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SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE
ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY
ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
UNITED STATES SENATE
EIGHTY-FOURTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
ON
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE
UNITED STATES
MARCH 7 AND S, 1956
PART 7
Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
72723 WASHINGTON : 1956
Boston Public Library
Cuperintendent of Documents
JUN 1 2 1956
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman
ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota
THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah
PRICE DANIEL, Texas EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois
JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming HERMAN WELKER, Idaho
MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security
Act and Other Internal Security Laws
JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah
THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri HERMAN WELKER. Idaho
PRICE DANIEL, Texas JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland
Robert Morris, Chief Counsel
Richard Arens and Alva C. Carpenter, Associate Counsel
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research
II
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 7, 1956
United States Senate,
Subcommittee To Investigate the
Administration of the Internal Security Act and
Other Internal Security Laws, of the
Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, D. O.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 10:30 a. m.,
in room 457, Senate Office Building, Senator Herman Welker pre-
siding.
Present : Senator Welker.
Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, re-
search director; Alva Carpenter, associate counsel; Robert C. Mc-
Manus, investigations analyst; William Arens, and Elinor Malaneyj
staff members.
Senator Welker. The committee will come to order.
Mr. Hinton, you were on the stand yesterday. You are still under
the oath, the oath given to you as of yesterday. Is that understood
by you and your counsel ?
Mr. Friedman. Yes, sir.
Mr. Hinton. Yes, sir.
Senator Welker. Very well. You may proceed, counsel.
TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM H. HINTON— Resumed
Mr. Morris. Mr. Hinton, I wonder if you would tell us how you
first became associated with the school, with reference to the picture
concerning which Senator Welker questioned you yesterday. (Ex-
hibit No. 28, p. 211, pt. 6.)
Mr. Hinton. Just before we start, I want to ask when I am going
to get these papers back, because this committee has been weaseling
on that thing ever since 9 months ago when they were seized. And I
want to know when I am going to get those papers back.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, you spent a lot of the committee's
time yesterday. I think it is purely a delaying tactic. You have your
counselor present. He knows of any avenue you might have to re-
possess the property you say you allegedly were deprived of by the
Customs and by this committee.
Now, as far as the chairman is concerned, he has heard all of that
he is going to hear.
Mr. Hinton. You talk about delay. This thing has been delayed
9 months, and I have had several promises to return those papers, and
yesterday there was weaseling on that promise the last time.
235
236 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Now, there was no condition in my coming down here, but I was
told when I appeared here that I will get those papers back, and I am
expecting to get them back.
Senator Welker. Speaking of weaseling, will you not weasel now
and tell me whether or not you are a member of the Communist Party
as of this moment ?
Mr. Hinton. You asked me that question 2 years ago, and I refused
to answer it.
Senator Welker. And I will ask it 2 years more.
Mr. Hinton. And I refuse to answer it now or in the future.
Senator Welker. And you want to weasel out on that one ?
Mr. Hinton. There is no weaseling. I refuse to answer that ques-
tion. And you know that you can't draw any inference from that on
the basis of the fifth amendment.
Senator Welker. Why do you refuse to answer it ?
Mr. Hinton. I refuse to answer it on the basis of the fifth amend-
ment.
Senator Welker. All right. Proceed, counsel.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Hinton, would you answer the question that I
asked you?
Mr. Hinton. Will you repeat the question, please?
Mr. Morris. Will you tell us how you became associated with the
school in this picture ?
Mr. Hinton. I think that it would have been a good idea if the
committee had got the Library of Congress to translate the caption
over that picture.
Senator Welker. Now, that is not responsive to the question. Will
you answer the question?
Mr. Hinton. That is my answer.
Senator Welker. All right. I am ordering and directing you to be
responsive, and, counsel, I am telling you you had better tell your
witness now to be responsive to the question.
Mr. Friedman. I believe that he is getting into it now, Senator.
Senator Welker. All right. He is not going to go into some dis-
course. Will he answer the question ?
Mr. Friedman. He is about to tell you what is on the caption of that
photograph.
Senator Welker. He had better do it pretty soon.
Mr. Friedman. That is what he is doing now.
Mr. Hinton. That is right. That is very pertinent to this question,
and I won't be rushed with my answers.
Mr. Morris. Will you answer the question?
Mr. Hinton. I think that the caption on that picture will indicate
that that is the tractor school of the South Hopei liberated area, which
was set up by the Chinese Liberated Area Relief Administration,
which was the body which coordinated UNRRA relief in that area,
and I was sent to South Hopei by UNRRA as a tractor instructor and
project captain for that particular project.1
1 A translation of the lettering, provided the subcommittee by the Library of Congress,
Is as follows :
"A farewell group picture, taken at Chi Hsien (Hopei Province) in October 1047, in honor
of Mr. Hinton, chief liaison officer, with the entire staff of the tractor group of the border
ana of Sliansi, Hopei, Shantung, and Honan Provinces, and the representatives of the local
administration and the people."
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 237
Mr. Morris. And this school is a school under the auspices of
UNRRA?
Mr. Hinton. The school in South Hopei, where I taught tractors,
was set up under the auspices of UNRRA and the Chinese Liberated
Areas Relief Administration. In the Nationalist area they had the
CNRRA, the Chinese National Relief Administration. This was the
counterpart in the other area.
Mr. Morris. Will you identify this document as yours?
(A document was handed to the witness.)
Mr. Hinton. This document that was handed to me is four pages.
It does not seem to be complete. It ends in the middle of a sentence.
And I wonder what you have to say on that.
Mr. Morris. This is one of the documents that you brought to the
United States in your footlocker ?
Mr. Hinton. There is no complete document here that I see.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, Mr. McManus is under oath, having
been sworn yesterday.
Mr. McManus, will you state that this is one of the documents that
3Tou took from Mr. Hinton's footlocker ?
Mr. McManus. Yes. That document was taken from Mr. Hinton's
footlocker.
Mr. Morris. Now, will you read the second
Mr. Hinton. I would like to have time to read the whole thing,
if you don't mind, and I don't want to be rushed like I was yesterday.
I didn't even have time to get through the documents yesterday.
Senator Welker. No; we do not want to rush you, Mr. Hinton.
We have only had you twice that I know of before this committee,
and you still have not answered the question that I would like you
to answer on this framing of legislation. You take all the time you
want because I will be with you as long as possible. I will be here
so that you will be accommodated. You will not be rushed. But
you are going to answer the question.
Counsel, may I offer this suggestion ?
Mr. Morris. Yes, sir.
Senator Welker. You go ahead and interrogate the witness with
respect to any material that you desire, and documents presented to
the witness, and if he desires time to read them, he can read them
after the hearing is over. I want to hurry along with the hearing on
that basis.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may the whole document go in the
record ?
Senator Welker. It will be admitted in the record and made a
part thereof.
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 36" and reads
as follows :)
Exhibit No. 36
How can our life be described in a few short pages ? Where to begin and what
to leave out?
In the beginning we had a few tractors left by UNRRA, a few wrenches, files,
hammers, and odd bolts, no books, no classrooms, not even a roof to call our own.
The brick and mud houses we slept in, the windswept courtyard where we held
classes, and the shed where the tractors were kept were all borrowed from the
villagers of Nan Liang Chuang, a tiny community lost in the vastness of the
North China plain. They had not so long ago been the property of a big landlord,
but were now part of the "struggle fruits" which were the property of the village
238 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
as a whole pending final distribution to the poor. The landlord still lived in our
midst and glumly watched our comings and goings. His little son. about 3 years
old, used to call names and throw stones when we went by. Every night we
mounted guard in turns lest something happen to our precious machines or to
our small stock of gasoline which had come by mulecart all the way from Tsinan
city where it was liberated in the first thrust of the great fall offensive in 1948.
Most of the 70 young students — among them 3 girls — had never seen an engine
of any kind before. They were from county schools, farms, shops, local govern-
ment offices, and the army. The very word tractor was like magic to them, open-
ing up a limitless future. It meant leaving behind all the filth and misery of
feudal life and entering a new era of mechanization. Everyone knew that
socialism was far off in China, but these young people felt that they already
had one foot in the door of socialism when they climbed on to a tractor. In
spite of the cold, the dilapidated buildings, the rough food, and the lack of any
kind of fanfare, we all felt that China's future lay in our hands.
We held classes in a broken-down courtyard under the open sky. The students
sat on little piles of bricks or pieces of wood and took down notes according to
their ability. Those who couldn't write just listened and looked. Sometimes
when the wind was from the north, their fingers turned blue with cold and their
teeth chattered, but we went on with the classes just the same.
After classes there was study, self-study and group study, mutual aid, and
competition between groups. Each group used to think up hard questions for
the other groups to answer, and if there was any doubt the question were referred
to me for final solution. In this way all progressed together and we moved
rapidly ahead taking the tractors apart piece by piece until no two parts remained
stuck together. They insisted on seeing everything down to the smallest wire,
the smallest nut. Nothing approximate would do.
Then came the practical work, plowing the wasteland. The war was not over
then, not even in North China and we had to organize air precautions and keep
a sharp lookout for bombers. Actually none came in the end — only transports
almost daily flying to Taiyuan to evacuate the old criminal Yen Shi Shan. After
Taiyuan fell we never saw another plane.
The first few weeks in the field were hectic — small breakdowns everywhere and
nothing but inexperience to meet them. They kept me running — testing a spark
plug here, cleaning out a gasline there, adjusting the points on one tractor and
the timing on another — but gradually the students got used to the machines and
could begin to tell from the sound of the engines what was wrong. Then the pace
of my work slowed down.
By June it became very hot. We decided to plow at night and rest in the day-
time. A marvelous sight, the night plowing — 30 bright lights in the blackness
and the dull roar of 60 cylinders. Peasants in some of the remoter villages
thought it was devils out dancing in the wasteland and dared not leave their
houses until dawn.
The problem at this time was to instill in the boys and girls a real love for
machines, to make them ashamed of the least bit of dirt, to make them listen for
the least change in sound, and to pay strict attention to all oil changes, greasings,
adjustments, and other essentials of servicing. "Don't let little troubles change
into big ones" ; "Use your head instead of your brawn" ; "Maintenance is the
basis of successful tractor operation" were three of the slogans I used to hammer
on. In time these began to have real results. But they would have been of little
use without the political education which went on continuously, not only for the
students but for the cadres, the cooks, and work, hard dirty greasy work, often
ending in failure.
Much later after the establishment of the Central Government, after we had
moved to Peiping, at the opening of another tractor school, the vice minister of
agriculture told us, "You are the field army of the wastelands, and where are the
wastelands — in the suburbs of Peking? In Tientsin's Central Park? No, the
wastelands are in the wilderness — North Chanar, Central Honan flooded area,
the steppes of Sinkiang, the plains of North Manchuria. Wherever it is most
isolated and difficult, there we must expect to go. One thing is certain, if we
don't go there the imperialists will. If we don't open up the vast resources of our
country, the imperialists will find a way. Hence I expect all of you to go wherever
you are needed, wherever you are sent in the true spirit of service to the people."
This spirit gradually built up among the cadres and workers, enabled them to
look on the tractors, plows, and grain drills as part of the people's property which
they must love, protect, and care for just as they would their own children.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 239
One frosty night, long after everyone had gone to bed, I began to worry lest the
tractor radiators and blocks had not been drained although it was supposed to be
routine. I got up to have a look but as I went out the gate, I met a shivering
student corning back from the tractor shed. "It's all right," he said. "I've
checked them all. I couldn't sleep for thinking of it so I got up to take a look."
This is but one small incident out of hundreds.
Does this mean that we had no problems or made no mistakes? Far from it.
Tractor experts are not created in a few months' time. In spite of the real desire
and effort to do things right and (remainder of document not found).
Mr. Morris. I would like to read just these portions of it :
In the beginning we had a few tractors left by UNRRA, a few wrenches, files,
hammers, and odd bolts, no books, no classrooms, not even a roof to call our own.
Another part of the letter :
Most of the 70 young students — among them 3 girls — had never seen an engine
of any kind before * * * Everyone knew that socialism was far off in China, but
these young people felt that they already had one foot in the door of Socialism
when they climbed on to a tractor * * *
We held classes in a broken-down courtroom under the open sky. '
Mr. Friedman. "Courtyard."
Mr. Morris, (reading) :
Much later after the establishment of the Central Government, after we had
moved to Peiping, at the opening of another tractor school, the vice minister
of agriculture told us, "You are the field army of the wastelands, and where are
the wastelands — in the suburbs of Peking? In Tientsin's Central Park? No — the
wastelands are in the wilderness — North Chanar, Central Honan flooded area,
the steppes of Sinkiang, the plains of North Manchuria. Wherever it is most
isolated and difficult, there we must expect to go. One thing is certain, if we
don't go there the imperialists will. If we don't open up the vast resources of
our country, the imperialists will find a way.
Mr. Friedman. May I say that while in general the statement read
by Judge Morris is identical with the letter I have before me, it was
not in all respects identical.
For instance, Judge Morris, it did not say, "Wherever it is most
isolated and difficult, that there we must go." It says, "Wherever it
is most isolated and difficult, there we must expect to go."
Now, I do not know whether there are any other errors. But this
one I did notice.
Mr. Morris. Thank you, counsel.
Senator Welker. Thank you very much, counsel. I am glad you
brought that to our attention.
Did you so write that letter, Mr. Hinton ? Mr. Hinton, may I have
your attention?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. Did you so write the letter, or portions of the letter
that counsel asked you about ?
Mr. Hinton. I haven't finished reading it yet.
Senator Welker. I am asking you, did you write the portions that
counsel asked you about ?
Mr. Hinton. I would like to read the whole letter first.
Senator Welker. Will you answer the question ? You are ordered
and directed to.
Mr. Hinton. I don't think I can answer that without reading the
whole thing, to see what it is.
Senator Welker. Will you say that you did not write that portion ?
Mr. Hinton. I don't think I can answer that without reading the
whole thing. The whole thing isn't even a complete document.
2 0 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EN THE UNITED STATES
Senator Welker. I see.
Mr. Friedman. Have you finished the document ?
Mr. Hinton. I am fairly near through reading it. I don't want
to be rushed.
Senator Welker. Go right ahead and read it.
Mr. Hinton. I don't want to be rushed. After all, what was taken
from me, was taken 3 years ago.
Senator Welker. I have heard that. I heard that all day yesterday.
Mr. Hinton. I am going to repeat it again and again, too.
Senator Welker. And I have heard it all day yesterday. And this
committee will sit — I want to inform you that I will sit on night
sessions and on Saturday and every day necessary to get you to answer
the questions propounded to you by the committee.
Mr. Hinton. I am sure the taxpayers will be pleased to hear that.
Senator Welker. Well, I am certain there are a lot of taxpayers
who would be pleased, if they saw your activities and heard your
answers, sir. There are a few people in America that would like to
hear you. I am sorry they cannot all hear you.
(Witness confers with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds
as before, the first, the fourth, and the fifth amendments.
Senator Welker. Let the record show that the committee recog-
nizes the right of the witness to avail himself of the fifth amendment.
We do not recognize the right under the first and fourth amendments.
Proceed, counsel.
Mr. Hinton. I would like to also request that the whole of what
is there would be in the record. I would like to protest that that does
not seem to be a whole document.
Senator Welker. How would you know whether or not it is a whole
document ?
Mr. Hinton. It ends in the middle of a sentence.
Senator Welker. Very well.
Do you think that perhaps that is not your document because it ends
in the middle of a sentence ?
Mr. Hinton. I didn't say that. I said it looks to me like it is not
a complete document.
Senator Welker. Very well. It will speak for itself whether or
not it is complete.
Do you want to tell us whether or not it is your document ? Did
you ever write that, whether it be complete or incomplete ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that.
Senator Welker. On the fifth amendment?
Mr. Hinton. On the grounds of the fifth amendment — the first and
the fourth and the fifth amendments. I know you don't recognize
the fourth amendment, but I would like to have your permission to
read it, if you don't mind.
Senator Welker. I do not think I need any help from yon. and it
will not bo road. You are up hero to answer questions about that,
and not to tell the committee.
Mr. Hinton. Many people are not familiar with that. T would
like to state that as grounds for not speaking on any of this matter.
What it says is :
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and ef-
fects, againsl unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no
warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation,
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 241
and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things
to be seized.
That is what the fourth amendment says.
Senator Welker. Is that right ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. "Where did you learn that ?
Mr. Hinton. I would like to have that in the record.
Senator Welker. Did you learn that in the tractor school in Red
China ?
Mr. Hinton. I learned that from the Bill of Rights.
Senator "Welker. Oh. You are pretty proud of that Bill of Rights,
the first and fourth and fifth amendments ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes. And I notice you aren't very proud of it. You
said yesterday if it weren't for the fifth amendment — obviously, you
would like to get rid of that fifth amendment, wouldn't you, and the
fourth, and the whole Bill of Rights ?
Senator "Welker. I would like to get rid of it when it came to wit-
nesses like you.
Mr. Hinton. Yes. I know you don't support the Bill of Rights.
That is true. But I do.
Senator Welker. Any time the fifth amendment is taken advantage
of by a man like you, I say it is time for the Congress to do something.
Mr. Hinton. Now, you are drawing inferences again.
Senator Welker. You are doing a very great disservice to the peo-
ple who could use the fifth amendment.
Mr. Hinton. Now you are drawing inferences again, and you are
not
Senator Welker. Proceed, counsel. I am not going to argue with
this witness until I take you on cross-examination, and we will go
quite a length into your whole background. You are not going to
paint yourself as the lily-white angel you would like the audience to
believe you to be.
Mr. Hinton. You are not in Denver now, Senator Welker. You
are not in Denver now.
Mr. Morris. Will you read the document, please?
Senator Welker. And you are not in Red China now, either.
Mr. McManus. This is a document which was found in the foot-
locker of Mr. Hinton.
Mr. Morris. Will you read the sections from that, please?
Mr. McManus (reading) :
Now, though stationed at Shangchias —
and there is a question mark because the typist was not clear as to
whether that was the correct spelling —
Now, though stationed at Shangchias (?) farm, my work mainly consists of
going from farm to farm, looking into the way things are done, helping to solve
problems, criticizing and encouraging. To arrive at any of the State farms is
like a homecoming for me, for almost all of the drivers are my students, old
friends and comrades.
Next section :
It was while we were assembling the combines for the 10,000 mou wheat har-
vest that the Stockholm peace appeal reached the Chi-Heng State Farm. It was
discussed for several days and was signed by everyone. A few drivers wondered
whether signing their names on a sheet of paper would be any good. For every
child knows that it was armed struggle that liberated China.
242 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Next section :
I mentioned political study at the beginning of this article, and I think it will
make a good subject for the ending, for of all the things I have seen in this last
year and a half, the most striking has been the development of the cadres and
workers through the political education led by the Communist Party.
*******
Day by day, step by step, all these problems are being solved. Through count-
less work-review meetings, and meetings for self and mutual criticism, the people
are gradually being united and steeled. The intellectuals are learning to labor,
and to accept discipline, the skilled workers are learning to share what they
know * * *
Mr. Morris. And the last paragraph, Mr. McManus.
Mr. McMantjs (reading) :
* * * "We are planting wheat, but we are also planting the seeds of a tre-
mendous change in rural China. That is why at this time, when the war is not
yet over, and conditions are far from ideal, we are pushing ahead with mecha-
nized farming, training workers and cadres, establishing a base, however small,
which will someday transform Asia.
Senator Welker. That will go into the record and be made a part
thereof.
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 37" and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 37
Now, though stationed at Shangchia (?) farm, my work mainly consists of
going from farm to farm, looking into the way things are done, helping to solve
problems, criticizing and encouraging. To arrive at any of the state farms is
like a homecoming for me, for almost all of the drivers are my students, old
friends and comrades. It doesn't take long to find out what the situation is in
every department. Everyone is anxious to tell about his or her work and about
the farm as whole — both the strong points and the weaknesses. And besides
business there are always a host of other things to catch up on, marriages, new
children born, the election of model workers, and the reactions of everyone to the
latest developments in world politics. Our farms may be isolated physically, but
they are certainly not cut off intellectually or politically. Every day, no matter
how busy the work is, there is at least an hour or two of political study, and if it
can't be carried out in an organized way during the heaviest rush of work, it is
done individually through reading the paper whenever there is a spare moment.
It was while we were assembling the combines for the 10,000 mou wheat harvest
that the Stockholm peace appeal reached the Chi-Heng State Farm. It was dis-
cussed for several days and was signed by everyone. A few drivers wondered
whether signing their names on a sheet of paper would be any good, for every
child knows that it was armed struggle that liberated China.
"It isn't just your name on the paper," one girl driver explained. "Signing
your name means that you know what is at stake and that you will do everything
in your power to strengthen world peace — practically it means you'll work harder
than you ever worked in your life to get in this harvest, and see that nothing hap-
pens to your machine, care for it like a baby. That's the way to push ahead the
reconstruction of our country and make it strong."
I mentioned political study at the beginning of this article, and I think it will
make a good subject for the ending, for of all the things I have seen in this last
year and a half, the most striking has been the development of the cadres^and
workers through the political education led by the Communist Party.
I once made a little speech before sowing began in which I said that the ma-
chines were the most important thing on the farm. Later a young driver came up
(at the age of 15 he had been the leader of his village militia and once killed 15
Japanese at one place with stone mines). He told me: "The machines are im-
portant, but much more important are the men. Without them there would be
nothing at all not to mention machines. Their well-being, their spirit, their
progress, must be the first concern of everyone."
He had lived all his life in a remote mountain village but he knew what was
What He expressed the spirit of the whole revolution. The well-being, the
spirit, and the progress of men is the main thing here, and a place has been
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 243
found in the revolutionary camp for all but the most hard-bitten reactionaries
and criminals.
All sorts of people have joined our work with all kinds of motives. Some
thought they could earn a lot more money if they learned a trade, some thought
once they learned to drive a tractor they could become truck drivers and ride
from city to city living a high life. Others came for the glory of it and wavered
when they found out what a hard life it really was. One was sent to a farm
near a large city and was overcome by the glitter and style of city life, a prob-
lem which Chairman Mao long ago warned us about. He took some public
money, bought a fountain pen and some bright leather shoes and disappeared
for half a year. Now he is back, resolved to be steady and he has been given
another chance. Workers from newly liberated Pejing brought with them
technical selfishness — that society secretiveness regarding technical skills. In-
tellectuals and students brought with them many of the weaknesses of the petty
bourgeoisie and even of the landlord class — vanity, libertarianism, love of com-
fort. Some wanted this work, but not that, they would here, but not there.
Day by day, step by step, all these problems are being solved. Through
countless work-review meetings and meeting for self and mutual criticism, the
people are gradually being united and steeled. The intellectuals are learning to
labor, and to accept discipline, the skilled workers are learning to share what
they know. Everyone, including those who came to earn money, is learning
what it means to serve the people.
As the work expanded and we became responsible for a whole string of farms
instead of only one, technical difficulties increased enormously. Four different
makes of tractors and as many kinds of trucks were in use, to say nothing of
the various types and styles of farm machinery which we had inherited from
UNRRA. Of the thousands of different types of parts needed, almost none
could be bought, and those we hastily had made could not always stand up to
the rugged pounding which they met in overcoming tough wasteland in the
hands of inexperienced drivers.
Although the farms were chosen with an eye to communications, still it often
took as much as 4 days to reach the city from them, and since no farm had a
lathe or anything more advanced than a hand-turned drill, to break even the
simplest part often meant a trip to the city and the loss of a week's work.
Lubricating oil was almost impossible to buy in all the types and grades which
we knew to be necessary. After the KMT collapse, there was an enormous
quantity of oil stacked up in the big cities, but it was all mixed up and it was
almost impossible to determine quality and viscosity. To buy 1 or 2 drums was
easy enough, but to buy 30 or 40 drums of top-quality oil was a different matter.
The oil merchants are past masters at mixing in vegetable oil, replacing labels,
putting on new seals, and all the other tricks of the trade. We had to feel our
way about very carefully.
This stage of the work, like every other, began with my doing the work my-
self, until other cadres could be trained and an organization set up to handle it.
Now even the smallest drivers can crank the ATZ's. They say, "Labor creates
everything, even men. When the tractors first came, not one of us could turn
the crank over. But look at us now."
Of course the tractors were new and stiff that night, but so were the boys.
Now their muscles bulge out and they know when to push, when to pull, and
when to slack off.
Each step in our progress cost us effort like that. To suddenly launch large
scale mechanized agriculture in a China just emerging from feudalism is to
go into a real battle. In a thousand ways conditions are not ripe — without an
industrial base, with meager communications, without native fuels or lubri-
cants, with few or no technical cadres — the obstacles are enormous.
I remember a young mechanic from Peijing who was sent to a new State
Farm not far from the Yellow River. It had once been a Japanese rice farm.
Guerrillas had killed a number of Jap officers and men. Some of the older
peasants believed that the ghosts of those imperialist devils still haunted the
area. Also the drinking water was bad there and they had a saying : "Drink
the water of ten mile village and the devils will grab your legs."
The tractors broke down one after the other, they had no spare parts and only
a few simple tools. The spring plowing of land was far from complete and they
were way behind schedule. The boy worried day and night about the tractors,
listened to the weird ghost stories of the villagers, drank the rank water, and
finally fell ill. He began to see little devils running in and out of his room,
244 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
and crawling over the furniture. He locked the door, bolted the window, hid
his head under the blankets and cried.
"Send me back to Peijing," he sobbed. "Send me back to Peijing."
That young mechanic almost cracked mentally, but not quite. They nursed
him back to health, and while he was recovering, a mobile machine shop arrived
from the Soviet Union complete with a lathe and hundreds of tools and drawers
full of materials. A machinist and a fitter. In the end 10,000 mou of cotton
were planted on time.
"We have difficulties, but we also have solutions," Mao Tse Tung has said.
And so it is, for these are the difficulties of progress, and one by one we shall
overcome them all. When I look back on the last year and a half, it seems as if
at least 5 years have gone by. We have come so far. From nothing we have
grown to several thousand strong with drivers, team leaders, mechanics, ac-
countants, agricultural specialists, managers, a school, a supply base, a bureau
in the Ministry of Agriculture. Farflung areas of wasteland have been plowed
up — altogether over 300,000 mou. And we have taken in our first harvest, the
first 100 percent mechanized harvest in China's history. In a year and a half,
peasants and soldiers have become combine operators. Nothing is impossible in
our new China.
The harvest was like a miracle to the peasants. At one farm 10,000 mou of
wheat were fast ripening but no one was going around lining up harvest labor.
Instead, in the farm's backyard, a few dozen people were putting together some
strange pieces of tin and wire. The peasants shook their heads. A few of the
more backward ones even made plans to do a little harvesting of their own on Gov-
ernment land, since obviously we were unable to cope with the task.
The peasants' wheat had already been cut and hauled home before we even
began. Then one fine day, eight big combines went to work, and they worked
not only in the daytime but all night long as well. Each morning the villages
awoke to find another thousand mou or two of stubble instead of waving
wheat.
"That thing will do the work of 200 men," they said. "One to a village would
be enough to solve the harvest problem."
And so bit by bit new ideas penetrate the peasants' consciousness, and the
news is passed far and wide by word of mouth. We are planting wheat but we
are also planting the seeds of a tremendous change in rural China. That is why
at this time, when the war is not yet over, and conditions are far from ideal,
we are pushing ahead with mechanized farming, training workers and cadres,
establishing a base, however small, which will someday transform Asia.
Mr. Morris. Will you identify that as a paper taken from your
f ootlocker ?
Mr. Hinton. I haven't had time to read it. Will you give me a
chance to read it?
Mr. Friedman. There are about seven pages.
Mr. Hinton. There are about seven pages here.
Mr. Morris. You do not have to read it to know whether it is a docu-
ment taken from your f ootlocker.
Mr. Hinton. I certainly would have to read it to know that. That
would be a very unreasonable demand.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, you sort of change your propeller
pitch a little bit from yesterday. Yesterday you refused to read any
of these documents because of the fact that you allege they were taken
illegally from you. Now you want
Mr. Hinton. I refused to read documents yesterday? You didn't
give me time to read documents yesterday.
Senator Welker. Did you not state yesterday
Mr. Hinton. You rushed me several times. You get out the record
from yesterday, and you will see if I didn't protest that I didn't have
time to read the documents.
Senator Welker. I know what you want to do.
Mr. Hinton. You get out the record and see if I refused
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 245
Senator Welker. Very well.
Didn't you tell counsel yesterday that in response to his invitation
for you and your counsel to examine the exhibits and read them, you
refused to do so upon the grounds that they were illegally taken from
you by Customs and by this committee ?
Mr. Hinton. Prior to the hearing, that is correct.
Senator Welker. Yes.
Mr. Hinton. I am now forced to come down here by subpena, and
sworn under oath, and told to read documents.
Senator Welker. I see.
Mr. Hinton. And I am now reading documents, and I am asking for
time to read them.
Senator Welker. And you do not think the reading of the docu-
ment now might hurt your chances under the fourth amendment, the
illegal searches and seizures amendment, that you quoted a moment
ago^
Mr. Hinton. I am doing what I am told here, and — —
Senator Welker. Very well.
Mr. Hinton (continuing). And what happens about that will re-
main to be seen.
Senator Welker. That will remain to be seen.
Counsel, proceed.
