was resuscitated and arrangements had just been completed for adapt-
ing spirit distilleries to application of the process when, owing to the
shortage of raw material in 1916, operations were transferred to Canada
and ultimately attained great success in the factory of British Acetones,
Toronto.
Mudi illuminating material is to be found in the literature of 1919-
20 dealing with this question in its technological and bacteriological
aspects. Ingenuity has been displayed in attempting to explain the
chemical mechanism of the process, the net result of which is to pro-
duce roughly twice as much butyl alcohol as acetone. The fermenta-
tion itself is preceded by saccharification of the starch, and in this re-
spect the bacteria resemble those moulds which have lately been
brought into the technical operation of starch-conversion, especially in
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304 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
France. The amyloclastic property of certain moulds has been known
from very early times, but its application to spirit manufacture is of
recent growth and underlies the amylo-process whidi substitutes Mucor
Boulard for malt in effecting saccharificadon. Further improvement
on this procedure is claimed for B, mesentericusy which acts with great
rapidity on grain which has been soaked in dilute alkali; it has the
advantage of inferior proteolytic effect, thus diminishing the waste of
nitrogenous matter in the raw material.
Reviewing all these circumstances we find that, just as the ranks
of trades-union labour comprise every kind of handicraftsman, the
practitioners of micro-biochemistry are divisible into producers of
hydrogen, carbon dioxide, formic acid, acetaldehyde, ethyl alcohol,
acetic, oxalic, and fumaric acids, acetone, dihydroxyacetone, glycerol,
pyruvic, lactic, succinic and citric acids, butyl alcohol, butyric acid.
Exhibiting somewhat greater elasticity in respect of overlapping tasks,
they nevertheless go on strike if underfed or dissatisfied with their
conditions; on the other hand, with sufficient nourishment and an agree-
able temperature, these micro-trades-unionists display the unusual
merit of working for twenty-four hours a day. One thing, however,
they have consist^itly refused to do. Following his comparison of
natural and synthetic monosaccharides towards differoit families of
yeast (1894), Fischer and others have attempted to beguile unsuspect-
ing microbes into acceptance of molecules which do not harmonise with
their own enzymic asymmetry. Various aperitifs have been adminis-
tered by skilled chefs de cuisine^ but hitherto the little fellows have
remained obdurate.
Beyond a placid acceptance of the more obvious benefits of sun-
shine, the great majority of educated people have no real conception of
the sun's contribution to their existence. What proportion of those
who daily use the metropolitan system of tube-railways, for instance,
could trace the connection between their progress and the sun? Very
moderate instruction comprising the elements of chemistry and energy
would enable most of us to apprehend this modem wonder, contem-
plation of which might help to alleviate the distresses and exasperation
of the crush'hours.
For many years past, the problem connected with solar influence
which has most intrigued the diemist is to unfold the mechanism
enabling green plants to assimilate nitrogen and carbon. Althou^
atmospheric nitrogen has long been recognised as the ultimate supply
of that element from which phyto-protoplasm is constructed, modem
investigation has indicated as necessary a stage involving association
of combined nitrogen with the soil prior to absorption of nitrogen
compounds by the roots, with or without bacterial cooperation. Con-
currently, the agency by which green plants assimilate carbon is be-
lieved to be chlorophyll, operating under solar influence by some such
mechanism as has been indicated in a preceding section.
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THE LABORATORY OF THE LIVING ORGANISM 305
Somewhat revolutionary views on these two points have lately been
expressed by Benjamin Moore, and require the strictest examination,
not merely owing to the fundamental importtmce of an accurate solution
being reached, but also on account of the stimulating and engaging
manner in which he presents the problem. Unusual psychological
features have been introduced. Moore's 'Biochemistry,' published
three months ago, will be read attentively by many chemists, but the
clarity of presentation and the happy sense of conviction which per-
vade its pages must not be allowed to deter independent inquirers from
confirming or modifying his conclusions. The book assumes a novel
biochemical aspect by describing the life-history of a research. The
first two chapters, written before the experiments were begun, suggest
the conditions in which the birth of life may have occurred, whilst
dieir successors describe experim^its which were conducted as a test of
the speculations and are already receiving critical attention from others
(e.g., Baly, Heilbron and Barker, Transactions of the Chemical Society,
1921, p. 1025).
It is with these experiments that we are, at the moment, most con-
cerned. The earliest were directed toward the synthesis of simple
organic materials by a transformation of light energy under the influ-
ence of inorganic colloids, and indicated that formaldehyde is produced
when ca]i>on dioxide passes into uranium or ferric hydroxide sols
exposed to sunlight or the mercury arc lamp. Moore then declares
that, although since the days of de Saussure (1804) chlorophyll has
been regarded as the fundamental agent in the photosynthesis of living
matter, there is no experimental evidence that the primary agent may
not be contained in the colourless part of the chloroplast, chlorophyll
thus being the result of a later synthetic stage. The function of the
chlorophyll may be a protective one to the chloroplast when exposed
to light, it may be a light screen as has been suggested by Pringsheim,
or it may be concerned in condensations and polymerisations subsequent
to the first act of synthesis with production of formaldehyde' (p. 55) .
In this connection it is significant that chlorosis of green plants will
follow a deficiency of iron even in presence of sunlight (Molisdh,
1892), and that a development of chlorophyll can be restored by sup-
plying this deficiency, although iron is not a component of the chlo-
rophyll molecule; moreover, green leaves etiolated by darkness and
then exposed to light regain their chlorophyll, which is therefore itself
a product arising from photosynthesis.
H. Thiele (1907) recorded the swift conversion of nitrate into
nitrite by the rays from a mercury quartz lamp, whilst 0. Baudisch
(1910) observed that daylight effects the same change, and from allied
observations was led (1911) to conclude that assimilation of nitrate
and nitrite by green plants is a photochemical process. Moore found
(1918) that in solutions of nitrate undergoing this reduction green
leaves check the accumulation of nitrite, indicating their capacity to
VOL. XIII.— 20.
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306 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
absorb the more active compound. Proceeding from the hypothesis
that one of the organisms arising earliest in the course of evolution
must have possessed, united in a single cell, the dual function of assimi*
lating both carbon and nitrogen, he inquired (1918) whether the sim*
plest unicellular algse may not also have this power. He satisfied
himself that in absence of all sources of nitrogen excepting atmos-
pheric, and in presence of ca]i>on dioxide, the unicellular alge can
fix nitrogen, grow and form proteins by transformation of light energy;
the rate of growth is accelerated by the presence of nitrites or oxides
of nitrogen, the latter being supplied in gaseous form by the atmos-
phere. From experiments (1919) with green seaweed {Enteramorpha
compressus)j Moore concluded also that marine algae assimilate carbon
from the bicarbonates of calcium and magnesium present in sea-water,
which thereby increases in alkalinity, and further convinced himself
that the only source of nitrogen available to such growth is the at-
mosphere. A description of these experiments, which were carried out
in conjunction with E. Whitley and T. A. Wd)ster, has appeared also
in the Proceedings of the Royal Society (1920 and 1921).
For the purpose of distinguishing between (1) the obsolete view
of a vital force disconnected with such forms of energy as are exhibited
by non-living transformers and (2) the existence in living cells of only
such energy forms as are encoimtered in non-living systems, Moore
uses the expression ^biotic energy' to represent that form of energy
peculiar to living matter. *11ie conception, in brief, is that biotic
energy is just as closely, and no more, related to the various forms
of energy existing apart from life, as these are to one another, and that
in presence of the proper and adapted energy transformer, the living
cell, it is capable of being formed from or converted into various of
these other forms of energy, the law of conservation of energy being
obeyed in the process just as it would be if an exchange were taking
place between any two or more of the inorganic forms' (p. 128). The
most diaracteristic feature of biotic energy, distinguishing it from all
other forms, is the power whidi it confers upon the specialised trans-
former to proliferate.
In The Salvaging of Civilisation,' H. G. Wells has lately directed
the attention of thoughtful people to the imperative need of reconstruct-
ing our outlook on life. Convinced that the state-motive which,
throu^out history, has intensified the self -motive must be replaced by
a world-motive if the whole fabric of civilisation is not to crumble in
ruins, he endeavours to substitute for a League of Nations the con-
ception of a World State. In the judgment of many quite benevolent
critics his essay in abstract thought lacks practical value because it
underestimates the combative selfishness of individuals. Try to dis-
guise it as one may, this quality is the one which has enabled men to
emerge from savagery, to build up that most wonderful system of
colonial organisation, the Roman Empire, and to shake off the barbaric
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THE LABORATORY OF THE UVING ORGANISM 307
lethargy which engulfed Europe in the centuries following the fall of
Rome. The real problem is how to harness this combative selfishness.
To eradicate it seems impossible, and it has never been difficult to find
glaring examples of its insistence among the apostles of eradication.
Why cry for the moon? Is it not wiser to recognise this quality as an
inherent human characteristic, and whether we brand it as a vice or
applaud it as a virtue endeavour to bend it to the elevation of man-
kind? For it could so be bent. Nature ignored or misunderstood is
die enemy of man; nature studied and controlled is his friend. If the
attacking force of this combative selfishness could be directed, not
towards the perpetuation of quarrels between different races of man-
kind, but against nature, a limitless field for patience, industry, ingenu-
ity, imagination, scholarship, aggressiveness, rivalry, and acquisitive-
ness would present itself; a field in which the disappointment of baf-
fled effort would not need to seek revenge in the destruction of our
fellow-creatures: a field in which the profit from successful enterprise
would automatically spread through all the communities. Surely it is
the nature-motive, as distinct from the state-motive or the world-motive,
which alone can salvage civilisation.
Before long, as history counts time, dire necessity will have impelled
mankind to some sudi course. Already the straws are giving their
proverbial indication. The demand for wheat by increasing popula-
tions, the rapidly diminishing supplies of timber, the wasteful ravages
of insect pests, the less obvious, but more insidious depredations of
our microscopic enemies, and the blood-curdling fact that a day must
dawn when the last ton of coal and the last gallon of oil have been
consumed, are all circumstances which, at present recognised by a small
number of individuals comprising the scientific community, must in-
evitably thrust themselves upon mankind collectively. In the campaign
which then will follow, chemistry must occupy a prominent place
because it is this branch of science which deals with matter more in-
timately than any other, revealing its properties, its transformations,
its application to existing needs, and its response to new demands.
Yet the majority of our people are denied the elements of chemistry
in their training, and thus grow to manhood without the slightest real
understanding of their bodily processes and composition, of the wiz-
ardry by which living things contribute to their nourishment and to
their aesthetic enjoyment of life.
It should not be impossible to bring into the g^ieral scheme of
secondary education a sufficiency of chemical, physical, mechanical,
and biological principles to render every boy and girl of sixteen pos-
sessing average intelligence at least accessible to an explanation of
modem discoveries. One fallacy of the present system is to assume
that relative proficiency in the inorganic branch must be attained before
approaching organic chemistry. From the standpoint of correlating
scholastic knowledge with the common experiences and contacts of daily
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308 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
life this is quite illogical; from baby's milk to grandpa's Glaxo the
most important things are organic, excepting water. Food (meat, car-
bohydrate, fat), clothes (cotton, silk, linen, wool), and shelter (wood)
are organic, and the symbols for carbon, hydrogen, oxygen and nitrogen
can be made the basis of skeleton representations of many fmidamental
things which happen to us in our daily lives without first explaining
their position in the periodic ti^le of all the elements. The curse of
mankind is not labour, but waste; misdirection of time, of material, of
opportunity, of humanity.
Realisation of such an ideal would people the ordered communities
with a public alive to the verities, as distinct from irrelevandes of life,
and apprehensive of the ultimate danger with which civilization is
threatened. It would inoculate that public with a germ of the nature-
motive, producing a condition which would reflect itself ultimately upon
those entrusted with government. It would provide the mental and
sympathetic background upon which the future truthseeker must work,
long before he is implored by a terrified and despairing people to pro-
vide them with food and oiergy. Finally, it would give an unsuspected
meaning and an unimagined grace to a hundred commonplace experi-
ences. The quivering glint of massed bluebells in broken sunshine,
the joyous radiance of young beedi-leaves against the stately cedar,
the perfume of havrthom in the twilight, the florid majesty of rhodo-
dendron, the fragrant simplicity of lilac; periodically gladden the most
careless heart and the least reverent spirit; but to the chemist they
breathe an added message, the assurance that a new season of refresh-
moit has dawned upon the world, and that those delicate syntheses,
into the mystery of which it is his happy privilege to penetrate, once
again are working their inimitable miracles in the laboratory of the
living organism.
EXPERIMENTAL GEOLOGY
By Dr. J. S. FLETT, F.R.S.
PR£SU>ENT OF THE GEOLOGICAL SECTION
AMONG the citizens of Edinburgh in the closing years of the
eighteenth century there was a brilliant little group of scientific,
literary, and philosophical writers. These were the men who founded
the Royal Society of Edinburgh in the year 1783, and many of their
important papers appear in the early volumes of its Transactions.
Among them were Adam Ferguson, the historian and philosopher;
Black, the chemist who discovered carbonic acid and the latent hei^ of
water; Hope, who proved the expansion of water on cooling; Clerk of
Eldin, who made valuable advances in the theory of naval tactics, and
his brother. Sir George Clerk; Hutton, the founder of modem geology;
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EXPERIMENTAL GEOLOGY 309
and Sir James Hall, the experimental geologist These men were all
intimate friends keenly interested in one another's researches. Quite
the most notable member of this group was Hutton, who, not mainly
for his eminence in geology, but principally for his social gifts, his
bonhomie, and his versatility, was regarded as the centre of the circle.
Hutton showed an extraordinary combination of qualities. His father
was Town Clerk of Edinburgh. After starting as an apprentice to a
Writer to the Signet, he took up the study of medicine at the Univer-
sities of Edinburgh and Paris, and graduated at Leyden. He then
became a farmer on his father's property in Bervrickshire, and also
carried on chemical manufactures in Leith in partnership with Mr.
Davie. He studied methods of agriculture in England and elsewhere,
and was an active supporter of the movement for improving Scottish
agriculture by introducing the best methods of other countries. A
burning enthusiast in geology, especially in the ^theory of the earth,'
he travelled extensively in Scotland, England, and on the Continent
making geological observations.
His interests were not confined to geology, for he wrote a treatise
on metaphysics, which seems to have been more highly esteemed in his
day than in ours, and in his last years he produced a work on agri-
culture which was never published. The manuscript of this work is
now in the library of the Edinburgh Geological Society. He also made
interesting contributions to meteorology. Hutton's writings are as
obscure and involved as his conversation was clear and persuasive, and
it is only from the accounts of his friends, and especially Playfair's
^life of Hutton,' that we can really ascertain what manner of man
he was.
It could easily have happened that when Hutton died his unread-
able writings might have passed out of notice, to be rediscovered at a
subsequent time, when their value could be better appreciated. But
Playfair's ^Explanations of the Hutton Theory,' as attractive and con-
vincing still as when it was originally published, established at once
the true position of Hutton as one of the founders of geology. Sir
James Hall undertook a different task; he determined to put Hutton's
theories to the test of experiment, and in so doing he became the virtual
founder of modem experimental geology. It is my purpose in this
address to show what were the problems that Hall attacked, by what
methods he attempted to solve them, and what were his results. I
shall also consider how far the progress of science has carried us since
Hall's time regarding this department of geological science.
Hutton was a friend of Hall's father: they were proprietors of
adjacent estates in the county of Berwick, and much interested in the
improved practice of agriculture, and though the elder Hall (Sir John
Hall of Dunglass) has apparently left no scientific writings, he was one
of those who were famiiliar with Hutton's theories and a member of
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310 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
the social group in which Hutton moved. Sir James Hall was the
eldest son; bom in 1761, he succeeded to the estate on his father's death
in 1776. Educated first at Cambridge and then at Edinbur^ University,
at an early age he became fascinated by Hutton's personality, though
repelled by his theories. He tells us how for three years he argued
with Hutton daily, rejecting his principles. Hutton prevailed in the
long run, and Sir James Hall was convinced. Hall's objection to
Hutton's theories is not diflknilt to understand, though he has not him-
self explained it. The world was sick of discussions on cosmogony in
which rival theorists appealed to well-known facts as proof of the
most extravagant speculations. Serious-minded men were losing in-
terest in these proceedings. The Geological Society of London was
founded in 1807, and one of its objects is stated to be the avoidance of
speculati<m and the patient accumulation of facts. No doubt Hall also
was greatly influenced by the discoveries that Black and Hope had
made by pure experimental investigation. His bent of mind was to-
wards chemical, physical, and experimoital work, while Hutton was
not only a geologist but also a metaphysician.
Foreign travel was then an essential part of the education of a
Scottish gentleman, and the connection between France, Holland, and
Scotland was cloder than it is today. Hall travelled widely; in his
travels two subjects seem to have especially digressed him. One was
architecture, on which he wrote a treatise which was published in 1813
and is now forgotten. The other was geology. He visited the Alps,
Italy, and Sicily. In Switzerland he may have met De Saussure and
discussed with him the most recent theories of their time regarding
metamorphism and the origin of granites, schists, and gneisses. In
Italy and Sicily one of his objects was to observe the phenomena of
active volcanoes, and to put to the test of facts the theories of Werner
and of the Scottish school regarding the origin of basalt, whinstone,
trap, and the older volcanic rocks of the earth's crust. At Vesuvius
he made his famous observation of the dykes that rise nearly vertically
through the crater wall of Somma, which he held to prove the ascent
of molten magma from below through fissures to the surface. This was
in opposition to the interpretation of the Wemerians, who regarded
them as filled from above by aqueous sediments, and Hall's conclu-
sions, which were strikingly novel at the time, have been abundantly
confirmed.
We obtain a pleasant glimpse of Hall's life in Berwickshire in the
account of his visit vdth Hutton and Playfair to Siccar Point in the
year 1788. The start was made from Dunglass, where probably the
party had spent the night. The great conglomerates of the Upper Old
Red Sandstone of that district had much impressed Hutton. He saw
in them the evidence of new worlds built out of the ruins of the old,
with no sign of a beginning and no prospect of an end — a thesis which
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EXPERIMENTAL GEOLOGY 311
was one of the corner-stones of his Theory of the Earth.' No doubt
Hall knew or suspected that in the cliff-exposures at Siccar Point,
where the Old Red rests upon the Siluriaii, there was evidence which
would put this dogma to a critical test
Hall's first experimoits were b^un in the year 1790, his object
being to ascertain whether crystallisation would take place in a molten
lava which was allowed to cool slowly. It was generally believed that
the results of fusion of rocks and earths were in all cases vitreous, but
glassmakers knew that if glass was very slowly cooled, as sometimes
happened when a glass furnace burst, the whole mass assumed a stony
appearance. An instance of this had come under Hall's notice in a
glassworks in Leith, and its application to geology was clear. Hutton
taught that even such highly crystalline rocks as granite had been com*
pletely fused at the time of their injection, and their coarse crystallisa-
tion was mainly due to slow cooling.
For the purpose of his experiments Hall selected certain whin-
stones of the neighborhood of Edinburgh, such as the dolerites of the
Dean, Salisbury Crags, Edinburgh Castle, the summit of Ardiur's
Seat, and Duddingston; but he also used lava from Vesuvius, Etna,
and Iceland. He made choice of graphite crucibles, and conducted his
experiments in the reverberatory furnace of an ironfoundry belonging
to Mr. Barker. As had been shown by Spallanzani, to whose experi-
ments Hall does not refer, lavas are easily fusible under these condi-
tions. Hall had no difficulty in melting the whinstones and obtaining
completely glassy products by rapid cooling. He now proceeded to
crystallise the glass by melting it again, transferring it from the fur-
nace to a large open fire, where it was kept surrounded by burning
coals for many hours, and thereafter very slowly cooled by allowing
the fire to die out. He succeeded in obtaining a stony mass in which
crystals of felspar and other minerals could be clearly seen. Some of
his specimens were considered to be very similar in appearance to the
dolerites on which his experiments were made.
The only means of measuring furnace temperatures available at
that time were the pyrometers which had recently been invented by
Wedgwood. Hall found that a temperature of 28 to 30 Wedgwood
yielded satisfactory results. This seems to be about the melting-point
of copper, approximately 1000^ C.
Whether by design or accidoit. Hall chose for his experiments
precisely the rocks which were most suitable for his purpose. If
granite had been selected no definite results would have been obtained.
De Saussure had already made fusion experiments on granite. Ninety
years afterwards the problem was completely solved by Fouque and
Levy, who used a gas furnace and a nitrogen thermometer. They
found that it was possible to obtain either porphyritic or ophitic stmc*
ture by modifying the conditions, and that the minerals had exactly
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312 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
the characters of those of the igneous rocks. Some of HalFs re-
crystallised dolerites were examined microscopically by Fouque and
Levy, and, as might be expected, they proved to be only partly crystal-
lised, showing skeleton crystals of olivine and felspar with grains of
iron ore in a glassy base.
Some curious observations made by Hall in his experimental work
were also ccmiirmed by Fouque and Levy. The crystalline whinstones
were more difficult to melt than the glasses which were obtained from
them, and the glass crystallised best when kept for a time at a tem-
perature a little above its softening point It is not possible to assign
a definite melting-point to the Scottish whinstones with which Hall
worked. Many of them contain zeolites, which fuse readily. Minerals
are also present that decompose on heating, such as calcite, dolomite,
chlorite, and serpentine. The whole process is very complex, and
probably takes place by several stages not sharply distinct. Similarly
the glasses cannot be said to have a melting-point They are really
super-cooled liquids. A full explanation of what took place in Hall's
crucibles cannot be given at the present day, but there is no room for
doubt that his experiments were good and his inferences accurate.
His friend Kennedy, who had recently discovered the presence of
alkalis in igneous rocks, furnished valuable support to Hall's ccmclu-
sions by showing that the chemical composition of whinstone and of
basalt were sfubstantially identical.
Apparently the results of Hall's work were not received with
unmixed approbation. Hutton was distinctly uneasy, and it has been
suggested that he feared if experimental work turned out unsuc-
cessful it might bring his theories into discredit The Wemerians
frankly scoffed; they preferred argument to experiment, and the end-
less discussion went on. Gregory Watt repeated Hall's experiments by
fusing Glee Hill dolerite, a hundredweight or two at a time, in a blast-
furnace. But there can be no doubt that among those who were not
already committed to the principles of Werner the new evidence pro-
duced a strong impression, and helped to widen the circle of Hutton's
supporters.
Hall's most famous experiments were on the effect of heat com-
bined with pressure on carbonate of lime. The problem was, Gan
powdered chalk be converted into firm limestone or into marble by
heating it in a confined space? In this case Hutton's theories were
in apparent conflict with experimental facts; from general observations
he held it proved that heat and pressure had consolidated limestones
and converted them into marbles. It was well known, of course, that
limestone, when heated in an open vessel, was transformed into quid^-
lime, and Black had shown that the explanation was that carbonic
acid had been expelled in the form of gas.
The experiments were begun in 1790, but deferred till 1798 after
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EXPERIMENTAL GEOLOGY 313
Hutton's death. Hutton quite openly disapproved of experiments. His
famous apophthegm has often been quoted about those who 'judge
of the great operations of the mineral kingdom by kindling a fire and
looking in the bottom of a crucible.' In deference to the feelings of
his master and his father's friend, Sir James Hall, with, admirable
self-restraint, decided not to imdertake experimental iavestigations in
opposition to Hutton's expressed opinion. With a few month's inter-
ruption in 1800 they were continued till 1805. A preliminary account
of the results was communicated to the Royal Society of Edinburgh
on August 30, 1804, and the final papers submitted on June 3, 1805.
Hall states that he made over 500 individual experiments and destroyed
vast numbers of gun-barrels in this research.
The method adopted was to use a muffle-furnace burning coal or
coke and built of brick. No blast seems to have been employed. The
chalk-powder was enclosed in a gun-barrel cut off near the touch-hole
and welded into a firm mass of iron. The other end of the barrel could
be kept cool by applying wet cloths, and as it was not in the furnace
its temperature was always comparatively low. Various methods of
plugging the barrel were adopted; at first he used clay, sometimes with
powdered flint. Subsequently a fusible metal which melted at a temper-
ature below that of boiling water was almost always preferred. Borax
glass with sand was used in some of the experiments, but it was liable
to cracking when allowed to cool, and consequently was not always
gas-dght. It was essential, of course, that in sealing up the gun-barrel,
and in subsequently removing the plug, the temperatures should never
be so high as to have any sensible effect on the powdered chalk or lime-
stone. Hall tried vessels with screwed stoppers or lids at first, but never
found them satisfactory.
In the gun-barrel there was always a certain amount of air enclosed
with the chalk. Very early in the experiments it was shown that if
no air-space was provided the fusible metal burst the barrel. No means
was found to measure the size of the air-space accurately, but approxi-
mately it was equal to that of the powdered chalk used in the experi-
ment. If the air-space was too large, or if there was an escape of gas,
part of the chalk was converted into lime.
As each experiment lasted several hours the temperature of the
chalk was approximately equal to that of the part of the muffle in which
it was placed. Pyrometry was as yet in its infancy. Wedgwood had
invented pyrometric cones and Hall had heard of them, but apparently
at first he was not in possession of a set. He made his own cones
as nearly similar as possible to those of Wedgwood, and subsequently
obtaining a set of Wedgwood's cones he standardized his own by com-
parison with them. His gun-barrels of Swedish and Russian iron ('Old
Sable') were softened, but seldom gave way except when the internal
pressures were of a high order. Some of the gun-barrels seem to have
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S14 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
been used for many experiments irithout failure occurring. As Hall
made his own pyrometric cones, and we have no details of their com-
position and the method of preparation, it is not possible to do more
than guess at the temperatures to which his powdered lime and chalk
were exposed. There is no doubt that by constant practice and careful
observation he was able to regulate the temperature vdthin fairly wide
limits.
Hall began his experiments as already stated in 1798. They were
interrupted for about a year (March 1800 to March 1801), and on
March 31, 1801, he had obtained a considerable measure of success. A
charge of forty grains of powdered chalk was converted into a firm
granular crystalline mass of limestone. The loss on weighing was
approximately 10 per cent. Another charge of eighty grains was con-
verted into marble (on March 3, 1801), vdth a loss of approximately
5 per cent, and the crystalline mass showed distinct rhomlx^iedral
cleavage.
Though it cannot be said that his success was easily won he was by
no means satisfied, and for another four years he continued his
researches. Many different methods were tried in order to ascertain
the most satisfactory and reliable; his ambition was to attain complete
control of the process so that he could always be certain of the result.
Porcelain tubes were tried, which he obtained from Wedgwood. They
were very liable, however, to allow escape of the gases through pores.
Many different methods of obtaining gas-tight stoppers were experi-
mented on, but he does not seem to have found anything really better
than the fusible metal. A slight loss of weight in the chalk used seemed
inevitable, and the amount of loss varied irregularly; after long trials
he ultimately succeeded in reducing this to less than one per cent.
Various kinds of carbonate of lime were used, including chalk, lime-
stone, powdered spar, oyster shells, periwinkles, and each of these was
crystallised in turn. Many experiments showed that a reaction might
take place between the chalk powder and the glass of the tube in which
it was contained. The result was a white deposit often crystalline, and
a certain amount of uncombined carbonic acid gas which escaped when
the tube was opened. No doubt the white mineral was woUastonite.
Hall proved that it was a silicate of lime which dissolved in acid and
left a cloud of gelatinous silica. Thereafter he used platinum vessels
instead of glass to contain the charge of carbonate of lime which he
wanted to fuse. The effect of impurities in the material used was also
investigated. Critics had urged that his limestone was not pure. Hall
aptly replied that this was so much the better; natural limestones were
seldom pure, and his point was that limestone might be fused under
heat and pressure. He obtained the purest precipitated carbonate of
lime, and used also perfectly transparent crystalline spar; the results
were, as we might expect, that the pure substances and the fairly coarse
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EXPERIMENTAL GEOLOGY 316
crystalline powder were more difficult to fuse than the very finely
ground natural chalk. These results show that Hall had very complete
control of his experimental processes, and that even small differences
in fusibility did not escape his observation.
As natural limestones are always moist, Hall's attrition was next
directed to the influence of water on the crystallisation of his powders.
This added greatly to the difficulty of the experiments, but by wonderful
skill he succeeded in using a few grains of water (apparently up to
five per cent, of the weight of the chalk) . The result was to improve
the crystallisation, for the reason, as Hall believed, that the pressure
was increased. He noticed at the same time that hydrogen was pro-
duced, which took fiie \Aien the gun-barrel was discharged. Ptobably
there was also some carbonic oxide. About this time he was using bars
of Russian iron into which a long cylindrical cavity had been bored.
He then tried other volatile ingredients such as nitrate of ammona,
carbonate of ammonia, and gunpowder. In January 1804 he was able
to convert chalk into firm limestone at a temperature about 960^ (melt-
ing-point of silver) in presence of small quantities of water with a loss
of less than one-thousandth part of the chalk used.
Finally he attempted to measure the pressure which was necessary
to effect re-crystallisation under the conditions of his experiments. No
pressure gauges were available at that date, and after many trials he
employed a stopper faced with leather and forced against the mouth of
his iron tube by means of weights acting either directly or through a
lever. He ultimately succeeded in obtaining gas-tight junctions under
pressures ranging from 52 up to 270 atmospheres, and concluded that
52 atmospheres was the least pressure which could be satisfactory.
This is equal to the pressure of a column of water 1,700 feet high or
to a column of rock 700 feet high. A ^complete marble' was formed
at a pressure of 86 atmospheres and carbonate of lime ^absolutely
fused' under a pressure of 173 atmospheres.
In reviewing these classic experiments after a lapse of 120 years
we feel that there are many points on which we should have liked more
detailed information. One essential, for example, is exact chemical
analysis of all the materials employed. Even chalk is variable in com-
position to a by no means negligible extent. Oyster shells and peri-
winkle shells contain organic matter, which would account for the
considerable loss in weight they always exhibited. The use of glass
tubes was a defect in the early experiments afterwards remedied by
employing platinum vessels. Although in all the experiments the
charge was weighed it seems clear that at first at any rate the materials
were not carefully dried. In the experiments with water it was seldom
possible to provide absolutely against the escape of moistiuTe when the
fusible metal was introduced. Most of all we may regret the inadequate
means of measuring the temperatures at which the experiments were
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316 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
conducted. The measurements of pressure were made by the simplest
possible means, and it was only by great experimental skill and care
that even approximate results could be obtained.
Such criticisms, however, do not mar the magnificent success of
Hairs experiments. For nearly a hundred years, in spite of the advance
of physical and chemical science, no substantial improvement on his
results was attained. His work was immediately recognized as trust-
worthy and conclusive, and became a classic in the literature of experi-
mental geology. Although not exactly the founder of this school of
research, for Spallanzani and De Saussure had made fusion experi-
ments on rodcs before his time, he placed the subject in a prominent
position among the departments of geological investigation, and did
great service in supporting Hutton's theories by evidence of a new and
unexpected character.
SOME PROBLEMS IN EVOLUTION
By Profeseor EDWIN S. GOODRICH F.RS.
PRESIDENT OF THE ZOOLOGICAL SECTION
IN all probability factors of inheritance exist, and the fundamental
problem of biology is how are the factors of an organism changed,
or how does it acquire new factors? In spite of its vast importance,
it must be confessed that little advance has been made towards the
solution of this problem since the time of Darwin, who considered
that variation must ultimately be due to the action of the environment
This conclusion is inevitable, since any closed system will readi a
state of equilibrium and continue unchanged, unless affected from
without. To say that mutations are due to the mixture or reshuflUng
of pre-existing factors is merely to push the problem a step farther
back, for we must still account for their origin and diversity. The
same objection applies to the suggestion that the complex of factors
alters by the loss of certain of them. To account for the progressive
change in the course of evolution of the factors of inheritance and
for the building up of the complex it must be supposed that from time
to time new factors have been added; it must further be supposed
that new substances have entered into the cycle of metabolism, and
have been permanently incorporated as self-propagating ingredients
entering into lasting relation with pre-existing factors. We are well
aware that living protoplasm contains molecules of large size and
extraordinary complexity, and that it may be urged that by their com-
bination in different ways, or by the mere r^rouping of the atoms
within them, an almost infinite number of changes may result, more
than sufficient to account for the mutations which appear. But this does
not account for the building up of the original complex. If it must
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SOME PROBLEMS IN EVOLUTION 317
be admitted that such a building process once occurred, what right
have we to suppose that it ceased at a certain period? We are driven,
then, to the conclusion that in the course of evolution new material has
been swept from the banks into the stream of germ-plasm.
If one may be allowed to speculate still further, may it not be sup-
posed that factors differ in their stability? — that whereas the more
stable are merely bent, so to speak, in this or that direction by the
environment, and are capable of returning to their original condition,
as a gyroscope may return to its former position when pressure is
removed, other less stable factors may be permanently distorted, may
have their metabolism permanently altered, may take up new substance
from the vortex, without at the same time upsetting the system of
delicate adjustments whereby the organism keeps alive? In some such
way we imagine factorial changes to be brou^t about and mutations
to result.
Let it not be thought for a moment that this admission that factors
are alterable opens the door to a Lamarckian interpretation of evolu-
tion ! According to the Lamarckian doctrine, at all events in its modem
form, a character would be inherited after the removal of the stimulus
which called it forth in the parent. Now of course, a response once
made, a character once formed, may persist for longer or shorter time
according as it is stable or not; but that it should continue to be
produced when the conditions necessary for its production are no
longer present is unthinkable. It may, however, be said that this is
to misrepresent the doctrine, and that what is really meant is that the
response may so react on and alter the factor as to render it capable
of producing the new character under the old conditions. But is this
interpretation any more credible than the first?
Let us return to the possible alteration of factors by the environ-
ment Unfortunately there is little evidence as yet on this point In
the course of breeding experiments the occurrence of mutations has re-
peatedly been observed, but what led to their appearance seems never
to have been so clearly established as to satisfy exacting critics. Quite
lately, however. Professor M. F. Guyer, of Wisconsin, has brought
forward a most interesting case of the apparent alteration at will of a
factor or set of factors under definite well-controlled conditions.^ You
will remember that if a tissue substance, blood-serum for instance, of
one animal be injected into the circulation of another, this second
individual will tend to react by producing an anti-body in its blood to
antagonise or neutralise the effect of the foreign serum. Now Pro-
fessor Guyer's ingenious experiments and results may be briefly sum-
marised as follows. By repeatedly injecting a fowl with the sub-
stance of the lens of the eye of a rabbit he obtained anti-lens serum.
On injecting this 'sensitised' serum into a pregnant female rabbit it
f American Naturalist, vol. Iv. 1921 ; Jour, of Exper, Zoology, vol. xxxi.
1920.
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318 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
was found that, while the mother's eyes remained apparently mi-
affected, some of her offspring developed defective lenses. The defects
varied from a slight abnormality to almost complete disappearance.
No defects appeared in untreated controls, no defects appeared with
non-sensitised sera. On breeding the defective offspring for many
generations these defects were found to be inherited, even to tend
to increase and to appear more often. When a defective rabbit is
crossed with a normal one the defect seems to behave as a Mendelian
recessive character, the first generation having normal eyes and the
defect reappearing in the second. Further, Professor Guyer claims to
have shown that the defect may be inherited through the male as well
as the female parent, and is not due to the direct transmission of anti-
lens from mother to embryo in utero.
If these remarkable results are verified, it is clear that an environ-
mental stimulus, the anti-lens substance, will have been proved to
affect not only the development of the lens in the eidbryo, but also the
corresponding factors in the germ-cells of that embryo; and that it
causes, by originating some destructive process, a lasting transmissible
effect giving rise to a heritable mutation.
Professor Guyer, however, goes farther, and argues that, since a
rabbit can also produce anti-lens when injected with lens substance, and
since individual animals can even produce anti-bodies when treated
with their oym tissues, therefore the products of the tissues of an in-
dividual may permanently affect the factors carried by its own germ-
cells. Moreover he asks, pointing to the well-known stimulative
action of internal secretions (hormones and the like), if destructive
bodies can be produced, why not constructive bodies also? And so he
would have us adopt a sort of modem version of Darwin's theory of
Pangenesis, and a Lamarckian view of evolutionary change.
But surely there is a wide difference between such a poisonous or
destructive action as he describes and any constructive process. The
latter must entail, as I tried to show above, the drawing of new sub-
stances into the metabolic vortex. Internal secretions are themselves
but characters, products (perhaps of the nature of ferments behaving
as environmental conditions, not as self-propagating factors, moulding
the responses, but not permanently altering the fundamratal structure
and composition of the factors of inheritance.
Moreover, the early fossil vertdbrates had, in fact, lenses neither
larger nor smaller on the average than those of the present day. If
destructive anti-lens had been continually produced and had acted, its
effect would have been cumulative. A constructive substance must,
then, have also been continually produced to counteract it Such a
theory might perhaps be def^ided; but would it bring us any nearer
to the solution of the problem?
The real weakness of the theory is that it does not escape from
the fundamental objections we have already put forward as fatal to
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SOME PROBLEMS IN EVOLUTION 319
Lamarckism. If an effect has been produced, either the supposed con-
structive substance was present from the first, as an ordinary internal
environmental condition necessary for the normal development of the
character, or it must have been introduced from without by the appli-
cation of a new stimulus. The same objection does not apply to the
destructive effect. No one doubts that if a factor could be destroyed
by a hot needle or picked out with fine forceps the effects of the opera-
tion would persist throughout subsequent generations.
Nevertheless, these results are of the greatest interest and impor-
tance, and, if corroborated, will mark an epoch in the study of heredity,
being apparently the first successful attempt to deal experimentally
with a particular factor or set of factors in the germ-plasm.
There remains another question we must try to answer before we
close, namely, 'What share has the mind taken in evolution?* From
the point of view of the biologist, describing and generalising on what
he can observe, evolution may be represented as a s^ies of metabolic
changes in living matter moulded by the environment It will natu-
rally be objected that such a description of life and its manifestations
as a physico-chemical mechanism takes no account of mind. Surely, it
will be said, mind must have affected the course of evolution, and may
indeed be considered as the most important factor in the process.
Now, without in the least wishing to deny the importance of the mind,
I would maintain that there is no justification for the belief that it
has acted or could act as something guiding or interfering with the
course of metabolism. This is not the place to enter into a philo-
sophical discussion on the ultimate nature of our experience and its
contents, nor would I be competent to do so; nevertheless, a scientific
explanation of evolution cannot ignore the problem of mind if it is to
satisfy the average man.
Let me put the matter as briefly as possible at the risk of seeming
somewhat dogmatic. It will be admitted that all the manifestations of
living organisms depend, as mentioned above, on series of physico-
chemical changes continuing without break, each step determining that
which follows; also that the so-called general laws of physics and of
chemistry hold good in living processes. Since, so far as living pro-
cesses are knovm and understood, they can be fully explained in ac-
cordance with these laws, there is no need and no justification for
calling in the help of any special vital force or other directive influence
to account for them. Such crude vitalistic theories are now discredited,
but tend to return in a more subtle form as the doctrine of the inter-
action of body and mind, of the influence of the mind on the activities
of the body. But, try as we may, we cannot conceive how a physical
process can be interrupted or supplemented by non-physical agencies.
Rather do we believe that to the continuous physico-chemical series
of events there corresponds a continuous series of mental events in-
evitably connected with it; that the two series are but partial views
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320 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
or abstractions, two aspects of some more complete whole, the one
seen from without, the other from within, the one observed, the other
felt. One is capable of being described in scientific language as a
consistent series of events in an outside world, the other is ascertained
by introspection, and is describable as a series of mental events in
psychical terms. There is no possibility of the one a£fecting or con-
trolling the other, since they are not independent of each otho:.
Indissolubly connected, any change in the one is necessarily accom-
panied by a corresponding change in the other. The mind is not a
product of metabolism as materialism would imply, still less an epi-
phenomenon or meaningless by-product as some have held. I am well
aware that the view just put forward is rejected by many philosophers,
nevertheless it seems to me to be the best and indeed the only working
hjrpothesis the biologist can use in the present state of knowledge. Hie
student of biology, however, is not concerned with the building up of
systems of philosophy, though he should realise that the mental series
of events lies outside the sphere of natural science.
The question, then, which is the more important in evolution, the
mental or the physical series, has no meaning, since one cannot happen
without the other. The two have evolved together pari passu. We
know of no mind apart from body, and have no right to assume that
metabolic processes can occur without corresponding mental processes,
however simple they may be.
Simple response to stimulus is the basis of all bdiaviour. Responses
may be linked together in chains, each acting as a stimulus to start the
next; they can be modified by other simultaneous responses, or by the
effects left behind by previous responses, and so may be built up into
the most complicated behaviour. But owing to our very incomplete
knowledge of the physico-chemical events concerned, we constantly,
when describing the behaviour of living organisms, pass, so to speak,
from the physical to the mental series, filling up the gaps in our know-
ledge of the one from the other. We thus complete our description
of behaviour in terms of mental processes we know only in ourselves
(such as feeling, emotion, will) but infer from external evidence to take
place in other animals.
In describing a simple reflex action, for instance, the physico-
chemical chain of events may appear to be so completely known that
the corresponding mental events are usually not mentioned at all, their
existence may even be denied. On the contrary, when describing com-
plex behaviour when impulses from external or internal stimuli modify
each other before the final result is translated into action, it is the
intervening physico-chemical processes which are unknown and perhaps
ignored, and the action is said to be voluntary or prompted by emotion
or the will.
The point I wish to make, however, is that the actions and be-
haviour of organisms are responses, are characters in the sense de-
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SOME PROBLEMS IN EVOLUTION 321
scribed in the earlier part of this address. They are inherited, they
vary, they are selected, and evolve like other characters. The distinc-
tion so often drawn by psychologists between instinctive behaviour said
to be inherited and intelligent behaviour said to be acquired is as
misleading and as little justified in this case as in that of structural
characters. Time will not allow me to develop this point of view, but
I will only mention that instinctive behaviour is carried out by a
mechanism developed under the influence of stimuli, chiefly internal,
which are constantly present in the normal environmental conditions,
ndiile intelligent behaviour depends on responses called forth by stimuli
which may or may not be present Hence, the former is, but the latter
may or may not be inherited. As in other cases, the distinction lies in
the factors and conditions which produce the results. Instinctive and
intelligent behaviour are usually, perhaps always, combined, and one
is not more primitive or lower than the other.
It would be a mistake to think that these problems concerning
factors and environment, heredity and evolution, are merely matters of
academic interest. Knowledge is power, and in the long run it is
always the most abstruse researches that yield the most practical re-
sults. Already, in the effort to keep up and increase our supply of
food, in the constant fight against disease, in education, and in the
progress of civilisation generally, we are b^inning to appreciate the
value of knowledge pursued for its own sake. Could we acquire the
power to control and alter at will the factors of inheritance m domes-
ticated animals and plants, and even in man himself, such vast results
might be achieved that the past triumphs of the science would fade into
insignificance.
Zoology is not merely a descriptive and observational science, it is
also an experimental science. For its proper study and the practical
training of students and teachers alike, well-equipped modem labora-
tories are necessary. Moreover, if there is to be a useful and progres-
sive school contributing to the advance of the science, ample means
must be given for research in all its branches. Life doubtless arose
in the sea, and in the attempt to solve most of the great problems of
biology the greatest advances have generally been made by the study
of the lower marine organisms. It would be a thousand pities, there-
fore, if Edinburgh did not avail itself of its fortunate position to offer
to the student opportunities for the practical study of marine zoology.
In his autobiography, Darwin complains of the lack of facilities for
practical work — ^the same need is felt at the present time. He would
doubtless have been gratified to see the provision made since his day
and the excellent use to which it has been put; but what seems adequate
to one generation becomes insufficient for the next We earnestly hope
that any appeal that may be made for funds to improve this department
of zoology may meet with the generous response it certainly deserves.
VOL. Xm.— 21.
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322 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
APPLIED GEOGRAPHY
By Dr. D. G. HOGARTH CM.G.
PRESIDENT OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL SECTION
r[E term which I have taken for the title of my address has been
in use for some years as a general designation of lendings or bor-
rowings of geographical results, whether by a geographer who applies
the material of his own science to another, or by a geologist or a
meteorologist, or again an ethnologist or historian, who borrows of the
geographer. Whether geography makes the loan of her own motion or
not, the interest in view, as it seems to me, is primarily that, not of
geography, but of another science or study. The open question whether
that interest will be served better if the actual application be made
by the geographer or by the other scientist or student does not con-
cern us now.
Such applications are of the highest interest and value as studies,
and, still more, as means of education. As studies, not merely are
they links between sciences, but they tend to become new subjects
of research, and to develop with time into independent sciences. As
means of education they are used more generally, and prove them-
selves of higher potency than the pure sciences from which or to which,
respectively, the loans are eflfected. But, in my view, geography, thus
applied, passes, in the process of application, into a foreign province
and under another control. It is most proper, as well as most profit-
able, for a geographer to work in that foreign field; but, while he stays
in it, he is, in military parlance, seconded.
Logical as this view may appear, and often as, in fact, it has been
stated or implied by others (for example, by one at least of my pre-
decessors in this chair. Sir Charles Close, who delivered his presidential
address to the section at the Portsmouth Meeting in 1911), it does not
square with some conceptions of geography put forward by high
authorities of recent years. These represent differently the status of
some of the studies, into which, as I maintain, geography enters as a
subordinate and secondary element In particular, there is a school,
represented in this country and more strongly in America, which claims
for geography what, in my view, is an historical or ethnological or even
psychological study, using geographical data towards the solution of
problems in its own field; and some even consider this not merely a
function of true geography, but its principal function now and for
the future. Their *new geography' is and is to be the study of %uman
response to land-forms.' This is an extreme American statement; but
the same idea is instinct in such utterances, more sober and guarded,
as that of a great geographer, Dr. H. R. Mill, to the effect that the
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APPLIED GEOGRAPHY 323
ultimate problem of geography is ^the demonstrative and quantitative
proof of the control exercised by the Earth's crust on the mental pro-
cesses of its inhabitants. Dr. Mill is too profound a man of science
not to guard himself, by that saving word 'ultimate,* from such retorts
as Professor Ellsworth Huntington, of Yale, has ofifered to the ex-
treme American statement. If, the latter argued, geography is actually
the study of the human response to land-forms, then, as a science it is
in its infancy, or, rather, it has returned to a second childhood; for
it has hardly begun to collect exact data to this particular end, or to
treat them statistically, or to apply to them the methods of isolation
that exact science demands. In this country geographers are less in-
clined to interpret 'new geography' on such revolutionary lines; but
one suspects a tendency towards the American view in both their
principles and their practice — in their choice of lines of inquiry or re-
search and their choice of subjects for education. The concentration
on man, which characterizes geographical teaching in the University of
London, and the almost exclusive attention paid to Economic Geog-
raphy in the geographical curricula of some other British Universities
make in that direction. In educational practice, this bias does good,
rather than harm, if the geographer bears in mind that Geography
proper has only one function to perform in regard to man — ^namely,
to investigate, account for, and state his distribution over terrestrial
space — ^and that this function cannot be performed to any good pur-
pose except upon a basis of Physical Geography — ^that is, on knowledge
of the disposition and relation of the Earth's physical features, so far
as ascertained to date. To deal with the effect of man's distribution
on his mental processes or political and economic action is to deal
with him geographically indeed, but by applications of geography to
psychology, to history, to sociology, to ethnology, to economics, for
the ends of these sciences; though the interests of geography may be,
and often are, well served in the process by reflection of light on its
own problems of distribution. If in instruction, as distinct from re-
search, the geographer, realising that, when he introduces these subjects
to his pupils, he will be teaching them not geography, but another
science with the help of geography, insists on their having been
grounded previously or elsewhere in what he is to apply — ^namely, the
facts of physical distribution — all will be well. The application will
be a sound step forward in education, more potent perhaps for train-
ing general intelligence than the teaching of pure geography at the
earlier stage, because making a wider and more compelling appeal to
imaginative interest and pointing the adolescent mind to a more com-
plicated field of thought But if geography is applied to instruction in
other sciences without the recipients having learned what it is in itself,
then all will be wrong. The teacher will talk a language not under-
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324 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
stood, and the value of what he is applying cannot be appreciated by
the pupils.
If I leave this argument there for the moment, it is with the intention
of returning to it before I end today. It goes to the root, as it seems
to me, of the unsatisfactory nature of much geographical insruction
given at present in our islands. The actual policy of the English
Board of Education seems to contemplate that geography should be
taught to secondary students, only in connection with history. If
this policy were realised in instructional practice by encouragement or
compulsion of secondary students to undergo courses of geography
proper, with a view to promotion subsequently to classes in historical
geography (i. e., if history be treated geographically by application of
another science previously studied), it would be sound. But I gather
from Sir Halford Mackinder's recent report that such is not the
practice. Courses in geography proper are not encouraged during the
secondary period of education at all. Encouragement ceases with the
primary period, at an age before which only the most elementary in-
struction in such a science can be assimilated — when, indeed, not much
more can be expected of pupils than the memorising of those summary
diagrammatic expressions of geographical results, which are maps.
How these results have been arrived at, what sort of causes account
for physical distribution, how multifarious are its facts and features
which maps cannot express even on the minutest scale — ^these things
must be instilled into minds more robust than those of children under
fourteen; and until some adequate idea of them has been imbibed it is
little use to teach history geographically. So, at least, this matter
seems to me.
It will be patent enough by now that I am maintaining geography
proper to be the study of the spatial distribution of all physical features
on the surface of this earth. My view is, of course, neither novel
nor rare. Almost all who of late years have discussed the scope of
geography have agreed that distribution is of its essence. Among
the most recent exponents of that view have been two directors of
the Oxford School, Sir Halford Mackinder and Professor Herbertson.
When, however, I add that the study of distribution, rightly under-
stood, is the whole essential function of geography, I part company
from the theory of some of my predecessors and contemporaries, and
the practice of more. But our divergence will be found to be not
serious; for not only do I mean a great deal by the study of distri-
bution— quite enough for the function of any one science! — but I claim
for geography to the exclusion of any other science all study of spatial
distribution on the earth^s surface. This study has been its well
recognised function ever since a science of that name has come to be
restricted to the features of the terrestrial surface — that is, ever since
'geograph/ in the eighteenth century had to abandon to its child geo-
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APPLIED GEOGRAPHY 325
logy the study of what lies below that surface even as earlier it had
abandoned the study of the firmament to an elder child, astronomy.
Though geography has borne other children since, who have grown
to independent scientific life, none of these has robbed her of that one
immemorial fimction. On the contrary, they call upon her to exercise
it still on their behalf.
Let no one suppose that I mean by this study and this function
merely what Professor Herbertson so indignantly repudiated for an
adequate content of his science — physiography plus descriptive topo-
graphy. Geography includes these things, of course, but she embraces
also all investigation both of the actual distribution of the earth's super-
ficial features and of the causes of the distribution, the last a profound
and intricate subject towards the solution of which she has to summon
assistance from many other sciences and studies. She includes, further,
in her field, for the accurate statement of actual distribution, all the
processes of survey — a highly specialised function to the due perform-
ance of which other sciences again lend indispensable aid; and, also,
for the diagrammatic presentation of synthetised results for practical
use, the equally highly specialised processes of cartography. That
seems to me an ample field, with more than sufficient variety of expert
functions, for any one science. And I have not taken into account
either the part geography has to play in aiding other sciences, as they
aid her, by application of her data, or, again, certain investigations of
terrestrial phenomena, at present incumbent upon her, because special
sciences to deal with them have not yet been developed — or, at least,
fully developed — ^although their ultimate growth to independence can
be foreseen or has already gone far. Such, for the moment, are
geodetic investigations, in this country at any rate. In Germany, I
understand, geodesy has attained already the status of a distinct
specialism. Here the child has hardly separate existence. But beyond
a doubt it will part from its parent, even as oceanograf^y has parted.
Indeed some day, in a future far too distant to be foreseen now, many,
or most, of the investigations which now occupy the chief attention of
geographical researchers may cease to be necessary. A time must come
when the actual distribution of all phenomena on the earth's surface
will have been ascertained, and all the relief upon it and every super-
ficial feature which cartography can possibly express in its diagram-
matic way will have been set out finally on the map. That moment,
however, will not be the end of geography as a science, for there will
still remain the investigation of the causes of distribution, the scientific
statement of its facts, and the application of these to other sciences.
Let us not, however, worry about any ultimate restriction of the func-
tions of our science. The discovery and correlation of all the facts
of geographical distribution and their final presentation in diagram-
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826 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
matic form are not much more imminent than the exhaustion of the
material of any other science!
In the meantime, for a wholly indeterminate interval, let us see
to it that all means of investigating the phenomena of spatial distri-
bution on the earth be promoted, without discouragement of this or
that tentative means as unscientific. The exploration of the terrestrial
surface should be appreciated as a process of many necessary stages
graduated from ignorance up to perfect knowledge. It is to the credit
of the Royal Geographical Society that it has always encouraged tenta-
tive, and, if you like, unscientific first eflforts of exploration, especially
in parts of the world where, if every prospect pleases, man is very
vile. Unscientific explorations are often the only possible means to
the beginning of knowledge. Where an ordinary compass cannot be
used except at instant risk of death it is worth while to push in a succes-
sion of explorers unequipped with any scientific knowledge or apparatus
at all, not merely to gain what few geographical data untrained eyes
may see and uneducated memories retain, but to open a road on which
ultimately a scientific explorer may hope to pass and work, because the
local population has grown, by intercourse with his unscientific precur-
sors, less hostile and more indififerent to his prying activities. There
seems to me now and then to be too much criticism of Columbus. If
he thought America was India he had none the less found America.
I have claimed for the geographer's proper field the study of the
causation of distribution. I am aware that this claim has been, and
is denied to geography by some students of the sciences which he
necessarily calls to his help. But if a science is to be denied access to
the fields of other sciences except it take service under them, what
science shall be saved? I admit, however, that some disputes can hardly
be avoided, where respective boundaries are not yet well delimited.
Better delimitation is called for in the interest of geography, because
lack of definition, causing doubts and questions about her scope, con-
fuses the distinction between the science and its application. The doubts
are not really symptoms of anything wrong with geography, but, since
they may suggest to the popular mind that in fact something is wrong,
they can be causes of disease. Their constant genesis is to be found
in the history of a science, whose scope has not always been the same,
but has contracted during the course of ages in certain directions while
expanding in others. If, in the third century B. c, Eratosthenes had
been asked what he meant by geography, he would have replied, the
science of all the physical environment of man whether above, upon,
or below the surface of the earth, as well as of man himself as a physi-
cal entity. He would have claimed for its field what lies between the
farthest star and the heart of our globe, and the nature and relation of
everything composing the universe. Geography, in fact, was then not
only the whole of natural science, as we understand the term, but also
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APPLIED GEOGRAPHY 327
everything to which another term, ethnology, might now be stretched
at its very widest.
Look forward now across two thousand years to the end of the
eighteenth century a. d. Geography has long become a mother. She
has conceived and borne astronomy, chemistry, botany, zoology, and
many more children, of whom about the youngest is geology. They
have all existences separate from her and stand on their own feet, but
they preserve a filial connection with her and depend still on their
mother science for a certain conunon service, while taking off her hands
other services she once performed. Restricting the scope of her activi-
ties, they have set her free to develop new ones. In doing this she will
conceive again and again and bear yet other children during the century
to follow — ^meteorology, climatology, oceanography, ethnology, anthro-
pology and more. Again, and still more narrowly, this new brood will
limit the mother's scope; but ever and ever fecund, she will find fresh
activities in the vast field of earth knowledge, and once and again con-
ceive anew. The latest child that she has borne and seen stand erect
is, as I have said, geodesy; and she has not done with conceiving.
Ever losing sections of her original field and functions, ever adding
new sections to them, geography can hardly help suggesting doubts to
others and even to herself. There must always be a certain indefinite-
ness about a field on whose edges fresh specialisms are for ever devel-
oping toward a point at which they will break away to grow alone into
new sciences. The mother holds on awhile to the child, sharing its
activities, loth to let go, perhaps even a little jealous of its growing in-
dependence. It has not been easy to say at any given moment where
geography's functions have ended and those of, say, geology or ethnology
have begun. Moreover, it is inevitably asked about this fissiparous
science from which function after function has detached itself to lead
life apart — ^what, if the process continues, as it shows every sign of
doing, will be left to geography later or sooner? Will it not be split
up among divers specialisms, and become in time a venerable memory?
It is a natural, perhaps a necessary, question. But what is wholly un-
necessary is that any answer should be returned which implies a doubt
that geography has a field of research and study essentially hers yester-
day, to-day, and to-morrow; still less which implies any suspicion that
because of her constant parturition of specialisms geography is, or is
likely in any future that can be foreseen, to be moribund.
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328 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
SCIENTIFIC IDEALISM*
By Dr. WILUAM E. RITTER
SCRIPPS INSTITUTE, LA JOLIA, CAUFORNIA
IDEALISM is dead — at least many people think so. And no small
nmnber of those who think thus are persons of humane sentiments
withal, and hold their belief under compulsion rather than willingly.
They believe the evidence compels them to accept this view, whether it
be agreeable to them or not How else, they reason, can the coarse of
events of these later decades be interpreted?
The history of man is the story of the terribly brutal reality of his
existence on earth and his efforts to escape from this reality into some
ideal realm wherein the peace and happiness and joy occasionally ex-
perienced in life shall be perfected and endure forever.
So powerful has been the allurement of this ideal realm that many
of our race in ages past have devoted their best power, sometimes even
their very lives to exploiting it and devising ways and means by which
all may finally reach this promised land. These rare ones are ac-
claimed great among men and accepted as teachers and leaders just be-
cause they express the common longings of mankind, of the lowly as
well as of the great.
In all the ages and culture stages of the past unaginarily perfect
conditions, of life have been among die most compelling motives with
humanity. These imaginings have been near the heart of all the great
religions and all the great philosophies of the world, their culmination
as philosophy having been, probably, the several forms of idealism of
the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. But what has come of
it all?
If the realism of these questioners is of the dramatic sort, the an-
swer they give to their own question is likely to be brirf and laconic.
A few dozen words and a gesture will tell the story: Germany and
Austro-Hungary in August, 1914, and again in October, 1918! Russia
in August, 1914, in April, 1917, in November, 1918, and today!
Treaty making in Versailles in 1919! The human misery of all Europe
during the war years and up to the present moment! The astounding
transformations that have occurred in the hearts and lives of our ovm
people since the new era opened! Finally, the uncertainty, the fore-
1 President's address at the Berkeley Meeting of the Pacific Division,
American Association for the Advancement of Science, August 4-7, 1921.
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SCIENTIFIC IDEALISM 329
boding, the background of distrust, hatred, and fear with which all the
peoples of the earth look toward the future!
Surely there is ground enough for the supposition that realism, a
realism as stupid and brutal as Satan himself could rejoice in, has at
last established its full claims — ^that idealism has departed from the
earth wholly and for all time.
And what, they ask, has contributed more to these results than
science? Have not scientific discovery and invention based on such
discovery so involved man in a network of material forces and me-
chanical devices that he can hardly satisfy a single need, gratify a single
desire, form a single idea, or think a single thought without the per-
mission of this tyranny of material things?
For a modem seriously to attempt to live traditional idealism for
one day could result only in death or something worse before the setting
of the sun.
Nor is this the worst that science has done. In these grosser mat-
ters the injury to idealism has consisted only in thrusting the sensible
realities of nature more numerously, more variedly and more insistently
than ever before into the problem of living from hour to hour and day
to day.
Of graver concern, science has, we are told to remember, entered die
very domain of philosophy and besieged the citadel of idealism itself.
Even the strongholds of morality and religion are not spared by the
advance of realistic science. Copemican astronomy, Lavoisian chem-
istry, Lyellian geology and Darwinian biology have united in construct-
ing so solid a foundation for a realistic philosophy of all life that the
time-honored super-structure of idealistic philosophy is doomed to col-
lapse and ruin.
The fact is thrown into our faces by the acceptors of the view that
science is implacably hostile to idealism, that in these last years, not
satbfied with its imminent victory over theoretic idealism, it has en-
tered into full alliance with the ancient powers of darkness and ma-
lignity to accomplish the destruction of idealism itself and of all that
idealism has created in the world.
High power explosives with guns and tanks and dreadnaughts and
submarines and aircraft to make them effective went far toward real-
izing this ambition, but the finishing stroke is poison gases. The
abundance of raw material for their manufacture, the ease of their
transportation, the secrecy with which their nature and manufacture
can be surrounded and, finally, the large co-efficient of deadliness of
the best of them, make them very promising as means for completing
the business of destroying all the works of civilized races, if not the
races themselves. Of course no people, not even the scientists whose
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33© THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
demotion to research diacovers the gases, intended to nae these npon
themselves. The enemy alone are to be destroyed. But since the enemy
can, if also scientifically civilized, discover poison gases too, the result,
whether consciously aimed at or not — ^the destruction of all idealism
and its fruits — is certain.
But is this picture of the state of things really true? Is sdenoe
indeed so destructive an enemy to idealism?
I deny it Never, I aflBrm, has science been purposely hostile to
idealism. Never has it designed to act against idealism. In so far as
science has injured idealism it has done so undesignedly and unmrit-
tingly. Science has gone on its way, singl&dninded, bent only on ever
increasing man's store of natural knowledge, on penetrating ever
farther into the depths of natural truth.
But denial that the harm done by science to idealism has been in-
tentional is of little consequence. What I chiefly care about is not the
blamelessness of science for its injury to idealism. I would set forth
the true relation of science to idealism and the moral obligation whidi
this relation forces upon science. My aim is to acknowledge the ter-
rible error committed by science in holding, even by implication, that
it knows nothing about morals and has no moral obligations, and to
show something of the nature of its obligation.
Speaking in broad terms, what I want to point out is that once
science gives serious attention to the question of its own relation to
idealism and realism it recognizes that the first question to be decided
is not that of idealism vs. realism, not that of idealism or no idealism,
nor of realism or no realism. Rather it is the question of what in es-
sence idealism is, and what realism is.
To push this inquiry to exhaustiveness would need days. We seem
stopped on the tlireshold by the demand for a treatise while all we can
have is a tract. But it is not wholly so. From its very oflSce as a minis-
trant to the common life of mankind, science can, if true to herself,
concentrate her elaborate, forbidding treatises into simple, dramatic,
appealing tracts at the urgent need of humanity.
It is in response to the danger call of civilization that I seek to re-
duce to the dimensions of a tract, the laborious findings of science on
the real nature of the conflict between humanity's longings, beliefs,
hopes and faiths and those forces — ^grim, powerful and ever alert —
which oppose their attainment
Notice, in the first place, the kinship of science with our ordinary
intelligence. Nobody doubts that every item of our matter-of-fact
knowledge about the universe in which we live is anything
else than part and parcel of our general store of knowledge.
Surely what the housewife knows about the things of her home; what
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SCIENTIFIC IDEALISM 331
the workman knows about his tools and materials; what the merchant
knows about his goods; what the engineer knows about the structure,
the plans and the materials of which it is made; what the physician
knows about our bodily members in health and disease, are but parts
of common knowledge. But the articles that so much concern die
housewife, the workman, the merchant, the engineer, the physician are
the very same that concern the scientist. The only difference is that
they concern the housewife, workman, engineer and physician more
immediately, more vitally than they do the scientist. So the scientist,
being perforce also domestic, workman, merchant and so on, is less
apt to contend that his special knowledge is wholy different in kind
from the knowledge of work-a-day men and women. None have cher-
ished the characterization of science as organized common sense more
than have scientists.
But again, has anybody ever doubted that mental structures in die
f onn of memories, guesses, views and ideas enter essentially and largely
into the intelligent pursuit of all callings? Planning the next meal, the
next house-cleaning, the next jacket for baby; visualizing more ef-
fective wrenches and augurs and knives; imagining hats and shoes and
gowns more appealing to customers, are part of the very life of the
successful housekeeper, mechanic, merchant. Just so it is as to essen-
tial mental procedure with the scientific investigator. Apart from
something mentally pictured but not yet realized — apart from some
hypothesis — scientific discovery is unthinkable. Would any scientist
daim that science is less dependent on ideas than is housekeeping,
bladcsmithing or merchandizing?
But having ideas is never the whole story in any department of
rational human living. Everywhere and always the mental picture,
the idea is something aimed at, something needed or desired for the ful-
filment or completion or rounding out of some still larger, more in-
clusive need or desire. Whether the adage "Nothing existeth to itself
alone" be strictly true or not, it certainly is true as to ideas. It is as
much the nature of ideas to be in relation with one another and with
other things as it is for them to exist at all. It is from this inter-related-
ness, this mutual dependence of ideas and their relation to the indi-
vidual's life as a whole that they get whatever drive and potency they
have. But ideas plus the valuations placed upon them and die im-
pulsions to act connected with them are exactly the things to which com-
mon experience has given the name ideals. Ideals are ideas in action
or ready for action toward some supposedly good end.
From this it is seen that the scientist, especially the investigator, is
of necessity an idealist by the same token by which the ordinary indi-
vidual is an idealist. His idealism differs from that of other men only
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332 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
as his technical knowledge differs from their common knowledge;
namely, in that he uses his technical knowledge differently from the
way practical men use their common knowledge. The outcome of this
is the perception that science is not only idealistic but that its idealism
marks the very summit of true, that is natural, idealism.
The idealism of Christian theology and last century's speculative
philosophy are pseudo-idealism. They are disembodied idealism.
They are mythical or dramaturgic idealism. If consequently, they have
been stripped of some of their power it is only false power that has
been taken from them and they have suffered only as thousands upon
thousands of other products of man's imagination have suffered when it
breaks away from its naturalistic setting and its control by the totality
of human life.
If science is so beneficent in aim, how comes it that in spite of its
gigantic prevalence in our day, that day fraught though it be with
calamity and human misery perhaps as terrible as any of all the ages
past, is yet heavy with borebodings of still greater calamity? Mani-
festly something has stood in the way, is standing in the way of man's
becoming the beneficiary of this, surely one of the most notable and
unique of all his creations.
Is it possible that man should bring into existence so mighty a
thing, so potentially beneficent a thing as science and yet fail to reap
its benefits; indeed, should allow it to become a powerful ally of
forces working to his ruin?
Astounding though the truth may be, an open-minded reading of the
story of man's career on earth reveals that he has always been doing
just thai sort of thing! Human history furnishes no guarantee that man
will use any good thing, even of his own creating, to his own full and
lasting benefit
In all the stages of human culture from the lowest savagery to the
highest civilization men demonstrate their ability to employ their blu-
est spiritual powers as well as their lowest physical powers to their
own harm, even to their destruction. Religion, art, learning, philan-
thropy no less than appetite, sex and material wealth — man has time
and again made to contribute to his own undoing. This is a truth the
perception of which is greatly important. But of still greater im-
portance is the perception of another closely related truth, namely that
with civilized man it lies ever within the range of his intelligence to
choose that course of action which will make him a continuous benefi-
ciary of anything his intelligence enables him to produce. In its very
nature intelligence is able to prevent its own creations from being
harmful. Of course man will never choose that which he is certain
will do him more harm than good. It is only as to probabilities of
harm and good, or greater and lesser good, or greater and lesser harm,
that his choosing so often goes amiss.
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SCIENTIFIC IDEALISM 333
To gain an understanding of these wonderful paradoxes of humaB^
nature would require a treatise. Sufficient to say that it is possible to
go far toward such an understanding if we start with a mind wide open
to the idea of man's kindred with the rest of living nature, particularly
with the rest of animal nature, and go through to the end vigorously
and unflinchingly. For myself, I am convinced that western civiliza-
tion has come at last to a situation where nothing short of an unquali-
fiedly and carefully worked out system of juOaral ethics will secure its
continued progress; indeed, will save it from deterioration and final
decay.
Ours is a day for great and fateful decisions. Mighty goals of ob-
jective reality and mighty possibilities of action must be chosen among.
Neither optimism nor pessimism but that confidence which the
wisely informed can alone possess is now, as never before, the way
of salvation.
Let me outline what seems to me the most important part scientists
must play in developing such an ethics as has just been mentioned and
making the vital choices presented by the situation. The first thing for
them to do is to accept unfalteringly and insist upon the necessity that
all others shall accept, the facts, all of them, without addition or sub-
traction, which the system of nature, including human nature pres^its.
The haggling that has gone on among the learned of the western world
for two thousand years over the question of whether nature revealed
throuj^h our senses is the ultimate reality or an illusion of one sort or
another, must be and I believe is in a fair way to be brought to an end
before long. Nevertheless it is astonishing, once one's attention is fixed
on the point, how prevalent still even among men of science is the
ancient state of uncertainty about the value of facts, and the still more
ancient custom of furbishing them up in hundreds of ways to suit pre-
adopted ideas and ideals. Many an excellent scientist still speaks of
the laws of nature as though they were quite apart from and above the
facts of nature. To such scientists laws are the essence of trutli while
facts are without much dignity, being mere objects of sense. Beyond a
few such vital facts as the body's need for air, water and solid food,
it seems that many scientists, in common with millions of the un-
scientific, still conceive themselves privileged to select such facts as
interest them and to ignore all such as do not interest them. Uncritical
a priorism still flourishes mightily in one form or another in the home
of science. These marks of immaturity of science produce, under the
stress of modem conditions, sundry untoward consequences. For one
thing a new kind of criticism of science has been growing up in very
recent years. The old conflict which theology forced upon science dur-
ing the early centuries of the intellectual rejuvenation of Europe vir-
tually ended about fifty years ago with science triumphant
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334 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
This new criticism which science is encountering is sociological and
ethical rather than theological. The essense of the criticism is that
science is not regardful of, indeed is largely inimical to, the spiritual
welfare of man. This results, it is charged, from the avowed material-
istic and mechanistic character of science. For one I frankly admit
that there is much justice in this criticism, but I believe close scrutiny
of the situation will discern that the real grounds of it are less in the
fact that science is materialistic and mechanistic than that it beludes
what is grealest and best in human nature^ especially in human per-
sonality.
What is the defect within the body of science that makes it open to
such criticism?
For several decades past there has been great controversy witUn
the domain of the biological sciences over the relative merit of mechan-
ism and vitalism. This controversy is largely academic, and conse-
quently shows no signs of reaching a conclusion. The solution will
come, I am quite sure, through the emergence of the problem from the
realm of pure theory into that of practical life. The form which the
inquiry assumes when it comes into the realm of human actuality is
this: Accepting the patent fact that man is so wonderfully machine-
like that he may be called a machine, at least provisionally, the ques-
tion arises in what sense a machine? Would he be a machine in the
sense of mathematical mechanics or in some other sense? The
theory that he is a machine after the manner of mathematical me-
chanics disposes of itself quickly and completely the moment it sub-
mits to the test of practicability. Nothing is more distinctive of manu-
factured machines than that they can be standardized. All the indi-
vidual machines of a particular kind can be so constructed that all the
parts are interchangeable. Wheel for wheel, shaft for shaft, lever for
lever, plate for plate, bolt for bolt — they are cast, often literally, in
the same mold. To the last detail it matters not at all which piece goes
into which machine. And note what is implied in the expression the
'^assembling*' of manufactured machines — ^predesign and independent
fabrication are implied.
These marks set off the manufactured machine so sharply from
the human machine, if we decide it may so be called, that no one, not
even the most dogmatic bio-mechanist, would deny the facts. Several
other equally important differences could be pointed out, but may be
omitted for brevity's sake. If men, actual men, are to be called ma-
chines, the term must have a sharply different meaning from what it
has to the manufacturer. What shall this different meaning be? How
shall it be arrived at?
Nothing stands out more unequivocally in the natural history of the
human species, particularly of those portions of it that have made no-
table advances in culture, than that such advances have been due pri-
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SCIENTIFIC IDEAUSM 385
marily to a very few individuals who are called great because of their
special capacities. The fact is never denied. All progress is initiated
by the great warrior, the great political organizer, the great poet, the
great philosopher, the great explorer, the great inventor, the great physi-
cian, the great teacher — one or a very few of each kind for each na-
tion. Except for these rare ones there would be little or no cultural
progress, little or no civilization. The fact, I say, is not in question.
Even when due allowance is made for the pressure, external and in-
ternal, of general need, the importance and role of which I do not for
a moment minimize, that pressure seems sure to come largely to naught
miless the exceptional individual arises to lead and guide the latent
forces. Only when it comes to interpreting the facts is there question.
Of course one who is committed to the dogma that natural law in the
sense of unvarying regularity, of perfect evenness of procedure, is the
essence of natural truth, while facts are only sensory, is bound to find
some way to avoid accepting these great personalities as truly signifi-
cant so far as the general scheme of things is concerned. They must be
reduced to '^nothing huts" somehow, when a universal view is sought
They are to be regarded as accidents or by-products in the operation of
central forces or of environmental pressure according to the last
decade's biological orthodoxy. Or according to this decade's biologi-
cal orthodoxy they are mere somatic variants, wholly independent of
the germ plasm and consequently meaningless so far as the real part of
organic matter is concerned. It is admitted that such exceptional per-
sonalities have cut some figure in the past career of man. For the future,
with the improvement of the germ plasm under eugenic guidance, their
role will become less and less until finally there will be reached the far-
off state of absolute uniformity in an excellence which formerly would
have been called divine.