Mr. Morris. Will you read the next document, Mr. McManus? I
give you a document. Will you identify this as a paper from the
footlocker of Mr. Hinton (
Mr. McManus. I identify this as a paper taken from the footlocker
of Mr. Hinton.
Mr. Morris. What is the date on that ?
Mr. McManus. Mukden, April 4th. There is no year.
Mr. Morris. How many pages are there ?
Mr. McManus. There are two single-spaced sheets, each written on
both sides.
Mr. Morris. Will you show that to the witness ?
(A document was handed to the witness.)
Mr. Hinton. I would like to state right here and now that there
is no typewritten material; there were no papers, typewritten notes
or letters in the footlocker that I put in bond, that was sent through
to the Customs.
Mr. Morris. You deny that that paper was in your footlocker ?
Mr. Hinton. I say there were no typewritten papers in my foot-
locker that was in bond, sent to the Customs.
Mr. Morris. I can only conclude from that statement that that,
therefore, did not appear in your footlocker.
Mr. Hinton. That is what I am saying.
Wait a minute — that that did not appear in my footlocker. I am
not
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, do you mean by your statement that
there were no carbon copies of any typewritten documents in your
footlocker?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. No. I mean there were no letters, carbon or otherwise :
there were no notes, typewritten, carbon or otherwise, in the foot-
locker.
246 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES
Senator Welker. Then it is your testimony that these exhibits were
placed there by some person other than yourself or your agent; is
that correct '.
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. If these were there at all, that is correct.
Senator Welker. Very well. Proceed, counsel.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may that document go in the record
as having been identified by Mr. McManus as a paper taken from Mr.
Hinton's footlocker?
Senator "Welker. It will be so admitted as a part of the record.
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 38" and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 38
Mukden, April J/th.
Dearest Berthee: How are youse? I have received uo letters for ever so
long because the people in Shanghai figure I will be back soon and they don't
forward anything to me. Right now I'm sick in bed, running at both ends, but
it doesn't seem to be sprue any more, just some bug I picked up. Started out
with a mild sneezing fit, then a runny nose, and then the GI's, plus something
of a fever. I guess I'll be up and around in a couple of days. Right now I am
on a liquid diet, but no medicine. Evidently our doctor here doesn't believe
in the germ theory. He is an interesting man. He is from Chekoslovakia, evi-
dently a jew. Like so many of the UNRRA medical personnel, he fought in
Spain.
When I am not busy, as now, often I think of you, and I wonder how you are
getting on. Also I think about how awful it must have been living with me.
I was so sullen all the time and so hard to arouse out of lethargy. It seems
as if I never did the dishes or helped you with the meals or ever did anything
to please you. How could I have been in such a mood? Ordinarily I am quite
cheerful (oh dear, something funny happened just now. Writing this I suddenly
burst into tears and just then somebody walked in the door and here I was with
my face all wet. I had to pretend I had had a heavy coughing spell that brought
tears to my eyes. Anyway the visitor, it was Frank Wallick, one of the BSU
boys who is here, cheered me considerably with a brief discussion of politics.
I wonder if he believed my coughing tale. Isn't it strange how low you can
feel when you are sick?) .
Have just read two books, China's Destiny, by Chiang Kai-shek, and the Sword
and the Crysanthemum, by Ruth Benedict. I found the Roy edition of Chiang's
book in Shanghai, but hadn't had a chance to read it until now. It certainly
is a strange book. My chief impression is of an extremely muddled, irrational,
childish outpouring of which any Occidental would be ashamed. The chapters
are thrown together in the most haphazard fashion and there is no ateinpt at
logical development. Paragraphs about quite unrelated things follow each other
page after page, and it is very difficult to read — something like walking through
a patch of weeds. The main theme of the book seems to revolve around the
unequal treaties forced on China by the Western powers and Japan. All China's
past troubles are laid to these treaties. All credit for the abolition of the treaties
is given to the Kuomintang. This point is stressed again and again in all manner
of direct and indirect ways. Although the argument in the book itself is not
built up logically at all, when reduced to essentials it seems to run like this —
In ancient China, things were fine. Laws were just, rulers wise, people well fed,
the state well protected, and culture highly developed. The unequal treaties
changed all this, China was enslaved, unbalanced industry was created along the
coast, vice and profiteering were encouraged and all China's ancient virtues were
abused and destroyed. 50 years of revolutionary effort on the part of the Kuomin-
tang finally led to the abolishment of the unequal treaties. In 1943 England
and America gave up extraterritoriality, turned over foreign concessions to
China and restored China to full sovereignty once more. This the Kuomintang
accomplished singlehanded and the Chinese people should properly appreciate it.
Surely the party which led them to such a glorious victory deserves their whole-
hearted cooperation and support. How can that party be wrong when it has
such accomplishments to its credit. The people are urged to take the slogan
"to know is difficult, to act is easy" to heart. Since Confucius said: "The people
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE "UNITED STATES 247
may be made to follow a course of action, but they must not be expected to under-
stand." it follows that everyone should put implicit trust in the government and
unite to carry out its policies with the utmost sincerity. Even when these
policies appear to be failing, as during the war under one defeat after the other,
the people must realize that, "as far as the question of the survival or destruc-
tion of the state is concerned, the correctness or incorrectness of the policy
decided upon by the government is more important in its invisible influence
than in its visible results in victory or defeat. Therefore our citizens must pay
special attention to, and not for a moment neglect, the duty of obeying the state's
policy and working to carry out that policy. If there is the least carelessness
in carrying out the correct state policy, or if we permit it to be destroyed by
those who are superficially dishonest, or radical, then the future of the state and
nation will be one of a myriad calamities from which we will be unable to re-
cover." The tone of the book is definitely defensive. Chiang adopts a hurt
and misunderstood tone throughout. He grants once, that the Kuomintang may
have erred, but urges only that people join the party and help correct mistakes.
He takes great pains to state over and over again that the Three Peoples Prin-
ciples are based on morality, justice, and wisdom without ever explaining in
concrete terms what the principles are or mean. Only the Kuomintang follows
the Three Principles and the people should unite behind it to carry out the
reconstruction and save the nation. He then resorts to threats. Opposition will
do no good. If opposition continues, national reconstruction will be impossible,
intelligent people will not be able to unite to help their country and the Kuomin-
tang will not be able to fulfill its responsibilities and duties to the people. What's
more, opposition will be defeated. The Kuomintang has crushed all opposition
in the past and will do so in the future. Chiang quotes a lovely paragraph from
Confucius. It seems a certain Chao-cheng Mou used his house as a gathering
place for opposition elements, he had unorthodox theories pleasing to the multi-
tude and upsetting to the right, his arguments constituted a new and independent
theory. For these crimes, which Confucius considered far worse than robbery,
Chao-cheng Mou was put to death by Confucius himself. He was "a villain
among men" and had to "be eliminated."
The book is liberally sprinkled with revolutionary phrases and peons [sic] of
praise to democracies and freedom. Nowhere are these brought down to earth.
Chiang takes particular pains to point out that "freedom" must be restricted
by law and discipline "in order to designate the duties and privileges of each
individual." 'We lay the foundation of democracy through the firm establish-
ment of Government by law." After all, says he, we do not want to be gypsies,
"we must accept laws, decrees, and orders with a consecrated mind and solemn
purpose and carry them out in a voluntary and active spirit." His discussion
of the machinery of democracy is limited to vague reference to local self-gov-
ernment which is the integral part of the state. Aside from reprinting in full
the paper plans of Sun Yat-sen for economic development, naming the number
of people needed to carry it out, and urging everyone to get busy, his proposals
on economic problems are extremely vague. The following is typical : "We solve
the problems of the people's livelihood through the adjustment of the surpluses
and deficiencies in the public and private economy according to uniform and
fair lines of reasoning." One thing is made clear, however : There will be no
place in China's future economy for private initiating of enterprise. Chiang in-
tended that the government carry out the industrialization and continue to cow
trol and own it.
The whole "Chinese economic theory" that is included in the Roy Volume is
a hodgepodge of nonsense full of contradictions and absurd statements. Both
orthodox and Marxist economic theories are labeled inadequate, while the an-
cient sages of China are reported to have all the answers. The sentence "where
there are, or where there is land, Where there is land there is money. Where
there is money, there is use for it." Is considered to be the profoundest state-
ment on economics ever written. People's wants, being materialistic are unim-
portant— man's rational nature, not his wants are supposed to be the basis of
the theory. Yet there is a whole chapter on satisfying the people's wants and
restricting them. Much vague talk is directed toward the raising of trees and
thus insuring national defense. Culture is in some vague way identified with
peoples livelihood, and the peoples livelihood is then said to be the basis of na-
tional defense. — and so it goes on in illogical stupidity denouncing everything
foreign, affirming faith in a feudal economy of man and land and quoting an-
cient Chinese sages in support of "managing men and adjusting things" by a
248 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
paternalistic government. Small wonder China's intellectuals have little regard
for Chiang.
Ruth Benedict's book is interesting, though I don't agree with all her conclu-
sions. She seems to take at face value the mores and ethics of Japan's ruling
clique and regard it as uniform throughout the nation. Nowhere is there any
indication that revolts against this rigid system of duties and obligations existed.
At one point she says that were a Japanese to harbor "dangerous thoughts," he
would immediately be ashamed for not having lived up to his obligations to the
Emperor, fear of disapproval or fancied disapproval by the world for failure to
live up to all obligations is the motivation behind the conduct of all Japanese.
How then explain the prisons full of men who did harbor dangerous thoughts.
The rapidly growing Union movements, the thousands who died in opposition to
the established ruler. She says nothing of these, never hints that there were any
cracks in Japan's social structure, denies that class war ever existed or can exist,
and paints the picture of a society absolutely in harmony, united fully behind the
Emperor, and strictly observing all the traditional practice. It seems to me an
extremely limited view. Being an anthropologist she explains Japan's agressive-
ness strictly on cultural grounds, America insulted the Japanese by the exclusion
act and the naval treaties and insults must traditionally be revenged, therefore
Japan went to war with the U. S. She upholds our decisions on retaining the
Emperor and thinks MacArthur did a marvelous job taking over and running
Japan. She wrote the book as a result of a study undertaken for the Office of
War Information. Evidently some of her conclusions were used as a basis for the
handling of propaganda to Japan, and for high policy decisions such as the reten-
tion of the Emperor. Taking for granted, as she seemed to, that America has no
aim in the Pacific other than the establishment of democracy everywhere, she
makes a good case for American decisions. However, American factions since
V-J Day, both here and in other parts of the world indicate that Washington
policy-makers may have other ends in view. The Imperial system of Japan fits
in as well with (?) other schemes that it is hard to take Democratic protesta-
tions at face value. The books begin to look like a very learned justification
for maintaining a fascistic social system in Japan as one steppmgstone to a still
larger American empire in the Far East. She says leaving Hirohito alone was
the correct policy. Perhaps it ended the war sooner not to touch him, but of
what use was ending the war if the social system which caused 50 years of
Japanese aggression remains intact. How can we be sure that the future might
not have been better served had the Emporer and the whole ruling class been
destroyed. The Emporer chose to surrender, but as I see it, it was only because
we guaranteed both him and his ruling clique continued power. If our objections
bad been, and it seems to me it should have been, the destruction of this clique
and the overthrow of the Emperor he and they would never have surrendered.
They would have gone down to utter defeat and the foundations for a really new
Japan might have been laid, but perhaps after all, it is for the best, for the
Japanese people themselves may take care of this problem in spite of us and the
Emperor.
Enough of books. Spring is coming here and the tractor program is very
far behind. We have laid great plans for bring 200 into Manchuria, who are
now in the process of visiting the places where the tractors will be based. We
have seen five already but still have five to see. In the meantime I am hid
up and Harry Sherwood, the machinery man from Mancey Harris, is having
to go without me. It is quite a job traveling over the country here, getting on the
filthy, crowded, train, riding for hours on and on. Then looking up some
cold filthy hotel to sleep the night in. The other night, the only place that
was open had but one room on the 3d floor. We were afraid to sleep on the straw
tick that was on it for fear of bugs, so we threw that on the floor and slept
on the iron springs without anything but our sleeping bags beneath us. It
was the most uncomfortable night I ever spent. By morning my whole body
ached and 1 was branded with diamonds from head to foot where the springs
pressed into my flesh. The place proved to he more than a simple hotel, it was
full of girls, who were evidently to be had at a price and we carefully locked
the door to keep from being disturbed. The town is as usual in these parts, a
drab dirty one. with none of the charm of southern Chinese cities. It was full
of soldiers, police, and gendarmes and it turned out that the local magistrate
was, as is customary, a man from the south, Ilonan, it was this time. They had
in mind an experimental farm outside the city and we went out in horse carriages
through the mud. We passed a mile or two of housing development built by
the Japanese and a few scattered factories. All were looted. Windows were
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 249
smashed. Roofs torn off aud the hardware removed. This was, of course,
blamed on the Russians, but as we returned we saw a group of KMT soldiers
busy carrying away the boards that were obviously torn from the houses. The
looting is still going on. The experiment station was all by itself in the country
by some rather high hills and just north of a small village. The trees are just
beginning to bud there and the birds are returning. They were chirping busily
in the branches and flitting here and there. The enormous plain stretched away
to the west with the small piles of compost put out already by the farmer dotting
the land here and there. I thought it a rather lovely place, the only one we have
visited so far that is not in the midst of the factory district. We found a very
suitable building and a good place for a living quarters for the personnel and we
returned to Mukden rather pleased.
I don't remember if I wrote you about MacKonkey, the Canadian, Agrehab
officer here. He is a large man with wavy white hair and a mustache just turn-
ing gray. He looks exactly like one of Calvert Whiskey's men of distinction.
Ordinarily he wears a long great coat and a large fur hat and looks for all the
world like a Russian general. This causes him no little trouble as the Kuomin-
tang is very anti-Russian, and restricts the movements of Russians wherever pos-
sible. The other day he left his coat and briefcase outside the diningroom while
eating dinner. When he came out they were both gone. What a blow. Emperor
Mackonkey as he is called by all UNRRA people, was now an Emperor without
portfolio, also without coat, and it is still cold here. In his regal way he sum-
moned the police, the management, the Army, the gendarmes and the newspapers
and launched a campaign to get back his coat and briefcase. Twelve policemen
showed up at one time and five truckloads were dispatched to the station to check
on those going out and coming in. Speculation was rife as to who could have
taken the coat in the midst of Mukden's finest hotel in the broad daylight. It
turned out that the guard at the back entrance had seen a soldier walk out with
a coat over his arm and a briefcase in one hand but had failed to stop him as he
walked with such confidence. Colonel Sammy, aide to General Tu Yu Ming, Com-
mander in chief of the Armies in the Northeast took a personal interest in the
case. After two days without results he informed us in hushed tones that in his
opinion it must have been Communist agents. These dangerous gentlemen, it
seems, are always looking for foreign uniforms in which to disguise themselves
for confusion at the front and for spying. The authorities here are Communist
spy crazy. Last night in the hotel the railroad police celebrated the completion
of one year in Manchuria. Height of the evening was a play which our people
thought was going to be comedy. It started out with what appeared to be a two-
timing wife whose husband had suddenly come home to find several suitors in
attention. There was a great quarrel which ended with the husband being laid
out as dead on the table and the wife in spasms of grief. The cook then suddenly
revealed himself as a Communist spy who offered to get the woman out of her fix
if she would turn over to him certain important papers in her husband's posses-
sion. This the patriotic girl steadfastly refused to do and the Red drew a gun,
as he advanced on the girl past the husband he suddenly arose, jammed his
finger in the spy's back, forced him to drop the gun, as the latter thought the
finger in his own ribs was another, and then called for his own personal servant.
The servant also turned out to a Communist, and he pulled a gun on the husband,
and the two nasty Reds were about to make their escape when who should arrive
on the scene but 70 of the Northeast Railway Police, armed to the death, and
shouting victory is ours. As a final touch the husband removed his gown to reveal
that he was none other than the commander of the police force, and that the whole
plot had been arranged as a trap for the Reds. Tarantara, Tarantara.
Another example of this Red hysteria took place when Dr. Pan, head of the
Agricultural Department for the Northeast, announced that he was going to
verbally examine the more than 145 applicants for positions as tractor drivers.
This was necessary, he said, in order to weed out any Communists. He assures
us he can tell a Communist by talking to him. This Pan has found an excellent
man to head up the tractor program here. This super-special tractor specialist
spent 12 years in Germany both as a student and as a manager contractor oper-
ations in the field. He did such good work that he was awarded a medal by Hitler
himself. I feel our project is most certainly in safe hands. We may have a few
Reds in the ranks, but the high command will most certainly be held by men
of high moral standing. It is not everyone that can boast a decoration by so
renowned an upholder of western civilization as Hitler. Of course he and I have
something in common, as I myself once saw the great man as he skimmed up the
Rhine in a motor boat, and a very vigorous salute he got from me, too.
72723— 56— pt. 7 2
250 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Just heard a report that another UNRRA ship bound for Communist ports in
Shantung was bombed and strafed by Nationalist planes. That should certainly
teach UNRRA to keep its hands out of politics and not to meddle where it is not
wanted. It only prolongs the civil war to render aid to victims of Japanese ag-
gression on the wrong side of the lines, and the Chinese people will certainly not
tolerate anyone whose efforts prolong the war in whatever form. Just 1 month
ago the same thing happened, the whole of UNRRA protested to the government
and got a guarantee of safety from the Army and the Navy. As far as I know,
they never did get one from the air force, which of course could not limit its
activities at the request of a mere international agency.
Mr. Hinton. Are we going to have time to read these documents?
Senator Welker. You will have all the time you need to read these
documents after the session is over, or tomorrow or the next day or at
any future time.
Mr. Hinton. Then why bring them down here?
Senator Welker. If you do not want to see them, that is all right
with me, to save us time. We want to be fair with you, and we want
to be fair with your eminent counsel.
Mr. Hinton. Can I read it, then ?
Senator Welker. You can read the Literary Digest there, as far
as I am concerned. But we are going to proceed with this hearing as
we planned it. We have these things to go in the record, and they
are going into the record. We are not going to be delayed by you any
longer.
Mr. Hinton. Then you refuse me the right to read these papers ?
Senator Welker. I am not refusing you the right to do anything,
sir.
Mr. Hinton. Then you have to give me time to read them.
Senator Welker. I am insisting on counsel's putting in the exhibits
that must go into the record. Then we will go at length into this mat-
ter. Do not think for a moment that we are hurrying this matter.
Mr. Hinton. Then you have to give me time to read them, if you
are going to put them in the record.
Senator Welker. You will read them at the right time.
Mr. Hinton. So you deny me the right to read them ?
Senator Welker. No ; I do not deny you the right to read anything.
I am telling you, you are not going to deny this committee the right to
do its business as it deems best.
Mr. Hinton. You deny me the time to read them. That is the
same as the right to read them.
Senator Wtelker. Mr. Hinton, no doubt you love to argue with the
committee.
Mr. Hinton. I don't love to argue. I am down here forced to sit
with the committee.
Senator Welker. I know you are forced to sit here, and it hurts
you a great deal.
Mr. Hi nton. It certainly does.
Senator Welker. You are doing your best to minimize the value
of your appearance here. I do not desire to argue with you. We have-
certain work. We have this footlocker evidence that we are going to
put into the record, and you are not going to stall or delay it for one
moment, as far as this acting chairman is concerned.
Mr. Hinton. Are you going to deny me the time to read the docu-
ment ?
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 251
Senator Welker. We are not interrogating you about that. We are
putting these matters into the record, and then we will go to the cross-
examination a little later, please, Mr. Hinton. I do not believe yet
that you are in charge of the committee work here.
Mr. Hinton. Well, I certainly think it is very unfair that I am de-
nied the time to read the document.
Senator Welker. I am not going to be bothered about that, We
are going ahead. Do not think for a moment that we are just going
over these. You are going to be asked many questions about them.
Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, will you identify this paper dated No-
vember 22, 1948?
Mr. McManus. This is a document which was found in Mr. Hin-
ton's footlocker, when it was opened under my supervision.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may that go into the record?
Senator Welker. It will go into the record and be made a part
thereof.
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 39" and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 39
Nov. 22, 19-',8.
Dear Mother and Jean: Its been a long time since I've written you and a
long time since I heard from you. Ways of getting things out and in are getting
increasingly slim as one after another of the KMT outposts gets picked off.
But soon the situation should change, for at the rate things are going here the
whole of China will be liberated soon and then will be able to write just as if
Ave were in Shanghai.
For the last month I have done no work at all, neither at the teaching or
in the writing of my book, for General Fu Tso Yi, in command of the KMT
troops in North China, decided to raid our area. Since he has a lot of fast-
moving cavalry and we had very few troops right here, it was not thought
possible to stop him if he really was stupid enough to come on down. There
was no chance for him to stay, of course, for he would have been cut off after
a week or two, but he could have done a lot of damage. So we all picked up
and moved south. The whole university moved on 4 hrs. notice. At 3 o'clock
they told us to pack and get ready to leave by 5. That was the first word we
had of it. Actually we got on the road by 8. We walked most of the night for
3 nights, sleeping in peasant homes by day, and eating millet which was pre-
pared by a cooking squad which went on ahead. On the fourth day we went on
in the daylight and marched another four days until we got to Hsingtai. We
stayed there about a week in a small village outside the city. Then it was
decided to move back, for Fu Tso Yi, when he heard that Manchuria had folded
up completely behind him began to feel the hot breath of the Manchurian troops
on his back and ran back to Peiping. It was another week before we got home
again to Jeng Ding.
Of course we weren't able to hold any classes all that time and I couldn't
do any writing work, but the time was not wasted by any means. For the
university leaders took the march as an opportunity to teach all these young
intellectuals, many of them from landlord homes, what proletarian solidarity
and collective living means. We were all a bunch of individualists to varying
degrees, selfish, undisciplined, not caring too much what happened to the others,
not too good at obeying instructions and not at all bold about raising opinions
about things we thought to be wrong. On the march through many meetings
we learned what is meant by discipline and what they call here organizational
spirit, which really means a responsible attitude toward the group. On the
one hand, all are expected to obey the rules and carry out instructions, and
on the other, all are expected to take the problems of the group as their own, to
try and help make things go well, to point out what they believe to be wrong
about the way things are handled, and to criticize friends, or teachers, or anybody
whom they think have not done as they should. At the same time we learned
what is meant by mutual help and collective work. Everyone is expected to
pitch in, help fix up the rooms for sleeping, fetch water, help the cooking group
if they need it, help those who are tired or sick or lame, all this until it becomes
252 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
second nature. And further than this we learned what our relations should
be with the people. Two things were expected in this regard (1) to help the
people with their work, carry water for them, sweep the yards, leave things
just as we found them, or better and at the same time learn about the people's
life and problems; (2) teach the people something about the present situation in
China, about the problems of the war, help them to understand better what is
going on.
All this was learned through two methods the first being mutual and self criti-
cism done in an organized way through meetings of small groups. These are
called examination meetings, the second was through the election of models.
The second really was most successful. We have done so much criticism in the
past and these intellectuals are so good at finding fault with each other that to
a certain extent, though everyone takes the criticism to heart, many feel a little
gloomy about their own shortcomings, but the elections have just the opposite
effect in raising the morale of everyone to a tremendous extent. The two sys-
tems sort of complement each other of course, for others tell you your own short-
comings and at the same time all together you elect those who did the best.
The elections are done in a unique way which avoids all spirit of competition
and individual championship. They were held on three levels. First, peo-
ple met in groups of about 20 or so. Anyone who thought anyone else should
be a model of the group proposed his name with reasons. If the name was sec-
onded, he became a candidate. There was no limit on the number of those nomi-
nated, but there was a requirement that his bad points be criticized as well as
his good points praised. After the nominations were in, everyone had a chance
to add anything about any of the nominees, either of praise or of blame. Then
when all had had their say, a vote was taken and anyone who got half the votes
of the whole group or more became a model. This was the first step. The sec-
ond was for the groups to meet together as whole departments, that is the lan-
guage department met, the history department, etc., and each department again
elected from among the small group of models those who were to be department
models. The system was for some one from the group to speak for 10 minutes
about the reasons why this particular individual was chosen, being careful at
the same time to point out his faults. Then there was a few minutes for any-
one else to add anything. And in the meantime wall newspapers were put up
giving the story of each group model. In this way those of other groups could
get an idea of the merits of your own candidates. After all the speaking was
over an election was again held and anyone who got half the votes of the whole
department was called a model. Our language department chose 8, among them
three little orderlies (or little devils as they are called).
Then our whole college met and we went through the speaking and voting
process, and put up wall newspapers again. This time we had models from
among the cooks, and from those who were in charge of transport, and of
moving the sick and women with children. It was a long meeting for even
though the speeches were limited to 10 minutes about any one person, there
were some 15 who were qualified. I think eight were finally chosen for out-
college, among them one cook, one little devil, one teacher who had been in charge
of the sick and disabled, and five students.
After the elections of individuals, model squads were chosen. On the march
everyone had been put into squads either for work or just for walking and
those squads were chosen which had worked together and helped one another
and maintained morale, etc., the best. The first cooking group and the transport
squad were elected.
Well, there isn't time to tell you all the details of this march now, for I must
get this letter off today, but I will only say that in these meetings and elections.
everyone's actions and attitudes were examined down to the smallest detail.
One lmy ate a pepper which belonged to a peasant and confessed it. Another
had borrowed a bowl to wash clothes in and the old peasant woman from whom
he borrowed it thought he washed his feet in it and was upset. He had to
apologize to her for something he hadn't done, because she thought he had
done it. One girl was ill and was sent to ride on the carts, she took along in
her pack thing's which others had been carrying to lighten their burden but
hadn't asked permission. This was not fair and she criticized herself. People
were praised for oonntless things, for putting down their bedding in the worst
and toughest and coldest places, offering the good places to others, for giving up
their last pair of socks to someone who needed them more, for taking extra pains
in looking after the wants of those whom they were to serve (this was the little
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 253
devils who were the most cheerful and helpful kids you ever saw) for not
grumbling when we lost our way and walked five extra li, for keeping good
order at mealtimes and not diving in to get one's own millet without thinking
of others, for singing songs even though their voices were no good simply
because it helped to keep morale up. The list is too long to begin to cover.
But the result of all this was remarkable. A group of individuals who all their
lives had more or less looked out for themselves and grumbled about things that
went wrong, were in a few days, transformed into a smoothly working team.
They began to forget themselves and to strive to be like the models which had
been chosen. It was really remarkable to see this change so quickly, and to see
the spirits of everyone rise to such heights. One girl who came here simply
because her parents in KMT China wouldn't let her marry the boy she wanted
to, had three times gone off to see her fiance without permission, once during
an air raid, and once on the march itself when we stayed near where the boy
lived. She seemed not to realize at all what it meant and resented being told
again and again that she was wrong. Suddenly after the elections she changed
overnight and did so well from then on we chose her as a model. Anyone who
made progress was especially honored and praised.
We were sure surprised to hear that it's Truman again. We all predicted other-
wise. That's all for now. Much love. I'm very well but Bertha and Joan
haven't come yet and it is hell waiting for them.
Love,
Billy.
Mr. McMaxus. The document reads : "Dear Mother and Jean, No-
vember 22, 1948."
(The document was handed to the witness.)
Mr. Hixtox. You can take it back up. If I don't have time to
read it, there is no point in bringing it down here.
Also, I would like to protest again about the use of personal letters
in a hearing of this kind, and also
Senator Welker. Whose personal letters ?
Mr. Hixtox. These seem to be personal letters.
Senator Welker. Whose personal letters?
Mr. Hixtox. This is a letter that says, "Dear Mother and Jean."
Senator Welker. I ask you, whose personal letters? Do you deny
that they are yours ?
Mr. Hixtox. I never denied that they were mine.
Senator Welkek. All right. Will you admit that they are your per-
sonal letters?
Mr. Hixtox. I refuse to answer questions on that subject.
Senator Welkkr. On the grounds of the fifth amendment ?
Mr. Hixtox. On the grounds of the first, the fourth, and the fifth
amendments.
Senator Welkek. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, will you read a few lines from that last
exhibit, please?
Mr. McManus. This is a letter. "Dear Mother and Jean":
November 22, 1048.
For the last month I have done no work at all, neither at the teaching or in
the writing of my book, for Gen. Fu Tso Yi, in command of the KMT troops
in North China, decided to raid our area. Since he has a lot of fast-moving
cavalry and we had very few troops right here, it was not thought possible to
stop him if he really was stupid enough to come on down.
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hixttox. Mr. Chairman, you claim that these came from my
f ootlocker. Why don't you put the whole works in ?
Senator Welkek. I
254 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Hinton. You claim that you are not afraid of the truth about
China. Why don't you put all the letters in? Why don't you put all
the writings in ?
Also, if I remember rightly, in the locker that I brought back, there
were 78 posters. These 78 posters covered the whole of the period
that I was there, all aspects of life in China. In the exhibits that you
put up yesterday and today, it seems that there are a few posters
picked out which would show different, mostly political, aspects.
Now, if you say you are not worried about the truth about China,
why not — there should be a whole lot of posters.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, I am very sorry that you are not-
Mr. Hinton. Why don't you lay out a whole lot of posters and let
the press see everything that you claim you took from the locker ?