The logically ideal human goal of the mechanistic philosophy is that
all men shall be standardized after the manner of automobiles, on a
model that is eugenically perfeqt Man, germinally perfected, accord-
ing to this philosophy would be standardized on the level, say of
Packard limousines. Fords, Chevrolets, Essexes — small, cheap, and
worst of all, different, would be eliminated.
Pray do not miss the main point here. You can hardly fail to see
that it concerns the moral bearings of the mechanistic philosophy. But
particular moral qualities and criteria of right and wrong are not my
present subject. My point is rather to show that the dead-levelness of
that philosophy has no room for such conception as right and wrong at
all. The basal question is: Could there be such a thing as virtue if there
were nothing but virtue, or if virtue were one only and that one wholly
devoid of gradation? The mechanistic philosophy of life implies a
solution of the problem of good and evil by eliminating difference.
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336 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
This brings me to the plaoe were I can indicate the direction in which
the solution lies of biology's controversey over mechanism and vitalism.
The cue is given by the demand of nature herself that personality shall
be accepted and respected. Common sense surely finds no difficulty in
heeding this demand, nor can it object to calling man a machine if some
way of designating the machine shall be adopted which recognizes the
obvious difference between the human and any inanimate machine what-
soever. And no designation, thus discriminative, could be more satisfac-
tory than the simple word ^'living" prefixed to the word machine when
the human or any other kind of animal is referred to. If the difference
between a living man and the same man dead be accepted at face value,
I am quite sure all sensible persons would willingly recognize men as
machines — ^would even be willing to be called machines themselves.
The practical objection to the mechanical philosophy of life is that
because it has no place in its scheme for the person it really has no
plaoe for life itself. A non-living thing is more real and hence more
significant than a living one to this philosophy. A dead horse would .
be as valuable as a live one to the mechanistic philosopher who should |
stick to his philosophy in his practical life.
For brevity's sake I am going to assume that in any imaginable real
world of real men, women and children, difference both in kind and de-
gree is as indispensable to virtue as is food or anything else without
which life could not exist. And here our reflections reach far beyond
the mechanical philosophy, for we cut square across the main axis of
ethical theory that has dominated European thought for many cen-
turies, that theory hinging on belief in the ultimate good, necessarily
one and alone because without a rival, as the proper goal of human
striving.
There is now general agreement, I believe, among those who work
practically as contrasted with those who discourse abstractedly on
moral problems, that one cannot rightly assess or wisely promote a
particular good until he knows what evil lurks within or bdiind it
Nor can he effectively combat a particular evil until he knows what good
is mingled with it. These things I assume without argument, for I must
leave a little time in which to show how diversity of talent and virtue,
even to the greatest genius, though irreconcilable with a rigorously
mechanistic philosophy of human life, is perfectly reconcilable mth a
naturalistic philosophy conceived in accordance with the best tradi-
tions of the natural history sciences.
Let me be very objective. Systematic botany and zoology have long
been the type of natural history or the natural sciences. In common,
practice they have been placed over against the physical sciences on
the one hand and the humanistic sciences on the other. Fixing atten-
tion more on subject matter than on knowledge corresponding to it, we
see at once that nothing sets the plant and animal worlds off from the
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SCIENTIFIC IDEALISM 337
inanimate world more obtrusively than the enormous number and di-
versity of kinds in the former as contrasted with those in the latter.
Then comparing the plant and animal world with the human world we
see that nothing stands out more sharply than the diversity of indi-
viduals in the human world as contrasted with that in the plant and
animal worlds. The point is brought home with great force by noticing
that each individual in the human world has a name all to itself where-
as very little of this occurs in either of the other worlds. But the excep-
tions are highly significant A few of the higher animals, notably those
most closely associated with man, do have names. Speaking broadly,
the human world presents itself to our understanding as composed of
individuals and the plant and animal worlds as composed of species,
while the inanimate world, sharply contrasted with both, stands in our
knowledge as composed of a comparatively few kinds of mass and
energy. The continents of the earth appear as land masses and the seas
as bodies of water. Cloud masses bring rain, and coal and oil de-
posits and mountain streams furnish power. The point to be kept in
the foreground is the indubitable fact that all solid advance in science
has done as much to validate diversity in nature as it has to validate
uniformity. It may be said with strict truthfulness, I think, that science
rests just as much on laws of diversity as it does on laws of uniformity.
There is no justification, psychological, logical or of any other sort for
the common assumption that the essence of scientific knowledge is
uniformity alone. Surely we cannot affirm that there could be scien-
tific or any other knowledge without uniformity in nature. But equally
surely, we cannot affirm that there oould be scientific or any other
knowledge without diversity in nature.
Of the many chapters in the history of science that could be drawn
upon for proof of the conclusions just stated time will permit the no-
tice of but one. But that one is epochal and crucial.
I refer to the fact that variety — difference — in living nature had to
be taken, as though a thing of free grace, by Darwin for the very foun-
dation of his theory of descoit. And I call attention to this vital truth:
Darwin and all the ablest naturalists since bis time have devoted some
of their best powers of observation and of thought to the problem of
organic variety and variation, the one unqualifiedly positive result of
which has been to widen and deepen the recognized fact of such diver-
sity. Almost endless has been the controversy over the casual explanO'
tion of variation; but over the fact of it, no controversy at all. So it
happens that when the naturalist passes from the world of plants and
of animals to that of man, preserving the mental attitude and using
the general method which his whole career has made second nature to
him, he finds the individuality and personality so distinctive of the
new realm readily conformable to his disciplinary predilection, his
mental and manual technique, and his conceptual scheme.
VOL. Xin.— 22.
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338 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
One fact, however, though by no means new to him, stands out with
such boldness in the new reahn as to make him ply his methods of
treating diversity with more assiduity and thoughtfulness than ever
before. That fact is this very one of personality. The material with
which he deals in the human realm compels him to notice attentively
that the separateness and independence of human beings are not only
quantitative and numerical but are qualitative as well. They are not
only isolated and thus individual but they are differently individual.
Every human being is not merely an oAer, relative to all the rest, but
it is a different other.
I call special attention to the fact that otherness and qualkaUvely
different otherness are very distinct conceptions, and I insist on the im-
portance of the distinction, so vitally does it concern practical human
affairs. Recognition of this distinction would be promoted by adopting
distinctive terms for the two. There should be a general term for mere
numerical otherness and another term for qualitatively different other-
ness. In my own usage I have come to make the two terms individuality
and personality serve these ends. Latterly for me an individual man,
woman, child, is only an other man, woman, child; while a personal
man, woman, or child is not only an other but a different other. The
full significance of thus distinguishing individuality from personality
is seen only when we consider it as pertaining to the social and ethical
realms.
In order rightly to exhibit it in these realms it is necessary to refer
to still another aspect of the evolution theory, that is the adaptive char-
acter of living things. That man is dependent upon adaptation to his
environment, as are all other organisms, is now so much a truism that
the general fact only needs referring to as a preliminary to mentioning
an aspect of the broad problem which has not yet got a sufficiently se-
cure and influential place either in conunon knowledge or science. That
men, like all other organisms must be adapted to their surroundings
is so obvious that no one questions it. But recognizing that adaptation
is essential in certain aspects of life and in the relation of life to cer-
tain aspects of environment, is quite a different thing from recognizing
that every aspect of life whatever, is adaptive to environment, environ-
ment being considered broadly enough.
Beginning in modem times with the astronomy of Copernicus and
Galileo the whole march of physical science onward to this very day
with its discoveries like those of the Curies and Michelson, have been
toward a commanding outlook from which may be seen the unity of
all inanimate nature. Similarly the march of biological science has
been toward a commanding outlook from which the unity of living
nature is in clear sight. All this has brought it to pass that an ade-
quate interpretation of man's relation to nature cannot be reached by
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SCIENTIFIC IDEALISM 339
taking man and environment each piece-meal, with many of the pieces
quite ignored even at that.
Nothing less than human nature in its entirety will suffice for the
basis of modem interpretation of man's relation to nature. Conse-
quently when that relation is expressed in the terms of adaptation and
environment each must be generalized. Every aspect of human life,
spiritual as well as physical, must be recognized as adaptively related
to some of the aspects of the system of nature as a whole in its role as
environment of human life. Not positive kowledge alone, but art, fine
as well as industrial, philosophy, and religion, are manifestations of
man's ^ort to solve the problem of his existence upon earth. They
are all partly means and partly ends in the struggle for existence, this
familiar and much abused phrase being rightly understood.
And now for the main point in connection with the idea of adapta-
tion. I have just referred to the abused phrase ^^struggle for existence."
One aspect of the abuse of it is in applying it everywhere and at all
times but without any analytical definition of it. It is constantly used
with its most general meaning but rarely so applied to any special in-
stance. Yet a little reflection brings to light the glaring inadequacy
of such usage. Does any one suppose that the struggle of a tree for
existence is the same kind of struggle as that of a fish or a bird or a
man? Is anything more obvious than that what a sea anemone does
in struggling fot existence is quite different from what a lion does?
All manner of sophistical argument can, I am aware, be produced
to justify common practice in this matter. But the facts of the situation
are so obvious that for the unsophisticated these arguments do not need
reviewing or answering. Manifestly the principle according to which
the idea of struggle in living nature must be applied if it is to corre-
spond to the facts and to be really useful, must be expressed about as
follows: The general phrase^ struggle for existence^ is meaningless
for any particular plant or animal except as the struggle is for the ex-
istence of that plant or animal^ according to its particular kind.
A tree struggles for a tree's existence not for a fish's or a bird's or
a man's existence; and furthermore in each case for some particular
kind of tree or fish or man. An oak's struggle is different from a pine's
struggle; a Fijian's struggle is different from a Parisian's, and so on
through the whole gamut of life, past, present and future.
Let us bring this principle home with all its inherent force. To this
end we fix attention upon that portion of the animal realm to which we
ourselves belong; namely the portion equipped with highly developed
muscular and nervous systems and body members for making these
systems effective. Nothing is more obvious even to commonsense
zoology than that the part of animal creation thus equipped falls nat-
urally into two main divisions. There are brute animals and there are
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340 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
human animals. And what differences between brutes and humans axe
the most striking? There are at least two which stand out so conspic-
uously that even a child notices them. These are first, the upright
posture of the human being, by which his hands are freed from die
locomotor function and made available for all sorts of activities in
obedience to intelligence; and second, the language mode of expression
of the human animal. To be sure, neither of these separates the hu-
man from the brute absolutely. If they did they would be quite out
of harmony with the principles which prevail everywhere in natural
history and so would be far less significant Many brute aninmls do
assume the upright posture to some degree and use their fore limbs for
other purposes than moving about; and many of them surely express
themselves to some extent in ways which can be properly designated
as language. But the fullness of development of each of these attri-
butes in the human as contrasted with its development in any of the
brutes is such that no one ever fails to distinguish the lowest living hu-
man from the highest living brute. When we come to scrutinize closely
these two differences, the free hands and language — ^we find the bipedal
form and habit of the human as contrasted with the quadrupedal form
and habit of the brute and likewise the linguistic power of the human as
contrasted with the brute are both inseparably connected with the fact
that the activities of brutes are predominantly hereditary; that is, are
performed according to plans and methods passed along from parents to
offspring in the same way that plans of physical organs and parts are
passed along. On the other hand, with humans we find the activities not
predominantly hereditary. That is to say, they are not inborn but have
to be acquired, learned afresh by each individual. We express diis
difference by calling the activities of brutes mainly instinctive and those
of humans mainly rational and intelligent Brute animal activity is
largely instinct while human animal activity is largely on the basis of
intelligence and reason.
When civilized man is reached in the evolutional scale the eons old
struggle for existence takes the form of the struggle of mankind for
and on the basis of ideas and ideals. These ideas and ideals are nat-
ural by the same token that sensations, reflex actions and instincts are
natural — ^that token being that all alike belong in deepest essence to
the very nature of man.
About the most convincing sign that an attribute of any living
being is natural is its adaptability. An attribute's adaptiveness is that
by virtue of which it contributes to the fitness of the being to live in
the surroundings in which its life is set
The fact of natural origin — origin by birth and growth — and of
natural adaptiveness imply that adaptation is never absolutely perfect,
hence forever needs improvement, is forever open to progress. It is
demonstrated by observations on the activities of brute animals and
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SCIENTIFIC IDEALISM 341
of primitive men as they live in nature that the imperfection of adaptive-
ness to conditions of life mider purely sensory and rdlexive activity is
very serious. In fact it is so serious that great injury, even great de-
struction comes to individual and race because of it. Indeed I believe
it demonstrable that had not nature found a way of correcting the in-
jurious activities to which purely instinctive behavior is ever liable,
progress in animal evolution would have ended in such classes as in-
sects and reptiles. But to find such correctives is a part of the very
essence of organic origin and growth.
The great correctives found by nature are what we call reason and
intelligence, essential elements in which are Ideas and Ideals. Accord-
ing to common conception ideas have their seat in the human brain,
while ideals are seated first and foremost in the human heart.
This sketch of the part Science is playing and still more must play
in the herculean task of producing a system of natural ethics, is now
finished. But before leaving it I will try to compact into the limits
of a last minute, the substance of what has been said.
Brute animal life became transformed into human animal life
through the countless millenniums of struggle of all life to fit itself
ever more completely to the conditions which make any life at all
possible.
Victory, under the name humanity, finally crowned the struggle
when and because of, the slow and painful acquisition by the coming
victor of the power to wage the struggle on the basis of ideas and ideals
instead of on the ancient basis of the purely hereditary, that is instinct-
ive activity of his brute ancestors.
Tliis new and higher form of the struggle as it occurs within and
among the members of the human species gives what in broadest gen-
erality we name the Moral Law. And so it is that Moral Law is Nat-
ural Law, Natural Law in its application to man being the totality of
the impulsions, the efforts, and the acts, by which mankind strives to
attain its own highest good by making itself ever better fitted for liv-
ing, whether in this or in any other world that may be its abode.
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342 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
FIELD CROP YIELDS IN NEW JERSEY FROM
1876 TO 1919
By HARRY B. WEISS
CHIEF, BUREAU OF STATISTICS AND INSPECTION, NEW JERSEY DEPARTBfENT
OF AGRICULTURE
WHILE New Jersey, on account of its extensive trucking areas, its
peach and apple orchards, its plantations of small fruits, etc.,
is generally known ad the ''Garden Staite," as a matter of fact about
75 per cent, of its agricultural acreage is devoted to the growing of
corn, wheat, rye, oats, buckwheat, potatoes, sweet potatoes and hay.
In spite of its varied and intensive manufacturing ii^erests aod its
growing suburban territory, its farms produced in 1920 over 11,-
000,000 bushels of corn, 1,500,000 bushels of wheat, over 1,000,000
bushels of rye, almost 3,000,000 bushels of oats, 2,000,000 bushels
of sweet potatoes, almost 15,000,000 bushels of white potatoes and
545,000 tons of hay. It is entirely with tbese crops that the present
paper deals, particularly with their average yields per acre from
1876 to 1919. A study of the yields over such a length of time should
indicate at least in part either agricultural progression or retrogresdcm
and should afford some evidence as to the value and results of agricul-
tural teachings over that period.
Of the factors controlling yields, climate undoubtedly is the most
important and by climate is meant sunlight, the presence or absence
of which influences the amounts of sugars, starches, fats, proteins, etc;
temperature, which influences germination, growth and in pait die
activities of soil bacteria and moisture or rainfall which detennines
the activities of soil bacteria and hence the availability of plimt food.
Only occasionally are all of the elements making up climate favorable
for the plant over its entire period of growth and when this happens
we have as a rule maximum yields and bumper crops. Climate as a
whole can not be regulated, although by irrigation rainfall can be
supplemented. By the selection of hardy species of plants %an» cli-
matic effects can be overcome and by mulches, evaporatitm and there-
fore loss of heat from the soil can be reduced. For the most pait how-
ever yields are at the mercy of dimate.
Another important factor entering into yields and one whichi is
controllable to a certain point is the fertility of the soil. The natural
fertility can be added to by the use of commercial fertilizers and farm
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FIELD CROP YIELDS IN NEW JERSEY 343
and green manures. The soil itself can be improved by the use of
green and animal manures for the purpose of increasing the amount
of vegetable matter and therefore its water holding power and bacterial
activities. Increasing the yielding power by the addition of fertilizers
is of course possible only up to the point where the law of diminishing
returns starts to operate and other limiting factors are extra labor
and material costs which must be considered together with the prices
received for farm products.
Still another element is crop rotation. A good rotation favors high
yields by utilizing plant food more evenly, by conserving moisture and
regulating humus and by the prevention of rapid losses of fertility.
In other words, one crop helps to prepare the soil for another or for
the following one. Additional elements influencing yields are seed
selection, preparation of seed bed, winterkilling, wind injury and the
activities and control of injurious insects and plant diseases.
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344 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Having thus briefly and geoerally covered the more important
factors bearing upon yields, let us turn our attoitioD to the charts
showing the curves of yearly average yields per acre, together with
ten-year averages and the fifty-year average for the important field
crops of New Jersey. The ten-year average curves are based on the
yearly averages, this resulting in lines which are much easier to follow.
It is with such curves that we will deal principally. As shown
in the chart, the average yield of com began to decline below
the fifty-year average about 1883 and continued until 1890 when the
lowest point was reached. From 1891 it rose slowly but not until 1909
or 18 years later did it reach the fifty-year average again. From 1891
however the ten^year average slowly increased. Buckwheat dropped
below the fifty-year average line about 1881 and further declined until
1890 when it reached its lowest point From then on it increased
sharply until 1899, when the fifty-year average was readied and con-
tinued less sharply from that date. Rye b^an to decline in average
yields in 1881 and reached a low level in 1890, after which it gradually
increased Wheat followed a course similar to that of rye. The ten-
year average curve for oats shoivs little variation for the entire period.
The hay curve shows a slight decrease about 1880 and continues down
until 1889. From 1890 on it rises slowly. The potato curve shows
little variation until 1902 after which date it climbs steadily. The
sweet potato curve indicates a steady increase in average yields from
1878 on with the greatest rate of increase taking place after 1899.
Comparison of Ten-Year Average Curves
Crop Decline Lowest Increase
begins point reached begins
Com 1883 1890 1891
Buckwheat 1881 1890 1891
Rye 1881 1890 1891
Wheat 1881 1890 1891
Hay 1880 1889 1890
Potatoes (white) 1902
Sweet potatoes 1899
From 1880 to 1883 all of the above crops except white and sweet
potatoes b^an to yield less, the lowest points being reached in tlie
years 1889 and 1890. From 1891 on, the average yields of most
gradually increased, potatoes, sweet potatoes and buckwheat at a
faster rate than com and hay.
In an attempt to explain the causes underlying the dips and rises
in the ten-year average curves, the climatic fdctor can be ignored. It
is difficult to find any single definite reason which will account for the
declines in the cases of corn, buckwheat, rye, wheat and hay fr(»n 1880
to 1890. It was su^ested that a loss of the natural fertility might
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FIELD CROP YIELDS IN NEW JERSEY 845
2C
have taken place at that time but this is not possible because the culti-
vation of the soil in New Jersey was neither intensive nor long con-
tinued enough by 1890 to produce such a state of affairs. It was also
suggested that this decline was probably due to the fact that the
farmers at that time were not getting enough money for their products
to warrant the purchase of fertilizers. A study of the prices received
by New Jersey farmers for their products from 1866 to 1920 as shown
by the diart in which corn, wheat and potato prices are plotted as fair
examples, indicates that while prices from 1880 to 1890 were low ccMn-
pared with the prices for previous years, they were on the whole
slightly higher than the prices received from 1900 to 1910 during
which time more commercial fertilizers were being used and yields
were increasing. However between the years 1880 and 1890 the
prices of farm products were undoubtedly dropping faster than the
prices of manufactured articles and such a condition would lead to
retrenchment on the farms. Dr. Jacob G. Ldpman, director of the New
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346 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
DC
f
Jersey Agricultural Experiment Stations, informs me that tfie early
'80's marked the end of the extensive use of greensand marl in New
Jersey and that commercial fertilizers were just beginning to come in.
With the discontinuance of the extensive use of marl after 1875 and
the lack of familiarity on the part of the farmers with commercial
fertilizers, there was naturally a period of depression in &e fertility
conditions.
There is the additional fact to consider that in the early years
statistics were not gathered as accurately as they were later, and in
view of a lack of figures on which to compute ten-year averages before
1876 the declines between 1880 and 1890 may quite possibly be parts
of a more or less natural cycle such as one might find when consider-
ing such variable items as yields and the factors influencing them over
a long period of time. Moreover, for the most part, the declines are
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FIELD CROP YIELDS IN NEW JERSEY 847
i
not startling as will be seen by examining the scale af the charts and
may represent simply a low level in production.
The rises of the ten-year average curves are of more interest. These
show no tendency to follow definite cycles arrangeable into up and
down periods, at least not for the thirty-year period from 1891 to the
present time. Practically all of them except the one for oats show a
more or less gradual increase from 1891 on. In explaining the reason
for this, some light may be thrown on the subject by noting the graph
showing the rapid growth in the use of commercial fertilizers in New
Jersey. The New Jersey Experiment Station was established in 1880
and its work in developing the knowledge of the use of commercial
fertilizers is one of the outstanding services that it has rendered.
From 1882 to 1890 the nine-year average consumption was about
36,000 tons. From 1890 on, the tonnage gradually increased until at
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u»
THE SCrENTJPJC MONTHLY
CENTJ
FARM PRICE5 IN hhX
WHEAT
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POTATOES
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IN NEW JERSEY
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the present time about 150,000 tons are used each year. At present
there is a more or less marked tendency toward the use of more con-
centrated fertilizers, which means that a smaller tonnage is furnish-
ing the same amount of plant food formerly furnished by a larger
tonnage. The curve of fertilizer consumption from 1890 on fits in
nicely mth the ten-year average crop yield from that date and it is
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FIELD CROP YIELDS IN NEW JERSEY 849
reasonable to aasume that such fertilizers are in part responsible for
the increase in average yields. This is especially true for potatoes
on which comparatively large applications are made and to a less
extent for sweet potatoes. Both are cash crops.
About 75 per cent of the fertilizer tonnage is used in the southern
two-thirds of the state and some of this is used for crops not considered
in this paper. It is in this section that the bulk of the white potato
and all of the sweet potato crops are grown. North of where most
of the commercial fertilizer is used, are found the bulk of the wheat
crop, about one-half of the rye and practically all of the oat and budc-
wheat crops. Com and hay are generally distributed over the entire
agricultural section of the state. The slow rate of increase in hay
yields is undoubtedly due to the fact that in the usual rotations prac-
ticed in New Jersey, hay follows such crops as corn, potatoes and
wheat and does not receive fertilizer applications to the same extent
as other crops. Oats not being a cash crop would naturally receive
less attention than the others and this accounts for the little variation
in the ten-year average curve. In the potato, sweet potato and tomato
sections of the state, other crops like com and grass are the bene-
ficiaries from the use of large amounts of fertilizers. Buckwheat,
which is a minor crop, has received little or no attention in the way of
improvement. It is a crop which yields well on poor land. According
to the chart this crop shows a somewhat higher rate of yiel<d increase
than the others. This is due to the fact that it has ridden in on the
crest of the improvement wave and its success insofar as increased
yields are concerned is due to the improvement which took place
generally.
In addition to the increased and intelligent use of commercial ferti-
lizers, which appears to be the most important factor, other factors
which have played their parts in helping to increase yields and which
are of varying degrees of importance, are improved methods of soil
management, seed selection particularly in the case of com and pota-
toes during the past few years and increased efficiency in controlling
injurious insects and plant diseases. It may also be noted that the
introduction and extension of the acreage of alfalfa and the more
intelligent growing of other legumes have played a part in the im-
provement of the productive power of the land. Some of the more
common l^umes, like soybeans, cowpeas, crimson clover, alfalfa and
vetch, have been introduced into the state since 1880, although small
acreages of some were known before that date.
These increases in yields can be taken as part of the evidence that
farming is becoming more efficient and credit is due to all agricultural
agencies in the state which have contributed toward this result by
advocating and striving to advance new or better methods.
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350 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
THE PLAY OF A NATION
By Profcasor G. T. W. PATRICK
UNIVEBSITT OF IOWA, IOWA CITT
IF we use the term play quite broadly to include all forms of sport,
recreation and relaxation, then it is evident that in work, sleep
and play most of our time is spent. Excepting the very young and the
very old, we sleep on the average about eight hours of the twenty-four.
Most of us work at something or other eight or ten hours, more or less.
This leaves six or eight hours for recreation and relaxation.
Of course there are other ways of passing the time not strictly
included either in work, sleep or play, such, for instance, as eating
and love-making, the latter, although a serious and instinctive form
of behavior, often infringing upon or wholly absorbing the hours
claimed for recreati<Hi.
Evoi at the worst, however, a good many hours of every day, say
two, four, six, eight, ten, are spent in some form of play. Since we in
America number more than a hundred million people, it follows that a
good many hundred million hours are daily spent in something which
goes by the name of play, be it recreation, relaxation, sports or
pastimes.
Now there are certain psychological laws by which the value (rf
play may be tested, enabling us to say in advance to what extoit it is
real play having restorative and recreational value. In the light of
these laws, it will be interesting to study the actual plays of our Ameri-
can people, for our national health and our social welfare, as well as
our personal health and happiness, depend a good deal on the charac-
ter of our play.
When we think of our national sports, baseball comes to our minds
— and football and basketball and golf and tennis. When we think
of our recreations, perhaps music suggests itself or the theatre or spe-
cial individual pursuits and interests. When we use the word play,
probably we visualize children at some indefinite game — say hide-and-
seek.
But a moment's reflection will show us that in the lives of our hun-
dred million people the time actually spent in any of the above pursuits
is very little. Evidently, if this study is to be of value as a social
survey, we shall have to be more concrete, or even get into a statistical
mood.
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THE PLAY OF A NATION 351
How then do we as a people actually pass our hours of recreation
or relaxation? Well, some of us read, say newspapers or magazines
or books of fiction, some of us smoke or even drink, some make social
calls or just lounge and chatter, some simply sit, some talk or fuss or
gossip, some play pool or billiards. A very large number go to the
movies. Some play bridge. Some play poker or shoot craps. Some
bet on baseball, football, or horseracing. Many ride in motor cars.
Occasionally one or two ride horseback. A few walk. A very few
swim or exhibit themselves in scanty costumes with the ostensible pur-
pose of swimming. Once in a while one may go to the g}innasium.
Some play golf or toinis. A large number dance. A few go fishing
or hunting or camping. A certain number actually participate in base-
ball, football or basketball.
This is not intended as a complete list of our recreational activities
but may a£ford a basis for the present study.
We in America live rather a tense life, under high pressure. Our
diversified interests, our many social duties, our multitudinous respon-
sibilities, our insistent worries, even our stimulating climate combine
to make our modem life very strenuous, taxing our minds and bodies
to the limit. Many succumb to the rapid pace and neuroses of various
forms increase. In a way we are all at the front and in the trenches
and shell shock is getting to be pretty common. Hence, the need of
relaxation,, recreation and play. Psychologists, social workers, re-
ligious workers and employers of labor have all awakened in recent
years to the importance of play.
But play in order to be recreative must conform to certain require-
ments. All plays are pastimes but not all pastimes are play. Some of
them seem merely to satisfy a longing for excitement Why is it, since
our whole modem life is so exciting as compared with former ways of
living, that in our leisure hours we seek exciting pastimes? Why the
craving for gambling, for alcohol, for tea and coffee and all sorts of
stimulants? Why do we not seek rest and complete relaxation — a let-
ting down and slowing up of our rapid pace? Why the demand for
stimulating drinks, stimulating moving pictures, stimulating risks in
gambling, stimulating speed in driving? Why the dancing craze and
the amusement craze which at first sight would seem to increase our
fatigue rather than allay it?
Fortunately the psychologists have worked out the problem for us
and we now understand fairly well the psychology of play. We have
learned that it is not excitement that we seek in play but release from
those forms of mental activity which are fatigued in our daily life of
grind. Play, if it is to be real play, that is if it is to have recreational
value, must be of a sort to relieve those parts or tracts of the brain
which are overtaxed in our daily life of work and worry. It must be
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352 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
essentially different from our work, opposite in every respect. The
work-a-day world of the present involves certain mental processes
which are comparatively late in development in the long history of
human evolution, such, for instance, as concentration, analysis, ab-
stract thought, sustained attention, sustained effort, and controlled as-
sociation, while the exigencies of our social life demand the constant
checking or inhibition of a vast number of natural impulses and ap-
petites.
He result is that that manner of cerebral functioning with which
these higher intellectual and volitional processes are associated is
brought under a severe stress and strain, leading to rapid neural fatigue
and an urgent demand for rest and relaxation. It is not more sleep
that is needed, nor rest of the whole body and brain, but relief frcmi
that special kind of activity so stressed in our modem competitive life.
It is probably just for this reason that we crave alcohol and tobacco
because they are not stimulants but narcotics, putting a temporary
quietus upon just these overworked forms of cerebral activity.
Figuratively speaking, we may say that what is needed is that kind
of activity which will relieve the higher brain centers, while allowing
the older and lower ones to function. This is not strictly accurate from
our present day conception of the brain. What really happens when
we think hard, pay attention closely, decide quickly, or hold our mind
steadily to a given task, is better expressed as a kind of total integra-
tion of cerebral processes, these processes taking the form probably
in all cases of reflex arcs or reaction arcs, as we now call them. This
total integration of brain processes is impossible for childr^i and ex-
tremely fatiguing for adults. Children therefore must play all the
time and grown-ups much of the time, if break-down is to be avoided;
and by play we mean here some form of activity which does not in-
volve this total int^ration of the brain areas.
Play then to be wholesome and truly recreative must involve only
those areas of the brain and those parts of the nervous system whidi
in the evolution of man are old and pervious and easy. They are,
so to speak, the brain channels which are deep-worn and natural. The
muscular responses in play must be those which past ages and long
usage have made easy and familiar. We see, therefore, why the plays
of children repeat the life history of the race. The cave, the tree-
house, the swimming pool, the camp-iire, the bow and arrow, the canoe,
the jack-knife, the ball bat, the mimic fight, kites, tops, marbles,
hunting, fishing, gathering nuts, the cat, the dog, the teddy bear, the
horse-race, the game of hide and seek, the charms and talismans and
superstitions — all these are, as it were, reminiscences of the past life
of the human species. They involve brain patterns that are old and
familiar, the only ones in fact that are developed as yet in childhood
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THE PLAY OF A NATION 353
and the ones that in adult life give rest and release from the fatiguing
activity of the hi^er brain centres continually stressed in our daily
life of grind.
As a rough rule we may say that the more primitive a sport is the
higher its recreational value. Good sports, therefore, are those which
involve these older brain patterns and this criterion we can use in judg-
ing the recreational value of our sports and pastimes today.
The elements of rivalry, competition, and contest, as ancient forms
of self-expression, act as purifying motives in all good sports. When
these are absent, as in the moving pictures, the dance, and the automo-
bile, the recreational value of the play falls o£F a little. In human
society, especially in our modem crowded social groups, we are
obliged to live together in peace and harmony and have to inhibit and
suppress a great many of our natural and ancient feelings of rivalry
and hatred. This constant suppression of our egoistic impulses re-
sults in many serious mental complexes. Games of rivalry thus pro-
vide a compensatory element, purifying the mind. This explains why
tliere is so great a demand for games in which this element of rivalry
takes a very direct and primitive form — the form of a regular face to
face battle— as in prize fighting and football, and we understand why
immense crowds flock to these sports.
I know a husband and wife who live together in great peace and
happiness. They play once a day a game of backgammon in which
all their pent-up and unconscious animosities are given full expression.
During the time of this game they exhibit the most ruthless antagon-
ism, showing no mercy to their opponent but bent on his complete
destruction and annihilation. It is a fight to the finish.
But there are other rules by which to measure the value of our
play. Since our modem work-a-day world, at least in our American
climate, is to a large extent sedentary, confined and indoors, our sports
to be of the greatest value must be out-of-door sports.
Finally, our sport must provide for self-expression. In self-expres-
sion there is a mystical recreational power. Nothing rests one so
much as victory, pursuit and capture. All good games introduce the
element of rivalry.
Now, equipped with these tests and measures of good play« sports,
and pastimes, we are prepared to examine the actual recreations of our
American people to see whether they stand the tests. And we have
already discovered what these sports and pastimes are and have only to
enumerate them again. If we attempt to name them roughly in the
order of their prevalence, the order would seem to be something like
this: Reading, movies, dancing, motoring, walking, card games, pool,
baseball, golf, tennis, football, basketball, swimming, fishing, hunting,
camping, gymnastics, and horseback riding. Such a classification must
VOL. Xni.— 23.
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364 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
be very general and even the most popular of these pursuits might be
surpassed in popularity by other less definite forms of recreation or
relaxation such as sitting, talking, gossiping, fussing, lounging, smok-
ing, drinking, gambling, shopping, etc.
Applying our tests to these forms of play, it becomes clear at once
that golf, tennis, baseball, football and basketball stand out pre-emi-
nently as real recreative sports. From the psychologist's point of view,
golf may be cited as the perfect ideal sport. It has all the needed
recreational elements. It has a restorative power excelling all thera-
peutic arts. It represents a reversion to the natural outdoor life. We
range over hills in the open, using the muscles of the legs, arms, and
trunk. We carry a club and strike viciously at a ball. We search for
the ball in the grass as our ancestors searched for their arrows. There
is a goal and the spirit of rivalry and a chance for self-expression.
The nerve currents course through ancient channels. We return to our
work refreshed and rejuvenated. Golf, to be sure, requires fine ad-
justments of eye and hand at the mom^it of striking but there is no
continuous strain upon them and skill of this kind is a proper element
in play. It is unfortunate that the opportunities for golf are now
limited to the few. Nothing better could happen to our nation than
a wide extension to our people of the opportunities to play golf.
As regards tennis much the same may be said. Though laddng
some of the distinctive psychological elements of perfect sport pos-
sessed by golf, it is still a very excellent and healthful form of recrea-
tion. Opportunities for it should be widely extended.
Baseball and football have certain peculiar qualities whidi rank
them as high or possibly even higher than golf. Being 'more strenuous,
they are better suited to the young males, while golf and tennis may be
played by all. We see at once that football meets all the conditions
which we have outlined as marks of good sport. There is running,
kicking, dodging, tackling, pursuit and capture. There are also the
opposing groups, as in battle, and the rough rude shock of personal
collision. All these ancient responses offer complete relaxation and
release from the proper and pent up inhibitory life of our modem
world. Hiey arouse lat^it, deep-seated instincts and impulses, allow
us to revel for an hour in these ancient memories and restore us to our
work refreshed and purified. It is the grip upon us of that which is
racially old which explains the immaise throngs which gather at the
football games. Seventy or even a hundred thousand spectators have
been reported at scxne of the great games.
The racial elements in baseball are not quite so old but are sulEcient
to permit the catharsis element in rare degree. Striking and throwing
are dear to every boy, and these ancient responses, the ancestral condi-
tions of race survival, are dominant in baseball, while the running and
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THE PLAY OF A NATION 355
catching, and the opposition of the teams, and the reward of skill and
of strength and quick decision add Co the real recreational value of the
game. The recent extension of non-professional baseball and football
among school boys is a contribution to social welfare. Here again,
however, the application of the statistical method awakens our con-
cern. For if baseball is fitted to all young men from the ages of four-
teen to thirty, actual regular participation in it will be foimd to be
limited to relatively few. It should be extended to a larger number.
But professional basdball as a national sport presents a different
problem. Here the '^players" are not playing but working. The game
18 a profession, a strife for glory and for money. The recreational
features are now transferred to the spectators. To what extent is base-
ball of recreational value to the fans? lliey usually ride out to the
ball park in auto or street car, sit on the bleachers during the game
and return as they go. Nevertheless the game has considerable recrea-
tional value for the spectator. The galling social checks and inhibi-
tions of the daily grind are thrown off for a time. Free expression is
given to one's feelings and enthusiasms. There is a mental participa-
tion in the game and no doubt usually a considerable degree of rest
and relaxation is gained. But it does not permit of self-expression
and is far from an ideal form of play and at the best the number en-
joying it is relatively small. Basketball, though lacking in some of the
distinctive recreational elements of baseball and football, is neverthe-
less of the greatest value as a sport and stands high in our list
Hunting and fishing, swimming and camping constitute a group of
sports which rank high in the list of valuable recreations. They rep-
resent a return to the conditions of primitive life and involve only
racially old and familiar brain patterns. They are out-of-door sports,
using the fundamental muscles of the arms and legs and ccHupletely
releasing the strain upon the eye and hand and nervous system. Hunt-
ing with the camera, recommended by the humane societies, is well
enough, but the camera it not a substitute for the gun in recreational
value. When we consider the horrors of the late war and remember
that if the nervous tension of a people gets too high it may overflow
m an actual orgy of human bloodshed, the '^cruelty" of hunting and
fishing seems less serious, especially if they act as a release of the
nervous tension increased by our high pressure modem life.
Swimming as a form of play stands very high. It is unfortunate
that so fine a sport should be degraded by the entrance of other ele-
ments, such as sex and dress, whidi detract from its pure recreational
value. On the whole the reviving interest in swimming, bathing and
camping, in the Boy Scout movement, in the Campfire Girls' move-
ment, and in the whole outing cult in general, is a most encouraging
sign. These are healthy forms of play.
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366 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
But here again, if we count noses, how many of our hundred milli<m
people are able to avail themselves of these sports? The relative num-
ber of those who actually do engage in any of them sufficiently often
to serve the purpose of recreation adequately is rather small. Oppor-
tunity for them is lacking among the greater number of our people
both young and old. One-half of our whole social group, namely girls
and women, are at once debarred from participation in most of the
sports thus far discussed, excepting only tennis and swinmiing and
perhaps golf.
We have therefore to consider now the value of the forms of recrea-
tion in whidi there is actual participation by large numbers of our
people of both sexes, young and old. Motoring first demands our at-
tention. As there are more than eight million automobiles in the United
States, as most of these are kept pretty busy through many if not all
months of the year, as each one may carry several people of both sexes,
old and young, and as a considerable proportion of this riding is for
purposes of recreation, we see at once that we have here a form of play
of very wide extension. What is its value as determined by our psycho-
logical tests? Well, it is out-of-doors at any rate. Fresh air is fur-
nished in abundance, and for our indoor workers that is certainly
something. Man is by nature a roamer. He resents confinement. He
must hav:, a change of scene. He loves adventure. For old men and
house-pent women the motor car is a boon. For workers whose daily
tasks keep them on their feet, the automobile is a rest and comfort. It
has also another recreational feature, namely, speed. The craving for
speed, which gives zest to coasting, skating, and flying, is probably a
survival of the ancient joy of pursuit and escape.
Nevertheless, for the average man and woman, and especially for
the child, the automobile is anything but a blessing as a form of play.
For hundreds of thousands of years the human being has lived on his
feet and made his living by means of his legs. Now he has become, to
a considerable extent, a sitting, lounging, reading, studying, and think-
ing being, and a whole group of new diseases has followed this seden-
tary life. It is by no means certain that a sitting race can survive. The
motor car deprives many people of the little walking whidi they would
otherwise do. Each new car advertises softer cushions, an easier up-
holstered back to support the shoulders or even the head, and more
delicate springs to ward off every jar. The ease is seductive and we
ride even to our offices or places of business.
With horseback riding the case is wholly differ^it Here, to be
sure, the legs are not used, but a whole series of valuable psychological
factors are present which make this one of the best of all sports. The
horseback rider does not need the offices of the osteopath or chiro-
practor; his spinal colunm gets the necessary limbering up; and the
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THE PLAY OF A NATION 857
mere association with horses adds a subtle historical element of the
greatest value. The automobile is suitable for convalescents.
Walking is not usually classified as play. It is nevertheless of ex-
ceedingly great value as a means of recreation for sitting people. It
lacks many of the prime features of play but it is at any rate always
available and may easily be a life saver.
So we come in the end to the dance and the moving pictures, for
we may leave out of consideration a long list of recreations whose value
the reader may easily appraise by using the tests which have been
enumerated, such for instance as pool, billiards, card games, reading,
gossiping, gambling, etc.
If, as we are told, twenty million people, men, women and children
visit the movies every day, we have at least one form of recreation
which even by the statistical method actually reaches the whole popu-
lation without distinction of age, sex, or social status. The moving
picture theater is everywhere, in the large city accessible almost with-
out the use of a street car, in the country town more prominent than
the church and school house. The price of admission is so moderate
that the poorest may attend, while evening, afternoon, and Sunday ex-
hibitions make the time convenient for all.
The dance is not quite so universal as the movies but is widely en-
joyed by both sexes in city, town, and country.
What is the recreational value of these two universal forms of
play? If we refer again to our table of tests, it would seem that the
dance meets all the conditions except the out-of-doors requirement It
is an ultra-primitive form of human activity, as old as mankind itself.
It relieves completely the strain upon the eye and finger muscles, in-
volving only the ear and the larger muscles of the trunk and legs, die
rhythmical movements being ancient, easy, and natural. The higher
brain centers are completely rested, for they have nodiing to do. Tlie
brain patterns of the dance are the simplest conceivable, being very
old and familiar. There is a thrill of cherished memories associated
with the dance in the life history of the race. This explains in part
its fascination. When social restrictions are lifted, the craze for danc-
ing bursts upon a sitting and sedentary race almost with the furor of
an epidemic A tired and nervous people finds here its release, a re-
laxation complete and satisfying. There is opportunity also for self-
expression.
The more primitive the manner of dancing becomes the greater its
charm. The recent revival of barbaric syncopated forms of music to
accompany the dance and the still further reversion to steps and atti-
tudes of Ae most primitive type heighten the joy and accentuate 4e
recreational effects.
But it is right here that we encounter certain serious difficulties with
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358 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
the dance as a means of recreation. We liye in highly complex social
groups, in which other factors than merely physiological and psydio-
logical ones comit The social and moral aspects of every form of
recreation have to be considered. The modem dance owes its attrac-
tiveness, not wholly but partly, to the sex motive. To that extent it
passes out of the sphere of play activity into the wholly different
sphere of love-making. As such it does not come within the purpose
of this paper. This mixture of motives, however, very greatly lessens
the value of the dance as a form of recreation, excepting of course the
graceful and healthful forms of folk dancing, the revival of which is
a sign of hope.
Still other factors lessen the value of the dance as recreation. Not
only is it indoors; it is largely a night pastime and has incidental asso-
ciations of late hours, extravagance in dress, and moral surroundings
not always good. On the whole, it may probably be said that while
from the standpoint of the individual the dance in itself has unlimited
possibilities as recreation, from the standpoint of social health and
welfare the results are bad.
If we consider the esthetic dances and the esthetic factor in all
dancing, a point in favor of the dance may be urged. No recreational
force could be imagined better for a spent and nervous people than the
enjoyment of beauty in all its forms. Could the attention of the Amer-
ican nation be diverted for certain hours of the day or week from
its feverish pursuit of wealth and power to the quiet enjoyment of
beautiful things, its salvation would be insured. Of all the forms of
esthetic ^oyment, that of music is the most restful, harmonizing, and
tranquilizing. And this is not altogether due to the intrinsic excellence
of music over the arts of painting, sculpture, architecture and poetry,
although even that claim might be urged. The restful and recreational
value of music for our people is due in a peculiar way to the fact of
our prevailing eye-mindedness and finger-mindedness. In music we
find our release. It is thus a hopeful sign for the permanoice of our
civilization that in our public schools a constantly increasing time is
given to music and the other fine arts.
The compensatory character in play which we have emphasized is
incidentally well illustrated by the wave of jazz that has swept the
world and now spent itself. Ethically and esthetically no music could
be worse than this. But as a temporary restorative of nerves shattered
by a terrible world war, no music could be better. For the moment the
world needed a complete release, a primeval pacifier. It seized with
joy upon the music and the dance of primeval man and perhaps for
the same reason has reverted in other ways to primeval practices and
morals. Having thus been flushed and purged, the toiling upward way
may again be undertaken.
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THE PLAY OF A NATION 359
As regards the movies, one point in their favor has been noted.
Tliey are accessible and available. They satisfy vicariously the love of
adventure, the roaming instinct, the delight in the new and the strange
and the wonderful. They are absorbing, diverting the weary soul from
its troubles. They relieve the strain upon the will by the plot-interest,
which carries the observer along without effort. They bring a glimpse
of fairy land into some lives that are drab and prosy. Those who
cannot even dance may here participate in the sight of dancing. To
those who have no beauty in their daily surroundings, beauty is brought
in many forms upon the screen.
But when this is said, all is said, for if we refer again to our table
of tests of recreational factors, we find nearly all the elements of good
play wanting in the movies. Good play is out of doors and involves
the larger fundamental muscles of the trunk and legs, and for children
this is primary and indispensable. They must be active in play and
all sedentary people must be active in play. It is bad enough that
children should be confined in a school-room five precious hours of
the day. It js worse if they are penned in between a desk and a seat.
For such children to spend still other hours of the day or evening or
any hours of their holidays in confinement is serious, and especially in
these days of universal reading, when old and young alike spend so
many hours sitting, reading fascinating books of fiction, and interest-
ing magazines and pap^s.
In the moving picture theater the bodily confinement is complete
and uncompromising. In the school-room the child can at least wrig-
gle. In the movies the attention is so wrapt as to result in a statue-
like rigidity of the whole body for hours. For adults this is unfor-
tunate; for children it is fatal. Many moving picture theaters are
stuffy. Most of them are crowded. The physical conditions are thus
the worst possible from the standpoint of recreational needs.
As regards the use of the sense-organs, the eye, overworked among
our modem reading people, gains no rest from moving pictures but is
taxed to the very utmost and kept under strain for hours. To what
extent the eyes will suffer from the moving pictures I am not here dis-
cussing. I am only pointing out the failure of the movies to conform
in this respect to recreational requirements. The relations of the eye
and ear to our modem life are such that good music is of far greater
value as recreation and relaxation than any appeal to the eye. If our
play is to take the form of any oitertainment on the stage, good music
in any form, whether in concert, recital, folk songs, or opera, would
seem to be deserving a very high place.
Incidentally it should be mentioned here that in the history of the
race the most intimate and human relations are associated with the
voice as used in speech. The Greek tragic drama, which drew whole
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360 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
populations of a city to the outdoor stage, depended for its powerful
appeal largely upon the human voice. The spectacular character of
the modem theater seems like a distinct loss. But when this is carried,
as in the moving pictures, to the point where human life and society
are wholly divorced from the expressive and meaningful tones of the
voice, we seem to be living in a dessicated and ddumanized world, from
which all intrinsic worth has departed. The visual world depicted on
the screen has movement, plot-interest, strangeness, novelty, excitement,
intensity, but lacks the elements whidi are soothing, tranquilizing and
harmonizing. It is neither relaxation nor recreation.
Another aspect of the moving pictures in their relation to the human
mind, which must be taken into account, is their effect upon the emo-
tions. Aristotle's catharsis theory of the drama has been long discussed.
The mind is supposed to be purified by sudi mild excitement of the
emotions of pity and fear as is offered by the tragic scene upon the
stage. Our pent up emotions are supposed to demand expression and
the drama serves as a kind of safety-valve, allowing the emotions a
legitimate and harmless outlet
There is scant psychological evidence to support this theory. The
emotional flooding of the mind whidi the spectator experiences prob-
ably has no recreational value in itself. In the legitimate drama this
tumult of the emotions, tempered by the human voice and by all the
settings of real art, may be for the adult a harmless accompaniment
of esthetic enjoyment In the moving pictures such frequent and exces-
sive overflow of the emotional life can hardly fail to disturb the deli-
cate balance between real life and its natural emotional response. Cer-
tain films widely exhibited to large audiences draw too heavily upon
the emotions. Old time revivalists have been censured for working
upon the feelings of their hearers by appeals to the very intimate and
personal experiences connected with birth, death, and marriage. These
tales were innocent compared with the harrowing scenes sometimes
presented on the screen. Tears flow and the breast heaves but the nat-
ural expression of emotional states through action is prohibited. In
real life such emotional situations lead to action. In the movies noth-
ing happens. The natural response is ladcing.
We must conclude therefore that from the standpoint of the psy-
diology of play, the movies offer little of recreational value, while for
children they may be the source of the most pernicious misdiief. The
physical decadence which is anyway threatening our people because
of our modem life of comfort, ease, and inactivity, with its excessive
demands upon the brain and its neglect of physical devdo^nnent, is
likely to receive a considerable impetus from the moving pictures.
As I am speaking here of recreational values only, I need not dwell
on the moral influence of the movies. Neither can one pass the sub-
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THE PLAY OF A NATION 361
jeot in complete silence. From this point of view one needs stronger
phrases than ^*a national calamity" and ^'the world's worst failure,"
which have recmitly been applied to these pictures.
Hitherto humanity by tadt and universal consent has been willing
for the sake of the innocence of its children and the piurity of its women
to draw a veil before the worst evils of the world, and by a delicate
instinct to touch lightly and reverently upon its most sacred insdtu-
tiona. It has always been assumed that there are some things too
sacred, some too intimate to be exposed to public view. But in the
moving pictures all is cheapened. The veil is ruthlessly torn from
everything, and for commercial motives only.
The pernicious effects of flaming abroad to every toum and country-
side moving pictures of the most decadent phases of city life must be
apparent to everybody, but to introduce our young children to all this
seems like social suicide. The plot-interest of a cheap play we enjoy
for an hour but the plot-interest in life itself is discounted in advance
and deadened. The moving picture concerns say that the public de-
mands sensational and erotic pictures. That an enlightened social com-
munity should allow great commercial interests to exploit its children
for motives such as these is beyond belief. Certainly we are a ccMn-
placent people.
Whoi society comes to its senses and sweeps the bad pictures from
the stage, then the question of the recreational and educational value
of the movies will be more carefully raised. The recreational value,
aa we have seen, is slight, while the educational value has been gready
overestimated. The diild, as any educator knows now, learns by doing,
not by seeing. The moving pictures may bring to the child a visual
image of many things but what is more important is that he himself
should learn to contribute to human utilities, that he should take his
part in life, that he should learn to control himself, to express himself,
to read and write and speak correctly, that he should know how to ap-
preciate good language, good books, good music, and good art, that
he should conduct himself as a responsible moral being in the family
and in the social group. These things cannot be learned by seeing
them on a screen. They must be learned by long and persistent train-
ing in the actual doing.
In conclusion, it would seem that in regard to the actual present
day recreations of the great body of our American people, the three
which rank highest in respect to the numbers participating in them,
namely, the dance, the movies, and the automobile, do not rank high
in real recreational value while one of them has a doubtful social value,
and one a widespread pernicious influence.
Mr. Chesterton says that our modem people do not know how to
amuse themselves because they are not free men. Our amusements are
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362 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
mechanical, as our whole life is. We have to be amused by machinery,
such as the cinema and the automobile. True recreation is that in which
we ourselves participate. There must be action and self-expression.
It will not do to lay all the evils of the present time — and they aie
very threatening — upon our institutions nor upon the war. To a con-
siderable extent they have their source in the unstable brain of the in-
dividual. Our material and social environment is changing very
rapidly while the human brain and body are changing little or not at
all. Hence, we are not adjusted to our environment and social irrita-
bility results, venting itself usually in an attack upon our political in-
stitutions.
Nothing would do more towards the solution of our social problems
than providing healthful and harmonizing recreations for the nation.
The way to do this may be beset with difficulties but the true approach
seems to be through the public schools. The cultivation of good taste
in selecting our amusements would do something, but practical results
will be more likely to follow the enlarged opportimities for good sports
and healthful plays and a revision of our school program in the direc-
tion of the English system, in which sports and play are an integral
part of the public school curriculum.
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EVARISTE GALOIS 868
EVAMSTE GALOIS
By Dr. GEORGE SARTQN
CARNEGIE INSTITUTION
NO episode in the history of thought is more moving than the life
of Evariste Galois — ^the yoimg Frenchman who passed like a
meteor about 1828, devoted a few feverish years to the most intense
meditation, and died in 1832 from a wound received in a duel, at the
age of twenty. He was still a mere boy, yet ydthin these short years he
had accomplished enough to prove indubitably that he was one of the
greatest mathematicians of all times. When one sees how terribly fast
this ardent soul, this wretched and tormented heart were consumed one
can but think of the beautiful meteoric showers of a summer night
But this comparison is misleading, for the soul of Galois vrill bum on
throughout the ages and be a perpetual flame of inspiration. His fame
is incorruptible; indeed the apotheosis ¥dll become more and more
splendid mth the gradual increase of human knowledge.
No existence could be more tragic than his and the only one at
all comparable to it is, strangely enough, that of another mathe-
matician, fully his equal, the Norwegian Niels Henrik Abel, who
died of consumption at twenty-six in 1829; that is just when Galois was
ready to take the torch from his hand and to run with it a little further.
Abel had the inestimable privilege of living six years longer, and think
of these years — ^not ordinary years of a humdrum existence, but six full
years at the time that genius was ripe — six years of divine inspiration.
What would not Galois have given us, if he had been granted six more
such years at the climax of his life? But it is futile to ask such ques-
tions. Prophecies too are futile, yet a certain amount of anticipation
of the future may be allowed, if one does not contravene the experience
of the past. For example, it is safe to predict that Galois' fame can
but wax, because of the fundamental nature of his work. While
the inventors of important applications, whose practical value is ob-
vious, receive quick recognition and often very substantial rewards, the
discoverers of fundamental principles are not generally awarded much
recompense. They often die misunderstood and unrewarded. But while
the fame of the former b bound to wane as new processes supersede
their own, the fame of the latter can but increase. Indeed the impor-
tance of each principle grows with the number and the value of its
applications; for each new application is a new tribute to its worth.
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364 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
To put it more concretely, when we are very thirsty a juicy orange is
more precious to us than an orange tree. Yet when the emergency has
passed, we learn to value the tree more than any one of its fruits; for
each orange is an end in itself, while the tree represents the innumer-
able oranges of the future. The fame of Galois has a similar founda-
tion; it is based upon the unlimited future. He well knew the preg-
nancy of his thoughts, yet they were even more far-reaching than he
could possibly dream of. His complete works fill only sixty-one small
pages; but a French geometer, publishing a large volume some forty
years after Galois' death, declared that it was simply a ommientary
on the latter's discoveries. Since then, many more consequences have
been deduced from it, and Galois' fundamental ideas have influenced
the whole of mathematical philosophy. It is likely that when mathe-
maticians of the future contemplate his personality at the distance of
a few centuries, it will appear to them to be surrounded by the same
halo of wonder as those of Euclid, Ardmnedes, Descartes and Newton.
Evariste Galois was bom in Bourg-la-Reine, near Paris, on the 25th
of October, 1811,^ in the very house in which his grandfather had lived
and had founded a boys' school. This being one of the very few board-
ing schools not in the hands of the priests, the Revolution had much in-
creased its prosperity. In the course of time, grandfather Galois had
given it up to his younger son and soon after, the school had received
from the imperial government a sort of oflbnal recognition. When
Evariste was bom, his father was thirty-six years of age. He had re-
mained a real man of the eighteenth century, amiable and witty, clever
at rhyming verses and writing playlets and instinct vdth philosophy.
He was the leader of liberalism in Bourg-la-Reine, and during the Hun-
dred Days had been appointed its mayor. Strangely enough, after
Waterloo he was still the mayor of the village. He took his oath to
the King, and to be sure he kept it, yet he remained a liberal to the end
of his days. One of his friends and neighbors, ThcHnas Francois De^
mante, a lawyer and judge, one time professor in the Faculty of Law
of Paris, was also a typical gentleman of the ^^ancien regime," but of a
different style. He had given a very solid classical education not only
to his sons but also to his daughters. None of these had been more
deeply imbued ¥dth the examples of antiquity than Adelaide-Marie who
was to be Evariste's mother. Roman stoicism had sunk deep into her
heart and given to it a virile temper. She was a good Christian, though
more concerned with the ethical than with the mystical side of religion.
An ardent imagination had colored her every virtue with passion.
1 The biographical facts are borrowed from P. Dupu/s exhaustive
biography, published in the "Annates Scientiiiques de I'Ecole Normale
Sup6rieure/^ t. xiii, Paris, 1896.
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EVARISTE GALOIS 365
Many more people have been able to appreciate her character than her
son's, for it was to be her sad fortune to survive him forty years. She
was said to be generous to a fault and original to the point of queer-
ness. There is no doubt that Evariste owed considerably more to her
than to his father. Besides, until the age of eleven the little boy had no
teadier but his mother.
In 1823, Evariste was sent to college in Paris. This college— Louis
le-Grand — was then a gloomy house, looking from the outside like a
prison, but within aflame with life and passion. For heroic memories
of the Revolution and the Empire had remained particularly vivid in
this institution, which was indeed, under the clerical and reactionary
r^ime of the Restoration, a hot-bed of liberalism. Love of learning
and contempt of the Bourbons divided the hearts of the scholars. Since
1815 the discipline had been jeopardized over and over again by boy-
ish rebellions, and Evariste was certainly a witness of, if not a partner
in, those which took place soon after his arrival. The influence of such
an impassioned atmosphere upon a lad freshly emancipated from his
mother's care cannot be exaggerated. Nothing is more infectious than
political passion, nothing more intoxicating than the love of freedom.
It was certainly there and then that Evariste received his political initia-
tion. It was the first crisis of his childhood.
At first he was a good student; it was only after a couple of years
that his disgust at the regular studies became apparent. He was then
in the second class (that is, the highest but one) and the ^^provisor** sug-
gested to his father that he should spend a second year in it, arguing
that the boy's weak health and immaturity made it imperative. The
child was not strong but the provisor had failed to discover the true
source of his lassitude. His seeming indifference was due less to imma-
turity than to his mathematical precocity. He had read his books of
geometry as easily as a novel, and the knowledge had remained firmly
anchored in his muid. No sooner had he begun to study algebra than
be read Lagrange's original memoirs. This extraordinary facility
had been at first a revelation to himself, but as he grew more conscious
of it, it became more difficult for him to curb his own domineering
thought and to sacrifice it to the routine of class work. The rigid pro-
gram of the college was to him like a bed of Procrustes, causing him
unbearable torture without adequate compensation. But how could
the provisor and the teachers understand this? The double conflict
withiu the child's mind and between the teachers and himself, as the
knowledge of his power increased, was intensely dramatic. By 1827
it had reached a critical point This might be called the second crisis
of his childhood: his scientific initiation. His change of mood
was observed by the family. Juvenile gaiety was suddenly re-
placed by concentration; his manners became stranger every day. A
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366 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
mad desire to march forward along the solitary path which he saw so
distinctly, possessed him. His whole being, his every faculty was mo-
bilized in this immense endeavor.
I cannot give a more vivid idea of the growing strife between- this
inspired boy and his miinspired teachers than by quoting a few extracts
from the school reports:
1826-1827
This pupil, though a little queer in his manners, is very gentle and seems
filled with innocence and good qualities. ... He never knows a lesson
badly: either he has not learned it at all or he knows it well. . . .
A little later:
This pupil, except for the last fortnight during which he has worked
a little, has done his class wbrk lonly from fear of punishment. . . . Hb
ambition, his originality— often affected— the queemess of his character keep
htm aloof from his companions.
1827-1828
Conduct rather good. A few thoughtless acts. Character of which I
do not flatter myself I understand every trait; but I see a great deal of
self-esteem dominating. I do not think he has any vicious inclination. His
ability seems to me to be entirely beyond the average, with regard as much
to literary studies as to mathematics. . . . He does not seem to lack
religious feeling. His health is gt>od but delicate.
Another professor says:
His facility, in which one is supposed to believe but of which I have not
yet witnessed a single proof, will lead him nowhere: there is no trace in
his tasks of anything but of queemess and negligence.
Another still:
Always busy with things which are not his business. Goes down every
day.
Same year, but a little later:
Very bad conduct Character rather secretive. Tries to be originaL
. . . Does absolutely nothing for the class. The furor of mathematics
possesses him. ... He is losing his time here and does nothing but tor-
ment his masters and get himself harassed with punishments. He does not
lack religious feeling; his health seems weak.
Later still:
Bad conduct, character difficult to define. Aims at originality. His talents
are very distinguished ; he might have done very well in "Rh6torique" if he
had been willing to work, but swayed by his passion for mathematics, he
has entirely neglected everything else. Hence he has made no progress
whatever. . . . Seems to affect to do something different from what he
should do. It is possibly to this purpose that he chatters so much. He
protests against silence.
In his last year at the college, 1828-1829, he had at last found a
teacher of mathemi^cs who divined his genius and tried to encourage
and to help him. This Mr. Richard, to whom one cannot be too grate-
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EVARISTE GALOIS 367
f ul, wrote of him : ^^This student has a marked superiority over all his
school-mates." '*He works only at the highest parts of mathematics."
You see the whole difference. Kind Mr. Richard did not complain that
Evariste neglected his regular tasks, and, I imagine, often forgot to
do the petty mathematical exercises, which are indispensable to drill
the average boy; he does not think it fair to insist on what Evariste
does not do, but states what he does do: he is only concerned with the
highest parts of mathematics. Unfortunately, the other teachers were
less indulgent. For physics and chemistry, the note often repeated was:
"Very absent-minded, no work whatever."
To show the sort of preoccupations which engrossed his mind: at
the age of sixteen he believed that he had found a method of solving
general equations of the fifth degree. One knows that before succeed-
ing in proving the impossibility of such resolution, Abel had made the
same mistake. Besides, Galois was already trying to realize the great
dream of his boyhood: to enter the Ecole Polytechnique. He was bold
enough to prepare himself alone for the extrance examination as early
as 1828 — ^but failed. This failure was very bitter to him — the more so
that he considered it as unfair. It is likely that it was not at all
unfair, at least according to the accepted rules. Galois knew at one
and the same time far more and far less than was necessary to enter
Polytechnique; his extra knowledge could not compensate for his de-
ficiencies, and examiners will never consider originality vdth favor.
The next year he published his first paper, and sent his first communi-
cation to the Academic des Sciences. Unfortunately, the latter got lost
through Cauchy's negligence. This embittered Galois even more. A
second failure to enter Polytechnique seemed to be the climax of his
misfortune, but a greater disaster was still in store for him. On July
2 of this same year, 1829, his father had been driven to commit suicide
because of the vicious attacks directed against him, the liberal mayor,
by his political enemies. He took his life in the small apartment which
he had in Paris, in the vicinity of Louis-le-Grand. As soon as his
father's body reached the territory of Bourg-la-Reine, the inhabitants
carried it on their shoulders, and the funeral was the occasion of dis-
turbances in the village. This terrible blow, following many smaller
miseries, left a very deep mark on Evariste's soul. His hatred of in-
justice became the more violent, in that he already believed himself to
be a victim of it; his father's death incensed him, and developed his
tendency to see injustice and baseness everywhere.
His repeated failures to be admitted to Polytechnique were to Galois
a cause of intense disappointment To appreciate his despair, one must
realize that the Ecole Polytechnique was then, not simply the highest
mathematical school in France and the place where his genius would be
most likely to find the sympathy it craved, it was also a daughter
of the Revolution who had remained faithful to her origins in spite
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368 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
of all efforts of the governmeiit to curb her spirit of independence.
The young Polytechnidans were the natural leaders of every political
rebellion; liberalism was for them a matter of traditional duty. This
house was thus twice sacred to Galois, and his failure to be accepted
was a double misfortune. In 1829 he entered the Ecole Normale, but
he entered it as an exile from Polytechnique. It was all the more
diflicult for him to forget the object of his former ambition, because the
Ecole Normale was then passing through the most languid period of
its existence. It was not even an independent institution, but rath^ an
extension of Louis-le-Grand. Every precaution had been taken to insure
the loyalty of this school to the new regime. Yet there, too, the main
student body inclined toward liberalism, though their convictions were
very weak and passive as c<Mnpared with the mood prevailing at Poly-
technique; because of the discipline and the spying methods to which
they were submitted, their aspirations had taken a more subdued and
hypocritical form only relieved once in a while by spasmodic up-
heavals. Evariste suffered doubly, for hb political desires were
checked and his mathematical ability remained unrecognized. Indeed
he was easily embarrassed at the blackboard, and made a poor impres-
sion upon his teachers. It is quite possible that he did not try in the
least to improve this impression. His French biographer very clearly
explains his attitude:
There was in him a hardly disguised contempt for whosoever did not
bow spontaneously and immediately before his superiority, a rebellion against
a judgment which his conscience challenged beforehand and a sort of un-
healthy pleasure in leading it further astray and in turning it entirely against
himself. Indeed, it is frequently observed that those people who believe that
they have most to complain of persecution could hardly do without it and, if
need be, will provoke it To pass oneself off for a fool is another way and
not the least savory, of making fools of others.
It is clear that Galois' temper was not altogeth^ amiable, yet we should
not judge him without making full allowance for the terrible strain to
which he was constantly submitted, the violent conflicts which obscured
his soul, the frightful solitude to which fate had condemned him.
In the course of the ensuing year, he sent three more papers to
mathematical journals and a new memoir to the Academic. The per-
manent secretary, Fourier, took it home with him, but died before having
examined it, and the memoir was not retrieved from among his papers.
Thus his second memoir was lost like the former. This was too mud
indeed and one will easily forgive the wretched boy if in his feverish
inood he was inclined to believe that these repeated losses were not due
to chance but to systematic persecution. He considered himself a vic-
tim of a bad social organization which ever sacrifices genius to medioc-
rity, and naturally enough he cursed the hated regime of oppression
which had precipitated his father's death and against which the storm
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EVARISTE GALOIS 369
was gathering. We can well imagine his joy when he heard the first
shots of the July Revolution! But alas! While the boys of Poly-
technique were the very first in the fray, those of the Ecole Normale
were kept under lock and key by their faint-hearted director. It was
only when the three glorious days of July were over and the fall of the
Bourbons was accomplished that this opportunist let his students free
and indeed placed them at the disposal of the provisional government!
Never did Galois feel more bitterly that his life had been utterly spoiled
by his failure to become an alumnus of his beloved Polytechnique.
In the meanwhile the summer holidays began and we do not know
what happened to the boy in the interval. It must have been to him a
new period of crisis, more acute than any of the previous ones. But
before speaking of it let me say a last word about his scientific efforts,
for it is probable that thereafter political passion obsessed his mind
almost exclusively. At any rate it is certain that Evariste was in the
possession of his general principles by the beginning of 1830, that is,
at the age of eighteen, and that he fully knew their importance. The
consciousness of his power and of the responsibility resulting from it in-
creased the concentration and the gloominess of his mind to the danger
point; the lack of recognition developed in him an excessive pride. By
a strange aberration he did not trouble himself to write his memoirs
with sufficient clearness and to give the explanations which were the
more necessary because his thoughts were more novel. What a pity
that there was no understanding friend to whisper in his ear Descartes'
wise admonition: "When you have to deal with transcendent ques-
tions, you must be transcendentally clear.'' Instead of that, Galois en-
veloped his thought in additional secrecy by his efforts to attain greater
conciseness, that coquetry of mathematicians.
It is intensely tragic that this boy already sufficiently harassed by
the turmoil of his own thoughts, should have been thrown into the po-
litical turmoil of this revolutionary period. Endowed with a stronger
constitution, he might have been able to cope with one such;
but with the two, how could he — how could anyone do it? During
the holidays he was probably pressed by his friend. Chevalier, to join
the Saint-Simon ists, but he declined, and preferred to join a secret so-
ciety, less aristocratic and more in keeping with his republican aspira-
tions— the " Societe des amis du peuple". It was thus quite another man
who reentered the Ecole Normale in the autumn of 1830. The great
events of which he had been a witness had given to his mind a sort of
artificial maturity. The revolution had opened to him a fresh source
of disillusion, the deeper because the hopes of the first moment had
been more sanguine. The government of Louis-Philippe had promptly
crushed the more liberal tendencies; and the artisans of the new revo-
lution, who had drawn their inspiration from the great events of 1789,
VOL. Xni.— 24.
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370 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
soon discovered to their intense disgust that they had been fooled. In-
deed under a more liberal guise, the same oppression, the same
favoritism, the same corruption soon took place under Louis-Philippe
as under Charles X. Moreover, nothing can be more demoralizing
than a successful revolution (whatever it be) for those who, like Galois,
were too generous to seek any personal advantage and too ingenuous
not to believe implicitly in their party shibboleths. It is such a high
fall from one's dearest ideal to the ugliest aspect of reality — and they
could not help seeing around them the more practical and cynical revo-
lutionaries eager for the quarry, and more disgusting still, the clever
ones, who had kept quiet until they knew which side was gaining, and
who now came out of their hiding places to fight over the spoils and
make the most of the new regime. Political fermentation did not abate
and the more democratic elements, which Galois had joined, became
more and more disaffected and restless. The director of the Ecole Nor-
male had been obliged to restrain himself considerably to brook Galois'
irregular conduct, his "laziness," his intractable temper; the boy's
political attitude, and chiefly his undisguised contempt for th& director's
pusillanimity now increased the tension between them to the breaking
point. The publication in the "Gazette des Ecoles" of a letter of Galois
in which he scornfully criticised the director's tergiversations was but
the last of many offenses. On Dec. 9, he was invited to leave the school,
and his expulsion was ratified by the Royal Council on Jan. 3, 1831.
To support himself Galois announced that he would give a private
course of higher algebra in the backshop of a bookseller, Mr. Caillot,
5 rue de la Sorbonne. I do not know whether this course, or how much
of it, was actually delivered. A further scientific disappointment was
reserved for him: a new copy of his second lost memoir had been com-
municated by him to the Academic; it was returned to him by Poisson,
four months later, as being incomprehensible. There is no doubt that
Galois was partly responsible for this, for he had taken no pains to ex-
plain himself clearly. This was the last straw. Galois' academic career
was entirely compromised, the bridges were burned, he plunged himself
entirely into the political turmoil. He threw himself into it with his
habitual fury and the characteristic intransigency of a mathematician;
there was nothing left to conciliate him, no means to moderate his pas-
sion, and he soon reached the extreme limit of exaltation. He is said
to have exclaimed: "If a corpse were needed to stir the people up, I
would give mine." Thus on May 9, 1831, at the end of a political ban-
quet, being intoxicated — not with wine but with the ardent conversation
of an evening — ^he proposed a sarcastic toast to the King. He held his
glass and an open knife in one hand and said simply: "To Louis-
Philippe!" Of course he was soon arrested and sent to Ste. Pelagic.
The lawyer persuaded him to maintain that he had actually said: "To
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EVARISTE GALOIS • 371
Louis-Philippe, if he betray" and many witnesses affirmed that they
had heard him utter the last words, though they were lost in the uproar.
But Galois could not stand this lying and retracted it at the public trial.
His attitude before the tribunal was ironical and provoking, yet the jury
rendered a verdict of not proven and he was acquitted. He did not
remain free very long. On the following Fourteenth of July, the gov-
ernment, fearing manifestations, decided to have him arrested as a
preventive measure. He was given six months' imprisonment on the
technical charge of carrying arms and wearing a military uniform, but
he remained in Ste. Pelagic only until March 19 (or 16?), 1832, when
he was sent to a convalescent home on the rue de Lourcine. A dreadful
epidemic of cholera was then raging in Paris, and Galois' transfer had
been determined by the poor state of his health. However, this proved
to be his undoing.
He was now a prisoner on parole and took advantage of it to carry
on an intrigue with a woman of whom we know nothing, but who was
probably not very reputable ("une coquette de has etage," says Ras-
pail) . Think of it! This was, as far as we know, his first love — and it
was but one more tragedy on the top of so many others. The poor boy
who had declared in prison that he could love only a Cornelia or a
Tarpeia^ (we hear in this an echo of his mother's Roman ideal), gave
himself to this new passion with his usual frenzy, only to find more
bitterness at the end of it. His revulsion is lamentably expressed in a
letter to Chevalier (May 25, 1832) :
. . . How to console oneself for having exhausted in one month the
greatest source of happiness which is in man — of having exhausted it without
happiness, without hope, being certain that one has drained it for life?
Oh ! come and preach peace after that ! Come and ask men who suffer
to take pity upon what is! Pity, never! Hatred, that is all. He who does
not feel it deeply, this hatred of the present, cannot really have in him the
love of the future. . . .
One sees how his particular misery and his political grievances are sadly
muddled in his tired head. And a little further in the same letter, in
answer to a gentle warning of his friend:
1 like to doubt your cruel prophecy when you say that I shall not work
any more. But I admit that it is not without likelihood. To be a savant, I
should need to be that alone. My heart has revolted against my head? I do
not add as you do : It is a pity.
Can a more tragic confession be imagined ? One realizes that there
is no question here of a man possessing genius, but of genius pos-
sessing a man. A man? a mere boy, a fragile little body divided within
itself by disproportionate forces, an undeveloped mind crushed merci-
2 He must have quoted Tarpcia by mistake.
* The italics are mine.