Senator Welker. I am sorry you are not a member of this com-
mittee. And as far as I am concerned
Mr. Hinton. Also, as far as the photographs were concerned, there
were three hundred and some photographs that I brought back
Senator Welker. I know there is no such thing as decency in your
body. But will you be courteous enough to let the chairman interrupt
you one moment.
Now, counselor, I have had about enough of this.
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Senator Welker. Now, you were so interested in the press seeing
everything in your footlocker. That footlocker has been opened for
2 days, and they have the consent of this committee to look through
it and to do everything they want to, and you and your counsel have
that perfect right. You can do so at any time. But you are not going
to delay and to stall the hearing, because it does not go the way you
want it to go, Mr. Hinton.
Mr. Hinton. You are making quite a circus with all these things
Senator Welker. Very well
Mr. Hinton. Put up here. You pick this; you pick that, what yon
say came out of this locker, and, of course, you try to give an impres-
sion which suits you.
Senator Welker. Well, now
Mr. Hinton. Naturally, I think that the things I brought back, the
things I brought back, they should all be on display.
Senator Welker. You mentioned a circus we are trying to make
and the impression we are trying to leave. Are you trying to leave
the impression before this committee and the American people that
you are not a Communist ?
Mr. Hinton. I am trying to have a fair hearing as much as possible,
as would, I think, be impossible with a committee of this kind, because
of the record of this committee in the past and during these hearings.
Everything is done to distort the picture.
Senator Welker. Everything is done to distort the truth, you say '.
Mr. Hinton. Everything is done to distort the whole picture: yes.
Senator Welker. Now, then, maybe we can get right down to the
grassroots level and get at the truth. Do you care to leave an impres-
sion with this committee that you are an American and not a Com-
munist?
Mr. Hinton. I certainly care to leave the impression with the Amer-
ican people that T am an American; yes.
Senator Welker. Now, how about the Communist part of it '.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 255
Mr. Hinton. As to questions about communism, I refused to answer
before ; I refuse to answer now, and that is the same
Senator Welker. Why did you refuse to answer that? You have
now made quite a speech about the impression that you wanted to
leave here, and the fairness, and we do not want a circus. Now will
you tell us, have you ever been a member of the Communist Party or
are you a member now ?
Mr. Hinton. We are going through the same thing again and again,
Mr. Chairman.
Senator Welker. I know we are.
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of
the fifth amendment, as before.
Senator Welker. Very well.
Proceed, counsel.
Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, will you identify the next document?
Mr. McManus. This is a document which bears on the head the fol-
lowing: "Peifang Ta shwye." This is one of the documents which
was taken from Mr. Hinton's footlocker under my supervision.
Mr. Morris. May that go in the record, Mr. Chairman ?
Senator Welker. It is so ordered and made a part of the record.
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 40" and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 40
Peifang Ta shwye :
This university is spread out in several villages on a flat and fertile plain which
is ringed on every side with mountains. This was evidently a former Catholic
stronghold, for everywhere one sees the spire of Catholic churches and the huge
brick halls of Catholic convents and monasteries. The school, or at least part of
it is housed in former Catholic mission buildings complete with gothic church,
and stone crosses on roof peaks, door posts, and gables, Never, in their wildest
nightmares did the Catholic fathers dream, I think, that their spacious halls and
gardens would one day become a center of Communist learning, where Chu Te and
Mao Tse Tung smile down from the halls of the rectory and the kitchen boys wear
red stars with crossed hammer and sickle on their caps. The bulletin board where
once holy bulls were posted, is now jammed with the wall newspapers of the
students, and on the brick walls of the compound are written huge characters
which says "Drive to Nanjing, Capture Chang alive."
But the housing is not by any means the most unique thing about this univer-
sity. Most striking of all right at this moment is the fact that all classes have
been suspended for 6 weeks while all students, faculty, and staff study the new
agrarian program, review their past lives, and reform their thinking and atti-
tudes so as to be able really to serve the people and carry through this rock bot-
tom land reform which has just been adopted by this Border Regions Government.
This agrarian law is the most important thing that has happened in China for
several thousand years. It is the biggest thing in Asia, perhaps in the world right
now. Everything else has been laid aside while everyone studies what it means
and examine himself in the light of the program and what part he must play in it.
This self-examination is not confined to the university, but to every part of the
Border Region. All cadres are taking time to do the same, all workers in fac-
tories, all farmers in the villages. All are preparing for this great clean sweep
of the land problem. As for the students, they do this in groups. They meet
sometimes 9 and 10 hours a day and discuss. Usually it works like this. One
will get up and talk, will examine his past life, explain what he did and why,
and how he regards things now. Then others will analyze this boy's life and
actions, criticize, praise, or blame, and try to help him to see how he should have
done differently, or can now do differently. This goes on for days and days. Why
is all this necessary? Partly because many of these students are of gentry back-
ground, unconsciously they have many holdovers from the past, feudal ideas
about family, land, classes, physical work, democracy and other aspects of life.
With such ideas they cannot hope to be of use to the people or the revolution, for
the revolution has left all such far behind. This new land law is the grave of the
past and all those who wish to be of service to the future must rid themselves of
256 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
the encumbrances of the past, wipe the slate clean and approach problems in the
same way that the poorest, most destitute peasants approach them. Concretely
this means that these gentry sons and daughters must be willing to destroy the
roots of their own privileges, even struggle against their own parents, and divide
their own parents' land and wealth, without fear or favor. That is the supreme
test today, and it is no easy thing for those who have unconsciously grown up pro-
tected by the security of land rents, safe in the knowledge that no matter how
well or poorly they worked, no matter what happened to their health, they could
always be taken care of by the family and those rents would continue to pour in,
paying the bills, sending the children off to college, etc. Now all this must be
renounced. The roots of this whole system are to be dug up. From now on their
position in life depends on their own wits and skill, their own hard work and
service to the people.
That is one side of it. Then there are the others, the poor peasant and worker
students whose class viewpoint is already solid because they are of the op-
pressed. The discussions help them too, for even they may often have hangovers
of fear, of inferiority, of superstition regarding the Li class, and they may not
have a very clear picture of the relationships, and exploitation in society. They
learn by discussion with the rest and help those of different background to
better understand the problems of the people.
When the university is not discussing laud reform, classes are held. But these
are nothing like the classes held anywhere else in the world. Since I haven't
been to any I don't know exactly how it is done, except that everyone says the
classwork is group work, with the advanced helping the less advanced and every-
one progressing faster for that very reason. But classwork itself is only part
of the program. Practical work is the other part. The engineers go off to work
in factories, put up blast furnaces, make explosives, the farmers go out to the
fields and work with the peasants. The medical students work in the hospital.
The economic students study land reform, Border Region finance, and get prac-
tical work in all these. In no branch of the university is learning separated
from practice. For the purpose of the school is to train as rapidly as possible
the much-needed workers who will immediately be called to important jobs,
building, fighting, tending sick and wounded, teaching, improving agriculture.
and the thousand and one urgent things that need doing all at once. For that
reason no excess baggage is thrown in. The students have little time and only
learn what they need to learn in order to be of use at this stage of development.
There is no use teaching engineers about radar when what is needed is men who
can smelt iron in homemade blast furnaces. It is no use to teach ag students
how7 to repair tractors when what is needed is men who can design a better
scythe, or organize the farmers to keep good corn strains pure. So textbooks
are rewritten and a series of short courses given. In engineering, for instance,
the first group studied iron smelting and coke making. The second class studied
explosives, the third class is studying mechanical engineering, simple machinery,
gears, worms, machining etc., while the third class will study whatever is con-
sidered most important at the time. This has not yet been decided. It may be
civil engineering, railroad building, highway planning, etc. or it may be elec-
trical engineering, whatever is regarded as most vital will be the concern of
the next class. Language courses are given because of the need for interpreters
and for diplomats in the future. English is one main course — a 2 year one, and
Russian is another. There are twice as many students of Russian as there are
of English.
Whatever the course, all students get their exercise by working on the land.
The dean of the arts college announced proudly that his students had during
the summer and fall grown and harvested over 2,500,000 local dollars worth of
grain. That they did not look like students but rather more like fanners and
that l hey could he seen any morning out on the roads with wicker basket which
they had made themselves, picking up manure for next spring's crops. The
dean of the medical college apologized for not looking more like a doctor. "I
look really more like a cook or a soldier," he said, "lint don't let that fool you.
and don't think because we are often seen out on the road picking up ma-
nure that we know nothing about medicine. You'd be surprised when we get
into our white aprons and white masks and pull on those rubber gloves, we do
a good job of surgery, even if we don't have instruments made with precision
machinery from some modern factory. Now when we need a knife we have to
go to some local smith and have a few dozen pounded out, but they work quite
well, for .all that." Of course, he added that they didn't try to train MD's but
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 257
only to train men and women competent to deal with the most urgent diseases
and problems, people who could go out now and work.
That is the way it is in every department. This is no cut and dried univer-
sity. Certainly no ivory tower, but a place where people come to learn some skill
or knowledge that their country and people are badly in need of, and the skill
they learn is put to immediate use. Then as things advance, and what they
know is inadequate to the times, they return here for further training, thus
education and life are combined. This is all according to a theory of the presi-
dent, Dr. Fan, an eminent Chinese historian, that education and life are in fact
nothing but the same thing, and that knowledge and practical work must always
be combined. In addition, he evidently believed that everyone should know what
it is to raise his own food, though of course, beside from being desirable this
is also a necessity, since the budget is very small and basic food rations must
be provided by the students and faculty themselves, just as they are by all gov-
ernment workers.
Jan. 16th :
Visited the Medical College this afternoon. Dean Li, the doctor in charge is
one of the most vigorous and life-loving men I have ever seen. He gave us a
long picture story of his college. Ten years' history of Peita Medical College.
Ten years' struggle. The people's achievements are always built from nothing
and progress from small to bigger. Medical science college is no exception.
This school organized from the doctors training corps and is now 10 years old,
overcame many difficulties, finally we succeed and develop to the college it
is today. 1938, Jan. — Japanese invaded China and the Central Armies gave
up and retreated but the 8 route army took its place iu the rear of the enemy
and promoted guerrilla war. The medical department of the 129 division
established a mobile training course to train doctors, nurses, and medical men.
Skill was low then. More than 40 students, 2 teachers, one is Tien Shing Chung,
the other is dean Liu Ho Yi. Most of the students of the mobile course came
from the red army, formerly they were nurses. Their study could not be
separated from the struggle. Not long after they established their school the
enemy invaded S. E. Shansi by nine routes. All students and teachers joined
the tight. Used the battlefield as their classroom. Studied medical surgery
on the front. Picture shows students with large banner "Mobile Medical team
129 Army." Then comes a big gear wheel which seems to be the banner of
this team. On it is written : we suffered many hardships, etc. Mobile Medical
training today has worked three terms. Then in 1940 they got order to enlarge
this team to be the 129th division medical school. Tien Shing Chung was presi-
dent. Names of teachers and students follow. More than 90 students. 1941
January — this school joined with the medical training team of headquarters
and formed the Battlefield Medical school. [Picture shows establishment of
the school. Next picture shows the students cleaning guns, etc. Illustrates
that they had arms for self-defense and were prepared to fight. During their
off hours they practiced throwing grenades and rifle shooting (picture shows
this).] Medical men also trained to be military men. When Japs moved up
they planted mines on the roads. [Picture] While they studied they sent out
scouts to watch enemy movements, thus their study was only rarely interrupted.
1942, spring season — two big teams protected the movement of the school. One
of the class was killed on the way, during the anti-mopping-up period. Their
work in the hospitals was good, they never worried about tilth or bad smells.
Patients cared for diligently. [Arrow says in the medical school there exists
high revolutionary friendship.] The sixth team graduates were the best. One
of the students named Mao Wen Shi practiced in the Bethune Hospital at the
time of the Jap mopping-up ; anxious to find some safe place to protect patients,
he fell into a deep gulley and was killed. This is highest form of revolutionary
sacrifice. The students of the school carried the wounded to the mountains
to avoid being caught. [Picture.] They also helped the patients move when
the Japs mopped up. They never complained about this. [Picture.] To alleviate
the burden of the people they usually carried their own food, grain and fuel.
1941 — They had twice everyweek to do this, no one was excepted from this
service. [Banner above says "save the people's force — " pictures of grain
carrying and fuel gathering.] They carried coal five lis in order to earn money
for a festival dinner. For 300 li and back every student carried 80 and every
teacher 50 catties of and by this method they earned money for buying
salt, etc. They passed the famine period just like the people, ate wild grass,
and tree leaves, and saved grains to relieve poor farmers. 1943 — The medical
258 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
school has the spirit of struggle and suffered many hardships bravely. In
order to alleviate the people's burden and also improve their life, all students
and teachers cultivated on the mountains 400 inou of virgin land. Everybody
had more than 4 mou. In the wintertime they look over the record and choose
their labor hero. 1944 — Big production carried on in this school. They gathered
2,500 catties of manure. Teacher Li Rhen Shen was the foremost in this work.
They hoed the fields under the hot sun. Hoed all land at least twice. After
that year's production there life was improved. [Arrow says "be frugal."}
They patched their clothes when broken as well as their shoes. They learned
to make shoes of wild grass to overcome the shortage of shoes when they were
transporting grain, etc. They had discussion meetings in the moonlight to
save oil. They saved every small piece of string and every scrap of cloth.
They used white soil to make their own chalk. They went to big temples to
collect old Buddhist books and used the blank surfaces for notebook paper.
Although their life was very difficult, still they studied very hard. They helped
each other and cooperative progress overcame the simple conceptions of medicine.
[Pictures all through here.] Their life was very democratic. If they had any
opinion, they wrote it and put it in the opinion box as well as speaking out at
meetings. During the study movement in the Communist Party, the whole staff
and students studied hard, organized their thoughts and found out the mistakes
of the past, and resolutely reformed themselves. The students of the school
participated in medical work in all the big battles. [Picture shows Jap flags
pierced with arrows for each battle.] They trained nearly 1,000 medical workers
in 6 years and distributed to all battlefields in Chin-Chi-Lu-Yu. After the
Japanese surrender, the medical school became the Medical College of Peifang
Tashywe. Many students came from far places outside the liberated areas,
partly due to President Fan's influence. In order to establish the buildings of
the school, the students carried more than 100,0004- bricks. They erected
telephone poles (121) from the school to the powerplant. They also participated
in reconstruction work of other kinds, such as painting walls and making furni-
ture. 1946 — during wheat harvest time all. the people in the school mobilized
to help poor peasants harvest wheat. Medical college was no exception. The
medical college has a cook -helping system. Every Sunday they cook in his place,
and let the cook rest. They also kept records and did trade, transportation, in
order to earn money to improve their life. When Chiang invaded lib. area,
students of the college mobilized to help the soldiers and worked at the front.
Organized a medical team. They went to the battlefield at the front and
carried wounded soldiers to the rear for cure. One of the students named
Sung Gro Chyang was killed in this work. At the front they also gave Yanko
dances of 40 to 50 persons.
At the school they worked hard but they also played hard. They had Yanko
dances with more than 50 persons at a time. They organized ball teams for
basketball, etc., and competed from time to time. They sing very often and
have many singing teams. This is a mass movement of the students. Students
study chemistry diligently. [Shows a boy writing formulas on the floor.] They
utilize all spare time to study, even during their rest time they find reference
books to read and write out their notes. Also they study how to improve their
study methods. They combined study methods through efforts of students and
teachers. When this school moved from Hsirgta to Taihang, all the students
carried their baggage and walked more than 400 li Jan. 1947 — many graduated
students went to the front and to many hospitals in the rear. They established
a bacteriology lab, anatomy lab, and a hospital under very difficult conditions,
in order that the students might study and practice.
Now this the medical is still far far away from our ideal, but we hope and we
thoroughly believe that we can overcome all difficulties and establish a modern
scientific medical college. (End of history of the school.)
The school itself now is located in two small villages not far from the central
village of the university. Its buildings, like those of the latter, were once a
Catholic mission. The church, which is as close a copy of an Italian country
church as possible, with faked marble columns, arched nave, and cheap stained
glass, is used as a classroom. On one side of the altar is a red banner saying
Chinese Communist Party Wan Swey (live a thousand years), on the other
Drive to Nanking, and where the altar used to be is a blackboard. The wall
newspapers of the students take up a part of a wall, and the church bell
calls the students to class. This medical school has 500 students, but almost no
equipment — six microscopes, a few slides, some homemade test tubes, a home-
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 259
made sterilizer, and an incubator which keeps warm by an alcohol lamp. For
disinfectant the doctors are experimenting with a solution of egg white and
salt water which the Russians have reported successful. But with this meager
equipment they are ( V) disease cultures, studying them, and learning the funda-
mentals of medicine. In one little mud hut, far away from the rest they have
their anatomy room. Knives, forceps, and all are made by the local blacksmith.
They have no formaldehyde with which to pickle corpses so they have to do their
dissecting in winter time. Even at that the bodies sometimes kick up quite
a stink ; that is why the building is so far from the post. The doctor said the
local people do not mind their cutting up corpses. It is only a few of the older
people who have religious qualms about it, but the people, in general, have long
since outgrown such scruples and understand quite well what is being done
and what for.
When we came out of the anatomy lab, we came upon a hundred or more
students and teachers all doing a Yanko dance just for the fun of it. The dean
of the school is a great one for dances, drama, and singing. He often takes part
in acting himself and on the big festival days he usually leads oh the Yanko
himself. He says the school is just like one great happy family and it certainly
appears to be so. He is perfect as a father, plump, cheerful, full of the love of
life and enthusiasm for the future, which is such a part of everything here.
In the evening we had a discussion meeting with all the students in the English
Department. Some of them were not very advanced, 1 to 2 months only, so the
talk could not be very complicated. Anyway we had a lot of fun with a little
knot of students gathered around each foreigner, and questions shooting back and
forth. Miss Fan, who teaches English conversation, told me at one point about
the self-examination that is going on now, an examination by group discussion.
She said as an example that she herself used to always expect people to wait on
her and do everything for her, and that this was an obvious landlord hangover,
since she was the daughter of a LL. She said also she liked to boss other people,
which was another indication. It was this sort of thought that they branded as
LL thought and were trying to clear up now. I said, "You couldn't really have
been that bad could youV" and she said, "Well, not always, but much too much."
She evidently felt that was no way to serve the people. The students asked over
and over again about Wallace, about American policy, and about the coming
elections. I was sorry not to give them more optimistic news.
Then next day we came on here to the agriculture college. On the road we
passed what looked like a division of troops on the march. Their weapons looked
good, modern rifles, machineguns, mountain guns, a few small cannon. They had
many horses and mules and carried their cooking pots with them. Unfortunately
we went by so fast we could not really get a good look at them. There is some-
thing about an army on the march that always stirs me, perhaps because I have
never taken part in any such thing. This city is the most modern I have seen for
a long time. It has some paved streets, electric lights, and running water. At
night the streets are all lit up. The theater is brandnew, comfortably warm, for
a change, and the stage is lit up too, by electric ligbts.
The Ag school is run by a former professor of botany, and his wife, who also
studied botany. Their background influences the whole school. They spend
much of their time collecting and identifying plants. Now, this would seem to be
a very impractical pursuit at a time like this, but in reality this is an extremely
important activity. They are after plants of medicinal value and seem to know
their business. The idea to And drugs which will be useful for veterinary prac-
tice. A great deal of emphasis is being put on training vets and setting up vet
stations. Since they have very few foreign drugs, they must depend almost
entirely on what they can And in the mountains. Thus botanical collection turns
out to be of major importance. In their vet work they have also drawn heavily
on old Chinese practices which use herbs and needles. Modern veterinarians,
with all their knowledge, are helpless here because none of the drugs and equip-
ment which they know are required are available. Thus though they can diag-
nose very well, they cannot cure. The old style Chinese vet may not know exactly
what it is he is treating, but at least he has a remedy, and often it works. Hence
they combine the two and make progress in spite of backward conditions. Ani-
mals though they appear numerous here are really very scarce in terms of need
and have a high value. The average donkey or mule costs $400,000 local money
(U. S. $135). The vet stations now operating have treated 4,000 animals in the
past year. Assuming that they saved the lives of every one, they saved the
farmers of this region 10 billion. The center of the veterinary work at the college
260 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
here is a little mudwalled room fitted up like an old-fashioned Chinese apothecary
shop, with hundreds of small drawers full of drugs made from plants. These
drugs were collected last summer by faculty and students on a long trip into the
mountains. They brought back with them several thousand pounds of useful
plants and roots.
The other big enterprise here is making sugar from beets. They have' devel-
oped a process for doing this by hand methods. It is very laborious but it works,
and when it is expanded will save millions for the Border Region which has
now to import most of its sugar from outside. Sugar beets grow well all over
this area and produce sugar abundantly. In fact we are told that in the Taihang
Mountain Region sugar beets have a much higher sugar content than they do in
lower altitudes and other climates. From 1 mou, 2 to 3 tons of beets are har-
vested, and 400 pounds of sugar made.
This 400 pounds of sugar has far more value than the millet or corn or any
other crop that might be grown on the land. Here the beets are first sliced up,
and then boiled four or five times to remove all the sweet in them. This sugar
solution is then boiled down in a series of kettles. When the right consistency
is reached, the heavy molasses is set in a warm chamber in small bowls, where
the sugar crystallizes overnight. The next day this sugar is put in a centrifuge
and whirled around at a terrific speed propelled by the muscles of four students in
turn. The crystalline sugar is caught in a fine copper screen, while the noncrystal-
line sugar pours on through. This boiling clown, crystallizing and centrifuging
process is done four times for each batch in order to get out all the sugar. The old
centrifuge, a relic from the Japanese occupation, has to be whirled for a half
an hour or more just for four pounds of sugar on the screen, and this must be
scraped off by hand. But the students take this all in their stride. I guess they
have never thought or realized how much labor this really is. What matters
to them is that they are making sugar, pioneering in a new field with something
their country and people need a great deal. In the process they are learning
a great deal. Each of the boys in this class may well go out and set up a sugar
plant of his own. In 3 years' time they expect the Border Region to be self-
sufficient. The students work until far after dark by the light of small oil
lamps, and Mrs. Lwo is right there supervising it, finding an empty bowl for the
sugar pouring from the centrifuge, sending for another boy to help the three
on the crank, taking care to see that everything is going right. What else they
do in this agricultural school [several words illegible] enough in themselves, if
nothing else were taught or done. This could hardly be called an Ag college
by American specialists, but there is no question that it is doing more for farm-
ers of this region than all the highpowered missionary experts and fancy KMT
Ag schools ever did.
In the evening we went to the (?) and a very fine show it was. First came
a short play about a farm family. Then two young daughters were spending
time learning to read, but their father got angry with them for this foolish
waste of time and scolded them severely. But he spoke too soon, for that very
day a letter was brought to him from (?) while classes are held in the rooms
and halls where once the good fathers drank their wine and said their prayers.
I guess all the dead popes of Christendom have turned over three or four times
in their graves at the sight of their holy grounds providing shelter for the study of
land reform and the overthrow of feudalism. But then, who cares about dead
popes. The bell in the church tower now summons revolutionary students to
classes. Boys and girls with hammers and sickles on their hats pass under t lu-
st one crosses over the doorways, and in the rectory where the priests once took
their sumptuous meals Marx and Lenin look down on discussions of the best
way to mobilize the poor peasants so that the lands, among them lands once be-
longing to this very convent, can be fairly distributed among all the people.
The life of both students and faculty is rigorous. In this society people who do
mental work have a lower standard than workers. Everything is strictly calcu-
lated in terms of millet and the millet allowance per person is only about 20
ounces a day. Not that we got only millet, but millet is the standard, and if we
got wheat or meat, it is figured in terms of millet and the total can't be more than
the standard. When I think of Putney's meals and the great organization and
staff necessary to prepare and serve them, I have to smile. Here we of the faculty
run (not walk, for the food would be half gone if we walked) to a bare room that
must once have been the convent's grain storage bin. On the table (there is one
table for every eight of us, but no chairs at all) are bowls and chopsticks, though
many bring their own. On the floor is a wooden pan heaped with yellow millet
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 261
and a bowl of the water that the millet was cooked in. In addition there are a
few bowls of cabbage, or chopped carrots, with perhaps a bit of bean curd mixed
in. Everyone grabs his bowl, fills it to the brim and shovels the food into his
mouth as fast as he can trying all the while to get a bit of the vegetables in along
with the millet, before they are all gone. In the corner is a pile of corn and over
against the back wall is a pile of wheat. We also exist on steamed bread and
corn cakes made from these reserves. Often during meals a rat will come poking
along hoping to get a bite of the grain. Then the faculty all drop their bowls, grab
whatever is handy and go after the rat. There is such a wild scramble that the
rat often gets away. But not always. The other day we got one cornered in an
old iron stove (needless to say this stove never has a fire in it even when it gets to
20 below which it has this winter). We smoked him out of there and he dashed
for the door. A new man, a writer just in from Peiping stepped in front of him
but the rat disappeared. He thought at first it ran up his leg but we shook his
pants all around and nothing was visible so, very disappointed we went back to
our food. Some one remarked, "It's a fine thing when six men can't catch one
rat" (the group was small that day) when all of the sudden the Peiping professor
let out a whoop and clutched his rear. The rat was at the top of his pants just
under his belt and we had to take his pants off to catch him. He did not get away
that time.
The kitchen is manned by one man, and stocked with a few great iron kettles.
The man wipes out everything with a dirty old rag, cleans off the table with it
and rubs up the chopsticks nicely ready for the next meal. In the kitchen the rats
are very active but, the cook never even takes notice. He is 44 but has no wife
and sleeps right there next to the stove. He says he is too poor to have a wife.
"But have you no land?" I asked. "My home is not yet liberated," he said. "But
soon it will be and then I will get land and a wife." It is things like that that
make the revolution real to these people. Another boy, a helper at a different
kitchen told me the same thing and said, "If we just string along with Mao Tse
Tung, I'll be able to marry yet." In China there are many more men than women
because girl babies are often drowned. That means that many men never have
a chance to get married and of course it is the poor ones who lose out. It is simply
a question of economics. No land, no wife. Of course some hired laborers were
able to marry, but many millions were not, for wives had to be bought and many
never got enough money to buy cheap as girls often were, especially in famine
years. The rich landlords used to buy young girls in hard times for four or five
dollars apiece. Keep them as slaves around the house until they were of mar-
riageable age and then sell them at a handsome price to some poor merchant in
search of a wife. Feudalism certainly is wonderful.
The students have an even simpler mess than we do. There are no tables and
each one brings his own bowl and chopsticks. They have the same huge steaming
pile of millet and have the same rush to get it down before it is all gone. Faculty
members each have a room apiece, or at least a room per family, but the students
live together eight or ten to a room. Each has a quilt or two, a towel and maybe
some soap, one suit of padded clothes and a pair of shoes. They sleep on the old
kangs (brick beds) of the (remainder of article missing).
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may I read into the record at this time
page 1755 of the preceding examination of Mr. Hinton ?
Mr. Hinton. This was handed to me. What is it handed to me for ?
I am not given time to read it.
Senator Welker. Just a moment. [Gaveling.]
Now, counsel, I am asking you as an old friend of mine, since we
have worked together several times here, and you have been a very
kind and courteous counselor. Will you kindly advise your witness
to obey ordinary rules of decency when it comes to interruptions. We
will be glad to recognize him. But when counsel is in the middle of a
statement such as he is, please do not have him interrupt. Will you
do that for me ?
Mr. Friedman. Yes, Senator. I do not think he should interrupt.
However, his question, I believe, was a valid one.
Senator Welker. Very well.
Mr. Friedman. The young lady handed him a paper. He wants
to know what the purpose of that was. Is he to read it or not ?
262 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Senator Welker. Very well. The exhibits have been identified by
Mr. McManus and they were identified by letter yesterday from the
Department of Customs, and so we will not bother you any longer.
We are trying to be courteous and let you see what is going into the
record.
Mr. Friedman. I think what Mr. Hinton would like to know is, if
he is to have an opportunity to read it, then he wants to read it.
Senator Welker. I understand that.
Mr. Friedman. And if not, then I do not think there is much pur-
pose served by handing the letters to him as if he were identifying
them, since he has not done so.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Friedman, the reason we were doing that was that
if something appears to him as not to have been a document belonging
to him, and if he can indicate so by looking at the document or perus-
ing it, he is being given the opportunity to do so. But as you noticed
before when we gave him a document, he inserted that unless he read
every word in the document, legally he was in no position to say
whether or not it was his.
Now, that is an implausible position.
Mr. Hinton. Unplausible ?
Mr. Friedman. That may be so, Judge Morris. But this document,
as you can see, is about 2,500 words of not quite legible carbon type-
writing, single spaced, with, I think, some interlineations, and he has
no way of being able to form any judgment about it unless he has an
opportunity to read it. Whether that means, peruse it leisurely, as
you say, is another question. But he has no opportunity to do any-
thing with it, even to read a half dozen words.
Senator Welker. Now, counsel, I appreciate your position, and I
think you are representing your counsel very ably when you say that
he should have the time to read it. Now, during the next recess or
any subsequent recess or in the evening or any time, you may read these
documents fully and completely, and then I hope lie will be ready for
cross-examination on all of them.
Mr. Friedman. I would suggest only, Senator, that it does not serve
much purpose even to hand them to him under these conditions.
Senator Welker. I believe you are right. But we want to be
courteous to you. Since you do not desire to see them, we will put
them in the record as we have planned.