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372 THE SCIENTIFIC MOXTHLV
lessly between the exaltation of scientific discovery and the exaltation
of sentiment.
Four days later two men challenged him to a duel. The circum-
stances of this affair are, and will ever remain, very mysterious. Ac-
cording to Evariste's younger brother the duel was not fair. Evariste,
weak as he was, had to deal with two ruffians hired to murder him. I
find nothing to countenance this theory except that he was challenged
by two men at once. At any rate, it is certain that the woman he had
loved played a part in this fateful event. On the day preceding the
duel, Evariste wrote three letters of which I translate one:
May 29, 1832.
Letter to all Republicans.
I beg the patriots, my friends, not to reproach me for dying otherwise
than for the country.
I die the victim of an infamous coquette. My life is quenched in a
miserable piece of gossip.
Oh! why do I have to die for such a little thing, to die for something
so contemptible!
I take heaven to witness that it is only under compulsion that I have
yielded to a provocation which I had tried to avert by all means.
I repent having told a baleful truth to men who were so little able to
listen to it coolly. Yet I have told the truth. I take with me to the grave
a conscience free from lie, free from patriots* blood.
Goodbye ! I had in me a great deal of life for the public good.
Forgiveness for those who killed me; they are of good faith.
E. Galois.
Any conmient could but detract from the pathos of this document
I will only remark that the last line, in which Galois absolves his ad-
versaries, destroys his brother's theory. It is simpler to admit that his
impetuosity, aggravated by female intrigue, had placed him in an im-
possible position from which there was no honourable issue, according
to the standards of the time, but a duel. Evariste was too much of a
gentleman to try to evade the issue, however trifling its causes might
be; he was anxious to pay the full price of his folly. That he well
realized the tragedy of his life is quite clear from the laconic post-
scriptum of his second letter: Nilens lux, horrenda procella, tCFiebris
aeternis involuta. The last letter addressed to his friend, Auguste Chev-
alier, was a sort of scientific testament. Its seven pages, hastily written,
dated at both ends, contain a summary of the discoveries which he had
been unable to develop. This statement is so concise and so full that
its significance could be understood only gradually as the theories out-
lined by him were unfolded by others. It proves the depth of his in-
sight, for it anticipates discoveries of a much later date. At the end
of the letter, after requesting his friend to publish it and to ask Jacobi
or Gauss to pronounce upon it, he added: "After that, I hope some
people will find it profitable to unravel this mess. Je Cembrasse avec
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EVARISTE GALOIS 373
effusion" The first sentence is rather scornful but not untrue and the
greatest mathematicians of the century have found it very profitable in-
deed to clear up Galois' ideas.
The duel took place on the 30th in the early morning, and he was
grievously wounded by a shot in the abdomen. He was found by
a peasant who transported him at 9:30 to the Hopital Cochin. His
younger brother — the only member of the family to be natified--came
and stayed with him, and as he was crying, Evariste tried to console
him, saying: "Do not cry. I need all my courage to die at twenty."
While still fully conscious, he refused the assistance of a priest. In the
evening peritonitis declared itself and he breathed his last at ten o'clock
on the fallowing morning.
His funeral, which strangely recalled that of his father, was at-
tended by two to three thousand republicans, including deputations
from various schools, and by a large number of police, for trouble was
expected. But everything went off very calmly. Of course it was the
patriot and the lover of freedom whom all these people meant to hon-
our; little did they know that a day would come when this young po-
litical hero would be hailed as one of the greatest mathematicians of
all time.
A life as short yet as full as the life of Galois is interesting not
simply in itself but even more perhaps because of the light it throws
upon the nature of genius. When a great work is the natural culmina-
tion of a long existence devoted to one persistent endeavour, it is some-
times difficult to say whether it is the fruit of genius or the fruit of
patience. When genius evolves slowly it may be hard to distinguish
from talent, — but when it explodes suddenly, at the beginning and not
at the end of life, or when we are at a loss to explain its intellectual
genesis, we can but feel that we are in the sacred presence of something
vastly superior to talent. When one is confronted with facts which
can not be explained in the ordinary way, is it not more scientific to
admit our ignorance than to hide it behind faked explanations? Of
course it is not necessary to introduce any mystical idea, but it is one's
duty to acknowledge the mystery. When a work is really the fruit
of genius, we cannot conceive that a man of talent might have done it
"just as well" by taking the necessary pains. Pains alone will never
do; neither is it simply a matter of jumping a little further, for it
involves a synthetic process of a higher kind. I do not say that talent
and genius are essentially different, but that they are of different orders
of magnitude.
Galois' fateful existence helps one to understand Lowell's saying:
**Talent is that which is in a man's power, genius is that in whose power
man is." If Galois had been simply a mathematician of considerable
ability, his life would have been far less tragic, for he could have used
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374 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
his mathematical talent for his own advancement and happiness; in-
stead of whichy the furor of mathematics — as one of his teachers said —
possessed him and he had no alternative but absolute surrender to his
destiny.
Lowell's aphorism is misleading, however, for it suggests that talent
can be acquired, while genius cannot. But biological knowledge points
to the conclusion that neither is really acquired, though both can be de-
veloped and to a certain extent corrected by education. Men of talent
as well as men of genius are bom, not made. Genius implies a much
stronger force, less adaptable to environment, less tractable by educa-
tion, and also far more exclusive and despotic. Its very intensity ex-
plains its frequent precocity. If the necessary opportunities do not
arise, ordinary abilities may remain hidden indefinitely; but the
stronger the abilities the smaller need the inducement be to awaken
them. In the extreme case, the case of genius, the ability is so strong
that, if need be, it will force its own outlet.
Thus it is that many of the greatest accomplishments of science, art
and letters were conceived by very young men. In the field of
mathematics, this precocity is particularly obvious. To speak only
of the two men considered in this essay, Abel had barely reached the
age of twenty-two and Galois was not yet twenty, perhaps not yet nine-
teen, when they made two of the most profound discoveries which have
ever been made. In many other sciences and arts, technical appren-
ticeship may be too long to make such early discovery possible. In
most cases, however, the judgment of Alfred de Vigny holds good.
"What is a great life? It is a thought of youth wrought out in ripen-
ing years." The fundamental conception dawns at an early age —
that is, it appears at the surface of one's consciousness as early as this is
materially possible — ^but it is often so great that a long life of toil and
abnegation is but too short to work it out. Of course at the beginning
it may be very vague, so vague indeed that its host can hardly dis-
tinguish it himself from a passing fancy, and later may be unable to
explain how it gradually took control of his activities and dominated
his whole being. The cases of Abel and Galois are not essentially dif-
ferent from those contemplated by Alfred de Vigny, but the golden
thoughts of their youth were wrought out in the ripening years of other
people.
It is the precocity of genius which makes it so dramatic. When it
takes an explosive form, as in the case of Galois, the frail carcass of a
boy may be unable to resist the internal strain and it may be positively
wrecked. On the other hand when genius develops more slowly, its host
has time to mature, to adapt himself to his environment, to gather
strength and experience. He learns to reconcile himself to the condi>
tions which surround him, widely different as they are, from
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EVARISTE GALOIS 375
those of his dreams. He learns by and by that the great majority of
men are rather unintelligent, uneducated, uninspired, and that one must
not take it too mudi to heart when they behave in defiance of justice or
even of conmion sense. He also learns to dissipate his vexation with a
smile or a joke and to protect himself under a heavy cloak of kindness
and humour. Poor Evariste had not time to learn all this. While his
genius grew in him out of all proportion to his bodily strength, his
experience and his wisdom, he felt more and more ill at ease. His in-
creasing restlessness makes one think of that exhibited by people who
are a prey to a larvate form of a pernicious disease. There is an inter-
nal disharmony in both cases, though it is physiological in the latter,
and psychological in the former. Hence the suffering, the distress and
finally the acute disease or the revolt!
A more congenial environment might have saved Galois. Oh! would
that he had been granted that minimum of understanding and sympathy
which the most concentrated mind needs as much as a plant needs the
sun! . . But it was not to be; and not only had he no oi^e to share
his own burden, but he had also to bear the anxieties of a stormy
time. I quite realize that this self-centered boy was not attractive —
many would say not lovable. Yet I love him; I love him for all those
who failed to love him; I love him because of his adversity.
His tragic life teaches us at least one great lesson: one can never
be too kind to the young; one can never be too tolerant of their faults,
even of their intolerance. The pride and intolerance of youth, however
immoderate, are excusable because of youth's ignorance, and also be-
cause one may hope that it is only a temporary disorder. Of course there
will always be men despicable enough to resort to snubbing, as it were,
to protect their own position and to hide their mediocrity, but I am
not thinking of them. I am simply thinking of the many men who were
unkind to Galois without meaning to be so. To be sure, one could
hardly expect them to divine the presence of genius in an awkward boy.
But even if they did not believe in him, could they not have shown more
forbearance? Even if he had been a conceited dunce, instead of a
genius,' could kindness have harmed him? ... It is painful to
think that a few rays of generosity from the heart of his elders might
have saved this boy or at least might have sweetened his life.
But does it really matter? A few years more or less, a little more
or less suffering. . . . Life is such a short drive altogether.
Galois has accomplished his task and very few men will ever accom-
plish more. He has conquered the purest kind of immortality. As he
wrote to his friends: "I take with me to the grave a conscience free
from lie, free from patriot's blood". How many of the conventional
heroes of history, how many of the kings, captains and statesmen could
say the same?
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376 THE SCIENTIFIC MOSTHLY
MARS AS A LIVING PLANET
By G. H. HAMILTON
LOWELL OBSERVATORY, FL.\GSTAFF, ARIZONA
IN contradistinction to the Moon as a dead world, I can speak of
Mars and the Earth as living planets.
It is the purpose of this paper to present observational evidence to
show that Mars has an atmosphere and is imbued with a considerable
degree of warmth — that the changes observed upon its surface would
necessitate such an atmosphere, in fact that the planet approaches the
conditions that we know upon the Earth, even if it does not quite attain
them.
To approximate the unchangeableness and sterility seen on the
Moon — because of its lack of atmosphere and the intense cold due to
its long night — it would be necessary here on Earth to resort to a
vacuum or other preservatives. A similar condition on Mars is incon-
ceivable from what we know of its surface features and the changes
which have occurred in them from the earliest reliable observations.
Disintegration and growth depend, not only on the action produced by
atmosphere but also on the presence of organisms. It is true that in-
organic material suffers change from mechanical and chemical action,
but this again admits water and atmosphere into the consideration of
its cause.
CLOUD OVER SOUTHERN PORTION OF SYRTIS MAJOR
1903 19-20
June I May 26
P. L. G. H. H.
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MARS AS A LIVING PLANET 377
The germination and gemination of the canals from the time of
Schiaparelli show an unaccountable seasonal change, if we are to be-
lieve in a cold as intense as that which some people have suggested ex-
ists, 6t an atmosphere so thin that it would be lacking in those gases
commonly supposed necessary for the support of organic material. One
would hardly suppose that an atmosphere sufficiently dense to produce
mechanical changes to the extent that they have been observed in in-
organic matter, would have little or no effect in the production of
organisms.
The dependence of the canals on the seasons of Mars for their
visibility established by Lowell, and the variations in the dark areas
are confirmatory evidence of an atmosphere; for these changes would
be inexplicable on any object, most certainly a planet, placed in a
refrigerator or vacuum bell.
There were, at this opposition, two regions on the planet where a
considerable haze existed; this was very evident near either limb, but
when these regions were on or near the center of the disk the haze was
only noticeable by its diffusing and dimming effect on the surface mark-
ings. It appeared to cover the Syrtis Major and its surroundings, and
also a region opposite — about the Lacus Lunae south of the Mare Acid-
alium. Detail outside of these regions was usually clear cut.
When on the limb or terminator, i. e., near sunrise or sunset, the
haze above these regions seemed to condense and became itself visible
in the form of a dull blue-white covering very easily seen on account of
the contrast of this color to that of the surrounding desert or dark
areas over which it appeared to hang. These condensations in the haze
remained of a nearly constant area close up to the terminator, and re-
mained close to the terminator during the time that they lasted. In
consequence those areas of the planet coming onto the disk from the
terminator or leaving the disk, appeared from behind this covering or
disappeared under it in a remarkable manner. The change in form-
ation of these blue-white areas was of a character that one would ex-
pect if it had been atmospheric and cloud-like in nature. It was de-
cidedly an evening and morning effect. The shift of the surface of
the planet with respect to these apparent clouds was incompatible with
the assumption that they belonged to the surface, but pointed expressly
to the fact that they were above the surface and atmospheric.
This article is illustrated by two plates. The first shows two draw-
ings, one made in 1903 by Dr. Lowell, the other in 1920, by myself.
Dr. Lowell's drawing of June 1, 1903, depicts a season, for that region
on Mars, corresponding on our Earth to August 6. It is interesting to
note that my drawing of May 26, 1920, shown with his, corresponds in
season to about August 13. It will be noticed that though a period of
seventeen years has elapsed, the cloud formation is very similar over
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878 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
M.\RS 1020
Mar.
A =
8
34
Mar.
A =
4
May II
A = 1-27
May II
A = 91
Apr.
A =
28
250
May
A =
26
262
May 24
A = 305
May 26
A = 308
May
A =
22
312
Apr.
A =
13
344
May 24
A = 342
June 21
A = I
June
A =
21
51
June
A =
ri
May 7
A= 166
Georg<
June 4
A = 211
? Hall Hamilton.
A = Longitude of Central Meridian at time of drawing.
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MARS AS A LIVING PLANET 379
the Syrtis at approximately the same season. The drawings, of course,
have only been used in comparison for this particular feature.
The second plate, made up of sixteen selected drawings, not only
shows the curious cloud formation over the Syrtis Major and the Mare
Acidalium, but also gives one a complete view of the Martian surface
except that portion near the southern pole which was continuously
turned away from us at this opposition.
It will be noticed from these drawings that both the Syrtis and the
Mare Acidalium are nearly completely free from cloud when on the
center of the disk, but that they are covered by cloud to a great extent
when near the limb or terminator.
The drawings, which are typical of all those made at this opposition,
show unmistakeable evidence of a considerable atmosphere. This can
not be wondered at when one realizes the amount of water vapor trans-
ported from one pole to the other each Martian half-year : it is an
atmosphere quite capable of being, in fact, a mechanical transferer of
this material from pole to pole.
That Mars is a living planet seems certain from these changes that
are seen to continually take place on its surface and above the ground.
The dark areas and canals are seemingly, at least in part, organic. The
polar caps by their disappearance and reappearance each year, imply
bath mechanical and physical change, as do also the daily variations in
the cloud formations.
How far organic evolution has progressed it would be hard to tell,
but that there is a succession of seasons on Mars as on the Earth, and
consequent germination is evident.
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380
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTIiLY
THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE
SCIEXTIFIC MEETINGS
We are able to print iii the present
issue of The Scientific Monthly
extracts from addresses given at the
meeting of the British Association
held at Edinburgh from September 7
to 14. The meeting is in progress as
this journal goes to press, and prac-
tically nothing from England regard-
ing its proceedings has been cabled.
The addresses of the president of the
association and of the presidents of
the sections are usually the best sum-
maries of the progress of science pre-
pared each year, and the English
newspapers and journals have been in
the habit of paying much more atten-
tion to them than is the case in this
country with the corresponding ad-
■ dresses of the American Association.
This more general attention naturally
causes the preparation of addresses
of greater interest, which in turn
leads to their more widespread pub-
lication to the advantage of science
and of the national welfare.
The American Association meets
this year at Toronto, and the meeting
should be of more than usual inter-
est. Dr. L. O. Howard, chief of the
Bureau of Entomology of the Depart-
ment of Agriculture, who gives the
address of the retiring president, is
master of a subject of great scientific
and economic concern, and it is de-
sirable that his address and the ad-
dresses of the vice-presidents and the
other proceedings of more than tech-
nical interest should be given wide
publicity. It is to be hoped that the
recently organized Science Service
may be of use in this direction. Two
distinguished English men of science
have been invited to Toronto as
guests of the association, one in the
biological and one in the physical sci-
ences, and Professor Bateson has
consented to be present.
At the same time as the meeting of
the British Association in Edinburgh,
the chemists have been holding Anglo-
American meetings. The British So-
ciety of Chemical Industry met with
the Canadian Branch in Montreal
under the presidency of Sir William
Pope, professor of chemistry in the
University of Cambridge. After
visits to Ottawa and Toronto, the
English and Canadian chemists joined
in the New York meeting of the
American Chemical Society. The
number was small, but they were ad-
mirably represented by their presi-
dent, who took part in the interna-
tional program and made an address
at the dinner. The American Chemi-
cal Society was also fortunate in its
president. Dr. Edgar Fahs Smith,
provost emeritus of the University of
Pennsylvania, who first held the office
twenty-five years ago. In his presi-
dential address, in his address at
the dinner and at the meetings on
educational chemistry and the history
of chemistry. Dr. Smith did much to
emphasize the broader aspects of the
science.
In the attendance and on the pro-
grams, industrial and engineering
chemistry were largely represented.
Much interest was manifested in the
embargo on German chemicals and
in the Chemical Warfare Service.
There were elaborately arranged ex-
cursions to industrial plants in and
around New York City and during
the week following the meeting a
large national exposition of Chemi-
cal Industries was held in one of the
armories of the city.
Following the meeting of the chem-
ists an International Congress of
Eugenics is being held in New York
City. While the time has scarcely
come when international congresses
can be held and while eugenics ap-
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Photograph by Underwood and Underwood.
SIR WILLIAM POPE
President of the Society of Chemical Industry
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382
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
• IMrtoWofI
• 0»Mlr Ncan Wfttk taclHliH M
O TrtMFcw
^ Titarntoiis
M 08mi fiMc NctM Wort
MAP SHOWING WORLD-WIDE ACTIVITIES
pears to be still an amateur science,
mainly promoted by amateurs, the
meeting promises to be of interest.
The program gives prominence to
genetics which has become a real sci-
ence in which America may perhaps
claim leadership. At the opening
meeting addresses were announced by
Dr. Henry Fairfield Osborn, presi-
dent of the congress and of the
American Museum of Natural His-
tory; Major Leonard Darwin, presi-
dent of the Eugenics Education So-
ciety, London; and Dr. Charles B.
Davenport, director of the Depart-
ment of Genetics of the Carnegie In-
stitution. Among those from abroad
who make addresses before the sec-
tions are M. Lucien Cuenot, Nancy,
France ; Professor Herman Lundborg,
Upsala, Sweden, and M. Georges
Vacher de Lapouge, Poitiers, France.
THE ACTIVITIES OF THE
ROCKEFELLER FOUNDA-
TION
The president of the Rockefeller
Foundation, Dr. George E. Vincent,
has issued a popular review of the
work carried out during the year 1920,
which gives a good idea of its mag-
nitude and wide influence in aid of
medical education and in the field of
public health. A map of the world
showing the widespread distribution
of the various activities of the foun-
dation is here reproduced. The total
endowment now amounts to over
174 million dollars, and during the
year approximately seven million dol-
lars have been spent in carrying out
the program of the foundation. Of
this amount, over two million dollars
were contributed for the improve-
ment of the public health in various
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THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE
383
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A Mcdiul SdMwb Mtd
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and Mcdtcjl Joiirntit
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OF THE ROCKEFELLER FOUNDATION
parts of the world, especially towards
the eradication of hookworm, malaria
and yellow fever, and the establish-
ment of adequate institutions for the
training of public health officials.
Over $300,000 was given to the School
of Hygiene and Public Health of the
Johns Hopkins University.
In its second great field of en-
deavor, that of improving the stand-
ards of medical education, the foun-
dation has expended nearly four and
a half million dollars during the year.
The greater part of this sum has been
used for the building and equipment
of a medical school in China, the
Peking Union Medical College, and to
aid other schools already established
in that country. Substantial sums
have been pledged to the University
College Hospital in London — a total
of about five million dollars, to be
equally divided between buildings and
endowments for increased education
and research facilities. In addition,
aid has been given to a number of
schools in this country and in Canada.
The foundation has contributed to
the support of a number of humani-
tarian and charital^le organizations,
including the appropriation of a mil
lioii dollars to the child-feeding fund
of the American Relief Administra
tion, and to various miscellaneous
enterprises having for their object
the stimulation of research and the
improvement of the medical stand-
ards of the world.
The report indicates that good
progress is being made in the aim of
the Rockefeller Foundation to in-
crease the common store of knowl-
edge of the causes of disease, and
through demonstrations and the ser-
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384
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
vices of trained experts to diffuse
this information as widely as possible
among all peoples.
THE HARVARD SCHOOL OF
PUBLIC HEALTH
Plans for the organization of a
School of Public Health in Harvard
University, with the aid of an initial
gift of $1,785,000 by the Rockefeller
Foundation, are announced by the
university and the officers of the
foundation. The announcement says
that an excellent general course for
the training of public health officers
as well as special courses in preven-
tive medicine, in tropical medicine and
industrial hygiene have already been
developed at Harvard. The work has
been hampered, however, by lack of
adequate funds and by uneven
growth.-
The new school will provide op-
portunities for research, will unify
existing courses and will offer new
or extended teaching facilities in
public health administration, vital
statistics, immunology, bacteriology,
medical zoology, physiological hygiene
and communicable diseases.
For the housing of the school the
university hopes to secure an exist-
ing building of verjr suitable charac
ter immediately adjacent to the Medi-
cal School. Funds for the purchase
and equipment of the building will
be drawn from the gift of the Rocke
feller I-'oimdation. The cost of
maintenance and development of the
school will be met from endowment
funds in part set aside by the uni-
versity and in part contributed by the
Foundation. The Foundation's im-
mediate appropriations to the project
will aggregate $1,785,000. The ar-
rangement also provides for further
gifts, if the growth of the school
seems to demand it, to any amount
which shall not exceed $500,000.
Though the School of Public \
Health at Harvard will have its 1
headquarters in a well-equipped build- j
ing of its own and have its own sepa- '
rate faculty and administration, it
will be developed in close relation
with other divisions of the imiversity,
especially the Medical School. The
administration buildings of the two
schools will, it is hoped, stand side by
side on the same grounds; certain
heads of departments will be mem-
bers of both faculties; and a number
of laboratories and lecture rooms
will be used in common.
The school will be able to co-
operate with a large number of
laboratories, hospitals and public
health agencies in Boston and thus
afford its students unusual oppor-
tunities for first-hand investigation
and practical field experience. In ad-
dition, the school, through coopera-
tive relations with a niunbcr of man-
ufacturing and commercial corpora-
tions, will be able to offer the stu-
dents practical experience in indus-
trial hygiene.
SCIENTIFIC ITEMS
We record with regret the death of
Joel Asaph Allen, curator of the De-
partment of Birds and Mammals at
the American Museum of Natural
History; of George Trumbull Ladd.
for forty years professor of moral
philosophy and metaphysics at Yale
University; and of Peter Cooper
Hewitt, the electrical and mechanical
engineer of New York City.
On July 21, a memorial was un-
veiled in the public gardens at Dart-
mouth to the memory of Thomas
Xewcomen, the pioneer of the steam
engine. Newcomen was bom in
Dartmouth in 1663; he followed the
trade of blacksmith there, and was
also a Baptist preacher.
The John Burroughs Memorial As -
sociation has been inaugurated at a
meeting of a number of his friends
at the American Museum of Natural
History, the immediate purpose of
the association being to protect Mr.
Burroughs' home and camps and to
preserve them, with their wild life,
for future generations.
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VOL. XIII NO. 5 .'^^^ "*«'^ NOVEMBER, 1921
THE SCIENTIFIC
MONTHLY
EDITED BY J. McKEEN CATTELL
CONTENTS
THE INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF EUGENICS:
THE FIELD OF EUGENIC REFORM. Major Leonard Darwin 385
THE CONSEQUENCES OF WAR AND THE BIRTH RATE IN FRANCE.
M. Lucicn March 399
THE TRUE ARISTOCRACY. Vice-chancellor George Adami 420
SCIENCE IN FRANCE. M. Emile Boutroux 435
ORIGIN OF THE ELECTRICAL FLUID THEORIES. Professor Fernando
Sanford 448
THE MIOCENE SHORE-FISHES OF CALIFORNIA. Dr. David Starr Jordan 460
A CALIFORNIA ELK DRIVE. Dr. C. Hart Merriam 465
THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE:
The Second International Congress of Eugenics; The Meeting of Chemists in
New York City; The American Public Health Association; Scientific Items 476
THE SCIENCE PRESS
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COPYRIGHT 1921 BY THE SCIENCE PRESS
Entered ai gecond-cliiM matter February 8. 1921, at the Poat Office at Utica, N. Y., under the Act of March 3, 1879.
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THE SCIENTIFIC
MONTHLY
NOVEMBER. 1921
THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF
EUGENICS^
THE FIELD OF EUGENIC REFORM
By Major LEONARD DARWIN
Ti£ section of which this is the opening meeting deals with eugenics
in relation to the state, to society and to education; it may he
described as the section for applied genetics. I have been tempted to
describe it as the section for practical eugenics; but that description
would hardly be appropriate. The details of experimentation and re-
search fall outside our sphere; but to make experiments is the most
practical thing one can do. Your practical manufacturer knows full
well that if he trusted to running forever on the old lines he would
soon come to grief. We are, therefore, here dealing with the practical
application of knowledge acquired by practical research.
Differences of opinion' no doubt exist amongst those who have con-
ducted the researches on which we have to build our practical super-
structure; differences both as to methods and as to results. Even more
marked differences are, however, sure to be felt in this section, where
we have to apply to human conduct the knowledge acquired by others.
Ought this to alarm us? I think not. I remember long ago seeing a
picture in our English Punch in which a tailor is depicted when making
excuses for some misfit as saying, ^'You must remember, sir, that tailor-
ing has not yet been reduced to the level of one of the exact sciences."
My views about eugenics are somewhat similar, though that is not the
way I should express them. But we must remember that, as evolution-
ary science teaches us, uniformity always means stagnation. If we
all felt alike, no one of us could ever pick up from a neighbor any
wiser thoughts than his own; and we should therefore neither regret
a certain amount of divergence of opinion nor attempt to hide it. If
the beasts of the field had never fought together in the struggle for
existence, mankind would never have been developed out of our ape-
1 Held at the American Museum of Natural History, New York City,
from September 22 to 28, 1921.
VOL. xra.— 2S.
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386 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
like ancestors. But do not mistake me. I am not advocating war,
which is the most damnable thing on earth both as to its inmiediate and
its racial consequences. We must obtain the benefits which did result
from savage warfare in some other way ; but competition we must have
in everything, our opinions included. If any other eugenist should dis-
agree entirely with my assertions, I shall feel in no way hurt!
But what is the foundation on which we, in this section, have to
build? As I have already stated in this room, I hold that our aim as
eugenists should be to increase the rate of multiplication of stocks above
the average in hereditary qualities and to decrease it amongst the less
fit Others may wish to make our efforts cover a wider field, holding,
for example, that the immediate benefits likely to arise from the teach-
ing of sex hygiene should be included. With such as these I shall
not quarrel for I am in full sympathy with their aims. But I do think
that as a matter of convenience it would be as well to restrict the mean-
ing of ^'eugenics'' so as to make it cover no more than was intended
by Sir Francis Galton who coined the word, that is, that it should apply
only to measures affecting the inborn qualities of future generations.
Now as to the differences of opinion amongst us, I am glad to think
that we are not divided into definitely antagonistic camps; for all are,
as it were, linked together by the existence of every intermediate- shade
of opinion. No doubt at one end of the scale there are eugenists who
regard racial progress as an assured law of nature, a progress merely
to be hastened by the elimination of certain extremely undesirable
types, such as the insane, the feeble-in-mind, and those endowed with
grossly defective inborn constitutions. At the other end of the scale
are those who regard the signs of the times as pointing without doubt
to a slow and progressive deterioration in the innate qualities of all
civilized peoples; that is, to national degradation, which it will only be
possible to arrest by national efforts covering a wide field of endeavor.
In short, though all eugenists aim at improving the inborn qualities of
posterity, yet some would attack on a wider front than others. In this
connection it may be convenient also to divide inborn qualities into
two groups; groups which also can not be separated from each other
by any very definite line of demarcation. At one end of the series
we have qualities dependent on a single something which the child
received before its birth from its parents, whilst qualities at the other
end of the series depend on a large number of such somethings; just
as we may divide tables into those which have one leg and those whidi
have many supports. In technical language, the distinction here sug-
gested for consideration is that between qualities dependent on a single
Mendelian factor — or let us say on one or but few such factors — and
qualities dependent on large numbers of factors. The qualities be-
longing to these two groups demand somewhat different treatment.
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THE FIELD OF EUGENIC REFORM 387
and some eugenists attach more importance to the one group and some
to the other.
Let us first consider the single factor qualities — ^the one legged
tables — in cases where such qualities are harmful; and let us take as
a single example a deformity called brachydactyly, the symptoms of
which are the fingers being excessively short. Now a child before its
birth either has or has not been endowed with the factor resulting in
this aihnent. If it has not, it will not show these symptoms, and there
is an end of the matter. If it has. been so endowed, it is certain to have
its hands crippled in this way, and it is, moreover, certain to pass on
this deformity to many of its offspring. How the factor first arose in
the ancestry of the brachydactylous child is unknown; but its appar-
ently spontaneous appearance is at all events such a rare event that for
practical purposes it may be neglected. This is the very simplest
eugenic problem with which we have to deal; for if we could prevent
parenthood in the case of all brachydactylous persons, we might thus
stamp out this ailment forever. The matter is not often quite as simple
as this; for, in regard to many defects, the child must receive the harm-
ful endowment from bath parents in order to be harmed thereby. If
the endowment be received from one parent only, its recipient is ap-
parently normal ; but all the same he is the carrier of this hidden evil,
very likely to be passed on to future generations, and to show its harm-
ful effects when it chances to be combined in one individual with a
similar endowment from another line of descent. Here also all that
can be done is to prohibit parenthood in the case of all those who,
by exhibiting the symptoms in question, show that they have the
double dose of defective heredity; though here the beneficial effects
will be more slowly obtained. In both cases all that has to be decided
is whether the defect in the present and in all future generations con-
stitutes an injury sufficiently grave to justify, in this one generation
onlyy the actual prevention of parenthood or the self-sacrifice needed
for its voluntary abandonment. The world could be freed from all
such ailments more less quickly, and it is only a question in each
case whether it is worth the cost of thus freeing it. But please note —
and this is the point to which I especially wish to call your attention —
if we were to rid the world of any one of these single-factor hereditary
effects we should proba]>ly thus benefit mankind in no other respect
Here I cannot refrain from saying a few words about the feeble-in-
mind; though to do so is in a measure to depart from the thread of
my argument. Whatever may be the final verdict of science as to the
nature of the factors on which this grave evil depends, all experts now
agree that it should be treated in the way in which single factor qualities
should be dealt with; that is to say, each case should be studied sepa-
rately and dealt with on its individual merits. Here in the United
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States you have at least three hundred thousand or four hundred thous-
and of these unfortunates, and the numbers would probably be far
greater if high grade cases were to be included. A very large propor-
tion of the mental defectives who become parents will pass on this ail-
ment to many of their children; whilst many of their offspring, though
apparently normal themselves, will be endowed with the power of trans-
mitting this to their descendants; and, if the interests of posterity are
not to be grossly neglected, no feeble-minded person should be allowed
to become a parent Moreover, those who have studied the problem,
all of them, I believe, agree that the right method to adopt is, as a rule,
segregation; by which is meant confinement in comfort, the sexes being
kept apart We all hate interfering with liberty; but let it always be
remembered that liberty necessitates equality, and that as equality is
impossible with the feeble-in-mind, they can under no circumstances
ever have true liberty. Segregation is unquestionably the kindest
course to adopt in most cases, especially when all the natural protectors
of the afflicted have disappeared. The creation of the necessary ac-
commodations would present difficulties, but it would be a national
economy in the long run.
There is, however, one difficulty to be faced which some eugenists
have passed over too lightly. The feeble-in-mind often attract to
themselves far more affection than would be expected by the inexperi-
enced, and in nearly all cases the mother has strong instinctive senti-
ments in regard to her children. The removal of the mentally defective
infant from its home is in consequence often keenly resented; a resent-
ment which may no doubt frequently be overcome by argument, except
when it is backed up by less reputable desires dependent on the pos-
sible economic advantages to the family. Here is a difficulty whidi
must by no means be neglected; though in my country at all events,
what is now greatly needed is to make the segregation of the mentally
defective more easy, not more difficult, than it is at present. Now
these conflicting considerations have forced me to consider what part
sterilization could be made to play in the eugenic program. It is not
for me to discuss what has been done in this respect in the United
States; for there are many present who can deal with this topic better
than I can. I am aware that the American Breeders Association has
investigated this subject with care, and I wish to urge as strongly as I
possibly can that a continuation of these scientific researches is the
most practical thing that can now be done. We want to know what is
the best method of sterilization, and what are all the objections to it
Is the X-ray method to be relied on? What effect would it have on
the offspring if insufficiently applied to produce sterility? Is there any
danger of cancer as a result? I strongly press this inquiry with regard
to X-rays because I think that the adoption of surgical methods does
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THE FIELD OF EUGENIC REFORM 389
increase the prejucHoe against sterilization, especially in regard to the
operation needed for women. The prejudice itself is very likely to be
instinctive; for natural selection is almost certain to have eliminated
all mental traits which are opposed to procreation. If this be so, this
is a prejudice certain to be met with, and only to be overcome by
reason.
If a sufficiently safe method of sterilization is available for both
sexes as some experts now hold to be actually the case, would it not be
a useful auxiliary to segregation? Mentally defective persons ought to
be allowed to live at home, or boarded out where they can be useful
provided that ample precautions are taken to make it certain that they
can thus be maintained in equal contentment to when living in an insti-
tution, that all other conditions are suitable, and that procreation will
be very improbable. Might not voluntary sterilization be regarded as
a strong plea in favor of permission being given by the authorities for
the mentally defective person not to be taken to an institution? Many
parents would, I believe, gladly welcome this alternative, if carefully
explained, in order to retain their child under their own care; though
here again it should be ascertained that the home conditions are all
suitable. No doubt sterilization may in some cases facilitate im-
morality; but if the authorities were given power to enforce segrega-
tion in the case of all sterilized persons found to be living an immoral
life, the harmful consequences might be largely diminished. I am
myself inclined to favor the introduction of sterilization as a voluntary
and experimental measure; for if it proved to be successful, its use
would certainly be extended, its racial advantages being obvious.
To revert to my main theme, we have seen that as regards such bad
qualities as are dependent on one or but few mendelian factors, the
right course to adopt is to consider and to deal with each case sepa-
rately; and this is no doubt the way in which many eugenists wish to
treat all such human qualities as need be considered. Probably we
shall all agree that the grossly unfit whether they be habitual criminals,
utterly incorrigible wastrels, or those endowed with excessively bad
natural constitutions, ought not to be allowed to become parents, each
individual being separately weighed in the balance. But most of the
bad qualities leading to gross unfitness are dependent on many factors,
and what I now wish to suggest for your consideration is that the
recognition of this fact ought to make us modify in certain respects
the policy which we recommend for adoption. To make the point
clear it will be better to turn to the consideration of good qualities and
to study the methods of increasing the rate of multiplication of those
well endowed by nature. No single good qualities known to me can
be certainly attributed to the presence of a single factor; and if we
consider the make-up of a man of genius, including reasoning power,
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concentration of mind, energy, pcrecverance, faculty of observation,
et cetera, et cetera, we may feel sure that many factors are involved.
Almost every student of eugenics has at some time or other during his
career attempted to sketch out schemes for the individual selection of
a number of highly endowed persons, for inducing thmn to marry
superior mates, and for the encouragonent of the production of large
families by these selected couples. Ought we not, therefore, to inquire
to what extent reliance is to be placed on such methods when the
qualities involved are dependent on many factors? The matter is com-
plicated; but as it is one to which I am very anxious that the attention
of cugenists should be directed, I beg for your patience whilst I try to
illustrate the point in question.
If a few millionaires were to be selected, and all their wealth were
to be distributed broadcast amongst the people, we may be certain that
the result would be a feeling of keen disappointment amongst the
originators of the plot, for each recipient would receive such a minute
share of the booty. Again, if it were possible to create a few million-
aires, wealth and all, and if generation after generation, their descoid-
ents were to dissipate this newly created wealth until it was widely
scattered throughout the whole land, in this case also the ultimate
benefits to the mass of the people would be very small. Now the
eugenist who wishes to see a number of eminent persons picked out
and induced to produce large families is no doubt aiming at what
would be equivalent to the creation of a number of distinguished per-
sons in the coming generations; and I do not doubt that at all events
as regards the next generation only, a marked success in this respect
could thus be reaped. But we have seen that the good qualities of the
selected parents would be due to many factors; and these factors, like
the money of the spendthrift descendants of our millionaire would
tend to become more and more widely scattered amongst the people in
accordance with an inevitable law of nature; the final result being, we
may be equally certain, very disappointing to the eugenist, as far as
ultimate racial results are concerned. If we want more millionaires —
I am not saying whether we do or do not — one way to secure their
presence in greater numbers in the future would be to raise the level
of the wealth of the whole people ; for the more we were to enrich the
soil of any country, as it were, by increasing its total wealth, the
greater would be the number of its inhabitants who would in the ordi-
nary course of trade grow so rich as to become millionaires. In
nearly the same way, if we want more persons eminent in morals, intel-
lect, or physical strength to spring into existence in all the generations
to come, the most certain method of achieving this result would be
to raise the level of the whole people in regard to their inborn qualities.
For if this could be done, the factors needed for the production of a
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THE FIELD OF EUGENIC REFORM 391
man of genius would exist in greater numbers; their union by chance
in any one individual, or the actual appearance of a genius, would
occur very often; whilst all the while the mass of the people would be
receiving the benefits due to their improved natural endowments.
Surely this then is a policy not to be neglected. ^
The efifects of the wide distribution of a millionaire's wealth, even
though disappointing to those concerned, yet if accepted as an illus-
tration of the racial consequences of increasing the progeny of a num-
ber of selected persons, certainly give a greatly exaggerated idea of
the benefits thus to be obtained; and we must seek for some more
accurate method of attempting to estimate the probable results. Sir
Francis Galton stated that one man in 4,000 might be fairly described
as being ^'eminent'* in intellect; and we may perhaps in like manner
describe the tallest of a group of 4,000 men as being eminent in
stature. Now Frederick the Great is said to have picked out the biggest
men he could lay hands on, and then to have mated them by no gentle
means to very tall women,^ with the object of securing a number of
huge recruits in the coming generation. To what extent the royal
aspirations were fulfilled in this respect I do not know. But let us
follow Frederick's example in imagination and consider what would
be the e£fect of such a scheme on the average height of the people in
future generations. In a town of 8,000 inhabitants there would proba-
bly be one man and one woman eminent in stature and let us imagine
that we bring these two together, with the result that two more children
1 The analogy of the inheritance of money is, of course, faulty in many
respects. With natural inheritance the chances of a person receiving a good
endowment from his parents are the same whether he has few brothers and
sisters or many. Again, many have no money to leave to their descendants,
and often money is only received from one parent. With natural inheritance
every one is certain to receive an endowment, good or bad, from each
parent, and one endowment is as important as the other. Lastly, whilst we
can aim at a more even distribution of wealth, it would be impossible, even
if we would, to prevent the fortuitous coming together of the necessary
factors so as to produce a man of genius.
2 Frederick would have produced nearly the same ultimate results on the
race if he had allowed his male and female giants to marry whom they
liked provided their progeny increased. It has not been sufficiently recognized
that, putting aside the effects of assortive mating, the only racial advantages
of mating the selected individuals are (a) the immediate production of giants,
for example, and (b) that greater results can perhaps thus be obtained for
the same money, as one stimulus then affects two selected individuals. It
should also be noted that if in consequence of their selection the selected
persons were moved out of a more fertile into a less fertile stratum of society,
and if their descendants remained in that less fertile stratum, then the ulti-
mate results would be dysgenic, whatever might be the more immediate con-
sequences. In these circumstances thus to create an improved type in per-
petuity would necessitate the establishment of a rigid caste system.
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392 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
are brought into the world than would be the case if we had not
interfered. Looking to the male part of the population only — for sim-
plicity and not out of disrespect to the female half — ^we should find
that our tall man was rather under nine inches in height above the
average; and, as a rough approximation to the truth, we may imagine
that after many generations these nine inches would become evenly
distributed amongst the whole male population of the tovm; or, in
other words, that we should thus have raised the average stature of
that town by a little more than one five-hundredth part of an inch.^
If this be a true conclusion, as I believe it to be, you may judge that
if you were to pick out the 12,500 tallest men and 12,500 tallest
women in each generation in the United States, if you were to mate
them together and if somehow or other you were to induce each couple
to have two additional childr^i, you would thus in about 1,500 years
raise the average height of your citizens by one inch! In passing I
can not help expressing my pity for any official in charge of a depart-
ment of state dealing with any such duties! But what I really wish
you here to note is that mental qualities though not as easily measured
as physical characteristics, are distributed in accordance with the same
laws and are no more easily improved by dealing with selected groups.
Does not this way of regarding the matter throw serious doubts on the
ultimate advantages of eugenic reform of this kind; that is, of picking
out a comparatively small number of selected persons on account of
qualities dependent on many factors. Our main endeavor ought to be
to raise the level of the whole people in regard to their inborn qualities,
for which purpose large numbers must be afifected; and I am inclined
to believe that the success of our efforts to promote racial progress
will depend largely on this fact being fully recognized by eugenic
reformers.
Since we are getting on well enough as we are, why not let things
alone? Before adopting the hopeful attitude indicated by this inquiry
we ought carefully to consider whether at the present time civilized
nations are advancing or deteriorating in r^ard to their inborn quali-
ties; a most difficult question to answer decisively. Here we enter the
region where keen feelings are likely to be aroused; and, to avoid the
distorting effect of prejudice, let us look to the future rather than to
the present. Now these young men of to-day who are endowed with
good natural abilities and constitutions will be nearly all certain in
time to earn for themselves a fairly good livelihood, whilst the reverse
will be the case with those ill-endowed by nature. Then again, those
s The increase in stature would in truth be materially less than .002 of an
inch; for regression due to dominance and other circumstances has to be
taken into account. See "Correlation between Relatives," R. A. Fisher
Trans, Royal Soc. Edin. Vol. Ill, Part 2 (No. 15).
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THE FIELD OF EUGENIC REFORM 393
who are members of small families will receive greater advantages in
education and in many other respects than will the members of big
families and they will in consequence more easily win their way to
the front. These two selective processes will be more eflfective as
civilization advances; and as a result we may expect to find in the
future in the ranks of the well to do a most harmful combination of
qualities more and more often appearing; that is to say, superior in-
born qualities more and more often combined with all those natural
tendencies which tend to favor the production of small families; these
latter including natural infertility and an innate desire to consider the
welfare of children as yet unborn. The result to be anticipated is
that, in comparison with the ill-endowed, the naturally well-endowed
will as time goes on take a smaller and smaller part in the production
of the coming generations, with a tendency to progressive racial de-
terioration as an inevitable consequence.^ And if we ask whether
existent facts confirm or refute this dismal forecast, what do we find?
Statistical inquiries at all evoits prove conclusively that, where good
incomes are being won, there the families are on the average very
small. Moreover, history teaches us that in the remote past ancient
civilizations, after rising to a climax, often b^an to sink and sink
until they disappeared o£f the face of the earth. These problems are
too complex now to be discussed at length; and I can only assert that
I can find no facts which refute the theoretical conclusion that the
inborn qualities of civilized communities are deteriorating, a process
which must inevitably lead in time to an all round downward move-
ment. I am, of course, regarding this question broadly and generally,
but I can not refrain from adding that the United States has a mighty
future before it, on which the civilization of the whole world may in
a large measure depend. It is, therefore, doubly incumbent on its
citizens to consider whether their best or their worst stocks are now
multiplying most rapidly. If it is the worst stocks, and if no steps are
taken to remedy the evil, then this country may in consequence miss
an opportunity of filling a most glorious page in future history.
4 The theoretical side of all these questions is here quite inadequately
discussed. Many authorities have pointed out the effect of wealth in redu-
cing fertility, a subject not here dealt with, though I have been convinced it
is a most important factor. As to the possible influence of physiological in-
fertility, see "Human Fertility" by J. A. Cobb, Eugenics Review, January 1913.
As to the effect of mental traits on fertility and racial progress, see "Some
Hopes of a Eugenist" by R. A. Fisher, Eugenics Review, January 1914. These
topics have been discussed by me at greater length in "The Need for Wide-
spread Eugenic Reform," Eugenics Review, October 1918; "Eugenics in Re-
lation to Economics and Statistics," Journal of Royal Statistical Society,
January 1919; "Some Birth Rate Problems," Eugenics Review, October 1920
and January 1921. See also "The Habitual Criminal," Eugenics Review,
October 1914.
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394 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
If in all civilized countries the forces the existence of which I have
but too briefly indicated, are producing deteriorating influences by
acting on the masses of the people, then the only way to counteract
this tendency is to set in operation other forces which will affect large
numbers in the opposite direction. But how is thb to be accomplished?
As to good qualities, what I hold to be the main remedy can be ex-
pressed in so few words that its great importance is likely to be over-
looked. What is necessary is to make it widely and deeply felt that it
is both immoral and unpatriotic for couples sound in mind and body
to unduly limit the size of their families. No doubt difficulties will be
experienced in deciding to what extent the duty of parenthood is im-
posed in individual cases; difficulties which I have no time to discuss.
The main difficulty will, however, be to get this duty strongly felt by
the mass of the people; for success in this endeavor would, I am con-
vinced, have a much greater effect on the size of families than com-
mon sense alone would indicate. Failure is, however, certain if the
problem is not attacked with religious zeal. There ought to be a great
moral campaign against the selfish regard for personal comfort and
social advancement, for these aims must in a measure be sacrificed on
the altar of family life if racial progress is to be insured. We must all
learn that if envy and jealousy could be banished, the happiness of
our children would depend greatly on their inborn qualities and but
little on their place in society. We should recognize that we shall
best serve our country by bringing healthy and intelligent children into
the world, provided that we can give them a sound education and a
fair chance of winning a good livelihood; and all of us should be ready
to make some sacrifice of social position in order to obey our country's
call in this respect. The nation that wins in this moral campaign will
have gone half way towards gaining an all round racial victory.
There are no doubt many economic methods of increasing the rate
of multiplication of the people; methods which would be beneficial if
applied to good stocks and harmful in the case of inferior types. The
main reason why persons of high character limit the size of their
families is in order to insure that all the children they do bring into
the world shall have a good start in life. Obviously the simplest way
to remove this check on fertility is for the state to step in and ease the
financial strain on parents due to the upbringing of their children.
This method must, however, never be applied indiscriminately or
without consideration, for the qualities of the types affected must ever
be held in view; and this is especially to be noted in connection with
all schemes for motherhood endowment Then again an increase of
taxation is equivalent to an increase in the poverty or a decrease in
the wealth of the persons taxed; and such a change in their prospects
will tend to make all couples still further limit the size of their families;
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THE FIELD OF EUGENIC REFORM 395
anless indeed they are naturally incapable of taking thought for the
morrow.^ It follows that to increase the taxation on the more fit in
order to ease the strain of family life amongst the less fit would do a
double dose of harm; that is by decreasing the output of children where
it should be increased and by increasing it where it should be dimin-
ished. There are no doubt evils which can not altogether be avoided;
for we are bound to pay attention to the needs of all who suffer, what-
ever may be their natural qualities. If only looking to the types whose
multiplication we want to promote, what we can safely do is to increase
the taxation on the unmarried and the childless and, out of the pro-
ceeds, to give advantages to the parent of growing families in the scone
social stratum. In regard to all proposals such as that recently made
in Australia, for directly or indirectly taking from all workmen a por-
tion of their earnings and for distributing the money thus obtained
amongst parents in proportion to the number of their young children,
here again the racial effects will be good if, and only if, the benefits re-
ceived by each couple are porportionate to the contributions made by
members of the same group to which they belong, a condition almost cer-
tain to be neglected. The economic principles, which I have all too
hastily alluded to, involve many puzzling questions in regard to their
application; but to neglect them altogether is to court a great racial
danger.
Turning to the consideration of influences which would tend to
diminish the rate of multiplication of inferior types, we see that the
grossly unfit can be separated from the normal population with but
little doubt, and that they are often a serious nuisance to society. As
regards most of these types it is probable that seven mendelian factors
are involved; but even if that be so it is not improbable that some
one of the resulting bad qualities may be due to a single factor. For
all these reasons it seems right that the grossly unfit should be selected
individually from the rest of the population, and that in their case
parenthood should be prevented by segregation, with voluntary sterili-
zation as an experimental auxiliary. But here also some attention
should be paid to the principle which I am advocating, namely, that
with qualities dependent on many factors it is as a rule best to aim
at dealing with large numbers rather than with the extreme cases.
Taking the criminal population as a single example, it is found .that
those who have been frequently in prison are practically certain to
revert to crime when liberated. These habitual criminals form the
bulk of the prison population; they have no good qualities to recom-
mend them; they are too stupid to avoid detection, and the only courage
5 It should be noted that I am speaking of an increase of taxation and
not of high taxation. The ultimate racial effects of high taxation are difficult
to foretell.
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396 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
which they show is that needed to face disgrace and imprisonment.
Merely to reduce the fertility of large nmnbers of this class would
be more beneficial from the racial point of view than to absolutely
prohibit parenthood in the case of a small number of persons convicted
of grave crimes; persons who at all events are often intelligent and
courageous. With the habitual criminal the length of detention should
be increased and its severity diminished after each conviction; periods
of liberty should be given until it is quite certain that no cure can be
eflfected; and in the end the malefactor should be r^arded as a person
to be permanently detained because he is incapable of self manage-
ment, all idea of punishment being abandoned. The benefits thus to
be derived are indicated by the statistically proved facts that lengthy
imprisonment does lessen the number of progeny of the criminal, and
that his children are at least ten times more likely to be sent to prison
than are the children of honest parents. Even those who do not
believe in heredity may, therefore, be inclined to hold that permanent
segregation is justifiable after many convictions. We should endeavor
to deal in the same way with the wastrel, the drunkard, and the work
shy; that is as members of large classes the size of which ought to be
diminished rather than as individuals requiring separate consideration.
If it be true, as I hold, that there are hidden forces continually at
work tending to relatively increase the rate of multiplication of large
numbers of those who are below the average in the various qualities
held to be desirable, then efforts to deal with the obviously unfit would
not alone stem this tendency toward racial deterioration. To prevent
our civilization from slowly sinking in the future, some far more wide-
spread action is needed. But how are we, it may be well to ask, to
pick out large numbers of the population whose hereditary influence on
posterity will tend to drag down the average? • Now we shall all
probably agree that the fewer young men there are in any country, who
prove themselves to be incapable of winning sufficient wages to main-
tain a family in decency, the better it will be for the community as a
whole. This is true even if we only look to the comfort and well being
of the children destined to be bom in these ill-found homes. Here we
are of course tempted to urge that the state should step in and see to it
that no disadvantages are felt by the little unfortunates likely to be
brought up in bad surroundings for which they would be in no way
responsible. Any such action would, however, increase the birth rate
of the class affected. Now bad surroundings doubtless tend to in-
crease the number of social failures; a cause of failure which, we may
believe will become less and less operative with every advance in
civilization. But a very large proportion of those incapable of support-
< It must be remembered that this must be true of half the population.
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THE FIELD OF EUGENIC REFORM 397
ing a family in decency in normally prosperous times are character-
ized by certain inborn defects; such as weak constitutions, inferior
mental powers, unstable moral qualities, etc., all of which are in a
measure to be passed on to posterity. State action of the kind just
suggested must therefore be harmful in its racial efifects; for we ought
to check rather than to increase the size of families bom in squalid
surroundings. How can this be done? This is a problem to which
I most earnestly hope that eugenists will turn their attention; for I con-
fess I have found myself no very satisfactory solution. I can only sug-
gest that state and charitable aid should never be given in such pro-
fusion as to prevent the appearance of each child from causing any
additional financial strain on the housdiold, for fertility is decreased
by financial pressure; but I hardly know what to suggest in the case
of those who in spite of this pressure persist in procreation in evil sur-
roundings; and perhaps for the present we should concentrate our
attention on the attempt to secure a general approval of the desire to
lessen the output of diildren in such circumstances. But the problems
involved must be solved sooner or later, and in attempting to solve
them we must remember that every reform does harm as well as good,
and that all we can do is to make reasonably certain that the good re-
sults will preponderate over the evil. In order to prevent the civilized
nations of the world from slowly losing what has been won by long ages
of suffering, no doubt sacrifices must be made and some suffering yet
endured. But if we have courage to face this problem without flinching;
if we fearlessly advocate what we hold to be right, in spite of the un-
popularity of the safeguards and remedies we suggest; and if we can
in the end secure wide approval of our aims; then I am myself certain
that we shall be able to introduce reforms which will secure untold
benefits for mankind, in all the long, long ages to come.
In conclusion may I once again indicate the contrast which, I sug-
gest, ought always to be held in view in framing plans for eugenic
reform; a contrast which I have painted with such a broad brush that
many qualifications have of necessity been omitted and many points but
ill-explained. I have endeavored to show that, for the purpose of our
discussions, human qualities may be divided into two ill-defined groups,
with intermediate types between them. At the one extreme there are
the single factor qualities; in the case of persons possessing bad quali-
ties near this end of the series, they should be individually selected
and examined and then each treated accordingly. Here we should be
dealing for the most part with pathological cases or with persons who
are likely to become a nuisance to society; the aim of the eugenic
reformer would usually be to rid the world of some definite defect
These are the cases which are least in dispute, and where racial bene-
fits can be most rapidly obtained; and for these reasons it is perhaps
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398 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
to these qualities that our attention should first of all be directed. At
the other extreme are those characteristics which separate whole classes
of a community from each other, and which obviously depend on a
great many factors. Here we generally have to look to the class as a
whole, and to apply such remedies as do not necessitate the selection of
individuals, the aim being to raise the level of the whole people. It is
on such qualities as these that the slow improvement or deterioration
of our civilization will in the main ultimately depend; and if they be
neglected in our schemes of eugenic reform, we shall before very long
begin to lapse back again towards barbarism, thus following in the
footsteps of many highly cultivated nations in the past. On the other
hand, if our biologists face these problems more earnestly in the future
than they have in the past, if our politicians pay more attention to
the advice of scientific experts than has hitherto been customary, and
if the general public will be guided by common sense in regard to
heredity, then I hold that we shall have more right to look with con-
fidence to the future than ever has been the case since the dawn of
civilization.
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CONSEQUENCES OF WAR AND BIRTH RATE IN FRANCE 399
THE CONSEQUENCES OF WAR AND THE BIRTH
RATE m FRANCE
By M. LUCIEN MARCH
TREASURER OF LA SOCIETE FRANCAISE D EUGENIQUE
AS a result of the war, the France of 1914 has lost 1,400,000 of her
inhabitants in the prime of life, most of them fit for producing
children. And among the survivors of the fighters of the great war,
a certain part of the 800,000 total invalids will never be able to pro-
duce strong healthy children, either because they are no longer capable
of marrying, or because they are affected with tuberculosis or other con-
stitutional maladies.
To these direct losses must be added the loss of births. Before the
war, the number of living births balanced with a slight excess the
number of deaths; the annual number was about 750,000. During the
six years from 1914 to 1919 inclusive, the deficit reached 400,000 births,
which ought to have survived normally and which were lost owing to
the war.
On the other hand, deaths in the civil population have been more
numerous than formerly, so that 400,000 more deaths are added to the
1,400,000 unborn and to the 1,400,000 soldiers killed in war, giving a
total of more than 2,000,000, taking into consideration possible repeti-
tion and inunigration. These results are calculated on the supposition
that, in the invaded regions, the loss, estimated proportionally to the
number of inhabitants, was the same as in the uninvaded territory; on
the other hand, the numbers are applied to the territory of 1914, but
Alsace and Lorraine can not nearly fill the loss of population of this
region. The provisional results of the census of 1921 confirm these
suppositions.
But that is not all. Privations have broken down the health of many
children bom during the war or a few years before, especially in the
regions of the northeast, where, during the German occupation, they
lived in a state of veritable physical misery. Indeed, infant mortality,
even in the uninvaded districts, has been notably higher during the war
than before, in spite of the low birth rate.
Finally, a certain recrudescence of alcoholism, tuberculosis, venereal
disease and various nervous diseases influenced unfavorably the vitality
of the nation and the race.
Many years will be necessary to repair the loss of population, direct
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400 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
or indirect, attributable to the war or to the evils which have accom-
panied it.
To avoid the inauspicious consequences of these miseries, certain
people believe it is necessary to encourage procreation by all possible
means; they do not fear an excess of population for a long time.
Others think it expedient that each man of proper age to have offspring
should have the 3 or 4 childroi necessary to permit a moderate increase
of population. And still others estimate that a continued increase of
population would create an economic peril and contain the germ of
future wars. Again some wish certain restrictions, especially in con-
finements, among the poorest of the population, to improve the quality
of this population.
The considerations which are the most important are the following,
which shall be examined from the point of view of eugenics and the
point of view of economics.
I.
To-day, respect of human life in all its degrees makes us condemn
infanticide and abortion. There remains then as a means of artificial
selection only the prevention of births.
But the universal concern which determines parents to limit the
number of their children is the burden, at least momentarily, which
the latter represent
The question of the birth rate, in its entirety, with an exception to
be referred to later, comes back again to a question of economic morale.
For physical passion finds play without producing the being which is
its end, and this being is often to-day the reward of a sacrifice freely
agreed upon.
Humanity ought not to perish by its own error. Such is the hi^er
principle which ought to be reconciled with the practical impossibility
of unlimited multiplication.
According to etymology and the definition given by Galton, eugenics
is a general study of the improvements of which the race is susceptible,
race being characterized by common physical or mental qualities mani-
festing themselves in certain groups of men and differentiating them
from other groups. Two conceptions enter here, that of improvement,
and that of the race. To what realities do they correspond?
We cannot define progress, the process of making perfect; but,
when we look back, we feel the differences which separate the life of
other times from that of the present; evolution appears to us to follow
a certain direction. We can then legitimately aim to continue life in
this direction.
In the second place, although in a biological sense pure human
races are not numerous, one can prove that a number of groups of in-
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CONSEQUENCES OF WAR AND BIRTH RATE IN FRANCE 401
dividuals are distinguished by their physical and mental characters,
apparent and distinct as a whole, from another group. Without modi-
fying these characters to the point of making the differences disappear,
one can improve their manifestations, the manner in which they act
in each human group; that is the aim which eugenics seeks. But we
must not lose sight of the fact — for other sciences, the science of educa-
tion for example, seek the same end — that eugenics is concerned, it
seems, only with measures capable of effect upon descendants, that is
to say, transmissible by heredity or capable of operating a selection
advantageous for future generations.
The general principles of this new science have not yet been well
established. It is not yet settled; it is still in a period of development.
And this permits some liberty, some difference of opinion to those
who try to attack the problem.
There are, however, acquired facts, indisputable connections; for
the moment we may withdraw to this ground.
Whatever our opinion as to the relative importance of the factors
heredity or environment — ^that is the principal point on which personal
opinions are opposed — the influence of heredity can not be denied.
Physical and mental resemblances of parents and children are obvious;
the hereditary transmission, at least in the most closely related genera-
tions, of certain physical peculiarities, such as stature, conformation of
the skull, hemophilia, polydactylism, etc., or of mental defects such as
epilepsy, certain forms of mental deficiency or feeblemindedness, are
to-day almost proved. Provided always that the tendencies involved are
simple and that their existence can be removed, resonblances between
children bom of the same parents do not prevent great differences some-
times appearing in these children. The heredity of abilities or that of
defects is not a matter of fate: education may modify nature.
As to the influence of environment, of the mode of development of
the created being, whatever may be its importance for this being itself,
the question which interests eugenics is to know whether this influence
acts upon the descendants after being hidden for a number of genera-
tions. On this point, certain savants, Weismann in particular, have
declared negatively. Others have shown, by experiments on lower
organisms, that organic modifications brought about in these organisms
are transmitted to their descendants.
As Dr. Apert has remarked in France, as far as man is concerned,
it seems that only the modifications relating to the nervous system have
yielded, up to the present, observations truly conclusive. Yet the in-
terpretation of these facts has been contested; they have been attributed
to hereditary predispositions, but it is always easy to draw into the re-
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402 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
suits of an observation the effect of a hidden influence as mysterious as
that of heredity.
Our knowledge is not sufficient to warrant our issuing a challenge
on these obscure questions. And yet of such great importance to
humanity is a sustained and growing development of scientific re-
searches relative to the heredity of man, that this is the desire of all
those who are interested in eugenics.
The transmission of character, from one generation to another,
works through the germ-plasm, but this action can be guided by selec-
tion: natural selection by death, artificial selection by sexual union.
M. Edmond Perrier, president of the Societe f rangaise d' Eugenique,
recently stated that, in primitive nature, natural selection may not have
had the exclusive effect which the Darwinians have attributed to it.
Moreover, what precisely is natural selection? Does it mean simply
that an individual incapable of adapting itself to the conditions im-
posed on it by environment disappears and only those individuals sur-
vive who are capable of adapting themselves? That does not add a
great deal to our knowledge, as Mr. Balfour (speaking before the First
International Eugenics Congress) remarked, since it amounts to saying
that only those are capable of surviving who survive a veritfd>le truism.
And if one means that only those survive who are capable of surviving,
M. Perrier answers {Eugenique, mai 1921, page 197) that those who
are incapable of surviving in one region can escape death by flight, and
it is thus perhaps that the living world has evolved.
In truth, death and survival are a form of selection from which may
result for humanity, as for all living beings, good or evil according
to the qualities of the individual involved and the surrounding cir-
cumstances. If we are unable to modify the innate qualities of the
individual, we may often, by acting upon the surrounding circum-
stances, make useful the qualities which it has.
This is one of the essential duties of eugenics: to favor and en-
courage the work of health and the work of educating the promoters
of social progress.
As to artificial selection, we may endeavor to increase births among
those who possess the best qualities and to decrease births among those
who show defects and faults. However, we ought to ask ourselves
whether there does jaot exist now and then a certain opposition to
these two movements: that which makes for the improvement of con-
ditions of existence and that which makes for the best qualities in*the
descendants.
Opposition has been noted many times, especially among English
eugenicists. Nature, they say, in a convenient anthropomorphic lan-
guage, nature has arranged for the beings least endowed for life, to
disappear before those who are better endowed. Thb observation
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CONSEQUENCES OF WAR AND BIRTH RATE IN FRANCE 403
is just; admitting that in the shadowy beginning of life, flight was
a means of preservation, this means is not worth much when it is
impossible to flee from danger. This is the case when illnesses
and bodily struggles cause the disappearance of the least worthy be-
ings, the least capable of resistance. But when human fraternity, pity,
science, and hygiene unite their efi'orts to defend the weak, many in-
dividuals who would have disappeared if left to themselves, live in
spite of their disabilities and transmit these to their descendants. As
is often remarked, the humanitarian tendencies of our time, our social
l^islation and all the measures which come from the same principle,
have this effect — of which people are not sufficiently warned — to op-
pose the play of natural selection. This manner of thinking contains
a great deal of truth. However, no defender of eugenics thinks of
suppressing pity, or hygiene, to reestablish natural selection in its
barbaric despotism. The efforts of humanity tend to utilize the natural
forces for their own ends and not to let them act blindly. Also when
the ideal of healthfulness and social progress is opposed to the ideal
of perfection of race, because the first is contrary to the effect of natural
selection, it becomes necessary to demand from artificial selection much
more important effects, and especially those better regulated, than
those which it produces among primitive peoples.
This we shall now consider in passing to the special question of
birth. Even though we can lessen the effects of natural selection, we
can much more surely intervene by artificial selection to favor the
perfecting of the race and above all to prevent its degeneration. The
point is to make good use of this power.
II.
In all times, man has tried to deal with the multiplication of his
race. Independently of wars, famines, epidemics, whose destructive
effects extend themselves over entire populations, suppression of in-
fants already bom, abortion, and prevention of births have been
practised.
Eugenics, as well as economics, can, to be sure, tell us what the
social interest demands. From the point of view of eugenics, the
experience of centuries and of numerous researches teaches us above
all that there are transmissible defects, reproduction of which must
be avoided at all costs. These are notably the hereditary predisposi-
tions to insanity, to feeble-mindedness, to epilepsy, and to detrimental
malformations; or again the acquired dispositions chargeable to the
poisons of the nervous system, such as alcohol and the spirochete of
syphilis.
Evidently one can not always be sure in advance of the effect of
those influences which, acting in the mass, result in differences. Never-
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404 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
theleu there are individuals whose duty it is not to procreate, not to
give birth to offspring, since the chances of def onnity or mental de-
ficiency are really too great This duty is all the clearer when one is
forced to conserve the life of those beings who, in other times, would
have been condemned to a more rapid death by the brutalities of
existence.
Apart from circumstances which justify and command abstinence,
there are still others which can be drawn in very legitimately to limit
the number of children; for instance, in the very crowded urban dis-
tricts, the insufficiency of homes and the promiscuity cause an excessive
mortality when families are large, and there are no means for choosing
spacious dwellings. Finally, there are individual proprieties worthy
of respect, for example, the care of the mother's health when she cannot
stand numerous pregnancies, not to speak of the limits which can im-
pose the legitimate fear of an undeserved loss, if a large family assumes
a burden which surpasses its strengtL
We cannot then accept the formula of an unfortunate equality,
which would impose on all adults the obligation of having a deter-
mined number of children, any more than we would dream of recom-
mending an unlimited fecundity. It is therefore necessary to discard
formulas which are precise but too simple and to keep within the
bounds of asking that each adult have children if he reasonably can.
Each one, in fact, has the duty of transmitting the life that he has
received, as well as of improving the value of that life just as those
who have preceded have striven to do. And thus is imposed, according
to the limits of one's means and capacities, the duty of perpetuating
the family to which one belongs, the duty of contributing to the scope
of one's country and to the progress of all humanity.
The formula is doubtless very vague; it is addressed to conscience,
for it is conscience alone which is the judge of the degree to which
the order has been obeyed. It is the same as when one appeals to the
conscience of each one to participate in the defence of country or of
national burdens. In this case, it is true that legislation mforces the
moral obligation; is it not necessary that legislation also intervene in
favor of the birth rate? The answer to this question is not doubtful;
we can not omit a certain social organization capable of stimulating
conscience and assuring the desired result, that is to say, the number
of births which appear necessary for the whole population.
However, two objections have been made. One declares that before
increasing the birth rate, it would be better to reduce mortality and,
above all, infant mortality.
It is obvious that all measures capable of reducing mortality are
good in themselves. But, since the remotest historical times, it has not
appeared possible to lengthen the maximum of human life. We can
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CONSEQUENCES OF WAR AND BIRTH RATE IN FRANCE 405
only hope to lengthen the mean duration of life. But that will not pro*
duce an appreciable increase in population in the countries where the
number of births depends on familial foresight, when the parents de-
termine, so to speak, in advance the number of children they will raise.
Three years out of four in France, the number of births in one year
is related to the number of infants who have died in the preceding;
if many children die, they are replaced.
The second objection is that instead of seeking the striving for a
great number of children, it is preferable to concern oneself about
die quality. We have seen that the quality of population is in fact the
principal aim of eugenics.
We shall consider successively the family and the nation.
In the family, when the number of children does not exceed the
reasonable limit of which we have spoken, one can affirm that quality,
far from being opposed to quantity, goes hand in hand with it. The
case of the only child has often been tried. Numerous examples have
also been cited of brilliant men who are among the young manbers of
families, sometimes of very high rank.
As to the nation, she may claim a certain choice, a selection the
importance of which we have mentioned in the first part of thb paper.
But, admitting that those who carry defects are to be prevented from
procreating, what sign enables us to recognize inferiority and superior-
ity of qualities? It has been proposed to take wealth for an index.
Numerous inquiries have proved in fact that in the slums of cities,
among the individuals who have no care for the morrow, are found
the greatest number of transmissible defects and the most afflicted
children. On the other hand, manifestations of intelligence and vari*
ous abilities have appeared more frequently in the children of well-to-do
families than among those of poor families.
But here the influence of environment as well as that of education
is considerable. Omitting the small part of the population which is
composed principally of social outcasts, we can not but affirm that the
innate qualities (we do not speak of acquired qualities) are less in
the families of small income than those of large income, especially
if one takes into consideration all classes of population, city and
country, intellectual and artisan.
Reserving the elimination of undesirables, it does not seem that
there is serious reason, from the single point of view of eugenics, to
sedc births in one class of population more than in another. The
numerous statonents which have been made on the retrogression or
even the degeneration of families which have not renewed themselves
sufficiently, tend on the contrary to promote the incessant mixing of
social classes rather than their separation. When one considers the
state of the population, one perceives great differences in the birth rate.
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406 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
In Franoe, the birth rate is generally greater in the country than in the
city, greater in the mountainous regions than in the valleys, greater
among agriculturists, sailors, fishermen, the colliers of the north, the
heads of great industries, than in the middle classes, among artisans
and especially among clerks. These differ^ices explain themselves;
they appear in the nature of things, and, for the moment at least, they
do not carry any danger. We know that depopulation does not reach
the towns, which are being filled unceasingly by an influx of inhabitants
from the country. It is then the birth rate in the country upon which
effort should principally be brought to bear; it is there that results
can be gained most easily, at the least expense and under the best
conditions from the point of view of hygiene, as well as from the
point of view of eugenics.
Moreover, social action ought not to confine itself to facilitating the
birth of children; it is also necessary to raise children up to a certain
age. Questions of education, emigration and immigration are also
questions on which eugenics has something to say, especially the ques-
tion of immigration which has gained since the war an importance and
character previously unknown in France.
Eugenics has also something to say on the psychological and moral
side of the question of birth rate. Prevention of births, regarded as
necessary in a certain measure, can be recommended only according
to the means indicated by Malthus; the delay of marriage.
Fecundity of marriage, which one supposes sufficient to allow the
maintenance of a healthy family well adapted to life, ought not to be
fettered by an excessive fear of life, or by the fear of effort. No hope
of the future can be realized except with a certain present sacrifice.
It is necessary to make some personal sacrifices and to have hope in
the future.
These sacrifices will be moreover fruitful for posterity. In what
measure can they be shared; what profit can they yield for it? That
is what the examination of the question from the point of view of
economics will show.
III.
The economic power of a country depends primarily on its pro-
ducers, that is to say, on those who by their work render natural riches
serviceable.
Now we have already seen the loss of population since the war.
The loss comes principally from the avoidance of marriage. During
the war, many young men rightly wished to wait for the end of hostilities
before marrying. Hence has resulted the increase of marriages in 1919
and 1920. The same phenomenon has been observed after all wars;
it is easily explained.
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CONSEQUENCES OF WAR AND BIRTH RATE IN FRANCE 407
But in spite of this the deficit is an important fact in our country
and in Belgium. While the population of Great Britain has increased
by 1,300,000 during the same time, that of Germany has hardly dimin-
i^ed and if it has diminished at all, we are still ignorant of it.
Imagine the state of the French population in fifteen years. At that
time, there will be lacking, taking account of the mortality, 500,000
young men of the ages of 15 to 21 years, a loss which must be added
to the 1,400,000 men of 18 to 50 years of age killed during the war,
and who would then be 33 to 65 years old, as well as the 500,000 young
men of the same ages who have died in the civil population in excess
of the normal mortality. In all, about 2,000,000 individuals will be
missing from the male population of 15 to 65 years.
In 1935 one sixth of those whose work must furnish the principal
source of income of the nation will be lacking. In spite of the restora-
tion of Alsace-Lorraine, which brings us 400,000 adults of 15 to 65
years but which also demands workers for its fields and iron foundries,
it is certain that French production will be deprived of an important
part of its active forces and that the economic life of the country will
languish for many years if energetic measures are not taken without
delay to ward off the threatening deficit.
Without doubt, one might temporarily appeal to foreign workers.
Assimilable populations, however, can furnish only a small part. It
will be necessary to have recourse to unassimilable races very different
from ours, which will quickly furnish undesirable elements.
The deficit of male workers has caused the more general employ-
ment of women. But the women who work cannot be fruitful mothers.
Feminine work will be only a short-lived mitigation.
For all time, since the infant brings care and pain as well as joy,
maternity has been a cause of care and effort Among primitive tribes
which are displaced, it is necessary not only to nourish but even to
carry these children. In our civilized societies, and especially in urban
centers, where civilization is most refined, the burden is often very
heavy. The difficulties of lodging, the hindrances of traffic, the care
for appearance, which is applicable to children as well as to parents,
the care for the health of the mother and all the complications of urban
life; the laws for working women, the educational obligations and the
impossibility, in poor families, of using the work of young children,
make the maintenance of even a limited number of children sufficiently
burdensome.