Mr. Hinton. I would like to suggest again that the whole
Senator Welker. I do not want to argue with you on this matter,
and I do not desire to hear anything further from you.
Mr. Hinton (continuing). That the whole document go in, and
not bits and pieces. This was a courtesy afforded to Senator McCarthy.
I think, and I believe I am entitled to the same as he is.
Senator Welker. You say that we are not putting all the exhibits
in the record ?
Mr. Hinton. I understand that you are reading little excerpts here
and there, pulling sentences out and reading them into the record.
My suggestion is that it would only be fair to put the whole of the
documents into the record or none of them.
Senator Welker. The whole document is going into the record, Mr.
Hinton. I am sorry you are not paying attention. I have ordered
every document to be printed in full in the record.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 263
Now, if you pay a little attention, I am sure we will get along much
better.
Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, will you identify the next four docu-
ments, each individual or single one ?
Mr. McManiis. No. 12 (for identification) is a document headed.
''Notes on Struggle meeting with Jye Shr Hsien — February 1, 1948."
That is a document which was taken from Mr. Hinton's footlocker
under my supervision.
Mr. Morris. May it go into the record, Mr. Chairman ?
Senator Welker. It is so ordered. The whole of the document will
go in and be made a part of the record.
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 41" and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 41
Notes on Struggle Meeting With Jye Shr Hsien — February 1, 1948
As we at the ag school lived more than thirty Li from the scene of the
meeting, we got up before dawn in the bitter cold, ate a little millet, were
given two large cold steamed breads apiece for our noon meal, and then set
out just as the sun reddened the eastern ridges. The whole student body
went along, so that our column was more than a hundred strong. We walked
rapidly through the snow across the flat plain, passed mud villages still asleep,
and then over the hill to the university. We arrived just in time, for the
meeting was about to begin. It was held in the enormous Catholic church
here. The crowd this Sunday would have delighted any priest's heart for
the church was packed from end to end and from side to side, and if people
could have shinnied up the imitation marble pillars of the nave they surely
would have. But these people were not here to listen to a priest. The stained-
glass windows and numerous crosses peered down on as ardent an assemblage
of revolutionaries as you are likely to find anywhere, and they had come to
reckon with one of their number who had betrayed the revolution. In that
huge gathering of over one thousand were men and women from all over China,
peasants, workers, landlords and merchant's sons, old hands in the liberated
area and newly arrived students with the breath of Peiping still hanging in
their nostrils. They were here to examine a former landlord turned comrade
and to learn a great political lesson, a class lesson, a lesson about landlord
thought and landlord actions.
The purpose was explained to me by one of the teachers at the college.
This meeting is a mass meeting to struggle against a party member whose
thought is typical of the landlord thought in the party and the college. It is
not only for his education but also for the education of the whole student body,
the faculty, and the masses. This man is a party member but will be judged
not only by the party but by the people. This man was a large landlord
in Wuan. He formerly was head of the department of education of Peita
and later became a teacher in the culture college. As a member of the landlord
class how did he become a member of the Party? His case has been in the
papers twice. Everyone has a right to speak, hear, and express their thought.
Wo want to beat his thought, not his body. This party problem has been
brought to the masses not only as an education but also because in party
meetings and in small group discussions this man refused criticism. Hence we
have brought it out in the open.
Now the Dean of the College of Education and Culture is speaking : Jye Shr
Hsien, of Wuan Hsien is 34 years old, is a party member and is now working
at Peita. His father was a tyrannical landlord with more than 500 mou, 200
rented and 300 cultivated with hired labor. He owned many houses — almost
half the village, more than two hundred rooms of his own house with a huge
garden. This place was on the scale of the Peita campus. He also had wide-
spread business connections in Kaifeng and Photing. His relatives, among them
one uncle named "Black Coal Ball," had between them 2,000-3,000 mou alto-
gether. Some ran a hei'oin business. Jye's father and mother both smoked
opium and along with the other relatives were cruel to the people. His mother
was especially bad. She loaned money at high interest rates and was cruel to
264 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
the servants beat them and used her hot opium needle to burn their hands. Some-
times this Jye himself beat the servants, now says this was for their education.
He also ldlied two person and injured another not sure ((?) was he or his
father). The servants wages were very low, they got but five hundred small
coins a year. Several were bought for a song from local farmers during hard
times. Laborers got but 440 a year. One of the best men asked for two dollars
more but was refused. Some laborers wanted to borrow money for funeral
expenses of their parent ; were refused. Ate millet, salt vegetables only. Never
anything fresh. Many lived together in one small room with the animals. Jye
was prohibited from playing with workers' children. There is a story — once
he found a sleeping laborer and leaked into his mouth. The family lived com-
fortably, burned incense, ate Jawdz every day. His father never ate carbo-
hydrates because he had trouble with his kidneys. The son owned over
60 blankets, and 200 suits of good clothes, had special horses to ride. When the
family went out they used sedan chairs. Kept many dogs to drive off beggars.
That is this man's family background.
He was educated to be proud, to despise poor men. When at school he
was authoritarian; wanted to be a boss. Was nicknamed "King of the Flies."
His education bad from the beginning. All these habits and attitudes acquired
while young. When 17 he studied in Paoting Middle School. Wanted to be a
leader of the student movement but when there was real trouble he always
backed down. 1931 joined the Social Union, a progressive organization. Said
he joined the Communist Youth at that time but there is no proof of this. Trans-
ferred to Peiping Middle School, a school under CC domination. There he
joined a study association, wanted to lead it. But when police arrested some
members he was frightened and confused. Decided to be Peiping University
Prof. Then went off to Japan to study and did some revolutionary work but
when the oppression became heavy he abandoned the revolution. Others arrested
but not he. In 1937 came back to China, worked in Canton and Kaifeng, but
had no success at business. Then came back to Wuan, joined his Uncle, a CC
clique member. During war this man organized a local army to protect their
homes, a local detachment. Uncle commanded ; Jye was staff officer. This group
became 4th brigade of puppet army. Jye was surely involved in this. Befriended
Wuan's chief traitor, named Li. Hye wanted to join his army to that of KMT
general Sun Tien Ying but Sun refused them, so he went back and joined the
puppets. There met 8th Route Army. They persuaded him to join them. He
wanted to be in charge of politicial education. Was not given any such post
so went off in a huff for his sisters' home. But the Communists talked with
him more and he said he wanted to go to Yenan so he went off with ten others,
all of who later betrayed. He wanted to be a teacher in Anti-Jap university
but was given only small instructor's post. Then he joined the party. He had
a good reputation in 1938-39 as he came with the army to Taihang, his attitude
was ambitious, wanted advancement. Started struggle meetings in some organ-
izations to show zeal and good thought. Mixed everything up, muddied the
waters, and got promoted. After Jap surrender he wanted to go to big cities
but was sent instead to party school. Wanted to be Hsien magistrate at Wuan
but the local party would only back him for the PPC rep. He also wanted to head
Wuan Party Committee. Refused PPC job, was introduced to the university
which asked him to be research student. He refused, pulled wires and finally
got appointed head of education. When they marched from Hsintai here he
spread word among the students opposing the move and counted on support
from those not used to hardships from the big cities, as the hardships were very
great on the march. University asked him to go to medical science college, but
he wanted to be a teacher. In August 1947 workers and staffs started thought
meetings. He was never anxious to criticize himself, but was very good at
"beating others thought." At this time he was class teacher and influenced
students thoughts badly. Two girl students could not suffer the hardships, but
he planned a struggle meeting against them. He wanted to be the modern
LiDz Chen, in fact called himself such and said he was a national hero. In 1945
he went home four times and entertained his landlord friends with expensive
feasts and banquets. During the second reducation period the peasants struggled
against him. He didn't like it at all. Threatened to expose the village head
as a traitor and protected his sisters as well. When he came back he rode a
horse very rapidly through the towns and always packed a gun. His attitude
toward the staff is bad. His body guard often used a gun to threaten the villagers
.and the peasants. During the struggle he sold his best land (30 mou) and gave
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 265
away some of the poorest land to the farmers. But he brought back with him
all his good things, gold, blankets, good clothes, and hid them all away. Also
brought with him a girl servant who had been bought by his family for $1.
Sold some of his things, bought guns, used university money for private business.
Spent $100,000 a year. When the newspaper declared his guilt, he said this
newspaper is Kirikun. My father is a progressive landlord and understands
Marxist theory. Actually his father is connected with Japs and KMT. When
others suggested he should think of his defects he said, "My defects don't amount
to much."
In the small group he despised other members. Said he was 20 years a revo-
lutionary and that his family was rich and glorious. Never woould answer
questions. Said he was a traitor to his class, and a loyal CP member. Finally
he wanted to make a big confession in order to cover over the small things, so
he said he was a traitor to the party. Could not get anywhere with him, so we
decided to have a meeting of the whole university. We should study this man's
mistakes and hope Comrade Jye will also study them.
Then Jye himself spoke. He is a short, fairly heavy set man with a very
weak yet arrogant face, wears glasses and a student's hat. Is obviously pleased
to be on the platform and the object of so much attention. He makes what he
considers a damning confession :
"I thought the landlords' exploitation reasonable, after all the land was theirs.
So I thought my family progressive. I asked the peasants to reserve good land
for me. The party took good care of me, even offered to make me Wuan PPC
rep. but I refused. My father was sometimes not just. He beat the laborers
with a barbed rod, this I have not told before. I joined the party not as a revo-
lutionary but to advance my personal position. I agree with the Dean about
the most important of my defects. I joined the party three times, once when I
was very young. I thought the CP would be successful so I joined, also felt this
to be glorious. I knew nothing about it. When my father heard I was a CP
member, he said, 'Even though he is a member he will never do anything to
harm the landlord class (several words illegible) I joined after 3 months. The
man who introduced me did not really know me. In the party I wanted a high
position and wanted to carry out my personal ideas. I never discussed things with
the whole group. I formed a clique which obeyed me. Those who obeyed me I
helped. I wanted to make the party my private organization. I recognize my
attitude toward the land reform was incorrect. Many persons asked me to think
of my personal defects but I refused. I said, 'Land is the property of my family —
it does not belong to the peasants.' But since yesterday when they told me I would
be brought before the big meeting, I realized how serious were my mistakes.
Since previously I had criticized the president, my first thought was, 'Now he is
getting back at me.' I treated my boy as private property. I was afraid the
peasants might struggle against my sister. I now have a better idea of the land
reform and wish to be expelled from the party for my mistakes."
The crowd takes this speech with evident displeasure. It is really no confes-
sion at all but just a display of vanity at bay. The girl, slave girl of the family,
is introduced amidst excitement and general applause. She gets up before that
huge crowd and speaks. Her dialect is so broad most of the people cannot under-
stand her; I was a beggar in (?). Was bought by this man's family for one
dollar when very young. His sister used to cut my hand with a small knife.
She beat me to the floor. She used hot irons from the fire to burn my skin.
Gave me only millet hulls to eat. [Weeps. Repeats about the millet hulls many
times.]
Because no one can understand her very well another girl takes the floor and
explains her story :
"At five her father and mother came to Wuan as beggars. She does not know
exactly what she was sold for, but often the LL cursed and said she cost him
but $1. When six she was assigned to daughter number 4 who began to smoke
opium at the age of twelve. This girl very cruel. Had three slave girls. Poked
the eldest one with hot opium needle and used sharp knife to cut her hands
and flesh. This 4th daughter died of eating too much honey. She was the
worst. Made this girl lie on a very hot needle and beat her. When she called,
if the slave did not come at once she would beat her. Beat one of them to death.
The eldest sister and husband also smoked opium. This girl went to serve them
next. They also tortured her with hot irons. Once she broke a lamp and was
beaten with a very heavy rod. When it was cold and snowing outdoors, they
made her undress and lie in the snow. She became so stiff she could not get
up. After a year of this she went to serve an aunt who also beat her with
72723— 56— pt. 7 3
266 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES
irons used for pressing clothes. The 3d sister also beat her. After Wuan was
liberated they suddenly replaced the millet hulls with the same food they ate,
for they feared she might struggle against them. The village staff said she was
to go to school but the LL refused. There was a struggle and her hair was
pulled out, she was beaten and put in a cold room. When she came here Jve
warned her not to talk with others. But she told them the places where the
family wealth was hidden in the grain storage room. There is an under ground
tunnel. There the (?) are. In the east room there is a hollow Kang which has
opium store in it."
(During this talk and commotion over the girl, Jye sat without batting an
eye with that same self-conscious, superior, suggestion of a grin on his face.
Now the Chairman takes the floor (not comrade: note).
We hope this fellow will think over all these things. His speech is far from
satisfactory. He did not for instance tell us where his families' wealth is hid-
den. He himself knows where they are. If he really repents why did he not
tell us. When the newspapers established the fact that he threatened the peau-
ants with a gun, he denied this fact. His attitude remains far from good. He
talks only principles, has nothing concrete to offer. We hope all will study his
thought. There will be a short recess, and then anyone can talk. We hope this
meeting will be well organized. If you have something to say, ask the Chair-
man for the floor.
(Follows a 10-miiiute break. Everybody stands up, revealing that they are
sitting on bricks on the floor, they stretch, talk, walk outside. Then the meeting
is resumed.)
Just now he said his land and buildings were not as big as this campus. Why
does he deny this well-known fact? His personal detachment was formed at
Kaifeng in 1936. He was a member of the Returned Students Anti-Jap Associa-
tion. He had a big business in Kaifang at the time. His armed company had 50
rifles, 2 machine guns. This he joined with other LL forces including his uncles.
Latter was old KMT militarist trained by (?) clique. Together they had more
than 2,000 guns. The aim of this organization was to protect their land called
a self-defense army. After 8th route army came there was a big propaganda
campaign. Wun Fu San went to Communists and said he had long wanted to join
the revolution, told false stories. But the first thing he did was put the propa-
ganda team in prison (they evidently came first). The Sth route had difficulty
getting there to liberate them. Then this private army tried to make contact with
Sun but he didn't want them, so they joined with the Sth route again, but before
that there was a period when they were Jap puppets. They had a quarrel with
another puppet army and killed some of them, then tried to contact both ways,
could not contact Balu so went to KMT. Uncle wanted join Balu, Jye wanted
to join KMT, finally they joined with the former but he was forced into it. Then
of course he immediately wanted a high position, as political commissar. They
didn't agree, so he wanted to go home. Then the party asked him to go to Yenan.
His father had contact with the Japs and was adviser to the puppet government.
He himself at one time had a private telephone line to the Japs.
A student speaks: "He has always used two covers: (1) That he was in the
army; (2) that he is an old party member. Actually he was nothing but a
traitor all along. His army served as Japanese puppets but he denies this. After
he joined the Balu they wanted to go south, but he was afraid of danger, didn't
want to go. His purpose in joining CP was to use the power of the party to pro-
tect his land and property and to serve the LL class," from inside the party. He
usually says, "I am an old revolutionary. But this is to get honor from others."
He said, "I was formerly a proletarian but now I am suddenly become a land-
lord. I don't see why my class suddenly changed !" During Peiping days when
he was a student leader he retreated when police arrested some. He is typical
of the LL class in the party. He has wants to use his reputation as an old
revolutionary to gain power in the party and protect his family.
Another student : He always opposed the leadership whatever he was doing.
(Lists those he opposed ending with President Fan.) As he admits, he opposed
Fan and Dean Chang ; formed a small clique to which he loaned money. Bribed
people with blankets. He created bad feeling among the staff members. Said
one thing to one, another thing to another. Said President Fan made 90 percent
mistakes, he himself but 1 percent. Created bad feelings between one department
and another. Tried to get other colleges to oppose the president. His attitude has
never had a spirit of self-criticism. When he spoke his attitude was very bad.
He only asked everybody's pardon.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 267
Professor : This meeting, as the chairman said, is an education meeting to edu-
cate the LL's in the party, but this fellow does not want to be educated. When
he spoke, he spoke only in general ; had no concrete mistakes. The place of his
family treasure he never mentioned. His father is in Faifeng. He criticizes him,
but does not come across with an action about the wealth, etc. All his antiparty
activities and antileader activities he has never mentioned at all. All the people
whose relations you destroyed you have never mentioned. In the small group
he was hostile to others. Never examines his thought. Yesterday he said to me,
"You say my spirit is not good, well, it's not good, so what?" Doesn't want to re-
form his thought. I know something now about your mistakes. Evidently you
want only to liquidate the party.
Student : He must be kicked out of the party and the university. Four times
he went home to oppose land reform. Used the opportunity of attending party
school to return home and oppose land reform. Used old LL's attitude towards
laborers. His thought never got down off horseback. At home he used one hun-
dred dollars to entertain LL's and took back a load from his father amounting
to $40,000. About land reform he said the policy is a mistake, land could be given
out, but money, clothes, etc., should not be. This distribution of personal wealth
he thought due to poor training of village staff and peasants. Someone asked
him, "Have you any guns?" He said, "No." But actually he has. He resolutely
opposed the revolution. He asked the party to make him magistrate of Wuan,
and also head of Wuan CP committee, but they offered him only PPC rep. He
failed. Second time he went home he sold 17 mou of land and animals amounting
to $40,000. Third time he brought all valuable things back with him. Went to
his sisters and also hid sisters' things. Party asked him to return to Peita but
he wanted to go to Peiping Ex. Headquarters. Fourth time he went home he
found his family had been struggled against. He went to the Chu to ask why
they treated him so badly. Should make an exception for him. He met a poor
peasant who was a party member and got struggle fruits. "You're rich now.
You squeezed my gold watch. If you don't bring it back, I'll report you as a spy."
Thus he got back a gold ring, gold watch
Miss Ling, faculty secretary : His activities against the university are numerous.
He opposed the leadership and the policy of the party. (1) He opposed
President Fan. He thought the president should obey him. When he first
joined the party, it was with this threat, "If you don't permit me to join the
party, I'll join the KMT." Evident that his thought is LL. He relieved land-
lords and then said, "But they are all women and children." Last year there
was a meeting to synthetsize thought. He said the president has 95 percent
of the mistakes. Myself but 5 percent. Fan is not qualified to be president.
(2) He created bad blood between facility members and college. To this college
he said, "Fan doesn't like you, he likes the others better." Then the others
asked what is your thought. He never tells any facts but he certainly displays
his thought thoroughly. He said to some old comrades, "Why are you not in
charge, the party must doubt you." Said to Wang, Chang is bad ; to Chang,
Wang is bad." Said, "I'll loan you money. I'll find you a wife." He said, "now
Peita has the wrong leadership. Only bad ideas found currency." Said to
the girls he wanted to kiss, "Oh, in the Eighth Route Army we're all very rough,
just like this." He doesn't believe Peita can be any good even in 10 years.
(3) His work here. When he studied in the small group everyone was thinking
of their past mistakes, but he said their mistakes were nothing. In the
meeting he said problems cannot be solved, only investigated. He said some
of the new students were very proud, must be struggled within small groups,
and if need be in mass meeting. He regards leadership as dictatorship. Presi-
dent said we cannot close the door against revolutionaries joining the party;
we cannot establish small cliques. This man says, "We have no such things,
why should they be mentioned?" He wanted the president to excuse him
from going through this examination, thought it was the president's personal
spite. Was his speech good ? All : "No it was no good !"
A student : When he protected his sisters he said, "You must find a method to
get our father back. His cousin beat the slave girls and put them in prison.
He never did anything about it."
Another student : He tried in every way to protect the landlords. He said to
one newly married teacher, "this land policy is many times worse than ever
before." Most of the village staff are former hired farmers of his father's, but
he despises these people and treats them as a LL. "You were fed by our
family! This land reform movement is a rascal movement because the poor
268 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
farmers are all rascals." He is a filial son of LL's. When he is fifty, he hopes
to be on the Central Committee. He wants LL's to occupy leading positions
in CP. He wanted a high position in the Balu and threatened to go to KMT
if he didn't get it. When he worked in Taiyueh he wanted a higher position
and wanted the whole organization reorganized so he could have it. We must
learn from his activities what his thought is. When he was in Paoting he heard
the police had arrested some. He was afraid and loaded all his things into a
rickshaw and ran to the railroad station.
Chairman : Remind group to talk facts, not principles, but without much
affect. (About this time various group leaders stood up from time to time
and shouted slogans which were answered by the crowd. Since the break
lie has been standing — the object of struggle — as some one sent a note up saying
he should not be allowed to sit down.)
Student : The members of my small group are dissatisified with his speech.
At the beginning of this meeting he was afraid we would send him to the
people's court. His mind when he speaks is very bad : he smiled and was
obviously glad to talk. We must reform his attitude. During his work here
he praised people under Fan but criticized President. Told dean Lwo you
are very good, but Fan is no good. Said similar things to all local people.
"President despises you, despises local people. Gives them low positions but
gives outside educated people high positions." Said to old staff, "Old staff
members are despised." Said to some, "Others get special food, why not you?"
Was dishonorable with girl students ; tried to use his position get somewhere
With them. He talked down the party so much to one girl that she quit the
party. He should not be kicked out of the party, but should be sent to Wuan
so that the people there may judge him. He gave a road pass to his sister to
leave here. Where did he get it?
A stuttering student : He always tried to make friends with superiors, but
despised those under him. Students never could get a satisfactory explanation
of the things wrong with his thought. He led his class sometimes very loosely,
sometimes very strictly. He said he would introduce students to the party
youth if they would follow him. His attitude toward new party members
very bad.
A girl from his class : He took no repsonsibility for classwork. He does not.
know anything concrete about the situation in the class. He asks to talk with
students very little. He talked with newly arrived students, but didn't explain
about hardships. Said we must suffer hardships, but always liked to enjoy him-
self. The students worked hard in the field, but he stood by with tools and did
nothing.
Another student : When he returned from home he said he had contributed
all his families' land to the peasants. But this could not have been so since
the peasants are asking to struggle with him. This indicates he wants to
avoid struggle and stand with the LL's and beat students spiritually.
Another : His speech not a synthesis of his thought. He called the President
"the old man, Law Twedz." His spirit is such that he doesn't want to correct
his mistakes. He has not yet discovered how to study the land law. He wants,
as a landlord in the party, to destroy the party. Says, "Old members not wanted,
but intellectuals newly arrived get high positions." In class he said, "Many
old members and cadres are not satisfied and were kicked out by members
newly arrived in the army." Once a student from KMT wanted to go back
there. They held a meeting when he left. Jye said, the students' attitudes
are poor, but this fellow is leaving has the right attitude. "I will follow him."
He taught sociology class. The students said there was no need for him to
lecture in the classroom. He said, "I cannot create a new sociology, so I will
follow the books."
Another : Old comrades should stand on the proletarian line. Our revolution
is to abolish feudalism, but we must abolish feudal thought first. Must not
threaten the people.
Another (shouting) : His thought is bad. All : "Yes" More slogans, ending with
"The masses see dearly his mistakes."
Another : He returned to the village and demanded that the village cadres re-
turn his things. Hence he obviously opposes land reform. He looks on peasants
as rascals. I talked with him when he was in the guerrillas; at that time he
wanted to join the KMT army. When new teachers came he showed them a
book of students' names, pointed out which were jnrls and might be approached.
Another: Repeats same story. He oppresses village cadres, opposes land re-
form. Kick him out of the party.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 269
Another : Actually he is a landlord and his attitude is the same. This is thor-
oughly understood by you [points at him]. Why should you disguise this? This
man cannot improve at all. Should be sent to the people's court for punishment.
Another : He protects his landlord property. He keeps guns and shells. His
father in Kaifeng provides for him a connection with KMT. Wants to de-
stroy the revolution under the guise of a revolutionary. Declared the paper
which criticized him to be kiflkun. He wanted to be Hsien Jang, etc., etc. Reviews
all the same crimes.
Someone shouts he should take off his spectacles. He takes them off. Now
stands a little bleary eyed. Obviously can't see well without glasses. All this
time he has been looking gloomier and gloomier. He has pulled out a small note-
book and has been writing clown what they say against him. He is taking it all
seriously for the first time. Evidently he felt that in the beginning there would
be some, his gang, who would stick up for him, but as student after student gets
up to denounce him, he obviously is becoming shaken.
A teacher of the Medical College : Describes his conversations with him. He
talked with me about the defects of others. At that time I did not understand
the situation so did not criticize his thought. But now I realize his purpose was
to create bad relations between me and President Fan. He said something about
Fan to me and covered up the mistakes in his own work. He originated many
rumors about the president. He is antipopular ; looks on the revolution as a
rascal movement, reviews all the crimes.
Another student : He says there is no need to contact the masses. Our work
may be improved without the masses. This is not a fit standard for Communists.
He made students' relations bad ; went to student reps and said that small group
heads bad, and vice versa. He used small girls in the college as servants.
(About this time the cold is really beginning to penetrate the church. Many
people are coughing, stamping their feet, and clapping their hands together to
keep warm, but the meeting continues hour after hour. There is a break for
supper and then it goes on again.)
A student : He used CP as if it were the KMT. He opposed Mao's thought.
He is very lazy. Pregnant women work hard in the fields but he only leans on
the shovel and watches.
A shyaw Gtwey of the college : Once he wanted to put his blankets in the sun.
Called me to get some ropes. I got them, but he would not let me return them. I
was dismissed for not bringing back the ropes. He did not permit the servant girl
to eat anything.
Another student: He is a counterrevolutionary cadre who wants to destroy
the revolution.
Another : All the persons in the university have tried to help you to improve
your mistakes, but you have refused all help. Formerly, you say, you were a
proletarian but now it is obvious you are a landlord. You stole bicycle from the
school and stole them. You boast that you alone can lead the school well, and
that the leadership alone is bad. You should be dismissed.
Another : He organized a group to oppose the party. LL activities are exhibited
by this person's activities such as we never imagined. If a person is of LL
class and wants to improve he must expose all bad actions of LL. Some students
of the LL class were given social conveniences when in his classes.
Another: His grandfather, and his father (for 200 years) have been land-
lords. A long tradition. His father was a tyrannical landlord of Wuan who
used political power to oppress the P+HP. His mother is just like the LL's wife
in Bay Mao Nywu. When she smoked opium she used the hot opium needle to
prick the slave girls. He himself is tyrannical. He took much of his families'
gold, but when he got here he said it was all lost. Others asked him the story
but he never told. Said his father-in-law had only a half cattie of gold. We
don't believe that he lost the gold. He is a new big stone on the people's necks.
He must be removed.
Another : When the college was in Hsintai he wanted a copper basin to wash in,
although no one had such good basins. He bought a pair of glasses using college
money. He borrowed public money, invested it in co-ops and took the interest
himself. He tried to make capital out of acquaintance with Po yi Po and Chen
Geng. This is but to use the CP as if it were the KMT.
Another (a girl) : He has always opposed land reform. He wants to be a
hero. He only wants to apologize to the slave girl and not do anything to com-
pensate.
Another : How can he have the thought of P+HP when he despises them and
defends the attitudes of his father and mother. His relation to his father is a
270 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
landlord and feudal relation. He wants to make the CP a landlord party. He
wants Peita to become LL in thought. Wants to change the whole thing over.
Even though given the chance to reform he would not give up his landlord ways.
Another : When I listened to his speech I could see immediately that this was a
LL speaking. Also his movement against President Fan. This makes him typi-
cal. He apologized to the slave girl, admitted party attitude, asked to be expelled,
kicked out from the party. All this is not to improve his thought but only to
settle this struggle. He does not show the proper spirit at all. This fellow is
really a fascist. Last year they had a cadre meeting ; he used this meeting to
spread his thought. At this meeting he insulted the president over an incident
concerning cod liver oil which was sent to Fan by the government. He used
Peita road passes to send his sister to Shrmen at a time when that city had not
been liberated. Often criticized others without any real proof. He went around
eavesdropping and picked up bits of conversation, then went around spreading
rumors. He must trust the KMT otherwise he would not have sent his sister out.
At this time the shouting goes on almost every few minutes. "He is not CP ;
he is KMT. Dismiss him." "Oppose landlord thought." "Down with this man
Jye." "Support the land reform." Everyone shouts with raised fist. Jye raises
his fist too, automatically, as the others shout. This is very weird. It must either
take a lot of brass or he is so distracted he does not know what he is doing.
Another student : When he first came to Peita he called on all the Wuan people
to come and see him and thus tried to form a clique on the basis of locality. He
always asked the girls if they were married or not. His intentions were not
honorable.
Dean of Medical College : He says his father was very good to others but never
says who these others were. Not only did he have land but he had political power.
He wants to be kicked out of the party but still preserve all these things and his
property which is hidden. I once was living in a village where he had a landlord
relative who was being struggled against. He wrote and asked me to help the
fellow. (Much more, but along in here my interpreter got tired and quite stub-
born.) (More slogans. The crowd is beginning to get quite impatient and upset,
especially toward the north end of the church where the Ag students are. Most
of them are P+H) and they are obviously more tired than the rest. It is after
dark by now ; the meeting has gone on 10 hours. A kerosene lamp is hung over-
head, but it keeps flickering low, and in the middle of speeches they have to find
someone to climb up and fix it several times. It is bitterly cold in the church.
Dean of Financial and Economic College : Takes out the land law and goes over
it point by point showing where Jye has opposed each point specifically. (Jye
by this time looks like a ghost of himself. He is very tired of standing up. His
face twitches and he tries to wipe his nose with the back of his hand. Still
peers at his notebook and tries to write down what is being said. When the
shouting is on, raises his arm mechanically.)
Everybody shouts, "Expel him from the party ; expel him from the university.
Send him to the people's court for justice."
More and more speeches follow. People get more aroused. Someone yells
"Take off your hat." He does, but a little later puts it back on again. The chair-
man reaches round and tells him to take it off again. He does and holds it in
his hands, twisting it this way and that. Someone shouts, "If we cannot beat
him, at least the slave girl can ; let her beat him." Hundreds roar in agreement.
They are hungry for action now. Finally the boys from the Ag college make a
rush for the platform intending to seize and beat him. The chairman and sev-
eral faculty members rush to oppose them. There is a tense moment. The
P-f-HP from the Ag college retire, muttering to themselves.
Finally President Fan gives a long speech. Talks a long time on beating and
opposes it. Says we cannot fight feudalism with feudalism. We must reform
thought, not beat bodies. Describes three ways to destroy the party: (1) Bore
from within; (2) stir up factions; (3) smash. This man has done all three.
Are there others of the same kind among us? Yes there are. They must re-
form, and not end up like this man. Ten years in the party and look at the re-
sults. (The result is indeed pitiful, standing bleary eyed, all arrogance gone,
peering out in the dark crowd with spectacle-marked eyes. When the students
rushed him, he shrank back in terror, but was relieved when he saw the faculty
in control.) A small amount of landlord thought can grow, will grow until it
encompasses the whole mind.
Others make summaries. The meeting finally breaks up. It is after 11 and
we have still to walk home the 36 Li. We stagger home in the darkness, a long
line of weary people. It is so late there is not even anyone on the road checking
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 271
passes. Finally the moon comes up and lights the way. We stop at a small
roadside restaurant in a mud hut. Eat some mantou cold and drink a little
hot water. We are so tired we can hardly move on, but finally stagger home
after 3 in the morning. A 20-mile walk and more than 12 hours of meeting.
The next morning the whole affair is discussed. The Ag students are still
muttering. They think the authorities wrong in preventing them from beating
the bastard.
Mr. Morris. Identify the next document.
Mr. McManus. This is a document under the heading, "Recruiting
in Communist China," and the first sentence says :
While working for UNRRA in the Communist area of China, I lived for a
time in a small village in the middle of the North China plain.
This is a document which was taken from Mr. Hinton's footlocker
under my supervision.
Senator Welker. That will be admitted in the record and made a
part of the record, the whole of the document.
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 42" and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 42
Recruiting in Communist China
While working for UNRRA in the Communist areas of China, I lived for a
time in a small village in the middle of the North China plain. One day in an
open square I came upon several men beating a huge drum while two young
boys clashed cymbals together. Soon a crowd gathered. Women with small
babies in their arms came out of doorways. Old men coming in from the fields
with hoes on their shoulders stopped to listen. A large group of schoolchildren
arrived, lined up, and began to sing.
This, it turned out, was a send-off party for a young farmer who had just
volunteered for the army. After an hour of continuous noise he at last appeared
mounted on a white horse, a large flower on his chest, and a bright band of cloth
around his body. The singing children fell in ahead of him, the drummers rallied
behind, while the people hastened along on every side. In this way they escorted
the smiling recruit to the next village, where he found a similar welcome.
Thus I first became aware that the Peoples' Liberation Army — the army led
by the Chinese Communists — is in fact an army of volunteers. I soon learned
that this young man was but one out of several hundred thousand that joined
the army this year. As the Liberation troops pushed across the Yellow River
and drove to the banks of the Yangtze, there to threaten Chiang Kai-shek's
main bases, the peasants of North China joined up in increasing numbers. In
the Chin-Chi-Lu-Yu Border Region, which contains 30 of the 200 million people
in the Communist areas, more than a third of a million men volunteered in
1947. In the month of November alone 160,000 men joined the forces from this
one region, while almost as many were turned away. One young man who was
rejected for a slight physical defect said ruefully, "In the old days we avoided
the army. Now we all want to go, but it is very hard to get in these days."
What is the secret of this mass recruiting? What makes these poor peasants
not only willing but anxious to go to the front and face the American guns, the
American planes, and the American tanks in the hands of Chiang's forces?
Fundamentally it is the land reform that has brought this about. For the first
time in thousands of years, the common people of North China have land. There
is not much for each family — perhaps only an acre or two — but each has enough
for basic needs and each is at last secure. This land was won by hard fighting,
first against the Japanese, then against Chiang and the landlord forces who
forced civil war on the nation. The people are in no mood to lose now what they
have so dearly bought.
The determination to defend newly won land is basic, but there are additional
reasons which also impel an individual to leave home and wife and risk his life
at the front. The army into which the recruit goes is a new army where the
common soldier is treated with respect, is taught to read and write and think, is
promoted on the basis of merit, and is carefully looked after when wounded. The
village which the soldier leaves is a new village where the poorest peasants are in
272 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
control and where they are organized to help one another. The soldier's family-
is not left to shift for itself or go begging at the door of relatives. It is honored
in the community and cared for by an organized team of neighbors. When the
fighting is done at last and the soldier returns home he can look forward to a life
of expanding opportunity and well-being.
All of these things are as much a part of the revolution as the land reform
itself. A new life is being created here in which the Chinese peasant who for-
merly could be "enlisted" only by tying a rope around his neck, finds it perfectly
natural to take up arms in defense of his home, his land, and his fellow peasants.
The actual recruiting procedure is unique. The war is the concern of the whole
community and the whole community takes care that the army does not lack men.
Once headquarters decides how many men are needed, quotas are assigned to
every county and every village. Mass meetings are then called and the issues at
stake on the front are made clear to everyone. "Remember the Past — Compare
With the Present" is a key slogan. The new farmers — those who have received
land for the first time in their lives — review their past sufferings, their oppres-
sion at the hands of landlords and rich farmers, their struggle against these
oppressors and their final victory over them.
At these mass meetings the great victories of the southern offensive are dis-
cussed. Who won them? The peasants on the front. How can Chiang be finally
destroyed? By more peasants on the front. The terrible conditions which still
exist behind the lines in Kuomintang China are also reviewed. The slogan "Sup-
port the Great Counter-Offensive — Liberate Our Brothers in the South" moves
many.
For these people Chiang Kai-shek has become the very symbol of everything
that is backward, corrupt, and rotten. He is the core of feudal degradation in
old China. Chiang is called the "The Old Root of Disaster" that must be dug
out. "Advance to Nanking and Capture Chiang Kai-shek Alive" is the battlecry
of the whole area.
As these and similar slogans are raised and discussed at village meetings, many
young men volunteer on the spot. In one small village of southern Shansi prov-
ince, after a discussion of current events, the land distribution and past suffer-
ings, 41 men volunteered. In a nearby village the head of the Women's Associa-
tion persuaded her husband to enlist. Inspired by these examples 685 men of the
subdistrict joined up in the next 3 days.
The women — who have gained perhaps more than any other group by the
revolution — are especially active in recruiting. One young Hopei wife who took
the new equality seriously demanded of her husband that she be allowed to work
in the fields along with the men. He was reluctant at first, fearing that something
might happen to her. When he finally yielded she proved to be such a good
worker that he was delighted. "This relieves my mind of a great burden," he
said. "Why, if anything should happen to me, if I should get sick or die, you
could carry on the farm like any man !" "That's just what I have been thinking,"
said she. "I see no reason why you should not join the army." And join he did.
That this is not an isolated instance is illustrated by a meeting at Yincheng
in south Shansi. There 13 wives promised to mobilize their husbands and 65
girls promised to persuade their brothers to enlist. But the women did not
carry off all the honors. Twenty fathers promised to send their sons, 18 grand-
fathers agreed to mobilize their grandsons, while 11 uncles guaranteed that their
nephews would enlist.
Thus the whole community takes responsibility for recruiting.
It is frankly admitted that these meetings do not always go well. In some
villages the distribution of land and wealth has not been thoroughly carried
out. The poor and hired peasants have not organized to take the lead in village
life. In such communities recruiting may be slow.
In other villages government workers neglect the education campaign and
expect the people to join up without any clarification of the issues. According
to one report those responsible for recruiting in one town simply told the young
men, "It's fine in the Liberation Army. You eat wheat every day and have three
sets of clothes." But the young men replied, "If it's so fine, why don't you go
yourself'.'" hi the end nine were appointed to go, but when they got to the
count. v seat they were sent home. The army has no use for those who are un-
willing.
Often, if the leaders do a poor job, the people themselves come to the rescue.
In Liehang, south Hopei, after half a day of meeting, no one spoke a word. The
women became perturbed and said, "You look after the kids. We'll go and
fight. When the land was divided you men spoke fine words, but look at you
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 273
now. You ought to be ashamed of yourselves!" After that 14 volunteered
at once.
Village and county officials who neglect proper methods, bypass education and
end up ordering people to go in order to till their quotas are severely criticized
in the press. Coercive recruiting is not tolerated.
Lest community pressure itself prove too strong, the "four wishes" campaign
has been launched in some areas. Father, mother, wife, and above all the young
man himself must all agree before he joins the army. Furthermore, should a
man's family pack him off against his better judgment, even so it is likely that
his lack of enthusiasm would be noticed at the new soldiers' meeting or at the
county recruiting center, and he would be sent back.
Recruiting failures, though prominent in the press which aspires to eliminate
them, are not widespread. In most areas the land reform has been thoroughly
carried out, the issues of the war are well understood by the people, and the prob-
lem, far from being one of a lack of volunteers, is actually one of surplus. The
army cannot handle, nor the community spare, all the men who want to go.
Methods of selecting only the best men have been worked out. Not everyone
who wants to join the army is accepted by any means.
In Hukuan County in southern Shansi, only 1,466 men were approved out of
2,191 who wanted to go. In Siyang County in the same province, out of 2,000
who volunteered, only 1,191 were finally accepted. In Licheng County, South
Hopei, the selection was even more drastic. There only 300 were taken out of
2,483 recruits.
The requirements for a recruit are simple but exacting. He must be over 18,
under 35, healthy, and willing. In addition, his class origin and class conscious-
ness is examined. The Liberation army is a class army — that is it is made up
almost entirely of former landless hired laborers, poor peasants who never had
enough land, and socalled middle farmers — men who have just managed to
scratch a bare living from small holdings. Such men make up the majority of
the Chinese people. The revolution is their revolution. In the villages they are
now in charge of everything including recruiting and they are becoming increas-
ingly particular about who fights for them.
During the anti-Japanese war a number of landlords and rich farmers' sons
joined the people's forces. But the character of the war in China has under-
gone a drastic change since then. This civil war is a class war — a war of the
landed gentry and rich compradores against the rising landless and dispossessed.
In the villages of the Communist-led areas, a bitter struggle has been waged
against landlords and rich farmers who formerly took advantage of their poorer
neighbors and often tortured and killed those who protested.
Now, all those who have been struggled against — which means anyone whose
property has been distributed — along with those who followed their lead, served
as their agents, and carried out their orders are rejected as fighters by the people.
It may seem strange that such men should volunteer at all. But since the
people have won control many young gentry are anxious to gain popular favor
and avoid the stigma which is now attached to their class by joining the army.
In addition there are some who sincerely believed in the new cause. But the
people do not trust them. When the going is tough they too easily waver.
Peasants, on the other hand, particularly the poor and hired, cannot and will
not turn back.
Ex-landlords, rich farmers and their hangers-on are but a small minority of
the population. Volunteers from their group make up but a small proportion
of the total. Rejections for reasons other than class are more important as far
as numbers go.
Not only must the young man and his family be willing. Not only must the
village accept him as a soldier but the village must also agree that his labor
can be spared. The people have undertaken to care for soldiers' families. If
the soldier is an only son or the only man in the family, the burden of carrying
on for him is heavy. A man with brothers or a vigorous father, or uncles that
farm together with him, is more readily accepted as a volunteer.
To keep at home enough men to till the land is of prime importance. Not only
the village people but the county and regional authorities pay special attention
to this problem. In the fall recruiting drive, the villages of Chin-Chi-Lu-Yu
sent 300,000 men to the army, all of whom were qualified in every way. 140,000
were sent back to insure that production would be maintained.
The final result of this rigid selection is an army of the most advanced, the
most fit, and the most eager young men in North China. They form some of
the finest fighting troops the world has ever seen.
274 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES
The people fully appreciate the quality of their army and treat the soldiers
accordingly. How they sent off one recruit has already been described. When
several go at once, the occasion is even more festive. The village is gaily decked
with banners, streamers, and posters. The new soldiers are showered with gifts
and are wined and dined all day, while music and dancing goes on in the streets.
So eager are the people to give their sons and husbands a fine sendoff that
they sometimes spend with wanton prodigality. In one west Shansi village,
70 feast tables were set for 60 recruits and 114 bushels of wheat were consumed
in 1 day. Another village spent $1,900,000 on five meetings. This amounted
to 80 percent of the value of their year's taxes. Still another village fired off
200 clips of precious bullets when the volunteers left town, while nearby 100
stone mines were exploded to celebrate the occasion.
The government has found it necessary to warn the people against excessive
spending. Said the paper, "The extravagance in some villages is surprising.
Such haphazard ways of spending money must stop !"
When at least the recruit marches off, a poster goes up on his doorpost. At
the entrance to one home, I read :
To Comrade Wang Tien-Yu
Glorious are those who volunteer
To dig out the already rotten root
of Chiang Kai-shek.
March southward when the north wind blows.
Fight for the masses,
Make landreform nationwide.
Most glorious are the volunteers.
Once the young men are gone, aid to their families must be organized. Water
must be hauled for old mother Wang. Land must be tilled for the wife of
Li. Comrade Yang's crops must be harvested. A committee for aid to soldiers'
families is elected. Men or women from each section of the village are chosen.
Each takes charge of the care of soldiers' families nearby. Specific tasks are
assigned to various neighbors, and it is the duty of the committee to see that
these are carried out. "Care For Soldiers' Families Comes First. Do Your
Own Work Later" is the motto. Should the work be late or sloppy, the family
may complain to the committee and something must be done about it.
As a rule it is the men of the mutual aid groups that look after soldiers' families
belonging to their team. All the village families are members of one or another
of these groups, whose function it is to organize labor exchange and increase pro-
duction through group work. In the past the soldier worked together with the
members of his team. Now they simply add the work of his fields to that of their
own. Should they fail to harvest on his land as good a crop as they obtain on
their own land of similar quality, they must make up the difference out of their
own bins.
How this system works when well organized is illustrated by the following
letter written by a young wife to her husband at the front.
"Since you joined up the people of our village come often to visit us. Hauling
water and other work is all properly looked after. The three Lis have all volun-
teered to do some work for us. I suppose what worries you most is my pregnancy
and you are afraid there will be no one here to care for me. But it is already
arranged that besides mother, the wife of Hung Jung, a member of the women's
association committee is to live here with me. And if we haven't enough millet
this year the village will supply us with red millet and will buy other necessities.
So don't be downhearted or worry about home."
In the South Hopei village of Can Ji Jeng, preferential treatment for soldiers'
families did not go well at first. One farmer admitted that he had not plowed
well for the family under his care. Another said, "When I hauled water for
soldiers' families I was never on time." After discussion and inspection, the sys-
tem was reorganized and from then on things went so well that many families
said, "Our work is done better and faster now than it was when the men were at
home !"
Honor and aid to the soldier continues when he returns home as a veteran.
Many have already been mustered out and have received some of the best land,
the best houses, and the best animals available at the time of redistribution.
There are plans for future aid to disabled fighters — plans which will enable them
to become useful citizens. But that is another story.
The main point to be emphasized here is this : That the Chinese revolution, by
creating a wholly new society, has also completely changed the role of the soldier
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 275
in China from that of a despised vagabond to that of an honored fighter for the
people. The soldier is one of the people ; he fights their battle, and he is rewarded
by them in every way they know. Thus it is not hard to understand why the
young men of the Liberated Areas volunteer in such large numbers that many
have to be turned away. It is not hard to understand why they so willingly go
out to face the American planes, the American guns, and the American tanks in
the hands of Chiang's forces.
"Drive to Nanking. Capture Chiang Kai-shek alive" is no idle slogan. There
are several million men in the Commmiist-led areas of North China who are de-
termined to do just that.
Mr. McManus. The next is a document dated Peiping, May 20, no
year, addressed to "Dear Jean."
Senator Welker. It will be admitted into the record and made a
part thereof.
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 43" and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 43
Peiping, May 20.
Dear Jean : I guess you didn't think you would ever get an answer from me,
but here it is. Are you surprised? The world situation certainly looks bad. The
above was written yesterday. Just as I started I heard the singing of a student
demonstration and so of course could not continue. Spent the afternoon on the
street instead. But before I describe the demonstration, I want to say that the
world situation doesn't look so bad after all. Last night we heard that Chang-
chun has fallen to the Communists. It seems that the Nationalist new First
Army folded up without much of a fight. This is the best army the Nationalists
have, trained and equipped by Americans. It fought in Burma against the Japa-
nese and was transported to Manchuria by air and the American Navy. This col-
lapse really has the Nationalists scared. The military situation is critical.
Everywhere the losses are tremendous. In Shantung half a million troops are
getting nowhere. In Sensi, Yenan is about to fall back into Communist hands
and Sian, main government base to the south, is in danger. Taiyuan in Shansi is
surrounded. The Government is in a panic. People are saying that the Kuomin-
tang will sue for peace to avoid complete collapse, but it may be too late already.
The days of coalition government are past. The Reds are more apt to fight on
until the Government is really whipped. What this means for the world situation
is incalculable. To me it means there will be no third world war. The situation
in Asia is developing too fast for America. China is lost. There is nothing
America can do to halt the Kuomintang disintegration now. We put in over 6
billion but it was like throwing it into the sea. It seems obvious that State De-
partment men decided some time ago that it was a lost cause. They have aban-
doned Chiang to his fate not because they wanted to but because they had no
other choice. The peasants of China were too much for Chiang even with every-
thing America could throw in. We have retreated to Japan in hope of a comeback
eventually but it isn't in the cards and I think in their hearts our men know it.
The people of Japan are awake now too. There is little possibility that we can
ever mobilize them for another Asian adventure. Even if we can it will be a
different proposition this time. So China is lost. And without China war with
Russia is impossible. It just can't be done. In my opinion there will be no war
and I feel better than I have in a long time.
As for the students, it was very interesting. They marched in defiance of
a National ban on demonstrations, and the warnings of local authorities that
any march would be prevented by force if necessary. The students came out
in such strength that the Peiping authorities backed down. Their bluff was called.
With National power crumbling they couldn't afford an open attack on the
students. So the demonstrators marched 4,000 strong and met with no opposition.
Police were conspicuous by their absence, and soldiers were confined for the
most part to their barracks. On a few casual uniformed men were seen in the
streets, and they were unarmed.
The parade was very well organized. These young people really have the
techniques of a demonstration down to a fine point. First there come the massed
columns of marchers holding banners aloft, singing defiant and revolutionary
songs, and shouting slogans in unison. They are not grim. The mood is not vio-
lent, but hopeful, friendly, and passionately demanding a better world. On both
276 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
sides of the marchers the propagandists go to work. Most numerous are the
boys and girls with chalk. They write slogans on everything, the pavement, the
sidewalks, the walls (Peiping has more miles of walls than any city in the world),
the arches, the gates, the doors, the store windows, the awnings, and on all
moving things — cars, streetcars, trucks and even rickshaws. Everywhere the
slogans go up. It is as if a flock of birds descended and made tracks everywhere
and were joined by an army of writing ants. "The People Want Peace" ; "The
People Want To Live" ; "Stop Civil War" ; "Chinese Must Love Chinese" ; "No
More Hunger" — these and many others are written everywhere that a few char-
acters can be drawn. After the chalkmen come the paint pot men and girls.
They paint the same slogans with larger strokes and with paint that won't wash
off. Some use a few strokes to draw a picture of starving men, or the dove of
peace, or empty rice bowls. Following the painters and competing with them
in energy and determination are the tar pot group. They carry pots of liquid
tar and with their bare hands dip twisted cloth into the tar and rub slogans
onto the walls. One group of five girls were especially diligent at this and
they were splashed with sticky tar from head to foot. They were so intent
on their work they didn't even have time to laugh at one another. Between
all these folk come the pasters. They paste posters and paper slogans on every-
thing in sight. Some of the larger ones are very effective cartoons. People
go in for harsh cartooning here, somewhat in the style of the Russian anti-Hitler
work. Reactionaries are fat cruel monsters crushing skin-and-bone people under
their heel or reclining on the backs of starving farmers, while bombs explode
in the background.
The posters, the black tar wielders, the paintpot people, and the chalkers are
only a part of the effort, for there are leaflet distributors and newspaper sellers
as well, and then, most effective of all, come the speakers. They stop and talk
to anyone who will listen. Over here is a young man addressing a group of
rickshaw men. Over there a girl talks fast and earnestly to the occupants of a
streetcar that is stalled in the traffic. They make a fine audience, for they are
jammed together unable to move. They have to listen. As the speakers finished,
there is clapping and cheering from the crowd. A young student speaking broken
English comes up to me. "Sir, we are students demonstrating against the civil
war. The government must stop this war. The people are starving. Chinese
kill Chinese. We hope your country will not send any more arms and will help
us build democracy. Please write all your friends and tell them what we say."
A few minutes later another comes and says the same thing in a different way.
They are not angry with me for being an American. They only plead for under-
standing and support.
The response of the people of Peiping to all this is disappointing to the students.
They would like to see thousands join the parade and a real mass demonstration
grow out of it. Nothing like this occurs, but the people are friendly. Many
drivers stop their cars long enough for the slogans to be chalked on and the
posters pasted up. Many shopkeepers look approvingly on as the slogans in
tar are brushed onto their awning mats. There seems to be an understanding
between the people and the students even though the people are too passive to
suit the young marchers. There is friendliness in the air. Everyone buys the
papers, even soldiers, and officers, and American-trained flyers. There is no
mistaking where the sympathies of the public lie.
When the march is over, the whole route is littered with leaflets, posters, and
slogans in red paint, black tar, and white chalk. It is hard to believe that a
few hundred students could cover so much area in so short a time. But even
more remarkable is the scene next day. Every single slogan has disappeared.
All the chalk has been rubbed off, the posters torn down, the painting painted
over, and the tar smudged out with black. Householders are held responsible
for what appears on their walls, while the police work all night to cover up the
writing on public property. In far corners of the city an old man is seen rub-
bing a red wall with a broom, rubbing out the chalk marks. Beside him stands a
policeman holding a gun. Thus does the Government reestablish law and order,
and rub from sight the truth that has burst forth in a sudden blazing effort.
Life goes on then as before, to all appearances, but ideas cannot be wiped out
with a broom, or smeared over with black paint, and it is probable that behind
the walls in a good many homes the thoughts take root and grow.
Well, that's the student demonstration. Would that American students would
produce something like it. When and if they ever mobilize they could learn a
good many tips from their Chinese cousins. I never saw so many techniques
used all at once to get an idea across. Of course in America there are no cities
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 277
with nice walls like these Peiping ones, and property owners would be incensed
at paint and chalk on their windows and doors, but still something of the same
kind could be done.
That's all for now. It's almost quitting time. Give my best to everyone and
tell them all what these Chinese students are thinking. Things are looking
better than they have for a long time. I think the human race will yet pull
through.
Love,
Billy.
Mr. McManus. Next is a document— it is difficult to classify some
of these, Mr. Chairman, because they were scattered all through the
trunk — but the first four sentences are as follows :
Lin — Dean of 1st division. On cadre traiing —
the word apparently should be "training" — it is misspelled "trai-
ing"—in Hwa Da.
Why do students come and what do they think. Based on classes we have had
before, we can classify students' purposes in coming here (1) For sake of
showing —
and that word is misspelled —
objection to American imperialism and Chiang's control. A protest against KMT
conditions.
(2) Discover CP power increasing, believe CP may win in future.
(3) Want to study revolutionary theories and gain skill for future revolu-
tionary work.
Senator Welker. That will be admitted into the record and made
a part thereof, the whole of the document.
The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 44" and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 44
Lin-Dean of 1st division. On cadre traiing in Hwa Da :
Why do students come and what do they think?
Based on classes we have had before, we can classfiy students' purposes in
coming here :
1. For sake of shoing objection to American imperialism and Chiang's
control. A protest against KMT conditions.
2. Discover CP power increasing, believe CP may win in future.
3. Want to study revolutionary theories and gain skill for future revolu-
tionary work.
4. In KMT areas couldn't continue studies because of financial conditions;
i. e., Middle school graduates who can't afford college there.
5. Want to study some special technique for future employment. But have
no pull with anyone who can help them in KMT area. Here simply tell their
ability and desire.
6. Consider Liberated Areas as new country, as going abroad. When
whole China liberated they will be return students.
7. Come simply to meet authorities, such as Ay Ching of the Third Division,
famous poet, or Ding Ling, Ay Sz Chi, and to study under them because they
admire them.
8. In Chiang's area couldn't get free marriage, come here hoping to find
new wife or following someone they love. Man and girl want to get married,
but family doesn't allow. Then they decide to come here.
9. Come to have a look. Inspection trip.
10. Want to find the real truth (most of these are Christians. Know
Christians always hunt truth. Have idea the CP fights for truth. Come
to learn. Christian truth and CP truth similar they think !
11. No definite ideas, go on from day to day, suddenly meet someone wh«
persuades them. Better go, find a good job, a good school. No definite
purpose.
278 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
First three i-easons cover majority of the students. Usually those who come
have not one purpose only. Usually have four or five reasons combined. No. 3
usually have some Marxist ideas ; a foundation of Mao ideas but rather vague.
Very recently most were compelled to come to LA because their names were
on blacklist. Had to escape to avoid arrest. From class 11, beginning from Au-
gust-September all who came during this period, majority came to escape.
Class 11, 12, 13, 14. These were the more advanced and active members of dem-
ocratic movement in Chiang's areas. In Kalgan Period students who came had
nothing to do with politics. Knew very little about American imperialism, or
about Chiang. Both Chiang and American imperialism hadn't exposed them-
selves enough. Hence still had some illusions about glorious America, in civi-
lization and industry, and Chiang so huge and important. Didn't see real na-
ture of either American imperialism or Chiang. During the 3 years they gradu-
ally discovered what imperialism and Chiang control means, hence gave up past
illusions and shift their hope to CP. Thought America prosperous ; friendly to
China. Chiang fought Japan 8 years, but after Chiang and Americans came
they began to lose freedom, suffered hunger, poverty, inflation. They were edu-
cated by Americans and Chiang, through that education they discovered the
real fact. Now have no illusions about getting something from America or
Chiang.
That is why the students who come now are easily changed in their thought,
while in the past we had to do something more to prove to them that America
and Chiang were enemies. Now we need not tell them what imperialism is, or
what Chinese fascism is. They know themselves.
About here, they think purpose is O. K. ; they accept this immediately, but
mostly they don't agree with us, to make everything change so slowly and stead-
ily. Work here is tedious ; tackle one problem at a time ; patience. They think
all is controlled by CP; if we want something just order people; don't explain
in detail ; have no practical training. Don't understand democratic concentra-
tion (centralized democracy). They understand democracy to be self-determin-
ation. Anything I personally don't agree with shouldn't be done. If it is done
that means you don't obey democracy. Believe in absolute freedom ; extreme
democracy. Whatever they want to do they want to do, and if limited, say no
democracy here. Chien said if I am a lower rank worker, I want more democ-
racy. If I'm a high rank officer, then I want more centralism. That kind of idea
is wrong. Should be just the opposite.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Hinton, will you look at the lower photograph in
the right-hand corner of that bulletin board on the right ?
Does that picture recall an episode to you ?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Mr. Morris. What is the scene that is depicted in that picture?
Mr. Hinton. I would have to look at the words again to make sure
what it is.
Mr. Morris. Will you do that, Mr. Hinton, please? There are two
of them, are there not ; duplicates ?
Mr. Friedman. May I dismount them and hold them in front of
him?
Mr. Morris. Yes ; certainly.
Mr. Hinton. What I want to check is this word "Kai Hsueh." I
didn't remember whether it was — "Kai" means to open — I wanted to
check on whether it was the opening or the graduation of a tractor
training class that it referred to in these letters here. These letters,
I am quite sure, say, "The state farming training opening ceremony."
Your question was, Does this remind me of or recall some incident
or some occasion ?
Senator Welker. "Episode," I think he used.
Mr. Hinton. Episode.
Mr. Morris. What was the occasion of the picture there ?
Mr. Hinton. Evidently the occasion was the opening of the training
class of the State farm bureau.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 279
Mr. Morris. And you were making an address there ?
Mr. Hinton. At the opening of each training class, as a teacher in
the training school for tractor drivers and technicians, I usually said
a few words about the courses that were to come and the importance
of tractor maintenance and similar things.
Mr. Morris. Now, who are the gentlemen sitting on the platform
with you ?
Mr. Hinton. I don't recognize them.
Mr. Morris. You do not recognize them? Is your testimony that
you do not know who they are ?
Mr. Hinton. The picture is not clear here.
Mr. Morris. What are the flags that appear in the background ?
Mr. Hinton. Well, those flags look to me like the four-star flag of
the People's Kepublic of China. There is another flag on the right
there that isn't very clear. It looks like a hammer-and-sickle flag, or
some such thing.