Formerly in poor families, who are the most numerous, the help
which grown children gave to their old parents, compensated in some
measure for the privations which they had caused at first. To-day,
collective insurance is substituted for this kind of family insurance of
previous times. In consequence, the child usually never brings any
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408 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
repayment in exchange for what he cost Also the care for his future
causes the f oresighted parents of our time to assure themselves of the
excellent probabilities of his future establishment, which leads them
also to restrain their responsibility. When the children may soon be
an aid to the family, the burden is much lighter. Moreover one finds
the greatest number of children among the people chiefly concerned
with agriculture, and, in every country, in the rural populations.
However, the first obstacle to births is the possibility of raising the
children. Doubtless this obstacle exists for many animal species and
does not hinder their fecundity, but in those species there b no reasoning
power, no foresight, no respect of life, at least in a degree comparable
to that which may be observed in civilized human society.
A second obstacle, which does not exist in any degree outside of
humanity, is the foresight of parents exercised beyond the time of
growth of their children. It is not sufficient to have brought children
into the world and to have raised them to an age when they have
strength enough to answer for themselves; the environment in which
they are placed must permit them to live. To understand the economic
mechanism of the phenomenon of birth it is convenient to distinguish
three orders of circumstances:
1. The means of keeping children alive during their growth.
2. The eventual means by which these children can live by them-
selves after growth.
3. The view of parents on these future circumstances.
It is necessary to understand here by means of life, the means of
leading a certain kind of life; one can say in general that it is a kind
of life at least equal to that to which the parents are accustomed. Often
even, the parents desire their children to reach a higho: stage of life.
But the means of living are governed in part by circumstances ex*
temal to living beings and in part by the circumstances which depend
on these beings themselves. The analysis of these circumstances makes
up what is called the theory of population.
Long before Malthus, who formulated this theory, estimates had
been made of the facility of increasing the human species, a faculty
analogous to that of every other living species, when no limitation in-
tervenes. It is wrong to coisure Malthus for having employed the
formula of geometric progression, since a simple reasoning founded on
a not dissimilar hypothesis establishes it. Where Malthus appears to
be mistaken is in his attempt to justify his law by experience or to
deduce from one isolated experience the reason of progression. If
he could have extended his observations still farther, he would have
seen that this reason was not constant, and in consequence the pro-
gression was not geometric.
If on the contrary one keeps to the domain of hypothesis, as others
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CONSEQUENCES OF WAR AND BIRTH RATE IN FRANCE 400
had done before Malthus, then supposing that nothing limits the
fecundity of women, as a woman can bring into the world at least 8
children, and taking account of cases of involuntary sterility and
physiological mortality, it is easy to understand that in thirty years a
population not meeting any obstacle would increase in the proportion
of 1 to 4 at least, that is to say, that it would be more than doubled
in 15 years.
Malthus admitted that the population of the United States doubled
every 25 years; a more rapid progression has been cited, that of the
Hebrews passing through Egypt: 70 adults became 600,000 in two cen-
turies, which means a doubling in exactly every fifteen years, and cor-
responds to the period of doubling of capital placed at interest of 5
per cent, a year. Every one knows what a fantastic sum is reached with
a sufficient number of periods of doubling. If the doubling every 15
years had taken place since the beginning of historic times, the men
living in our time not only could not find place on earth, but would
even fill the space which separates our globe from far distant stars.
The hypothesis which leads to an idea of constant geometric progression
is not verified by facts. In reality the matter changes with the times
because of obstacles which meet the indefinite multiplication of a
species, for men as well as for all living beings. The interest of the
work of Malthus is that this author has classified the obstacles and
made a choice.
A second error, which is often made, consbts in assigning also a
general law to the development of the means of existence. These can
only increase by following an arithmetic progression.
This supposed law has no theoretic foundation, even admitting that
one works in a limited territory, since the production of subsistence
depends on putting to work the means of production. In fact the
means of existence have progressed much more rapidly in certain epochs
than in others. In the nineteenth century for example, the population
of the most civilized states increased more rapidly than during the
previous centuries. There is then no general law for increase of popu-
lation.
If one applies the formula which would recapitulate the theoretic
movement of population, one would begin to say that population is
developed in the measure that the means of living are developed, that
there is a correlation between the two phenomena. But this vague
formula is only pure tautology, since one can not conceive of a popula-
tion which would develop without means of life. Such a formula can
serve only as a preliminary to a true theory of population. In order
to have a theory, one must indicate some mechanism for the relation
between population and the means of subsistence.
The theory of Malthus tends to establish the fact that individuals.
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410 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
according to nature, have an action weaker than the reaction exercised
by it. Inversely, other theorists, before Malthas the mercantilists and
populationists, after Malthus the advocates of patriotic fecundity, have
claimed that, in certain limits at least, man could always obtain from
nature what he needed to live. These two theories have been translated
by picturesque formulas.
Where bread is bom, man is bom, say those who believe in blind
fecundity and limited productivity. Where man is bom, bread is bom,
answer those who measure the limitation of fecundity and have faith
in the powers of invention.
In reality these brief formulas are too general: in some epochs,
and countries natural increase of population tends to diminish pro-
duction; in other cases the contrary is true.
In China, in India, when the population is increased to a certain de-
gree, a deficient production results in veritable hecatombs of human
beings, after which equilibrium is restored. In other countries where
patriarchal life has given place to a complicated organization founded
on the division of labor and the specialization of services, the means
of production increase sometimes to such a point that production sur-
passes the needs. In this case, it is true, the conditions of existence of
the people are in a mutual dependence, and this dependence gives rise
to terrible conflicts.
In the human species, as in all living beings, death appears as an
inflexible regulator of the interaction of the two factors of life: natural
fecundity and nourishment But, in the human species, the individuals
are capable of foreseeing in some measure future events; foresight is
the principal instrument of progress of the species and of civilization.
Malthus has well noted this difi'erence between the human species and
others, and he has declared that for the brutal regulator of other species
one may substitute that of reason. This has been expressed, in rather
rude form, by a German economist, Julius Wolf, who sees in the
universal decrease of the birth rate the effect of rationalism increasing
life.
However, Malthus has not seen the imponance which this factor
will have and the danger which will result when this factor is capable
of suppressing all the principles of life. He believed, on the contrary,
that the power of instinct would always be stronger than the fear of
overpopulation, and he impregnated the thought of his century with
a dangerous pessimism.
But is it true that increase of population is necessarily a menace to
the existence of this population? The facts answer for themselves.
Not only has the 19th century seen the civilized nations increase in pro-
portions unknown in the preceding centuries vrithout these nations hav-
ing suffered want; but, among them, the most rapid increase in wealth
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CONSEQUENCES OF WAR AND BIRTH RATE IN FRANCE 411
has gone with the most rapid increase in population. In England at the
beginning of the 19th century, poor laws imposed excessive burdens
on the parishes, misery ruled and the lamentable state of the popula-
tion at the beginning of the age of machinery justified later, in the
eyes of Karl Marx, its attacks against the capitalistic regime. Since
then the production of foodstuffs has diminished, and the population
has quadrupled from 9 to 36 million (1911).
At the beginning of the nineteenth century an increase of popula-
tion was feared in Germany as much as in England. Measures for re-
straining marriages were even passed in the legislatures of certain states
such as Bavaria and Wurtemberg. In order to have the right to marry,
one had to show sufficient means. Thanks to these restrictive measures
and to propaganda, the increase of population remained very slow —
slower than in France — during a great part of the nineteenth century.
Thus during the period of 25 years, 1847-1871, the number of inhabit-
ants increased 13 per cent in Bavaria, and 9 per cenL in Wurtemberg,
while they increased 17 per cent, in France.
Events happened which transformed the state of mind, and without
doubt the faith in the future, without modifying the natural conditions
of production, and the view changes. During a second period of 35
years, from 1871 to 1915, the number of inhabitants increased 34 per
cenL in Bavaria and 27 per cent, in Wurtemberg, while the propor-
tional increase fell to 9 per cent, in France.
A good element of appreciation of the activity and the power of
expansion of a people is furnished by the development of its exports,
or, if we consider ten states for which we can give at the same time
the proportional increase of the number of inhabitants from 1875 to
1913 and the relative progress of exports, a close relation between the
two movements is proved.
PROPORTIONAL INCREASE BETWEEN 1875 AND 1913
Population Ex];K)rtB
Per cent. Per cent.
Prance 10 80
Italy 29 145
United Kingdom 45 160
Belgium 54 237
Russia 65 260
Austria-Hungary 38 383
German Empire 58 380
Canada 103 423
United States 138 386
Argentine Republic 330 828
The two series of numbers vary in the same direction.
IV.
What is to be concluded from these results? Simply that the
phenomenon is too complex to be analyzed in its entirety without going
back to elemental facts.
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412 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Let us turn to the father of the family, for it is in fact upon the
fathers of families that the birth rate of the country depends. We
have said that this decision depended most generally on three factors:
1. The expense represented by bringing up a child to the time
when it can care for itself.
2. The chances this child has of living eflfectively, at least in the
conditions under which its parents have lived.
3. The view of the parents on this expense and these chances.
Other factors intervene also: considerations of health, well-being,
etc., but we will concern ourselves only with those which are most
general and least synthetic
It is not regrettable that, in this grave question, reason is substi-
tuted for the most simple instincts. We must force ourselves to see
only that which commands the true meaning of things.
At the origin of the problem of the birth rate are found two economic
and one psychological fact This last dominates the two others, par-
ticularly the second. Moreover the psychological fact intervenes only
where the customs and legislation are directed by the sentiment of
respect for life. For among the primitive peoples, abortion and in-
fanticide excuse the parents from diinking of the future. They let the
sexual instinct act freely, for they may cause to disappear the results
of this action, sometimes, as in Sparta, with the illusory f orethou^t of
selecting the survivors.
In our modem society, these procedures are no longer permitted;
they are supplanted by the prevention of births; that is left to the
will of the parents who bear the burdens. But this will is guided by
judgment and sentiment. If judgment is clear and sound, if sentiment
is right, the voluntary action will be well directed; in the contrary
case, it will come to evil. But the first condition, in order that the
parents be not hindered by a too fearful foresight, that they may act
in a sense best conforming to the good of society of which they are a
part, is that they have a certain moral force, that they know how to sac-
rifice a little of their personal interest to the common interest — ^for
maternity always brings some sacrifice, at least physical — ^and that they
have confidence in the future. One may say that the question of popu-
lation is above all a moral question. A certain optimism is necessary
but this optimism ought to follow from facts.
It is always imprudent to ask too much of the sentiment of duty
when one addresses a whole population. During the war, when invasion
roused patriotism, it was necessary to impose military service by
force.
Even when it is a question of the birth rate, when general educa-
tion, when the comparison of military or economic power of the coun-
try shows all families a common duty, nothing better is needed.
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CONSEQUENCES OF WAR AND BIRTH RATE IN FRANCE 413
However, although in this matter no sanction will be legitimate or ef-
ficacious, still it will be proper to facilitate the accomplishment of
this duty.
What concerns provision for the future is one of the legitimate pre*
occupations of the head of the family. The movement of general
prosperity must be such as to make the establishment of children
appear easy.
It is sometimes said that there are fewer children in well-to-do
families than in poor families. This is true in the sense that if the
income of poor families increases, the number of their children tends
to diminish. But it is not really exact for all categories of rich or
poor families.
Let us consider for instance the French statistics of 1906 where the
families were classified according to the number of children bom in
these families, whether living or dead. In the families where the mar-
riage has lasted 25 years or more, the number of children per 100
families is equal to 303 among clerks and increases to 360 among
their employers, 409 among laborers, and more than 480 among fisher-
men and sailors of the merchant marine.
If one classifies the employers who have been married more than
25 years and who are from 60 to 70 years old, one finds that the mean
number of children bom in 100 families is only 305 in the liberal pro-
fessions, that it increases to 347 in commerce, 370 in agriculture, 385
in all industries properly so-called.
The relative situation of employers in agriculture and industry is
not the same when one considers the marriages which have lasted less
than 25 years. For the marriages having lasted less than 5 years,
from 5 to 14 years, or from 15 to 25 years, productivity is greater in
agriculture than in industry. Everything happens as if the heads of
agricultural enterprises, after having had a determined number of
children more rapidly than the chiefs of industrial enterprises, stopped
sooner than the latter.
The details of professions permit even a distinction between the
groups of similar industries. The number of children for 100 married
men exceeds 390 in mines and quarries, in the ^^inoterie,** in the
textile industries, in the enterprises of building and of transportation,
while it falls to 350 and below in industries of food production, in
goldsmithing and jewelry. Thus it appears that in the great industries
the employers have more children and in the small ones fewer.
Among the commercial professions, the smaller number of children
per 100 families is slightly higher among die butchers; it is least
among bankers and heads of financial enterprises, who form a sort of
transition between industrial or commercial professions and the liberal
professions.
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414 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Thus, among employers, productivity seems bound, in a certain
measure, to the professional characteristics, but these are rather com-
plex. On the one hand, the intellectuality of the profession, if one may
so call it, causes a small productivity, so that the number of children
per family is small in the liberal professions, in the learned profes-
sions and in financial enterprises, while the manual professions have a
productivity relatively higher; on the other hand, the heads of great
industries seem to have a productivity higher than that of the small
industries and merchants.
Two factors act in a quasi-independent way; on the one hand, the
intellectual character of the professions, which leads to late marriages
and creates an environment little favorable to fecundity for reasons
which it is not necessary to develop here; on the other hand, preoccupa-
tion with the fate reserved for the children. In great industries, the
latter will easily find employment for their abilities and will obtain
without too many difficulties situations equivalent to those of their
parents, either in or out of the country. In the little enterprises, on
the contrary (except in special instances, such as that of butcher,
where the employment of the entire family is almost a condition of
success) , the father of the family does not look ahead without uneasi-
ness to the future laid out for his children.
Certain of these characteristics will be found among clerks and
laborers. Among the clerks, it is the young butchers who show the
greatest productivity, then the inspectors and foremen, whose produc-
tivity seems to border on that of the laborers. The smallest number
of children is observed among the clerks of stores, waiters in cafes,
hotels and restaurants, office and public service employees. Among the
laborers, the greatest productivity — ^more than 5 children being bom in
a family founded more than 25 years — is among smaller laborers and
workers in spinning mills. The lace weavers, of whom a great num-
ber work at home, have a smaller productivity than the spinners (489
per 100 families against 540 among the spinners) . Moreover, in agri-
culture, the domestic workers of the farm, generally lodged at the farm,
have 395 children per 100 families, while the field workers proper
have 426.
But the industries in which the workers have less than 4 children
per family are numerous. Those who have about 350 children per 100
families founded more than 25 years are makers of wooden shoes,
coopers, toy makers, saddlers, tailors, printers, metalworkers, elec-
tricians, jewelers and silversmiths, various workers in commerce,
drivers and deliverymen. It seems that professions of small industries,
and especially professions in cities, give the smallest figures. For the
masons, day laborers, and people without profession, generally em-
ployed in the cities, there are 464 children born per 100 families;
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CONSEQUENCES OF WAR AND BIRTH RATE IN FRANCE 416
among the workers of industrial service of the state, roadmenders, etc.,
the productivity exceeds 390 children bom per 100 families; it de*
creases to 360 among the police, and customs employees, etc., to 350
for workers and sub-agents of the post and telegraph service. Finally,
among personal servants, it decreases to less than 3 children bom per
family, always for the heads of families married more than 25 years.
On the whole, among laborers and workers in great industries where
the work is relatively regular and abundant, when the agricultural work
offers a real stability, when the dwelling is either in the country or in
industrial communities consisting of laborers of the same class, pro-
ductivity is relatively high. It is lowest among the small artisans, in
the trades carried on in cities, also where the profession demands
physical force to the minimum degree. It is also small where the
persons classified as workers are confined to the category of clerks and
especially where the conditions of employment, the conditions of lodg-
ing make preferable households without children or with few, rather
than housholds burdened with children.
From the preceding statements, we remember that if the workers
in general have more children than the employers there are not lack-
ing professions where they have fewer. In the second place, for one as
for the other, it is the great industries which seem more favorable to
productivity and small industries less favorable. Naturally here the
environment exercises a certain influence, the regions of great industry
being generally other than those of small industry.
The preceding observations (they are illustrated by the pictures
shown in the exposition rooms of the congress) confirm, although not
entirely, those that have often been made on the relation between fer-
tility and social standing. This being at once a function of income and
education, the most fortunate categories are those where education is
the most refined, or where the number of children is the most limited.
On the contrary, fertility would be greatest in the poorest environments,
in those where the kind of life is the plainest.
If, in a general way, this observation contains a great element of
truth — this is shown by the comparison of districts of great cities classi-
fied according to exterior signs of income — ^there are reservations
which must be taken into account There is no doubt, for example, that
employers are generally more fortunately situated than their employees,
and yet they have notably more children than the latter. On the other
hand, employees who generally receive higher wages than laborers^
have fewer children than the latter. The question has often been
studied, and it is important that new contributions be brought to it.
We will borrow for new indications recent statistics of France drawn
up by the aid of family bulletins filled out in 1907 by a great number
of employees and workers remunerated by the budgets of the state.
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416 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
departments and communes (Conscil superieur de statistique, bulletins
10 et 11: "Statistique Generale de la France," **Statistique des families
en 1906").
These functionaries have been classified according to the annual
showing of the actual emoluments and, considering only those whose
marriages have lasted more than 15 years, the number of children bom
per 100 families has been calculated:
TABLE
Annuaa 500 501 1001 1501 2501 4001 6001
nalary at to to to to to to
In francs most 1000 1500 2500 4000 6000 10000
more
than
10000
Aver-
age
Clerks 277
Laborers 329
Marriages lasting 15 to 25 years.
241 259 245 223 231 239
321 293 280 254 234
238
237
307
Clerks 330
lAborers 348
Marriages lasting more than 25 years.
301 305 280 264 264 261
363 346 329 305 240
286
285
385
When all classes are taken together, the above figures are in accord
with those which have been determined with the aid of the general
census, either for clerks or for laborers or sub-agents of the public
service.
Comparing now the numbers of children by classes of salaries, it
will be noted that, among the laborers, the number of children dim-
inishes regularly as the salary increases ; among the clerks it diminishes
until it reaches a minimum for clerks earning 2500 to 10,000 francs p^
year; it rises for clerks whose annual income exceeds 10,000 francs.
To complete these proofs, it is proper to remark that salaries and
emoluments depend in great measure on the region or settlement where
each clerk or laborer lives. Change in fertility is submitted to a double
influence, showing that salary is only one of the factors involved.
The influence of environment becomes evident when we observe the
families of limited classes of employees scattered throughout all France,
generally in the rural conununes the roadmenders and the rural police.
For these employees, fertility is analogous to that of the population in
the midst of which they live, greater in the regions of high birth rate,
smaller in the regions with a low rate.
A similar investigation has been conducted among the clerks prop-
erly so called of prefectures and mairies. The personnel of the em-
ployees (not composed of boys, laborers, etc) has, in general, fewer
children as the number of inhabitants of the city increases; the same
is true of the populations of these cities. But a comparison between the
fertility of these functionaries and general fertility shows that the first
is less variable than the second.
In 1901, 100 families founded more than 15 years had 199 sur-
viving children in Paris, 228 in cities of more than 500,000 inhabitants.
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CONSEQUENCES OF WAR AND BIRTH RATE IN FRANCE 417
266 in the smaller cities. Among the administrative employees, the
corresponding numbers are 183, 198, 215, or 92 per coit, 87 per cent,
and 81 per cent, of the preceding. Employees have in some degree a
specific fertility which depends' less on environment than that of
laborers. Results analogous to the preceding are obtained when the
proportional number of sterile families is determined.
Among the marriages having lasted more than 25 years, the number
of sterile marriages in 1,000 marriages, varies as follows, according to
annual income:
Annual less 1001 1501 2501 4001 6001 more Average
salary than to to to to to than
In francs 1000 1500 2500 4000 6000 10000 10000
Clerks 96 86 99 113 101 HI 109 101
Laborers 70 74 91 98 100 78
And the proportional number of families having had more than
7 children:
Clerks 56 58 41 33 26 23 52 44
Laborers 95 86 75 55 50 88
On the whole, the statistics of French families permit us to see in
what measure fertility is bound up with the social situation. Numerous
factors intervene: for instance, the heads of enterprises in the most
industrial regions of the country — ^the north, the r^on about Lyons-^
have many diildren, more children per family than many other less
fortunate classes. Among the laborers, the miners of Pas-de-Calais
have likewise many children in relation to other laborers. In these two
cases, the parents have no fear as to the future of their children. The
great employer knows that he can easily establish his; the mine laborer
knows that there will always be work in the mine for his.
This sentiment becomes general when one perceives continued prog-
ress everywhere, in the agricultural, industrial and commercial move-
ments, and in the action of public authorities in favor of education,
apprenticeship, exportation, ^nigration and public works. Confidence
in the future is then assured. It is this factor which seems to have
played an important role in Germany after the constitution of the em-
pire and the war of 1870. But the two factors which we have just con-
sidered, a certain courage on the one hand and a certain optimism on
the other, do not suffice always; it seems. useful to ward off at first the
obstacles which we have recognized, that is to say, to lighten the bur-
dens which the maintenance of children causes parents. Here it is
proper to proceed methodically. Since it is a question of financial
participation, it is expedient to exert the effort where it is most neces-
sary and to seek to obtain the maximum result from the sums used.
It b humane to sedc that the children brought into the world be raised
under the best conditions for health. It is good not to go against the
vm. xin.~87.
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418 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
natural course of things, to limit oneself to bringing simply the spark
which sets fire to the pile.
V.
These considerations tend to favor the birth rate in the country. It
is there that depopulation is raging — ^not that the birth rate is
lower than in the cities (the contrary is true) — ^but because of the emi-
gration from the country to the city. This is noticed when one com-
pares the movement of the number of inhabitants in the French censuses
of different periods, either in the urban or the rural population.
In 1856 the rural population was 26 million of the 36 million in-
habitants in all France; in 1911, the number had fallen to 22 million,
while the total population had increased to almost 40 million. The
urban has been considerably augmented — ^almost doubled — passing
from 9,800,000 inhabitante in 1856 to 17,500,000 in 1911. It has
doubled also in the class of cities of more than 10,000 inhabitants.
It is useless consequently to setk to increase the population of cities
by artificial means since they increase so rapidly by themselves that
there is a veritable overcrowding in great cities. But it is necessary to
increase the population of the country for reasons of hygiene, social
stability, and also good economy, for it is there that children cost least
It is in the country that the birth rate is already the highest, that
one will find families best disposed to have numerous children. It is
stated that the birth rate increases in proportion to the altitude. But,
in France at least, it is from the high altitudes that have came the
strongest currents of emigration.
Children cost much less to raise in the country than in the city.
In the country poverty is most disquieting, which ought to cause farmers
to assure themselves of a sufficient number of children capable of
helping them by their work. There the growth of children takes place
under the best conditions of health, especially if a system of maternal
education is instituted; there one is near the foundation of the popula-
tion, and there marriages are made with full knowledge of antecedents.
Even as one rejuvenates trees from the stump, so the renewing of the
population, necessary to combat retrogression, ought to be worked from
the base. The best always come from a vigorous stock, as the best
fruits and the most beautiful flowers spring from well grafted roots.
In the cities, national effort ought to tend to improve lodgings, to
facilitate rapid communication which will permit the largest extensions
outside the crowded areas.
In France a law of July 14, 1913, gives to every family which has
at least three children less than 13 years of age a monthly allotment for
each child beyond the third under 13 years, while the child is living
and has not reached the age of 13 years. The conununes, the depart-
ments and the state share the expense. Another law, that of June 28,
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CONSEQUENCES OF WAR AND BIRTH RATE IN FRANCE 419
1918, gives an important share of the state power to the departments
which encourage births. This participation varies in inverse ratio to
the richness of the department and in direct ratio to the nmnber of
families having more than 4 children. It carries at the same time the
useful premium for the maintenance of children and a premium destined
to assure a life-annuity to old parents or a capital to grown children.
In cities and industrial centers, numerous patronal associations
have been formed to assure to laborers and clerks allotments varying
according to the number of children. The treasury is kept filled by
payments of heads of enterprises proportional to the salaries paid by
each one of them. Thus the industrial head has no interest in employ-
ing a bachelor any more than a head of a family. The employees of
the state and those of great private enterprises receive the same family
allotments added to their salaries.
Finally, the fiscal legislation assures important exemptions to heads
of large families and a surcharge to bachelors and families without
children.
The tariffs of income tax — ^''impots cedulaires et impots globa" —
takes account of the number of children; impot globa surcharges the
bachelors as well as married men without children. The inheritance
taxes grant reductions according to the number of children living or
represented, and surcharges when the defunct has left no children.
Reductions are given on the railroads to members of families which
have many children.
A severe law has been promulgated, July 31, 1920, against abortion
and the sale of contraceptive measures.
An important movement thus exists in France which cannot but be
favorable to increasing the birth rate. None of the measures adopted
offers dispositions contrary to the legitimate exigencies of eugenics.
Let us add that the struggle against tuberculosis and the effects of
venereal disease have gained much activity since the war; numerous
dispensaries have been erected so that in spite of the increase of these
diseases, one cannot find, as might have been feared, an increase in the
special disability of children, excepting naturally those who were bom
or who passed their childhood in the regions invaded by the enemy.
The decline of the birth rate is a phenomenon which has shown itself
in a great number of countries. The intensity of the movement is very
different in different states; its effects depend in great part on the long
or short duration of time since the phenomenon conunenced to appear.
The causes are ahnost the same everywhere; the means of combatting the
causes are not known to be very different, although the action of moral
influences depends naturally much on general mentality. As to the other
influences, the experience of France can not fail to be instructive for all
nations and for all those who are interested in thb still conjectural
science known as eugenics.
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420 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
THE TRUE AMSTOCRACY^
By GEORGE ADAML CB.E.. F.R.S.
VICE-CHANCEXXOR OF THE UMIVERSITT OF UVERPOOL
STUDENTS of heredity are ineintably eugenists: they are forced hy
their studies to recognize that men are not equal, are not even bom
equal save — and possibly this is all that Montesquieu had in his mind —
in the eyes of the law:
That equal justice with indulgent face
May shine undouded on the budding race.
They are forced to see that men come into the world endowed widi
different powers; that these endowments have descended to them from
their progenitors and as regards any power, it may be either from the
paternal or the maternal side, in such a way that the different members
of one family from the varying admixture of paternal and maternal
attributes themselves differ in their powers; that defects tend to be
inherited every whit as much as do positive or beneficial attributes;
that where any particular defect, or, equally, any beneficial property,
is present on both sides the likelihood is that it will show itself in the
majority of the offspring and then, it may be, in an intensified form;
that, therefore, if the race is to be improved, or even to be kept from
deteriorating, steps are to be taken to encourage the mating of those with
the better endowments and to discourage the mating of the defectives.
Whether they join the Eugenic Society or no, they 'axe eugenists. And —
though in so saying I may shock my audience— as eugenists they are, if
not themselves aristocrats, believers in an aristocracy. Their desire is
that for the good of the race the best shall prevail, that we shall be
led and governed by them.
Now from the earliest times up to the present, man — and woman
too— has sought after, and indeed experimented over rule by the best.
Before the tribal or clan system became established and for long gen-
erations after, the best woman either actively by her own will, or
passively, by the superiority of his, became in the ordinary course of
affairs the possessor, or possession, of the best, most virile man; and
if in many parts of the world for a time, for reasons that are reasonably
obvious, it seemed better to establish the matriarchate and the child
became a member of its mother^s and not its father's family, neverthe-
less, everywhere that system died out from its inherent weakness. The
woman might nourish and bring up, but could not protect the family.
1 An address contributed to the International Eugenics Gonflnress heM in
New York in September 1921.
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THE TRUE ARISTOCRACY 421
The man must be the hmitsman and provide the food and, what is more,
must be depended upon to defend the family. And once from the
family the clan system developed, for purposes of defence as for ag-
gression and enrichment of the clan, it was essential to choose the
most powerful, most resourceful, and most all-round man of the tribe
as leader. It matters little whether he fought his way to the top, or
found himself there through recognition of his prowess and free will
appointmoit by the other men of the tribe. Such was the first aris-
tocracy.
And in those simple days, seeing that this best man had a practically
unfettered choice and that the most comely and capable girl of his
generation was his to secure, the probability was that their children
likewise would be of superior quality so that they in their turn would
make the best leaders. Wherefore, through experience men came first
to be prepared for and then to accept a hereditary aristocracy, acknowl-
edging the existence of first families and finding it for the good of
the tribe that an Amurath should an Amurath succeed, and Harry,
Harry.
Now oitertaining as it would be, more particularly here in New
York, to trace the further development of this hereditary aristocracy
until it came to include emperors and kings, and a succession of grades
of nobility, and reached its fullest elaboration in the feudal period, I
am not going to do this. All I want to impress upon you is that the
elemental idea of an aristocracy is sound and natural, but, granting
this, that, thus far, however successful we may have been in the practical
application of the idea to the establishment of the four-footed ^^aristo-
crats'' of the turf and trotting ring, and in the breeding of animals
possessing superlative speed or power or form or mass of flesh, be they
racers or Clydesdales, greyhounds, red Berkshires or Plymouth Rocks,
we have, to speak frankly, made rather a mess of it among ourselves,
until to many the idea of a hereditary aristocracy of any order is '
intolerable, an opinion strengthened by the observation that those who
most loudly proclaim their aristocratic relationships are most often
such as those aristocratic relations least care to acknowledge, the said
cluimants having family and beyond that nothing of worth. Where-
fore one has come to doubt the worth of family.
And yet so perverse is humanity that those to whom aristocratic
r^ime is most abhorrent cling in their innennost hearts to their family
tree and either pride themselves on the possession of this or that an-
cestor or upon the mingling of this or that stock into theirs. I may
note incidentally that here, in this great republic, genealogy is pursued
to an extent unknown elsewhere. While those unfortunates who, to
put it generously, can not look down their family tree, look up to the
fair tree that is to spring from their loins and see its future growth to
overtop its neighbors.
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422 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
In other words, the love of good family, either as something already
attained or as something to be attained, is inherent in the hmnan race.
We seek higher things. Through all the centuries we have been
eugenists in principle, even if in practice we have made a painful mess
of it. For in practice all these centuries we have mistaken accidentals
for fundamentals, have elevated immediate advantages above future
well being. With royal and princely families the stamina and capacity
of the bride to be has been the lesser instead of the prime consideration:
the choice of consorts has been limited to a parlous not to say sinister
extent, and the political importance of alliances between royal families
has too often led to matings that could but result in a deteriorated
progeny. And where, as in France, among the people in general, there
is a well established opinion as to the importance of carefully selected
matings, there also the quality of the stock has been subordinated in
general to the size of the ^'dot*': more has been thought of the property
that will come into the family than of the richness of the blood that
will be conmiingled. The results on the whole have not been any
more satisfactory than have been those of the *'mate as you please"
system which obtains in Anglo-Saxon countries.
Now, with the twentieth century, we have awakened to the fact that
the principle of ^^laissez faire" is as pernicious in the matter of mar-
riage as it is in politics. Our eyes have become unwillingly opoied
to the fact that with the improved well being of the people and die
very material lessening of the death rate it has come to pass that the
multitudinous children of defectives and those who both physically
and mentally are of the lower order are forming the bulk of our popu-
lation, since those who are pre-eminent, intellectually and bodily,
marry late and have small families. In other words, the social condi-
tions of the present day are such as to favor the preponderance of what
are from every point of view the lower classes, the survival of the un-
fit and the inevitable deterioration of the race.
But here is the difficulty. Among what we regard as the lower
classes are included not a few families of good quality, both moital
and physical, which through accident, as for example, illegitimacy,
or the fortunes of war, or the premature death of the breadwinner,
are in poor circumstances, occupying a menial position. Circumstances
have been against them. Thus it follows that from time to time we
encounter men sprung from the ranks who, given the opportunity, come
to the front and make their mark in the world of commerce or of in-
tellect. Even when the feudal system was at its height and when caste
was most repressive, men of this order could occasionally, although
rarely, force their way to the front, either through the Oiurch (althou^
then they still more rarely founded families) or through their mili-
tary prowess as leaders of mercenary troops, or, like the Medici,
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THE TRUE ARISTOCRACY 423
through the city guilds and the power of the purse. The last, industrial,
century, with its broad middle class forming a bridge between the
working and the ruling classes has seen this becoming so frequent a
phenomenon that it, with the equally obvious but, I think, less frequent
examples of the decadence of families that for generations have been
held in hi§^ repute, has led to what was a wide spread conviction,
namely, that birth and breed count for little and that fortunate up-
bringing and environment are the more important factors in a man's
success. Even to-day this opinion is held by a large number.
Now I am not going to discuss the still debated problem as to the
extent to which environment modifies the individual and so the family
and the race. I am going to satisfy myself with the well established
principle or biological law, that by cautious selective mating, qualities
of very various orders, in man, equally with other animals and with
plants, can be strengthened and intensified. I do not say that they are
capable of indefinite expansion. We have, indeed, no proof that this is
so. Rather the evidence indicates that we can by selection lead up to
what I may term optimum development — development best suited to
the size and state of other parts and properties of the individuals of
any particular species in its particular environment Developments in
excess of this proper correlation may, it is true, show themselves in
individual members of the species, but, even when mated vrith others
showing a similar excess, the progeny do not exhibit the excess. Let
me give an example of what I mean. By careful selection, proper
feeding and surroundings, we can gradually improve the laying proper-
ties of various breeds of fowls, ^ut this only up to a certain point
Occasionally, it is true, we encounter individual pullets of a particular
breed who yield it may be ten or twoity eggs per year above this
established optimum. But now it is found that if we mate the male
and female progeny of such excessive layers, they only produce at
most the optimmn, indeed, most often less than the optimum. It is as
though the exhibition of a particular property, above a certain limit,
odiausts the individual in other directions and leads to deterioration
rather than to improvement
I am not suggesting therefore that, the environment remaining
unaltered, man, as man, is by selection capable of indefinite improve-
ment The most I urge is that to-day so large a proportion of human
individuals is so far below the optimum that there is vast room for
improvement: that under modem conditions through the larger families
of the unfit the race is deteriorating and not improving, and that it
behooves us to take active measures whereby to encourage the selective
mating of the best and the production of those endowed with sound
and useful qualities.
Now the function of societies for the promotion of eugenics is, I
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424 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
hold, to promote this better mating, but, if I may speak bluntly, I am
impressed with the fact that they have begun at the wrong end. Pass-
ing in review the pages of the volumes of the Eugenics Review what I
find in them is, with all due deference to the high-minded ideals of the
leaders of the movement, a vast amount of spade work in the estab-
lishment of the broad principles of heredity, a profound appreciation
of Mendelism, sundry lamentations of latter day prophets, such as the
most witty, albeit most doleful, dean of St Paul's, upon the down-
fall of Jewry, or more accurately, the sure and certain deterioration of
humanity, the qualified approbation of sundry destructive procedures
such as restriction of criminals and segregation of defectives as adopted
by certain states, but with this singularly little constructive policy;
or if I may so express it, a ha'porth of bread to an intolerable deal
of sack.
Now possibly the leaders in this movement are acting most wisely
in devoting their time to making sure the foundations, and in the first
place driving home to people the extent and the dangers of national
degeneracy. Possibly the fear of degeneracy is in this matter of
eugenics the beginning of wiser courses. Nevertheless, I can not but
feel that usually in this world with the planning of foundations there
is requisite some considered design of the building that is to rise
upon those foundations, and that design is here largely wanting.
As for what I have just termed the destructive procedures, I have
strong doubts as to their politic value. Some experience of the world
has taught me that while a majority of mankind is law-abiding and
will obey commands of the order of ^Thou shalt not,'' there exists a
very considerable minority to whom such commands act as a stimulus
or incentive to set them at defiance. Grave as are the consequences,
prohibition of marriage on account of the existence of venereal disease
in one or other of the contracting parties will not put a stop to sudi
marriages; nor will segregation of the feeble-minded prevent those
feeble-minded seeking or consenting to illicit conjugation whenever oc-
casion arises. The ordinary every day individual, thinking only of
matters of the moment and careless of the future, will not hesitate to
transgress laws which interfere with his liberty. The only laws inter-
fering with personal liberty that are generally kept are those the
transgression of which is followed by a personal penalty, such as that
of the judicial murder of those committing murder. Public opinion is
not as yet ripe for the infliction of castration upon those who, for in-
stance, enter into the married state while knowingly sufferers from
venereal disease, richly as they deserve it.
What is more, even granting that by these and like methods we re-
duce the number of defectives, thereby we only advance the avo'age
quality of the race: we do not actively increase the number of those of
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THE TRUE ARISTOCRACY 426
first-class ability. This I am glad to see is being recognized in the
United States.^ The need is to promote the propagation of the best
in the race. And it is to show how this can be accomplished that now
I want particularly to direct your attention.
In the first place, I would lay down that encouragement is more
effective than punishment; that the '^thou shalt not's** of the decalogue
and older dispensation have given place to the blessing of the positive
virtues of the new; in the second, that the war has supplied the solution.
Making enquiries as to the proportion of rejections from the British
Army, to compare with the Canadian figures, it was my good fortune
to be promptly appointed by my late colleague at Montreal, then min-
ister of national service, now British minister in Washington, on the
scientific committee of the Advisory Council of his ministry — and as a
member of that committee it fell to my lot to oversee the analysis of
the physical state of the manhood of Great Britain in the last year of
the great war. That you should understand the significance of this
analysis and of the figures presented to us it is necessary that I enter
into certain explanations.
1 may remind you that service in the British Army had at first been
voluntary and then as the situation and needs became more and more
giave, first conscription became what I may term persuasive with .
^'combing out,'* and then in 1917, became generally compulsory, all
able-bodied men between the ages of 18 and 51 being called up. In
the middle period, large bodies of men employed in industries of pri-
mary importance to the nation had been directed not to join the colors.
Their industrial services, indeed, were deemed of such importance that
then began that undue augmentation of wages which has been at the
root of the present economic trouble in Great Britain.
For generations prior to 1914 men volunteering for military service
had, prior to acceptance, to undergo medical examination into their
physical fitness. Hitherto, this had been conducted by adequately
trained officers of the Royal Army Medical Corps. The war with its
sudden augmentation of the army and need for battalion medical of-
ficers and ambulance and hospital corps at the front and at the base
found the corps all too small. Every well-trained man belonging to
it was needed at the front along with many times the number of sur-
geons and practitioners enrolled out of private life. Inevitably the
younger and more vigorous of these joined the army and went over-
seas, leaving behind the older and less vigorous who now were called
2 "While the need of cutting off defective and degenerate lines is becom-
ing widely recognized and is being met with legislative enactment, there is as
yet little organized effort to direct the evolution of lines among our mediate
and superior classes." — ^W. E. Key, Journal of Heredity, ii. 1920. 359.
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426 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
upon not only to take over the patients and practices of their absent
colleagues, but also, without adequate training, to undertake for the
government at different centers throughout the country the routine ex-
amination of would-be recruits for the army. The results were what
might be expected. Many were passed for service who were totally
unfitted, who subsequently had to be weeded out of the army at heavy
cost to the nation; there were repeated cases of wide and inexcusable
differences in the findings of successive examiners, damaging criticisms
in the public press, and development of a feeling of public insecurity.
As a result the government determined to take from the Royal Army
Medical Corps the responsibility for examining recruits, and, under
the Military Service Act of 1917, it withdrew the matter of **cat^ori-
sation" from the army, placing it under the control of the minister
of national service, who forthwith proceeded to organize the physical
examination of the men called up, placing the task in the capable hands
of Dr., later, Sir, James Galloway, and a small but carefully selected
committee.
The country was divided into regions, conmiissioners were placed
in charge of each, with deputy commissioners and a staff under than.
The deputy commissioners were brought together and trained so as to
employ common standards and arrive at a common agreement regard-
ing the categorisation of border line and doubtful cases: a dear and
admirable code of directions was placed in the hands of every member
of the new boards and, in short, every endeavor was made to conduct
the physical examination from one end of the country to the other under
a single standard. Thus, at the end of 1918, it fell to our committee
to direct an analysis into the results obtained from the physical ex-
amination of close upon two and a half million men conducted under
these standardized conditions.
Here it will be out of place to detail the difficulties encountered in
analysing and weighing the figures before us. Those are to be found
discussed in the Government Blue Book containing the report of the
conmiittee drawn up by Dr. H. W. Kaye as secretary to the committee.'
Nor again am I going to dwell upon the alarming picture this report
disclosed of the wide spread physical unfitness of the adult male popu-
lation of Great Britain. That is apart from my present object. What
is to the point is that for the purposes of arriving at the significance
of the figures under review. Professor Arthur Keith, F.R.S., the dis-
tinguished anatomist and anthropologist, who was a member of the
' Report upon the Physical Examination of men of military age by Na-
tional Service Medical Boards from November i, 1917, to October 31, 1918,
London. February, 1920. Those to whom the British Government publica-
tions are not easily available will find an abstract of some of the main find-
ings of the report in the Lancet (London), Vol. i, 1920, pp. 557, 726 and 780.
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THE TRUE ARISTOCRACY
427
committee, pointed out that the established ^'categories*' of the army,
A, B, C, D/ could be translated into ^'Grades" I to IV in the terms of
the polygon of frequency.
Let me explain. It was found that a thousand Cambridge Univer-
sity students, measured for stature, arranged themselves in a significant
manner. (The same has been found true of other exact human measure-
ments) • In this particular set of men, those measuring more and less
than this tailed off inch by inch on either side of this mean with striking
symmetry.
There were roughly, within a few digits, as many men of stature 1
inch below this mean as there were men 1 inch above, and, from
this mean of 5 feet 9 inches, those more or less in height formed classes
Fig. 1.
tailing off in a curiously balanced manner. On such a ^'polygon of
frequency'* as shown in the diagram one can construct a curve of fre-
quency.
Keith pointed out that the mean class (that of 5 feet 9 inches) together
with all those above the mean and the class just below the mean,
together constitute 70 per cent, of the total, and he assumed that the
combined measurements employed to determine a man's physical fitness
should follow the same general law. Along these lines he laid down
that the active service group should include all average men and those
♦ Category A. Men physically fit for active service at the front.
" B. Men able to undergo a considerable degree of physical
exertion and with fair hearing and vision, but in conse-
quence of partial disabilities unable to stand severe
strain; fit for any form of service overseas save active
service at the front.
" C. Men. who in consequence of physical disabilities could not
undertake marching but could be employed for the less
arduous and sedentary occupations.
" D. The rejected, unfit for any form of military service.
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428 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
above the average in physical fitness together vrith those just below the
average, and that therefore we should expect in a reasonably healthy
sample of the male population:
TOO out of each looo should be "A" men, belong^g to Grade I.
200 " " "B" " " Grade II.
75 " " "C" " " Grade III.
25 " " "D" " " Grade IV.
As a matter of fact these index figures of Professor Keith showed them-
selves close to the mark and most useful for purposes of comparison.
Certain mining and agricultural districts indeed yielded well above
700 per 1,000 Grade I men. Scottish miners between 18 and 21 years
of age yielded 80.62 per cent., young adult Scottish ironworkers 86.18
per cent But while in general mining and agricultural districts yielded
the expected 70 per cent, or thereabouts, the great tovms afforded con-
scripts gravely below the standard. I take the 18-year old group as
that which should physically be fittest, least affected by the deleterious
influences of industrial and commercial or sedentary occupations.
Even in this most favorable class, studying the results obtained in dif-
ferent areas, cities like Liverpool and Birmingham yielded 49.5 and
36.0 per cent Grade I men, respectively: they were lower in the big
manufacturing towns, for example, 1,000 youths in Burslem yielded
only 270 in place of 700 physically fit for active service, in Dudley
only 219. So serious a state of affairs was disclosed that it is of first
importance to the nation to discover whether this is due to progressive
deterioration of the town-bred and industrial stock or whether the ef-
fects of unfavorable environment on the growing individual are wholly
responsible. For myself I cannot imagine the stunted and anemic
mill-hands of Lancashire bringing forth offspring which under the
most favorable environment could develop into men and women of
full stature and all round physical capacity.
This, however, is away from my immediate point What is of first
importance is that the report of the Ministry of National Service has
demonstrated that it is possible to establish a series of tests for the
exact and uniform measurment of physical capacity and, having these,
to grade those who undergo the tests into a succession of clearly de-
fined classes.
For eugenic purposes, however, it will never do to take over the
national service grading. We do not want to clump together the av^-
age, those just below and all above the average into one conmion group.
That was well enough for determining men capable of becoming front
line troops. But we need to select the best, not the average. Thus as
I suggested three years ago,^ just as the army for its purposes recognized
5 "The Physical Census," an address delivered before the Medical Society
of London, 25 Novensjber, 1918, and printed in the Transactions of that
Society, as also in the Canadian Medical Association Journal, September, 1919.
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THE TRUE ARISTOCRACY
429
three categories below the mean, so for our purposes we might well
establish, as shown in the diagram, three classes above, making in all
seven classes.
In this way Class A would contain the very pick of manhood, a se-
lect class of some 2 per cent of the whole body, men of exceptional all
round physical development; Class B, men thoroughly well developed,
who might, only in some one respect such as stature, fail to be included
in Class A; Class C, good all-round men distinctly above the average;
while Class D would repres^t the large group of ordinary average
men, and Classes E, F and G would correspond with Grades II, III, and
IV of the National Service system (Army categories B, C, and D.)
This, however, is only half the matter. Neither Great Britain nor
any other European nation made any attempt to pick out from the start
the men most likely to develop into good officers and non-commissioned
officers. For that they depended upon the actual test of army condi-
tions. In other words, not a single European nation applied any test
of intellectual capacity. It was left to the United States to apply this
eminently rational procedure to the army she raised for overseas service.
Scarcely had war been declared by the United States in the Spring
of 1917 before the American Psychological Association brought together
its members to consider how they might serve the country in the
emergency.
It should be explained that the pioneer work of the late Professor
Alfred Binet, of the Sorbonne, had made a greater impression in North
America than it had in France or Europe in general. In 1905 Binet
had shown that it was possible to devise reliable tests of mental capacity
applicable for each year of age of the developing child, so that, ac-
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430 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
cording to the way a child responded to the tests, it might be accurately
graded — e. g., a child of the actual age of 10 years might be shown to
have the mental capacity of, it might be, the ordinary child of 12 years
of age, or, on the other hand, only that of a child 5 years old. This
method had been extensively tested by various American psychologists,
more particularly for the elimination or segregation from the public
schools of those mentally defective. Important advances in the methods
of testing and evaluating the tests had been represented by the Goddard
revision of the Binet scale, the Yerkes-Bridges Point scale and the later
and fuller Stanford revision of the Binet scale, for which Terman was
largely responsible.^
The chief purpose of the psychological assistance originally offered
to the Army Medical Department in the Spring of 1917 was the prompt
elimination of recruits whose grade of intelligence was too low for
satisfactory service. But when in the autunm in order to test the value
of the methods of the committee they were applied to enlisted men
of all orders in four selected cantonments the results obtained tallied
so closely with the more slowly acquired judgment of the officers in
command as to warrant the reconunendation ^^that all company officers,
all candidates for officers training camps and all drafted and enlisted
men be required to take the prescribed psychological tests" and in
January 1918 the recommendation was acted upon. Every soldier was
tested and assigned an intelligence rating on the basis of a systematic
examination. Through this system men of superior intelligence were
selected from the first for advancement for special posts and particular
types of military duty, or recommended to enter military training
schools. A school for training in military psychology was established,
and by Armistice Day, in November 1918, the psychological personnel
attached to the Army Medical Departmait had risen to 120 officers and
350 enlisted men together with some 500 additional clerks engaged in
the examining service in thirty-five camps throughout the country. The
tests had been applied to 1,726,966 men, of whom 41,000 were officers;
7,800 men had been recommended for immediate discharge on account
of mental inferiority; 10,014 had been recommended for labor bat-
talions, and other service organizations on account of low grade in-
telligence. Men qualified to be non-commissioned officers and candi-
date-officers on the basis of satisfactory intelligence scores were picked
out within forty-eight hours of their arrival in camp.^
• There is abundant American literature on the subject, for which con-
sult more especially the "Manual of Mental and Physical Tests" by Whipple,
and "The Measurement of Intelligence" by L. M. Terman, (Houghton,
Mifflin Co.) Boston.
7 For further particulars sec "Army Mental Tests" compiled and edited
by Clarence S. Yoakum and Robert M. Yerkes, New York : Henry Holt and
Company, 1920.
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THE TRUE ARISTOCRACY 431
The new procedure must have proved itself eminently serviceable
and practical to have became applied universally to all recruits within
six months of its experimental introduction into the army. As a matter
of experience, the rating awarded to a man as a result of the tests was
found to furnish a fairly reliable index of his ability to learn, to think
quickly and accurately, to analyze a situation, to maintain a state of
mental alertness, and to comprehend and follow instructions. The score
was little influenced by schooling or, more accurately, it was so in-
fluenced,^ even though at the same time some of the brightest records
were made by men who had not completed the eighth grade of the U. S.
public school system.
It is a not uninteresting coincidence that the American scale was
worked out in percentages, 100 being taken as the highest available
mark, and that here also seven classes were recognized, namely :
A. (rated 96 per cent and over). Very superior intelligence— usually
earned by from 3 to 5 per cent, of a draft— men of pronounced intellectuality
of the high officer type (if endowed also with capacity for leadership and
qualities which admittedly are not revealed by the standard tests).
B. (80-95 per cent,) Intelligence superior but not exceptional. Obtained
by 8 to 10 per cent, of a draft— men of the officer type and many non-com-
missioned officers.
C. 4- High average intelligence, comprising from 15 to 18 per cent, of all
soldiers, with a large amount of N. C. O. material. With power of leader-
ship men of this grade are fitted for commissioned rank. (The three C
groups include those grading from 40 to 79 per cent)
C. Average intelligence, the main mass (25 per cent) of soldiers.
Excellent "private" type.
C— Low average intelligence (about 20 per cent, of material). Men
satisfactory for work of a routine nature.
D. (20-39 per cent) Inferior intelligence (15 per cent of all soldiers).
Fair soldiers but low in rank. Slow in learning with little initiative, rarely
attaining higher rank than "private."
E. (0-19 per cent) These along with D— arc of very inferior intelligence.
D— men were considered fit for service. Some E men were placed in labor
battalions but most were rejected. D— and E men were below ten years
in mental age.
It deserves emphasis that the tests only indicate intelligence. They
do not measure loyalty, bravery, power to command, or those emo-
tional traits that make a man "carry on/' Nevertheless, next to physical
fitness, intelligence is the most important single factor in military ef-
ficiency.
« Thus while stating (p. 22) that the rating was little influenced, Yoakum
and Yerkes give a table showing that there was a steady increase in intel-
Ugcnce in the students of the successive years at the University of Illinois;
9iu| per cent, of the freshman class were rated in the two topmost grades'
as compared with 92.3 per cent, of the sophomores, 94.1 of the juniors and
95.9 of the final year.
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432 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Thus, to come to the point, the great war has in one respect been of
service: it has alForded material for testing on a great scale and dem-
onstrating the possibility of devising accurate and satisfactory methods
of measurement of physical and intellectual capacity. Henceforth
there can be no question as to the practicability of establishing stand-
ards of efficiency and quality. Nor is there any reason why these tests
be not applied to women as to men. The method has been tested and
found of proved value.
And what I would urge is that here at last we have before us the
obvious line of practical work for eugenic societies and the eugenic
movement in geno'al. Encourage the best! Either organize, or make the
state organise in every district a trained staff provided with a well-
equipped set of roonu for the routine testing of every young person
whether male or female, who has reached the age of eighteen years. I
say eighteen because, while intelligence does not, so far as we can see,
improve beyond the standard which some are capable of reaching at
the age of sixteen, undoubtedly there are slow developers whose in-
tellectual capacity, below normal at this life period, improves after the
age of sixteen, while in general physical capacity is at its best at the
age of eighteen, and from other practical considerations this latter age
is the best for purposes of record.
Do not make the tests compulsory. What indeed is the need to
trouble about the average man or woman. We want to pick out the best
in the community. And having picked them out publish their existence
in the world. Establish an annual record of all the A I youths and
maidens of the year, ^A** standing for the first class in physical fitness,
"I" for the first class in intelligence. Nay, I would say publish the
list of all who attoin to ""A" and all who attain to 'T' standards. There
are positions in which physical fitness is sought after irrespective of
mental capacity, and vice versa. Like considerations might favor the
publication also of all the ''B'' and the '*2" classes, for both are well
above the average.
Think of the effect of such a publication. Think of the start in the
world it would give to a man or woman to be able to refer to his or
her record as belonging to the A 1 class; think of the status it would
give him or her for the years to come, of the preferential treatment
that would be afforded whra applying for posts. Consider the prefer-
ence the A 1 man or woman would have in marriage, how parents be-
fore giving their consent would require that he who sought their
daughter's hand should produce his eugenic society certificate and show
where he stood in physical and mental capacity; of the advantage the
A 1 man would have in seeking the hand of a desirable damsel. Think
how in years to come these annual publications would establish the good
strains, the desirable families with which to become associated, how
in short they would become the human stud book.
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THE TRUE ARISTOCRACY «3
But, it may be objected, the man who at eighteen is rated as A 1
might from a variety of causes — tuberculosis for example, or grave ac-
cident such as fracture of the skull, or acute infectious disease, or
venereal disease, or overwork, mental or bodily, fail to maintain his
rating: the fact that in youth he was A 1 is no assurance that by thirty
he is not an undesirable. Quite so. But this is by no means an
insuperable objection — once the published record appeared, the first-
class man would come to ask to have his rating renewed so long as he
continued to be first class, say every five years, at 23, 28 and 33 years,
and if he could not produce certificates of continued efficiency this
would tell against him, unless he could give a satisfadtory explanation
of the cause of his reduction in rank.
Now the indications are that there is a natural, or, under present
methods of life, an expected reduction in physical efficiency after
twoity-five years of age and of mental alertness after thirty-five or so.
These would have to be taken into account' So far we do not possess
data sufficient to establish what may be termed the normal curves of
physical and mental efficiency for successive age periods after eighteen.^^
The accumulated statistics of A 1 men and women would supply mate-
rial for the establishmait of a table of what may be termed age-
efficiency, mental and physical, for successive years of age from fifteen
to fifty.
Here would be the ideal Debrett — here the establishment of a
veritable aristocracy of the country, personal and hereditary. I ask
you to think over it The scheme is not impossible. It only needs to
be started to show its usefulness. Nay, more, it would be self-support-
ing. Men and women of good quality would gladly pay a moderate
fee to cover the cost of the examinations and for the cost of announce-
• Sec Adami, Loc Cit
10 A beginning has been made. The Bulletin of the National Research
Council on the "Intellectual and Educational Status of the Medical Profes-
sion in the United States Army" by M. V. Cobb and R, M. Yerkes (Washing-
ton, February, 1921) shows (p. 483) that there is no significant decrease in
intelligence rating (of officers) rating from 20 to 26 years but thereafter to
the age of 60 there is a marked decrease. The relations of intelligence to
age of 95>742 medical officers examined at Camp Greenleaf gave:
Age of 25 (303 cases) 277
30 (334 cases) 258
34-35 (257 cases) 262
40 (305 cases) 25s
44-45 (241 cases) 235
50-51 (131 cases) 223
54-55 (63 cases) 212
These figures indicate a slow descent from 25 to 35 and after that a more
rapid one.
VOL. xm.-
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434 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
ment and publication of their superior merits. Compare the cost of
encouragement thus of the best to that of hunting out and suppressing
the unwilling worst Again, I say it only needs to be taken up seriously
and started to demonstrate its value and desirability. Here at
last we aid and encourage the improvement of the national stock, the
advancement of the quality and well being of the nation through the
establishment by scientific and democratic means, irrespective of wealth
and influence, of the real aristocracy of the nation.
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SCIENCE IN FRANCE 435
SCIENCE IN FRANCE
By Professor PIERRE BOUTROUX
rE very title of this article seems to imply two preliminary
assumptions which many modem readers will be inclined to
question. First, that in this time of technical achievements and highly
specialized work, there still exists such an entity as "'Science/' distinct
from the various sciences. Second, that when industry, commerce,
politics, even literature, become more and more international in their
scope and character, science may still be considered as some sort of
national enterprise.
I have no intention to ignore the questions thus raised. But the
best way to throw some light on them is precisely, I think, to fix our
attention on some particular case, on some concrete country, and to
observe whether the diflferent scientists of that country have or have not
something in common, some definite standards and ideals which may
be called their own.
Such a problem has little or nothing to do with the enumeration of
the notable discoveries achieved in such and such country. A true
discovery, being the mastering of some new piece of universal truth,
must have an objective and therefore an international value. The greater
the discovery, the more impersonal it is. So that the prevailing cus-
t(Hn, which makes us call discoveries and laws of nature by the names
of persons is, in point of fact, just as misleading as it could be.
But the objective discovery is not all of science. It is only the end
of it, the result obtained by scientific work, that is, by human activity.
Furthermore, any single discovery has to be linked and compared with
other discoveries and hypotheses: as soon as it is acquired, it becomes
part of a theory which is largely contingent and human. Now, on the
one hand, it is a well known fact that there is no sure method, no
marked and traceable path for obtainiug scientific discoveries; only by
trying and trying over again, by toiling, approaching questions from
various sides, opening our minds to inspiration and intuition, may we
hope to fall upon the idea which will lead us to discovery. Theories^
on the other hand, are always provisional and changeable, and there
is no absolute standard to fix their value. This being so, is it not to
be expected that the type of education a man has been given, the habits
of mind which he has acquired in life, the models which he finds be-
fore him, the general ways and inclinations of his surroundings, will
have a notable influence on his methods and on his work?
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There are surroundings^ there are countries m which» for some
reason, some kind of work is more likely to succeed than in others, in
which some discoveries have a greater chance to be arrived at, in whidi
some types of scientific system are more likely to spring up. The in-
fluence so exerted is felt even by foreigners and it is worth while study-
ing it I said a moment ago that to associate names with discoveries
is a task void of any real interest But, on the other hand, it is not
uninteresting to learn that the Wright brothers achieved decisive suc-
cess and gave a great impetus to aviation while they were working in
France. To take a more convincing example, it is interesting to know
that the great scientist and philosopher of Hanover, Leibniz, did
come to Paris as a young man and found there the inspiration and the
ideas which led him to his first discoveries.
What was it that Leibniz and many other scientists of his time and
other times have found on French soil more than they did elsewhere?
What are the qualities that have made French scientists often success-
ful and given them followers all over the world? On the other hand,
can we trace any characters of scientific Aeories which are especially
appreciated by the French and are generally apparent in their produc-
tions? Such are the questions which I would try to answer, consider-
ing first the tradition of scientific work in France, and second its pres-
ent condition.
• • •
The traditions upon which modem French science is based were
laid down during the first half of the seventeenth century.
This does not mean that science was not an important factor in
ancient French civilization. As a matter of fact, the part played in
the first revival of science by the University of Paris, the oldest in the
Western Worid, has been exceptionally brilliant However, the merits
of die work then done are not exactly of the type which can be con-
templated from a national standpoint Science in the Middle Ages was
highly international, more international than it has ever been since.
Besides, the brilliant era started by the old University of Paris was
followed by a period of comparative obscurity. Science was again
at a standstill until the revival of the study of the original Gredc treat-
ises gave it a new impetus. Later still came the time when a reaction
against too close an imitation of the Gredcs was deemed desirable and
when it became apparent that new ways should be tried. Then it was
that the national character and national ideal had an opportunity to
show themselves. This happened in France at the very moment when
French literature, French art, French culture generally, reached th«r
highest point. The time of Comeille, Moliere, Bossuet is also the time
of Descartes and Fermat. There is a deep significance in diat
fact, and it is not through a mere coincidence that a man like Pascal
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SCIENCE IN FRANCE 487
was as famous as a physicist and mathematiciaii as he was as a mor-
alist and as a writer. Pascal, by the way, might be regarded as a
fair representative of the French scientific spirit of his time. Des-
cartes, however, is the leading figure. Descartes stands first, not only
because his influence has been the widest, but because he was the man
who realized fully that the old conceptions were to be changed
iBdically. He was the man who had the clearest and most prophetic
vision of a new type of science.
But, before trying to define Descartes' position, I wish to make a
few prelimmary remarks.
In the system of knowledge which forms a science, two kinds of
elemoits are fundamental: First, the logical deductions or construc-
tions, which combine abstract principles, notions or statements;
second, the facts, which are either experimental facts or such facts as
may be found in pure mathematics.
The logical aspect of science had been dominant in the work of the
Middle Ages. During the later period of its evolution, at least,
scholastic science was based chiefly on logical constructions. Such a
science will not be worthless if it happens to rest upon solid founda-
tions. But it is likely to become, in most cases, a purely formal and
abstract system, which will care little about the value of its material as
long as its deductions are correct and consistent. The weakness of
sdiolastic science was that its aim was not definite, its development was;
not guided. Logical combinations, worthless for any practical pur-
pose, without any appeal to human intelligence at large, may be piled
up and piled up and form an endless chain. Huge books have been
filled with them, the aspect of which is somewhat terrifying nowadays.
It took a man's life to write one of these books and years to study it.
And the trouble was that sdiolars were actually compelled to read all
those books; for, to prolong the chain of science, one logically had
first to go through the whole length of it. So that scholastic science
could not but soon degenerate into hopeless erudition.
The case would be very nearly the same for a system of knowledge
based on the second kind of elements, which we have discriminated in
science; namely, ftuOs.
In the age of Descartes, to be sure, no attempt to build a science
on facts only had ever actually been made. Experimental work was
still in its infancy. However, a man like Descartes, who was fully
aware of the value of such work, could not but perceive the danger
whidi a science based on experiments would have to face. The danger
was to pile up facts without the guidance of reason. Such a task would
be entirely indeterminate just as is the piling up of logical proposi-
tions. It would be endless, and a man might consume his life in this
task without becoming any wiser.
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438 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Notwithstanding this clanger, the kind of science to which I am now
alluding is still favored, in our own time, by a few scientific circles.
Arguing that theory is always open to doubt, while a fact in itself,
is something solid, there are men who believe that the scientist's activ-
ity should all be concentrated upon this one aim: to acquire new fads.
The men who are promoting such views do not always realize that
their science — although very different as to the materials from the old
scholastic science— will be exactly the same in spirit; or rather it will
be the same in the lack of spirit. Accumulation of particular truths,
but no leading principle, no illuminating light. Erudition exalted.
Discrimination and intelligence secondary. A cumbrous, aimless,
hopeless and dead science.
It is against such an ideal, such a conception of science that Rene
Descartes took his stand.
Descartes was endowed with a revolutionary turn of mind. He
had, as far as science is concerned, no respect whatever for tradition.
Even Gredc geometry, which we consider so perfect, is condemned by
him. He mentions that all scientific productions of former generations
are entirely worthless.
All that we know of Descartes^ indeed, is in sharp contrast with
the figure of the old schoolman.
First of all, Descartes is not a professor.
In the Middle Ages and later, most of the students of science were
engaged in the teaching profession. Secluded from the world of
action, they were anxious not to let any outsider intrude into their
field of knowledge. They jealously closed the doors of science in the
face of all Philistines.
Not so with Descartes. How could a man with his temperament
be contented with university routine? From his youth, Descartes had
felt inclined to live an active, independent and dangerous life. He
travelled all over Europe, he was a soldier and fought in Holland and
Germany. Later he moved from one place to another, not being able
to settle anywhere until he met with a premature death in Sweden.
These facts we have to bear in mind if we want to understand, not
Descartes only, but all the great French scientists of the same time.
Fermat, who is considered by many as the most prominent mathematic-
ian of that age, was not a university man either, but a judge at Toul-
ouse. Desargues, famous among geometers, was an enginer. Pascal
was a private gentleman, self-taught.
The lives of all these learned men were widely different And yet
they all had something in common and belonged to the same class.
They represented the type which the French of the seventeenth century
called an honnete homme. To all of them the scholar of the sdiolastic
type is equally abhorrent. He is the man who has been so fitly
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SCIENCE IN FRANCE 439
ridiculed by Moliere, in the Thomas Diafoirus of the ''Malade imagin-
aire." Diafoirus is a reputed magister, who has much dialectic ability,
but no judgment The honnete homme does not boast of any special
acquirements or training, but is richly endowed with good, simple,
common sense.
On that notion of ^good sense" (hon sens) is based the whole
Cartesian theory of science. According to Descartes, bon sens is a
common property, a common gift of which all men have their share.
It is the power which men have to act and think not only in agreement
with their bodily experience and with the laws of logic, but in agree-
ment with reason.
From this view an obvious inference follows Science shall not be
the exclusive property of specialists any more. But it will be open to
laymen; and die layman will even do better than the specialist because
he will not indulge in formal erudition and bluJBP, but his aim will be
to make science clear, simple, well ordered, intelligible to any sensible
human being, and to make it a living, instead of a dead thing.
The chief characteristics of such a science may be summed up as
follows:
First of all, as we just said, science will be simple, A scientific
system which would lack simplicity would be ivrong.
This, I admit, will be considered by many as a bold and rather
imprudent statement We certainly agree with Descartes when he
condemns those conceited scholars who are prone to make science com-
plicated just for the sake of appearing as great men in the eyes of
ignorant people. But why, indeed, should we believe, and believe on
principle, that a science explaining the laws of mechanics, physics and
other natural phenomena, is bound to be simple or can be simple?
To confirm such an opinion, Descartes feels compelled to build an
elaborate metaphysical system which, according to philosophy, is now
a thing of the past As a scientist, however, we may think that
Descartes was right; for the conception of science, which, after numy
trials, mankind has finally reached, seems to vindicate his statement
Not that science will be just as simple as Descartes thought But we
have come to regard science largely as an arbitrary construction which
justifies its course and its hypotheses chiefly by being convenient and
simple.
The second characteristic of Cartesian science is that it will not
be, in any respect, a collection of data or propositions. As we don't
know beforehand what data, what deductions, what theorems will be
needed for future scientific or practical purposes, therefore, Descartes
would say, it is quite useless to gather and hoard such commodities in
advance. What we need is a method which will give us the power to
get the data and to get the propositions as soon as we require them.
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440 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
A third fundamental cfaaracteriatic of science — ^which is not ex-
plicitly defined by Descartes himself, but follows from his concep-
tions— ^relates to the sort of work which the scientist of high rank has
to accomplish, and to the special abilites that are required of him.
Since the task of the scientist does not consist in piling up data and
reasonings, but in presenting a few clear, comprehennve and far-
reaching notions, it follows that this task will be chiefly one of choice
and discrimination. Not all the things that are true are useful and
worth saying, but only a few, which the intelligent man has to pick out
and to discriminate
How will such a discrimination be carried out? There is no ready
answer to this. The question is one for intuition, for intelligence and
foresight to decide. To choose the fundamental notions or hypotheses
on which a scientific construction will be based, to select a pUm, for
this construction, to find out the tests which will help to con^re the
construction with experiments, all this forms the most delicate part of
the scientist's task. And the most important part too. Between the
man who is only capable of deducing and combining ideas or data
and the man capable of making the right choice, there is the difference
which divides scientific ability from genius.
Let us finally mention a fourth characteristic of Cartesian science,
which concerns its form, not its contents. It is quite obvious that, if
a scientific system is to be simple, comprehensive, and built up ivith
discrimination, the presentation of this system will have to offer cor-
responding qualities. It must be brief; it must be well ordered; it
must be expressed in precise, well chosen words; above all it will be
dear.
Boileau said, ^ce que Ton congoit bien s'enonce clairement.'^ The
reverse is also true. If an idea can not be clearly worded, there is
ground to fear that it is badly conceived. The fact that a scientific
statement is expressed clearly is the test showing dial the statement is
sound in regard to reason and is properly discriminated.
A fine example, in this respect, is set by Descartea himself in his
^H^ometrie,** a treatise which, just in a few pages, lays the foundations
of analytical geometry. Another beautiful example is found in
Pascal's dissertations on hydrodynamics, which have often been de-
scribed as being as many little gems. But I can not enter here into a
survey of the results to which the Cartesian prindples have led. My
object was simply to show how these principles have been introduced
into science and what they do mean.
They were, as we have seen, the natural outcome of the views held
by the best French scientists of a time in which modem thou^t
generally, and French thought particularly, began to develop on new
and most promising lines. Descartes had a clear conception of the
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SCIENCE IN FRANCE 441
type of edeace which was wanted in his age. However, the promise
then given of a sound rational science, as opposed to a purely logical
or merely empirical science, was not actually made good until a much
more recent daite. If we except pure mathematics, or rather some parts
of pure mathematics, the system of science on which we rely today was
not actually framed, in its present shape, before the end of the eigh-
teeoith century. Then it was that the older sciences, like analysis,
physics, chemistry, were placed upon really strong foundations, while
biology and all the new sciences were just emerging from the chaotic
state. The nineteenth century has justly been described as the century
of science. It is therefore of special interest for the student of French
civilization to see how France has played her part during that most
remarkable period.
• • •
It was shoitly before 1800 that, after a period of comparative stag-
nation, a new revival of scientific thought became apparent in France.
Curiously enough this revival took place at a time which does not seem
at all favorable — in the midst of the French revolution and the
Napoleonic campaign. This is a strange coincidence. But we must re*
member that the French scientist of Descartes' class is not bound to
be an indoor scholar or a white-bearded doctor. For him, there is no
contradiction between learning and life. Rather would he believe that
active life is an inducement to scientific work, that the great ex-
penditure of energy which comes from danger is likely to give an im-
petus to science itself. So did it happen that the period about the
year 1800 was one of great scientific production, and tiie very men to
whom we owe that production have played a personal part in the great
drama which was then shaking France and all Europe.
A few names will be sufficient, I think, to prove the correctness of
tiiis association.
Lazare Camot, bom in 1753, was one of the promoters of modem
geometry. But, at the same time, he was an army officer and a states-
man. He proved a most efficient minister of war. He was one of the
first to discover Napoleon's ability and himself deserved the title of
%rganisateur de le victoire."
Another member of the Camot family, Sadi Camot, one of the
founders of thermodynamics, was also an army officer engaged in active
service.
Gaspard Monge was a great inventor in geometry. But he took an
active part in the Revolution, was a state minister and a member of
Napoleon's expedition to Egypt. Other members of the same expe-
dition were Geoffroy-Saint-Hilaire, a well known biologist, and Ber-
thollet, famous in chemistry.
Fourier, a promoter of mathematical physics, lived a most threat-
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442 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
ened life throughout the Revolution. Lavoisier, who is considered by
many as the chief founder of modem chemistry, held various posts in
the Revolutionary administration, and was finally sentenced by a
Revolutionary court and put to death.
Poncelet, a most original geometer, was an oiEcer in Napoleon's
army and made his greatest discoveries when a prisoner in Russia.
Arago, a great astronomer bom in 1786, was also a strenuous man
of action. Just when the war was raging between England and France,
he was engaged in the measurement of a geodesic arc in Spain and
North Africa. He was taken prisoner a number of times but always
managed to escape under the most perilous circumstances.
Such were the French scholars of the beginning of the last century.
But quieter times have come, and the scientist of the Camot type
is now a figure of the past. Occasionally, to be sure, the tradition of
1800 has been renewed. Not to speak of a recent prime minister, there
are a number of scientists who have played an active part in Frendi
public affairs. Conspicuous among them was Berthelot, one of the
founders of organic chemistry, who not only was a senator and states-
man, but took personal interest in nearly all fields of knowledge and
action.
Berthelot's case is however an exception. Scientific woric nowadays,
when of the original and creative kind, requires so much time, so much
application and concentration, that it can not be easily associated with
outside activities. The reverse, however, is not true. It is quite feas-
ible and most useful for a man engaged in active life to be thoroughly
trained in science. In this respect, at least, France has preserved the
tradition of 120 years ago. To promote scientific thought among men
of action, the great inventors of that time had opened a new school, the
Ecole Polytechnique. Up to the present day, this school has played an
important part in the life of the country; through this institution and
others, the best French engineers, officers, administrators, are given a
scientific training of high standard and many of them thus develop a
turn of mind in which we easily recognize the Cartesian spirit: clear-
ness, preciseness, a rigorous method. The scientific ability, the direct-
ness of mind of the French' artillery officers has often been praised dur-
ing the war. It is largely due to the training and tradition of the Ecole
Polytechnique,
But let us turn to the genuine research woric done in France and
see what remarks may be offered about it
Coming to this point, I confess that I feel somewhat puzzled. The
pure scientist of modem times is not in the least a striking figure. He
is a simple man, living a simple life in his study or his laboratory.
Many would even suspect him of being some kind of fossil with no
passion, no feeling, no human weakness. Of course, this suspicion is
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SCIENCE IN FRANCE 443
not correct. A mao who does creative work is bound to have passions,
but not of the sort that break out in every day life. Let us try, however,
to discover, under the monotonous surface of his existence some
characteristic features of the man.
I have already mentioned the fact that the French tradition, as
defined by Descartes, is strongly opposed to the spirit of the old schools
of specialists. The modem French student, to be sure, is mostly
d[>liged to specialize. This has become necessary if one wants to do
useful work. But the French student rather r^rets this restriction on
his activity, and he has none of the specialist's tastes or manners.
A natural consequence of the specializing habit is the way in which
followers of the same line (the same Focft, as the Germans would say)
are wont to associate together and live a distinct life. In so doing
modern specialists are quite in keeping with the old custonL The old
universities were precisely such associations of learned men who con-
versed €md discussed among themselves without any regard for the
opinions of the lay people outside. Their one aim was to gain author-
ity and influence over their own kind. And the ambition of every young
scholar in former times was to become a professor, a magistrate in his
turn, and to be surrounded by a crowd of docile followers.
The scheme is not altogether a bad one. Anyone, I think, who has
studied in one of the older German universities must admit that there,
at least, some of the traditions of the past have been preserved with
great advantages to all concerned. In the quiet city of Gottingen,
among the woods and hills of the Hanover province, famous pro-
fessors, a few years ago, still lived the same learned, methodic life
which their predecessors had led. They woiiced in close association
with their students. They ate and drank with them. They guided them
step by step. And they used to share with them their intimate thoughts,
their hopes, the difficulties which they met in their own researdies;
thus occasionally getting valuable assistance from the same young men
whom they helped to get a start in academic life. The deep humility
of many a student in such surroundings, his complete submission to his
master, were rather suiprising to the foreigner; but it can not be denied
that the cooperation which such a submission made possible was fol-
lowed in many cases by remarkable results.
In France, however, the ways of scientists and the conditions of uni-
versity life are of a diJBPerent type.
Like Descartes, the French student of scienee is mostly a man with
an independent turn of mind. There lies his strength as well as his
weakness. Working alone, and avoiding too frequent contact with his
fellow-workers, he may thus have a better chance to discover really
new and unexplored ways. He is less exposed to the danger of having
his vision obscured by tradition, by opinions or prejudices of other
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444 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
men, by the natural inclination to imitate. But, on the other hand,
there are some kinds of work in which a single-handed man, whatever
be his own resources, is not likely to succeed, in which some sort of
cooperation is highly desirable. This is specially true of laboratory
work, where a long series of delicate experiments is required. In this
respect many Frenchmen will frankly admit that they have often been
somewhat deficient In organized scientific work, in teamwoik, France
is not as successful as she mi^t have been. However, it should not be
forgotten that, so far, the most original, the deepest discoveries have
not been obtained by teamworL And it is not unusual that one single
man, in a small, inconvenient laboratory, lacking all modem con-
veniences, will make a striking discovery. Such was the case of Pasteur
forty yeard ago. Such' has been the case of the Curies.
To the individualistic turn of mind of the French man of science is
probably due the fact that the intercourse between teachers and pupils
is not in French universities what it is in a place like Gottingen.
We have seen that Fermat, Descartes and Pascal were not university
men. Even at the present day, the French scientist, aldiough he usuidly
teaches in some university, is not exactly the man whom most people
would call a professor. He does not associate with his stud^EiCs as
doeely as the typical teacher does. Henri Poincare, for instance, was
often described as being peculiarly closed and inscrutable to the many
who came to study under him. He utterly disliked to speak about his
own work while it was going on. He believed that absolute concentra-
tion was necessary to bring forth original thought and that academic
intercourse, during the period of invention, could not but spoil the
process. This view, it will be noticed, is in perfect agreement with' the
Cartesian principles. According to the French notion science is by no
means the result of addition, of accumulation of knowledge and re-
seardi. It is an accomplishm^it of reason, an act of direct intuitimi,
which can not be divided and can not be made easier by combining the
brains of several people.
It would be, however, quite a mistake to believe that Frendi pro-
fessors don't care to have frequent and friendly intercourse with their
students. Henri Poincare was much interested in beginners. But he
did not try to impress his ideas upon them. He was rather anxious
to get out of them the ideas which they might be forming in secret
French students, like those of some other countries, are rather fond
of criticizing. They have not too much respect for their teachers and
sometimes follow their leadership chiefly by taking opposed views.
Now you will find that the French professor, as a rule, does not try
to check that tendency. He knows that there is an exa^eration in it,
which will wear out with youth; but he thidcs, as Descartes did, that a
young, vigorous^ not too scholarly mind, even if it has not yet hoarded
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SCIENCE IN FRANCE 445
a big amount of knowledge, is apt to fall upon new and original ideas
which a more experienced man might overlook. He believes in the
power of fresh minds, not hampered by erudition, and he does his best
to stimulate such mind».
The conditions which I have described so far as prevailing in
modem France relate chiefly to creative work and invention. Inven-
tion, however, is only one part, the most important one, of scientific
activity. Another part is the presentation and explanation of the facts
and ideas, the making of a system or theory.
What diall we call, in science, a theory? This point we touched
already when we were discussing Cartesian science. But it is only in
recent years that die meaning and purport of constructive dieories
have been distinctly recognized; and Frendi scientists and philosophers
have helped mudi to clarify the question.
The Frendi idea is — ^let us repeat it once more — that it is less im«
poFtant to collect data than to make a pertinent choice between them
and to order and handle them according to clear principles, well
reasoned out. From this it follows that the French scientist is bound
to pay special attention to the requirements and to the merits of
theories.
In what respect may we say that a scientific theory is contingent?
To what extent is the theory a thing of our ovm making, the result of
our own discrimination? To what extent, on the other hand, is it im«
posed upon us from the outside by an external necessity? Such were
the problems which several French thinkers have discussed at length
from the point of view of modem science.
The conclusion reached was quite in keeping with Descartes' view,
namely, that the best science is the one which is most convenient and
simple. Many different systems of science would be equally correct
(for instance non-Euclidean geometry is just as true as Euclidean
geometry). But only the science which is simple will be commendable.
It is not for me to discuss these views from the standpoint of
philosophy. The metaphysical questions which they call forth may be
debatable. But the scientific conclusions and precepts which men like
Henri Poincare cultivate have often been described as a scientific form
of pragmatism. This is partly, but only partly tme. To describe that
position correctly we have to bear in mind that the Girtesian concep-
tions are still dominant in France. We are trying to mould science so
as to make it simple. Now what does the word ^simple** mean here?
Is it exactly the same thing as convenient? Descartes' answer to this
question is based on principles which don't satisfy us today. Yet his
leading idea has survived; namely, that simplicity in science does not
mean primarily practical convenience, but rather means being simple
in regard to reason, in regard to Cartesian good sense. The constant
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446 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
aim and preoccupation of the French scientist, when he makes up a
theory, will be to take reason for his guide.
But if we put the matter so, one may ask, how then shall we define
that faculty of reason on which we cause all science to rest? This
question the modem scientist will not answer. It is beyond him. He
is not as bold as Descartes and does not venture to describe reason.
But he firmly believes that he knows quite distinctly, quite definitely,
what a theory is to be like if it is built in accordance with the precepts
of that undefined faculty of reason.
Take, for instance, the modem theories of physics as they grow in
the hands of such great scientists as Hertz, Marwell, Oliver Lodge, and
see what becomes of the same theories when they are accommodated to
French taste by Henri Poincare, Duhem, Langevin or Perrin. You will
recognize at once that the said theories are distinctly modified when
they cross the borders of the different countries — ^which shows that
there is really such a thing as a national ideal in scientific construction.
A striking feature in the books of many great English scientists of
recent date is the constant appeal which they choose to make to ma-
terial illustration, to concrete images and comparisons. Open an
English treatise of electricity, Pierre Duhem used to say. You will
be surprised to find there constant talking about strings, ropes, wheels,
pulleys, waterfalls and so on. It seems, indeed, that such comparisons
and interpretation are a distinct help to the English mind. It would
not be quite so with the French mind. The French would think that
this repeated resorting to imagination is rather likely to obscure the
deep meaning of the theory.
Let us take, now, some German treatise of the first rank on the same
subject There we find a predilection for abstract, logical, well de-
duced constructions and mathematical reckoning. No material illus-
tration of the facts, no attempt, even, to justify the long work except
when it comes to be concluded. The peruser of the treatise is expected
to be a disciplined, docile sort of man who will take the trouble of
going through the whole, of devoting himself to hard reading ivith-
out knowing beforehand where he is tak^i to and why he is asked to
go that way. Science, so conducted, b diiefly a formal systenL It
may finally lead to practical applications, but, all along the way, you
don't know whether it will; and the useful construction does not differ
in form and character from any other which would be useless.
The French point of view in such matters is somewhat different. It
is neither the English nor the German standpoint just described. The
leading feature, in the presentation of a theory of physics in France is
neither concrete interpretation nor pure deduction and computation.
Few images, to avoid dispersion of the mind, and a logical ap-
paratus as reduced as possible, to avoid obscuration of the ideas by the
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SCIENCE IN FRANCE 447
formal elements of deduction. The ideas themselves as clear, as
obvious, as approachable to common sense as they can be. Such will
be for the French the ideal theory.
• • •
I have tried to define, in the preceding pages, the features which
seem to be most apparent in the personality, the work and the achieve-
ments of French men of science. To close this article, I confess that I
have no definite conclusion to offer; nor would it be safe to synthetise
any more an account which is already too schematic. In fact, real
conditions can not possibly be as simple as one might infer from this
account. The tendencies which I have tried to point out are often more
potential than actual and only half — if at all — conscious. The excep-
tions, also, are numerous, so that any synthetic picture, like the one
I have had in view, can never be more than partly true. But should
the picture, for this reason, be dismissed as illusory and devoid of any
practical value? I don't think so. When there is so much talk about
exchanging professors, students, ideas, between distant nations, I believe
that it may be worthwhile to emphasize, even with some exaggeration,
the traits that are most likely to affect a would-be visitor to a country.
This may help to avoid misunderstandings. If science ot the type
which i have described is to your liking, then go to France and you
will probably come across some good representatives of sudi a science.
If it disagrees with you, then stay at home and be indulgent
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448 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
ORIGIN OF THE ELECTRICAL FLUID THEORIES
By Professor FERNANDO SANFORD
STANFORD UNIVERSITY
IN a previous paper an attempt was made to show how the hypothesis
of an electric effluvimn or an electric atmosphere, by means of
which electrified bodies were supposed to exert an attraction or repul-
sion upon each other, played a prominent part in electrical theory for
more than 150 years. In the meantime two kinds of electrification had
been discovered, and this discovery greatly increased the difficulty of
finding a satisfactory explanation of the phenomena of attraction and
repulsion.
The discovery of electric induction by Stephen Gray was referred
to in the previous paper. This discovery, along with many other im-
portant electrical discoveries, was made in 1729. In 1733, du Fay, a
French officer and engineer, who had been repeating Gray's experiments,
conununicated to the Royal Society throu^ the Duke of Richmond the
first announcement of the discovery of two kinds of electrification, or,
as he believed, two kinds of electricity. This letter was read before
the Royal Society and is published in volume 38 of the Philosophical
Transactions. In it du Fay describes a number of new electrical dis-
coveries which he had made, some of them very important, as, for ex-
ample, the fact that all solids when suitably insulated may be electrified
by friction or contact with other bodies. Then he says:
Chance has thrown in my way another Principle, more universal and
remarkable than the preceding one, and which casts a new Light on the Sub-
ject of Electricity. This Principle is, that there are two distinct Electricities,
very different from one another; one of which I call vitreous Electricity,
and the other resinous Electricity, The first is that of Glass, Rock-Crystal,
Precious Stones, Hair of Animals, Wool and many other Bodies ; The second
is that of Amber, Copal, Gum-Lack, Silk, Thread, Paper, and a vast Number
of other Substances. The Characteristick of these two Electricities is, that
a Body of vitreous Electricity, for Example, repels all such as are of the
same Electricity; and on the contrary attracts all those of the resinous Elec-
tricity; so that the Tube made electrical, will repel Glass, Crystal, Hair of
Animals, &c. when rendered electrick and will attract Silk, Thread, Paper,
&c. though rendered electrical likewise. Amber, on the contrary will attract
electrick Glass, and other Substances of the same Class and will repel Gum-
Lac, Copal, Silk Thread, &c.
Two Silk Ribbons when rendered electrical will repel each other; Two
Woollen Threads will do the like, but a Woollen Thread and a Silk Thread
will mutually attract one another.
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ORIGIN OF THE ELECTRICAL FLUID THEORIES 449
Du Fay justly regarded this newly discovered fact regarding electrifi-
cation as capable of explaining many electrical phenomena which up to
that time had been incapable of explanation. He does not propose any
hypothesis as to the mechanism of attraction or repulsion, nor does he
propose any theory as to the coexistence of the two kinds of electricity
in the same body or have anything to say about their neutralizing each
other when combined in suitable proportions. His part of the two-
fluid theory seems to have been proposed by Robert Symmer about 25
years later.
In 1745 a great impetus was given to the study of electrical phe-
nomena by the discovery of the shock which may be produced by the
discharge of an electrical condenser through the body. This discovery
was first made by Dean von Kleist of the Cathedral of Camin in Pome-
rania. Dean von Kleist found that he apparently could lead a larger
quantity of electricity down a nail into a flask containing mercury or
alcohol when he held the flask in his hand than when it stood on a
table. In trying to remove the nail from the flask after he had, as he
supposed, filled it with electricity, he received a shock. He described
this experiment and his sensations on receiving the shock in letters to
several scientists in Berlin, Halle and elsewhere. These men failed to
verify the experiment, perhaps on account of the poor insulating quality
of the glass used, and none of them seemed to attach much importance
to the announcement of Father von Kleist.
Within three months a similar discovery was accidentally made in
the laboratory of Peter van Musschenbroeck in Leyden. Van Musschen-
broeck was one of the leading scientific men of his day and his dis-
coveries were widely published. He communicated his discovery in
a letter to Reaumur, in Paris, and it was published in the Memoires of
the Academic in 1746.
The letter to Reaumur was written in January, 1746, and the ac-
count of the discovery which it contained is given below as translated
in Benjamin's "Intellectual Rise of Electricity."
I wish to inform you of a new but terrible experiment, which I advise
you on no account personally to attempt. I am engaged in a research to de-
termine the strength of Electricity. With this object I had suspended by
two blue silk threads, a gun barrel, which received electricity by communica-
tion from a glass globe which was turned rapidly on its axis by one operator,
while another pressed his hand against it. From the opposite end of the gun
barrel hung a brass wire, the end ot which entered a glass jar, which was
partly full of water. This jar I held in my right hand, while with my left
I attempted to draw sparks from the gun barrel. Suddenly I received in my
right hand a shock of such violence that my whole body was shaken as by
a lightning stroke. The vessel, though of glass, was not broken, nor was the
hand displaced by the commotion; but the arm and body were affected in a
manner more terrible than I can express. In a word, I believed that I was
done for.
VOL. xni.— 29.
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450 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
This ""new and terrible experiment'' of van Musschenbroeck's was
widely published, and was repeated by scientific men all over Europe,
in many cases before large audiences. It is doubtful if any scientific
experiment ever created a more profound interest with the public to
whom it was demonstrated than did the shock from van Musschen-
broeck's electrified vial, and nothing ever seemed a greater mystery
than it did until Franklin proposed the explanation which is still ac-
cepted. The apparatus by which the shock was produced came to be
called generally the Leyden phial or Leyden jar; but in Germany, out
of consideration for Dean von Kleist's discovery, it is called the
Kleistschen Flasche.
Soon after the announcement of van Musschenbroeck's discovery,
Benjamin Franklin, of Philadelphia, was presented with a tube of flint
glass and was told of some of the wonders of electricity and the prop-
erties of the mysterious flask by his friend, Peter Collinson ; and he at
once b^an the series of electrical experiments, the results of which
have profoundly modified all electrical theories from that time until
the present, and which seem destined to determine to a large degree
the electrical theories of the future.
Franklin's original discoveries were not more nimierous than those
of Stephen Gray, though he discovered the dOTect of points in collecting
or discharging electricity, proved the identity of atmospheric and fric-
tional electricity, discovered that bodies within a charged hollow con-
ductor will take no charge from the inner surface of the charged con-
ductor and explained the phenomena of the mysterious flask of von
Kleist and van Musschenbroeck; but Franklin proposed a physical in-
terpretation of the phenomena of electricity which received almost uni-
versal acceptance at the time, and which now, since several other
theories have been tried and have proved unsatisfactory, seems destined
again to become the fundamental theory.
It may be interesting to know that the theory of a single electric
fluid as the cause of both kinds of electrification discovered by du Fay
was proposed almost simultaneously by Franklin in Philadelphia and
by William Watson in London, and from virtually the same experiment.
Franklin announced his theory in a letter to Peter Collinson, dated
June 1, 1747. After speaking of two men insulated on cakes of wax
and electrifying themselves, one from rubbing a glass tube and the
other from holding his knuckles near to the rubbed tube, while a third
man stands on the floor near them, he says:
These appearances we attempt to account for thus; We suppose, as
aforesaid, that electrical fire is a common element, of which every one of
the three persons above mention has his equal share before any operation
is begun with the tube. A, who stands on wax and rubs the tube, collects
the electrical fire from himself into the glass ; and his communication with the
common stock being cut off by the wax, his body is not again immediately
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ORIGIN OF THE ELECTRICAL FLUID THEORIES 451
supplied. B, (who stands on wax likewise) passing his knuckle along near
the tube, receives the fire which was collected by the glass from A; and his
communication with the common stock being likewise cut off, he retains the
additional quantity received. To C, standing on the floor, both appear to be
electrified: for he having only the middle quantity of electrical fire, receives
a spark upon approaching B, who has an over quantity; but gives one to A,
who has an under quantity. If A and B approach to touch each other, the
spark is stronger, because the difference between them is greater : after such
touch there is no spark between either of them and C, because the electrical
fire in all is reduced to the original quantity.
It may not be without interest to compare this concise explanation
with the much more labored one proposed by Watson for the same
phenomenon. Watson refers to an observation that had been made
that a man standing oh wax and holding his hand on a rotating glass
globe could take no appreciable charge so long as the globe was in-
sulated and held at a distance from other conductors, but would be-
come charged if a conductor or another person, either insulated or un-
insulated, should draw off the charge from the glass.
Watson's discussion of this experiment is given in Volume 45 of
the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society^ and is, in part as
follows:
1. That what we call Electricity is the Effect of a very subtil and
elastic Fluid, diffused throughout all Bodies in Contact with the terraqueous
Globe (those Substances hitherto termed Electrics per se probably excepted),
and everywhere, in Its natural State of the same Degree of Density.
2. That this Fluid manifests itself only, when Bodies capable of receiv-
ing more thereof than their natural Quantity are properly disposed for that
Purpose; and that then, by certain known Operations, its Effects shew them-
selves by attracting and repelling light Substances, by a snapping Noise,
Sparks of Fire &c. directed towards other Bodies, having only their natural
Quantity, or, at least, a Quantity less than those Bodies from which the
Snappings, &c. proceed.
3. That no Snapping is observed in bringing any two Bodies near each
other, in which the Electricity is of the same Density, but only in those Bodies
in which the Density of the Fluid is unequal
4. That this snapping is greater or less, in proportion to the different
Densities of the Electricity in Bodies brought near each other, and by which
Snapping each of them becomes of the same Standard.
5. That Glass, and other Bodies which we call Electrics per se, have
the Property of taking this Fluid from one Body, and conveying it to another,
and that in a Quantity sufficient to be obvious to all our Senses.
6. That in the Experiment in question, the Reason why no Snapping is
observed by a Person upon the Floor touching him who rubs the Globe with
his hands standing on Wax, without at the same time some other Non-electric
supported by Originally Electrics, or otherwise being in contact with the
Globe, is owing to whatever Part of this Man's natural Quantity of Electricity,
taken from himself by the Globe in Motion, being restored to him again by
the Globe in its Revolutions; there not being any other Non-electric near
enough to communicate the Electricity to; and therefore, in this Situation,
the Electricity of the Man suffers no diminution of its Density.
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452 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
7. That the fact is otherwise, when everything else being as before,
either a Gun-barrel suspended in Silk Lines, or a Man supported by Wax, or
such like, is placed near the Globe in Motion; because then, whatever part
of the Electricity of the Person rubbing is taken from him, is communicated
either to the other Man or the Gun-barrel, these, from their Situation, being
the first Non-electrics, to which Electricity taken from the Person can be
communicated.
8. That under these Circumstances, as much Electricity as is taken from
the Person rubbing is given to the other; by which means the Electricity
of the first Man is more rare than it naturally was, and that of the last Man
more dense.
9. That the Electricity in either of these Persons is in a very different
State of Density from what it naturally was, or from that of any Person
standing upon the Earth; this last being in a middle State between the two
other Persons; that is, he has not his Electricity so rare as the Man rubbing
the Globe, nor so dense as that of him supported by Electrics per se, and
touching the Equator of the Globe.
10. That therefore the same Effect, a Snapping, is observed upon bring-
ing any Non-electric near either of these Persons, from very different
Causes : For it is apprehended, that, by bringing the Non-electric near him,
whose Electricity is more rare, this Snapping restores to him what he had
lost; and that by bringing it near him, whose Electricity is more dense, it
takes of his Surcharge, by which means their original Quantity is restored
to each.
Watson then refers to the explanation of the same phenomenon by
Franklin, with which he had been made acquainted after the presenta-
tion of his paper to the Royal Society. Thus he says:
At this time I am tne more particular concerning the Solution of this
singular Appearance as Mr. Collinson, a worthy member of this Society, has
received a Paper concerning Electricitjr from an ingenious Gentleman, Mr.
Franklin, a Friend of his in Pennsylvania, This Paper, dated June i, 1747,
I very lately perused, by Favour of our most worthy President. Among
other curious Remarks, there is a like Solution of this Fact; for though this
Gentleman's Experiment was made with a Tube instead of a Globe, the Differ-
ence is in no-ways material. As this Experiment was made, and the Solution
thereof given upon the other Side of the Atlantic Ocean before this gentleman
could possibly be acquainted with our having observed the same Fact here,
and as he seems very conversant in this part of Natural Philosophy, I take
the Liberty of laying before you his own Words.
Then follows Franklin's explanation of the experiment as we have
already quoted it.
Franklin's theory of the relation of electricity to material bodies
is more fully given in a letter to Peter Collinson under date of July
29, 1750, the year of the publication of Watson's paper. He says:
i) The electrical matter consists of particles extremely subtile, since
it can permeate common matter, even the densest metals, with such ease and
freedom as not to receive any perceptible resistance.
2) If any one should doubt whether the electrical matter passes through
the substance of bodies, or only over or along their surfaces, a shock from an
electrified large glass jar, taken through his own body, will probably con-
vince him.
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ORIGIN OF THE ELECTRICAL FLUID THEORIES 453
3) Electrical matter differs from common matter in this, that the parts
of the latter mutually attract, those of the former mutually repel each other.
Hence the appearing divergency in a stream of electrified effluvia.
4) But though the particles of electrical matter do repel each other,
they are strongly attracted by all other matter.
Franklin introduced the use of the algebraic signs + and — to in-
dicate the electrical conditions which Watson referred to as denser or
rarer electrical states. Thus a body which contained a greater amount
of the electrical fluid than it would contain if in electrical contact with
the earth was said by Franklin to have a -j- charge, and one which con-
tained less of the fluid than it would naturally take from the earth was
said to have a — charge. From this point of view, the body with a +
charge would give electricity to the earth and a body with a — charge
would take electricity from the earth if put into electrical contact
with it.
Cavendish used the term ''pressure" to indicate the same idea. He
regarded the electrical fluid in all bodies as under an external pressure
and as always flowing in the direction of least pressure. A body with a
-f- charge would then be one in which the electrical fluid was under
greater pressure than in the earth, and a body with a — charge as one
whose electrical fluid was under a less pressure than the earth's elec-
trical fluid. If the electrical fluid is regarded as compressible, as it
must have been by Watson, the -)- condition would indicate both an
increased pressure and an increased density.
All of these concepts assumed an electrified earth, and, as was shown
in the previous paper, it was upon the assumption of an electrified
earth that Cavendish, and probably Aepinus, undertook to prove the
absence of an electrical atmosphere about charged bodies.
The concept of an electrically neutral earth seems to be due to
Robert Synmier, in England. In 1759, during Franklin's residence in
England, Symmer borrowed some electrical apparatus from him and
repeated some of his experiments. As a result of these experiments, he
came to a difl'erent opinion as to the nature of electrification from the
one proposed by Franklin but failed to convert Franklin to his point
of view.
In Volume 51 of the Philosophical TroTisactions is a group of four
papers by Symmer in which he gives his reasons for believing in two
electrical fluids. Of the two principal arguments which he proposes,
one is derived from the sensation experienced when the two coatings of
a weakly charged Leyden jar are touched by the fingers of one hand.
In this case, Symmer says the sensation is that of a shock, or blow, upon
the fingers touching both coatings of the jar, with no distinction to
indicate that the electricity strikes from one coating rather than from
the other.
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454 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
The other argument is based upon the fuzzy appearance on both
sides of a card or of several sheets of paper of the perforation made by
a single electric spark, ^'indicating that the electric fluid has either en-
tered or left both sides," and upon the dOTect of a spark discharge
through a number of sheets of paper with a sheet of tin-foil between
them. In this case the tin-foil may not be perforated and the holes
made by the spark on opposite sides of the tin-foil may not meet op-
posite the same point in the foil. In this case there is a little dent in
the tin-foil opposite both perforations, indicating that the tin-foil has
been struck from opposite sides in the two cases.
After referring to the apparent difficulty of explaining these phe-
nomena by a single electric fluid, Symmer sums up his cas6 as follows:
On the other hand, it is my opinion that there are two electrical fluids
(or emanations of two distinct electrical powers) essentially different from
each other; that electricity does not consist in the efflux and afflux of those
fluids, but in the accumulation of the one or the other in the body electrified;
or, in other words, it consists in the possession of a larger portion of the one
or of the other power, than is requisite to maintain an even balance within
the body; and, lastly, that according as the one or the other power prevails,
the body is electrified in one or in another manner.
It will be seen that Synuner has added to du Fay*s notion of two
electricities the assumption that all bodies in their natural state possess
both kinds but in such quantities that their individual effects are neu-
tralized.
It is interesting to know that Franklin was ignorant of du Fay's
discovery when he proposed his theory of a single electric fluid. Later,
his friend, Mr. Kinnersly, of Boston, who had taken part in some of
Franklin's work, made the discovery that the electricity induced by the
friction of the hand on a sulphur globe would discharge the electricity
induced in the same way on a glass globe. Thus, if he charged a Ley-
den jar by sparks from a rubbed glass globe and then allowed a rubbed
sulphur globe to spark into it, he found that the jar was first discharged
and then, if the sparking were kept up, became charged again. He also
found that the jar remained discharged if the glass globe and the sul-
phur globe were allowed to spark into it at the same time. This caused
him to inquire of Franklin whether the glass, or the sulphur, acquired
a + charge when rubbed.
Franklin concluded for several reasons, the most important of which
seems to have been the different character of the brush discharge of the
two, that glass took the excess charge from the body rubbing it, while
sulphur gave off electricity to the rubber. Thus, the brush discharge
from a positively electrified body is longer and more diverging than
from a negatively electrified body. Franklin also observed that the
'^electric wind" given off from a point is stronger from a body elec-
trified from glass than one electrified from sulphur. He concluded for
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ORIGIN OF THE ELECTRICAL FLUID THEORIES 455
these reasons that the electric fluid was escaping from the charged glass
and was being collected by the charged sulphur.
Franklin did not attach much importance to his attempted identifi-
cation of the 4~ ^^d — electric conditions. Priestley says that one
question which greatly puzzled Franklin was why negatively electrified
bodies should repel each other, since his theory was that particles of
electric fluid repel each other while the particles of material bodies
attract each other. It would seem from these hypotheses that two bodies
containing a deficiency of the electric fluid should attract each other.
The opinion that the electric fluid is attracted by the particles of
material bodies led to the modification of Franklin's theory by the in-
troduction of the assumption that the particles of material bodies, when
free from electricity, must also repel each other. In making this as-
sumption, an important discovery made by Stephen Gray was seem-
ingly overlooked, and though this observation has been repeated thou-
sands of times it seems still to be overlooked by most writers on elec-
trical theory. Gray found that a hollow box of wood when charged
seemed to take as great a charge as a solid block of the same size, and
every student of electricity now knows that a hollow conductor, no mat-
ter how thin its walls, has the same electric capacity as a solid con-
ductor of the same shape and size. If the particles of the electric fluid
were attracted by the particles of the conductor, this would not be the
case.
The Franklinian theory, even when modified by the assumption of
a repulsion between the atoms of material bodies still differed in im-
portant respects from the two fluid theory of du Fay and Symmer, since
in the latter theory in its final form an electric discharge always con-
sisted in the passage of both kinds of electricity in opposite directions
between the two conductors. This theory as it was developed prior to
1767 is described by Priestley, in his "History of Eleptricity," as
follows:
To show my absolute impartiality, I shall, notwithstanding the preference
I have given to Dr. Franklin's theory, endeavor to represent this to as much
advantage as possible, and to do it more justice than has yet been done to it,
even by Mr. Symmer himself; who, as I observed before, has fallen into
some mistakes in his application of it. Indeed, hitherto very little pains has
been taken with this theory, nor has it been extended to any great variety
of phenomena.
Let us suppose then, that there are two electric fluids, which have a strong
chymical affinity with each other, at the same time that the particles of each
are as strongly repulsive of one another. Let us suppose these two fluids, in
some measure, equally attracted by all bodies, and existing in intimate union
in their pores, and while they continue this union to exhibit no mark of their
existence. Let us suppose that the friction of any electric produces a separa-
tion of these two fluids, causing (in the usual method of electrifying) the
vitreous electricity of the rubber to be conveyed to the conductor, and the
resinous electricity of the conductor to be conveyed to the rubber. The rub-
ber will then have a double share of the resinous electricity, and the conductor
a double share of the vitreous; so that, upon this hypothesis, no substance
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456 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
whatever can have a greater or less quantity of electric fluid at dififerent
times; the quality of it only can be changed.
The two electric fluids, being thus separated, will begin to show their
respective powers, and their eagerness to rush into reunion with one another.
With whichsoever of these fluids a number of bodies are charged, they will
repel one another, they will be attracted by all bodies which have a less share
of that particular fluid with which they are loaded, but will be much more
strongly attracted by bodies which are wholly destitute of it, and loaded with
the other. In this case they will rush together with great violence.
Upon this theory, every electric spark consists of both the fluids rushing
contrary ways, and making a double current When, for instance, I present
my finger to a conductor loaded with vitreous electricity, I discharge it of
part of the vitreous, and return as much of the resinous, which is supplied
to my body from the earth. Thus both the bodies are unelectrified, the bal-
ance of the two powers being perfectly restored.
When I present the Leyden phial to be charged, and, consequently, con-
nect the coating of one of its sides with the rubber, and that of the other
with the conductor, the vitreous electricity of that side which is connected
with the conductor is transmitted to that which is connected with the rubber,
which returns an equal quantity of its resinous electricity; so that all the
vitreous electricity is conveyed to one of the sides and all the resinous to
the other. These two fluids, being thus separated, attract one another very
strongly through the thin substance of the intervening glass, and rush to-
gether with great violence, whenever an opportunity is presented, by means
of proper conductors. Sometimes they will force a passage through the sub-
stance of the glass itself; and, in the meantime, their mutual attraction is
stronger than any force that can be applied to draw away either of the fluids
separately.
Thus it is seen that the two fluid theory involves more assumptions
than does the theory of a single fluid. In the two fluid theory the notion
of combined, or neutralized, electricities seems to be necessary to ac-
count for some of the commonest phenomena of electrification. Max-
well speaks of this necessity as follows:
The introduction of the two fluids permits us to consider the negative
electrification of A and the positive electrification of B as the effect of any
one of three different processes which would lead to the same result We
have already supposed it produced by the transfer of P units of positive elec-
tricity from A to B. together with the transfer of N units of negative elec-
tricity from B to A. But if P-^N units of positive electricity had been trans-
ferred from A to B, or if P-|-A^ units of negative electricity had been trans-
ferred from B to A, the resulting "free electricity" on A and B would have
been the same as before, but the quantity of "combined electricity" in A
would have been less in the second case and greater in the third than it was
in the first.
It would appear therefore, according to this theory, that it is possible
to alter not only the amount of free electricity in a body, but the amount of
combined electricity. But no phenomena have ever been observed in elec-
trified bodies which can be traced to the varying amount of their combined
electricities. Hence either the combined electricities have no observable
properties or the amount of the combined electricities is incapable of varia-
tion. The first of these alternatives presents no difficulty to the mere mathe-
matician, who attributes no properties to the fluids except those of attraction
and repulsion, for he conceives the two fluids simply to annul one another,
like 4- e and — e, and their combination to be a true mathematical zero. But
to those who cannot use the word fluid without thinking of a substance it is
difficult to conceive how the combination of the two fluids can have no prop-
erties at all, so that the addition of more or less of the combination to a
body shall not in any way affect it, either by increasing its mass or its weight
or altering some of its other properties. Hence it has been supposed by some,
that in every process of electrification exactly equal quantities of the two
fluids are transferred in opposite directions, so that the total quantity of the
two fluids in any body taken together remains always the same. By this new
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ORIGIN OF THE ELECTRICAL FLUID THEORIES 457
law they 'contrive to save appearances/ forgetting that there would have
been no need of the law except to reconcile the "Two Fluids" theory with
facts, and to prevent it from predicting non-existent phenomena.
In the one fluid theory as stated by Maxwell the notion of saturation
takes the place of neutralization. Thus Maxwell says:
If the quantity of electric fluid in a body is such that a particle of the
fluid outside the body is as much repelled by the electric fluid in the body as
it is attracted by the matter of the body, the body is said to be saturated.
If the quantity of fluid in the body is greater than that required for satura-
tion, the excess is called the Redundant fluid and the body is said to be Over-
charged. If it is less, the body is said to be Undercharged, and the quantity
of fluid which would be required to saturate it is sometimes called the De-
ficient fluid.
The Franklinian theory as modified by the addition of the hypothe-
sis that the particles of ordinary matter, as well as the particles of the
electric fluid, must be self repellent lasted well into the 19th Century.
Its replacement by the two fluid theory seems finally to have been due
to its assumption of an electric attraction between the particles of the
electric fluid and the particles of material bodies.
Thus Dr. Thomas Thomson, in his Outline Of The Sciences of Heat
And Electricity^ published in 1830 and just before the important work
of Faraday, says:
The second datum, that the electric fluid is attracted by matter with a
force inversely as the square of the distance, is also inconsistent with the
electrical phenomena. For the quantity of electricity accumulated in bodies
is always proportional to the extent of their surface, and not to the quantity
of matter in them, as would be the case if any attraction or affinity existed
between them. All substances, whatever their nature may be, are capable
of receiving the same quantity of electricity, provided the extent of their sur-
faces be equal. And, finally, it has been shown that electricity accumulates
only on the surfaces of bodies, and that nothing but the pressure of the
ambient atmosphere prevents it from making its escape.
This objection to the single fluid theory seems valid, but it should
also apply equally well to the theory of two fluids when an attraction
is assumed between either, or both, the fluids and the particles of ma-
terial bodies. That is, this objection is not more fatal to a theory of a
single fluid than to one of two fluids, and cannot be looked upon as de-
ciding between them. This fact seems to have been implicitly recog-
nized by the physicists of that day, since it came to be assumed as a
part of the accepted theory of the day that no attraction or affinity exists
between either of the electric fluids and material bodies.
But if this be assumed, how may an electrified body attract an un-
electrified body? Or how may two oppositely electrified bodies attract
each other? This question is asked and answered by Dr. Thomson as
follows:
But if there be no affinity or attraction between electricity and matter,
it may appear, at first sight, difficult to account for the fact that when bodies
are excited, that is, contain a super-abundance of electricity, they attract or
repel each other with forces varying inversely as the square of the distance ;
bodies having the same kind of electricity repelling, and those having different
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458 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
kinds attracting each other. But this apparent difficulty admits of a very
simple explanation.
If we suppose two excited and insulated spheres placed at a small dis-
tance from each other, it is obvious that the only forces which can occasion
the motion of the bodies, are the mutual attraction or repulsion of the fluid
in the one, to the fluid in the other. For the repulsions exercised by the
particles of fluid in each body on one another, can have no effect in producing
a motion in the center of gravity of either body. If the two spheres consist
of non-conducting matter, the unknown power which gives them the non-
conducting property, will prevent the escape of the electricity from each.
Therefore the mutual attractions and repulsions of the fluids, as they cannot
escape from the matter, may be supposed to carry the matter along with them,
and thus to cause the globes to approach or recede, * according as they are
charged with different kinds of electricity, or with the same kind.
\Vhen an excited conducting body is insulated the superinduced electricity
forms a coating on its surface, and (if we suppose the body spherical) the
thickness of this coating will be everywhere the same. This electricity
presses upon the ambient air, which prevents it from making its escape. The
excited sphere, in consequence of this action of the electricity, which is pro-
portional to the square of its thickness, will be less pressed upon by the sur-
rounding atmosphere, than if it were not excited. But as the pressure, though
diminished, is everywhere equal, there will be no tendency of the sphere to
move from its place. Let us suppose the conducting sphere to be charged
with positive electricity, and let us conceive a mass of sealing wax or gum
lac, charged negatively, to approach it, a portion of the combined electricity
natural to the sphere, will be decomposed. The positive portion will accumu-
late on the surface of the sphere next the mass of sealing wax, being at-
tracted by its negative electricity. The superabundant positive electricity
already in the sphere will accumulate at the same surface for the same reason.
While the decomposed negative electricity will accumulate at the opposite
surface of the sphere, being repelled by the negative electricity of the sealing
wax. Thus the coating of electricity next the sealing wax will become thicker
than before, while the coating at the greatest distance will become thinner.
Hence the electricity in the part of the sphere next the sealing wax will press
more upon the air than before, while the air will press more than before upon
that surface of the sphere which is farthest from the sealing wax. Both
of these pressures have a tendency to cause the sphere to move towards the
sealing wax, and if the weight of the sphere be sufficiently small it will move
accordingly.
It se^ns impossible that any one with even a smattering of me-
chanics could take the above explanation seriously, much less accept
it as "a very simple explanation," but Dr. Thomson evidently took it
seriously, and he proceeded immediately after the above quotation to
put it into mathematical form. And Dr. Thomson was a very eminent
scientific man, professor of chemistry in Glasgow, fellow of the Royal
Societies of London and Edinburgh and member of most of the learned
societies of England and the Continent. It accordingly is probable that
this represents the best explanation at that time available of this diffi-
cult electrical problem.
De La Rive, in his great treatise on Electricity published twenty-
three years later, is still wrestling with this problem. He still seemed
satisfied with the explanation which Thomson had given with regard
to insulators, that while their particles could have no attraction for
electricity, still "The unknown power which gives them the non-con-
ducting property will prevent the escape of electricity from each," and
accordingly that they may be pulled together by the attraction of their
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ORIGIN OF THE ELECTRICAL FLUID THEORIES 459
electric fluids; but in the meantime Becquerel, Sir W. Snow Harris, and
others, had repeated the discovery made one hundred years before by
Hauksbee and Stephen Gray that electric attraction and repulsion may
take place in the best air pump vacuum. De la Rive, referring to this
experiment, says:
Sir W. Snow Harris has observed that . the attractions and repulsions
between electrifed bodies take placc^ in vacuo as they do in air ; a further
proof of the error we should commit by admitting the atmospheric pressure
to play a part in the phenomena. This fact, on the other hand, is very well
explained by admitting that the electricities are retained, in the portions of
the surfaces where they are distributed, by the insulating effect of the film
of air that remains adjacent, and m no degree by atmospheric pressure: once
retained at the surface by this cause, as they would have been by a coating
of varnish, they are no longer able to obey their mutual attraction or repul-
sion, except by drawing with them the bodies themselves, if their mass is
not too great. This explanation, even though it should not be based upon
observations made in vacuo, would seem to us in every case preferable to
that in which atmospheric pressure is made to intervene; this intervention
being implicitly founded on a purely hypothetical idea, namely, that electric-
ity is a fluid of the same kind, and about the same tenuity as air and gases.
Further, while still believing that the electric effects observed in vacuo,
as well as others no less curious, of which we shall speak hereafter, are due
to the film of air that remains adhering to the surface of bodies, we by no
means wish to pretend that conducting bodies have not for themselves the
property of preserving, or rather coercing on their surface a certain dose of
electricity, feeble, it is true, but nevertheless sensible.
At the time of writing of de la Rive's treatise the interest in statical
electrical phenomena was declining, owing to Volta's discovery of the
electric current at the end of the 18th century and the brilliant dis-
coveries of Davy and Faraday in electrochemistry and of Oersted, Am-
pere and Faraday in electromagnetic induction. The question as to how
two oppositely electrified bodies may attract each other while there is
no attraction between the particles of the electric fluid and material
particles was overlooked for the time being. Then the electric theory
of Faraday was at this time coming to the front in English speaking
countries, and from the point of view of this theory this question could
have no significance, since no electric fluid of any kind was assumed
in the Faraday theory.
Since the discovery and isolation of the electric fluid by J. J. Thom-
son and his followers at the close of the 19th century, the question as
to what part this fluid takes in the attraction or repulsion of electrified
bodies has assumed its earlier importance, but the electrical theory of
the present time is not concerned with the physical interpretation of
phenomena, but only with the mathematical statement of their quantita-
tive relations, and all qualitative relations are being ignored. The
problem of the nature of electric attraction accordingly remains in the
hopeless condition in which it was left by de la Rive.
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460 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
THE MIOCENE SHORE-FISHES OF CALIFORNIA
By Dr. DAVID STARR JORDAN
STANFORD UNIVERSITY
RECENT studies of the fossil fishes in the Miocene deposits about
Los Angeles and at Lompoc in Southern California, have enabled
us to distinguish about sixty-five species of bony fishes, besides a dozen
or more species of sharks. Most of the latter are from the shales of
Kern County, north of the Tahachapi range. With the exception of
two extinct t3rpes {Hemiprisds and the so-called Wodnika) the genera
are all still represented on the coast. The present paper deals with
true fishes only and these belonging to a period roughly estimated as
two million years ago.
The study of these fishes of California shows certain facts very
clearly.
1. The present fauna of California is derived from it, with a cer-
tain admixture from the north and from Japan. In the Miocene fauna
so far as known there are no types characteristic of Japan.
2. The Miocene fauna is a transitional one, having its roots in
the Eocene or Cretaceous. But of neither of these periods have repre-
sentatives been found in Pacific Coast deposits either in America or
Asia.
3. The Tertiary fauna of California is nearly all included in fam-
ilies still extant on the coast. All of the species are distinct from their
living allies, and most of them must be placed in different genera.
4. The Miocene faima is plainly ancestral to the present one.
5. The most striking difference which appears is that thus far we
have found no trace among the fossils, of the viviparous surf -fish {Em-
biotocidae) which form so conspicuous a part in the existing fauna of
THYRSOCLES VELOX (JORDAN AND GILBERT) RESTORED
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MIOCENE SHORE-FISHES OF CALIFORNIA 461
THYRSOCLES VELOX (JORDAN AND GILBERT) LOMPOC
A Mackerel, Allied to the Spanish Mackerel, Scomberomorus Maculatus (Mitchill).
California, and which should abound in just the conditions in which
fossils have been preserved. As two genera {DUrema Neoditrema) of
this family, representing different sections, are found in Japan, it is
possible that the California surf-fishes are of Asiatic origin and have
crossed to California in relatively recent times. Among the fossil
fishes actually known we find none which suggests any affinity with
Asiatic forms. Most of them are distinctly characteristic of California,
a few only belonging to types now wanting in California but found in
the Gulf of Mexico and in one or two cases in the Mediterranean.
Besides the surf fishes there are some other forms rare or missing
which one might have expected to find. Gobies are very scarce al-
though species are now abundant in all shallow waters along the coast
Sculpins (Cottidae) now extremely abundant along the coast are want-
ing. As the Okhotsk region is their center of distribution, they may be
late comers in California. There are no sardines, anchovies, or true
herring, the extremely numerous herring-like forms being all of ex-
tinct genera. We find no blennies, which is also an unexpected fact,
as numerous species frequent just such small bays as then occurred in
the Archipelago about Los Angeles. There are also no Labroid fishes,
forms which now abound in the kelp banks outside the bays.
6. No species either distinctly tropical or distinctly subarctic ap-
pear among these Tertiary fishes. We must therefore conclude that the
Miocene temperature differed little from that which obtains at present.
7. It is evident from the absence in the deposits containing fishes,
of silt or other rain-washed material, that the climate was arid. In the
Lompoc deposits of pure diatoms there is no sedimentary material
whatever.
8. The localities in which fossil fishes have been found are of
two categories:
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462 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
ZORORHOMBUS VELIGER. JORDAN. (RESTORED)
A flounder allied to the European brill. Bothus rhombus, L.
(a) Shallow inlets within a group of small islands scattered about
in the region now comprised in the counties of Los Angeles and Orange.
The deposits in these little bays are mixed diatoms and fine clay, and
the individuals are all either of species of small size or else the young
of larger forms. In a few places individuals are found in clay or in
fairly hard sandstone, more rarely in pure diatoms. It is a curious
fact that the species found about Los Angeles are with the possible
exception of two small fishes {Lygisma^ Quaesita) all different from
those taken in the diatom beds at Lompoc.
(b) The deposits of pure diatoms, unmixed with sand or clay, and
rarely showing other organisms. Here are found multitudes of fishes,
a few birds (petrels, gannets and wading birds) and an occasional por-
poise. We found no crustaceans and no echinoderms. There are a few
annelids, in one place a small clay bank burrowed fuH of holes by
Pholadided or some similar mollusk, and in another place a single shell
of some species of Area, With the diatoms are occasional microscopic
rhizopods and spicules of sponges.
The Lompoc deposit fills what was once a small narrow-moutheif
or bottle-shaped inlet, on the north side of the Sierra Santa Ynez, the
backbone of Santa Barbara County. Since these mountains rose from
the sea, this little bay of Lompoc became filled mdi diatoms in in-
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MIOCENE SHORE-FISHES OF CALIFORNIA 463
credible numbers to the depth of 1,400 feet. A little stream having
eroded one side and large cuttings having been made for commerciaT
purposes, we may now see a section of the whole mass from top to
bottom. I have elsewhere* shown that a species of herring (Xyne grex)
had at one time gathered in such numbers as to cover the whole floor
of the bay to the exclusion of all other kinds of fish. This was at a
level of 950 feet above the sandstone and shales on which the all dia-
tom deposits rest. Among these millions on millions of herring young
specimens are not found, all the individuals ranging from 6 inches to
8 inches in length, and not a foot in the whole four square miles so far
as yet exposed has less than eight or ten of these fishes. In one single
place all by themselves there is a deposit of young herring two or
three inches long.
Dr. Edward C. Franklin figures on data which I have furnished that
there must have been some 1,200 millions of these herring and that the
number of diatoms in the whole bay might be represented by the unit
1 followed by at least 30 ciphers.
Among the herring we find no other kinds of fish whatever, and the
question of what caused the sudden death of this vast multitude and the
sudden burial in clouds of white diatoms constitutes a problem very
difficult to solve. The only clews to the solution have been offered by
Dr. Albert Mann, who suggests that the great crowding, whatever its
cause, may have raised the temperature of the water, a matter to which
ZORORHOMBUS VELIGER, JORDAN, LOlfPOC
1 "A Miocene Catastrophe" Natural History, American Museum, New
York, XX, p. i8, 1920.
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464 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
herring are peculiarly sensitive. The bulk of the other fishes found
are predatory forms which have come to this bay in search of the her-
ring. Two specimens of a large mackerel have herrings in their stom-
achs. These various forms I have described in two papers written in
collaboration with Dr. Gilbert of Los Angeles. These are ^Tossil
fishes of Southern California" (David Starr Jordan and James Zac-
cheus Gilbert), Stanford University Publication, University series, 1919
(Sept. 6) and "Fossil fishes of diatom beds of Lompoc" (Jordan and
Gilbert), 1. c, 1920 (February).
No fossil fish is ever quite complete — one part or another is want-
ing. Ordinarily the head is the least satisfactory part. While the
bones of the skeleton are picked clean by small organisms in the sea,
the soft mass of the brain decays and in rotting it disintegrates the
bones which lie around it. Although in most fishes the bones of the
head are especially firm and hard, they are very seldom preserved in
fossil forms and the student of bony fishes is obliged to give his atten-
tion to the skeleton and to the neural and haemal structures which spring
from it. The position of the fins can be made out from these bones,
but the rays are usually broken. Hence, however determined, there are
always elements of doubt as to the accuracy and completeness of any
restoration.
No traces of sharks are found in the diatom deposits although mul-
titudes of sharks' teeth are found in the rocks which in other regions
overlie the deposits of diatom. As each living diatom contains a minute
droplet of oil, it is thought that the great oil deposits of Southern Cali-
fornia may come from these masses of diatoms, and it is thus evident
that the abundance of sharks' teeth may be an indication of oil. This
is especially true in Kern County, where sharks' teeth exist in enormous
abundance. It is possible that the oil escapes to the air in regions
where, as in Lompoc, the diatom deposits are exposed; but where they
are covered by later layers of sand and shale, the oil has been pre-
served to our own tinie.
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A CALIFORNIA ELK DRIVE 465
A CALIFORNIA ELK DRIVE
By Dr. C HART MERRIAM
WASHINGTON. D. C.
CALIFORNIA enjoys the distinction of having within its borders a
number of animals and plants that do not inhabit other parts of
the United States. Among these are several giants — the redwood of the
coast and the bigtree or giant sequoia of the Sierra; the great California
condor whose spread of wing equals if it does not exceed that of the
condor of the Andes; and several species of grizzly bears culminating
in the huge Ursus magister of the Cuyamaca and Santa Ana Mountains,
now believed to be extinct.
Another interesting animal peculiar to the state, though by no
means a giant among its kind, is the valley elk (Cervus nannodes), a
species now confined to the south end of the San Joaquin plain but
formerly abundant throughout the Great Interior Valley. Within the
memory of men now living, large bands of these elk inhabited the tule
marshes and sloughs of Tulare, Buena Vista, and Kern Lakes, and those
bordering the San Joaquin and Sacramento Rivers, but a couple of
decades ago the handful of survivors had drifted south to the southern
border of the Tulare plain and had there made their last stand. The
exact locality is the neighborhood of Buena Vista Lake, on what is
known as Buttonwillow Ranch— one of the vast cattle ranches of the
Miller and Lux Company.
Here they had a measure of protection but proved costly wards,
making light of the high enclosing fences and playing havoc with the
alfalfa and other crops. In the spring of 1904, Miller and Lux offered,
through the Biological Survey of the Department of Agriculture, to
present the herd to the Government. The offer was accepted, it being
agreed that the ranch owners should corral the animals. But what to
do with them was a serious question. However, a location was finally
selected, on Middle Fork Kaweah River within the boundaries of the
Sequoia National Park, where, through the courtesy of the Department
of the Interior, I was permitted to establish and fence an elk park.
Miller and Lux had previously built a corral for shipping cattle;
it was on the railroad 4 miles west of Buttonwillow at a place called
Lokem. The plan was to drive the elk into this corral, which had been
strengthened for the purpose and had been extended by the addition of
long arms reaching far out on the plain.
VOL. XIII. -30.
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466 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
The country is desert, comprising broad stretches of bare alkaline
clayey and sandy soil, dotted at intevals with dull desert brush — a hot
arid uninviting region, bounded on the south and west by the barren
treeless foothills of the Templor and San Emidio Mountains — a region
strikingly unlike that inhabited by the elk of the Rocky Mountains and
Pacific Coast.
There were, we were told, three bands of elk: the main band num-
bering about 100; another of about 40; and an independent group of
five very old bulls. The main herd, composed of cows, calves, two-
year-olds, and a few adult bulls, had been for some time in the habit of
feeding nightly in an alfalfa field a few miles southwest of Button-
willow; the next largest bend ranged a little farther wesC; while the
small group of very old bulls could usually be found not far away.
The plan was to drive the main band from their nightly feeding
ground to the corral, a distance of 6^ miles. The date had been set
for November 12, 1904, and riders of neighboring ranches had been
invited to take part. About 35 — all expert vaqueros and cattle-ropers —
had volunteered. Some went out the night before and camped along
the route of the proposed drive, but the main body set out from Button-
willow in the very early morning — long before daylight — in order to
get behind the elk, between them and the foothills, while it was still
dark.
The affair was in charge of the superintendent of the ranch,
James Ogden, who went with the vaqueros to personally direct the drive.
THE LEADER OF THE HERD
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A CALIFORNIA ELK DRIVE 467
They rode quietly to the far side of the alfalfa field in which the Elk
were feeding and waited for them to come out. The place is where the
level Joaquin plain ends, giving way to the barren foothills of the
San Emidio and Templor ranges that stretch away to the south and
west. The riders were expected to prevent the elk from entering the
hills and to drive them slowly to the corral.
I did not take part in the drive, but accompanied by my then
assistant E. W. Nelson (now chief of the Biological Survey) , went direct
to the corral and waited. We had arranged to photograph the incoming
elk, and were also charged with the duty of keeping the onlookers from
crowding forward and frightening the approaching animals. While
waiting, we saw from time to time moving patches of dust; they ap-
peared in various directions, all heading toward the corral, and were
caused by persons from distant ranches riding in to witness the drive.
Some came on horseback, some in buggies, some in heavy ranch
wagons.
Suddenly, far away to the southeast, a very different cloud ap-
peared; it was a broad low sheet of dust moving steadily westward,
obvioufily coming nearer. Instantly all eyes were strained. One man
climbed the water tank, from which point of vantage he called out that
he could distinctly see elk in the front of the moving dust. Our spirits
rose; all was excitement at the corral. Then, the dust vanished — ^almost
as suddenly as it had appeared — and we saw it no more.
In the course of an hour a rider arrived with the depressing news
that the elk had broken for the hills and could not be turned; they had
charged the line of oncoming vaqueros, had pu^ed on between the
horsemen and escaped to the hills. A few had been pursued, roped,
and ^hog-tied', and a horseman had been sent to the ranch for wagons
to bring them in.
After a long wait the first wagon arrived, drawn by six horses. On
its broad platform were three elk, flat on their sides, each with all
four legs lashed together. There was an old bull )vith large antlers,
battered and broken from much fighting, a two-year-old bull with long
spike-horns, and a calf about two thirds grown. They had been in-
jured in the beginning, in the roping and violent fighting before they
were thrown and tied, and during subsequent struggles had beaten their
heads against the hard floor boards of the dead-ax wagon. The calf
was already dead; the others were nearly paralyzed from lying so long
in one position in the hot sun.
The wagon was driven into the corral, where the two live elk were
seized, carried, and dragged into one of the enclosures. Then the ropes
binding their feet were loosed and the gates closed.
The animals had great difficulty in getting up and still more in
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468 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
ARRIVING AT THE CORRAL. "HOG-TIED"
standing after they were up, and were some time in recovering the use
of their legs.
Nevertheless, the old bull did things that amazed the onlookers.
When roped he had fought so furiously that the skill and agility of the
vaquero were taxed to the utmost to save himself and his horse from a
bloody death. And when in the corral, no sooner were the ropes cut
than the bull charged with such earnestness — in spite of the fact that
he was unable to stand still on his feet — ^that the men were obliged to
«9cape over the fence with the utmost promptness. He was *game' from
the start, and never for an instant relaxed his determination to fight
every animate thing within reach. Discovering the spike-horn bull,
whose fetters had been loosed simultaneously with his own, leaning
against the corral fence near by, he instantly lowered his head and
•charged, driving his strongly curved brow-tines into the side of the
younger animal, which soon began to bleed at the mouth and nose, and
later died. The old bull, although for some time unable to walk, or
even to stand erect without leaning against the corral, was nevertheless
able to make sudden rushes at those who were bold enough to enter the
•enclosure or to sit on the nearby fence. To prevent further harm he
was again roped and stretched, and his horns were sawed off close to his
head. This was intended to break his spirit and render him easy to
manage, but as subsequent events proved, it had no such effect.
Shortly after noon the second wagon was seen approaching. It had
teen obliged to travel a long distance over the dry hills to pick up the
ividely scattered elk, of which it brought five — an old cow, a two-year-
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A CALIFORNIA ELK DRIVE 46»
SAWINt OFF HIS HORNS IN THE CORRAL
old bull, a cow calf, and two bull calves. Three of these were already
dead, only the cow and one of the bull calves reaching the corral alive.
This made 8 elk at the corral, 4 alive and 4 dead.^ Of the 4 living, it
will be remembered that one — ^the spike-horn buck — ^had already re-
ceived a mortal wound. The cow, calf, and wounded spike-horn were
moved from the corral compartments to the middle passage and thence
through the narrow chute into a cattle car, which had been brought for
the purpose. This was accomplished without serious difficulty. But
with the old bull the case was very different. He stubbornly refused
to be either led or driven, and in spite of his hornless condition and
the weakness of his legs, no one could be found who was willing to
enter his compartment to argue with him at close quarters. His ag-
gressive attitude continued and his face wore an expression of defiant
ra^^e. When any one approached, he dilated his nostrils, gritted his
teeth, and uttered a low expiratory snort — the only noise he ever made.
Volunteers were called for, but no one responded. A hundred men,
including the best riders and boldest vaqueros of the Joaquin, were
gathered at the fence, but no one pressed forward to try his mettle with
the hornless bull. Then Ogden, the superintendent, turning to his head
vaquero, Billy Woodruff, asked if he was afraid to go in and get that
elk out. Woodruff replied that if he could ride his horse in he would
^ The skins and skulls of the elk that died during the drive were pre-
served and sent to the Biological Survey and are now in the U. S. National
Museum. They proved to be a new species, 'which because of its relatively
small size I named Cerzms uannodcs. — Proc. Biological Soc. Washington, Vol.
l8, pp. 24-25, Feb. 2, 1905.
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470 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
do it, whereupon he swung himself into the saddle and rode through
the gate.
The scene that followed is not likely to be forgotten by any who
witnessed it. WoodrufiTs horse was a magnificent animal — ^nearly
black, large, broad-chested, powerful — experienced and daring in
everything relating to the .roping and handling of cattle. From first
to last he and his rider moved as if impelled by a single purpose.
There seemed to be no attempt to guide on the part of the man, and no
attempt at independent action on the part of the horse — ^they were one,
not two. The instant the horse entered the enclosure it was evident to
everyone that he not only understood his master, but also that he
thoroughly understood the business he was there for. He, as well as
the onlookers, knew that he was there to get that elk out of the corral.
But no sooner had he entered the gate than the bull, who by this time
had regained the use of his legs, met him with a fierce charge, striking
him full in the breast with the butts of his sawed-off horns. The horse
received the shock without a tremor and took in the situation at a
glance. As the elk backed for a second charg#the horse sprang for-
ward and crowded him back to prevent him from getting leeway for
another rush. By force of greater weight the horse pressed his ad-
versary to the fence and tried to push him out through the corral gate.
But the elk stubbornly refused to go, and in spite of inferior size
punished the horse so severely that it is a marvel he didn't break and
run. The elk was an experienced, aggressive, and expert fighter; his
strength, activity and quickness were amazing, and the way he rained
fearful blows on that horse was painful to behold. By turning and
slipping a little to one side he managed repeatedly to swing his head
so as to strike the horse in the ribs and with the stubs of his horns to
tear and fray the fenders and sweat leathers of the saddle. Once he
hit the rider a glancing blow on the leg which nearly broke it. The
horse tried hard to receive the attacks on his breast, and did so when-
ever possible, never for an instant relaxing his efforts to crowd the
animal out of the corral; but the elk, taking advantage of the corners,
<;ould not be forced out.
Finally, realizing the hopelessness of further attempts at crowding,
Woodruff and the horse tried a new dodge. They backed slowly out to
and through the open gate. This gave the elk the opportunity he had
all along sought of getting a running start for his blows, with nothing
to intercept or lessen their force, and he availed himself of it to the
utmost. For a distance of thirty or forty feet the brave horse backed
slowly to the gate, receiving terrible punishment from the sledge-
hammer-like blows, which he received full on the breast. In this way
the old bull was slowly enticed to the open gateway, where, as if realiz-
ing the trick, he suddenly stopped. But it was too late. The gate
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A CALIFORNIA ELK DRIVE 471
opened in, and at this moment several men who had been watching
from the top of the fence, dropped down quickly behind the gate and
by a united effort pushed it shut, thus crowding the elk out into the
narrow middle passage, where the battle was immediately resumed.
Here the absence of comers and angles in which the elk could gain a
purchase soon told in favor of the horse, who, straining every muscle,
forced his adversary into the narrowing chute that led to the car.
But even now the elk had no thought of giving in. Once, by a tre-
mendous effort, he rose up under the horse's breast and actually lifted
the heavy animal off his fore feet. Then the horse, recovering, lowered
his broad breast against the elk and by a swift and powerful rush
pushed him backward through the narrow chute to the open door of the
car. Here the elk, finding himself unable to stand against the force
that was driving him backward, and unable to see where he was being
carried, whirled and sprang into the car. The shout that burst from the
throats of the onlookers was in appreciation of the achievement of
Woodruff and his splendid n\punt; while a second shout voiced admira-
tion for the undaunted valor of the poor old bull who, against such
tremendous odds, had fought to the very last.
After all the elk had been brought in, the vaqueros and spectators,
about a hundred in all, were treated by Ogden to a barbecue lunch.
Half a beef and some elk meat had been roasted over coals in a long
trench, a huge pot of coffee was boiled, and there was bread enough for
all.
The vaqueros had many tales to tell of the events of the chase, the
main facts of which appear to be: At early daybreak a small bunch
of bull elk with antlers came out of the alfalfa field, ran off to the
westward and were not again seen. A little later the main band ap-
peared. Their numbers were, variously estimated at from 85 to 105.
They consisted mainly of cows, calves, and two-year-old males -with
spike-horns. There were only two, or at most three, adult males with
branching antlers. The herd set out in a northwesterly direction along
an old channel of Kern River, going toward the corral. The riders
were behind, between them and the Templor foothills. The elk moved
off on an easy trot — a pace that made it necessary for the horses to
strike a lively gait to keep up. For two or three miles the elk held their
course toward the corral and the riders began to think it would be
an easy matter to drive them in. Then suddenly, and without apparent
cause, the band turned abruptly to the left and made for the hills.
This brought them face to face with the riders, who had kept a parallel
course. The men shouted, threw up their arms, and bore down upon
the rapidly approaching elk, but the elk paid absolutely no attention
to them and continued their course to the hills. When the two forces
met, the elk passed between the horses, some so close that the horsemen
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472 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
TAKING ELK TO THE PARK. NOVEMBER. 1914
were obliged to get out of the way to escape injury — for the bulls with
horns were exceedingly dangerous and could not be closely approached
without risking the lives of the horses. But most of the animals were
temales and young.
Finding it impossible to drive the elk, several of the vaqueros
yielded to temptation, gave chase to an individual animal, overtook it^
kept it alongside for some distance, crowding it with the horse, hitting
it repeatedly with the riata, or even in some cases kicking it, in a
futile effort to turn it back, and finally, in sheer desperation, roping it
The two adult bulls with branching antlers, two spike bucks, a cow and
several calves were lassooed, thrown, "hog-tied" — the front and hind
legs lashed firmly together — and left on the ground to be picked up
later by the wagons. One of the old bulls was so far away that the
wagons did not reach him at all, and later a horseman was sent to
liberate him. The other — the first one roped — was the terrible fighter
already mentioned at the corral. He was believed to be the leader of
the band and obviously had earned the distinction. From first to last
he had shown no fear and had fought every living thing within reach.
The car containing the four elk was taken to Exeter, whence the
animals had to be hauled by wagon 35 miles to the park. The wounded
spike-horn and the old cow had died, leaving only the old bull and the
calf.
In anticipation of the moving, three huge and very strong wagon-
crates had been built, each to be hauled by a six mule team. Each
crate was divided into six compartments, separated by gates that could
be lifted up between solid uprights; and the rear end also had been
made a sliding gate.
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A CALIFORNIA ELK DRIVE 473
When the car containing the elk arrived at Exeter, one of the
wagons was backed up against it and so placed that the elk could step
directly from the car into the cage. The calf did this promptly, but the
old bull declined to enter. While in transit he had fought and butted
and kicked until he had splintered several of the side boards of the
car. A half barrel of water that had been put into the car stood in
the doorway. By means of a pole it was upset and pushed to one side.
No sooner had this been done than the elk, seeing it in a new position,
charged and dealt it a resounding blow that sent it rolling over the
floor. This evidently pleased him, for arching his back and leaping
forward he struck it again and again, making a great noise, and fol-
lowed it around the car, butting it furiously as if it were the cause of
all his trouble.
Finally, after repeated efforts to drive him out had failed, a rope
operated by long poles was slipped over his neck, he was dragged
through the open door into the crate and the two rear gates were closed
behind him. This enraged him still more and he attacked the crate with
vigor, butting furiously in one spot until the boards began to give way.
Meanwhile the men on top of the crate suceeded in forcing down the
gates inmoediately in front and behind him, so that he was confined in
a narrow cell only two feet in width. Finding that he could no longer
butt, having no room to swing his head, he at once began to kick and
kept on kicking, dealing the boards behind him a series of rapid sledge-
hammer blows until it was evident that they would soon be reduced
CALF ELK AFTER ARRIVING AT THE ELK PARK
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474 IHE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
to splinters. When he had kicked as long as he could with one foot,
he would change and kick with the other. The force and rapidity of
the blows were astonishing; it seemed incredible that his strength could
hold out so long.
When the wagon reached Lemon Cove (a distance of 12 miles) the
constant kicking had so demoralized the crate that it had to be taken
to a blacksmith shop for repairs. An old ranch gate was secured and
roped on the outside, and the crate was further strengthened by addi-
tional iron bolts. When Three Rivers was reached at 9 in the evening,
still other repairs were necessary, and a halt was made for the ni^t
In the morning the driver, who had laid his bed close to the wagon,
announced that the elk had kicked all night, never resting more than
five minutes at a time.
After again repairing the crate we set out for the park, still 12 miles
distant. Arriving at the enclosure, the wagon was driven through the
gate and turned around, facing the entrance; the horses were taken out,
and holes were dug for the hind wheels in order to let the wagon bed
down to the level of the ground. Then the rear gates were lifted, giving
the calf his liberty. He was not at all afraid and at once ate grass
from my hand. But he did not like the looks of the bull and soon
climbed a nearby hill. Then the other gates were raised, giving the
bull an opportunity to step out. For the first time since his capture
he did what was wanted; he voluntarily crept to the rear of the wagon
and hobbled out on the ground. Looking around for an enemy to
attack and not seeing any — some of the men having stationed them-
selves outside the park fence, the others on top of the crate — ^he set
out for the river, only a few rods away. His courage had not forsaken
him, but his strength had; he was no longer the proud aggressive
wild beast he had been. He had reached his limit. The terrible ordeal
he had been through: the struggle incident to his capture; the rough
hot ride to the corral, hog-tied, on the hard floor of the dead-ax wagon;
the outbursts of passion in the corral; the fighting and second roping
in connection with the sawing off of his horns; the battle with the big
horse; the ceaseless violence of his destructive assaults first in the car,
then in the crate, continued for three days and nights, had finally under-
mined even his iron frame, so when at last he found himself free on the
ground he presented a truly pitiful picture. With his head bent to one
side and back curved, with one ear up and the other down, and with a
dejected helpless expression on his face, he hobbled wearily away,
barely able to step without falling. Slowly he made his way to the
river, waded in, drank, crossed to the far side, staggered laboriously
up the low bank, and lay down. The next day he was found in the
same spot — dead.
Profiting by the failure to drive the elk into the corral in 1904, Mr.
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A CALI FORMA ELK DRIVE 475
Ogden in the following year adopted a wholly diflferent plan, which
proved far more successful. Instead of a<ttempting to drive the animals
he organized a chase by experienced vaqueros, the object being to rope
the individual elk. The chase took place a few miles from Button-
willow on October 15, 1905. Nearly 30 were roped. Of these, 3 died
before shipment; 25 were shipped, and 20 reached the park alive, form-
ing a splendid nucleus for a growing herd.
The wild elk remaining on the Buttonwillow ranch multiplied
steadily, and their depredations on alfalfa and Egyptian corn were cor-
respondingly severe. In 1914 the Miller & Lux Company decided to
attempt the capture of a very large number and invited the California
Academy of Sciences to take charge of their distribution. The offer
was accepted, and Dr. B. W. Evermann, director of the Academy's
activities, arranged for the shipment of the elk to municipal parks and
other available tracts in different parts of California.
A new method was inaugurated by the superintendent, Mr. Ogden.
A huge corral a quarter of a mile long was built in an alfalfa field to
which the elk came every night to feed. Here on the night of October
11, 1914, 150 came into the corral and were enclosed, but the next
day 90 escaped. Three days later about 25 more were captured.
During the latter part of the month 54 were distributed to different
localities in the state.
Again, in 1915, the same corral was used in the same way, resulting
in the capture of more than 100 elk, of which 92 were distributed.
At that time it was estimated by Dr. Evermann that the number still
remaining in Kern County was between 350 and 400.
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476
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
THE PROGRESS OF SQENCE
THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL
CONGRESS OF EUGENICS
In this journal special attention has
always been given to problems of
evolution, heredity and eugenics. As
older readers of the The Popular
Science Monthly will remember, it
gave the first American publication
to the work of Spencer, and, to a
certain extent of Darwin, Huxley
and the other leaders in the develop-
ment of the doctrine of evolution.
It was indeed under the elder You-
mans a journal primarily devoted to
the cause of evolution at a time when
the word stood for heresy not only
With the general public, but also
among most men of science.
During the past twenty years under
its present editorial control, The Sci-
entific Monthly has continued to
devote a considerable part of its
space to work bearing on heredity
and eugenics. Francis Galton printed
here articles laying the foundation of
eugenics, and the leading American
students of genetics — Brooks, Wilson,
Morgan, Conklin, Davenport, Jen-
nings, Pearl and many others have
communicated the results of their
work to the wider scientific and edu-
cated public through this journal. In
like manner, many articles by leaders
in the subject have been printed on
human heredity in so far as it is open
to experimental or statistical study,
and in other subjects on which a sci-
ence of eugenics must rest — popula-
tion, birth and death rates, immigra-
tion, racial differences, human be-
havior, etc.
We are consequently pleased to be
able to record the holding in New
York City of the second International
Congress of Eugenics and to print in
the present issue of the Monthly
several of the more important ad-
dresses by foreign representatives.
Shakespeare left no descendants, and
Ben Jonson remarked that nature,
having made her masterpiece, broke
the mold. The four sons of Charles
Darwin have followed scientific ca-
reers, a fine example of family
heredity and tradition. It is a special
privilege to welcome to the United
States and to print the address in
advocacy of eugenics of Major Leon-
ard Darwin, based so largely on the
works of his father, Charles Dar-
win, and of his cousin, Francis
Galton. We hope to be able to
publish in subsequent issues a gen-
eral account of the congress by Dr.
C. C. Little, the secretary, and several
of the papers containing the results
of more special scientific research.
The program was strong in genetics,
in which America now probably is
leading. But all the divisions main-
tained good standards, the more
doubtful theories and premature ap-
plications of ignorance, to which
newer sciences such as eugenics and
psychology are subject, having been
in general avoided.
THE MEETING OF CHEMISTS
IN NEW YORK CITY
The sixty-second meeting of the
American Chemical Society, held like
the Congress of Eugenics in New
York during September, may lead to
the hope that the city will give as
much concern to becoming the center
of the scientific as of the financial
world. It was partly an Anglo-
American meeting, for the Society of
Chemical Industry having met in
Canada, a number of the English and
Canadian members took part in the
New York meeting.
When the visiting guests crossed
the border into the United States at
Niagara Falls, President Harding
welcomed them with the following
telegram :
It is a pleasure to extend greetings
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THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE
477
to the gathering of American, Cana-
dian and British Societies represent-
ing the chemical sciences and in-
dustries meeting on American soil.
Probably none of the materialistic
sciences holds promise of so great
contributions to human welfare in the
coming generations as that which
your organization represents. The
developments of applied chemistry in-
volve both a possibility of vastly in-
creased horrors in human conflict and
alternately inestimable benefits to a
peaceful civilization. Let us hope
that a science so fraught with either
good or vicious possibilities may be
turned, thtough the wisdom of the
nations, to the benefit and advance-
ment of mankind.
The meeting in New York was ap-
propriately presided over by Dr.
Edgar F. Smith, lately provost of the
University of Pennsylvania and
twenty-five years before president of
the society. At the opening meeting
at Columbia University, addresses
were made by Francis P. Garvan on
"Chemistry and the State," by Sir
William Pope on "Chemical Warfare'*
and Professor R. F. Ruttan on "Or-
ganization of Industrial Research in
Canada." At the closing general
meeting Dr. Smith gave the presi-
dential address on "Progress in
Chemistry." This address was pre-
ceded by the unveiling of the Priest-
ley portrait which is to be placed in
the National Museum, the unveiling
being accompanied by a description of
the life and work of Priestley, by Dr.