Senator Welker. A what ?
Mr. Morris. A hammer and sickle.
Senator Welker. That is the flag of the
Mr. Hinton. I don't know whether it does or not. But there is
something there, sort of a circle there.
Mr. Morris. And the picture in the background ?
Mr. Hinton. That looks like a picture of Mao Tze-tung.
Mr. Morris. Are those two photographs, photographs which you
brought into the United States in your f ootlocker ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first and
the fourth and the fifth amendments.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Hinton, will you look at the other photographs
that we have on that board ? Let us take the upper lef thand corner
first.
Mr. Friedman. The poster, you mean ?
Mr. Morris. Yes ; that is right.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, I think he directed you to the other
one.
Mr. Morris. On the left. I am sorry.
Mr. Hinton. If these were put up front where we can see them
Mr. Morris. The Library of Congress translation reads :
Celebrate the establishment of the People's Republic of China.
Do you recognize that photograph ? I am sorry. It is not a photo-
graph, Mr. Chairman. That is a poster.
Mr. Hinton. What was the question ?
Mr. Morris. Do you recognize it ?
Mr. Hinton. Do I recognize it ? Recognize it as what ?
Mr. Morris. As a poster that you brought into the United States in
your f ootlocker.
Mr. Hinton. That would be very hard to say. I did bring 78 posters
of all sorts, sort of a record of the period when I was there, the various
posters that they got out.
Mr. Morris. Do you recognize that as one of them ?
Mr. Hinton. To recall whether or not that was one of them would
be difficult.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, you say you brought back 78 posters.
280 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Hinton. I mean, approximately 78, because I wouldn't want to
stick to the number.
Senator Welker. The number was approximately 78; would that
be fair?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. "Would you mind telling the committee what you
intended to do with those posters ?
Mr. Hinton. Well, they were a sort of historical collection. From
the beginning when I was there, when there were posters on sale — you
understand, these were what in China are called New Year pictures.
They are on sale everywhere in every village. Peasants buy them.
People buy them and put them in houses and on their doors, and so
on. And from year to year, I used to buy, oh, 10 or 15 of the New
Year pictures on each year as sort of a record of that year's produc-
tion of posters. I thought they were quite interesting.
Senator Welker. And what did you intend to do with them when
you brought them back to the United States ?
Mr. Hinton. Well, I didn't have any specific intention. I thought
it was a rather historical collection. It would certainly be very valu-
able some time. It certainly was a record of historical
Senator Welker. You mean just from the history standpoint?
Mr. Hinton. That is right.
Senator Welker. Did you intend to use them in the lectures that
you have given throughout the United States, some 300 or more?
Mr. Hinton. If I had had the posters which I brought back, I
think I would have exhibited some of them when I gave talks as
examples of the kind of posters that are produced in China.
Senator Welker. Now that you have gone into that matter, where
were you giving these talks where you would use these exhibits had
they not been taken away from you ?
Mr. Hinton. Look, Senator Welker. If I may say so, this matter
we went into in the first hearing; we went into it yesterday. If we
are going to go through all these other hearings, I would like permis-
sion to read the statement which I had at the first hearing. I would
like permission to read that. It describes in summary the work I
did in China and what I felt about it, and more or less it gives a
picture of the kind of lecture I gave.
If we are going to go through everything again, I think that it is
only fair that I should be able to read that original statement again,
too.
Senator Welker. You want to go back and read the testimony that
you gave before ?
Mr. Hinton. The statement which I gave to the committee at the
first hearing in July 1954.
Senator Welker. You certainly are familiar with what you gave
to the committee.
Mr. Hinton. I would like to read it again into the record, since
there seems to be a whole series of questions that have been the same,
and I think if is only fair that my statement at that time should also
again go into the record and become a part of the record of the hearing.
Senator Welker. Now, I appreciate the fact that you would like to
include what you want to include in this record, and we are going to
do our best to present this in the record fairly and impartially. We
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 281
are sorry if we cannot abide by all your requests. I merely ask you
what group you were speaking before when you would have used these
posters.
Mr. Hinton. I would have used it in all my talks.
Senator Welker. All right.
Mr. Hinton. I would have had some examples of posters and other
art of China.
Senator Welker. Now, do you desire to tell me today what groups
you spoke before, since you returned from Red China ?
Mr. Hinton. As to the groups before which I have spoken, I decline
to answer on the grounds of the fifth amendment, as previously
stated
Senator Welker. But you tell me-
Mr. Hinton (continuing). And the first amendment.
Senator Welker. You tell me that you would have used these had
they not been confiscated from you, and yet you will not tell me upon
the grounds of the fifth amendment, since it might tend to incriminate
you, what groups you spoke before ; is that fair?
Mr. Hinton. I didn't say I would have used these. I would have
used the posters I brought back, or some of them.
Senator Welker. Are you saying that you did not bring any of
these pictures back ?
Mr. Hinton. What I said was that I couldn't positively identify
them ; I couldn't identify them. I did bring back posters. I brought
back 78, as I recall, though I wouldn't want to stick on the exact
number.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, directing your attention to the exhibit
at the upper left-hand corner that you have just been viewing, did
you ever see a poster like that in Red China ?
Mr. Hinton. I think I saw posters like that; yes.
Senator Welker. And if you saw them, probably as part of your
historic record, as you call it, you probably would have bought some ;
is that right ?
Mr. Hinton. I tried to buy examples of the posters that came out
each year. All I am saying is that I can't positively identify that
particular poster as one. As I suggested, I brought back some 78.
There are very few put out here. It is hard to say, because there are
lots of these posters that are available all over the world, and it is
very easy to obtain them, and they could be bought and displayed.
As I said yesterday, similar posters to these were displayed at the
library of Stanford University when I was out there some time ago.
Senator Welker. Did you speak in the library of Stanford Uni-
versity ?
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I didn't.
Senator Welker. Did you speak to anyone at Stanford University ?
Mr. Hinton. Anyone?
Senator Welker. Any group, or any one group ?
Mr. Hinton. No.
Senator Welker. Did you speak to any one group in the State of
Colorado ?
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of
the first and fifth amendments, and protest again that where I spoke I
believe is not a proper concern of this committee.
72723 — 56 — pt. 7— — 4
282
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, will you identify all the photographs
on both of those boards ? And Mr. Chairman
Mr. Friedman. Posters.
Mr. Morris. Posters and pictures together. And when they are
identified by Mr. McManus, may they go into the record as samples
of Communist propaganda that turned up in the footlocker?
Senator Welker. It is so ordered.
Mr. McManus. All of these exhibits, including the posters and the
photographs, were in Mr. Hinton's footlocker, which was opened and
examined under my supervision.
Mr. Morris. Will you please state how many there are ?
Mr. McManus. What is that ?
Mr. Morris. Will you mention the number of them there, so that
we will be sure that these exact ones go into the record ?
Mr. McManus. There are 12 posters and 3 photographs.
I should have pointed out, Mr. Chairman, that the English-lan-
guage translations were not in the footlocker. Those were obtained
from the Library of Congress.
Senator Welker. Very well.
The exhibits so identified by Mr. McManus will go into the record
and by reference be made a part thereof.
(The photographs and posters were marked "Exhibits 45 through
45N.")
(One of the photographs described by the witness as a ceremony
opening a tractor-training class and one of the posters, with a trans-
lation of the Oriental characters, are reproduced on the following
pages. The remainder may be found in the subcommittee files.)
Exhibit No. 45
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
283
(A translation of the characters on the banner at the top of the pic-
ture was provided the subcommittee by the Library of Congress and
is as follows :)
The opening ceremony of the winter session of the Government-owned farm
training school.
Exhibit No. 45-A
CELEBRATE THE ESTABLISHMENT Of THE
PEORlTWPUfOC OF CHINA, -.■
•• INAUGURATION CEREMONY Of VAi CWRAi PfOfltS
GOVERNMENT Of M mKtt WUmQ Of CHINA,
• IONG iNi THt PEOPt£S .RSPU3UC Of CHINA.
• tONO LIVE fH£ ClWmi ptQPtfS 'GOVERNMENT.
• LONG ItVC CHAIRMAN MAO. •
• LONG LM fHE CHINfSf COMMUNIST PARTY.
THf BIRTH Of NEW CHINA .
CHfJRATf THE BTABUSHMEW Of
TN£ PEOPU'S MWmc Of CHINA.
ammi mi sj'rth of nm china.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, while you were in China — and I am
going to call it Red China — did you have any connection with Red
Chinese forces?
Mr. Hinton. With the Red Chinese forces ?
Senator Welker. Military forces.
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. No ; I had no such connection.
Senator Welker. Did you ever write anything with respect to mili-
tary happenings in the area around Tsinan ?
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. As to my writings, I stand on the first, the fourth, and
the fifth amendments.
Senator Welker. You do not care to tell the committee whether or
not you wrote anything about military conditions around Tsinan ?
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
284 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Hinton. I will repeat that as to anything I may have written,
I stand on the first, the fourth, and the fifth amendments. I would like
to add that I never was in the Tsinan area.
Senator Welkee. Did you have any way of coming into the posses-
sion of any material written about the military situation as it existed
in the Tsinan area ?
Mr. Hinton. What area was that, again ?
Senator Welkee. Well, I am not going to compete with you, be-
cause I know you are an expert on Chinese. Now, you pronounce it
for me and I will agree with you.
Mr. Hinton. I would have to hear it. Spell it. You could spell it.
Senator Welkee. It is spelled T-s-i-n-a-n.
Mr. Hinton. Yes; I recognize the name. That is the capital of
Shantung Province.
Senator Welker. Yes. Were you there ?
Mr. Hinton. No. I have never been to Tsinan, the capital of Shan-
tung Province.
Senator Welker. Did you ever come into the possession of any
literature or document with respect to the military situation there?
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of
the first and the fourth and the fifth amendments.
Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, would you identify the next document ?
Mr. McManus. This is a document headed, "1. Conditions in
Tsinan." It was found in the footlocker of Mr. Hinton and removed
under my supervision.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may that document go in the record?
Senator Welker. Yes, that document, the whole thereof, will go
into the record.
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 46" and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 46
1. Conditions in Tsinan
i. statistics
Tsinan is militarily an important strategic point in East China. Politically,
economically, culturally, it is relatively important (though not compared with
Peiping and Shanghai). It is a modernly constructed city. Experiences gained
here can be used as patterns for larger cities.
Population over 700,000; 150,000 families; 300 foreigners (SO families);
190 square li. Made up of three districts: (a) business district. Contains
large scale business and banks. Well laid out roads, etc. (b) City district
(inside wall). Not so well constructed. Middle and poor urban population live
here. But quite well developed and a lot of historical sites. Schools in this
district include Cheeloo Univ. (c) Industrial district. To north of business
district; has flour mills, weaving mills, arsenals, machine repair shops, etc.
The chief characteristics of the town are commercial and industrial. Light
industry predominates — spinning mills, flour mills, match factories. Heavy in-
dustry not developed as Taiyuan. Four spinning mills employ over 1,500
workers (?) and there are 8 small mills. The average output of cloth is 50,000
to 00,0<)0 bolts a month. Of 8 large flour nulls, 1 is public and 7 are private.
They have a very large output; e. g., one private mill puts out daily 6,500 bags
ill catty a bag). Seven match factories. And lots of smaller factories — chemi-
cal, needle, cigarettes, shoes, kettles, ice, soft drinks, and small machine shops.
As fur commerce, there are 8,800 shops, big and small; 90 banks; 90 guilds (?).
Ax for education and culture, there are 13 newspapers; 21 news agencies;
high schools with about 6,000 students ; more than 20 movies ; 18 bookshops ;
libraries; museums; and swimming pools, etc. Relatively it has considerable
cultural equipment. All controlled by CC clique.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 285
Public utilities are much better than those in Shihchiachuang. Adequate power
and large-scale running water system. There were 12 large pumps, 9 were
destroyed but the remaining 3 were enough to supply the whole city.
As for communications, there is a very large railway station. Yards, tracks,
etc., are very adequate. They are electrified (the Japs had fixed them up).
Many buses and private cars and pedicabs.
Under the KMT rule its secret service was greatly expanded. All KMT organ-
izations had officers in Tsinan. Secret societies, Buddhist associations, missions,
relief and people's organizations, i. e., women's organizations, mothers' organi-
zations, young women's organizations, in fact, organizations for people of every
age. There were more than 50 organizations.
There were 2,000 open police and about 10,000 secret agents.
There was a three-level administration. Extremely expanded. There were 4
big bureaus ; 8 subbureaus ; and hundreds of low bureaus. Such organization
no good for us — extremely overexpanded. Its control and oppression of the
people unimaginably strong.
As for the food problem, 70 percent of the people haven't enough. People
said that if we had come 10 days later how many would have starved to death.
Tsinan needs 80.000 catties of grain a day (by our standard, 100,000 catties
be needed). Last March Wang Yaowu issued orders to register all grain and
to put in food reserve. In August, he ordered that the grain in reserve be
inspected. He used this as an excuse to confiscate and add to the Government
supply, leaving each family with only 5 days' grain supply. Every one including
merchants were mobilized to build fortifications so people couldn't even earn a
living.
The 11 big prisons were completely packed. Mostly the city poor arrested
on all kinds of pretexts. Every policeman was an overlord. Life of the citizens
was completely controlled. Nothing progressive could be seen. In bookshops
we could only find counterrevolutionary books.
Tsinan was taken in 8 days because of heavy artillery concentration. So
there was considerable destruction. Electric wires, housing, etc. The city was
destroyed but not the business section, because Wang Yaowu put up his last
resistance in the city — the main post office constructed of stone was his final head-
quarters. It was completely destroyed. All the streets had cement pillboxes —
over 500 big ones. One's first impression is of dead bodies everywhere. We
buried 8,800 (incomplete figure). KMT wounded everywhere. Place very evil
smell.
This gives you an idea of the work which had to be done.
II. REHABILITATION AND POLICY QUESTIONS
Two quicks — captured quick, recovered quick. This was because the policy
was correct and carried out well. The battle ended on the 24th. On 25th
and 26th administrative cadres of Government army and CP had entered and
organized the military government (military administration council — MAG).
This is the highest authority in Tsinan during military period — highest both
relating to us and to the city people. United leadership for 1 month. The MAG
completely cleaned up the city, buried all the dead, cleaned the streets, removed
fort and pillboxes, restored electricity and water supply. Businesses were all
opened except for banks. In 15 days the railroad was opened to Yenchow. Roads
all repaired. Buses running to Tehchow. All arms were taken over and regis-
tered. There was so much military equipment, enough to capture Hsuchow.
Millions of bullets. Just before we left we found a secret store of artillery
shells. KMT aircraft came to bomb it and thus made an opening, so we dis-
covered the shells. There were a tremendous number of cars and trucks. Taking
over the property was a great job in itself, but it was completed.
In 1 month rehabilitation was very quick. At the end of the month we could
do away with MAC because the task was completed — due to the correct leader-
ship of the central committee of the CCP and the East China Central Bureau, and
because of the detail preparation and able leadership of the MAC.
At first it was decided that there should be a material takeover command,
but later the MAC was decided upon. Now the head was , the vice head
was the secretary of org. department of the East China Buro. There three sec-
retary generals. There were 16 departments under the Council, Political De-
partment, etc. Whatever department the enemy had, we set up an opposite
number to take it over and wipe it out. All were completely under the military.
In economic field we had commercial, industrial, employment, radio, communi-
286 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
cations, power, production, post offices, and financial departments. Under city
administration we had publicity, police, medical, educational, and control of ma-
terial. There was a garrison department and air-raid precaution department.
Each department had work teams, field groups, and different sections.
The cadres of each department had been transferred from similar departments
elsewhere. Bankworkers worked in bankwork, etc. Cadres were kept in their
own line as far as possible. The head of each department was a high cadre
(brigadier general status) who could independently master policy, was able in
his new field. No major policy mistakes were made.
Whether not this organization is adequate there is still room for study. Per-
sonally I think some subsections could be combined for example, the post
telegraph. Perhaps or organization a bit overexpanded. If we could combine,
we might save cadres.
Another method of taking over was by district.
Each department has a clear-cut prepared policy. The policy of the garri-
son headquarters was (a) to quiet the people, (6) to take care of the wounded,
(c) protect public peace, (d) (?). The publicity buro policies were (a) to take
care of existing publishing houses, (6) to quickly put out a newspaper and cor-
rectly respond the policy of the Communist Party and help quiet the people, (c)
to support order. (These are 2 examples out of the 16 departments. Each had its
clear-cut policy.) The leading organization takes the actual situation and
makes its own policy according to the main policy.
The police established 11 offices, 1 in each district. The garrison had 11 sub-
headquarters, etc. (two garrison brigades were taken into the city). This seems
a lot but was very effective. The SS couldn't even raise their head. There was
no such activity as the shooting of guns to frighten people. There were car
squads constantly patrolling during raids. During one air raid a cook went
into a tunnel and found 11 people armed with mausers. He said, "Hand over
your guns or I'll throw grenades." These 11 tehwu had lived in the tunnel a
couple of days, not daring to go out.
Perhaps this method will need changing for other cities. Police excellent, but
probably the garrison should not have been so dispersed. There were always
the secret service men in every city. The problem is how to clear them out.
If we disperse our garrison troops too much — 11 subheadquarters with three
machineguns each — they will be too weak. Probably several should be grouped
together with adequate arms. This needs further study.
City organization. — We had to use old personnel. Proclamations clearly in-
dicate this but they didn't solve the problem alone. We had to have registra-
tion and hostels. Wo set up 20 hostels and registration offices, e. g., we had a
guesthouse for registering foreign personnel — good building well furnished,
western meals. We had cars for communication. We had a special guesthouse
for engineering personnel ; a guesthouse for dispersed odd soldiers ; a telegraph
office workers ; teachers ; bus workers ; peddlers ; police ; radio ; medical work-
ers; water plant employees.
Each individual factory has special registration. Registration offices every-
where ; so besides proclamations there were organizations for carrying it out.
The people were very enthusiastic. They queued up around the proclamations,
many of them taking down notes. We solved their work problems. The only
people we had no open office for were the SS men.
We established a basis for work and the work of each department became
standardized. Under the MAC there were 16 departments, but these became city
organizations after the basis had been laid. The MAC standardized, put on a
regular basis, and handed over to the city administration : e. g., the subsidiary
military organizations came under the military, not under Tsinan authority, but
under the regional military authority. Communication department came under
the railway. Finance department came under the Bo Hai Bank. Education came
under the city educntion department; medical work under the city medical de-
partment. In this way the organization became regularized as a city organiza-
tion, no longer as a temporary military one. But personnel were the same. High-
est authority of the MAC was handed over to the Tsinan party bureau.
For tliis to come about there bad to be many meetings, organizations, etc., to
serve as the basis for transfer to the city CP bureau. After the transfer the only
job left to the military council was control of enemy property.
The city government worked out well. Both the mayor and vice mayor were
from the CP bureau.
The preparatory work was very full and adequate. There was complicated
ideological and professional of the cadres ; but it was successful. Just like the
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 287
attack on Tsinan, this was fully prepared. We started at the time of the capture
of Yenchow in July ; thus there were 2 full months of preparation. We organized
a "Committee for preparing the Attack on Tsinan" (but for security reasons we
called it Construction Committee of Jingjow). We made detailed investigation
of the economic, political, industrial conditions of Tsinan. The material of this
investigation was used for the cadres' preparation course. Directories gave the
names of all KMT personnel of all grades. Maps showed the names of even the
smallest lanes. We did not have enough Tsinan cadres to act as guides for the
fighters, but after the training even the natives of Tsinan were not so familiar
with the troops as our troops. 7,000 odd cadres were prepared. We asked at
first for 10,000-20,000.
Cadres were educated : in policy ; and in vocation. We picked cadres who had
taken part in practical work. After the capture of Weishian many cadres were
sent to work there ; some thought there were far too many, but when Tsinan was
captured we pulled many of them out and put them there. This had an important
leavening effect because of their practical experience. The same thing will hap-
pen in Tsinan. Many cadres will be sent there to study. They will study in a
very detailed way, e. g., there are 600-700 in the police school. Their vocational
training is just like military maneuvers. They have practice in handling traffic.
We even laid out roads and had people act as motor cops so that they could have
experience in directing traffic. The police were taught how to enter homes to
carry on the census registration. We told them what they should say so that
people should not think our LA cadres country bumpkins. This vocational training
is very good.
Policy training is also extremely important. We worked out the practical exe-
cution of MAC'S policies in detail. The East China Bureau worked out details
for every department, including proclamations, forms, etc. There was a whole
book full of proclamation patterns which could be adapted to fit the situation.
The proclamation book and the document book were about 2 inches thick. They
included patterns for all possible types of orders, so that the cadres had only to
rewrite them. Cadres carried these books with them. If a cadre on arrival found
he had to hold a meeting or issue a proclamation, he was well prepared in ad-
vance. Orders and proclamations had to suit the actual conditions. The prin-
ciples were made clear before the battle. Our personnel were all mobilized.
"We're attacking and occupying Tsinan ; what attitude should we take towards
the people." This propaganda filtered into the city and as each district was oc-
cupied, posters were pasted up at once. By the time the occupation was com-
pleted, the city was absolutely covered with posters. If you waited to print these
posters before getting into the city, you would be in the midst of battle and nobody
would have time to write them.
Each soldier of the 3d PLA had his 3 disciplines and 8 points for attention,
but concretized for the city. The military council had worked out 11 points
and 52 action slogans. These were printed in advance and posted all over the
city. Fight, paste, fight, paste— that's what the soldiers did. The 3d PLA carried
out excellent preparation so their work was excellent.
Currency Policy. — Step 1 : Proclamation ; stop using fapi at once. After this
proclamation another one gave concrete details what to do with fapi. Step 2 :
Stabilization of the Bohai Bank currency; it was the only currency allowed
(there was a limited period between steps 1 and 2 when fapi could circulate).
Step 3 : Consolidation of confidence in the Bohai notes. We posted three proclama-
tions : Expose Chiang's attempt to destroy Bohai currency through forgeries (we
showed the people how to expose it). CKS aimed to destroy the currency by
circulating counterfeit. We named all the kinds and posted samples on the
proclamations, so even these counterfeits had to be collected before the battle.
This raised people's confidence in Bohai currency (we also posted up genuine
samples to help the people distinguish). Step 4 : Completion of the stabilization.
Step 5 : Provided for other LA exchange rate. All were made acceptable in
Tsinan. This is an example how the policy principle was worked out step by
step.
All business started up except for the banks. As for them we proclaimed
temporary regulations for Shantung Provincial Bank. Questions arose because
accounts, interest, loans, etc., were all in fapi. So detailed procedure was posted
up on how to handle all these things. If we had posted up this proclamation
on the first day it would have been of no use, but it was prepared in advance
to be put up at the appropriate time.
Conimunications were organized immediately. Since the main road was 20 li
long it was essential to set up some sort of transportation at once. Traffic
288 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES
regulations were needed immediately. Some of our own drivers were not very
expert and injured people, but the drivers were very responsible and the victims
were given immediate care, etc., so there was no bad effect.
Curfew started off district by district. As soon as the residents had been
checked up and the census made, it was let up.
One problem was to reorganize quickly so that we could collect the rates on
electricity and water supply.
For each field concrete specific details, policies and proclamations were pre-
pared. The main thing connecting it all was: "The mass-movement." So the
people's response to the proclamation was wonderful. From morning till night
they would stand around reading the various proclamations and writing them
down. You can't use country methods in the city. In the village you can call
a meeting, but not in the city ; just try.
Execution of two important policies : 1. K'an Kuan :
The taking over and protecting of depots and warehouses is a very important
part of our work in cities. Who is to do this while the fighting is actually
going on? Somehow arrangements must be made to avoid destruction. Who
does it? Combat troops. They have the tasks of destroying the enemy and of
caring for property. This must be done. If care is not taken, SS agents will
steal everything; the damage would be terrific and would run into figures of
astronomical proportions.
But in the long run the task must be carried out by the ordinary combat
troops themselves, not by high officers. If proper education on this point were
not carried out, therefore, it could not be fulfilled.
In Tsinan all this was very well done. There was no major loss of material
or damage to equipment and buildings such as schools, factories, etc. This was
of great aid ia the quick rehabilitation of the city. The necessary education
was given to each individual soldier on this point and every ganbuh understood
it. The principle was expressed in a six-word slogan: Protect, care for, con-
struct (?).
Nevertheless this protection and caring for property was a very difficult job
and the soldiers much preferred fighting to "k'ann kuan" ; e. g., in one company
of 80 men, 45 men were put to guard 14 warehouses. Each of these man had to
stand guard for 13 hours. (Gave examples of other companies posting so many
guards etc.) The men took these duties with the utmost seriousness, e. g., one
man had been on guard many hours and his relief did not come. Some friends
offered to take over to give him a rest but he refused saying that he must stay
at his post until it was officially taken over.
As to the attitude toward protection of property, one cook whose shoes were
worn out took a new pair. Then he thought things over and remembered offi-
cial instructions and sorrowfully took them off and put them back and put on
his old worn-out pair again. Another soldier was stationed for the night in a
room with a beautiful mahogany table covered with all sorts of papers. Rather
than disturb the papers, he slept on the floor. The soldiers were so anxious to
avoid any breaches of the 3 Great Disciplines and the 8 Points for Attention that
before entering the city many of them had made a special point of preparing
needles and thread. This was especially notable among the soldiers, though
ganbuh occasionally took enough ink to fill their pens.
Of course there were some breaches of discipline, but the overwhelming ma-
jority observed it satisfactorily. If anything, the weakness lay in leaning over
backward and some things which should have been taken and used were not,
e. g., in one -ase there was a large case of valuable medicines, etc., and the sol-
dier who found it left, it alone. When he reported to his superiors he was told
to go back and gel il but it was too late; the looters had already taken it. Judg-
ment in this sort of case has to be taught ; the main thing is not to steal for per-
sonal use.
Point 2. Work Relief :
This was used in the task of clearing the city of dead bodies, burying them,
cleaning the streets, etc. There was no organization already existing in the
city, as there is in the villages, for getting this done. So somehow the people
had to be organized, but not by force. We ourselves had not brought with us
personnel for this job so we had to mobilize the inhabitants.
The three main principles used in mobilizing people for this job were: edu-
cation, payment, and taking turns. So we educated, paid, and took them off
relief all at once. This job was very well done. The city was cleaned up, the
fortifications leveled, and the streets cleaned all with 7-10 days.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 289
This was a big task. 13,000 people were mobilized, 8,898 corpses were buried —
all of them outside the city. S68 animals were also buried and 384 pillboxes in
11 city chili were destroyed. 4,000 land mines were also dealt with — by the
troops. Around Cheeloo University conditions were especially chaotic. The
students were afraid to come out of the cellars where they'd been hiding, for
fear of land mines.
Altogether 75,000 jin of grain was distributed for work relief and $980,000 ( ?)
Jinan. Special regulations were drawn up regarding the turn-taking system.
15 jin was paid for each body buried; 25 jin for an animal; 40 jin for a pillbox
leveled. The old bao-jia system in each district was used. Each district organ-
ized groups of body carriers with one ganbuh in charge of 3 or 4 groups. For
work done, the ganbuh in charge handed out vouchers which could be exchanged
for the suitable amount of grain. At the same time he carried on educational
and propaganda work.
The educational effect of all this was very good because it was done among the
poor and destitute. The slogan launched was "li gung" — work for the people.
Groups who did especially good work received a bonus,, such as a bag of white
flour. What was considered good work? This was standardized ; e. g., some of
the pillboxes contained various types of things, equipment, etc. If this was all
carefully handed over before beginning the destruction, etc., etc. In the course of
the work the people themselves spontaneously labeled some as "Active Ele-
ments," using these and other words which they learnt from the ganbuh. Out of
this work there developed 25 permanent organized groups of the city poor. To
obtain similar results in villages would be extremely difficult. In a city, if the
work is well done, it's easy.
The ganbuh showed a great sense of responsibility. One woman ganbuh, for
example, herself took part in burying the dead. She helped by joining in the
groups of 2 people, each group carrying a corpse, 2-3 lii to the place of burial.
The bodies stank and so did her clothes which became all bloody, but she took all
this in her stride. This had a great effect on the people working with her. This
was a practical example of how the LA ganbnh really work for the people and it
was very effective. This work was not actually required of her ; she did it solely
out of a sense of responsibility.
As to the destruction of pillboxes : the people said, '"Wang Yao Wu came and
made us build pillboxes everywhere. The Liberation Army comes and says knock
them down. They certainly must have great strength to be so confident that they
don't need them." So the people were greatly impressed.
These are some of the aspects of the relief policy.
The preparatory work for the burial was inadequate. There wasn't the right
equipment, no masks, gloves, etc. In summer there would thus have been very
great danger of disease, though in the cold weather we got away with it. We
must make preparations of this sort.
We used the bomb craters for burying bodies — the KMT dug their own graves.
Confiscation of bureaucratic capital and protection of private property :
This work was well done. A proclamation was issued : "Bureaucratic capital
will be taken over, private capital will be protected ; functionaries of both stay on
the job." This was general party policy.
How were industry and banks taken over? In the case of the Bank of China,
for example, everything was taken over in a very smooth operation — equipment,
accounts, etc., everything. This was a very big problem for there are many banks
in Tsinan. All were handed over and 98 percent of their personnel registered.