C. A. Browne.
An international meeting was held
in the grand hall of the College of
the City of New York after an organ
recital by Professor Samuel A. Bald-
win.
Chemistry and Civilisation: Dr.
Ed^ar F. Smith, provost emeritus,
University of Pennsylvania, in the
chair.
Science and Civilization; The Role
of Chemistry: Dr. Chas. Baskerville,
director of the laboratories, College
of the City of New York; chairman.
International Committee.
Energy; Its Sources and Future
Possibilities: Dr. Arthur D. Little,
chemical engineer and technologist,
Boston.
The Engineer; Human and Superior
Direction of Power: Dr. Leo H.
Baekeland, honorary professor of
chemical engineering, Columbia Uni-
versity.
Chemistry and Life: Sir William
J. Pope, professor of chemistry, Cam-
bridge University.
Theories: Dr. Willis R. Whitney,
head of research department. General
Electric Company.
Research Applied to the World's
Hork: Dr. C. E. K. Mees, head of
research department, Eastman Kodak
Company^
Problem of Diffusion and Its Bear^
ing on Civilijsation : Professor Ernst
Cohen, professor of chemistry. Uni-
versity of Utrecht.
Catalysis; The New Economic Fac-
tor: Professor Wilder D. Bancroft,
I professor of physical chemistry, Cor-
nell University.
THE AMERICAN PUBUC
HEALTH ASSOCIATION
A third scientific meeting, like the
Congress of Eugenics and the Chemi-
cal meeting concerned largely with
the public welfare, will be held in
New York City during the autumn.
The fiftieth annual meeting of the
American Public Health Association
will be the occasion of a health fort-
night from November 8-19. It is
hoped that its slogan, ^'Health First,"
will stimulate interest throughout the
country. Health fortnight will in-
clude three major divisions — a Health
Institute from November 8-1 1; a
Health Exposition, November 14-19;
the Fiftieth Annual Meeting of the
American Public Health Association,
November 14-19.
The Public Health Exposition will
be conducted under the joint auspices
of the Department of Health of the
City of New York and the American
Public Health Association. Already
allotments of space indicate that at
least two entire floors of the Grand
Central Palace will be occupied by
the exhibitors. The exhibits will in-
clude those of educational and philan-
thropic organizations and those of
commercial houses producing ap-
proved articles of health value. The
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MAJOR DARWIN PROFESSOR OSBORN MRS. OSBORN
MEMBERS OF THE INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF EUGENICS
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PROFESSOR MOF.RNS PROFESSOR SHULL DR. DAVENPORT
AT THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY
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MAJOR DARWIN PROFESSOR OSBORN MRS. OSBORN
MEMBERS OF THE INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF EUGENICS
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PROFESSOR MOKRNS PROFESSOR SHULL DR. DAVENPORT
AT THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY
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480
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
profits from the sale of tickets, after
the cost of the exposition and the
convention are defrayed, will be de-
voted to establishing nutritional clin-
ics for the benefit of undernourished
children.
The Health Institute from Novem-
ber 8-1 1 will present to visitors an
opportunity to see the operations of
established methods applied to vari-
ous phases of public health work.
About forty demo strations have
been planned.
Following the week of the insti-
tute and the observance of Health
Sunday, will come the oiienirig of the
scientific sessions, the meetings of tlie
American Public Health Association
in celebration of its semi-centennal.
I'he sessions will begin on Novembei
f4 and the headquarters will be at the
Hotel Astor. The scope of the meet
ings is indicated by their division into
die following : General Sessions, Pub-
lic Health Administration, Child Hy-
giene, Public Health Publicity and
Education, Laboratory Section, Vital
Statistics Section, Industrial Hygiene
Section, and Food and Drug Section.
SCIENTIFIC ITEMS
We record with regret the death of
J. W. Richards, professor of metal-
lurgy at Lehigh University; and of
Dr. Arno Behr, the American indus-
trial chemist; of G. W. Walker, the
English seismologist; and of Henry
Beaunis, known for his work on
physiological psychology and hypno-
tism at Nancy and later at Paris.
Dr. C. S. Sherrington, professo.
of physiology at Oxford University
and president of the Royal Society,
has been elected president of the
British Association for the meeting tu
be held at Hull in 1922. It is ex-
pected that the meeting of 1923 will
be at Liverpool and the meeting of
1924 at Toronto.
The University of Edinburgh has
conferred the degree of doctor of
laws on Dr. Irving Langmuir, of the
research laboratory of the General
Electric Company, Schenectady, who
at the meeting of the British Asso-
ciation in that city opened the dis-
cussion on **The Structure of Mole-
cules."
Dr. Alexis Carrel, of the Rocke-
feller Institute for Medical Research
has been elected a national associate
of the French Academy of Medicine,
of whom there are only twenty.
The 192 1 volume of the Summar-
ized Proceedings of the American As-
sociation for the Advancement of
Science, the publication of which has
been delayed owing to the printers*
strike, will soon be issued from the
office of the permanent secretary of
the association. The volume contains
the old and the new constitution, the
lists of officers, and references to
Science for the reports of the Pacific
Coast meeting (summer of 1915), the
Columbus meeting (1916), the New
York meeting (1917), the Pittsburgh
meeting (1918), the Baltimore meet-
ing (1919), the St. Louis meeting
(1920), and tlie Chicago meeting
(1921). It also contains the com-
plete list of members of the associa-
tion, corrected to June 15, 1921.
Members who have already ordered
the volume will be sent copies as soon
as the book is published; those who
have not ordered it may still do so,
the price being two dollars, payable
when the order is placed. The price
to others is two dollars . and fifty
cents. The new list constitutes a di-
rectory containing the names, de-
grees, positions, addresses, etc, of
about 12,000 scientific workers and
others interested in scientific progress.
It has been prepared from data ob-
tained through special information
blanks sent to all members.
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VOL. XIII, NO. 6 r\nM 7n^w^\ DECEMBER, 1921
THE SCIENTIFIC
MONTHLY
EDITED BY J. McKEEN CATTELL
CONTENTS
THE INBRED DESCENDANTS OF CHARLEMAGNE: A GLANCE AT THE SCI-
ENTIFIC SIDE OF GENEALOGY. Dr. David Starr Jordan 481
STUDIES IN INFANT PSYCHOLOGY. Dr. John B. Watson and Rosalie
Rayner Watson 493
AN INTRODUCTION TO SCIENTIFIC VAGARIES. Professor D. W. Hering 516
THE GOVERNMENT LABORATORY AND INDUSTRIAL RESEARCH.
Dr. George K. Burgess 523
AMERICA'S FIRST AGRICULTURAL SCHOOL. Dr. Neil E. Stevens 531
THE RESEARCHER IN SCIENCE. Professor Michael F. Guyer 541
FEARSOME MONSTERS OF EARLY DAYS. Dr. Leon Augustus Hausman 560
THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE:
The American Public Health Association; Scientific Problems of the Pacific;
Government Educational Courses; The Optical Society of America; Scientific
Items 570
INDEX TO VOLUME XIII 595
THE SCIENCE PRESS
PUBUCATION OFnCE: 11 LIBERTY ST.. UTICA, N. Y.
EDITORIAL AND BUSINESS OITICE: GARRISON. N. Y.
Single Number, 50 Cents. Yearly Subscription, $5.00
COPYRIGHT 1921 BY THE SCIENCE PRESS
Entered •• ■econd-cIaM mstter February 8, 1921. at the Poit Office et Utica, N. Y., under the Act of March 3, 1879.
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THE SCIENTIFIC
MONTHLY
I>E2CESMBESR. 1021
THE INBRED DESCENDANTS OF CHARLEMAGNE:
A GLANCE AT THE SCIENTIFIC SIDE OF GENEALOGY
By Of: DAVID STARR JORDAN
STANFORD UNIVERSITY
See the march of history
Strewn with cast-off finery,
And the way of common things
Cluttered with the pomp of kings.
rERE has lately been placed in my hands a great chart of Ameri-
can genealogy rmming back to the marriages of Isabel de Verman-
dois with two successive hu^ands — ^Robert de Bellomont, Earl of Lei-
cester, and William, Second Earl of Warren and Surrey — and showing
the lines of descent of some hundreds of well-known families from the
beginning of the twelfth century, the reign of Henry I of England,
down to the present time. This chart, the work of Miss Sarah Louise
Kimball of Palo Alto, California, furnishes the text of the present
essay. It embodies the results of long and patient research by its
maker, supplemented by conclusions of many other experts in
genealogy. But my present purpose is to consider only one scientific
phase of the matter.
And first I may premise that to the biologist an ancestor is not
primarily a forbear, but a carrier of inheritable potentialities. For
men and women transmit to posterity not their actually developed
traits, but rather their inborn tendencies, ^the raw material out of
which character is forged'\ a complex of potentialities. That is to say,
heredity carries potentiality, not the completed results of education
and environment. I shall, however, waive further discussion of the
physiology or psychology of inheritance; I wish only to indicate some
generalizations drawn (largely) from a study of Miss Kimball's chart.
Let us first note that notwithstanding its elaboration, its thousand
or more ancestral names constitute merely a fragment, a scant shred
in the great warp and woof of the genealogy of even a single person,
or of the record of descendants of even a single pair.^ For if the an-
I In this connection I remarked with interest that in the "Waldo
Genealogy" {1902) by Waldo Lincoln of Worcester, Mass., the record of a
single family for less than tfiree hundred years, or eight generations, upwards
VOL, xin.-5/.
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482 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
cestry of one individual running back to the twelfth century could be
written out, using a square inch to each name, it would occupy some-
thing like a fourth of a square mile. A full chart of all the two hun-
dred millions, more or less, of people of English ancestry scattered
over the world would cover some twenty-five millions of square miles.
The simplest numerical calculation gives bewildering results. As
each person has had two parents, four grandparents, eight great-grand-
parents, and so back endlessly in geometrical progression, every adult
of today, allowing three generations to a century, would (if facts per-
mitted) count not less than 134,192,256 separate ancestors in the year
1100. Furthermore as in the indicated progression with a ratio of two,
the sum of the series is equivalent, minus one, to its highest term, each
descendant should have 134,192,255 intervening forbears, making
268,384,511 in all. Again, each child of this generation has twice as
many ancestors as either parent — ^that is 536,769,022 in all, of which
incalculable number not one would have died in infancy or without
issue. This computation, however, has led us to figures manifestly
impossible in view of the fact that the total population of England in
1100 did not exceed two millions, and that probably not one-tenth of
these, beset as they were by war and pestilence, left permanent
descendants.
The simple explanation is, of course, that every ancient forbear
must be counted over and over thousands of times in each individual
case. Indeed, no one can guess how many tangled lines lead down to
him from a single pair in the days of Henry I.
Conversely, if any one couple of the twelfth century and their suc-
cessors left on an average four children, thus doubling the number
three times to the century, their descendants alone, facts permitting,
would count 134,192,256, as would the descendants of every other
pair similarly fertile, — ^the whole making a nominal total far exceed-
ing the present population of the globe! Thus, in this computation
also, intervening individuals must be reckoned over and over again
almost to infinity.
These conclusions as to the tangled lineeige of the English people
give a clue to the origin and persistence of racial traits in general;
they are the stigmata of blood relationship. Moreover, as we have
abundant evidence that the children of Warren and Isabel, like hun-
dreds of other early notables, were descended from Alfred the Great
and Charlemagne alike, it is not without reason that Miss Kimball
calls the English people "the inbred descendants of Charlemagne".
of 19,000 persons are named as either descended from Cornelius Waldo and
Hannah Cogswell — ^both of whom came from Berwick in Wiltshire, England,
to Ipswich, Massachusetts, about 1640— or else married to one of their pos-
terity; these many individuals were residents of 11,700 different towns in
the United States. Besides Waldo, upwards of 3,000 other surnames appear,
brought into the series by the marriage of Waldo women.
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THE INBRED DESCENDANTS OF CHARLEMAGNE 483
This fact now leads us to another important consideration; noble
and peasant are really of one blood. For studies of American ancestry
show clearly the eflfects of the law of primogeniture. The eldest sons
of "good families" or of the nobility naturally developed into Royal-
ists and Cavaliers; younger sons and daughters' sons, left without in-
heritance, became as easily Roundheads, Dbsenters and Puritans.
The l^end on one of Cromweirs battle flags asked: "Why should the
elder son have everything and we nothing?" To put it another way,
why should "blue blood" be supposed to flow in the veins of the first
bom only?
Fortunately, those exposed to the deteriorating influences of ease
and unearned power were few in number, a conspicuous minority. Ilie
others became part of the mass of commoners who have made England
great. Samuel Johnson once cynically observed that primogeniture is
an excellent thing, as "it ensures that there shall be but one fool in the
family!" Happily it also provides that the high qualities which in
other days set nobleman apart from peasant shall be spread through the
whole body of the people by means of a constant transfusion from the
"first estate" to the third. The lack of such a system left France, es-
pecially, a prey to the reaction inevitable in a people overrun by a
hungry and impecunious nobility.
Miss Kimball's chart shows plainly the method by which the dif-
fusion takes place. The daughter of a king, for example, marries a
nobleman; one of her descendants takes a squire or younger son; a
daughter of the squire marries a yeoman, whose children are accord-
ingly of kingly descent. And every farmer of English lineage may
boast of as much of the "germ plasm" of William, Alfred, or Charle-
magne as any royal household in Europe; reversedly, plebeian blood
may be mingled with the "bluest", usually to the betterment of both.
As a matter of fact, indeed, very few Englishmen or Americans of Eng-
lish origin are without royal blood; nor is it likely that the coat of
arms of any king living does not conceal the bar sinister of the peasant.
At the beginning of the twelfth century, as already stated, Isabel de
Vermandois married successively Robert de Bellomont, Earl of Lei-
cester, and William de Warren, Earl of Warren and Surrey. The
charms or virtues of that far-off lady are not concerned in this dis-
cussion, any more than the manly qualities of either of the earls,
though all three exalted personages were no doubt ancestors of yours,
gentle reader, as well as of the present writer.
Isabel died on February 13, 1131. Her record comes down to us
because of a very distinguished lineage, her ancestral line on both
sides leading back through six separate strains to Charlemagne. She
was the daughter of Prince Hugh the Great, Duke of France and Bur-
gundy, leader in the First Crusade and father of Hugh Capet, King of
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484 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
France; her mother, Adelheid de Vennandois, boasted blood equally
blue, and her second husband was descended from Alfred.
By the Earl of Leicester, Isabel had two children — ^Robert and Eliz-
abeth de Bellomont; by the Earl of Warren, two others — Gondred and
Ada de Warren. Each of the four lines of descent then passes through
a long series of English nobility, each allowing a younger son or
daughter, or daughter's son to drop from time to time into the undis-
tinguished ranks of the middle class or even into the common peas-
antry, while a few of the line of Elizabeth de Bellomont, thou^ by
no means the most eminent of their group, were set apart by laws of
inheritance as occupants of royal thrones. Meanwhile, as I have im-
plied, the elder sons, holding land and titles, remained in the Cavalier-
Tory-Conservative caste, while their disinherited brothers and sisters
became Dissenters, of whom many of the most obstinate or most enter-
prising sought freedom or fortune in the New World.
To illustrate these propositions I give below a series of ancestral
records, each showing one of the many "direct lines" leading down
from Isabel de Vermandois to Americans, well-known or otherwise.
GEORGE WASHINGTON
Let us begin with George Washington, a man of the highest personal
character and unquestioned statesmanship, but socially rather a t3rpical
English country squire, though one of the wealthiest colonials of His
day. The reasons which lay behind the emigration of Washington's
ancestors to Virginia I shall not try to indicate, but apparently they
did not seek fortune nor freedom of worship.
Robert de Bellomont, Earl of Leicester, m. Isabel de Vermandois
Elizabeth de Bellomont m. Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Pembroke
Richard de Clare, "Strongbow," Earl of Pembroke, m
Isabel de Clare m. William le Mar^chal, Earl of Pembroke
Eve de Mar^chal m. William, Baron de Braose
Maude de Braose m. Roger, Baron Mortimer
Edmund, Baron Mortimer
Roger, Baron Mortimer
Edmund Mortimer
Roger Mortimer, Earl of March
Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March
Elizabeth Mortimer m. Sir Henry Percy, "Hotspur," Earl of North-
umberland
Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland
Margaret Percy m. Sir William Gascoigne
Elizabeth Gascoigne m. Gilbert de Talboys
Sir George de Talboys
Anne de Talboys m. Sir Edward Dymoke
Frances Dimoke m. Thomas Windebank
Mildred Windebank m. Robert Reade
Col. George Reade (Virginia, 1637)
Mildred Reade m. Col. Augustine Warner
Mildred Warner m. Lawrence Washington
Augustine Washington m. Mary Ball
George Washington
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THE INBRED DESCENDANTS OF CHARLEMAGNE 485
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
My next example presents certain marked contrasts. Beginning
with the same aristocratic ancestry, the line of descent passes into
Wales, then through a group of Welsh farmers, one of whom, doubt-
less to better his condition, came over to Pennsylvania, whence his
pioneer descendants moved on to Virginia and westward. Out of this
series rose one who became the most truly eminent statesman of his
century. The career of Lincoln thus perfectly illustrates the possi-
bilities of "noble" self -extrication among a people unburdened by the
caste system of Europe.
Robert de Bellomont, Earl of Leicester, m. Isabel de Vermandois
Elizabeth de Bellomont m. Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Pembroke
Richard de Clare, "Strongbow," Earl of Pembroke
Isabel de Clare m. William le Marechal, Earl of Pembroke
Eve de Mar6chal m. William, Baron de Braose
Maude de Braose m. Roger, Baron Mortimer
Edmund, Baron Mortimer
Roger, Baron Mortimer
Maude Mortimer m. John, Lord Charleton
Jane de Charleton m. John, Baron Le Strange
Elizabeth Le Strange m. Gryffydd Wychan
Gryffydd Wychan
Lowry Wychan m. Robert Puleston
John Puleston
Margaret Puleston m. David ap levan ap Einion
Einion ap David
Griffith ap Llewellyn
Catherine Griffith m. Edward ap Evan
Lewis ap Griffith m. Ellen Edwards
Robert ap Lewis
Evan ap Robert
Evan ap Evan
Cadwallader Evans (Pennsylvania, 1700)
Sarah Evans m. John Hank
John Hank
Joseph Hank (Virginia about 1740) m. Nancy Shipley
Nancy Hanks m. Thomas Lincoln
Abraham Lincoln
GEORGE V
We have seen that the early English forbears of Washington and
Lincoln are identical for two hundred years and more. It is interesting
also to note that the ancestry of the present king of England (as well
as that of the late Kaiser and most of the continenal princes now in
exile or otherwise) derives from the same initial series.
Robert de Bellomont, Earl of Leicester, m. Isabel de Vermandois
Elizabeth de Bellomont m. Gilbert de Qare, Earl of Pembroke
Richard de Clare, "Strongbow," Earl of Pembroke
Isabel de Clare m. William le Marechal, Earl of Pembroke
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486 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Eve de Marechal m. William, Baron de Braose
Maude de Braose m. Roger, Baron Mortimer
Edmund, Baron Mortimer
Roger, Baron Mortimer
Edmund Mortimer
Roger Mortimer, Earl of March
Anne Mortimer m. Richard Plantagenet, Earl of Cambridge
Richard Plantagenet, Earl of York, m. Cecily Neville
Edward IV m. Elizabeth Woodbridge
Elizabeth Plantagenet m. Henry VII (Tudor)
Margaret Tudor m. James IV (Stuart) of Scotland
James V (Stuart)
Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, m. Lord Damley
James I (Stuart, James VI of Scotland)
Elizabeth Stuart m. Frederick V. of Bohemia
Sophia m. Ernest Augustus of Brunswick
George I. m. Sophia Dorothea
George II m. Wilhelmina Carolina of Brandenburg-Anspach
Frederick Louis, Prince of Wales
George III m. Charlotte Sophia of Mecklenburg-Strelitz
Edward, Duke of Kent, m. Victoria Mary Louise of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha
Victoria m. Albert of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha
Edward VII (Guelph) m. Alexandra of Denmark
George V
GROVER CLEVELAND
This ^'first citizen" of our land also belongs to the Bellomont-
Vermandois line.
Robert de Bellomont, Earl of Leicester, m. Isabel dc Vermandois
Elizabeth de Bellomont m. Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Pembroke
Robert de Bellomont, "the Consul," Earl of Gloucester
Mabel de Bellomont m. William de Redvers de Vernon, Earl of Devon
Mary de Redvers de Vernon m. Peter Prouz
William Prouz
Walter Prouz
William Prouz
Sir William Prouz
William Prouz
Alice Prouz m. Sir Roger Moelis
Alice Moelis m. John Wotton
Alice Wotton m. Sir John Chichester
Richard Chichester
Nicholas Chichester
John Chichester
Amias Chichester
Frances Chichester m. John Wyatt
Margaret Wyatt m. Matthew Allyn of Cambridge, Mass.
Mary AUeyn m. Capt. Benjamin Newberry
Rebecca Newberry m. Samuel Marshall
Abiel Marshall
Sarah Marshall m. James Hyde
Abiah Hyde m. Rev. Aaron Qeveland
William Cleveland m. Margaret Falley
Richard Falley Cleveland
Grover Cleveland
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THE INBRED DESCENDANTS OF CHARLEMAGNE 487
THEODORE ROOSEVELT
Two lines of descent from Isabel down to Roosevelt are on record,
the one leading through a long series of Scottish worthies, the other by
way of the Puritan forbears of Jonathan Edwards.
Robert de Bellomont, Earl of Leicester, m. Isabel de Vermandois
Elizabeth de Bellomont m. Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Pembroke
Richard de Qare, "Strongbow," Earl of Pembroke
Isabel de Clare m, William le Marechal, Earl of Pembroke
Isabel Marshall m. Robert Bruce, Earl of Annandale
Robert Bruce, Earl of Warwick
Robert Bruce, King of Scotland
Marjory Bruce m. Walter, High "Steward" of the King
Robert II (Stuart), King of Scotland
Robert III, King of Scotland
Marjory Stewart m. Sir Duncan Campbell
Elizabeth Stuart m. Sir James Douglas
Sir James Douglas
Sir John Douglas
James Douglas
Arthur Douglas
John Douglas
James Douglas
John Douglas
Euphemia Douglas m. Dr. John Irvine (Georgia, 1765)
Anne Irvine m. Capt James Bulloch
Major James Stephens Bulloch
Martha Bulloch m. Theodore Roosevelt (i)
Theodore Roosevelt
ROBERT EDWARD LEE
I may next present one of the greatest of American generals, whose
forhears throughout, so far as the present recorded line goes, were
people of at least local distinction.
William de Warren, Earl of Warren and Surrey, m. Isabel de Vermandois
Mildred de Warren m. Roger de Bellomont de Newburgh, Earl of
Warwick
Waleran de Newburgh, Earl of Warwick
Alice de Newburgh m. William, Baron de Mauduit
Isabel de Mauduit m. William, Baron de Beauchamp
William de Beauchamp
Isabel de Beauchamp m. Sir Patrick de Chaworth
Maud Chaworth m. Henry Plantagenet, Earl of Leicester
Mary Plantagenet m. Henry Percy
Maud Percy m. Sir John Neville
Anne Neville m. Sir Thomas Blount, Lord Mont joy
Elizabeth Blount m, Arthur, Baron Wyndsore
Edith Wyndsore m. George Ludlow
Thomas Ludlow
Roger Ludlow, Governor of Massachusetts
Gabriel Ludlow
Sarah Ludlow m. Sir John Carter
John Carter m. Elizabeth Hall
diaries Carter m. Anne Butler Moore
Anne Carter m. General Henry Lee
Robert £. Lee
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488 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
HENRY ADAMS
A typical New England lineage of its kind is that of the descend-
ants and forbears of Abigail Smith, the broad-minded and efficient
wife of our second president Unlike the Hanks-Lincoln series, none
of the Adams line ever knew poverty, or was deprived of the educa-
tion which enables a man of parts to reach his highest possible devel-
opment.
Robert dc Bellomont, Earl of Leicester, in. Is^l de Vcrmandois
Robert de Bellomont, Earl of Leicester
Margaret de Bellomont m. Saier de Quincy, Earl of Winchester
Roger de Quincy, Earl of Winchester
Margaret de Quincy m. William de Ferrers, Earl of Derby
Anne dc Ferrers m. John Grey, Baron de Ruthyn
Maude de Grey m. Sir John dc Norville
John dc Norton
John de Norton
Richard Norton
William Norton
Rev. William Norton (Ipswich, 1630)
Rev. John Norton
Elizabeth Norton m. Col. John Quincy
Elizabeth Quincy m. Rev. William Smith
Abigail Smith m. John Adams, President of the United States
John Quincy Adams m. Louisa Catherine Johnson
Charles Francis Adams m. Abigail Brown Brooks
Henry Adams
JONATHAN EDWARDS
The ablest of the uncompromising theologians of Puritan blood was
undoubtedly Jonathan Edwards.^ His lineage is fairly typical, differ-
ing but little in its general lines from that of the others whose pioneer
forbears built up Massachusetts and, through New England, the United
States as it is.
Robert de Bellomont, Earl of Leicester, m. Isabel de Vermandois
Elizabeth de Bellomont m. Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Pembroke
Richard de Clare, "Strongbow," Earl of Pembroke
Isabel de Clare m. William le Marechal, Earl of Pembroke
Eve de Marechal m. William, Baron de Braose
Maude de Braose m. Roger, Baron Mortimer
Edmund, Baron Mortimer
Roger, Baron Mortimer
Edmund Mortimer
Roger, Baron Mortimer, Earl of March
Catherine Mortimer m. Thomas de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick
Thomas de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick
Richard de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick and Albemarle
Margaret de Beauchamp m. Sir William Cavendish
Sir Thomas Cavendish
2 "She had the hard, cold Edwards blood
Within her veins, and so she died." (Bret Harte)
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THE INBRED DESCENDANTS OF CHARLEMAGNE 489
Sir William Cavendish
Frances Cavendish m. Sir Henry Pierrepont
William Pierrepont
Rev. James Pierrepont, of Ipswich, Mass.
Sarah Pierrepont m. Rev. Jonathan Edwards, President of the College
of New Jersey
Jonathan Edwards, President of Union College
From the brothers and sisters of Jonathan Edwards have descended
a remarkable group of university professors and executives:
Daniel Coit Oilman, President of Johns Hopkins
Merrill Edwards Gates, President of Rutgers
Timothy Dwight, as well as his grandson of the same name, and Theo-
dore Dwight Woolsey, Presidents of Yale
Sereno Edwards Dwight, President of Hamilton
Egbert Coffin Smitli and Edward Amasa Park, Presidents of Andover
Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia
Aaron Burr, President of the College of New Jersey
Aaron Burr, Jr., Vice President of the United States
Theodore William Dwight, founder of the Columbia Law School
Charles Sedgwick Minot, of the Harvard Medical School
Theodore Roosevelt,^ President of the United States
SARAH LOUISE KIMBALL
As illustrative of the genealogy of the rank and file of cultivated
Americans, I present below that of the recorder of Isabel's progeny.
William de Warren, Earl of Warren and Surrey, m. Isabel de Vermandois
Gondred de Warren m. Roger de Bellomont de Newburgh
Waleran, Earl of Warwick
Alice de Newburgh m. William, Baron Mauduit
Isabel de Mauduit m. W^illiam, Baron Beauchamp
William de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick
Isabel de Beauchamp m. Sir Patrick de Chaworth
Maud de Chaworth m. Henry Plantagenet, Earl of Lancaster and Leicester
Mary Plantagenet m. Henry Percy
Henry Percy m. Margaret Neville
Maud Percy m. Sir John Neville
Sir Ralph Neville, Earl of Westmoreland, m. Margaret Stafford
Joan Plantagenet m. John, Baron Mowbray
Sir Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, m. Elizabeth Fitz-Alan
Margaret Mowbray, Duchess of Norfolk, m. Sir John Howard
Sir John Howard, Duke of Norfolk
Catherine Howard m. Sir John Bourchier, Lord Berners
Joanne Bourchier m. Edmund Knyvet
Anne Knyvet m. Richard Sayer
John Bourchier Sayers m. Marie Lamoral van Egmont
Richard Sears (Plymouth, 1630)
Deborah Sears m. Zachariah Paddock
Zachariah Paddock
Peter Paddock
Bethial Paddock m. David Crosby
Deborah Crosby m. Dr. Hezekiah Hjratt
Mary Louise Hyatt m. Col. Simeon DcWitt Clough
Mary Anne Qough m. Charles Bradbury Kimball
Sabah Louise Kiiiball * '
3 Through the Edwards-Tyler-Roosevelt Imc.
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490 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
FREDERICK ELDERKIN FARR
In support of my statement that the average New England farmer
has as good a claim to royal blood as any house in Europe, I now set
forth a characteristic example, one of which adequate records are avail-
able to me, — ^that of Mr. Frederick Elderkin Farr, late of Wethersfield,
now of Perry, New York, a worthy man not essentially different from
the body of his fellows. And the reader will at once observe that the
following series is for a long period identical with that of Washington,
Lincoln, and George V.
Robert de Bellomont, Earl of Leicester, m. Isabel de Vermandois
Elizabeth de Bellomont m. Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Pembroke
Richard de Clare, "Strongbow," Earl of Pembroke
Isabel de Clare m. William le Marechal, Earl of Pembroke
Eve de Marechal m. William, Baron de Braose
Maude de Braose m. Roger, Baron Mortimer
Edmund, Baron Mortimer
Roger, Baron Mortimer
Edmund Mortimer
Roger Mortimer, Earl of March
Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March
Elizabeth Mortimer m. Sir Henry Percy, "Hotspur," Earl of North-
umberland
Henry Percy, Earl of Northiunberland
Margaret Percy m. Sir William Gascoigne
Elizabeth Gascoigne m. Gilbert de Talboys
Sir George de Talboys
Anne de Talboys m. Sir Edward Dymoke
Arthur Dymoke
Edward Dymoke
Thomas Dimmock (Barnstable, 1640) m. Ann Hammond
Shubael Dimmock m. Joanna Bursley
Thankful Dimmock m. Edward Waldo
Edward Waldo m. Abigail Elderkin
Zachariah Waldo m. Elizabeth Wight
John Elderkin Waldo m. Beulah Foster
Anne Waldo m. David Hawley
Diantha Hawley m. Samuel Farr
Frederick Elderkin Farr
But by way of cumulative evidence on the origin of the Puritan
farmer, I herewith present a second Farr line, this one leading back
to Ada de Warren, youngest child of Isabel de Vermandois.
William de Warren, Earl of Warren and Surrey, m. Isabel de Vermandois
Ada de Warren m. Henry of Scotland, Earl of Huntingdon
Margaret de Warren m. Humphrey de Bohun IV, Earl of Hereford and
Essex
Henry de Bohun
Humphrey de Bohun V, "the Good," m. Matilde Exouden
Humphrey de Bohun VI m. Eleanor de Braose
Humphrey de Bohun VII m. Maud de Fiennes, descendant of Hugh
Capet and of Charlemagne
Humphrey de Bohun VIII m. Elizabeth de Plantagenet, Countess of
Holland, daughter of King Edward I and EUeanor of Castile
Lady Margaret de Bohun m. Sir Hugh de Courtenay, Earl of Devon
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THE INBRED DESCENDANTS OF CHARLEMAGNE 491
Edward Courtenay, Earl of Devon, m. Emiline D'Auney
Sir Hugh Courtenay m. Maud Beaumont
Margaret Courtenay m. Sir Theobald Grenville
Sir William Grenville m. Philippa Bonville
Thomas Grenville m. Elizabeth Gorges
Sir Thomas Grenville m. Elizabeth Gilbert
Sir Roger Grenville m. Margaret Whitleigh
Amy Grenville m. John Drake
Robert Drake m. Elizabeth Prideaux
William Drake m. Philippa Denys
John Drake, of Windsor, Conn. (Boston, 1636) m. Elizabeth Rogers
Elizabeth Drake m. John Elderkin
John Elderkin, Jr., m. Abigail Fowler
Colonel John Elderkin m. Susannah Baker
Abigail Elderkin m. Edward Waldo, Jr.
Zachariah Waldo m. Elizabeth Wight
John Elderkin Waldo m. Beulah Foster
Anne Waldo m. David Hawley
Diantha Hawley m. Samuel Farr
Frederick Elderkin Farr
Another series of records^ carries Mr. Farr's line still farther back
to the very beginnings of royalty in both England and France, a con-
spicuous lineage which, however, if all the facts were known, would be
seen to be shared by most Englishmen and Americans.
Egbert of Wessex, first King of England, m. Lady Radburga
Ethelwulf m. Lady Osburga
Alfred the Great m. Lady Alswitha
Alfritha m. Baldwin II, King of Jerusalem, great grandson of Louis le
Debonaire, son of Charlemagne
Amolph I, Count of Flanders, m. Adela de Vermandois
Baldwin III, Cotmt of Flanders, m. Mathilde of Savoy
Amolijh II, Count of Flanders, m. Rosalie dlvrce
Baldwin IV, "le Barbu," Count of Flanders, m. Ogive de Luxembourg
Baldwin V, the Pious, Coimt of Flanders, m. Adela of France
Mathilde m. William I, the Conqueror
Henry I, Beauclerc, m. Maud of Scotland
Mathilde d'Anjou m. Geoff roy Martel Plantagenet
Henry II m. Eleanor D'Aquitaine
John, King of England, m. Isabella de Taillefer, daughter of Aymar de
Taillefer and Lady Alice de Courtency
Henry III (1216) m. Eleanor de Bercnger of Provence
Edward I m. Eleanor of Castile, daughter of Ferdinand III, San Fer-
nando Rey d'Espafia
Elizabeth Plantagenet m. Humphrey de Bohun VII
Margaret de Bohun m. Hugh de Courteney, Earl of Devon
Edward Courteney m. Emeline D'Auney (Dawney)
Sir Hugh Courteney m. Maud Beaumont
Margaret Courteney m. Sir Theobald Grenville
Sir William Grenville m. Philippa Bonville
Thomas Grenville m. Elizabeth Gorges
Sir Thomas Grenville m. Elizabeth Gilbert
Sir Roger Grenville m. Margaret Whitleigh
Amy Grenville m. John Drake
Robert Drake m. Elizabeth Brideaux
William Drake m. Phillippa Denys
John Drake (Boston, 1636) m. Elizabeth Rogers
Elizabeth Drake m. John Elderkin
John Elderkin m. Abigail Fowler
♦ Drawn from the extensive compilations of my brother-in-law, the late
Edward J. Edwards.
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492 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Abigail Elderkin m. Edward Waldo
Zachariah Waldo m. Elizabeth Wight
John Elderkin Waldo m. Beulah Foster
Ann Waldo m. David Hawley
Diantha Hawley m. Samuel Farr
Fkederick Elderkin Farr
I now cite a few more of the leading American descendants of
Isabel de Vermandois, surnames only being given. (It is raiderstood,
of course, that a change in surname indicates descent through a daugh-
ter whose children carry the father's name.)
Nathaniel Bacon : Bellomont, de Clare, Meschines, Bacon for six genera-
tions, Thorpe, Bacon again for nine generations.
Phillips Brooks : Bellomont, de Clare, Marechal, Mortimer, Percy, Gascoigne,
Markenfield, Mauleverer, Kaye, Saltonstall, Cotton, Brown, Brooks.
Francis Parkman and Edward Everett also go back to the same (Brooks)
group.
William Ellery Channing : Bellomont, de Quincy, Zouche, de Vere, Grey,
D'Arcy, Dighton, Woodbridge, Remington, Ellery, Channing.
George Dewey : Bellomont, DeQuincy, Umf raville for six generations, Lam-
bert, Lyman for seven generations, Dewey for eight generations.
Charles William Eliot: Bellomont, DeQuincy, Ferrers, Berkeley, Pyn-
chard, Bassett for eleven generations, Deighton, Dudley, Atkins, Eliot
Ulysses Simpson Grant: Bellomont deClare, Marechal, Braose, Mortimer,
Beauchamp, Minor, Clinton, Booth, Grant. The same series leads from
Grant through Marsh-Watson to Richard H. Dana.
Benjamin Harrison : Lineage identical with that of Lee except for the last
surname.
Patrick Henry: Bellomont, deClare, Sutherland, Sinclair, Stuart, Robert-
son, Henry.
Oliver Wendell Holmes: Bellomont, de Quincy, Zouche, de Vere, Grey,
D'Arcy, Yorke, Dudley, Bradstreet, Wendell, Holmes— a line duplicated
by that of Wendell Phillips up to the last surname.
Thomas Jefferson: Bellomont, de Quincy, Zouche, de Vere, Isham, Ran-
dolph, Jefferson.
J. Pierrepont Morgan : Warren, Newburgh, Mauduit, Beauchamp, Plantage-
net, Percy, Somerset, Vaughan, Morgan for eleven generations.
John Davison Rockefeller: Warren, Newburgh, Mauduit, Beauchamp,
Plantagenet, Percy, Neville, Brooks, Wyatt, Pole, Hastings, Clinton,
Humphrey, Palmes, Avery, Rockefeller.
William Thompson Sedgwick: Bellomont de Clare, Marechal, Braose,
Mortimer, Beauchamp, Cavendish, Pierrepont, Edwards, Dwight, Sedg-
wick.
Two generalizations stand out in studies of this kind; first, that of
the boundless range of combinations possible from the same essential
traits or ^'unit characters"; second, the gradual rise in importance of
the self-respecting middle class which slowly but surely develops at
the expense of those artificially maintained as master or serf under
the caste system. As to the first, each is the sum of his own combina-
tion of developed unit characters. Never yet were any two people
exactly alike; Nature has infinite variety at her disposal. Among all
these combinations, one, here and there, spells true distinction, and
from humble (though never feeble) ancestry spring many of our
greatest, "the elements so mixed in them" that the blend is especially
favorable. For originality rests not on new traits but on new adjust-
ments of the old.
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STUDIES IN INFANT PSYCHOLOGY 493
STUDIES IN INFANT PSYCHOLOGY*
By Dr. JOHN B. WATSON and
ROSAUE RAYNER WATSON
NEW TORK CITY
AT no previous time in the history of the human race has so much
interest centered in the life and growth of the infant One sees
evidence of this in the development of various organizations and insti-
tutions for furthering the bodily welfare of the child; in the fact that
kindergartens are admitting younger and younger children; and in the
fact that the whole field of preventive medicine is focusing more and
more upon the study of methods by means of which the infant and the
child may be kept free from disease. At a recent conference of physic-
ians and psychologists held for the purpose of discussing the feeding
and the care of infants and their medical and psychological study, the
remark was often made, albeit somewhat grudgingly, *4t seems
astonishing but true that everything in the last diree years in medicine
and psychology has been headed toward the infant.** From the
moment of birth and even before his advent the young human animal
is looked after from every material standpoint in a way which would
have made our frontier ancestors, who simply let their babies grow,
doubt our sanity.
The conviction is growing, however, and rapidly, that our knowl-
edge is still too scanty to enable us to care properly for all phases of
the welfare of the infant and child. Pediatricians, dieticians and even
general practitioners have had the conclusion forced upon them that
merely keeping the bottle plentifully supplied with nH)dified cow's
milk or feeding the infant with some new form of ^^balanced diet'*
combined with a little welfare work in the home, has not prevented a
1 This manuscript was prepared on the basis of the experimental work
done in the psychological laboratory of Tohns Hopkins University in the
years 1919 and 1920. We are greatly indebted to Dr. John Howfand and
to Dr. J. Whitridge Williams, of the Johns Hopkins Hospital, for making
this study possible.
Acknowledgement should be made to the Committee on Grants for Re-
search of the American Association for the Advancement of Science for
assistance in making these studies. In 1917 the Committee on Grants upon
recommendation of Dr. J. McKeen Cattell appropriated the sum of $100.00
for our assistance in studying the development of reflexes and instincts in
infants.
The work at Hopkins was left in such an incomplete state that verified
conclusions are not possible; hence this summary, like so many other bits of
psychological work, must be looked upon merely as a preliminarv exposition
of possibilities rather than as a catalogue of concrete usable results.
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494 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
high rate of infant mortality. Nor have we any guarantee even if the
body weight is kept normal by any form of diet other possibly than
the mother's milk that the infant will develop properly along psy-
chological lines. And by psychological in this connection we mean
the plain matters of common occurrence such as crawling, walking,
sitting up, beginifing to speak, smiling, blinking, reaching, imitation, '
the putting on of habits, the expression of emotional activity, and the
like. It lies very well within the bounds of possibility that a diet and
regime which will keep up the body weight might nevertheless cause
an infant to put on its various necessary activities at a very slow rate
or possibly at a too rapid rate. This might end in giving us either a
child or an adult with a very unbalanced and unstable disposition or
an indolent or phlegmatic one. Research work along many lines —
nutritional, glandular, the effects of difficult labor, inheritance, and the
psychological study of infant activity — ^is called for from our best
qualified men.
On the psychological side our present knowle<%e of infant life is
almost nil. If an anxious mother wishes to determine whether her in-
fant is developing normally along psychological lines there are no
data at presei^ to guide her and no individual or institution to whom
she may turn to get a reasonable answer. Who would pretend to
say what the activity chart or stream of activity of a three months',
six months' or year old child should reveal? The ordinary doctor
will say, ^'Don't worry about the infant, it is getting along all
right. Anyway it is too young for anybody to tell much about it"
Nor is this let-alone policy confined solely to the general practitioners.
Even our educators do not escape it. A prominent professor of educa-
tion once said to us, *^You will find when you have taught as many
children as I have that you can do nothing with a child until it is
over five years of age." Our own view after studying many hundreds
of infants is that one can make or break the child so far as its per-
sonality is concerned long before the age of five is reached. We be-
lieve that by the end of the second year the pattern of the future in-
dividual is already laid down. Many things which go into the making
of this pattern are under the control of the parents, but as yet they
have not been made aware of them. The question as to whether the
child will possess a stable or unstable personality, whether it is going
to be timid and beset with many fears and subject to ragee and tan-
trums, whether it will exhibit tendencies of general over or und«*
emotionalism, and the like, has been answered already by the ^id of
the two year period.
There are several reasons why the minute psychological study of
infant life is important. (1) As was pointed out diere are no stan-
dards of behavior or conduct for young infants. Our own experi-
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STUDIES IN INFANT PSYCHOLOGY 495
mental work which, even at the end of two years is just beginning, has
taught us that the study of infant activity from birth onward will
enable us to tell with some accuracy what a normal child at three
months of age can and should do and what additional complexities in
behavior should appear as the months go by. Psychological labora-
tories in many institutions ought to be able to make cross-sections of
the activity of any infant at any age and tell whether the streams of
activity are runmng their normal course and whether certain ones are
lagging or have not even appeared. After sufficient work has been done
to enable us to have confidence in our standards we should be able to
detect feeble-mindedness, deficiencies in habit, and deviations in
emotional life. If a proper analysis of the activity streams can be
made at a very early age the whole care of the child may be altered
with beneficial results. (2) Modern psychology catalogues most ela-
borate lists of instincts and emotions in human beings. These cata-
logues are not based upon experimental work but upon the precon-
ceived opinions of the men making up the lists. At present we
simply have not the data for the enumeration of man's original ten-
dencies and it will be impossible to obtain such data until we have
followed through the development of the acitvity of many infants from
birth to advanced childhood. Children of five years of age and over
are enormously sophisticated. The home environment and outside
companions have so shaped them that the original tendencies can not
be observed. The habits put on in such an environment quidcly over-
lay the primitive and hereditary equipment. A workable psychology
of human instincts and emotions can thus never be attained by merely
observing the behavior of the adult (3) By reason of this defect
the study of vocational and business phychology is in a backward state.
The attempt to select a vocation for a boy or girl in the light of our
present knowledge of the original nature of man is little more than a
leap in the dark. High sounding names like the constructive instinct,
the instinct of workmanship and the like, which are now so much' used
by the sociologists and the economists, will remain empty phrases until
we have increased our knowledge of infancy and childhood. The only
reasonable way, it would seem to us, of ever determining a satisfactory
knowledge of the various original vocational bents and capacities of
the human race is for psychologists to bring up under the supervision
of medical men a large group of infants under controlled but varied
and sympathetic conditions. Children begin to reach for, select, play
with and to manipulate objects from about the 150th day on. What
objects they select day by day, what form their manipulation takes, and
what early habits develop upon such primitive instinctive activity
should be recorded day by day in black and white. There will be
marked individual differences in the material selected, in the length of
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time any type of material will be utilized, and in the early constructive
babits which will arise with respect to all materials worked with by die
infant Without instruction one infant (eighteen to twenty months in
an observed case) will build a neat wall with her blocks, with one
color always facing her. If the block is turned while ^e is not look-
ing she will quickly change it and correct the defect In other chil-
dren such a bit of behavior can be inculcated only with the greatest
difficulty. Still another child can not be made to play with blocks but
will work with twigs and sticks by the hour. Variations in the elec-
tion and use of materials are the rule in infancy but until we have fol-
lowed up the future course of such variations upon infants whose pasi
we have waiched day by day we are in no position to make generaliza-
tions about the original tendencies which underlie the vocations. (4)
Finally, until we have obtained data upon the emotional life of the
infant and the normal curve of instinctive and habit activity at the
various ages, new methods for correcting deviations in emotional, in-
stinctive and habit development can not be worked out Let us take a
concrete example. A certain child is afraid of animals of every type,
furry objects, the dark, etc. These fears are not heredkary. Our ex-
periments will be convincing upon that point What steps can we take
to remove these fears, which unless they are removed in infancy, may
become an enduring part of the child's personality?
An Experimental Study of what Infants can do at Different
AcESw Instincts and Early Habits
The human infant in general is sturdy and well able to stand all of
the simple tests we need to apply. Certainly the stresses and strains upon
his nervous system, the muscular pulls and twists he gets in merely
being bom are a thousand times harder upon him than anything we
will later do to him in the laboratory. Probably none of our tests is
any more strenuous for him than giving him his morning badi or
chafing his clothes. We have worked upon more than five hundred
infants and so far without the slightest temporary or permanent mis-
hap. These remarks seem necessary in view of the fact that sentimen-
talists sometimes feel when visiting our laboratory that our woxk may
be a little hard on the infant. The work is done under the constant
supervision of physicians and we take the stand that what we are doing
will be important in the long run in lessening human misery and mal-
adjustment
When the newborn infant is first brought into the laboratory and
undressed most visitors exclaim: ^'Wfaat can you see to study in that
highly unstable but wholly delightful bit of helpless protoplasm?**
Observation does seem all but hopeless at first. But closer inspection
soon makes it clear that there are many forms of infant adjustment
which can be studied easily under controlled experimental conditions.
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STUDIES IN INFANT PSYCHOLOGY 497
Our first problem in the psychological study of the infant was the
finding out of those activities that can be seen at birth and those that
appear as the infant increases in age. Whidi among those activities
drop out or change as age advances? What is the significance for the
later make-up of the individual of those that remain in the stream?
How are they tied together so as to form suitable bases for the putting
on of the stable and constructive habits of the adult? We can possibly
present our problem and our methods by considering a few of the
activities as they appear under laboratory scrutiny.
Grasping. One of the easiest things to note about the new bom
human infant is that when any small object such as a stick, a tuft of
hair, or a finger is placed in the palm, its fingers close down upon the
object and clasp it tightly. For experimental purposes we used a small
twisted wire rod covered with a piece of rubber tubing. The infant's
fingers are open, the rod is placed in the palm and a gentle shake ad-
ministered, whereupon its grasp of the rod tightens. The experimenter
then catches the two ends of the rod and raises the child up over a
soft mattress. One assistant takes the time that the infant hangs sus-
pended while a second assistant puts both hands under it to catch it
when it lets go. The evidence seems to be good that all but about two
per cent, of normal infants of average weight at birth can suspend
themselves for an appreciable interval of time. Many of them will
hang suspended for only a fraction of a second while others will hang
suspended for many seconds. The longest suspension we have had was
one minute. Often times the infant is made to suspend itself with dif-
ficulty. In such cases it is emotionally aroused by holding the head,
feet or legs or by holding the nose for an instant If a good healthy cry
is started the muscular strength seems to be increased. Whether this
bears out Cannon's coitfention that the major emotions such as fear and
rage are biologically serviceable can possibly not be concluded from
diese experiments. His view is that under the influence of stimuli that
produce the major emotions a greater than normal amount of adrenalin
b set free by the adrenal glands (one of the so-called ductless glands) .
This adrenalin attacks the stored sugar in the liver (glycogen) setting
it free in the blood stream in such a form that it can serve rapidly as
food for the muscles and for neutralizing fatigue products in the
muscles. At any rate the fact remains that in many cases when the
sluggirfi infant can be stirred up emotionally it can be made to suspend
itself on the rod.
This instinctive reaction undoubtedly begins before birth since it is
present in children bom prematurely. We have followed it through
day by day on a great many children. The daily time of suspension
vanes greatly. It does not seem to increase or decrease with the age
of the diild in any r^ular way. TTie most significant fact for the
VOL. XllL— 32
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woik we are engaged in is that the instinct disappears at about the age
of one hvindred and twenty-four days, although in some infants it
persists to a greater age. Once it disappears from the stream of activ-
ity under normal conditions it never returns. It will be seen here at
once that this observation of the grasping instinct gives us one of our
desirable points. If we take a cross-section of the activities of the
child at any time from hirth to one hundred and twenty-four days, we
shall find this instinct present After the period of its disappearance,
not yet exactly determined, the behavior of the infant would give no
evidence that such an instinct had ever been present Having de-
termined what is called a normal distribution curve for the disap-
pearance of this instinct in normal children, it will be seen that we
have a basis or standard for testing infants whose developmoot seems
to be delayed; for example, comparing widi presumably normal infants,
infants whose parents are feeble-minded, since we know that a large
percentage of the infants of feeble-minded parents will turn out to be
feeble-minded. We are not yet ready to advise the practical use ot
this test Our work progressess slowly by reason of the fact that
normal infants suitable in age are diflkult to obtain in the laboratory
and infants suspected of abnormality are still more difficult to obtain.
What slender evidence we have would seem to show that in these sus-
pected cases this primitive instinct persists for a much longer time than
it does in the supposedly narmal infants. A word of warning should
be introduced here in order that motiiers may avoid needless anxiety
in case they find that their infants possess the grasping instinct at a
much later age than we have indicated a^ beii^ the usual one. Our
work has not gone far enough for us to say that even if the instinct is
present at one hundred and seventy-five days of age the infant must
necessarily be abnormally slow in development. One should not draw
any conclusions on the basis of either the presence or the absence of
any one such hereditary form of activity. It is only when we have
established workable standards for many such modes of bdiavior and
find deviations from these norms in many particulars that alarm need
be felt
Reaching. As soon as the grasping reflex begins to disappear a
much more serviceable form of activity, partly hereditary and partly
learned (habit) , begins to take its place, and that is extending the hand
for an object, grasping it, and carrying it to the mouth or manipulating
it. This is probably the most fundamental group of activities appear-
ing in man. Tests for reaching are begun at one hundred days of age.
The subject is seated in the lap of an assistant in a well lighted room.
The experimenter takes a stick of candy and slowly extends it toward
the infant After the lips have been toudied with the candy several
times the sight of it, even before the reaching stage is attained, will
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STUDIES IN INFANT PSYCHOLOGY 499
tend to bring about heightened activity, especially of the hands. As
the days go by this activity becomes greater and at one time or anodier
the experimenter will find, if his patience is sufficient, that the infant
will slap the inside of the palm against the candy, will grasp it and
carry it towards the face. When this happens the subject is always
allowed to suck the candy for just an instant. The candy is then re-
moved and the test repeated. Five or six such tests are ^ven on each
weddy experiment. The grov^ of this combined instinct and habit
activity is extremely instructive to watdb. In normal infants at one
hundred and fifty days who have had weddy practice for several wedcs
the reaction is fairly definitely established. At that time almost any
object will be reached for. One of the most significant factors appear-
ing is that apparently the infant is positive to all objects, that is it
reaches out for practically every object and avoids none. With sli^t
exceptions all avoiding reactions^ that is drawing back or turning from
objects, have to be learned. This can be illustrated very nicely with
the lighted candle. We usually establish the reactions of reaching for
the candy and avoiding the candle flame at the same time. If the
candle is made to approach the infants face the same eager random
activity is exhibited as to the candy. Care is taken always not to allow
the hand to come close enough to produce a bum. But the hand is al-
lowed on every trial to be momentarily touched by the flame. Tliis
produces a slight reflex withdrawal of die finger, sharp closing, fan-
ning or spreading of the fingers, etc., and, if the temperature is too
great, an actual reflex withdrawal of die arm. The candle is then hid
for a momrat and the child again stimulated. The growth of this activ-
ity is very similar to that of readiing for the candy. It takes not one
slight bum of the candle but many before the infant learns to let its
hands hang at its sides when the candle gets widiin reaching distance.
Possibly if the bum were made severe enough only a few such tests
would be required (a ^conditioned reflex" would arise instead of the
ordinary habit).
Another feature of the reaching reaction has been worked out and
that is the distance to vrhich the diild will readi for objects. When
we started our studies we believed with the poet that the child would
reach for any object coming within its ken regardless of the actual
distance of the object. Mudi to our surprise we found that in no case
were objects reached for, even when fixated and followed with the
eyes, at a greater distance than twenty inches. When a lighted candle
is brought slowly across the room and extended toward an infant which
has just learned to reach, die hands and arms do not begin to get active
undl the candle is twenty-five indies from the face. The body dien
begins to bend toward the object and finally as it is brought nearer
still the hands and fingers take on the proper adjustment for grasping;
actual reaching then soon follows.
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500 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
We thus see that in the study of reaching we obtain another point
on our infant activity chart An infant tested at one hundred and
fifty days should have as a part of its equipment the ability to reach
for objects, to grasp them and to carry them to the mouth or other-
wise manipulate them, and the ability to learn to avoid a candle or
other harmful stimuli provided proper training has been instituted.
Righl- and Lefuhandedness. At the present time a good deal of
interest is manifested in the question as to whether handedness is
hereditary or whether it is simply a learned response. The discussion
so far has been of the ^arm chair" variety. Most individuals are right-
haxided and it is natural to suppose that we would try to instil in
youngsters almost from the beginning the dominance of the right hand.
We bring this about possibly even vrithout trying to by handing objects
toward die child's right hand, by shaking its right hand, patting its
right hand, and by leaving its right hand free in carrying it in our
arms. Does this behavior on our part simply carry on right-Eanded-
nesB traditicmally or is there something hereditary and instinctive about
this reaction? The problem is both an interesting one scientifically
and at the same time a practical one since it cuts deep into actual
school procedure. All children are told when they come to writing,
*'Now take your pencil in your right hand.'' We do not wish to criti«
cise such a custom in the light of our present knowledge. We know
that most children thrive more or less well under such a procedure. On
the other hand there is a slight but growing body of evidence to show
that in some children at least stammering and other emotional mis-
haps may result when a child has for whatever reason predominantly
used its left hand and has been forced to change over to the right In
some cases the bad symptoms disappear if the child is allowed to go
back to the free use of its left hand.
We have carried through a rather wide series of studies, not yet
completed, however, upon the problem of handedness. Our thesis
for the moment is: If the predominant use of one hand b an
instinctive and hereditary matter from birth onward, it would be
better to let the child learn to use the hand in line with its in-
stinctive endowment On the other hand if no such instinctive fac-
tor is present it would be less embarrassing for the child in most
situations if it were forced to use the right hand. In order to test this
matter we made a careful study upon twenty infants of the length of
time they could hang suspended with the right and left hands. Eadi
of the infants was brought into the laboratory at birth and each day
thereafter for a period of ten days and tested. Our results show con-
clusively that the infant does not suspend itself on the average widi
the right hand for a longer time than with the left. As a matter of
fact the total time of suspension for the ten days was exactly the same
for the two hands.
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STUDIES IN INFANT PSYCHOLOGY 501
In order to make our results more conclusive still we devised a small
^Srork adder** by means of which the random slashing movements of
the infant could be recorded. A cord is attached at one ^oid to the
infant's wrist and at the other to a small escapement device which
when operated caused a toothed wheel to revolve always in one direc-
tion. To the toothed wheel is connected a small drum. A cord bear-
ing a small lead weight is fastened to the dnun. As the infant makes
its random mov^nents this weight is wound higher and higher from
the ground. Such an apparatus is of course attached simultaneously
to eadi wrist. At the end of five minutes the experiment is stopped and
the height to which the weights have been wound up from the floor is
measured. The same twenty infants whose grasping reflex was tested
were used in this experiment. This method gave us abundant oppor-
tunity to determine experimentally whether one hand was used more
than the other. Our results show that the amount of work done on
the work adders is almost identically the same for the two hands
(the diff'erence is less than P. E.) if the work of the two hands for the
whole ten days is averaged. On any one day there was a disparity in
the amount of work done with the two hands, but an infant markedly
right-handed today is just as likely to be left-handed tomorrow.
One other step has been taken in the attempt to settle the problem
of handedness. Infants from about one hundred and fifty days to one
year of age have been tested once each week to find out whidi hand was
first used in reaching for objects. On each weddy test from ten to
twenty trials were given. A stick of peppermint candy or a candle was
generally used as a test object. The object was brought slowly toward
the face of the infant At the proper distance reaching finally oc-
curred. An assistant recorded on each trial the hand first used and if
both hands were used, as was often the case, which one first touched
the object Again our tests fail to show any predominant use of either
hand. So that we must conclude, albeit tentatively, Aat there is yet
no evidence for assuming a hereditary basis for handedness.
This result seems to be confirmed by the anatomical measurements we
have recently made (so far upon only one hundred infants) . The length
of the forearm to the tip of the middle finger is measured very accurately
with a device which resembles somewhat the instrument that is used for
measuring the length of the foot in shoe stores. The breadth of the
wrist likewise is measured with calipers and the vridth of the palm at
the knuckles. In these one hundred cases, whidi we adbdit are too few
for any certain conclusion, we find almost no difference betwen right
and left measurements.
Early Eye Movements. This excursion into the field of our studies
upon right-and-left-handedness has taken us a little aside from our
main problem which was to show the course and development of those
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502 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
instinctive movements which will yield us an activity chart Early eye
movements furnidi us with at least three definite new points on this
chart. The eye movements of the infant are not dificult to study. The
infant is placed upon its back with the face held lightly in a vertical
position by the observers. Immediately above the baby's head is sus-
pended a perimeter carrying a small light. This perimeter looks like
the half of a barrel hoop. The light is thus always equi-distant from
the baby's eye. It can be made to appear first on the left side and
then on the right. We start with it usually on the left In a second or
two after the light is turned on the infant's eyes swing to the lighted
side. There is no fixation in the strict sense of the word but all of the
roving movements of the eyes take place in the lighted field. As soon
as the eyes have swung over the light is turned out, shifted to the right
and again lighted. In a few seconds the eyes swing slowly over to
the right This reaction seems to take place with the same regularity
as do the responses to light of lower organisms. Indeed, we have
called it the tropism-like response of the human eye. This reacticm
takes place equally well but more slowly if one eye is screened from
the light At a fairly definite time, which we are not yet ready to state,
this response seems to disappear and something corresponding to defi-
nite fixation occurs. At that later age the infant begins to focus upon ob-
jeots. To test this second type of eye movement the infant is placed in
a sitting position on an attendant's lap. A lighted candle is then moved
to the right side and then over to the left, then up and then dovrn in
straight lines. Its eyes fixate the candle and move with it but do not
follow the light if it is rotated in a circle. This is the second stage in
the development of eye responses. When the candle is held to the rig^t
or left, fixation is easier to obtain than when it is placed above or below
the eyes. Again fixation is easier to obtain when the candle is held
above the eyes than when it is held below them. The third stage is
what we have called complete fixation; it occurs, let us say tentatively,
around the one hundredth day. The eye of the infant is then able to
follow a candle when it is moved in a complete circle. It is worth
noting in passing that very few children are bom with badly crossed
eyes. Occasionally we do find one with the muscular balance so poor
that the early tropism response is hard to obtain.
The Babinski Reflex. If the sole of the foot of a normal adult is
stroked with the end of a match all five toes show flexion, that is, the
toes bend downward toward the ground. On the other hand, in certain
pathological cases where there is a lesion in the central nervous system
a new type of response appears. When stimulated by the match stick
the great toe, instead of showing flexion, shows extension, that is to
say, flies upward. The other toes usually spread out like a fan or show
the normal flexion described above. This is usually known as the
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STUDIES IN INFANT PSYCHOLOGY 503
*^6igii" or reflex of Babinsld. Its presence in the adult is definitely
pathological. Strange to say the infant exhibits this reflex. Ap-
parently its presence is due to the fact that there is a lack of complete
development of one ol the tracts in the central nervous system. It
would seem at first eight that its study would give us one of our safest
criteria in determining what one might call die activity or develop-
mental age ot the child as opposed to its chronological age, since its
disappearance does apparently mark the completion of the growth of
certain structures in the nervous system. Such seems not to be the
case, however. It is a most variable type of response. We have made
many hundreds of tests on children from birth to three years of age.
In rare cases it is absent from birth. In certain other cases it can be
obtained in one foot and not in the other. Sometimes it can be obtained
on one day and not on the next Again it disappears at a very variable
age. It is orcKnarily said that the Babinsld reflex disappears around
six months of age. Here are a few actual figures:
0 to 3 months, 24 cases observed, present in 21 cases, absent in 3
4 to 6 months, 8 cases observed, present in 6 cases, absent in 2
7 to 12 months, 12 cases observed, present in 7 cases, absent in 5
Over I year, 6 cases observed, present in i case, absent in 5
These do not represent all of our results but merely those obtained
from a rather homogeneous group. The indication on these few cases
is that it is absent or approaches senescence at one year of age or there-
abouts. It would thus seem that the Babinsid can never be used as any
safe kind of guide in determining the normal activity age of infants.
Nevertheless if it persists to a much greater age than one year one
should want to make a pretty thorough examination of the whole reflex
and instinctive equipment.
Sitting Alone, The ability to sit alone is an extremely important
index of development, comparable probably in all respects to reaching.
In order to study progress in this act the infant is placed in a sitting
position on a hard mattress with legs outstretched at a given angle.
Tests are usually b^un at about one hundred days of age. We give
below the progress of one infant. The first evidence that sitting alone
was possible was obtained at 138 days. She fell over in 2 minutes
and 12 seconds to the right side. It was found that if the infant was
stimulated by holding some object in front of her or by getting the
mother to cause her to smile and reach out her hand the sitting position
could be maintained for a Ibnger period of time than if she were left
alone. On the 150th day, while the infant did not sit up for a longer
period of time, she began to pull at her sock, leaned over and touched
the foot with nose and mouth, and looked around, sitting up the while.
On the 159th day she sat up steadily, played with her toes, used the
hands in striking die mattress, then gradually sagged forward, drop-
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604 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
ping at the end of 4 minutes. She was making steady progress in this
response when one day at home, while sitting alone, she fell over back-
ward and struck her head on a stone, producing a coma-like state
whidi lasted for an hour and a half. This one experience markedly
delayed her progress in sitting alone. We have noticed the same thing
when children are learning to stand and to walk. If the child has a
fall or a midiap while standing it is likely to cry when again placed
in a standing position and almost immediately begin to ^^feeF its way
to the ground without attempting to put forth the best that is in it
While our records are few we should say that most infants so far
studied are able to sit up for a short length of time at the age of six
months.
The types of infant behavior so far discussed serve singly to
illustrate the purpose and methods of our work. The development of
many other instinctive activities is being followed through. We can
only briefly indicate some of them. The early defensive rehouses of
children can be quite readily observed. If one pinches slightly the
inside of the right knee the left foot is drawn upward and will begin to
pu^ at the offender's hand. If the nose is held the hands are thrust
upward and strike at the obstructing object. In normal youngsters
these responses are quick and active. They are present from birth and
persist throughout life. Again, in infants the thumb is useless and lies
folded across the palm. At about one hundred days of age in normal
infants it can be brought parallel widi the forefinger; a little later
it can be used like the other fingers in grasping and takes the adult
position when the hand and fingers are extended. Blinking is another
activity which has a partly defensive function. This response can be
obtained by passing the hand or other object rapidly across the baby's
eyes and between the eyes and the source of light. Care must be taken
to keep from touching the eyebrows or creating a draft of air. Unless
these precautions are taken we can obtain blinking from birth; but
blinking due to a rapid shadow passing across the eyes can not be
obtained earlier than die sixtieth day. In many supposedly normal
infants it can not be elicited before the one hundred and twentieth to
one hundred and fiftieth day. Crawling is another most important
function. Progression of some kind is undoubtedly instinctive, but the
form that the progression takes differs markedly in every child and
probably depends upon a lack of balance in structural development
and partly upon habit factors. Some infants make progress by springs
and dives when the leg and waist muscles are well developed. When
the arm muscles are better developed progression takes place by using
mainly one or both elbows, and if one arm is weaker than the other
the child moves in a circle. By degrees, however, it learns to compen-
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STUDIES IN INFANT PSYCHOLOGY 506
sate for this and to make progress even though one arm remains weak.
As a forerunner of the ability to stand alone and walk one must ob-
serve wedc by wedc the development of the ^extensor thrust" of the
leg. At a certain age, which we are not yet ready to fix exactly, this
reflex appears. It is easy to observe. Place the infant on its back,
take hold of the two hands and pull it slowly to a sitting position and
then gradually upward. As soon as any part of the sole of the foot
touches the mat a noticeable stiiffening of the leg appears and as the
whole weight of the infant is borne by the feet the legs suddenly
stiffen and take the whole load. In backward children it is unques^
tionably delayed; in some cases the reflex can not be brought out in
children even three and four years of age.
This almost random sampling of our laboratory studies on the
instinctive and habit activities of infants teaches us first that there is
a wealth of material to observe and study in the infant at every age
and that as this material is worked up it becomes useful from both
the scientific and the practical standpoint, in the latter case enabling
us to tell when an infant, whatever its regime or diet, is progressing
properly on the activity side.
Most of our woric has been done upon subjects under ten months
of age. Observations which we are just beginning on older infants
show that here is a very rich and promising field of work in the period
lying between ten and twenty-four months. Imitation of varied kinds
appears, spoken language begins, standing and walking develop, and
then the whole world of objects is examined by the child under his
own steam. Here become more marked and complex the varied activ-
ities which most immediately show what, for lade of a better term, we
may call personality. It is here that we expect to find most of our
data on the human being's repertoire of instincts and vocational bents.
Again, during this period we shall have our best opportunity for
studying methods by means of which we can shape the early habits
along desirable lines, socialize the instincts, break up harmful
emotional attachments and stabilize the whole of the general system
of emotional expression. The second year of childhood development
is from our standpoint the one most fraught with possibilities of
mishap along emotional lines. For an understanding of the infant's
emotional life and how emotional expression becomes linked up with
the instinctive and habit activities sudi as we have just examined, it
seems best to turn once more to the laboratory.
Experimental Study of the Emotional Life of Infants
The experimental study of the emotions in adults is in a backward
state in psychology. For one reason, emotions seem too evanescent and
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506 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
too complex for study. They run all the way in complexity from the
simple blush of the boy or girl to the violent states we see in love and
rage in which the individual is totally unfitted to carry out his ordinary
activities. Early in our study of the emotional life of the infant we
came to the conclusion that in them the emotional patterns are really
quite simple and that the later complexity we see in the adult is
brought about by training and environmental influence. But this
training has been of an accidental character and under the control
neither of the person in whom the emotion was built up nor of his
parents and other associates. It seemed worth while to test out this
hjrpothesis experimentally because it is important to bring the
emotional life under some kind of scientific and practical control and
to do this we must study how the early environment of the child forces
emotional states upon hiuL Such a study it was hoped might result
in a practical procedure by the use of which the child's life might be so
shaped that undesirable emotions might not be implanted. On the
other hand, granting that they had been implanted through cardess-
ness or ignorance of parents and associates, we hoped to find methods
by means of which they could be got rid of.
Our earliest observation showed that from birth three fundamental
inherited emotional patterns could be observed. Without assuming
that our observations are complete we feel reasonably sure that fears
rtige and love are original and fundamental. Our me&od of observ-
ing these emotions is a purely behavioristic one, that is, we make no
effort to read into the mind of the child those things which psychol-
ogists have attempted to do for so long. We bring the child into the
laboratory and stimulate it ¥rilh those objects whidi we know ivill
produce emotion in many adults and in nearly all children who have
had the ordinary home bringing up. We then note the reaction that
takes place. In other words, in any bit of behavior which can be
observed there is always a stimulus or object present which calls out a
reaction. The psychologist, then, must search for the objects which
will call out emotions and then observe the reactions to each so that
new forms of emotional expression may be found. We will apply this
simple procedure to the infants brought up in the sheltered environ-
ment of the hospital where contact with the outside world has been
kept at a minimum.
Fear. What are the stimuli (objects or situations) which ivill
bring out fear responses in infants? Our observation shows thiat die
stimuli to fear are quite constant and quite simple. If the infant is
held over a pillow and allowed to drop suddenly, the fear response
appears. It can be brought out generally by a sudden shake or push
or by suddenly pulling the blaiJcet upon which it is lying. We might
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STUDIES IN INFANT PSYCHOLOGY 607
group all of these and say that sudden removal of support is an ade-
quate stimulus to fear. The other most far reaching and important
stimulus is that of a loud sound; for example, the striking of a long
steel bar vrith a hammer is one of the most effective means of calling
out this response. These are the common stimuli which are present
almost daily in the life of every infant The reaction or response to
such stimuli is a sudden catching of the breath, clutching randomly
with the hands, the sudden closing of the eyes, and the puckering of
the lips followed in some cases by crying. In older children these re-
actions appear and in addition there is crawling away, running away
and in some cases hiding the face. We have found no other stimuli
ivfaich vfill call forth fear in the very young infant It has been often
stated that children are afraid of the dark, or animals, of furry objects
in general. We shall show later that this is not the case.
Rcige. In a similar way we have studied the question as to the
original objects and situations which will produce the response of
rage. Our observations show conclusively that the hampering of the
infanfs movements is the one stimulus which apart from all training
brings out the movements we should characterize as rage. If the head
is held lightly between the hands^ if the arms are held closely to the
sides or if the legs are held tightly together the response appears. The
body stiffens and if the arms are free slashing movements of the hands
and arms result If the legs are free the feet and legs are drawn up
and down, the breath is held until the child's face is flushed. There is
crying at first, then the mouth is opened to the fullest extent and the
breath is held until the face appears blue. These states can be brought
on without the pressure in any case being severe enough to produce the
slightest injury to the child. The experiments are discontinued the
moment the slightest blueness appears in the skin. Almost any child
can be thrown into such a state and the reactions ¥rill continue until
the irritating situation is relieved and sometimes for a considerable
period thereafter. We have had this state brought out when the arms
are held upward by a cord to which is attached a lead ball not exceed-
ing an ounce in weight The constant hampering of the arms produced
by even this slight weight is sufficient to bring out the response. When
the child is lying on its back it can occasionally be brought out by
pressing on each side of the head with' cotton wool. In many cases
tfiis state can be observed quite easily when the mother or nurse dresses
the child especially in winter clothing.
Love. The study of this emotion in the infant is beset ivith a great
many difficulties on the conventional side. Our observations conse-
quently have been incidental rather than directly experimental. The
stimulus to love apparently is the stroking of the skin, tickling, gentle
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608 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
rocking, patting and turning the child across the attendant's knee on
its stomach; it is especially brought out by the stimulation of what,
for lack of a better term, we may call the erogenous zones, such as the
nipples, the lips and the sex organs. The response in an infant de-
pends upon its state. If it is crying the crying will cease and a smile
may appear. In slightly older children there is a gurgling and cooing
and in still older children the extension of the arms which we shall
class as the forerunner of the embrace of adults. It is thus seen that
we use the term ^iove" in a much broader sense than it is popularly
used. The responses we intend to mark o£F here are those popularly
called "aflfectionate,'* "good natured,** "kindly,** etc. The term "love**
embraces all of these as well as the responses we see in adults between
the sexes. They all have a common origin.
Whether these are all the emotional patterns that axe strictly
hereditary and not due to training we are not sure, and whether there
are other stimuli which irill call out these responses we must also
leave in doubt; but if our observations are in any way complete it
would seem that the emotional reactions are quite simple in the infant
and the stimuli which call ihem out quite few in number. Our own
observations did not at first satisfy us because the whole problem
appeared too simple and stereotyped. We determined then to con-
tinue ¥rith our work along a slightly different line. It was our good
fortune to have six or seven older diildren brought up in the hospital
under a strict r^ime. These children varied in ages from about four
months to one year. They had had practically no outside contact
with the world, having never left the hospital buildings. They had
never seen an animal or any of the objects whidi were later presented
to them in the laboratory. All of these children were extremely wdl
and healthy in view of the fact that they belonged to the wet nurses
attached to the hospital.
The infants were brought to the laboratory and seated in the lap of
the mother or of an attendant As soon as the infant became still a
hitherto concealed live animal was suddenly presented. We can only
illustrate two or three 9nch tests and summarize the general results.
For example the f ollomring experiment was made upon baby T., a girl,
165 days of age:
A very lively, friendly black cat was allowed to crawl near the baby.
She reached for it with both hands at once. The cat was purring loudly.
She touched its nose, playing with it with her fingers. It was shown three
times. Each time she reached with both hands for it, the left hand being
rather more active. She reached for it when it was placed on a lounge before
her but out of reach.
Then a pigeon in a paper bag was laid on the couch. The pigeon was
struggling, and moving the bag about on the couch and making a scraping
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STUDIES IN INFANT PSYCHOLOGY 509
noise. The baby watched it intently but did not reach for it The pigeon
was taken out of the bag on the couch before her, cooing and struggling in
the experimenter's hands. She reached for it again and again and failing,
of course, to get hold of it put her hands in her mouth each time. She was
allowed to touch its head. The pigeon moved its head about with quick, jerk-
ing movements. It was then held by its feet and allowed to flap its wings
near the baby's face. She watched it intently, showing no tendency to avoid
it, but did not reach for it. When the bird became quiet she reached for it,
and caught hold of its beak with her left hand.
Test with a rabbit. The animal was put on a couch in front of her. (The
child was sitting on her mother's lap). She watched it very intently but did
not reach for it until the experimenter held it in his hands close to her ; then
she reached for it immediately, catching one of its ears with her left hand,
and attempted to put it into her mouth.
The last animal presented to her was a white rat. She paid little attention
to it, only fixating it occasionally. She followed it with her eyes somewhat
when it moved about the couch. When held out to her on the experimenter's
arm she turned away, no longer stimulated.
April 24, 172 days old. The baby was taken into a dark room with only
an electric light behind her (faint illumination). A stranger held the baby.
The mother sat where she could not be seen. A dog was brought into the
room and allowed to jump up on the couch beside her. The baby watched
intently every move the dog made but did not attempt to reach for it Then
she turned her head aside. The front light was then turned up and the dog
again exhibited. The infant watched very closely every move the dog and
the experimenter made, but did not attempt to catch the animal. She ex-
hibited no fear reactions no matter how close the dog was made to come
to her.
The tests were continued by taking the child in its chair to the dark
room and building a small bonfire in front of it The final trial with
every diild was made by taking it to the zoological park and confront-
ing it with many different types of animals, special pennission being
accorded us for close inspection of the primates.
Never in any experiment on any child was the slightest fear re-
sponse obtained. Almost the invariable mode of behavior was a reach-
ing for the object, followed by handling or manipulation. Our results
seem to show conclusively that when children are brought up in an
extremely sheltered environment, such as never is afforded by the
home, fears are not present to other stunuli than those which we have
already enumerated.
How can we square these observations with those which show the
enormous complexity in the emotional life of the adult? We know
that hundreds of children are afraid of the dark, we know that many
women are afraid of snakes, mice and insects, and th«t emotions are
attached to many ordinary objects of almost daily use. Fears become
attached to persons and to places and to general situations, such as the
woods, the water, etc. In the same way the number of objecte and
situations which can call out rage and love become enormously in-
creased. Rage and love at first are not produced by the mere sight of
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510 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
an object. We know that later on in life the mere sight of persons
may call out both of these primitive emotions. How do such '^attach-
ments" grow up? How can objects which at first do not call out
emotions come later to call them out and thus enormously increase the
richness as well as the dangers of our emotional life?
Until recently no experimental work had been done which would
show such emotional attachments in the making. We were rather loath
to conduct sudi experiments, but the need of this kind of study was so
great that we finally decided to undertake the building up of certain
fears in the infant and then later to study practical methods for remov-
ing them. We chose as our first subject Albert B., an infant weighing
turenty-one pounds at eleven months of age. We chose him par-
ticularly because of his stolid and phl^matic disposition.
Before turning to the eiperiments by means of which we built up
fears in this infant it is necessary to give a brief description of a
method which has recently been developed in psydiology, that of the
^^conditioning of reflexes.'* If a subject sits irith the palm of his hand
upon a metal plate and hb middle finger upon a metal bar and an
electrical current is sent through the circuit thus completed by the
hand, the finger will fly upward from the metal bar the moment the
electric shodc b given. This painful stimulus b thus the native or
fundamental stimulus which calls out the defensive reflex of the finger.
The si^t of an apple or the sound of a bell will naturally not produce
this upward jerk of the finger. On the other hand, if the bell is
sounded or the colored object is shown the moment the electric current
is completed through the hand, and this routine b repeated several
times, the situation becomes wholly difi'erent. The finger b^ins to
jerk up reflexly now and then when the bell is rung or the colored
object shown even if the electrical current is not sent through the hand.
After a longer or shorter period of training the colored object will
cause the jump of the finger just as inevitably as does the current
This we call a conditioned motor response and we have shown that
these conditioned responses persbt for long periods of time, in some
cases possibly throughout the life of the individual. There is no
'Reasoning" or ^'association of ideas** involved, because we can pro-
duce conditioned reflexes in very low forms of animals. The same
thing occurs in our glands. If one attaches a small apparatus to die
parotid gland — one of the salivary glands in the chedc — in such a way
that the saliva flows out drop by drop, it can be shown lliat the direct
stimulus of the gland is actual contact with some edible or drinkable
substance, for example, weak hydrochloric acid, vinegar, etc. The
moment such an acid touches the tongue the gland begins to flow pro-
fusely. Ordinarily the sight of objects does not produce an increased
flow of the glands, but if combined stimulations are given, the object
being shown at the same time the acid is given, the sight of the object
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STUDIES IN INFANT PSYCHOLOGY 511
finally will produce an increased flow of the gland This is of course
what happens every time food or drink is brought to the mouth. Tluis
the youngster's mouth has every reason to ^water" when a stick of
candy is held in front of him or our own when we are hungry and a
toothsome morsel is held before our eyes. It is probable that all of
our glands, even the so-called ductless ones such as the thyroid or the
adrenals, become conditioned by means of such environmental factors
throughout our life.
We began to question, with such results as the above in front of ua»
whether or not entire emotional reactions such as are seen in fear
might be conditioned in this simple way. If so we have an adequate
way for accounting for the enormous increase in the complexity of
adult emotional life as contrasted with its simpler manifestations in
infants. To start the experiment it became necessary to use some
simple native or fundamental stimulus which would produce fear
(corresponding to the electrical shock). We have already pointed out
that loud sounds are the most potent of all such stimuli. We de-
termined to take Albert and attempt to condition fear to a white rat
by showing him the rat and as soon as he reached for it and touched
it to strike a heavy steel bar behind him. We first showed by repeated
tests that Albert feared nothing under the sun except loud sounds (and
removal of support) . Everything coming within twelve inches of him
was reached for and manipulated. This was true of animals, persons
and things. His reaction, however, to the sound of the steel bar was
characteristic and what we had been led to believe is true of most if
not all infants. When it was suddenly sounded there was a sudcfen
intake of the breath and an upward fling of the arms. On the sec(Mid
stimulation the lips began to pucker and tremble, on the third he broke
into a crying fit, turned to one side and began to crawl away as rapidly
as possible with head averted.
The result of this observation showing that the loud sound would
produce an expression of extreme fear gave us hope that we might be
able to use this stimulus for bringing about a conditioned emotional
response just as the electric shock combined with the sight of the
colored object brought about in the end the conditioned response of the
finger just referred to. Our laboratory notes showing the progress of
this test are most convincing.
Eleven months, 3 days old. (i) White rat suddenly taken from the
basket and presented to Albert. He began to reach for rat with left hand.
Just as his hand touched the animal the bar was struck immediately behind
his head. The infant jumped violently and fell forward, burying his face
in the mattress. He did not cry, however.
(2) Just as his right hand touched the rat the bar was again struck.
Again the infant jumped violently, fell forward and began to whimper.
In order not to disturb the child too seriously no further tests were
given for one week.
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B12 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Eleven months, ten days old, (i) Rat presented suddenly without
sound. There was steady fixation but no tendency at first to reach for it
The rat was then placed nearer, whereupon tentative reaching movements be-
gan with the right hand. When the rat nosed the infant's left hand the hand
was immediately withdrawn. He started to reach for the head of the animal
with the forefinger of his left hand but withdrew it suddenly before contact
It is thus seen that the two joint stimulations given last week were not with-
out effect. He was tested with his blocks immediately afterwards to see if
they shared in the process of conditioning. He began immediately to pick
them up, dropping them and pounding them, etc. In the remainder of the
tests the blocks were given frequently to quiet him and to test his general
emotional state. They were always removed from sight when the process of
conditioning was under way.
(2) Combined stimulation with rat and sound. Started, then fell over
immediately to right side. No crying.
(3) Combined stimulation. Fell to right side and rested on hands with
head turned from rat No crying.
(4) Combined stimulation. Same reaction.
(5) Rat suddenly presented alone. Puckered face, whimpered and with-
drew body sharply to left.
(6) Combined stimulation. Fell over immediately to right side and
began to whimper.
(7) Combined stimulation. Started violently and cried, but did not
fall over.
(8) Rat alone. The instant the rat was shown the baby began to cry.
Almost instantly he turned sharply to the left, fell over, raised himself on
all fours and began to crawl away so rapidly that he was caught with dif-
ficulty before he reached the edge of the table.
This was as convincing a case of a completly conditioned fear
response as could have been theoretically pictured It is not unlikely
had the sound been of greater intensity and the child more delicately
organized that one or two combined stimulations might have been
sufficient to condition the emotion. We thus see how easily such con-
ditioned fears may grow up in the home. A child that has gone to bed
for years without a light with no fears may, through the loud slamming
of doors or through a sudden loud clap of thunder, become conditioned
to darkness. We can easily explain how it is that a sudden flash of
lightning finds you all set and tense, often times with' the hands over
the ears, before the clap of thunder, which is the true stimulus to such
action, appears. We can thus see further how it is that the sight of a
nurse that constrains the movements of the youngster or dresses it
badly may cause the infant to go into a rage, or how the momentary
glimpse of a maiden's bonnet may produce the emotional reactions of
love in her swain.
The experimental question arose as to whether Albert would be
afraid henceforth only of rats, or whether the fear would be traaS'
fered to other animals and possibly to other objects. To answer this
question Albert was brought back into the laboratory five days later
and tested. Our laboratory notes again show the results most con-
vincingly.
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STUDIES IN INFANT PSYCHOLOGY 513
Eleven months, fifteen days old,
(1) Tested first with blocks. He reached readily for them, playing with
them as usual. This shows that there has been no general transfer to the
room, table, blocks, etc.
(2) Rat alone. Whimpered immediately, withdrew right hand and
turned head and trunk away.
(3) Blocks again ofifered. Played readily with them, smiling and
gurgling.
(4) Rat alone. Leaned over to the left side as far away from the
rat as possible, then fell over, getting up on all fours and scurrying away as
rapidly as possible.
(5) Blocks again offered. Reached immediately for them, smiling and
laughing as before.
The above preliminary test shows that the conditioned response to
the rat had carried over completely for the five days in which no tests
were given. The question as to whether or not there is a transfer was
next taken up.
(6) Rabbit alone. A rabbit was suddenly placed on the mattress in
front of him. The reaction was pronounced. Negative responses began at
once. He leaned as far away from the anknal as possible, whimpered, then
burst into tears. When the rabbit was placed in contact with him he buried
his face in the mattress, then got up on all fours and crawled away, crying
as he went. This was a most convincing test
(7) The blocks were next given him, after an interval. He played
with them as before. It was observed by four people that he played far
xnort energetically with them than ever before. The blocks were raised high
over his head and slammed down with a great deal of force.
(8) Dog alone. The dog did not produce as violent a reaction as the
rabbit The moment fixation of the eyes occurred the child shrank back and
as the animal came nearer he attempted to get on all fours but did not cry
at first. As soon as the dog passed out of his range of vision he became
quiet. The dog was then made to approach the infant's head (he was lying
down at the moment). Albert straightened up immediately, fell over to the
opposite side and turned his head away. He then began to cry.
(9) Blocks were again presented. He began immediately to play with
them.
(10) Fur coat (seal). Withdrew immediately to the left side and began
to fret. Coat put close to him on the left side, he turned immediately, began
to cry and tried to crawl away on all fours.
(11) Cotton wool. The wool was presented in a paper package. At
the ends the cotton was not covered by the paper. It was placed first on his
feet He kicked it away but did not touch it with his hands. When his hand
was laid on the wool he immediately withdrew it but did not show the shock
that the animals or fur coat produced in him. He then began to play with
the paper, avoiding contact with the wool itself. He finally, under the im-
pulse of the manipulative instinct, lost some of his negativism to the wool.
(12) Just in play W. put his head down to see if Albert would play with
his hair. Albert was completely negative. The two other observers did the
same thing. He began immediately to play with their hair. A Santa Claus
mask was then brought and presented to Albert He was again pronotmcedly
negative, although on all previous occasions he had played with it
VOL. xni.-^3
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514 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
We see that the conditioned fear to the rat, which was experi-
mentally set up, transferred to many other objects. The transfer was
immediate and without any additional experience in connection with
these other objects. In these transferred emotional reactions we thus
would find a reason for the mdespread change in the personality of
children and possibly even of adults once even a single strongly con-
ditioned emotional reaction has been set up to any object or situation.
It accounts for the many unreasoning fears and for a good deal of the
sensitiveness of individuals to objects for which no adequate ground
for such behavior can be o£Fered in the past history of that individual.
The importance of such a factor in shaping th« life of the child needs
no further emphasis from us.
At present we are engaged upon the study of methods by means
of which such directly conditioned fear responses and their transfers
may be removed. The importance of establishing methods for the
removal of these undesirable reactions is apparent to all. That such
conditioned reactions are present in the life of every child many par-
ents can testify. We have repeatedly had children brought to us whose
emotional life had been so warped and twisted by such factors that the
formation of the stable habits by means of which the race must main-
tain itself was seriously interfered with. Some practical procedure in
the control of these factors must be found if we are to care for those
children in whom accidents of nurture have built up emotional reaction
systems which, unless corrected, must inevitably bring them to grief.
The report on this phase of our laboratory work is not yet completed.
The sceptic will be inclined to say that such things happen in the
life of a child every day but that the child inunediately puts them aside
and soon forgets or outgrows such happenings. We have not the full
experimental data to combat this view, but we have the evidence to
show that in Albert at least both the original fear of the rat and the
transferred emotional reactions remained after a period of thirty days
in whidi no experiments were made. Furthermore, the latter were
still called out by the same objects which called them out in the above
test. Our view is lliat such happenings are permanently impressed
upon the gro¥ring child. They remain not only as a part of his re-
action system but also they tend to modify or prevent, by limiting the
number of objects that he deals with, the formation of constructive
habits. In other words, they modify his vocational future. When we
consider that these conditioned emotional responses are being con-
stantly set up in the groidng child, not only in the realm of fear but in
the realm of love and rage, and that they bring in their train a host
of transferred responses, we begin to realize the importance of the pre-
school age of the child; we then wonder whether our home syston
which more or less allows our children to "just grow," like Topsy,
until public school life begins, is not a pretty dangerous procedure.
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STUDIES IN INFANT PSYCHOLOGY 615
We spend an enormous sum of money each year for the education of
our youth in colleges and universities. When it is realized that the
college, that institution for teaching the adolescent to become a man,
is at present being regarded somewhat critically, and that the uni-
versities reach only an extremely small percentage of the population —
namely that portion which intends to enter some specialty — it makes
us wonder whether it would not be a valuable experiment for the
government or other institutions to spend a small amount of our vast
educational funds for teaching the infant how to become a child.
When one realizes that probably more than the income from a million
dollars is spent each year in the several marine biological institutions
for the study of three lower forms — the sea urchin and its progeny,
the coral, and the jelly fish — it seems not unreasonable to point out
that it would not be bad economy to have one or more institutions
where continuous researches might be made upon human progeny. An
institution where the human infant can be studied from birth to at least
three years of age would be one of the most profitable research invest-
ments that could be made at the present time. It would lead to an
untold wealth of new scientific conclusions and to a practical and com-
mon sense set of data upon the psychological care of the infant.
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516 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
AN INTRODUCTION TO SQENTIFIC VAGARIES
By Professor D, W. HERING
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY, NEW YORK CITY
HOW to account for the ^^crank," and what to do with him, are
questions that concern the general public as well as the specialist.
Restrain him? He is irrepressible. Ignore him? That may be un-
wise for often he is half right, sometimes wholly so. He is always
disturbing, and though always abnormal he is not always imworthy,
and the genus is of such infinite variety that it can never grow stale.
No, the crank cannot be ignored because he is always the embodiment
of notions that influence others, sometimes in large numbers; he is a
type. Much depends upon the point of view. Columbus was a wise
and learned man to his simple minded sailors; to companions of like
temper with himself he was a daring adventurer and a hero; to the
incredulous savants he was a crank.
A really normal man is one whose mental, moral and physical
qualities put him in what is called ^'normaP relation to the age and
conditions of society in which he lives; he is in harmony with his
environment and lives among his fellows without discord or friction.
One who continues to shape his conduct after the pattern of his
predecessors, while failing to regard the advances that have been made;
who will not ride in railroad cars or tolerate instrumental music in
church; who declares that what was good enough for his ancestors is
good enough for him, is behind the times"; while he who is dissatis-
fied with prevailing views and customs, and chafes under the restraints
which they impose upon him and consequently endeavors to better them,
is either a crank or is ^in advance of the age." If the latter is the case
only the future can prove it; sometimes it does so — it may be soon, it
may be centuries later.
As the ^*norm" would be in perfect equilibrium under the forces
acting upon him from all sides, any excess or defect of qualities in an
individual not thus normal, would leave him unbalanced. Just how
far or in how many respects he may depart from the normal without
being generally regarded as erratic, is indeterminate, but there are few
persons who have not some crotchets, and those few we consider un-
interesting and expect no especial achievement from them. It is only
to the abnormal that we can look for any disturbance of an established
order, whether for good or ill. Of these, some are a little out of line
(but only a little) on many subjects; others are out of line on one
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AN INTRODUCTION TO SCIENTIFIC VAGARIES 517
subject only, but very much out; they may be very right in general,
and yet on some one topic their aberration may amount to mania.
The crankiness that crops out in various fields of endeavor often ex-
hibits surprising acumen, shrewdness, and insight, coupled with de-
fects of reasoning no less remarkable. All this is trite, of course, to
the alienist. Probably an expert in any profession encounters and
could cite instances of such aberration related to his own profession,
and these might all be classified. In any one branch of science they
would make a formidable array, but it may be that they are all ulti-
mately psychological. Sometimes the purely psychological aberration
affects chiefly the actor himself, as in **New Thought" and such systems;
and sometimes, when the performer is dishonest, it is meant to affect
his victims, as in the Keely Motor and devices of that nature.
It is exhilarating to read the propaganda of strange cults among
the announcements of Sunday services in the Saturday afternoon or
Sunday morning newspapers of any large city. Employing various
tricks of phraseology, especially alliteration, they fall readily in step
with Mother Goose's rhymes or suggest the Mark Twain jingle:
Punch, brothers, punch with care;
League for the larger life.
Many of these ^'movements" are poorly disguised schemes for wheedling
money from faddists — ^the old trick of "stealing the livery of the court
of heaven to serve the devil in." While it is true that some projects
once thought chimerical have been realized, and have thus justified their
protagonists — at first villified as crack-brained, and then glorified as
geniuses — ^the utterly fantastic character of other schemes shows an
unquestionable wryness in the persons at work upon them. Education
has been thought the cure for both moral and intellectual depravity,
but the advocate of any of these absurdities would be classed as a
"sport," a lusus naturae, which no amount of educating could convert
into the norm. Why he so frequently and continually recurs is a
mystery.
It is hard to tell which exhibits the greatest departure from the
normal; the eager chaser after the will-o'-the-wisp, who is so wholly
possessed by his idea that it becomes an obsession (that condition is
abnormal even if he is sincere) ; the unscrupulous rogue who, by his
plausibility, swindles his victims; or the admirers and victims them-
selves who, astute enough in general, are peculiarly susceptible to
some particular form of deception, say scientific or religious, and who,
along that line, are abnormally credulous and easily deceived — even
in some instances pleased at being humbugged. The scientific mind is
necessarily an open mind, and the over credulous imagine themselves
especially scientific in their readiness to accept evidences of strange
new truths. But they do not always properly weigh the evidence. An
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array of testimony in the guise of facts, and of consequences that are
unmistakable is often convincing before the evidence is knovm to be
genuine, with no certainty that it means what they suppose, and least
of all with any assured connection between the supposed cause and
eflfect; and although **one swallow does not make a summer," a single
fact is sometimes used to brace up a host of irresponsible and un-
founded statements. There are well meaning people vrith a fair amount
of intelligence, who will take keen interest in the pretensions of a
mountebank if only he makes his claims startling or upsetting in char-
acter, and presses them with sufficient assurance and effrontery.
It is not the sincere worker whose efforts are based upon sound
doctrine and real facts, and who works on in the face of discourage-
ment, that we are considering, but the aberrant Whatever may be his
contention, his favorite method of establishing it is to challenge every-
thing and everybody to refute it. If he is dishonest he wants notoriety
and this will procure it for him, whether the challenge is accepted or
ignored; if he is honest he is so far deluded that if his challenge is not
accepted he is convinced that it is unanswerable, and if he b contro-
verted he feels that, like Galileo and a noble army of predecessors, he
is a martyr to the conservatism of the age which resents enlightenment
It is not always possible to take these disputants seriously, no matter
how seriously they take th^nselves, neither is it always safe to dismiss
their ideas as ridiculous, for many a wise man has been ridiculed and
contenmed by others less wise than himself ; and we need not look upon
a quotation from the Alice books as a sign of feeblemindedness.
In speaking of the Keely motor, an English engineer and critic
makes a generalization upon the psychology of Americans that is pretty
broad yet perhaps not without justification. He says:
It is a peculiar psychological fact that among a people so energetic and
hard headed as the Americans every imposture, depending for its success
upon mystery, should find multitudes of believers. America is the home of
Mormon, Christian Scientist, and a host of other sects, who each follow the
leadership of a single person, it may be ignorant and impudent, or it may
be of that much learning that maketh mad, but at least all agreeing in being
mystics of the very first water. . . . American geese are always swans,
and really Keely deserves a good deal of attention. (Henry Riddell. M. E.,
on "The Search for Perpetual Motion," in the Report and Proceedings of
the Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society, 1915-1916.)
Instead of indicating superstition, however, does not susceptibility
to the unknown or the mysterious belong rather to the unmatured stage
of a people, or such part of them as are not restrained by the conven-
tions of those from whom they have become detached? To a people
who, in some sense, are still pioneers, before they have grown stale, and
while they retain a freshness of imagination to which they are not un-
willing to give a loose rein; a condition which made Americans exuber-
ant and bombastic, and gained for them a reputation that will require
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AN INTRODUCTION TO SCIENTIFIC VAGARIES 519
a long time to live down. That would account for the free play of
fantastic ideas among Australians as well as among Americans — ^ideas
which usually find fertile soil in newly settled and rapidly developing
countries.
Libraries serve as reservoirs into which erratic papers and pamphlets
flow in streams. A typical collection of sixteen quasi-scientific pam-
phlets, bound together under the general title ^Taradoxes/' in the New
York Public Library, illustrates the lengths to which such aberration
may go. Several of the papers are notable, and one or two are notori-
ous. Merely to scan the titles is enough to make one dizzy; they are not
all old, some might be called recent. One or two will serve for illus-
tration. No. 4 is:
Six General Laws of Nature— (A New Idealism)— A COMPENDIUM—
of— A Large Work Divinity and The Cosmos — Containing— The Positive
Cause of Force and Matter, An Explanation On All The Physical Phenomena
in the Actuality of The Universe, and an Attack on the Modern Scientists
and Philosophers. — Solomon J. Silberstein — New York— 1894.
To judge from the weightiness of this ^'Compendium" the "Large Work"
would be crushing. Mr. Silberstein also has another on 'The Existence
of the Universe — ^The Causation of Its Origin, etc." which sets one
wondering.
The papers are most varied and fantastic; one is a rhapsody of Man.
God, Geography, Electricity, Sun, Moon, and Tides, and contains the
announcement of "an extensive work entitled *A New Bible' to explain
in detail the scientific principles in the above topics"! In another the
Rev. John Jasper is revived and the earth is proved to be a "stationary
plane circle"; the Newtonian theory of gravitation is severely man-
handled by several of the writers; and cosmic theories are proposed
by some and overthrown by others; one especially affects odd words,
and another article is made up wholly of epigrams and ejaculations of
two or three words eadi.
An attendant in an asylum for the insane, speaking of the idosyn-
crasies of the patients, said that the form their hallucination would
take "depended altogether on the temperaUire of their minds.** (He
was himself apparently somewhat mixed on temper, temperature, and
temperament) Some of the writers of these papers rival the projector
in the Grand Academy of Lagado, spending his labors on a project to
extract sunbeams from cucumbers.
During the Middle Ages superstition was rife in science, and
vagaries abounded; in the eighteenth century a great clarifying was in
progress, and by the beginning of the nineteenth extreme ideas of sci-
ence were thought to have reached their acme of extravagance in seven
different forms corresponding, perhaps, to the seven wonders of the
world, and called the "Seven Follies of Science." This designation is
itself a survival of a tendency as old as counting, to recognize some
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520 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
peculiar potency in a number like three or seven (particularly seven)
as magical or sacred; and this tendency may be only another instance
of the very peculiarities we are setting out to consider.
The late John Phin, in "The Seven Follies of Science," distinguishes
properly between fraud and honest efifort to discover and utilize the
secrets of nature. In so discriminating he, with others, rejects astrology
and magic because they are frauds, and gives as the generally accepted
list of "Follies'':
1. The quadrature of the circle; or as it is called familiarly,
squaring the circle.
2. The duplication of the cube.
3. The trisection of an angle.
4. Perpetual motion.
5. The transmutation of the metals.
6. The fixation of mercury.
7. The elixir of life.
I. Disraeli, in "Curiosities of Literature,'* enumerates the "Six
Follies of Science," omitting Nos. 3, 5, 6, and 7 of the above list, and
including:
4. The Philosophical (or Philosopher's) Stone.
5. Magic.
6. Judicial Astrology.
Nos. 1, 2, and 3 above are purely math^natical and do not belong in
a list that is limited to the physical sciences. The others are things to
be achieved or produced by experimental processes or search and in
that class come also,
8. The Universal Solvent; and 9, The Fountain of Youth. This,
indeed, is only a variant of No. 7, but it has been hardly less alluring
than the others.
In their relation to the existing state of knowledge these have all
stood, in their day, as rational topics of inquiry, and therefore as
legitimate questions to which a conclusive answer mi^t be expected.
For this reason they ought not to be called follies, for even if they
may now be regarded as such it was not always so, and with as good
reason we might regard as folly almost any novelty in the development
of science. So we call them fallacies or foibles when we are not deal-
ing with outright fraud; in that case we have "perversion" of science.
In most instances the great difficulty has been to determine the line
between honesty and deceit. Even frauds would not be excluded from
foibles in all cases, for it is impossible to know how far astrologers
and soothsayers came to believe in their own schemes of forecasting
and divining. Charlatans and fakers have possibly been self deceived,
especially in religion. Certainly some weather predicters have believed
in their scheme of forecasting, even if they did not believe in themselves.
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AN INTRODUCTION TO SCIENTIFIC VAGARIES 521
It will be seen that in the above lists, some of the subjects that have
been dismissed as chimerical have been capable of reaching a phase
such as science now approves, and various chimeras, once laughed out
of court, have returned to make good their claim to acceptance and to
serve us. As notable examples that have been realized we have aviation,
self propelled vehicles, and apparently the transmutation of metals.
Geographical vagaries have sometimes been of wide scope and long
sustained interest as, for example, the myth of Atlantis, the Northwest
Passage, the Fountain of Youth, El Dorado, Symmes* Theory of Con-
centric Spheres, and still others. In 1492 the spherical form of the
earth was a foible of Columbus.
An announcement of any startling achievement for which the public
has not been prepared by gradual approach, is almost certain to en-
counter incredulity. Today the X-rays are commonplace, yet not only
laymen but professional physicists were skeptical of them when the
first announc^nents of them were received in this country. A final
solution of the great problems of physics and chemistry, such as
gravity, heat, electricity, radiation, etc., involves the ultimate nature
of matter — ^itself the greatest problem of th^n all — and while the search
for its solution continues vagaries will certainly come and perhaps go.
No innovation that appears to be subversive of established ideas can
acquire a standing without overcoming opposition in various forms,
and one of the earliest and most effective forms that it has to encounter
is ridicule or satire. But it has happened more than once that the chief
fault with the innovation was that it was premature; and while in such
case it needs great vitality to survive the ridicule with which it is met,
if it is really true it is likely to reappear after an eclipse. Does it
necessarily follow, however, that if it reappears it is really true? That
has occurred with some systems of divining that have been scouted by
orthodox scientists. Nevertheless, doctrines that have stood as sound
science in their day, reached maturity and flourished, which died and
were buried, may yet be awaiting resurrection. Some of them, if they
were now being promulgated for the first time, would be either ignored
or laughed at in the light of modem knowledge which would show their
fallacy. Again, apparently defunct notions have been resuscitated and
revamped and brought into harmony vdth present day knowledge and
practice, have been shorn of excrescences that deformed them and
stripped of dress that disfigured them; and in consequence, doctrines
that had been rather fantastic have received a real scientific character,
and truths that had fallen into disrepute may have been rescued. This
seems to be the case with physiognomy. Some vagaries are veritable
Banquo's ghosts and will not down. Insuppressible and irrepressible,
with these revival takes the place of survival, and they return again
and again to plague one, or else to establish finally an indisputable
right to live. Reversing the usual order, the follies of one generation
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522 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
have sometimes become the wisdom of the next. But it is not easy to
escape contamination with bad associates, and upon any recurrence of
old vagaries, even if they come bearing the promise of reform, they are
apt to be put in the same class with new ones. Of these we have a
superabundance in the shape of New Thought, Faith Healing, The
Power of Will, etc., crowding the advertising colunms of newspapers
and magazines. What with short cuts to success, and marvelous meth-
ods of increasing one's power in all lines of endeavor, along with the
ability to read character at sight, it would seem as if there were no
excuse for anybody with moderate ability to stop short of the topmost
rung in the ladder of Fortune or indeed to rest with only moderate
ability. The situation is hit off well in an editorial of a current
periodical :
Life as it is lived by the rest of us must seem like loafing to those who
have had their memories trained so that they can get the telephone book by
heart in an evening, who have studied the science of physiognomy until they
can place a passing stranger at a glance, and who have mastered the secrets
of will power to such an extent that it is folly to dispute their purposes.
Existence must appear a strangely pallid affair to you when there is no oc-
casion to which you are not equal and when you have reduced the problems
of every day to a series of logarithms, and locked them fast in an unshakable
memory. (The Globe and Commercial Advertiser, New York, Nov. 12. 1919.)
While some of the old "Follies" persist, the progress of science has
brought new ones to the fore and has focused attention upon wonders
of a kind that did not — could not — enter the minds of the ancients.
Whether the elixir of life, the fountain of youth, or the universal sol-
vent has passed out of question or not, perpetual motion still engages
the attention of inventors. The fact is, the thing that has become known
and established has ceased to inspire the researcher. He is ready to
pass that on to the utilizer, while his imagination revels in chimeras.
A world consisting entirely of known facts would be as fatal to imagi-
nation as an arid world to vegetation.
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THE GOVERNMENT LABORATORY AND RESEARCH 523
THE GOVERNMENT LABORATORY AND INDUS-
TRIAL RESEARCH^
By GEORGE VL BURGESS. Sc D.
CHIEF OF THE DIVISION OF METALLURGY^ BUREAU OF STANDARDS
YOUR Chairman has asked for a contribution to this symposium on
Research setting forth the relations of the Government Laboratory
to Industrial Research. In the short time available, you will not expect
more than the briefest outline of the attitude of one or more typical
laboratories toward the encouragement and development of research
in industry, the most concise possible of statements describing how a
government laboratory functions in relation to industrial research
problems, and a bare mention of but a few of them.
There has been a great deal written recently concerning the various
aspects of industrial research and especially the role that is being
played, or should be played, by each of the various types of organiza-
tion, such as the Engineering Society, the university, the independent
research organization, the Government, and industry itself; and the
discussion often has centered about the cooperative aspects of research
as between two or more of these parties.
It is generally conceded by representatives of industry that indus-
trial research has for its immediate object the increase of profits, and
consequently the brunt of the cost of maintenance should be borne by
industry, which should also itself carry out at least the greater part of
the research work required. There is a very great divergence of ap-
preciation of the need and value of research in the various industries,
and the practices and methods also vary greatly.
It is generally conceded that the role of the university is to train
men and increase our store of knowledge; many think useful coopera-
tive arrangements in research may be made between the university and
industry, and many illustrations are available.
It is not the purpose of this paper to go into a philosophical or
academic discussion of what part the government laboratory should
play on the stage of industrial research but rather, accepting the facts
and tendencies as they are, to state briefly, if inadequately, what two
of the government bureaus are trying to do to encourage and help
industry through research in science, engineering and technology.
I American Society for Steel Treating, September 23, 1921, Annual Con-
vention at Indianapolis.
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524 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
It has been well said: **A11 research is in the public interest, and
that from the public viewpoint the sole difference between abstract
and applied science is one of degree and not of fact; that the important
point is increased research activity irrespective of where or by what
means it is carried on/'
If, therefore, the public has an interest in and derives benefit from
industrial, scientific research, it is both fitting and fair for the public,
through the agency of the Government Laboratories, to both participate
in and help support such research.
It also follows that there should be established and maintained the
closest relations between the representatives of industry, on the one
hand, and of the government laboratories, on the other. This intimate
contact should evidently not be limited to scientific and technical staffs
of the industrial and government laboratories, but should embrace also
the directors of policy in industry and government.
There is another and most important characteristic of the govern-
ment laboratory in its relation to this question of industrial research,
one that has been often mentioned, namely, the desirability in many
cases of having the woik done, in whole or in part, by an impartial
body representing the public and on whose results will be impressed
the stamp of authority; as in cases in which if one or the other party, as
producer and consumer, either alone or together, published the results,
they would not, however well executed, carry the desired weight
Again, one should not lose sight of the fact that our government is
the largest business organization in the country, the most important
buyer and also maintains several types of industrial or manufacturing
plant of a highly technical nature. So the government itself, in the
conduct of its business, is a party vitally interested in the progress of
industrial research, economies in buying, and standardization of prod-
ucts. The results obtained in its laboratories on its own problems are
freely given to industry. The role of the Bureau of Standards has
been preeminent in research for the government and many of its ac-
tivities in the field of industrial research have been started for the pur-
pose of meeting government needs for information relating to improve-
ments in manufacturing processes, standardization and the formulation
of specifications. As illustrations, may be cited the investigations rela-
ting to cement, concrete, paper, leather, rubber and textiles, for which
small manufacturing plants have been installed.
It is often maintained there are three essential steps in many
branches of industrial research, particularly as related to new pro-
cesses; first, the laboratory investigation; second, the development on
a small manufacturing scale; and last, full scale production, all of
which require experimentation. The government bureau may be and
often is associated with all three of these stages.
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THE GOVERNMENT LABORATORY AND RESEARCH 626
What now do we find to be the relation of the government laboratory
to the industries of the country?
We may perhaps best approach the subject by asking of what aid
can the government laboratory be to the American Society for Steel
Treating, to its members individually and to the industries it rep-
resents?
There are two government bureaus the work of which is most nearly
related to the scope of interests covered by this society, namely, the
Bureau of Mines and of Standards. Each of these bureaus is vitally
concerned with promoting the welfare of the nation in matters relating
to their respective fields. They may be considered as great technical
service bureaus to which the engineering, scientific and technical in-
terests of the country may apply for help in solving many of the under-
lying problems of general interest in mining, technology, engineering,
physical and chemical science, and in standardization, on all of which
progress in industry is based.
From the viewpoint of cooperation with industry, how do these two
institutions function with respect to industrial research, which we may
define as research with an avowed utilitarian motive?
Let us consider first the Bureau of Mines. In the annual report
of the director for the year ending June 30, 1920, appears this state-
ment:
During the past few years the bureau has been building up investigative
work with outside cooperating agencies in a manner unique among Federal
bureaus. The detailed agreements entered into differ among themselves, but
the fundamentals are these:
1. Some state, or university, private or semi-private organization has
problems in mining or metallurgy the solution of which would benefit itself
and the public.
2. These outside agencies agree to pay part or all of the cost, both in
personnel and materials, of the investigation, which is to be carried on under
the direction of, and according to, the methods of the Bureau of Mines.
3. The Bureau of Mines retains the right to make public and print the
results of all such investigations.
So successful has this method of solving problems been that at present
the bureau has cooperative agreements with State agencies in ii states, with
12 different universities, and with 19 private and semi-private agencies. And
the total amount of money being spent by the outside agencies on these co-
operative agreements, mostly under the direction of the bureau, has amoimted
to approximately half a million dollars during the present fiscal year. In
addition, a number of representative concerns in leading mining and metal-
lurgical industries have appropriated money to be spent under the direction of
the Bureau of Mines in production of educational motion pictures illustrating
various mining and metallurgical industries. The bureau has f otmd tliat these
films are in great demand by the public, and that they have materially assisted
the wide dissemination of information concerning the industries.
As in the case of agriculture, the mining industry is scattered over a
wide geographical area and the problems to be solved are often local;
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626 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
therefore it was but natural for the Bureau of Mines to follow the
practice of the Department of Agriculture in establishing experiment
stations at suitably located points for the study of problems relating
to the mining industry.
The Bureau of Mines is also charged with the govemmrat work on
fuels — a subject of no little interest to the membership of this society —
which include, of course, coal and petroleum products of widely diver-
sified types and situated in many areas. In its study of fuel problems,
the Bureau of Mines has carried on both the field and station type of
investigation but has also been able to concentrate in one or more cen-
tral laboratories much of its fundamental research work.
In problems relating to process metallurgy, such as the recovering
of the various metals from their ores, much the same procedure has, of
necessity, been followed as for the mining operations, namely work
at outlying stations. In both mining and metallurgical investigations
it is the custom to cooperate on an intimate and intensive scale with
existing industrial plants, to the very great benefit in the increase of
our knowledge and improvement of the processes concerned, to say
nothing of the evident economies of such methods of cooperative in-
vestigation. With the experience gained by this Bureau in successfully
overcoming the difficulties in one region available for new problems
as they may arise elsewhere, there is evidently also elimination of much
wasted effort in trying out a new or modified metallurgical process.
In its investigations relating to mineral technology and elimination
of waste in metallurgical operations, this Bureau is doing much of
direct interest to this society, such as smoke and fume abatement, health
conditions in shops, furnace design and operation, metallurgical re-
fractories, and the making of alloy steels, a long list, the consideration
of which here would take us far afield.
Turning now to the Bureau of Standards, we may note certain dif-
ferences in methods and procedure as compared with the Bureau of
Mines. We have seen how the latter bureau maintains a large number
of widely scattered units or stations. In contrast to this decentralized
practice, the Bureau of Standards has practically all its work concen-
trated in a group of laboratories at Washington although it has main-
tained an important station at Pittsburgh mainly for engineering work
on structural materials which station, however, is being moved to Wash-
ington; there are also a few small detached stations for cement and
ch^nical testing.
Again, the Bureau of Standards has followed less generally than
the Bureau of Mines the practice of entering into formal cooperative
agreements with States, and other public or private bodies. We have
usually adopted the less formal, but nevertheless effective, practice,
in our relations with industry, of orienting and organizing our work
through the instrumentality of committees representing industry.
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THE GOVERNMENT LABORATORY AND RESEARCH 527
It has been said committees do no work and therefore are unneces-
sary, but a moment's consideration will show that in many ways a well
organized committee is most valuable, if not indispensable, in laying
down principles and suggesting policies, resulting from the united
experience of all its members. The Bureau of Standards finds in many
lines of its work relating to industrial research that the conunittee
method of outlining the probl^n is the only feasible one. There is
established a mutual confidence among all interested parties so essential
in attaining the maximum output with minimum risk of misdirected
effort.
As a text defining the Bureau's relation to industry, let us quote
again from Mr. A. W. Berresford in his presidential address before the
American Institute of Electrical Engineers:
I conceive it to be the prime duty of the industry, first to agree on what
shall be the scope of the Bureau; second, to educate the Bureau in its con-
ditions; and third, by demanding that its interests be heeded, to secure ade-
quate support of the Bureau.
At the outset, it may be laid down as axiomatic that the director of
the bureau has never considered undertaking any problem in research
relating to industry without first consulting representatives of that in-
dustry, either as a group through some organized body speaking for
the industry or by consulting with men of authority in the industry.
Many are the illastrations of this practice; for example, there has been
for years a committee appointed by various bodies interested in non-
ferrous metals, known as the ^'Committee Advisory to the Bureau of
Standards on Non-Ferrous Metals," or for short, the non-ferrous com-
mittee, which meets at the bureau twice a year. All the work on this
subject is gone over before and during its execution, so that the non-
ferrous metal investigations of the bureau have not only the endorse-
ment of the industry but the industry itself formulates the program.
If progress in this domain has been less rapid and extensive than we
should like, may we then say that, although the first two of Mr. Berres-
ford's conditions have been met, the third is lacking?
The woik on railroad materials has, less formally, been largely
mapped out as a result of meetings held at the bureau of representative
railroad groups. Sometimes a specific problem that appeals to the
bureau may be presented by some railroad together with a manufac-
turer; such was our work on rails from different ingot types, and the
investigation now being conducted on Titanium treated rails; or again
a manufacturer's association as that of Chilled Iron Car Wheels may
ask the bureau to cooperate in carrying out an investigation — ^just com-
pleted— on thermal stresses in chilled iron car wheels as related to
design and braking; or it may be an unorganized group, as that of the
steel wheel manufacturers, asking for and getting a similar investiga*
tion. Nor should there be forgotten the bureau's activities in the realm
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52S THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
of engineering materials in ite relation to the numerous committees of
the American Society for Testing Materials, which committees are
fairly representative of both the consmning and producing elements
of their respective industries and represent as well the engineering pub-
lic. I suppose the list of direct or implied requests for work by this
engineering body alone would reach the size of a substantial volume.
Another problem and another type of organization. Whether he
realizes it or not, every one in this country is vitally concerned in the
limitations set for sulphur and phosphorus content in various grades
of steel. If these limits are fixed too rigidly the cost of living rises,
if too loosely, the life hazard of all of us is increased. This problem
was brought formally to the bureau's attention by two bodies, one rep-
resenting the government, the other the engineering fraternity; or by the
Railroad Administration and the Society for Testing Materials. A
joint conunittee was formed representing the government departments,
the specification making bodies, and the manufacturers. The testing and
research is carried out in the government laboratories at Watertown,
Annapolis and Washington, and the steel is specially produced for the
investigation by the manufacturers under the oversight of the com-
mittee. A unique feature of the conduct of this investigation is that
there is not a two sided table with manufacturers on one side and the
users on the other — but it is a round table affair with each man re-
sponsible for endorsing each stage of the program so that no member
can later say, why did you not do this or that?
The bureau's investigations on electrolysis as related to public serv-
ice companies and cities are being organized on a somewhat diff'erent
but nevertheless highly satisfactory basis, in which all interested parties
jire represented and the program put up to the bureau by them.
Hardly a day passes that there is not one, sometimes several, formal
or informal conferences at the bureau by groups representative of in-
dustry who are interested in having the bureau undertake problems of
research fundamental to their industry, and at those conferences the
work to be done is usually mapped out, at least on general lines and
often in great detail.
At the present time much attention is being given to problems re-
lating to the elimination of industrial wastes. The possibilites of
progress in this field are of unlimited extent. In a sense, of course,
all industrial research from which beneficial results are obtained lead in-
evitably to the equivalent of elimination of waste by conservation and
better utilization of materials, improved quality of products, recovery
of by-products, increased efficiency of performance, or discovery of
new processes and products. There are, however, many instances in
industry in which the waste, as such, is evident and manifestly prevent-
able, and it is to problems dealing with these classes of waste to whidi
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THE GOVERNMENT LABORATORY AND RESEARCH 529
I refer. As examples we may mention the enormous losses caused by
corrosion, ineflScient furnace operations, excessive use of manganese,
and other preventable losses of material and energy in steel manufac-
turing operations.
Another field of industrial research, and one that will grow in
importance, relates to our foreign trade, particularly the specification
and testing of materials for export The establishment and maintenance
of standards in this wider competitive field will require much more
experimental research than might be thought necessary by one who
gives the matter but hasty attention. In fact in the realm of standardi-
zation and specifications, as those of you know who may be familiar
with some phases of this subject, you never get far in writing a specifi-
cation before you enter the unknown, and the way can be cleared only
by further experimental investigation.
We might cite many other types of problem related to industrial
research on which the Bureau of Standards is now woridng or is quali-
fied to assist in solving in collaboration with industry, but I trust what
has preceded has given you a better idea than you had before of the
relation of the Bureau to industry and the readiness at all times on its
part to participate with industry in the solution of those problems of
general interest coming within its scope. The same is, of course,
equally true of the Bureau of Mines.
Before closing, I would like to mention one other type of activity at
the Bureau — still in an undeveloped state — which gives promise of be-
ing of considerable value to industry. I refer to the practice started
about two years ago of an industry sending men to work at the bureau
on problems that industry is interested in having solved and for which
the equipment and atmosphere of the bureau may be particularly suited.
This practice was instituted by the bureau largely in self-defense at a
time when manufacturers were drawing men from it in alarming num-
bers and it was also coincident with the reduction of the bureau^s funds.
We call these men Research Associates or Assistants, and at the present
time there are twenty, six of whom are working on metallurgical prob-
lems, and the others on problems relating to hollow tile, terra cotta,
visibility, lime, gypsum, plasticity of fats, cement, and the constants of
ammonia. There are great possibilities in the extension of this system
under which men are trained as well as problems solved, and the bene-
fits to industry are self-evident
Much mi^t be said of the educational advantages of the govern-
ment laboratory in training men for research positions in industry. The
Bureaus of Mines and Standards often have been severely crippled by
losing men to industry. It is not in general to the advantage of industry
to so cripple an organization working for the benefit of industry.
A last word — and only a word — as to the cost of research, indus-
VOL. xra.-3^
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530 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
trial or any other. It is trite to say it. is expensive, so is life insurance;
but it is far more costly not to support research adequately, just as it
is not to make provision for future contingencies. It has been said that
such government laboratories as the Bureaus of Standards and Mines
are luxuries we can easily dispense with; yes, just as the farmer's seed
and fertilizer can be dispensed with to his ruin. What does it cost per
capita for the Bureau of Standards or the Bureau of Mines? Almost
exactly a cent apiece for each inhabitant of this country, which if I were
not a member of the staff, I would characterize as dirt cheap, the price
of the tax on one ten cent "movie" ticket
The American Society for Steel Treating is concerned with many
problems, some of them of great intricacy, involving not only the per-
fection of practice in the subject of heat treating but dependent also
upon the new facts to be discovered relating to the properties of the
various types of steel and the characteristics of many auxiliaries sudi
as fuels, refractories, pyrometers, quenching media, furnace control and
design; problems relating to geometry and mass of heating and cooling
objects, and many others.
We, at the Standards Bureau, would be glad to see formed ivithin
this society, a committee advisory to the Bureau on Heat Treatment of
Steel, which would enable us to keep in touch with each other so that
the bureau's efforts in this field of investigation would be constantly in
harmony with the most progressive minds in the country interested in
furthering progress in this subject
Finally, I want to make a special plea for scientific research in in-
dustry at this time. We have been witnessing, during this period of
depression, the cutting down and even entire wiping out of many re-
search departments. How many times have we all heard the argument:
in times of prosperity we have not the time and do not need research,
and in hard times we cannot afford it? In my opinion, the wise Board
of Directors is the one which stimulates research in hard times even if
it has to borrow money to do so. Competition will be keener than
ever as prosperity returns and the company which has in the meantime
sharpened its tools by increasing its research facilities will score in the
long run. There is no greater economic waste than wrecking a going
research group.
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AMERICA'S FIRST AGRICULTURAL SCHOOL 531
AMERICA'S FIRST AGRICULTURAL SCHOOL
By Dr. NEIL E. STEVENS
U. S. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE
r[E establishment, a century ago, of ^an institution destined to pre-
pare youth by a scientific education to become skillful farmers and
mechanics" is in itself notable. As the Gardiner Lyceum was not only
our first agricultural school, but the first institution to receive a state
appropriation for agricultural instruction, its foundation may almost
be said to mark an epoch. The importance of agricultural schools
and colleges in our educational system renders of present interest a
brief sketch of this pioneer institution, which emphasized the practical
value of science, and introduced an elective system, student self gov*
emment and winter short courses.
The idea of such a school originated with Robert Hallowell
Gardiner, who was a member of its board of trustees and its chief
benefactor. Of this remarkable man, pioneer in many lines and pro-
moter of everything that seemed for the good of the community iivfaich
now bears his name, little need be said. Sympathetic biographical
sketches are avilable (5) and his work is mentioned in several histories
of Gardiner, Maine (7). His part in the origin of the Lyceum is,
however, of direct interest and is told in the manuscript autobiograph-
ical notes which he prepared some years before his death and which
are now in the possession of his descendants, who have courteously
made them available to the wxiter.
In beginning his account of the foundation of the Lyceum, Gardiner
states that he had frequently been impressed by the fact that skilled
workmen, such as surveyors and millwrights were
wholly ignorant of the principles upon which their arts depend, so that when
anything occurred out of the common routine, I found them utterly at a
loss how to proceed. Our fanners were still less intelligent
After reflecting much upon this subject, I became impressed with the
belief that an institution might be established which would put the acquisition
of so much science as was requisite to make skillful farmers, millwrights,
and other mechanics, within the reach of all who wished to follow these
branches of business. I communicated these views to a number of gentle-
men of practical intelligence who highly approved them, as was shown
by their subsequently sending their sons to the Lyceum when it was estab-
lished. Wishing the co-operation of my fellow citizens, I called a meeting
and proposed the subject, which produced a hearty response.
I proposed to give as an endowment 312 acres of land fronting on
Kennebec River, and valued at $3,744.00 to which I subsequently added 122
acres adjoining, making a total of 434 acres valued at $5,208.00. They pro-
posed to erect the building to which I only contributed $100.00.
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632 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
The building referred to was a substantial two-story st<»ie struc-
ture, and its erection by subscription is evidence of real interest in
technical education in that conununity. In the development of such
a sentiment the work of Dr. Benjamin Vaughn (3) in making available
through publication in this country European work on agriculture,
notably the now little known ^^Rural Socrates" (1800) and some ex-
tracts from Buffon's works, in urging the importance of experimental
study of £^icultural problems, and in the establishment of agricul-
tural societies, must have played a large part.
The grounds and building for the new school being thus assured
the state legislature was petitioned for an act of incorporation and for
assistance. A portion of this petition is here quoted for the statement
it gives of the purposes of the Gardiner Lyceum.
The petition of the subscribers represents that a donation has been
offered of land lying on Kennebeck River, estimated at $4,000.00 for the pur-
pose of establishing ... a school for teaching mathematics, mechanics,
navigation and those branches of natural philosophy and chemistry which
are calculated to make scientific farmers and skillful mechanics.
And whereas it is an object of very great importance to any state . . .
that its citizens should possess an education adapted to make them skillful
and able to improve the advantages which nature had so lavishly bestowed
upon them, and whereas the State of Maine ... has hitherto omitted to
make provbions for giving instruction to her seamen, her mechanics, and
her farmers, upon whom the wealth and prosperity of the State mainly
depend . . .
They would therefore pray your honorable bodies to incorporate a
school for the above purposes, with a body of seven Trustees with the usual
powers and privileges, to be called the "Gardiner Lyceum^' and to grant
such aid as will enable the Trustees to bring the school into immediate use-
fulness. Signed by R. H. Gardiner and 53 others.
In response to this petition the Maine legislature passed what is
apparently the first recognition, by an American legislative body, of
a distinctively agricultural school.
Private acts of the State of Maine, Chapter CVIII.
AN ACT to incorporate the Trustees of the Gardiner Lyceum.
Sec X. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives, m
Legislature assembled. That an institution, designed to prepare youth by a
scientific education to become skillful farmers and mechanics, be established
in the town of Gardiner, to be called the Gardiner Lyceum; and that Robert
Hallowell Gardiner, Peter Grant, Sanford Kingsberry, Frederick Allen, John
Stone, and Edward Swan, Esquires, be and they are hereby incorporated into
a body politic, by the name of the trustees of the Gardiner Lyceum; . . .
(This act passed January 30, 1822).
The Gardiner autobiography states that the name ^had been chosen
to distinguish the institution as distinct from a high school or college**
and further that ''Mr. Allen almost immediately resigned and Mr.
Evans, who was very efficient in carrying out the objects of the insti-
tution was elected in his place'*.
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AMERICA'S FIRST AGRICULTURAL SCHOOL 583
The next step was the publication, in 1822, of an ^'Address to the
Public" from the trustees of the Gardiner Lyceum. This address,
which was prepared by Mr. Gardiner and signed by him in the name
of the trustees, stresses the importance of a knowledge of science in
practical affairs, and outlines the objects of the institution, as indi-
cated by the following quotations:
The practical utility of science cannot be doubted, in an age where
its investigations have produced such astonishing improvements as in the
present There is scarcely an art, which has not directly or indirectly re-
ceived from it important services, for science must necessarily be the founda-
tion of every art
With a view to furnish to farmers and mechanics the education here
represented as so useful, the Gardiner Lyceum has been established; and
the course of study will be arranged with particular reference to the wants
of those classes, for whose particular benefit it was designed. As soon as a
suitable apparatus can be provided, lectures will be given upon the sciences
there taught; and the application of those sciences to the arts will be
illustrated as fully as the nature of lectures will admit.
Gardiner states in his autobiography that, ^Copies of the address
were sent among others to the two ex-presidents, Adams and Jefferson,
from both of whom I received civil answers approving the plan**.
Thus, even in small ways, did these two great Americans promote the
cause of education.
The address referred to announces the opening of the school early
in January, 1823, and the appointment of Mr. Benjamin Hale, a tutor
in Bowdoin College, as principal and lecturer in natural philosophy.
Of him the Gardiner autobiography says with apparent fairness:
Mr. Hale was admirably adapted to the situation. He was a man of
great insight into character, and with a strong disposition to break through
established routine when change offered improvement, and therefore entered
warmly into a plan which though novel, promised essential benefit to an
important class in the community. He had the power of gaining the con-
fidence and commanding the respect of young persons intrusted to his
charge, for while he was earnest to give them high motives of action, he
thought it better not to notice and punish trifling misdemeanors arising rather
from boyishness than from bad disposition.
Mr. Hale's inaugural address, whidh was published by the trustees,
foUoirs Mr. Gardiner's publication in emphasizing the practical im-
portance of science and states the object of the Lyceum in these words:
In exhibiting, as we have endeavored briefly to do, the connexion of
science with the useful arts, and showing the importance of the former as
the foundation of the latter, we have given you in part the views, which
led to establishment of the Gardiner Lyceum. It is the object of this insti-
tution to give instruction in those branches which arc most intimately con-
nected with the arts, and to teach them as the foundation of the arts. In
this respect we believe its design to be original.
But it is plain that to practical men science must be taught in a prac-
tical manner. Wc are taught this by the frequent failures of men who are
not deficient in the general principles of science, but who are unacquainted
with the particular science of the arts.
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534 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Under Hale's enthusiastic leadership the institution throve. In
January, 1823, an appropriation of one thousand dollars and the tax
on the Gardiner bank amounting to another thousand was secured fr<«i
the state legislature. The catalogue published in November, 1823,
shows that there were twenty students, the next fall there were fifty-
three and in February, 1828, a committee of the Maine legislature
reported that.
Since the Institution commenced its operations, the number of students
who have been instructed there, for longer or shorter periods of time, is
one hundred and ninety-one. Many of these have completed the whole term
f of three years . . . Several have remained for shorter periods having
in view the attainment of but one particular science, such as surveying,
I mechanics, navigation, chemistry, . . .
I The catalogue for 1823 announces (p. 9) an elective system which
must have been as much of an innovation as the school itself.
It will be seen at once, from the remarks above made, that the course
which will be pursued cannot be minutely detailed as it must often be sub-
ject to variations from the necessities of students, arising from the nature of
the object they have in view and the pursuit for which they wish to be
qualified. These objects and destined pursuits of the students will ever be
attended to, and no one will be obliged to study that, which will not be of
material service to him . . . Where there are several who are under
the necessity of leaving the common course, and their studies take the same
direction, they will form a class, and if a suitable text book can be found,
recitations will be had as usual. But in most cases, particular studies, such
as the application of chemistry to the individual Arts, will be pursued by
one or two only, and suitable books for recitation can rarely be had. Such
students must pursue such a course of reading as will be pointed out to
them, and will be assisted by frequent Examinations and Explanations, and
will have when necessary the liberty of privately experimenting.
The announcements in the catalogue for 1824 were even more
startling and include the inauguration of winter short courses for
those unable to attend the full session, with instruction in surveying,
navigation, architecture, and chemistry; and the development of a plan
of student self government not unlike that in use in some colleges
to-day. The catalogue for 1824 concludes with this optimistic remark:
We hope that the time is not far distant, when it shall be as conunon
for farmers and artists, to prepare themselves for their business by a
suitable and thorough education as for lawyers and physicians.
In August, 1827, Mr. Hale resigned to become professor of di«n-
istry at Dartmouth. Of this the Gardiner autobiography says:
His loss was irreparable. He had identified himself with the institution,
and associated its success with his own reputation.
In January, 1828, there appeared the first number of the New
England Farmers and Mechanic's Journal^ this monthly which was
published in Gardiner, continued for ten numbers, and contained
original and quoted articles arranged under three headings. Mechanics,
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AMERICA'S FIRST AGRICULTURAL SCHOOL 585
Agriculture and Miscellaneous. Under the first head were included
descriptions of such machines as the ^Bliss moveable hay press" and
**Lane*s patent Corn-Sheller"; under the second were discussed **Econ-
omy in f odder'' and ^Treservation of Potatoes" and similar subjects;
while the third division included such timely matter as '^Method of
making Transparent Soap" and ^Blacking-Balls for shoes." The cover
of the journal bears the inscription.
Conducted by E. Holmes, M. D., Professor of Chemistry, Natural
History and Agriculture in Gardiner Lyceum.
Ezekiel Holmes, a graduate of Brown in 1821, and of Bowdoin
Medical School in 1824, was appointed to the faculty of the Gardiner
Lyceum in the fall of 1824. Whatever his influence in that school, and
the Gardiner autobiography indicates that it was not great, his con-
nection with it was apparently effective in directing his attention from
medicine to agriculture to the great benefit of agriculture in the State
of Maine. He was for over thirty years editor of the Maine Fanner^
the first secretary of the state board of agriculture, and of the state
agricultural society and the
last public act of his life was that of securing from the legislature in Febru-
ary, 1865 — ^but a week before his death — an act which established the State
College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts as a separate and independent
institution. (4:44-416),
After 1831 state aid for the lyceum was withdrawn, and at this
time Mr. Gardiner himself recommended that the school be closed,
^but the feeling of the citizens was so strong for its continuance'* that
an attempt was made to carry on the work. The nature of the institu-
tion, however, became gradually changed until the studies were prac-
tically those of the other academies throughout the state. Whereas
in 1824 the course of study included no languages except English, and
featured chemistry, natural philosophy, agricultural chemistry, mathe-
matics and navigation; fifteeen years later (catalogue of 1839) the
course of study included Gredc, Latin, French and Spanish, with
science occupying an inconspicuous place. In 1839 a ^Temale De-
partment" was opened in the lyceum. In 1848 it was reorganized as
an academy, and in 1857 the building, which was later (1869) de-
stroyed by fire, was sold to the city of Gardiner and occupied as a
high school. (7).
The question naturally arises why an institution so broadly planned
and so successfully started should have decayed so quickly. For its
continuation as a popular institution state aid was necessary and this
could not be secured after 18^1 Tor reasons set forth by Gardiner in
his autobiography.
The plan of the school required considerable funds for its support, and
from the general approbation with which the plan was received by the pub-
lic, it was supposed that these funds would be readily granted by the Legis-
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536 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
lature. It had however been but a short time in operation before jealousies
were excited, and opposition grew up in various quarters. The Academies
found their scholars attracted to the superior education at the Lyceum, and
the Colleges believed that they would lose scholars who could dispense with
the classics and be satisfied with a more practical knowledge, attained with
a less amount of time and money.
Then came into operation the religious prejudice. All the higher in-
stitutions of learning were under the patronage of some particular denomi-
nation. They therefore combined against an institution which claimed no
sectarian support [and] it was evident that no further aid
could be expected from the State.
The work begun by the Gardiner Lyceum has not been neglected,
however. Robert Hallowell Gardiner concludes his autobiographical
record of the lyceum with a reference to the establishment of the Law-
rence Scientific School and to the fact that many
colleges have modified their laws ... a higher practical education is
therefore now afforded to those who desire it than could be attained at
the Lyceum, which was only designed to give needful instruction to the
laboring mechanic without raising him out of his position.
The very years those words were written (probably 1859-1861)
there was being pressed in Congress an act which was to establish in
every state institutions for the very purpose and along much the same
lines as the Gardiner Lyceum. Indeed, so wholly in sympathy with
the aims of the lyceum was the author of that act, Justin S. Morrill,
that it is difficult to avoid the belief that he knew of the Gardiner insti-
tution. Morrill was a young clerk in Portland, then the capital of
Maine, from 1828 to 1831, years in which its claims were being actively
pressed before the legislature. May not the future l^slator then have
followed with interest the discussions upon the Gardiner Lyceum?
STATE AID
One thousand dollars as the annual expenditure of a state for
agricultural education seems small, but a century ago, forty years
before the passage of the Morrill Act by Congress, such a step was
evidence of unusual progressiveness and interest. Tliis appropriation,
first made in 1823, and renewed in 1825 for three years, and again in
1828 for three years, was apparently the first allotment of public funds
for agricultural education in the United States. When it is remem-
bered that this enactment was made by the legislature of a new and
sparsely settled state, for an institution wholly new in design, the
wonder is not that the appropriation was so small and continued for
only seven years, but that it was made at all.
That so advanced a position was taken by Maine legislatures at
this early date is due to several influences. The state was strongly
committed to a policy of public support of education by the recently
adopted constitution. In fact the portion of that constitution which
deals with education and authorizes state support of academies and col*
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AMERICA'S FIRST AGRICULTURAL SCHOOL 587
leges (Article VIII) had been prepared only a few years before by
Thomas Je£ferson, founder and even then the acknowledged leader of
the party to which a large majority of the legislature belonged. More-
over, Maine was fortunate in her early years m having a succession of
able and progressive governors who were interested in education.
The first governor, William King, was, as a member of the constitu-
tional convention, active in having Article VIII included in the con-
stitution, and later (2) vouched for the fact that it was in substance
prepared by ex-president Jefferson. The portion of the message of
Governor Albion K. Parris, which deals with the Gardiner Lyceum,
deserves partial quotation.
An institution has recently been established in Gardiner, upon a plan
original in its design, but promising much solid public utility. The en-
couragement of those arts, by which the labor of man can be aided and
rendered more productive, is worthy of the patronage of any govern-
ment ... As the benefit to be derived from this institution will be
realized by the agriculturalist and the mechanic it may properly be con-
sidered in connection with these employments, as promotive of the public
interest, and consequently entitled to the public patronage. (January 2,
1823).
Two years later, the law having ccmstituted the Governor a member
of the Board of Visitors of the Lyceum, Governor Parris's message
discusses it more at length and concludes:
There was no institution in which those branches were exclusively
taught which are particularly applicable to the agricultural and mechanical
employments of the people and to the ordinary business of life. The
institution at Gardiner will supply this instruction in such a manner, that
the individual who seeks knowledge in one branch only of the useful arts
will not necessarily be diverted from his paramount object. . . . Such
establishments, which have for their primary object the dissemination of
useful knowledge among the productive classes of the community, are
obviously entitled to liberal support (January 7, 1825).
The next governor, Enoch Lincoln, whose older brother Levi, as
governor of Massachusetts, was responsible for the establishment of
our first state geological survey, was also much interested in educa-
tion, and commented favorably on the work of the Gardiner Lyceum
in his message of January 8, 1829. It was during his administration
that the last state appropriation for the institution was made.
THE UNIVERSmr OF VIRGINIA AND THE GARDINER LYCEUM
To associate a state university with a small agricultural school, the
very name of which has been forgotten half a century, may seem
forced. Yet so striking, in some respects, is the similarity of the
Gardiner Lyceum and the University of Virginia that it could not
escape the notice of any student of the history of science in this coun-
try. Tliey were founded at about the same time, the Gardiner Lyceum
opening to students in 1823, the University of Virginia in 1825. Bodi
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5S8 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
depended largely on state aid for sopport and both, at a time when
practically all academies and colleges were directly aiEliated with some
religious denomination, followed the University of Pennsylvania in
remaining free from sectarian influence. The introduction of an elective
system in the Gardiner Lyceum has abeady been referred to, and, as
is well known, the University of Virginia was the first collegiate insti-
tution in America to adopt this system.
A further resemblance between these institutions is that they intro-
duced, almost a century ago, a system of student self government
The catalogue of the lyceum for 1824 states (p. 9) :
One of the most important subjects, which engage the attention of
those, who have the care of a literary institution, is that of discipline.
The common methods, from some cause or other, are in a great measure
ineffectual, and the fact that they are so under the best instructors, leads
us to suppose that something wrong exists in the very principle, upon
which they are founded.
These methods have been long in use, were adopted in times very
different from the present, and have remained unchanged amid very im-
portant revolutions of opinion. They commenced during the prevalence
of absolute governments, and are now almost the only vestiges of such
governments to be found in countries like our own.
In schools, in which the government is wholly in the hands of the
officers, and the students have no part but to ob^, they are often sub-
jected to regulations, of which they are not taught the propriety, or which
they consider unreasonable, and the result is, they look upon their instruc-
tors as tyrants, whose laws it is heroism to disobey.
It is probably to the arbitrary nature of school discipline, which finds
no parallel in the political institutions of our country, that we may trace
that party spirit in public institutions, which arrays the students in opposi-
tion to the government, [and] which of times renders obedience unpopular.
The author of the Declaration of Independence himself could hardly
have offered a more scathing denunciation of college administrative
methods. Indeed, Jefferson's own words in his report to the legislature
of Virginia (1 p. 94) seem mild by contrast.
The best mode of government for youth in large collections is cer-
tainly a desideratum not yet attained with us. It may be well questioned
whether, fear, after a certain age, is a motive to which we should have
ordinary recourse.
Jefferson's report and the catalogue of the Gardiner Lyceum further
agree in calling attention to the system of student self government then
in use in certain English schools.
The most distinctive resemblance between the two institutions is in
the fact that both emphasized die practical importance of science, the
importance of science in education, and even the relation of science
to agriculture. These indeed furnished the very reason for the estab-
lishment of the Gardiner Lyceum and they were uppermost in the minds
of the founders of the University of Virginia. The attitude of the
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AMERICA'S FIRST AGRICULTURAL SCHOOL 589
^Father of the University of Virginia" on the importance of science
in the state (1 p. 89) and of science in edocation is well known. It is
not, however, always remembered that in his original plan (1 p. 83)
agriculture was included among the subjects to be taught in the uni-
versity. Indeed, about the time the Gardiner Lyceum was founded
(1822) the Agricultural Society of Albemarle attempted to raise funds
for the establishment of a professorship of agriculture in the Univer-
sity of Virginia (8 p. 163). The following quotation taken from the
letters sent out at this time by the society and signed by James Madi-
son, then its president and a member of the Board of Visitors of the
University of Virginia, undoubtedly represents the attitude of the other
university authorities.
This science [chemistry] is every day penetrating some of the hidden
laws of nature and tracing the useful purpose to which they may be
made subservient Agriculture is a field on which it has already begun
to shed its rays, and on which it promises to do much toward unveiling
the processes of nature to which the principles of agriculture are related.
The professional lectures on Chemistry, which are to embrace those
principles, could not fail to be auxiliary to a professorship having lessons
on agriculture for its essential charge.
A brief quotation from the first "address to the public'* prepared
by Robert Hallowell Gardiner will show how similar were the ideas
of those who founded the two institutions.
Agriculture, too depends much upon chemistry. It is the business of
this science to investigate the nature of soils, the cause of their fertility
or barrenness, to ascertain the composition of manure, and the kind best
suited to give fruitfulness to each kind of soil. The experience of
Lavoisier, who in a few years, doubted his crops, is sufficient to prove
the utility of chemistry, when applied to the cultivation of the earth.
In comparing the ideas expressed in the foundation of the Univer-
sity of Virginia and the Gardiner Lyceum, one is tempted to go fur-
ther and note the similarity of tastes of their founders. They had much
in common, a generous hospitality, an appreciation of education and
the need of wider opportunities for scientific training, keen interest
in farm problems and a love of out of doors. Both even kept careful
meteorological records. In political thought, however, they could
hardly have been further apart. Indeed, viewed at the distance of a
century, Robert Hallowell Gardiner's attitude toward Thomas Je£ferson
seems like irrational prejudice. Tlie school he established was of the
type nearest Jefferson's ideal and had his personal endorsement, the
legislature from which the school drew support was overwhelmingly
of the party Jefferson founded and was strongly under the influence
of his ideas, the very section of the state constitution which authorized
appropriations for such purposes was written by the great Virginian
and the school at Gardiner was finally wrecked through the pressure
of that selfish sectarianism, the power of which Jefferson did so much
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540 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
to destroy in his own state. Yet throughout his life Gardiner main-
tained toward Jefferson that attitude of political hostility and personal
criticism which was natural in a New England Federalist, who was the
son of a loyalist, and a devout churchman. It may be questioned
whether Jefferson's partisanship was more generous. It is the more to
the credit, then, of these two pioneers in education, that in their inter-
est in education they were ready to forget political differences, that
Gardiner sent the prospectus of his school to ex-president Jefferson as
well as to ex-president Adams, and that Jefferson, like Adams, sent
a **civil answer approving the plan".
LITERATURE CITED
Much of the material presented was obtained from the mantiscript
autobiographical notes of Robert Hallowell Gardiner, here usually referred
to as the Gardiner autobiography; from the publications of the Gardiner
Lyceum preserves in the libraries of the Historical Societies of Maine and
Massachusetts ; and from the published Acts and Resolves of the Maine Legis-
lature, with which are included the Governors' messages. In addition there
are mentioned several publications which are listed herewith :
1. Adams, Herbert B. Thomas Jefferson and the University of
Virginia, 308 p., illus., pi. Washington, D. C, 1888. U. S. Bur. Educ, Circ
Inform, i^
2. Benson, Samuel P. Literature in the constitution [of Maine].
Collect Maine Hist Soc. 7:241-242. 1876.
3. Boardman, Samuel L. The agriculture and industry of Kennebec
County. 200 p. Augusta, 1867.
4. Afi^ictdtural bibliography of Maine. 117 p., pL, Augusta,
1893.
5. Burgess, George. Notice of Robert Hallowell Gardiner. Collect
Maine Hist. Soc. 7:403-428. 1876.
6. Hasse, Adelaide R. Index of economic material in documents of the
states of the United States. Maine 1820-1904. 95 p. Baltimore, 1907.
(Carnegie Inst, Washington, Pub. 85).
7. Maxcy, Josiah S. A brief sketch of Gardiner's early history. The
Centennial of Gardiner p. 23-46, Gardiner, Maine, 1903. (The notes on the
(jardiner Lyceum p. 38 were evidently taken largely from the (ku'diner
Autobiography. There is included a picture of the Lyceui|i building, from
an old print.)
8. True, A. C. Agricultural education in the United States. U. S. Dept.
Agr. Year Book 1899, p. 157-190. 1900.
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THE RESEARCHER IN SCIENCE 641
THE RESEARCHER BV SCIENCE^
By Professor MICHAEL F. GUYER
UNIVERSITT OF WISCONSIN
ris the custom, at this time, for your president to sing his swan-song
and make as graceful an exit from his hi^ office as his natural
urbanity-— or lack of it — will permit. As retiring president I have
chosen the theme of The Researcher in Science for the remarks which
I have to make. I may say at the outset that they aie intended, not for
the veteran researcher, not for the blase professor who has been bored
into dumb, unresisting endurance by an endless succession of such ad-
dresses, but they are directed to our newly eleoted members.
To you, our novitiates, this evening is devoted. Yours is a sacred
trual. For it is to keep the heart of science throbbing and to see that
this mighty, man-made giant, blind and ruthless of itself, is devoted to
the safety and the progress of civilization. In your hands and in the
hands of those who come after you it is destined to save or to wredc the
world, depending upon tl^ outlook you give it, the motives you instill.