Out of a total of 600 employees, 400 came over to work for us. Two percent, the
big shots, had left before by air. Some who wanted to didn't manage to get away.
In the Central Bank of China, for instance, accounts, money, material, account
books, everything was labeled, tied up, indexed, and put away neatly in the safes.
When we went in, the keys and index was handed over by the staff. This was
very good ; it showed that they understood our policy, that it was a correct policy
and had been correctly carried out.
This finance is a very complicated business. If things are not taken over
properly, there's a great opportunity for squeeze. So we had to take one place
as an example. This was the Central Bank of China. An example had to be
made here so as to avoid squeeze all round.
There were all sorts of inner conflicts in the banking field ; wherever Chiang
Kai-shek is there are inner conflicts. Here the disunity was very great, for the
other banks like the Communications Bank, etc., were discriminated against by
CKS. He stopped them from printing currency and imposed other restrictions
on them ; e. g., the Central Bank was allowed to give an interest rate of 45 per-
290 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
cent ; the other banks were allowed only 18 percent. Foreign exchange could
be handled by the Central Bank only and all military personnel had to deposit
their money there. So the other banks were anti-CKS. They did not wish to
accept staff sent to them from Central Bank, but if because of influence they
were forced to, they would discriminate against the appointee, giving him poor
pay, etc. This was the case when the appointee got his job through influence,
not on the grounds of technical proficiency. The other three banks worked
against the Central Bank in business circles, etc. There were $12 million GY
in the Central Bank and some fapi ; other banks had little of either. So the
great task was to take over the Central Bank well. Then the others would fall
into line.
The principles for taking over were : strict investigation and broad outlook,
in action. These bankers might have looked down their noses at our rough
clothes and speech which is not like that of bankers. So they might have tried
to fool us when it came to the handling over. Our task was to make them respect
ns. So we put able and highly qualified comrades onto this work who had a
professional understanding of it. They caught the bankers up on quite a num-
ber of points and showed that they were not easily fooled. This made a very
great impression.
We gave them collective treatment (examining various people individually
about the same point?). The vice head of the Bank of Communications was
caught out trying to graft 60 ounces of gold from the account of a co-op. He
was hauled up for this and we gained much prestige. On the other hand we
didn't bother about trifles, small amounts missing, small accounts, petty pilfer-
ing, etc. In this way, displaying a broad outlook, we got the initiative.
There was a clear policy toward, both the junior and senior staff. Both were
offered the option of either staying or going. Some of the higher-ups tried to
influence the junior staff to go along with them, saying : "Let's all go together."
How were we to handle the problem of the lower and middle staff, since the
head of the bank had an ideological hold over his subordinates. We concentrated
on them working from the bottom up. Finally, only the manager and his wife
elected to go; all the rest stayed (presumably this refers to Central Bank of
China) . So on the whole we were very successful.
At first the senior staff didn't believe it when we said they would be allowed to
go, so we proved it by action, placing cars at their disposal and providing protec-
tion, as far as Tsingtao. Even the manager, in the end, was affected by this and
offered us suggestions on the subject of taking over and banking in general. He
said : "CKS is bound to collapse. That's clear. We'd be glad to stay, but we're
afraid your living conditions are too tough for us to stand — even if we ate shao
tzao. But when we get to Shanghai we'll go into training for when we see you
there again. Your principles are O. K. We'll spread them around for you."
The manager of the Central Bank of China (Chen's friend) told friends that
the LA army was the best disciplined army in Chinese history- They came
to his home asking if he had firearms. When he said he didn't, they showed
no interest in other things of his. He invited soldiers to have tea and refresh-
ments, but they refused what he offered. Then he felt suspicious of his be-
havior, thinking he had offered them too little. Offered a wristwatch and pen,
but also refused. Soldier then explained LA policies. "It was the first time I
ever met anyone who didn't want to accept valuable things," manager said.
Manager told us 3 or 4 KMT people needed to do job one LA cadre could do,
because LA attitude toward work different. However he offered suggestions
for improving our work. He said : "You people are not very citified and you must
raise your technical and vocational levels."
This was correct. Our city style was not very good. Some cadres even afraid
to talk to city people. For example, in exchanging currency, made many blunders.
Manager told us : there are three kinds of bureaucratic capitalists — those who
can escape to America or Hongkong ; those who can go to Shanghai and Canton ;
and those who cannot run away. He asked us to leave a road out for the latter,
so that they can live. For instance, he said, you allow landlords to have enough
land to maintain their livelihood, and in the same way, you should leave us with
a little capital also.
Manager suggested that when we take over Shanghai banking, must be care-
ful not to close banks long or this will make industry collapse. He advised
placing supervisors in charge of big banks, who will have final authority, but
let banks continue pending thorough investigations. In Tsinan, he noted all
banks closed for 20 days while banking taken over. In Shanghai, need at least
40 days for same procedure. But in that period, everything would stop there.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 291
The suggestions this manager made reflects that our policy toward him was
correct.
Four : Policies must be flexible :
In confiscating bureaucratic capital, we must apply our policies flexibly, not
dogmatically. We used a different policy toward the Ta Lai Bank in Tsinan
than toward the Central Bank and Commercial Bank. The Ta Lai bank had
been forced to close last April by KMT oppression. Therefore we did not con-
fiscate it.
In taking over, don't use "frontal takeover." Take the firm over in parts.
When we went to the Central Bank, the manager and vice manager were not in,
so we went on to the secretary and we took over the departments under him.
If we had waited until we could assemble all personnel, the process would have
been very slow leaving time to destroy the documents.
Fifth : Currency.
Currency is a very big problem in taking over a large city. We can defeat
Chiang's armies and politics but his currency remains. We must solve this
problem quickly. In Tsinan our administrative cadres entered on the 25th. On
the same day we issued regulations for handling currency based on two gen-
eral methods: (1) opening exchange places (2) exporting currency — currency
was wrapped in a cloth, sealed, registered (we gave receipt) and this could be
taken outside the liberated areas or to any places within the liberated areas.
Through this method we sent lots of fapi back to KMT areas.
Fapi taken in by the exchange shops was also sent out of LA. We limited
the amount that could be exchanged and the denomination of banknotes in
order to provide advantages to middle and lower income groups who had no
way to use fapi in KMT areas. The main principle was to send back as quickly
as possible. Our success gave us a great economic victory. Within 15 to 20
days we got all fapi back to Chiang's area, sending out 1,400,000 hundred mil-
lions CNC. This was a terrible blow to Chiang. On October 5th and 6th, in
Tsingtao 1 ounce of silver cost 240 gold yen. Within 10 days, because we sent
out this currency, the price was 100 gold yen per ounce. Had we delayed,
the liberated area economy would have suffered badly.
We fixed the exchange rate at 2 million fapi to 1 penpi. We didn't exchange
$500,000 banknotes. However, Tsinan prices rose 3 to 6 times because we under-
valued our money. This was an error.
Chiang used method to oppose us. After Tsinan fell, Tsingtao immediately
announced that fapi couldn't be circulated after November 1st (shortening the
original time limit of November 15th). Chiang thought we would be left with
the worthless currency but he failed because by October 15th we had sent all
of his money out. Since $500,000 notes couldn't be circulated in KMT areas,
we would not take them either.
But we were weak technically in handling this currency problem. For ex-
ample, none of our 11 exchange shops could make their accounts balance. They
gave out too much money. One shop alone gave out $300,000 penpi too much in
1 day. The cashier said they counted wrong, and this was true for our cadres.
But there was some sabotage because we had to use old cashiers from the banks
and we didn't know how to control them. It had been the principle of all banks
to make cashiers responsible for their money. But we didn't use this method,
so some put money in their pockets.
Sixth : Win over all of Chiang's functionaries :
The policy for KMT personnel is the same as for army prisoners. Low civilian
employees are given help for their families, money to leave the LA, etc. We also
show leniency to higher personnel.
MISCELLANEOUS
There were over 300 foreigners in Tsinan and we gave them complete pro-
tection. The enemy had turned Cheeloo University into fortress with pillboxes,
landmines, trenches, and so forth. But we didn't use heavy artillery there
even during the hardest fighting. So the damage was relatively small. Although
their high buildings made good artillery positions for attacking the inner city
we didn't station our troops there even overnight. After Tsinan's liberation
our troops started at Chiloo first to clean up landmines, etc. The education
department sent representative to comfort them, held meeting to explain our
policies, and helped them reopen classes on the 18th. We gave them help in
collecting their dairy cattle that had scattered during the battle. Forty or
292 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES
fifty out of the sixty cows were returned. We also gave food and flour for the
school. We sent out their personal messages that they were safe. No definite
regulations regarding religious education beyond the principle that seditious
activities must stop. In preparing for the battle, our troops and city cadres
were told not to touch foreign property and to protect foreigners. We didn't
even borrow a single book from the libraries. We sealed their buildings until
school reopened to avoid any possible destruction.
In general students in Tsinan had a very low political consciousness and
there was no open students' movement. The students were suspicious of us and
some shaved their heads and wore laopaihsing clothes. Of 1,300 students in the
normal school, all except 300 to 400 hid themselves until they saw our policy.
The educational bureau held a meeting to explain our student policy and then
they returned.
Our policy for private schools was to start classes as soon as possible. We
changed the names of public schools to Tsinan 1, 2, 3, public school. We com-
bined a few because of teacher shortage. We created some specialized schools.
We started a business and commercial school which got 1,800 students within
10 days. Many Cheeloo students wanted to go to Hwapei. Some special schools
like the normal school were closed because they were full of secret agents and
the students were sent to other schools. We had prepared teaching cadres to
become principals of public schools, and we provided teachers for political
study. Otherwise the teaching staffs remained the same. We gave relief funds
to students and grain relief to schools in need.
We had organized six dramatic groups to carry on cultural activities. Two
evening meetings were held — one, a musical evening lasting from 5 to 12 P. M.
All schools participated, but they could only sing popular romantic songs.
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, are you paying attention? We are
doing business here and we do not want to take advantage of you.
Now, he has identified a document. Did you hear the document
described by him ?
Mr. Hinton. I assumed that this that was being handed out was
the thing that he was identifiying.
Senator Welker. Very well.
I notice you are conferring with counsel. I am now showing you
the exhibit so that you will not say that we were not fair with you,
and I have admitted the whole of that exhibit into the record.
Mr. Hinton. I would like to correct a statement that the whole of
it is in. At least, what was handed to me here and what is — oh, well,
in the record, maybe, yes, but not on this mimeographed sheet. There
is not the whole of what is on this document.
Senator Welker. Just a moment, now. I want to be fair.
Counsel, did you hear ?
Would you read Mr. Hinton 's statement back ?
(The statement of Mr. Hinton was read by the reporter.)
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, to correct that matter, I am saying
that the whole of the document is going in, and not any mimeographed
article that you might have before you.
Mr. Hinton. Thank you, Mr. Senator, because what was left out —
what was in seems to concern military; what was left out seemed to
concern public utilities, shops, schools, factories, and information of
other sorts, and I think it would give the wrong impression simply to
cut that out.
Senator Welker. The whole of it is going in, Mr. Hinton.
Mr. Hinton. Thank you.
Mr. Mokrjs. The cut ire document jroes into the record.
Exhibit No. 47
<*JJ + 't /C i£'
W, W<W, C^ Vt'tA/W "^
\<9 h"
tt»* fU*^
f /o 0~S*+* •
*
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 293
Now, Mr. Hinton, will you look at the right-hand board there, those
charts there? Let us take the upper left-hand chart. Will you tell
us what that chart is, if it is a chart ?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of the
first, the fourth, and the fifth amendments.
Senator Welker. Now, Mr. Hinton, directing your attention to the
chart that you have just examined, do you recognize the handwriting
thereon ?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. My answer is the same.
Senator Welker. Is it the handwriting of one William H. Hinton,
the witness?
Mr. Hinton. My answer is the same.
Senator Welker. That is, the fifth amendment ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer the question on the grounds of
the fifth amendment.
Senator Welker. You would not say whether it was your handwrit-
ing or not your handwriting ?
Mr. Hinton. I would not say whether or not it was my handwriting.
Senator Welker. Upon the grounds of the fifth amendment?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, do you have the original document of
which that is a reproduction ?
Mr. McManus. I cannot see it. Will you read the heading of that,
Senator, so that I can see which one it is ?
Mr. Morris. Mr. Arens, will you read the heading on that ?
Mr. Arens. I am sorry. I cannot make out the heading.
Miss Malaney. It is, "Concerning punishment of CPB."
Mr. Arens. Right.
Mr. McManus. I have the original of that enlargement headed,
"List VIII," "Concerning punishment of CPB."
Mr. Morris. What does "CPB" stand for, Mr. Hinton ?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first,
fourth, and fifth amendments.
Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, is that one of the documents you took
from the f ootlocker ?
Mr. McManus. Yes ; that is one of the documents which I took from
the f ootlocker.
All of the exhibits on the board were taken from the footlocker.
Mr. Morrts. Mr. Chairman, may that go into the record, having
been identified by Mr. McManus ?
Senator Welker. It will go into the record.
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 47" and is
herewith inserted.)1
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton.
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. In the classes that you taught in Red China, was
it necessary for you or any of the other supervisors at the school to
punish the students ?
1 Other charts Trill appear in a later volume.
294 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Hinton. In any of the classes, or training classes that I taught
in, I was simply a teacher. I had no responsibilities other than to
teach classes.
Senator Welker. Did anyone else, to your knowledge, have any
responsibilities with respect to punishing students ?
Mr. Hinton. Schools in China, as elsewhere, have their disciplinary
regulations and rules.
Senator Welker. Did any of your students that you taught in your
own individual classes — did any of those students ever receive any
punishment from those who had the authority to punish ?
Mr. Hinton. I don't recall, sir.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Hinton, this refers to punishment of farmers, does
it not, and not to students, this particular chart ?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the grounds of the first, the
fourth, and the fifth amendments.
Mr. Morris. Will you look at the second chart, Mr. Hinton?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first,,
the fourth, and the fifth amendments.
Miss Malaney. The title of that chart is
Mr. Hinton. But — oh, excuse me.
Mr. Morris. What is the title, Miss Malaney ?
Miss Malaney. "Family-by-family record of changes through land
reform."
Mr. Hinton. This chart seems to refer to land reform, and I would
be happy to describe to the committee the general
Mr. Morris. Now, tell us what that particular chart is.
Mr. Hinton (continuing). The general course of land reform in a
Chinese village.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, we would be very glad to hear you on
land reform if you will go with us and identify all the other charts.
But you refuse even to testify as to whether or not it is your own hand-
writing. Now, you are not going to pick out one and make a speech
on that, unless you make a speech on all of them.
Do I make myself clear ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes ; you make yourself clear. I am just suggesting
that it might be of interest to the committee to hear about land reform
and how it happened.
Senator Welker. I would be interested in having you describe and
go fully into the first exhibit appearing on the top left of the board,
at your left, Mr. Hinton, and we will go over them all. I would be
glad to hear everything about every exhibit there. But you are not
going to pick out just one.
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. Is there a question now ?
Senator Welker. Do you want now to go into all the exhibits there ?
Mr. Hinton. As to the documents, I decline to answer about the
documents. As to any facts about land reform, any facts about what
happened in the course of land reform in the villages, I would be glad
to tell about it.
Senator Welker. But you want to hold it down to land reform.
You do not want to give us any other information that might be in-
cluded in those charts.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 295
Mr. Hinton. I would be glad to talk about what happened in
China. But all that you seem to want to do is to trap me into talking
about the documents.
Senator Welker. Oh, Mr. Hinton, I wouldn't trap you for any-
thing.
Mr. Hinton. Oh, no.
Senator Welker. I am quite certain that the American people
would be interested in setting a trap for you, but not this committee.
We do not operate that way.
Mr. Hinton. I remember a speech given by Mr. Eastland in
1954
Senator Welker. Now, just a moment.
Mr. Hinton (continuing) . In which he said
Senator Welker. Now, counsel
Mr. Hinton (continuing) . I broke the law, and I am
Senator Welker. Now, counsel, I want this held a little bit accord-
ing to the way that I am sure counsel desires it to be held. I think
you will admit that I have tried to protect your client in every way
possible. I have even kept out exhibits that counsel has tried to put in
here, in fairness to you. But now I am not going to sit here and hear
this committee or its chairman embarrassed upon some irrelevant act.
Now will you so advise Mr. Hinton ?
Mr. Friedman . Yes, sir ; I will. And I do not think we will have
any difficulty, if we go right along.
Senator Welker. Thank you.
Now, you stated you would like to speak and testify about land re-
form. Would you like to tell me anything about a struggle meeting
held in the area in which you were in Red China on February 1, 1948?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I don't know what this refers to.
Senator Welker. A struggle meeting wherein a certain Chinese
person was punished, punished severely, with long and unusual hours
of suffering before other people witnessing this suffering. Do you
want to tell us anything about that? Or do you know anything about
it?
Mr. Hinton. There were many meetings in those areas at that time
in which people who had committed crimes or had broken regulations
or had committed acts against the law — one of the things that hap-
pened in those circumstances was that they had to go before their
colleagues, their students, and they had meetings in which there were
criticisms from all sides, and they had a chance to answer the criti-
cisms, and that was the way a great deal of the education of people
was carried on in
Senator Welker. They way the education of a great deal of people
was carried on ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Wtelker. As a matter of fact, those people were held up
as objects of ridicule before their fellow students, and also those at-
tending the meetings would have to stay up and watch this embarrass-
ment for late and unusual hours, long hours of the night, and walk
many, many miles ; is that not correct ?
Mr. Hinton. There were two kinds of meetings. One was among
colleagues and students. The others were in the case where, during
296 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
land reform, in the case where landlords were involved; they were
not regarded as colleagues and friends of the people at the meeting.
So in cases where landlords were involved, they called it a struggle
meeting. In cases
Senator Welker. Now you have found out at last what a struggle
meeting was. A moment ago I thought you did not know what a
struggle meeting was.
Mr. Hinton. No. You spoke of a certain date and a certain time
That is what I didn't know.
Senator Welker. All right. Now, what is a struggle meeting?
Mr. Hinton. Well, from all that I could learn, from being there,
these meetings were held during the land reform when those land-
lords who had committed crimes and who had a bad record of oppress-
ing people were brought before the village and asked to — or they faced
the peasants who had been their tenants over the years, and the peas-
ants had a chance to speak out and say the grievances which they had
against them.
Senator Welker. Yes. Now, do you recall a struggle meeting held
in the giant Catholic church about February 1, 1948, which you
attended?
Mr. Hinton. I remember attending a meeting at which a faculty
member of the college, who had opposed land reform in his own vil-
lage and had physically punished peasants in his own village, who
were at that time carrying out land reform — back at the college he
was brought before the meeting of faculty and students, and they did
raise opinions and criticize him for several hours.
Senator Welker. You attended that meeting?
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I was there.
Senator Welker. And is that the meeting where you walked some
30 li to get to the scene of the struggle meeting ?
Mr. Hinton. At that time, as I recall it, I was living at the agri-
cultural school
Senator Welker. Yes ; that is right.
Mr. Hinton (continuing). Which was connected with the college,
and the rest of the college was some 30 li away from the agricultural
school. All the students
Senator Walker. Now, how far is 30 li ?
Mr. Hinton. It is approximately 10 miles.
Senator Welker. And you and others -walked this 10 miles to wit-
ness this struggle, or to take part in it ?
Mr. Hinton. The students, who were students in the school, at-
tended there as members of the student body.
Senator Welker. And you attended there as one of the faculty?
Mr. Htnton. I went along to see what was happening.
Senator Welker. All right. What did happen?
Mr. Hinton. Well, just what I described. The man who they
claimed abused the peasants in his home village and had tried to cir-
cumvent the land reform, was standing before the whole student and
faculty body of this university, and many people raised, or made,
-charges against him, and criticized his actions.
Senator Welker. Now, I wonder if what I am about to read you—
and I will read it to you — correctly portrays what happened at this
certain strucirle meeting;:
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 297
As we at the ag school lived more than 30 li from the scene of the meeting,
we got up before dawn in the bitter cold, ate a little millet, were given two large,
cold-steamed breads apiece for our noon meal, and then set out just as the sun
reddened the eastern ridges. The whole student body went along, so that our
column was more than a hundred strong. We walked rapidly through the snow
across the flat plain, passed mud villages still sleep, and then over the hill to the
university. We arrived just in time, for the meeting was about to begin. It was
cold in the enormous Catholic church here. The crowd this Sunday would have
delighted any priest's heart, for the church was packed from end to end and from
side to side and if people could have shinnied up the imitation marble pillars
of the nave, they surely would have. But these people were not here to listen
to a priest. The stained-glass windows and numerous crosses peered down on
as ardent an assemblage of revolutionaries as you are likely to find anywhere,
and they had come to reckon with one of their number who had betrayed the
revolution. In that huge gathering of over one thousand were men and women
from all over China, peasants, workers, landlords and merchants' sons, old
hands in the liberated area and newly arrived students with the breath of Peiping
still hanging in their nostrils. They were here to examine a former landlord
turned comrade and to learn a great political lesson, a class lesson, a lesson
about landlord thought and landlord actions.
Does that about describe what took place ?
Mr. Hinton. That sounds like a pretty good description of it.
Senator Welker. Then reading further, I will ask you if this
sounds like a pretty good description :
The purpose was explained to me by one of the teachers at the college.
I want you to pay attention, because I want to be so fair with you,
Mr. Hinton.
This meeting is a mass meeting to struggle against a party member whose
thought is typical of the landlord thought in the party and the college. It is
not only for his education but also for the education of the whole student body,
the faculty, and the masses. This man is a party member, but will be judged
not only by the party but by the people. This man was a large landlord in
Wuan. He formerly was head of the department of education of Peita and later
became a teacher in the culture college. As a member of the landlord class,
how did he become a member of the party? His case has been in the papers
twice. Everyone has a right to speak, hear, and express their thought. We
want to beat his thought, not his body. This party problem has been brought
to the masses, not only as an education, but also because, in party meetings and
in small group discussions, this man refused criticism. Hence we have brought
it out in the open.
Now, does that describe what took place there ?
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. That sounds like an accurate quotation of what the
faculty member told me at the time. It sounds like something that he
stated to me.
Senator Welker. You were there at the meeting, were you not?
Mr. Hinton. I went to such a meeting.
Senator Welker. And in this meeting, what did the man who was
accused of violating the regulation, or whatever it may have been, the
law or the regulation, do? He stood up before the mass of over a
thousand people and received the complaints of students, the masses,
and the faculty alike ; is that correct ?
Mr. Hinton. As I remember it, that is what happened.
Senator Welker. Now, does this sound like your return journey, a
description of your return journey?
Others make summaries. The meeting finally breaks up. It is after 11 and
we have still to walk home the 36 li. We stagger home in the darkness, a long
line of weary people. It is so late there is not even anyone on the road check-
72723— 56— pt. 7 5
298 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
ing passes. Finally the moon comes up and lights the way. We stop at a small
roadside restaurant in a mud hut. Eat some mantou, cold, and drink a little
hot water. We are so tired we can hardly move on, but finally stagger home
after 3 in the morning. A 20-mile walk and more than 12 hours of meeting.
The next morning —
are you listening, Mr. Hint on ?
Mr. Hinton. I was following it here on the
Senator Welker. Very well. [Continuing:]
The next morning the whole affair is discussed. The Ag students are still
muttering. They think the authorities wrong in preventing them from beating
the bastard.
Does that describe about what took place there?
Mr. Hinton. I think that describes fairly well what took place and
what the attitude of the students was.
Senator Welker. Did you, William Hinton, the witness before this
committee, sworn to tell the truth — did you write that description
yourself ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the grounds of the first, the
fourth, and the fifth amendments.
That appears to me to represent
Senator Welker. Now, you answered the question. So if you get
into it, I am going to cross-examine further. You have declined to
answer upon the grounds of the fifth amendment, and I have accepted
your refusal to answer.
Now, if you get into the matter, counselor, will you advise him that
I am going to go into this matter quite fully ?
Mr. Friedman. I do not see any need to advise him on anything,
Senator.
Senator Welker. You are his counsel.
Mr. Friedman. I think he only wants to make some comment about
the appearance of this exhibit.
Senator Welker. I read to him what I asked him to identify, as to
whether or not it took place, and then I asked him whether or not he
did not write the words I used in interrogating him.
Mr. Hinton. Many of these words
Senator Welker. There is no need for any further interruption of
this hearing now, counselor, and I am sure you will cooperate as you
have in the past. We are getting along now. We are getting some
pla^e. So let us be responsive and do it right.
Mr. Hinton. Many of these words were, of course, quotations of
people. That is the way it certainly appears here.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may I go back to these charts to have
them identified ? Mr. Chairman, these charts contain some of the most
valuable statistics and most valuable evidence that the committee has
encountered anywhere, on the details of how China is being Sovietized.
And I wonder if Mr. McManus will read some of the classifications on
that first chart to give the chairman an understanding of what that is.
Mr. McManus. This is in the chart headed, "Concerning Punish-
ment of CPB."
There are in the middle column, under the heading, "Their mis-
takes,""^) Counted on restoration to avoid struggle."
Excuse me, Mr. Chairman. On the left-hand side there is a classi-
fication of individuals by name, sex, class, "occ," probably "occupa-
tion," age, years in CP, party history.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 299
The next column is entitled. "Their mistakes." Under the heading
of "Their mistakes" is some difficult-to-read material, but :
Counted on restoration to avoid struggle —
is one mistake, and the man who made such, apparently gets 2 years'
suspension.
Exposure of party. Told —
I can't quite make out the next word —
she was member when party secret, in order to prevent opinions.
(1) Ideologically backward. Afraid to join army, he left post as Vice Leader
MIA.
That was 5 months' suspension.
(3) Class line not clear. Beat all alike.
Senator Welker. What was that?
Mr. McManus. "Beat all alike."
Senator Welker. "Beat all alike" ?
Mr.McMANUs. Yes. Then:
Bad style toward basic elements.
I do not know that I can read this. The handwriting in this, Mr.
Chairman, compares with the handwriting in diaries — I am not a hand-
writing expert, but I call that to your attention.
Senator Welker. Do not go into it if you are not a handwriting
expert.
Proceed.
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Morris. We have gotten to the second chart, Mr. Chairman.
What is that second chart, Mr. Hinton ?
I think we had gotten to the second chart in identifying those
statistical charts.
Senator Welker. That is the one on land reform. He wanted to
explain that.
Is that correct, Mr. Hinton ?
Mr. Morris. Will you tell us what that is, Mr. Hinton ?
Mr. Hinton. You are asking me what that chart is ?
Mr. Morris. Yes, what it is.
Mr. Hinton. I will try to read it, if that is what you want me to do.
Mr. Morris. It is a chart that was found in your locker, Mr. Hinton.
I wonder if you would tell the committee precisely what it is.
Mr. Hinton. You say it is a chart that was found in my locker.
Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, do you identify that as one of the papers
found in the f ootlocker ?
Mr. McManus. Yes. I have already identified that chart as a chart
from Mr. Hinton 's f ootlocker.
Mr. Morris. Now, did you prepare that chart ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the grounds of the first, fourth,
and fifth amendments. If you want me
Mr. Morris. And you also decline to tell us what it is ?
Mr. Hinton. If you want me to read it, I will read it for you, as
best I can.
Senator Welker. He has already told you that he declines to tell
you what it is. So proceed to the next chart.
Mr. Morris. Is there anything about that second chart, Mr. Mc-
Manus, that the chairman should know at this time ?
300 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. McManus. The second chart bears the heading, "Family-by-
family record of changes through land reform." These are classifica-
tions, statistical clasifications. The columns under that heading are
names, and then whether they have been — I mean, there are various
initials, "LL," and so on, to classify what the individuals are, or the
families are.
Mr. Morris. Take the third chart, Mr. Arens, will you.
Mr. Arens. You want me to read that ?
Mr. Morris. Yes. What is that?
Mr. Arens. "Resettlement of LL's and RF's."
Mr. Morris. What is that, Mr. Hinton ?
Mr. Hinton. I will read it for you, if I can. If I can make it out,
I will be glad to read it for you.
Senator Welker. Do you know what it is? Nobody asked you to
read it.
Mr. Hinton. I think I can read it
Senator Welker. The question was, "Do you know what it is?"
Now, do you or do you not know what it is ?
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first,
fourth, and fifth amendments.
Senator Welker. You decline to answer on the fifth. We recognize
the declination on the fifth amendment.
Proceed.
Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, is that one of the documents which
were found in Mr. Hinton 's footlocker?
Senator Welker. Counsel, he has identified all of these exhibits as
having been found there. Now, let us not repeat on that.
Mr. Morris. Let us ask him.
Senator Welker. All right. Mr. McManus, all of the exhibits ap-
pearing on the board at the left of the witness; Where did you find
those?
Mr. McManus. I found all of those exhibits in Mr. Hinton's foot-
locker, and they were written on sheets this size [indicating], and they
have been enlarged under my supervision.
Senator Welker. Very well.
Mr. McManus. May I point out, Senator, that there are a good
many more ? We found 51 of these charts.
Senator Welker. Very well. Proceed, counsel.
Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, will you give the description of each
one of those ?
And may they be placed in the record, Mr. Chairman ?
Just describe them so that we will know which ones are going in the
record.
Mr. McManus. Here is a chart, a recapitulation which was made.