The terrible catastrophe of science turned to the destruction of man has
been vividly before us during the past few years, and what we have
already experienced is but the prelude to what will happen if a later
war is to be fought.
You are to be the leaders of to-morrow and you should get a clear-
eyed vision of the fact that a heavy responsibility is to be laid upon
you. It is no less than the guidance of civilization. Human society
has become so complex that no longer can its conduct be entrusted to
the man in the street. It must, if it is not to prove the colossal failure
of all time, be del^ated to the expert. Without intent to flatter,
I wish to impress you with the distinction of your position. You are a
chosen few from the large number of students of science in our great
university. You have been selected because of promise. Your sponsors
believe that they have detected in you the divine spaik of creative ability
which means new discovery, new understanding, new accomplishment
in the realm of nature, promise of leadership. And while I want you
to feel the honor of this choice, I desire still more that you realize the
responsibility it places upon you. It means that in entering Sigma Xi
you are pledging yourself to live up to your full capacity. Your
motto becomes noblesse oblige no less surely than this became the motto
of the born nobleman in the days of knighthood. High ability un-
1 An address before the Wisconsin chapter of The Sigma Xi.
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542 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
questionably means increased obligation to make the most of that
ability.
The emblem of science is the question mark. If you feel no com-
pelling urge in you to know the how and the why of things, then you
are not destined to be a scientist; if you have not the desire in your
heart, not only to discover truth but to follow it wherever it may lead,
and to turn it to the betterment of your fellowman, then you are not
worthy of being a scientist.
In world and national affairs if anything is to be read certainly
from social and industrial conditions to-day, it is the truth of the
Biblical maxim, ^*Ye are part one of another. * * * For none of us
liveth to himself and no man dieth to himself.'' It is becoming clearer
every day that part of the world can not be in distress and the rest care-
free. This truth ranges all the way down from the major to the minor
affairs of modem life. Particularly in a democracy it is obvious that
all must stand or fall together. In the material things of life, for in-
stance, it is being driven home to us daily through the pinch of shrink-
ing purses and annoying inconveniences that we can not exist indefinite-
ly under the pressure of either the profiteering parasite or the greedy
laborer; that we can not have an eight hour day in town and a twelve
hour day in the country — ^a fat daily wage in the one place and a leais
one in the other. It is equally plain in the sphere of intellect and good
taste that we can not have a cultured aristocracy and a boorish pro-
letariat, a group of exclusive intellectuals intent only upon their own
cultivation, and a mass of ignorant '^hewers of wood and drawers of
water." Society as a whole must have a favorable attitude toward the
projects and teachings which result from the concentrated endeavor of
men of high' mentality; otherwise little can be permanently accomplish*
ed. This means that not only must the scientist make his discoveries,
but he must carry the public with him if he is not soon to reach the limit
of public support. As scientists of the future, then, you will not only
have to make researches but you must keep the public educated to the
value and the necessity of your research.
As a ^latter of fact, keeping the public posted on the progress of
science is, in my estimation, not such a hopeless undertaking as some of
our scientific Jeremiahs would make out. I fully believe that no really
great scientific discovery has ever been made in the past or is likely to
be made in the future which can not be stripped of its technical jargon
and reduced to terms that, in its broader bearings at least, render it in-
telligible to the ordinary, educated citizen. I am one of those incurable
optimists, moreover, who believes that to interest the layman, every new
discovery in science need not have some obvious practical use attached
to it Nor do I believe that appeals for popular support need to be
based on the economic aspects of science only. For once, at least, I
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THE RESEARCHER IN SCIENCE 548
should like to see some one with the knack of clear presentation and a
conviction of the justice of his cause, go before the public with the di-
rect plea of science for its own sake. I believe that the appeal would
meet with a cordial response. It is so easy to show that all truth must
in the long run redound to the advantage of man in other than material
ways, that we lose much of our effectiveness when we confine our argu-
ments for support to those aspects of science which mean merely a
fuller purse or a fatter paunch, a more profitable mine or a more ef-
fective machine.
We hear not a little in these days about science and the humanities —
that is, we hear not a little aibout than from the professional humanists.
The word ^'science" in this setting is sometimes spoken with a sort of
haunting fear as though the downfall of beauty, sentiment, and poesy
were at hand. Science and these elusive entities vaguely termed the
humanities se^n to be r^arded as in some way antipodal and antagon-
istic. To be sure we are told by Trench that the Romans meant by
^'humanitas^' the highest and most harmonious cultivation of all the
faculties and powers^ but their modern successors seem to have changed
the inclusive all to the restrictive same, that is, they apparently exclude
the faculties and powers which have to do with science.
When a scientist, seeking enlightmmient, makes a determined effort to
lay hold upon the idea labeled ^'humanities,'* in the broad modem usage
of the term, he comes back at last with such morsels as these: cultiva-
tion of the emotions and perceptions; interpretation of the soul of man;
interpretation of pa^ human experience, emotional, rational, etc; ele-
vation and refinement of taste; knowledge of human nature as revealed
in literature and history; development of ideals; interpreting ideals of
beauty; culture.
He may be a bit puzzled by the indefiniteness of his catch, but still
all of the conceptions have a familiar look and feel, and he b^ins to
wonder just why they are r^arded as the exclusive prerogatives of the
non-scientific. He has encountered them all in literature and even
more vividly in his attempts to further the cause of humanity by solving
the problems of nature. Just because he has an ineradicable conviction
that the universe is intelligible if he can only discover enough links of
the chain of cause and effect, and is bending his chief efforts toward
working out this faith that is in him, he fails to see just where he falls
short in his desire to cultivate his emotions, develop ideals, refine his
taste, and interpret the soul of man. He has thought all along that these
were some of the important things he was doing. In fact he would, I
suspect, define the main objects of education about as follows: to learn
how to extract knowledge not only from the past, but also from the
things around us, and how to use such knowledge; to learn to weigh evi-
dence that we may know how to deal with facts and to evaluate the
conclusions of others; to gain understanding of the fundlamental laws
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W4 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
of nature that we may work in harmony with, rather than fall a prey
to them; to learn to express our thoughts dearly, forcibly, and mth a
reasonable degree of grace; and to form character and develop an in-
telligent appreciation of the things which enrich and re&ne life. To
be sure, he does not woik much through intuition or pure fancy, or
subservience to authority, and he looks somewhat askance upon pro-
ducts of such an origin. He believes furthermore, that the world of the
emotions which, I suspect, we unconsciously imply when we talk of the
humanities as consoling us in adversity or revealing human life and
feelings, is likely to prove an untrustworthy guide unless grounded upon
the hard substratum of objective facts. He makes use, for the most
part, of what he teims the method of science.
With its mode of procedure in mind, Huxley once defined science
as ^^trainad and organized common sense." The method of science is
not, then, scone abstruse system which is being expounded, nor a re-
cently discovered panacea for mental aberrations. On the contrary,
it is as old as the time when a mind first existed capable of distinguish-
ing the relations of things. So common is it that, whether merchant,
mechanic, child or scientist, we use it in a simplified way in nearly all
our daily occupations. The method has been expressed in words in one
form or another by many logicians and educators^ that we might, by
focussing our attention upon it, recognize its value more clearly and use
it for the more economical guidance of our minds. The principle when
thus formulated becomes a sort of handrail to our mental stairway
which keeps us from tumbling down into the realm of inanity, illusion
and superstition. It is one of those great modes of mental activity
which, more or less unconsciously, all follow, but which, like steam in
a cylinder, become power to a purpose when followed ccmsciously.
When he invades the realm of the humanists, the prying scientist
soon discovers that these self-appointed arbiters of culture and humane-
ness are not in agreement among themselves as to what is the Simon
pure brand of their ware. Seemingly, one has almost as mudi choice in
alternatives as he has of styles in theosophy. He finds such major
labels as classicism and romanticism together with a whole host of sub-
ordinate ones. Clearly, the humanists still have some time to bicker
among themselves, apart from that spent in decrying the gross material-
ism of science and weeping over the vanishing auras of culture. I say
'auras because, as stated, you can never get them to agree on just ivfaat
the particular aura is that is being lost.
After one becomes a bit acclimated to this rarified atmosphere one
makes the interesting discovery that the real creators in this realm, the
poets, philosophers and makers of beHe-lettres, are not the complain-
ants. Scarcely any one more than the poet, in fact, has made avid use
of the findings and doings of science. One needs but to pick up his
Tennyson, his Browning or his Kipling to verify this to the full.
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THE RESEARCHER IN SCIENCE 545
But let us admit at once that some scientists are crass, plodding
specialiste who have neither breadth of vision nor depth of soul. And
let us also express the suspicion that some humanists belong in an
equally narrow, uncompromising class. Just as there are beetles whose
sole place in the scheme of nature seems to be to hunt up dead mice and
other small lifeless creatures and either devour or bury them, so there
are individuals, apparently, whose idea of culture is the devotions of
one's life to devourii^ the fragments of various dead languages, not
with the idea of revealing to their less accomplished brethren whatever
there may be of valuable thought or sentiment concealed there, but for
the mere joy of the feast Now no one will deny the useful part the
sexton beetle plays in the world, nor does any one doubt the great serv-
ice the classicist can really do for us when he stops tinkering with the
mechanism of language long enough to reveal to us some of the great
thoughts conveyed by it. Neither would any scientist quarrel with even
the classicist given over entirely to necrophilism if the latter did not
keep on insisting that his is the only real portal to culture and beauty.
Am I tilting against a man of straw? Let me cite a specific ex-
ample. Some time ago I was walking along a ravine through a beauti-
ful park with such an aesthete of classicism. The prevailing trees of the
vicinity were giant beeches, and with their fresh new leaves, gray trunks
and drooping branches they were a joy to the eye. The ravine itself
was bordered with a profusion of the lesser trees and shrubs of the
woodland. A shower had just passed and the drops of water still cling-
ing to the leaves flashed back the gold of the late afternoon sunshine.
Many of the choicer early spring flowers still lingered in the depths of
the ravine — the bloodroot, the wild ginger and the trilium. The even-
ing song of the woodthrush was all around us and a specimen of the
rare hermit thrush shyly glided through the underbrush. A trim fox-
sparrow eyed us pertly from beneath a nearby shrub. One good deep
breath of the newly washed air was like a fresh draught of life. Upon
remaiking on the beauty of the scene I was met with the rather bored
rejoinder, *Tes, but for it to be really beautiful there ought to be
pieces of statuary here and there among the trees, and the ruins of a
Grecian temple visible in the distance." Then with eyes bent to the
bridle-path along which we were strolling he babbled on of beauty.
Verily, if this be a fair sample of what classicism yields, then in
preference to it I suspect most scientists would cry, *'Back to intellectual
Nirvana and an instinctive life with' the creatures of the wilderness!"
Certainly the picture of the beast-world as Walt Whitman paints it is
far more alluring:
They do not sweat and whine about their condition,
They do not lie awake in the dark and weep for their sins,
They do not make me sick discussing their duty to God,
Not one is dissatisfied, not one is demented
VOL. xm.— 35
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546 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
With the mania of owning things;
Not one kneels to another, nor to his kind that lived thousands
of years ago;
Not one is respectable or unhappy over the whole earth.
Fortunately, however, my example is not a fair one, but it is no
more unfair than those you see exhibited not infrequently to typify the
scientist Such a classicist demands attention only because of the
assiduity with which he fights the intrusion into our educational pro-
grams of anything bearing the mark of science, although he himself
is often innocent of any knowledge of the subject. It should be well
understood that there is no quarrel with classicism itself. Many
scientists have a high regard for both Gredc and Latin and wish most
heartily that their students had had some training in one or both. Aside
from the question of other values, the single one of inculcating some*
thing of the significance of words is certainly one that appeals to most
teachers of biology, for now-a-days the simplest technical term,
etymologically considered, is to most of our proteges, as one of my
students put it, **only a funny noise.** For purely selfish reasons, if for
no other, I for one, should like to have students come to me with some
knowledge of Greek and Latin roots, and practice in making deriva-
tions.
There is another type of less classical demeanor which merits
passing attention. Fortunately again this type is relatively rare, though
it makes up«in obnoxiousness what it lacks in numbers. It professes
humanism rampantly, though I suspect that real humanists would dis-
claim it. It deserves only such diagnosis as will enable us to avoid
confusing it with men of real culture and discernment Like the wise
men of Biblical tradition, not infrequently it comes to us out of the
East, shedding sweetness and light at every stride. It invariably pro-
nounces 6 e e Tt, bean — lovingly and lingeringly, as though culture sat
enshrined in this single word. It is fond of discoursing on the ideals of
culture at, let us say, W — University compared with ideals at X —
University, from which it sprang; always, of course, to the disparag-
ment of the former. If music, art, literature or philosophy is the thane
of conversation, it is always ready with an authoritative dictum — its
own — of what's what or who's who in these realms. In its defmse, the
plea may be made that usually it is young, and presumably it dies
early, for it is rarely encountered after its fortieth year. If you meet
it, don't be perturbed by its strictures on science; science will survive.
As he listens day by day to the diagnosis of the situation at the
hands of his humanistic friends, the scientist hears more frequently
perhaps than any other, the word culture^ and gradually the conviction
arises that humanists regard culture and humanism as practically
synonymous terms. He suspects, moreover, that some of them feel.
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THE RESEARCHER IN SCIENCE 547
deep down in their hearts, that they have some sort of monopoly on ap-
preciation of the thoughts, deeds and motives of the cultured world of
to-day and yesterday. The implication seems to he that in turning to
science the misguided one is somehow missing the refinements of life.
If you are to believe them, apparently, the scientist can not, in imagin-
ation^ 'Vander lonely as a cloud that floats on high o'er hill and dale"
because to this literal mind a cloud is only vaporized water, and
inanimate things can not be lonely. Nor can his heart dance with the
daffodils because strictly speaking Narcissus pseudo-narcissus does not
dance.
When the wind is low and the sea is soft
And the far heat-lightning plays
On the rim of the west where the ^Sirk clouds rest
On a darker bank of haze
should remain a meaningless jumble to him because his mind must in-
evitably be distracted by the fact that, strictly speaking, the west does
not possess a rim. It can not be sweet for him
^to hear the faithful watch-dog's honest bark
Bay deep-mouthed welcome as we draw near home
because, presumably, he r^ards the dog as only so much laboratory
material. If by some mischance he wanders into Southern Italy, he
can not be struck with the symbolism of the asphodel, *'pale flower of
Hades and the dead," which riots over the crumbled walls and around
the deserted temples of Paestum, because he must be preoccupied with
the knowledge that the asphodel is a plant with fleshy fasicular roots,
tufted radical linear leaves, long racemes of lily-like flowers on scapes,
and that it is a perennial herb of the family Liliaceae. Besides, there
is a suspicion tliat Paestum, far from having a romantic history, was
an ordinary swampy settlement from which the inhabitants were driven
by the onslaughts of malaria. Again, his mind must be closed to im-
pressions pictured in the mystical blue lights of unusual fancy — as by
Hawthorne in literature or Grieg in music — since fancy is not reckoned
as a tool of his trade.
However, the scientist is very likely to meet these implications with
the challenge, "What is your evidence, and by what authority have
you become mentor?'' Or in the query of the Israelites to Moses,
"Who made thee a prince and a judge over us?** Have you had equal
training in the sciences and the humanities, or are you presuming to
pass judgment in the matter without really ever getting into the spirit
of modem science? In listening during the last twenty-five or more
years to the perennially recurrent debate over the relative educational
importance of science and the humanities, or more narrowly sciences
and languages, I have always been struck by the fact, apart from the
intrinsic merits or demerits of the case, that many of the scientists had
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548 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
a reading knowledge of French or German or both, and could boast at
least a passing acquaintance with Greek or Latin, while their opponents
rarely knew any science through direct contact in laboratory or field.
In fact, in not a few instances the crowning glory of the latter, in their
own estimation at least, appeared to be that they had kept themselves un-
sullied from that world of unrighteousness. Some of them seemed not
to have even an inkling of the fact that to understand science is not
merely to be aware of or experienced in its material achievements;
that it is not only ability to use its tools and on occasion express one's
self in the abbreviations which constitute scientific terminology; but
that it is also to see in it the struggle of the human mind toward new
concepts of nature, and to realize the place of such concepts in the
fabric of civilization.
Science has, indeed, a much broader significance than application to
immediate ends only. To level one's whole effort to meet the shifting
needs of present occupations is, so far as true progress is concerned,
clearly suicidal. Science should never be regarded as a mere commodity
or means of subsistence. Human progress requires application of our
knowledge, to be sure, but we must never lose sight of the great fact that
discovery and explanation must precede application. Value of mind
must always come above value of money and the first question of the
scientist should be, not **Is it useful?" but **Is it true?" If true, then
pari passu it is useful.
The conventional distinction between pure and applied science is
in fact partly academic. A vast proportion of the material advantages
of modem civilization rests on results obtained by the scientist un-
motived by the immediately practical. Perhaps no conquest of nature
is more impressive than that of wireless telegraphy, yet this utilitarian
accomplishment was made possible only through the discoveries of
Professor Hertz, a pure scientist, in his studies on light and electricity.
On the other hand, perhaps nothing has done more to stimulate new
researches than has practical wireless telegraphy. Almost any school-
boy can to-day cite striking instances of economic applications of
principles or facts discovered without any thought of their utility, and
any technologist will tell us that he can not scrape through even the
veneer of his practical problem before he heads full tilt into countless
other problems which require all varieties of science, pure, impure and
mixed in their solution. Thus even the most thoughtless can easily
see that to interfere with pure science is to kill the goose that lays the
golden egg.
However, I would not belittle the part that our daily bread pla3rs in
fostering even the humanities. According to Westermann, the prosper-
ity, and with it the culture of Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, waxed with
increase of wheat production and waned with its decline. Upon the
passing of the extensive system of irrigation which had wrested fertile
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THE RESEARCHER IN SCIENCE 549
lands from the desert and maintained them at a high degree of pro-
ductivity for hundreds of years, the desert claimed its own again, and
the brilliant intellectualism of that ancient world vanbhed.
Not long ago, I heard a historian express hb disapproval of a con*
temporary with the stat^nent that B — was not a historian but a
scientist, thus revealing his own conception of a scientist as a mere
collector of facts. Instantly there flashed up in my mind the memory
of a revered teacher of my young manhood, who, though untiring in
his quest for necessary facts and meticulous in his demands for ac-
curacy, held before us the constant reminder that, in his own words,
**fact knowledge is the fool's paradise," and that *^an ounce of ability
to turn facts into general ideas is worth tons of information," and I
reflected that my friend the historian still had much to learn about the
true spirit and significance of science. It so happened that within less
than twenty-four hours a scientific colleague expressed the idea that
C — was not a scientist but a mere historian; that is^ presumably, a
chronicler of events. And I had opportunity to reflect again; this time
to the effect that the scientists no less than the historian may be afflicted
with seriously myopic vision when he views the other man's domain.
And is not this emblematical of the whole difficulty? Each knows
too little of the other's point of view; each misunderstands the other's
motives and accomplishments. This is a malady of world-wide range
which is not restricted to the supposed conflict between science and the
humanities. As we have already seen, it is common within the human-
ities themselves, and it certainly is prevalent within the sciences. Even
in so restricted a realm as that of music we discover no end of disagree-
ments and miscomprehensions. In looking through a reminiscence of
Tshaikovsky some time ago, for instance, I was impressed by the fact
that although this master of tone-drama — creator of the somber
Manfred and of the melancholy Symphony Pathetique — admired
Wagner personally, he expressed his utter inability to grasp what this
great artist was trying to do in his music drama. And toward Brahms,
who, because of his adherence to established forms, had unwittingly
become the champion of the anti-Wagnerian party, Tshaikovsky reveals
an actual antipathy, saying that Brahms coquets with the intricacies of
musical composition to hide his poverty of ideas. Yet Brahms is almost
universally admired by other technical musicians and is regarded as
one of the greatest creators of music which is original, beautiful, and
of faultless form. With such disharmony of opinion in what is sup-
posed to be the most harmonious of the arts, is it any wonder that the
place of science in the realm of human culture may be variously ap-
praised by different cultured people?
Even when we speak or read the same words we may understand by
them very different things, since we are almost sure to impute to them
meanings derived from our own mental content. How easily this mis-
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550 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
take can be made was brought vividly to my attention only a few days
ago. In an idle moment I had picked up the volume of Thomas a
Kempis '^Of the Imitation of Christ/* and was sampling it here and
there. In Chapter 3 of the first bode, I chanced upon the expression
^^And what have we to do with genera and species? He to whom the
Eternal Word speaketh is delivered from many an opinion," and came
up with a start To the modern evolutionist, that could only be an
echo of the Darwinian controversy, and yet as a matter of fact the
volume in question was written in the early part of the fifteenth century,
three hundred years before Linnaeus led us toward the modem usage
of the words genus and species, and over four centuries before Darwin
was born.
It is to a certain extent a matter of opinion, of course, as to what
constitutes culture; but in the main, many educated people of to-day
will agree that the best culture is that subtle attribute whidh comes with
proper education, simultaneously quickening the intellectual, the moral,
and the esthetic sides of man's nature. It is not learning alone, but
learning refined into wisdom and intelligent social activity. Matthew
Arnold's familiar definition of it as ''the study and pursuit of perfec-
tion'* is known to you all. But he did not limit it to pursuit, for he said
we are justified in the quest for perfection only "to make it prevail."
His idea of culture was, then, not only acquisition of knowledge, but
also its utilization for the betterment of man.
Are we essentially more cultured, if in fancy we watch some goat-
I^ged god go capering through the pastures and forests or along the
streams of Arcadia piping to the wood nymphs, than if we actually go
into the woods and along the streams in search of our friends in feath-
ers or fur, watching their home-making, learning their habits, under-
standing the part they play in nature, enjoying their beauty of form,
action or song? Are we necessarily more learnedly, ethically or es-
thetically employed when we are gazing down through the portals of a
borrowed mind — say Dante's — into the murk of hell, or ascending with
him through the seven planetary heavens to the empyrean, than we are
when striving to analyse the obscure motives of man in terms of the
behavior of lower animals where many of them stand unveiled, or in
studying the part living things play in the world, and man's relation to
them, so that his place in nature shall not always remain a sealed book
to him? Each type of occupation unquestionably has its own value.
Dante, so aptly termed the "voice of ten silent centuries," depicts al-
legorically the wrestling of man's soul with the problems of human
existence; science represents the wrestling of man's reason ivith the
world as it is, to the end that human existence may become based less
on fantasy, more on fact
If proper balance of tone, contrast and color are to be secured in a
great orchestra, not one family of instrum«its — strings, wood-winds.
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THE RESEARCHER IN SCIENCE 551
brass or percussion — can be dispensed with. Think what a hiatus
would result between strings and brass if the wood-winds were lacking;
or if even the horns, which in orchestral usage merge the wood-winds
with the harsher brass, were missing. What could take the place of the
trio for horns in the ^^Eroica," or the horn solo in the scherzo of the
"Pastoral" Symphony, or the well-known passage for four horns in
"Der Freischutz'*? The peculiar tonal quality of each separate instru-
ment, indeed, whether considered individually or in combination with
other instruments, is essential to the finished efifect. The expressiveness
of the bassoon, bass of the wood-winds, is inimitable in certain sus-
tained melodies like that given to it in the Weber Mass in G, ^Agnus
Dei"; so, too, is its drollery in the hands of good old Father Haydn,
or its ghastliness in Meyerbeer's resurrection of the nuns, or Handel's
scene between Saul and the Witch of Endor. What else could impart
the spirit of gayety, or, on occasion, of melancholy, that that auto-
crat of the orchestra, the oboe, does? Or what can pander more to
savagery in musical taste than the yelping, braying saxophone, hybrid
of reed and brass, which so intoxicates our modem devotees of "jazz"?
The point I would make is, that just as a great diversity of instruments
of distinctive individual and group qualities must be combined to secure
the marvelous effects of the symphony orchestra, so the blending of a
wide range of sciences and humanities is indispensable to well-balanced
modern culture.
Thus no one aspect of learning is sufficient The study of science
in some form should be accorded a prominent place, however, because
of its obvious bearing upon the principles involved. It is the most
direct of all learning, and from the very necessity of obtaining correct
knowledge through personal contact with the facts concerned, it
engenders in large degree the ability "to make it prevail." Training in
science, therefore, must demand recognition as one of the fundamental
components leading to that perfection which, with Arnold, we may
recognize as the goal of culture. "Perfection * * * is a harmonious
expansion of all the powers which make the beauty and worth of human
nature, and is not consistent with the over-development of any one
power at the expense of the rest."
Even if we choose such aspects of culture as art, we can not escape
the fundamental necessity of accurate observation and clear reasoning —
the very essence of science — and this is as necessary to literary art as
to other forms. For before we can have art in literature, we must first
see the truth, then state it accurately and clearly. Walter Pater, one
time apostle of precision and fitness in style, says, "Truth! there can be
no merit, no craft at all, without that. And further, all beauty is in the
long run only fineness of truth." That accuracy in the use of language
which must result if one records his observations faithfully, then, must
be one of the foundation stones upon which literature as art is builded;
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552 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
for if we are to believe this critic, fine art in literatme results only
from the writer's eflfort to transcribe the essence of the tmdis whidi he
perceives; not necessarily, to be sure, the actual qpedfic fact, bot ''his
sense of it,** and the result is ''good art in proportion to the troth of his
presentment of that sense."
We sometimes hear the curious assertion that training in sdenoe
tends to destroy the powers of imagination, that it renders cme prosaic
But what has suggested any of our great laws or principles in the world
of science, if it has not been a legitimate working of the imagination?
It was the imagination of Sir Isaac Newton that led him from the
simple perception of a falling body to the great law of gravitation,
whereby we have compassed the heavens and are able to follow the
celestial bodies with the precisi<Hi of clodnfrorL It can be nothing else
than the imngination which has disclosed the realm of the imperceptible
molecule and atom, or in the discovery of electricity enabled us to out-
do Puck in putting "a girdle round about the earth in forty minutes."
Or what but the imagination, based on scientific fact, has carried us
back step by step peering into the depths of ancestry till we perceive
the remotest dead, and has thus enabled us to formulate the great
law of organic evolution? In truth, as pointed out long ago by
Tyndall in a famous lecture on The Scientific Use of the Imagination,"
to science should be attributed a legitimate cultivation of the imagin-
ative faculty rather than its destruction. To flights of pure fancy un-
hampered by knowledge or common sense, however, science is perhaps
less cordial.
And last of all let us take cognizance of beauty, that quality which
appeals to, and gratifies, our esthetic sense. Where else than in nature
can one find more of that perfection of form or circumstance, of
harmonious combination, which is the essence of beauty? Only one
trained in interpreting the processes of nature can, in fact, see its great-
est beauties. To such a one a graceful tree has a tenfold beauty un-
suspected by the oasual observer. It is not only a thii^ of symmetry
and of life, a harmony of color, or a picturesque bit of the landscape;
it is infinitely more. Its every attitude, every part, is a response to the
wonderful energy of the universe. Locked in every leaf is the secret of
creation which can wrest life from the sunbeam and embody it to our
view. The very arrangement of bough on trunk and leaf on bough
points to the silent struggle of each to gain the most favorable position
for this transmutation of life. Its roots, prompted by cm iimer inqiulae
of response to the external world, no less marvelous than that of leaf
and bough, thread their way in darkness for the soil-food and water
which shall later with the ingestions of the leaves form the mechanism
of living substance.
From the standpoint of beauty our wild animals are not only grace-
ful creatures suited to ornament some menagerie or zoological park;
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THE RESEARCHER IN SCIENCE 553
they are not merely a delight to the eye because of form, color or
action; but they are also living examples of that higher beauty to be
perceived through a compr^ension of the marvelous fitness of living
things to their environment One trained to read such records need not
fltupidly go to a natural history every time he wants to find out the
essential facts about some particular animal, for the account of its
native haunts, its habits of life, the nature of its friends and foes are
before him in the living animal itself. The sfpotted coat of the forest,
the stripes of the jungle or the meadow, the dunes of the desert, the
whites of the polar r^ions, the symmetry and proportions of body, the
claws or hoofs, the beaks or teeth, the position of the eyes^ the
characteristics of the ears, nose or jaws, in short any particular part of
the body when taken with the equally obvious context to be read else-
where in the animal, tells its unmistakable story.
To one who can interpret, the flower, in addition to mere formal
beauty and fragrance, has a wonderful history to disclose of ingenious
device, which reaches even to the other world of life, the world of
sentient beings, and forces bee or butterfly to serve its ends. The
trained observer may see, furthermore, in every spear of grass or every
forest tree an emblem of triumph; for has not each through endless
struggle won victory? It is the understanding of this victory which
enables the sedker after truth to pry even into the very inception of all
life and form, whether plant or animal, and point the path by which it
has arrived at its present perfection.
And not only in the field of animate nature, but in the realm of
astronomy with its romance of worlds in the making and worlds in de-
cline, with its myriads of solar systems in incredible gyrations, yet all
apparently orderly and harmonious; in chemistry with its wonderful
systems of combination and exchange, of creative possibilities that beg-
gar the lamp of Aladdin; in physics, forging ahead with astonishing
strides into the solution of matter itself and of all performances of mat-
ter; in geology with its ingenious readings of the past in earth shrink-
age, crust warping and climatic oscillations, with its re-creation for us
of successive ages of flood and ice, land and sea, of strange monsters
long since vanished; in all of these there are worlds upon worlds of
beauty unsuspected by those who are strangers to the paths of science.
Thus from the standpoint of esthetics, nature becomes to the student
a wonderful harmony. As he perceives something of the medianism of
the universe, how each part moves cog within cog in marvelous unity,
knowledge does not reduce his emotional enjoyment, but enhances it
through a higher sense of beauty.
When all is said and done, after admitting that many scientists
have their crudities and some humanists their asininities, we must real-
ize that science and the humanities have far more in common than they
have apart. The old idea of conflict betiveen them is largely fictitious.
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554 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
They are or should be cooperants, not antagonists. For the most part
they look toward the same problem, in last analysis the great problem
of what is worth while for humanity. They but view it from different
angles. And it will be a sorry day, not only for science but for ciyili-
zation itself, if scientists ever lose sight of the humaner aspects of their
pr<^lems. It is my serious conviction, indeed, that one of the im-
perative, outstanding duties of the modem scientist is to do away with
what remains of the no-man's-land between these two great aspects of
human culture and blend them into one. No one more than the thought*
f ul scientist recognizes to-day that science in the sense of mere material
accomplishment, of greater accumulation of knowledge, or of more
precise logic — ^if thi« be all — ^is futile; it must be humanized. With-
out the final touch of human altruism, science may easily become a
soulless Moloch whidi will devour its own creators.
Further applications of scientific knowledge unquestionably will
mean growing complexity of social organization. And our organiza-
tion is already so intricate that a slip anywhere in the machinery, be it
but the obstinacy of a few striking switchmen or the discontent of a
handful of coal miners, may throw the whole machine into disorder.
With the dep^idence of one upon another to which we are becoming
more and more committed, serious disruptions of the system become in-
creasingly probable and increasingly hazardous.
In his more pessimistic moods, when he ponders the trend of present
economic and social conditions, the mind of the evolutionist harks back
to the grotesque monsters of Mesozoic times whose very hugeness prob-
ably led to their final extinction, and he is filled with apprehension for
the outcome of the human race. This much is sure, human society will
need all of brotherly love, all of tolerance, all of the refinements of
existence that scientists and humanists can muster jointly, if the giant
organism known as civilization is not to succumb to its own intricacy.
It becomes your duty then as a part of the rising generation of
scientists to do your share toward imbuing science with a soul, and one
of the easiest ways of doing this is to help promote the humanities as
you do your science, in every way you can. The relation of man to his
fellowman is no less important than the relation of man to his physical
environment. Recognizing as we companions of Sigma Xi do that re-
search is the highest form of human activity, let us not take a narrow
view of it The goal of science and of the humanities alike is truth.
The desire for truth, indeed, is a well nigh universal human at-
tribute. The many observances and beliefs common to all the great
religions symbolize the cravings of the human mind for truth. Thus
the Vedianta maintains that the final deliverance of the soul frotn its
burden of repeated carnal existence can be attained only by the removal
of ignorance. In the teachings of Zoroaster we find that chief among
the "worshipful ones'* who guide the forces of nature is Mithras, per-
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THE RESEARCHER IN SCIENCE 566
sonification of light and truth. And as for the Buddha, his very name
comes from a word which means "he to whom truth is known." More
familiar still is the .pronouncement of the gentle Nazarene, "Ye shall
know the truth, and the truth shall make you free."
The great poet, the true artist, the sincere novelist is striving in his
way for truth, for reality, in no less a measure than is the physicist or
the chemist And the most cursory glance into the past shows that this
has been so thoroughout all history. We find Aeschylus^ five centuries
B. C; grappling in his poetry with a conception of the mental evolution
of man. His graphic description, in his Prometheus Bounds of the part
number and the rudiments of science played in the awakening of man
from blind instinct into reason is well worth considering (translation
of Elizabeth Barrett Browning) :
How, first beholding, they beheld in vain,
And hearing, heard not, but, like shapes in dreams.
Mixed all things wildly down the tedious time.
Nor knew to build a house against the sun
With wicketed sides, nor any woodwork knew.
But lived, like silly ants, beneath the ground
In hollow caves unsunned. There came to them
No steadfast sign of winter, nor of spring
Flower-perfumed, nor of summer full of fruit,
But blindly and lawlessly they did all things.
Until I taught them how the stars do rise
And set in mystery, and devised for them
Number, the inducer of philosophies,
The synthesis of Letters, and, beside.
The artificer of all things. Memory
That sweet Muse-mother.
Somewhat later we note the endeavors of Plato to make knowledge
and conduct go hand in hand, and in his pupil, Aristotle, we see per*
haps one of the most ideal combinations of scientist and humanist in
one that history reveals. Still farther down the ages we find Lucretius
not only propounding a theory of the confluence of atoms into stable
and adapted forms, but even foreshadowing the idea of a struggle for
existence, the conception which became of such importance in the
Darwinian theory. Thus, " • • • And many races of living things
must then have died out and been unable to beget and continue their
breed. For in the case of all things which you see breathing the breath
of life, either craft or courage or else speed has from the beginning of
its existence protected and preserved each particular race. * * * In
the first place, the fierce breed of lions and the savage races their
couitage has protected, foxes their craft, and stags their proneness to
flight.^'
With all of these, as with the scientist to-day, the unmistakable note
is the quest for truth. So that we scientists in our pre-occupation with
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556 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
our own fragments of truth must not overlook the fact that the ex-
pressions of human emotions, character, taste, and cultivated imagina-
tion, all have their share in the finished product of our search. In fact,
when we stop to consider, it is obvious that the motives for our conduct,
our likes and dislikes, lie far more in the realm of the ^notions than
in that of. the intellect. And all history implies that man can no more
live without beauty than he can live without bread.
Beauty is truth, truth beauty—that is all
Ye know on earth, and all you need to know.
Even the prehistoric cave-man showed his craving for beauty in
crude attempts at picture-making. The colored drawings may still be
found on the walls of his caves. The warring, pirating Gredcs bore a
Winged Victory at the prow of their boat. In the Middle Ages, while
the shepherds of the church were burning heretics, great artists were
painting Madonnas, great architects were erecting magnificent
cathedrals to the glory of God, great writers were giving voice to the
tortured, struggling, inarticulate soul of humanity. Seek any period
in history, no matter how sordid, how tyrannical, how merciless man in
the aggr^ate may have become; there was always abroad somewhere in
the land the spirit of beauty, the leaven of humaneness which in the end
redeemed the whole.
And where is he shall figure
The debt, when all is said.
Of one who makes you dream again
When all the dreams were dead.
And we may note to good advantage also that our knowledge of such
facts as these has come down to us mainly through the eflForts of human-
ists. Without them what indeed should we know of *^the beauty that was
Greece and the grandeur that was Rome?'* The nations themselves
have long since passed into the night, but their thoughts, their motives,
their accomplishments have been added to our own civilization, thanks
to the tireless efforts of our iclassical scholars. And who shall say how
much of the efforts of these scholars was science, how much humanism?
As a matter of fact, the reconciliation of science and the humanities,
in spite of complainants sometimes heard to the contrary, is already in
progress. This is evinced, on the one hand, in the increasing drafts the
humanists are making on the methods and materials of science, and
through their tacit or avowed acceptance of the worth of science and,
on the other, by the spirit of greater tolerance exhibited by scientists.
Even in the short period between the present and the close of the nine-
teenth century, one can notice a decided change of attitude on the part
of science. The cocksureness and belligerency of the earlier period has
softened into a willingness to reconsider evidence and a spirit of friendli-
ness towards all types of scholarly endeavor. To-day, while his at-
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THE RESEARCHER IN SCIENCE 557
tempt to explain things mechanistically does not falter, the scientist
recognizes more clearly the limits of possibilities.
The reason for his earlier attitude, however, is not far to seeL In
the last century, particularly following the proclamation anew of the
theory of organic evolution by Darwin and his followers, science in
general, though especially biological science, suffered the fierce on-
slaught of the powerful leaders of the day, the clergy, who saw their
authority challenged, their privileges threatened. Driven to fight this
hostile element for the very life of science, the result was just what
might have been expected — ^tbe exaggerated dogmatism of a Haeckel or
the caustic tongue of a Huxley. The latter, with his crystal-clear style
of presenting the facts of science, his bulldog pugnacity and his quick
wit, was particularly effective. Now we find him urging one of his
hecklers who could or would not understand what he was saying, to use
the full length of his ears and he would surely understand. On another
occasion, in his famous tilt with Bishop Wilberf orce, he expresses his
preference for a respectable monkey as an ancestor to relationship
with a bigoted bishop who uses his great gift to obscure the truth.
Again we hear him pronouncing the conviction that "Extinguished
theologians lie about the cradle of every science as the strangled snakes
beside that of the infant Hecrules." Such retorts as these show what the
provocation must have been, and it requires little further exercise of
one's powers of inference to discover why the science of the nineteenth
century had the ring of dogmatism. Unquestionably the modem re-
searcher has Huxley to thank for much' of his own immunity from such
attadcs.
But to-day the clergy have come to see that a God of an orderly
universe is quite as acceptable as a God of an arbitrary chaos. The
educated clergyman now recognizes the importance and more or less of
the significance of science, even of evolution, and is finding more than
enough to keep him busy in the immediate problems of the human soul
without worrying so much about its future. He is content to give us
help in the present instead of hell in the hereafter. His aid in keep-
ing the spirit of altruism alive in the world, in upholding ideals, in
vrinning men from the fiercer passions of life, was never more needed
and never more tolerantly and wisely given than it is to-day.
But as scientists we are not so much interested in the duties of
some other profession as we are in our own. The only excuse I would
offer for stepping outside bounds is that if we are to have perspective in
our work, if we are to secure a clear vision of future world problems
we must see these problems from various points of view and realize that
our duty is not done, our fullest possibilities are not realized, until we
have fitted our findings as researchers into this general scheme of
things. To have but a narrow angle of vision is to miss most of the
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558 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
richness of life and much of the good we can do for our fellowman.
We want to escape the type of accuracy exhibited by the literal-
minded printer who, upon coming to the quotation, ^^rmons in stones
and books in running brooks^'' corrected it to read **Sermons in books
and stones in running brooks."
To each of you as researchers civilization is entrusting its future.
It is yours to do great deeds, to dream great dreams. And you may
well remember that "the dreamer lives forever while the toiler die© in a
day.*' To most of you will come the seemingly small, but actually the
fundamentally important duty of making accurate records of observa-
tions and conclusions, together with necessary qualifications and limita-
tions. This is indispensable as a foundation for one's own scientific
procedure and is equally important as the basis of fact from which
others may take up the duties of discovery after the recorder has passed
away. To some of you may be given that rare vision which will enable
you to weave together from the ever accumulating strands of scientific
truth some new far-reaching generalization. But whatever your part,
be it great or small, be assured of its dignity, of its worth, as long as it
is honestly performed. You may not live to see the great poet honored
more than the successful politician, nor the great scientist more valued
than the wealthy trader, but you can at least throw the weight of your
influence into the proper scalepan. Yours is a rare opportunity to
create, to produce, and I know of no better admonition to ui^e upon
you than this sentiment expressed in the clarion call of Carlyle:
"Be no longer a Chaos, but a World, or even Worldkin. Produce I Pro-
duce ! Were it but the pitif ullest infinitesimal fraction of a Product, produce
it, in God's name I"
In closing, may I urge again that for the researcher, ideals as well
as achievements are indispensable to progress, and that both must often
run far in advance of what for the moment may seem practical. If the
world is to be ruled by truth rather than by tradition and the chance
compensation of errors, you and others like you who are entering into
the scientific communion of Sigma Xi must give up your life to continu-
ous processes of thought and experimentation. Since the creative mood
demands quiet, poise and concentration, you will have to make a con-
stant fight to see that your strength and ability are not drained off by
trivial and irrelevant demands into non-productive channels. You will
doubtless be called upon to make financial sacrifices. And your re-
ward? Your reward will be consciousness that you have fulfilled your
real function of discovering truth, diffusing knowledge and developing
ideals.
Have I named one single river? Have I claimed one single acre?
Have I kept one single nugget — (barring samples) ? No, not I,
Because my price was paid me ten times over by my Maker.
But you wouldn't understand it. You go up and occupy.
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THE RESEARCHER IN SCIENCE 559
And while I am quoting Kipling, I shall leave this other bit with
you as voicing the real spirit of the researcher:
Till a voice, as bad as Conscience, rang interminable changes
On one everlasting Whisper day and night repeated — so:
"Something hidden. Go and find it Go and look behind the
Ranges —
Something lost behind the Ranges. Lost and waiting for
you. Go 1
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560 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
FEARSOME MONSTERS OF EARLY DAYS
By Dr. LEON AUGUSTUS HAUSMAN
CORNELL UNIVERSITT
rE reading of natural history has ever been a popular pastime
among young and old. As living beings we are supremely inter-
ested in the phenomenon of life; first as it is manifested in creatures
of our own kind, and second as we see its animating power vitalizing
the many animal forms about us. We take keen delight, moreover, in
hearing accounts of the curious and the strange; in listening to tales of
hunters of big game as they tell us of extraordinary creatures in lands
beyond the sea, or in reading the narratives of whalers who describe the
habits of the monsters of the deep. We know much, in general, con-
cerning the animal life of the world today, at least concerning those
creatures large enou£^, or common enough to have made their pres-
ence known to man. Through the medium of photography, through the
collections of living forms in our zoological gardens, and through for-
eign travel, we have become familiar with the appearance of many
creatures, with which we would not otherwise have been acquainted.
The peoples of earlier days, however, were less fortunately situ-
ated with respect to ease of acquiring natural knowledge. Their sources
of information in this fidd were a meagre collection of works, compiled
in the main from the ancient writers, and the tales of a limited numbo*
of credulous travelers.
Few persons, perhaps, know with what sort of creatures the world
of the early naturalists was populated. Doubtless many of us remem-
ber the tales of the griffin, unicorn, dragon, and others, which were
told to us out of the old rhymed and fairy stories of our childhood.
These were glorious creatures, never failing to appeal to the imagina-
tive instincts which make childhood so attractive a period to us as we
look back upon it from the world of unpoetic realities! The dragon
and unicorn and their ilk, have survived the times and have passed into
the literature of the race. But they represent only a fraction of the
vast host of marvelous creatures, whose names and attributes are now
known only to scholars; creatures in whom the early writers and their
readers placed full confidence; creatures which were soberly discussed
and pictured in the early volumes of natural history.
Books on natural history were extremely popular in the fourteenth,
fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries; and as soon as the art of printing
(introduced about 1450) had made available to a large number of
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FEARSOME MOXSTERS OF EARLY DAYS 561
le
FIG. 1. TITLE PAGE OF EDW. TOPSELL'S "HISTORIE OF SERPENTS"
readers the works of the early naturalists, interest in the fearsome
creatures reported from strange lands beyond the sea and little known
oceans became widespread. This is not surprising. Many of these
early works were embellished with illustrations which could not fail
to catch the eye and enchain the interest, even of the most casual. And
then the text! Even today, who can read, for example, these words
from the famous "Voyages and Travels of Sir John Mandeville" with-
out a thrill of wonder, so convincing is the exuberance and certainty
o£-the glowing phraseology! The passage I quote is from that portion
of the 'Travels" in which the author is describing the inhabitants of
various islands, or "yies", as he calls them, in some far southern ocean ;
And in another yle are foule men that have the lippes about the mouth
so greate, that when they sleepe in the sonne they cover theyr face with the
lippe. And in another yle are lytte men, as dwarfes, and have no mouth, but
a lyttle rounde hole & through that hole they eate theyr meate with a pipe,
& they have no tongue, & they speake not, but they blow & whistle, and so
make signes to one another. In Ethiope are such men as have but one foote,
and they go so fast yt is a great marvaill, and that is a large foote. that tlie
VOL. XIII.— 36
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562 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
shadow thereof covereth ye body from son or rayne, when they lye upon
their backes; and when theyr children be first borne they loke like russet
and when they waxe olde then they be all black.
It appears that the most credulous times were during the fourteenth,
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. No tales which travelers brought
from remote lands or seas, no statements taken out of early nmters,
were too gross for belief. Quite naturally the less accessible the lands
from which the travelers returned, the less frequented the seas over
which the adventurous mariners voyaged, the more grotesque and fear-
ful were the monsters reported as having been seen, partially seen,
FIG. 2. TITLE PACE OF ALBERTUS MAGNUS' "THIERBUCH"
or heard of. The natural histories of these days were not, it can
be seen, records of careful observations by trained observers. They
were a mixture of travelers' tales and compilations of earlier authors.
Much of this compiled material was from Pliny, who in his turn had
drawn upon Aristotle, and others. The "physiologus" and the various
bestiaries also furnished an abundance of animal anecdote, chiefly
mythical.
These early books are by no means dull reading, even today. They
teem with curious anecdotes concerning all sorts of marvelous creatures.
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FEARSOME MONSTERS OF EARLY DAYS 563
€rmiu^«
FIG. 3. THE ERINUS FROM ALBERTUS MAGNUS' "THIERBUCH"
3<brofi«? •
2fAbif<^m mccr/Mn fcfomryppcn pflcgc man mfold^mCAti^r/ffdr^
rilgU<b€if palVflin)nb4t9m/^€fm fiiM
FIG. 4. THE ZEDROSLS. FROM ALBERTUS MAGNUS' "THIERBUCH"
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564 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
FIG. 5. THE UNICORN, FROM EDW. TOPSELL'S "HISTORIE OF FOUR-FOOTED BEASTES"
^creatures who are described either as of positive benefit to man or as
of positive evil. Note for example the naive way in which Topsell, in
the title page of his "Historie of Serpents" (Fig. 1) describes them
as bearing "deepe hatred to Mankind." The title page referred to also
gives us a hint of the manner of compiling these early natural his-
tories, for Topsell tells us that his accounts are, "Collected out of
diuine Scriptures, Fathers, Phylosophers, physitians, and Poets: ampli-
fied with sundry accidentall Histories, Heirogliphicks, Epigrams, Em-
blems, and Aenigmaticall obseruations." Who can doubt that a book
heralded by so enticing a title page would engross the interest of even
the most casual general reader? And the frontispiece! Could anyone
pass over it in apathy? Would not the terrible Boas here shown be
the ogre of childhood, the fear of the traveler, the subject of countless
discussions euid yarns among all sorts and conditions of men? In com-
parison with some of the marvelous "beastes" of primitive zoology how
insipid and uninteresting are our "real" creatures of today. How can
even a ninety-foot sperm whale, blowing his column of pearly spray
high in the air, compete successfully in interest with a fire-breathing
dragon, whose scales were of gold, and who withered and blasted by
his very glance?
The illustrations in this article were photographed from several of
the most important of the early works on natural history, books which
are now extremely rare and to be found only in college libraries or in
extensive collections. They represent creatures, which, in the opinion
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FEARSOME MONSTERS OF EARLY DAYS 565:
of the writer, touch the pinnacle of the absurd in imaginative zoologi-
cal conception. With the exception of the unicorn and the basilisk,,
they are practically unknown except to students of the history of zoo-
logical thought.
It must not be supposed that the only interest attaching to these
curious creatures of bygone days is in the amusement they afford. To
the historian of zoology they are significant as indicative of various
epochs in the development of biological conceptions.
With the unicorn and the sea-serpent (Fig. 7) we are already some-
what familiar. In Fig. 5 is shown Topsell's superb illustration of the
former, and surely no unicorn figured in any of the other early writers,
rejoiced in the possession of a more impressive horn? In this figure
b also shown a portion of the quaint old text. Topsell's phraseology
is most rich quaint, and yet graceful. Listen, as he discourses "of
tho Unicorne' "... by the Unicorne wee doe understand a pe-
culiar beaste, which hath naturally but one home, and that a very rich
one that groweth out of the middle of the foreheade. . . . Like-
wise the Buls of Aonia are saide to have hooves and one home grow-
ing out of the middle of their foreheads. . . . Now our discourse
of the Unicorne is of none of these beasts for their is not any vertue
attributed to their homes." He tells us that there is a "vertue" in
the horn of the unicorn, but that there are many who cannot believe
that this is so. Of this "vertue," he say, "ther were more proofes in
the world, because of the noblenesse of his horn. . . . they have
ever been in doubt: by which distraction it appeareth unto me that
there is some secret enemy in the inward degenerate nature of man,
which continually blindeth the eies of God his people from beholding
and beleeving the greatnesse of God his workes."
The Gorgon (Fig. 6) is another of Topsell's famous illustrations, to
be found on the title page of his "Historic of the Four Footed Beastes".
FIG. 6. THE GORGON, FROM THE TITLE PAGE OF EDW. TOPSELL'S
-HISTORIE OF FOURFOOTED BEASTES'
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566 THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
FIG. 7. THE SEA SERPENT. FROM KONRAD GESNERS -HISTORIAE ANIMALIUM."
COPIED FROM OLAUS MAGNUS
Topsell's chief interest was in the larger forms of animal life, as his
work, in two parts, attests.
In Ulysses Aldrovandus, however, we find a naturalist to whom
the lowlier forms of life made more appeal. His tremendous folio
volume on insects and other primitive creatures, published in Latin in
1602, contains many curious forms not known to zoologists of the pres-
ent day. Fig. 8 is one of these bizarre forms, a snail, whose remark-
able fore limbs are of no less anatomical interest than they are of
artistic conception. It is a curious and noteworthy thing how often
the early naturalists depicted their beasts with these rather pleasing,
leaf-like appendages, slashed into fringes and lobes. No doubt they
thought that this gave an artistic "finish" to the beasts, as it indispu-
tably does. In this connection compare the appendages of the creatures
in Fig. 9 with Erinus (Fig. 3) and Zedrosus (Fig. 4).
The sea-serpent has been with us from time inunemorial and it
some sections of the country belief in it still lingers with tenacious
hold. Fig. 7, taken from Konrad Gesner's "Historiae animalium" shows
a mediaeval conception of this terror of the sea, a conception which cer-
tainly depicts the serpent in all his fabulous terrors. Note the ease
with which he arches his back and selects out the fattest seaman of
FIG. 8. A IMQLE SNAIL. COCHLEA. FROM ALDROVANDUS* "DE ANIMALIBUS*'
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FEARSOME MOXSTERS OF EARLY DAYS 567
FIG. 9. A CROUP OF SEA MARVELS OR "MEERWUNOERN," FROM
ALBERTIS MACMS' "THIERBUCH"
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568
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
the crew of the helpless vessel. Of illustrations of sea-serpents there
are legion. This one I have selected as fulfilling perhaps our most
morbid notions of a creature, than
whom nothing more awful exists in
the sea of our imagination.
Dragons, chimaeras, basilisks,
cockatrices, and gorgons, seemed to
have exerted a by no means meagre
fascination for the early writers. Ac-
counts of them are numerous and
lengthy in almost all of the old works.
Nor were their habits less strange
than their forms. Of fierce and vin-
dictive dispositions, in league often
with the Evil One himself, breathing
fire, and blasting or killing by their
very glance or touch, they formed a
theme upon which the credulous old
naturalists were never tired of de-
scanting. In Fig. 10 is shown a
group of typical ''dragons and
chimaeras dire" from Albertus Mag-
nus, Aldrovandus, Topsell, and Ges-
' ner. Topsell in his long discussion
of dragons, says of one sort: "Their
aspect is very fierce and grimme,
and whensoever they move uppon the
earth, their eyes give a sound from
theyr eyeliddes, much like unto the
tinckling of Brasse. . . ." And
again, speaking of the classification
of dragons he says: "There be some
dragons which have wings, and no
feete, some again have both feete and
wings, and some neither feete nor
wings, but are onely distinguished
from the common sort of Serpents by
the combe growing uppon their heads
and the beard under their cheekes."
Those, however, who wish to be
ushered into a world more populous
in bizarre and marvelous animal
forms than any other of which
the writer is aware, have but to
open the magic door of Albertus
FIG. 10. AN ASSORTMENT OF "DRAGONS
AND CHIMAERAS DIRE," FROM ALBER.
TUS MAGNUS. TOPSELL. ALDROVANDUS
AND GESNER
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FEARSOME MONSTERS OF EARLY DAYS 569
Magnus' immortal "Thierbuch," unfortunately for those who read
no language but English, written in rather antiquated German. A
copy of this rare work (printed in 1545), in heavy embossed leather
with brass clasps, and riddled with bookworm holes, fell into the
author's hands recently. From it were photographed the title page
(Fig. 2) and the "Meerwundem", or sea marvels (Fig. 9), Albertus
Magnus begins his pretentious work with the story of Adam and Eve
(so as to be certain that he makes a start from the very beginning) and
then follows this with accounts of all sorts of creatures; accounts il-
lustrated with figures beautifully drawn, and embellished, in many
cases, with artistic flourishes of the artist's own. In the figure of the
Zedrosus (Fig. 4) is included some of the text, a beautiful example
of the artistic typography of the times. The letters are clear, bold,
and easily read, and the style of the font of type pleasing in its pro-
portions. In Fig. 9 is shown a group of sea marvels, or "Meerwun-
dem", a title which no one would presume to dispute. In the writer's
opinion, however the Ultima Thule of absurdity is attained in the
conception of the beast Erinus (Fig. 3). Albertus (no wonder he was
accorded the title of "the great") says of this creature: "Erinus is
also a fish in the water which has its mouth and face bent down under
itself, and the opening for the excreta located above." He tells us
that, according to Pliny it is feared by other fishes, and that its flesh
is red, like cinnabar. Truly a fearful "Wunder" was the Erinus.
It might appear that the author is in sympathy with the early
writers only when they happen to afford amusement. This is far from
being the case. No one can read the early writers without a smile, it
is true; nevertheless he is a blind reader indeed who cannot detect the
true purpose of these sturdy though credulous old naturalists, who
cannot perceive that their one ambition was to further the bounds of
natural knowledge, to glorify the Creator by showing forth the won-
ders of His works, and lastly, and in this case also least, to acquire some
renown for themselves.
In conclusion listen to these words of Topsell, in his Epilogue to
the "Historic of Four Footed Beastes":
If you think my endeavors and the Printers costs necessarie and com-
mendable, and if you woud ever farther or second a good enterprise, I do
require al men of conscience that shall ever read, hear, or see these His-
tories or wish for the sight of the residue, to helpe us with knowledge, and
to certifie their particular experiences of any kinde, or any one of the living
Beastes : and withall to consider how great a task we do undertake, travelling
for the content and benefit of other men, and therefor how acceptable it
would be unto us, and procure everlasting memorie to themselves to be
helpers, incouragers, ayders, procurers, maintainers, and abbettours, to such
a labor and needfull endeavor, as was never before enterprized in England.
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570
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
MEDAL IN HONOR OF DR. STEPHEN SMITH
The plaque (photographed by Paul Thompson) from which the touvenir medal in honor of Dr.
Smith was made. It was modeled by Michele Martino, the New York sculptor.
THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE^
THE AMERICAN PUBLIC
HEALTH ASSOCIATION
New York has been the scene
of semi-centennial meetings of the
American Public Health Association
from November 8 to 19. During
the first .week, there was a public
health institute which included dem-
onstrations on vital statistics, hygiene
of mother and child, public health
nursing, socio-health, sanitary engi-
neering, communicable diseases, lab-
oratory work, food and drugs and in-
dustrial hygiene. This was the oc-
casion for visits to clinics, stations,
institutions, centers, laboratories,
hospitals, water and sewage plants,
and other public health activity cen-
ters in New York City and its vi-
cinity.
During the week of November 14,
the largest health exposition ever at-
tempted was held at the Grand Cen-
tral Palace through the cooperation
of the American Public Health Asso-
ciation and the Department of Health
of the City of New York. This ex-
hibit was marked by many novelties,
such as children's health games, fat
reducing squads, perfect baby con-
tests, perfect teeth and foot contests.
Social service and scientific organi-
zations joined in the exhibition.
Among them were the National Tu-
berculosis Association, the National
Health Council, the American Social
Hygiene Association, the American
Museum of Natural History, the
American Society for the Control of
Cancer and the National Committee
for Mental Hygiene.
The fiftieth annual meeting of the
association, held from November 14
to 18, included both general and sci-
entific sessions. Representatives from
Canada, Cuba and Mexico, as well as
all parts of the United States, were
in attendance. Dr. Mazyck P. Ra-
venel, as president of the association,
delivered the principal opening ad-
1 Edited by Watson Davis, Science Service.
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DR. STEPHEN SMITH
Founder of the American Public Health Association, which is now celebratinK its fiftieth anniversary.
Although 99 years of age, Dr. Smith it active in the work of the association.
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THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
dress. The scientific papers and ad-
dresses included a wide variety of
subjects under the general topics of
public health administration, labora-
tory work, vital statistics, food and
drugs, sanitary engineering, indus-
trial hygiene, child hygiene, health
education and publicity. In com-
memoration of the semi-centennial
celebration, the association is also
publishing a jubilee historical volume.
Attending these sessions, and guest
at a banquet in his honor, was Dr.
Stephen Smith, who fifty years ago
founded the American Public Health
Association and became its first presi-
dent. Though now ninety-nine years
old, Dr. Smith still takes an active
part in the affairs of the association.
He was further honored during the
health fortnight by a souvenir bronze
medal bearing his portrait and fit-
tingly inscribed to denote his partici-
pation in the fiftieth annual meeting.
In addition to his activities in the
American Public ^Health .Association,
Dr. Smith has been a leader in city
and national health work. He is the
author of books on surgery and other
medical subjects and before the Civil
War was editor of several medical
journals. As surgeon, he has served
Bellevue Hospital many years, and
in 1896 he represented this country at
the Ninth International Sanitary
Convention.
SCIENTIFIC PROBLEMS OF
THE PACIFIC
The Pacific Division of the Ameri-
can Association for the Advance-
ment of Science at its recent meeting
in Berkeley endorsed the idea of the
Washington Conference on the Limi-
tation of Armaments and Pacific
Problems and offered the services of
scientific men to the President of the
United States for solving such
Pacific problems as may require ex-
pert scientific knowledge.
Dr. William E. Ritter, director of
the Scripps Institution for Biological
Research, La Jolla, California, writes:
The resolutions adopted had two
aims. One was generally informa-
tive. It would let the government
and people of the United States
know, so far as it might, where the
scientists thus expressing themselves
stand relative to the purposes of the
conference. The hope was that the
resolutions would do something to-
ward correcting the belief, now too
prevalent, that science is in effect
more favorable than unfavorable to
the militaristic type of international
dealing. The other aim was more
concrete. It would make scientific
knowledge and research, and techni-
cal skill, positive factors in solving
international problems by intelligence,
which usually follows the way of
peace, instead of by emotion, which
usually follows the way of war.
The National Research Council
has a committee on Pacific Investi-
gations composed of: Herbert E.
Gregory, chairman. Bishop Museum,
Honolulu, Hawaii: T. Wayland
Vaughan, vice-chairman. United
States Geological Sur\'ey: William
Bowie, United States Coast and
Geodetic Survey; Barton W. Ever-
mann, California Academy of Sci-
ences; John C. Merriam, Carnegie
Institution of Washington; William
E. Ritter, Scripps Institution for Bio-
logical Research ; W. T. Swingle,
United States Department of Agri-
culture; and Clark Wissler. Ameri-
can Museum of Natural History.
GOVERNMENT EDUCATIONAL
COURSES
Two scientific branches of the gov-
ernment are helping their scientific
staffs to become more useful to them-
selves and to the government by
offering the opportunity to take
courses of graduate study after office
hours.
For more than ten years the Bureau
of Standards has been maintaining
advanced courses in physics, mathe-
matics and chemistry, and this year
the Department of Agriculture has
inaugurated a* system of advanced
instruction in those scientific and
technical subjects related to the work
of the department in which adequate
instruction is not available in Wash-
ington.
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THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE
578
AN AIRPL\NE VIEW OF KODAK PARK, THE PLANT OF THE EASTMAN KODAK COMPANY
Jt is expected that the successful
completion of any of the courses will
be recognized for adequate credit in
some of our better educational in-
stitutions, both for undergraduate
and for postgraduate work. This
has already been the case with the
Bureau of Standards courses.
Those offered this year at the
Bureau of Standards include : Ad-
vanced optics by Dr. C. A. Skinner;
differential equations by Dr. L. B.
Tuckerman ; chemical thermodyna-
mics by Dr. L. H. Adams of the
geophysical laboratory ; interpreta-
tion of data, including the theory of
errors and methods for numerical,
graphical and mechanical computa-
tion, by Dr. Chester Snow.
The courses of study at the De-
partment of Agriculture were worked
out by a committee from the various
bureaus of the department headed by
Dr. E. D. Ball, formerly assistant sec-
retary and now director of the sci-
entific work of the departmfent.
There are two more or less distinct
kinds of work offered : (a) lecture
and drill courses on certain funda-
mental subjects in which the per-
sonnel of two or more bureaus may
be interested; (b) intensive gradu-
ate training in special topics.
The courses now being given at
the Department of Agriculture arc:
.Agricultural Economics, by Dr. H.
C. Taylor ; Statistical Methods, by H.
R. Tolley; Biochemistry, by Dr. C.
O. Appleman; Mycology, by Dr. C.
L. Shear; Plant Physiology, by Dr.
Burton E. Livingston; Genetics, by
Dr. Sewall Wright; Physics of the
Air, by Dr. W. J. Humphreys; Stat-
istical Mechanics applied to Chemical
Problems, by Dr. R. C. Tolman.
THE OPTICAL SOCIETY OF
AMERICA
At the sixth meeting of the Optical
Society of America, held in Roches-
ter, X. Y., the most notable feature
was the Helmholtz Memorial Meet-
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574
THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
ing held on the afternoon and even-
ing of October 24. The afternoon
program was as follows:
A brief surz'cy of the historieal
development of optical science: Pro-
fessor J. P. C. SOUTHALL.
Helmholts's early zvork in physics —
the conseri'ation of energy : Profes-
sor Henry Crew.
Helmholts's contributions to phys-
iological optics: L. T. Troland.
Professor Crew exhibited lantern
slides showing Helmholtz at the time
he wrote the essay on the Conserva-
tion of Energy (age 26) and also at
later periods of his life.
At the evening session, Professor
M. I. Pupin spoke informally and in
a most interesting and delightful
manner on his Personal Recollections
of Helmholtz. Professor E. L.
Nichols, Professor Ernest Merritt,
Dr. Ludwik Silberstein, Mrs. Chris-
tine Ladd-Franklin and Professor C.
R. Mann also spoke of their memories
of Helmholtz as a teacher. Professor
Mann showed a lantern slide of a
photograph which he himself made
on July 7, 1894, showing Helmholtz
at his lecture desk only a few days
before his last illness.
At the regular sessions of the so-
ciety some twenty papers were pre-
sented, special attention being given
to physiological optics. A commit-
tee was appointed, the duty of which
is: (i) To prepare the program of
the sessions on vision; (2) to. co-
ordinate the work of the society in
this field with the work of other so-
cieties and (3) to recommend, from
time to time, such further steps as
may be deemed effective in encour-
aging research in physiological optics
and allied problems.
f Rochester is the world's chief cen-
' ter for the manufacture of optical
' and photographic apparatus. Visits
were arranged to go through the re-
search laboratories of the Eastman
Kodak Company and the glass plant,
optical shops and observatory of the
Bausch and Lomb Optical Company.
The research work of these labora-
tories is of great magnitude and even
in contributions to pure science may
soon rival the chemical and physical
laboratories of any university.
SCIENTIFIC ITEMS
We record with regret the death of
Alexander M. Gray, professor of
electrical engineering in Cornell Uni-
versity; of Seymour C. Loomis, for-
merly secretary of the section of so-
cial and economic sciences of the
American Association for the Ad-
vancement of Science; of Dr. Emil
A. Budde, German electrical engineer ;
of Emile Houze, professor of an-
thropology at the University of Brus-
sels and at the Ecole d*Anthropologie
of that city ; and of Sir William Ed-
ward Garforth, pioneer worker for
safety in coal mines.
Dr. Harlow Shapley, formerly of
the Mount Wilson Solar Observatory,
has been appointed director of the
Harvard College Observatory in suc-
cession to the late Edward C. Picker-
ing.
Professor George C. Com stock,
who has been director of the Wash-
burn Observatory at the University
of Wisconsin since 1889, will retire
at the end of this year. His place
will be taken by Dr. Joel Stebbins,
formerly of the University of Illinois
department of astronomy and direc-
tor of its observatory since 1913.
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THE PROGRESS OF SCIEXCE
575
INDEX
NAMES OF CONTRIBUTORS ARE PRINTED IN SMALL CAPITALS
Adami, George, The True Aristoc-
racy, 420
Agricultural School, America's First,
Neil E. Stevens, 531
Agriculture, International Institute
of, 285
American Public Health Associa-
tion, 570
Big Trees, Gift of, 285
Birds banded by the Biological Sur-
vey, 287
BoAK, Arthur E. R., Rudolph Vir-
chow — Anthropologist and Archeol-
ogist, 40
BouTRoux, Emile, Science in France,
435
British Association for the Advance-
ment of Science, Edinburgh Meet-
ing, 187; 289
Burgess, George K., The Govern-
ment Laboratory and Industrial Re-
search, 523
Cajori, Florian, Swiss Geodesy and
the United States Coast Survey, 117
California Elk Drive, C. Hart Mer-
riam, 465
Charlemagne, The Inbred Descend-
ants of, DA\aD Starr Jordan, 481
Chemists. British and American
Meeting of, 189, in Xew York, 476
Chemistry, The History of, John
Johnston, 5, 130
Crops, Field, in New Jersey, Harry
B. Weiss, 342
Curie, Mme., Visit to the United
States, 93.
Darwin, Leonard, The Field of
Eugenic Reform, 385
Death, The Biology of, Raymond
Pearl; The Inheritance of Dura-
tion of Life in Man, 46; Experi-
mental Studies in the Duration of
Life, 144; Natural Death, Public
Health and the Population Prob-
lem, 193
Electrical Fluid Theories, Origin of,
Fernando Sanpord, 448
Elk Drive in California, C. Hart
Merriam, 405
Engineering, Exchange of Professors
of. 95
Eugenic Reform, The Field of, Leon-
ard Darwin, 385
Eugenics, Congress, The Second In-
ternational, 183, 385, 476; impend-
ing Problems of, Irving Fisher,
214
Evolution, Some Problems in, Edwin
S. Goodrich, 316
Exchange of Professors of Engineer-
ing between American and French
Universities, 95.
Felt, E. P., Adaptations among In-
sects of Field and Forest, 165
Field Crops in New Jersey, Harry
B. Weiss, 342
Fisher, Irving, Impending Problems
of Eugenics, 214
Flett, J. S., Experimental Geology,
308
Flexner, Simon, The Scientific Ca-
reer for Women, 97
Forests, National, Grazing Practice
on the, Clarence F. Korstian,
275.
Forster, AI. O., The Laboratory of
the Living Organism, 301
Galois, Evariste, George Sarton, 363
Geography, Applied, D. G. Hogarth,
322
Geology, Experimental, J. S. Flett,
308
Government, Educational Courses,
572 ; Laboratory and Industrial Re-
search, George K. Burgess, 523
Goodrich, Edwin S., Problems in
Evolution, 316
GuYER, Michael E., The Researcher
in Science, 541
Hall, G. Stanley, The Message of
the Zeitgeist, 106
Hamilton, G. H., Mars as a Living
Planet, 376
Harmonizing Harmones, B. W. Kun-
KEL, 266.
Hausman, Leon Augustus, Fear-
some Monsters of Early Days, 560
Health, Public; Harvard School of,
384 : American Association, 477, 570
Helmholtz, Hermann von, Louis
Karpinski, 24; and Virchow, 282
Hering, D. W., An Introduction to
Scientific Vagaries, 516
Hogarth, D. G., Applied Geography,
322
Infant Psychology, Studies in. John
B. Watson and Rosalie Rayner
AV'atson, 493
Insects of Field and Forest, Adapta-
tions among, E. P. Felt, 165
Johnston, John, The History of
Chemistry, 5, 130
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THE SCIENTIFIC MONTHLY
Jordan. David Starr, The Miocene '
Shore-Fishes of California, 460;
The Inbred Descendants of Charle- |
magne, 481
Karpinski, Louis, Hermann von
Helmholtz, 24
KoRSTiAN, Clarence F., Grazing
Practice on the National Forests,
275
KuNKEL, B. W., Harmonizing Har-
mones, 266
Lal)oratory of the Living Organism,
M. O. Forster, 301
Lake Michigan, Fishing in, A. S.
Pearse, 81
Locv. William C, The Earliest
Printed Illustrations of Natural
History, 238
March, Lucien, The Consequences
of War and the Birth Rate in
France, 399
Married on First Mesa, Arizona,
Elsie Clews Parsons, 259
Mars as a Livhig Planet, G. H. Ham-
ilton, 376
Mathematics, Questionable Points in
the History of, G. A. Miller, 232
Matter, The Constitution of, T. Ed-
ward Thorpe, 289 .
Merriam, C. Hart, A California Elk
Drive, 465
Message of the Zeitgeist, G. Stanley
Hall, 106
Miller, G. A., A Few Questionable
Points in the History of Mathe-
matics, 232
Miocene Shore-Fishes of California,
David Starr Jordan, 460
Monaco, H. S. H. The Prince of.
Studies of the Ocean, 171
Monsters, Fearsome, of Early Days,
Leon Augustus Hausman, 560
Natural, Resources of the United
States, Utilization and Conserva-
tion of, 91 ; Executive Committee
on, 91 ; History, The Earliest
Printed Illustrations of, William
C. Locv, 238
Ocean, Studies of the, H. S. H. The
Prince of Monaco, 171
Optical Society of America, 574
Parsons, Elsie Clews, Getting Mar-
ried on First Mesa, Arizona, 259
Patrick, G. T. W., The Play of a
Nation, 350
Pearl, Raymond, The Biology of
Death — The Inheritance of Dura-
tion of Life in Man, 46; Experi-
mental Studies on the Duration of
Life, 144; Natural Death, Public
Health and the Population Prob-
lem, 193
Pearse, a. S., Fishing in Lake Michi-
gan, 81
Play of a Nation, G, T. W. Patrick,
350
Progress of Science, 91, 186, 282, 380,
476, 570
Reed, Alfred C, Vitamins and Food
Deficiency Diseases, 67
Research, Industrial, and the Govern-
ment Laboratory, George K. Bur-
gess, 523
Researcher in Science, Michael F.
GuYER, 541
RiTTER, William E., Scientific Ideal-
ism, 328
Rockefeller Foundation, Activities of,
382
Rosa, Edward Bennett, 191
Sanford, Fernando, Origin of the
Electrical Fluid Theories, 448
Sarton, George, Evariste Galois, 363
Science in France, Emile Boutroux,
435
Scientific, Items, 96, 192, 288, 384, 480,
574; Career for Women, Simon
Flexner, 97; Idealism, William E.
Ritter, 328; Meetings, 380; Va-
garies, An Introduction to, D. W.
Hering, 516; Problems of the Pa-
cific, 572
Smithsonian Institution, Held Work
of, 286
Stevens, Neil E., America's First
Agricultural School, 531
Swiss Geodesy and the United States
Coast Survey, Florian Cajori, 117
Trees, Xational Geographic Society's
Gift of, 28s
Thorpe, T. Edward, The Constitution
of Matter, 289
Virchow, Rudolph, and Hermann von
Helmholtz, Centennials of, 24;
Pathologist, Carl Vernon Walker,
T^S] 282; Anthropologist and Arche-
ologist, Arthur E. R. Boak, 40
Vitamins and Food Deficiency Dis-
eases, Alfred C. Reed, 67
Walker, Carl Vernon, Rudolph
Virchow — Pathologist, 33
War and the Birth Rate in France.
LuciEN March, 399
Watson, John B. and Rosalie Ray-
NER, Studies in Infant Psychology,
493.
Weiss, Harry B., Field Crop Yields
in New Jersey from 1876 to 19 19,
342
Zeitgeist. Message of the, G. Stanley
Hall, 106
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