Number of charts in Hinton's possession.
Number of families of from 2 to 15 persons to each family on which
records were kept; various classifications.
We made an approximation on the number of families. That would
amount to 3,000 persons. The charts were handwritten. Various
classifications under which the persons or groups appeared on these
charts were as follows :
Families that have Fanshen.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 301
We have in the collection a glossary of terms in which "Fanshen"
is defined. That document is not yet in the record.
Families that have not yet Fanshened.
Jan Jwang party members' economic condition and Fanshen.
There is some Chinese inscription which I have not translated.
Jang Jwang — family-by-family record of changes through land
reform.
Resettlement of LL's and RF's.
The context of other material in the record indicated that "LL"
referred to landlord, and "RF" to rich farmer.
Property confiscated from MF's — and the same classification, mid-
dle farmer.
Reasons why MF's were struggled.
Degree of annihilation of feudal conditions.
Concerning punishment of CPB.
Jang Jwang families struggled against.
Repaying wrongly struggled MF's.
Now, statistics on filling holes.
Production material occupied by each class before liberation.
Production materials occupied by each class before filling holes.
Production materials occupied by each class after filling holes.
Changes of leading cadres during movement.
Class of CP members.
Proportion of CP members in leading organizations.
Class of members in leading organizations.
Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, you will have to identify them by name.
Mr. McManus. This is a chart which had four headings at the top :
"Before Struggle; Amount Confiscated; Things Repaid; Present
Condition."
On the left-hand side of this chart are names, and they are classified
according to persons, land, house, animal — I can't be sure of that next
word. One family or individual under this classification is Wang
Gway Jing, 15 persons in this family; 81 land. I don't know what
"81" means, 81 acres or what. Under house, 22, and "animal, tools,
etc.," "evervthing," and then in further columns on the right it is
"SDCM : He ( ? ) killed ; some ran away ; 5 died."
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, directing your attention to the ex-
hibits that are being sent down to you, the originals, it has been testi-
fied that they were found in your footlocker. I will ask you whether
or not you know whose handwriting it is on those exhibits. Will you
send them down ?
(Some documents were handed to the witness.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of
the first, the fourth, and the fifth amendments.
Senator Welker. You decline to answer whether or not it is the
handwriting of William H. Hinton ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, yesterday I interrogated you about
a matter. I want to ask you another question about it.
May I have the magnifying glass, please?
Mr. Hinton, directing your attention to a picture — I think this is
an enlargement of the picture I showed you yesterday — I believe you
told me that was a class that you taught. Now, maybe my memory
72723 — 56 — pt. 7 — —6
302 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES
slipped. Do you recognize anyone in that group as being your
students? (Exhibit No. 28)
Mr. Hinton. I think I told you yesterday that this appeared to
be a picture of myself and students in the tractor training class.
Senator Welker. And your picture appears in the middle of the
second row ?
Mr. Hinton. I think I agree with what I said yesterday ; yes.
Senator Welker. That is your picture ?
Mr. Hinton. Well, it looks like me ; yes.
Senator Welker. I agree with you that it does look like you.
Now, yesterday I interrogated you as to whether or not there were
any caps with any official insignia of the Communist Chinese Red
Army on the caps of these individuals in your class. I think you told
me that you could not see well enough. I believe you did, now. I
may be wrong on that.
Mr. Hinton. I think yesterday I said I didn't see any insignia on
the caps.
Senator Welker. Very well. Now, with the magnifying glass, I
am asking you to examine this picture and see whether or not you can-
not see the star-and-sickle insignia on the cap of many of your students.
Mr. Hinton. It looks to me like each cap has two buttons on it.
Senator Welker. You would say it was buttons instead of a star
and sickle ?
Mr. Hinton. It does not look like any insignia to me.
Senator Welker. Do you know what two buttons would stand for ?
Mr. Hinton. That is the way caps are made over there.
Senator Welker. I see. Then how does it come that some of them
do not have two buttons on ?
Mr. Hinton. Well, they have different styles of caps in China just
as we have here in America.
Senator Welker. And you want to tell the committee, then, that
none of your students were wearing the uniform of the Red Army in
Chinese-occupied territory ?
Mr. Hinton. All the students that came to the classes I taught wore
the suits, pants, and caps that were issued by the school.
Senator Welker. Including the instructor ?
Mr. Hinton. That is right.
Senator Welker. Including you, Mr. Hinton ?
Mr. Hinton. When I was there, I wore the clothes that were — that
was part of my pay.
Senator Welker. Now we are into something, something I would
like to find out about.
Who paid you when you were instructing ?
Mr. Hinton. Well, at that time I was a member of the Brethren's
Service Unit, which was a group of volunteers, 50 American volun-
teers, who went over with UNRRA, and we were paid by the UNRRA
finances, $12 a month and our expenses. Part of our expenses was
clothes, and that was the clothes that we got.
Senator Welker. You were paid all the time from funds of
UNRRA when you were teaching this group of people ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. Or was it funds from the Friends Society ?
Mr. Hinton. Well, I don't remember the exact details. I know
that we got $12 a month plus our expenses. Now, it may be that the
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE "UNITED STATES 303
Brethren's Service paid the $12 and UNRRA paid the expenses. I
am not quite sure. But in any case, that is the way we were paid.
Senator Welker. And that is all the money you received, Mr.
Hinton ?
Mr. Hinton. Absolutely.
Senator Welker. But you still had money enough to buy these
posters that you talked about ?
Mr. Hinton. I bought posters, a few every year, and they were
very cheap there.
Senator Welker. Very cheap there?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. And you bought everything else that you needed ?
Mr. Hinton. Part of the living expenses included food and soap
and all the things that were needed for daily life ; yes.
Senator Welker. I see. All right.
Mr. Hinton, when did you leave Red China ?
Mr. Hinton. I left the People's Republic of China
Senator Welker. And the People's Republic of China is referred
to by the acting chairman of this committee as Red China. And you
would not argue about that, would you ?
Mr. Hinton. I am referring to the People's Republic of China,
which is where I was at that time. I left there in the early summer
of 1953, as we went through with the other hearing already. We al-
ready went through all those.
Senator Welker. Yes. I want to go over all that again.
You left in the early summer of 1953 ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. Why did you give up your school there? Did
your funds run out, or was there some other reason ?
Mr. Hinton. I had no school there. I worked as a teacher in a
school.
Senator Welker. That is what I mean. You worked as a teacher.
Why did you quit teaching ?
Mr. Hinton. Because I wanted to come home.
Senator Welker. You wanted to come home
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. And make lectures in the United States?
Mr. Hinton. Yes. I wanted to come home because I am an Ameri-
can ; I never expected to spend all my life in China. I went there for
a brief period and stayed on longer than I had expected to because
there was interesting work there, and I came home in 1953 because
I wanted to return to America and take up my life here.
Senator Welker. You wanted to return to America and take up
your life here, but you left your wife and child in Peking, did you
not, your ex-wife and child ?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. Isn't this a very personal question, Senator Welker?
Senator Welker. Yes. You told about your wanting to come back
to America, that you had finished your work there, and you desired
to come back home.
Mr. Hinton. That is right.
Senator Welker. I am interrogating you on the general plane as to
why you wanted to come back to America. You said it was because
you were an American.
Mr. Hinton. That is right.
304 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Senator Welker. And I asked you if there was any other reason
why you wanted to come back ?
Mr. Hinton. No other reason.
Senator Welker. And you were so anxious to come back to America
that you left your wife and child there ; is that correct ?
Mr. Hinton. My relations between me and my wife are a private
matter as far as I know.
Senator Welker. Well, will you answer me this question : I do not
want to get into privacy. But I think certainly I am entitled to know,
since your great desire to come back to America, whether or not you
left your wife and only child in Peking, Red China.
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I was separated from my wife for about 3 years before
I returned.
Senator Welker. You separated from your wife ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. But you did leave your child there ?
Mr. Hinton. I have since obtained a divorce.
Senator Welker. Where did you get that divorce ?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I don't think that this is a matter of concern for me.
This is a personal question about my marriage, and I don't think it.
is of interest to the committee.
Senator Welker. Now, Mr. Hinton, I am going to direct this next
question to my friend, your counsel, Mr. Friedman. You are the man
who brought up the question of divorce. You opened up the subject
matter, and certainly I am entitled to know where you received your
divorce. You said you have a divorce. I want to know whether you
do have a divorce. And I do not intend to go into the grounds or
anything of that sort, Mr. Friedman. I think that you will agree with
me that I am entitled to know where he received his divorce.
Mr. Friedman. Senator, you addressed your question to me, and
therefore I answer personally. I just advised Mr. Hinton, at his re-
quest for advice, that the question about his divorce and his separation
from his wife is a private matter and not within the purview of this
committee. That was my advice to him, and that is my opinion.
I do not believe that he raised the question of his divorce yesterday.
I think you had referred, Senator, to his wife, and he stated to you,
in answer to your question, that he did not have a wife, that the lady
to whom you referred was his ex-wife, from whom he had been
divorced.
Senator Welker. Yes.
Mr. Friedman. But it was not a subject that he opened up or that
he wished to talk about.
Senator Welker. Well, he opened it up just a minute ago. He said
he was divorced.
Mr. Friedman. That had come out yesterday in response to a ques-
tion that you put, Senator.
Senator Welker. I will depend on the record on this. And he
opened up the subject matter, and regardless of whether he opened
up the subject matter, I think it is fair, and I know that you are not
expecting me to go into the trial of the divorce action or anything of
that sort. I do not intend to get into intimate details of the divorce
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 305
action, but I do want to know, and I think the committee of Congress
wants to know, whether or not a divorce was received, and if so, where.
If it were an illegal divorce, certainly we would try to get legislation
to touch on such divorces.
I have no idea whether it was illegal or not, Mr. Friedman. I am
just trying to explain the background.
Mr. Friedman. May I suggest, Senator, that if that is the purpose,
it is clearly not within the purview of this committee, whether a
divorce is valid or invalid under a State or interstate law. That is not
within the directive of this committee.
Senator Welker. Very well. Mr. Friedman, we will end our little
discussion hurriedly.
Mr. Friedman. In that case I think I will advise Mr. Hinton to
answer it.
Mr. Hinton. I obtained a divorce at Reno, Nev. I took the cure.
Senator Welker. You took the cure at Reno, Nev. And now I want
to ask you, after you left China, where did you first go on your return
back to America'^
Mr. Hinton. As we went through in the previous hearing, that sub-
stantially certainly outlines exactly how I got home. I took the train.
I went by train across all of Siberia and European Russia to Czechoslo-
vakia. From Czechoslovakia I took an airplane to London, England.
From there I got a boat at Liverpool, I believe it was. The boat took
me to Quebec, Canada, and from Quebec, Canada, I came to the United
States by way of Maine.
Senator Welker. Very well. On what kind of passport did you
travel when you went through Russia to Prague ?
Mr. Hinton. Well, as I said in the other hearing, my own passport
was no longer valid, since it had expired. There was no way to get a
new passport in China, since there were no American consular officials
there. So I traveled on a Chinese exit permit until I reached Prague,
where I had a few days when I could go to the consulate and apply for
a new passport to return home.
Senator Welker. Was your passport, the one that you traveled on
from China to Czechoslovakia, the one you say expired, was that picked
up at Prague ?
Mr. Hinton. As I remember it, I gave that passport, that old ex-
pired passport, to the consulate at Prague, and I received a new pass-
port on which I traveled home, or with which.
Senator Welker. You were issued an American passport in Prague ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes ; I was.
Senator Welker. Did you fill out any forms when you made applica-
tion for this new passport ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes. I filled out all the forms that I was required to
fill out.
Senator Welker. Did you make any changes in those forms ?
Mr. Hinton. We went through all that before.
Senator Welker. And we are going to go through it again. So you
do not need to argue with me on that.
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. It was printed in the record of the hearings. I think
there is a record. In fact, we have it in here.
Mr. Friedman. No ; there is not.
306 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Hinton. Yes ; there is. They added it. After the hearing was
over, your committee went to the State Department and got the origi-
nal application of my form, and I believe it is printed right here.
Senator Welker. I believe I know that about as well as you do. I
understand that. And I am interrogating you again in a continuation
of this hearing, and I ask you whether or not you made any changes
in the application for a passport at Prague.
Mr. Hinton. Yes, I made changes on it ; yes.
Senator Welker. What changes did you make ?
Mr. Hinton. Well, I have to find the document.
Senator Welker. Don't you know ?
Mr. Hinton. The last time we did not answer that question be-
cause we did not have the document before us.
Mr. Friedman. Just answer the question.
Mr. Hinton. I know. But I have to have the document.
Senator Welker. Now, do not argue with your counsel. After all,
you have been doing pretty well with me. I do not want Mr. Fried-
man to get what I have been getting.
Mr. Hinton. Well, this purports to be, on page 1817, purports to be
a photostat of the passport application which I made, and it looks to
me to be substantially correct.
Now, I made an addition to the lower part. I don't know what
part you call that.
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Senator Welker. Is there a question before the witness ?
(The question was read by the reporter.)
Senator Welker. Yes.
Now, do you want to tell us about what changes vou made, Mr.
Hinton?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. According to this — and this evidently is a copy of the
application I made — I added a phrase to the section, to the affidavit,
stating that :
Unless the above-mentioned employment is interpreted as cominji" under any of
the above provisions.
Senator Welker. Were you asked in Prague or any other place
where you were getting this new passport to come back to America,
whether or not you were a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first,
fourth — on the grounds of the first and the fifth amendments.
Senator Welker. You decline to answer that ?
Mr. Hinton. [Nods head affirmatively.]
Senator Welker. Had you been 'asked that question, would you
have given a truthful answer ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, since you have testified that you are
an American and anxious to come back home and leave China, why do
you take the fifth amendment when I ask you whether or not you were
asked by any official in Prague whether or not you were a member of
the Communist Party ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds; on the
first and fifth amendments.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 307
Senator Welker. Did you tell the passport division over there,
once you received this passport to get back to America, the truth on
your application ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds.
Senator Welker. Did you lie to the passport division in Prague
in order to get back to the United States of America ?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. 1 decline to answer that on the same grounds.
Senator Welker. You were so anxious to leave China and to get
back to America that you lied to the passport people at Prague where
you received a passport to come back to America ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, did you stop at Moscow, Russia, on
your way back from Red China ?
Mr. Hinton. I changed trains there.
Senator Welker. You changed trains there ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. How long did you remain in Moscow ?
Mr. Hinton. Oh, a few hours. I don't remember exactly.
Senator Welker. Was it 3, 8, or 10 hours, or what ?
Mr. Hinton. Oh, it was maybe 15 hours, or something like that.
Senator Welker. About 15 hours?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. Whom did you see there in Moscow ?
Mr. Hinton. 1 decline to answer that.
Senator Welker. You decline to answer that ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question.
Senator Welker. On the grounds that your answer might tend to
incriminate you ?
Mr. Hinton. On the grounds of the fifth amendment.
Senator Welker. You were so anxious to get back, apparently
Mr. Hinton. We went all through this before in the other hearing.
Senator Welker. Yes. I know that this is embarrassing to you.
And you will get on the record, sir, if I have to stay here all evening.
Mr. Hinton. It is not embarrassing to me. It is just wasting my
time, sir, and yours, too.
Senator Welker. I know you like to go back to the first hearing,
and I would like to go back to it, too, and I am sorry the American
people, all of them, do not know it as well as you and I do.
Now I am asking you, you were so anxious to leave Red China to get
back to America, but you will not tell this committee whom you saw
or visited in Moscow, Russia ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of
the first and the fifth amendments.
Senator Welker. Did you disclose to anyone in Moscow, Russia,
whom you intended to speak before or whom you intended to see after
you returned to the United States of America ?
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. No ; of course not.
Senator Welker. What did you discuss with anyone whom you saw
in Moscow, Russia?
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of
the first and the fifth amendments.
308 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Senator Welker. Did you tell them anything about Red China?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question.
Senator Welker. Did you tell them anything that you expected to
do when you came back to the United States of America.
Mr. Hixton. No.
Senator Welker. Now, since you have been back to the United
States of America, and since you refuse to tell me on the grounds of
the fifth amendment whom you talked to in Moscow, Russia, and the
fact of whether or not you were asked whether or not you were a Com-
munist, in Prague, and you have heretofore told me that your major
occupation was that of teaching tractor work, and so forth, have you
ever done any tractor work since you have been back to the United
States of America ?
Mr. Hinton. I have worked for a considerable while as a truck
mechanic ; yes.
Senator Welker. As a truck mechanic ?
Mr. Hinton. That is right.
Senator Welker. Have you ever taught in any schools about how
to run a tractor, as you did in Red China ?
Mr. Hinton. An expert is an ordinary fellow a long way from home.
In China I was able to teach on tractors. But in this country, I don't
think I would be quite the — I couldn't be a professor of tractors in this
country. I am a pretty good mechanic.
Senator Welker. Well, I think you are a pretty good mechanic at
words. I will admit that.
Now, have you made any attempt to teach in any tractor school in
the United States of America ?
Mr. Hilton. Why, no ; I certainly haven't.
Senator Welker. Have you made any applications for any jobs
whatsoever ?
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I think you are getting at the same thing we talked
about yesterday, there.
Senator Welker. I know I am.
Mr. Hinton. I know it is the purpose of your committee to prevent
people from getting jobs, and now you are asking me, did I apply for
any jobs, and you are threatening me with loss of livelihood, actually.
That is what you are doing.
Senator Welker. No; I wouldn't do that. I would like to send
you back to Red China to get your livelihood. I will be frank with
you, as far as I am concerned, when you refuse to tell me whether or
not you lied at Prague when you got a passport into this country,
here, an American citizen coming into this country, and you take the
fifth amendment on a question of whether or not you were asked
whether you were a Communist.
Mr. Hinton. Now you are drawing inferences again.
Senator Welker. I will make some inferences. I think that is a
logical inference.
Mr. Hinton. No. That is not allowed in the use of the fifth amend-
ment, to draw inferences. That is not constitutional. It is not con-
stitutional.
Senator Welker. All right. So I am going to get some law from
a tractor driver, now.
Mr. Hinton. Well, that part of the law I know.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 309
Senator Welker. And when you deny to this committee whom you
talked to in the 15 hours that you stopped in Moscow, Eussia, I think I
am entitled to know the reason why you have not asked for employ-
ment, the skilled employment, that sent you to China, sir.
Mr. Hinton. I didn't say I hadn't asked for employment. I said
that it seems to me you are getting into an area where you will try to
prevent my making a living in this country.
Senator Welker. I asked you your principal employment at the
first hearing, and I believe yesterday, and you told me it was lecturing.
Is that correct ?
Mr. Hinton. I said that in recent months I had been lecturing and
writing. I wrote a book since I came back.
Senator Welker. Has that been published yet ?
Mr. Histtox. No ; it hasn't.
Senator Welker. Now, you told me, did you not, that your princi-
pal employment was that of lecturing ?
Mr. Hinton. I don't know. We would have to go back to the record.
I think the record said I had been writing and I had been lecturing,
and I think I also mentioned that I had worked as a truck mechanic.
Senator Welker. Very well.
Assuming that is correct, now, do you want to tell me where you
have lectured in the United States ?
Mr. Hintox. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first
and the fifth amendment. And I do not know why you go through
this again and again and again.
Senator Welker. I know you do not. But maybe I am not
Mr. Hintox. I have a right to lecture anywhere I want in the United
States.
Senator Welker. That is very true.
Mr. Hinton. And I don't have to report to you where I lecture.
That is my right as an American citizen.
Senator Welker. That is very true. Now I suppose that if you
were to lecture to a group who were dedicated to the overthrow of this
country by force and violence, you would claim you did not have a
right to report to a committee of Congress? Is that correct?
Mr. Hinton. I didn't get the purport of your question.
Senator Welker. I know you did not get it. But you said you did
not have to tell this committee where you lectured or whom you lec-
tured to, and then I came back and said, if I had information that
you spoke to a group who were dedicated to the overthrow of this
country by force and violence, you still would think that you did not
have a right or duty to answer that question from this committee?
Mr. Hinton. If you
Senator Welker. Is that your opinion?
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. If you have such information, you should report it.
Senator Welker. I am not asking you that. I am cross-examining
you as to what my rights and duties, this committee's rights and duties,
are, with respect to a witness such as you.
Mr. Hintox. If you have any evidence that I have done any such
thing, I should think you should report that.
Senator Welker. All right.
Why don't you tell us, then ? Why don't you tell me where you have
lectured these 300-and-some times ?
310 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Hinton. Because all your committees want is names, names,
names of people. I spoke to a lot of good, honest American citizens,
and I certainly do not intend that you should have all these names,
names, names, so that you could haul innocent people down here and
give them the same kind of grilling that you gave me; no, sir.
Senator Welker. No, no. That does not work that way. Yesterday
you took the fifth amendment on something which I thought embar-
rassed a great farmers' organization composed of thousands
Mr. Hinton. You were drawing inferences again, and you are
drawing inferences now. And it just won't work.
Senator Welker. It just will not work with Bill Hinton, but it will
work with me and millions of other Americans all over this land, Mr.
Hinton.
Mr. Hinton. I think most Americans respect the Bill of Eights
more than you do, Senator.
Senator Welker. Yes. I think most Americans that I have met since
coming to this Congress respect the Bill of Rights, too. But I think
that people who will decline to answer whether or not they lied at
Prague or whom they met in Moscow, Russia — I think those people
are the ones who appreciate the fifth amendment more than any per-
son I have ever known. And I can say this to you, sir
Mr. Hinton. I think
Senator Welker. And I have defended a great many people charged
with serious, major offenses in the field of criminal law. Never in my
life have I ever seen the fifth amendment taken advantage of until I
was put on this Committee of Internal Security of the United States
Senate, taken advantage of by people just like you, Mr. William Hin-
ton, who, as I say, have some reason to take the fifth amendment on
whether or not he lied in Prague when he got his passport to the
country
Mr. Hinton. And what you are doing now is unconstitutional.
Senator Welker (continuing) . And whom he spoke to in Moscow,
Russia.
Mr. Hinton. What you are doing is unconstitutional, and you know.
Senator Welker. Well, that is too bad about the Constitution.
Mr. Hinton. Yes. That is how you regard it.
Senator Welker. You are awfully sacred on the Constitution. In
my opinion, if you answered the truth, you would help us preserve it.
Mr. Hinton. I am certainly trying to. I am certainly trying to.
Senator Welker. People like you, by your actions, by your testi-
mony, and by your deeds, might very well be hurting that Constitution
that we all ought to be having closer to our bosoms.
Mr. Hinton. I am trying to uphold it every way I know how.
Senator Welker. Yes. I know just exactly how you are trying
to uphold it. You think it is upholding the Constitution of the
United States when you sit here and take advantage of the fifth amend-
ment when I asked you
Mr. Hinton. You are drawing that inference.
Senator Welker (continuing). When I asked you the very ques-
tion of whether or not you lied to get back to this country. You did
not have to lie in Prague when the question was asked you, are you
now or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party.
Mr. Hinton. Did vou have a question ?
Senator Welker. Did anybody ask you to lie in Prague when you
were trying to get a passport back to this country ?
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 311
Mr. Hinton. Who said I lied at Prague ?
Senator Welker. I say there is an inference that you lied when you
took the fifth amendment.
Mr. Hinton. You can't draw inferences from the use of the fifth
amendment.
Senator Welker. All right.
Then if you did not lie, what did you say when you were asked the
question, were you a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first and
fifth amendments.
Senator Welker. And why do you hesitate on telling this commit-
tee, if you are such a great American as you would like people to be-
lieve you are, whom you met in Moscow, Russia, on your return?
Mr. Hinton. Am I directed to answer that question?
Senator Welker. Yes, you are.
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first and
the fifth amendments.
Senator Welker. Now, in Prague, where did you go and how did
you go in your trip back to the United States of America ?
Mr. Hinton. From Prague, I took an airplane to London. Then
I went by train to Liverpool. Then I went by boat to Quebec, Canada,
and then I came by automobile back to my home.
Senator Welker. Was there any particular reason why you took
Quebec, Canada, as the place to land ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. Why ?
Mr. Hinton. Because that was the only berth I could get on a ship
crossing the Atlantic in the month of July 1953. They had one berth
on a ship going to Quebec, and so I took it. I wanted a berth coming
to New York, but there was no such boat available to me.
Senator Welker. You did not want to wait a week or a few days
until a berth was available ?
Mr. Hinton. I wasn't allowed to wait a week or a few days.
Senator Welker. All right.
And then after leaving Liverpool and coming to Quebec, then what
happened in your travels ? Where did you go from Quebec ?
Mr. Hinton. Well, as I remember it, I went right away to Mada-
waska, Maine, and then
Senator Welker. First let me interrupt you. Did you meet any-
body in Quebec to talk to ?
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. My mother and my sister met me at the boat.
Senator Welker. Which sister ? Jean or Joan ?
Mr. Hinton. My sister, Jean.
Senator Welker. Your sister, Jean.
You heard the testimony before that she was divorced by her hus-
band on the ground that she had been in the home of Nathan Gregory
Silvermaster in Washington, D. C, and that her ex-husband had
seen photographic equipment in the basement of Mr. Silvermaster,
with his wife, your sister, Jean ? That is the same person, is it not,
that met you at Quebec ?
Mr. Hinton. I don't think it is proper to start questioning me about
why my sister was divorced, and so on, as I remember that
312 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Senator Welker. You heard that testimony, did you not Mr.
Hinton?
Mr. Hinton. No, I didn't hear it.
Senator Welker. You did not ? You read it. though, did you not,
given by her former husband ? I have forgotten his name. It is here
in the record.
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Green.
Senator Welker. Mr. Green. I think he lives in Baltimore.
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. Yes, I read the record of that hearing. But as you
remember, I came in late, and I didn't hear the testimony.
Senator Welker. I don't remember when you came in. But that
is one of the statements made by Mr. Green under oath before this
subcommittee ; is that not true ?
(Witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. It is in the record, what Mr. Green said, and we could
get it out if we wanted an argument.
Senator Welker. Do you know your sister Jean to be a member
of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the grounds of the first and the
fifth amendments.
Senator Welker. Do you know any member of your family to be
a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the grounds of the first and
the fifth amendments.
Senator Welker. And your family consists of your mother, your
sister Jean, and your sister Joan, who is in Red China now; is that
correct ? And that is all of your family outside of your child ?
Mr. Hinton. That is right.
Senator Welker. Do you know any of them to be members of the
Communist Party?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first
and fifth amendments.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Friedman, can you arrange with us to have an
executive session where we can put some more of these documents into
the record? And we will tell you now that they, in all likelihood,
will be put into the public record, and at that time, Mr. Hinton may
have all the time required to examine them as they go into the record.
Mr. Friedman. You will get together with us on that ?
Mr. Morris. As soon as it is over, we will work on a time in agree-
ment.
Senator Welker. And Mr. Hinton, you are still held under subpena
of the committee, because I may want to interrogate you a little more
and have some more testimony from you. I will make up my mind on
that at a later time.
Mr. Morris. And you will notify Mr. Friedman.
Senator Welker. And, Mr. Friedman, we will appreciate that.
Mr. Friedman. Is Mr. Hinton dismissed now ?
Senator Welker. I want lo say to counsel that he has been very
perfect to deal with, and he is a gentleman in every respect. I want to
pay a tribute again.
Mr. Friedman. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Welker. You have been a gentleman all the time, and I
appreciate it very much.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 313
Mr. Friedman. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Welker. Now, for the purpose of the portion of the Wil-
liam Hinton hearing, that portion will be suspended as of now, be-
cause I want to take up another subject matter, which will be very
brief. You hold your client under subpena until advised by commit-
tee counsel.
Is that agreeable, Mr. Friedman ?
Mr. Friedman. Is he to stay in Washington ?
Senator Welker. We will let you know. Counsel will let you
know just as soon as we can get time to get together and have a visit
on some other matters.
Mr. Friedman. Very well, sir.
Senator Welker. Thank you.
You are excused as of this time.
Mr. Friedman. Mr. Hinton asks me, what about his papers ? Are
we to discuss that, too, when we discuss the executive session %
Mr. Morris. We will do that.
Senator Welker. You mean the papers in the f ootlocker ?
Mr. Friedman. The papers in the footlocker and the other papers
that he claims.
Mr. Hinton. The papers that were seized from me.
Senator Welker. I did not think he admitted that he owned those.
Mr. Friedman. No. He did not answer the questions as to whether
he owned them or not in this session. But Judge Morris knows, there
is a lot of correspondence from me and Mr. Hinton's former lawyer, in
which he has claimed those papers, and we have replies from the
committee with respect to them.
Senator Welker. Well, I am sure we will have no trouble agreeing,
Mr. Friedman. We may differ, but we will be friends.
(Witness temporarily excused.)
Senator Welker. During December and January, the Senate Inter-
nal Security Subcommittee held hearings during which newspaper-
men appeared as witnesses. The subcommittee had received evidence
that virtually all of these witnesses had been, at some time or other
in the past, members of the Communist Party.
Earlier, a Columbia Broadcasting System reporter had made a
forthright disclosure before us about his own participation in Com-
munist Party activities, from which association he had been recruited
b}T the Soviet intelligence to work as a correspondent abroad.
From his testimony and from other sources, the subcommittee ac-
quired extensive evidence of Communist penetration of the press.
With respect to most of the subsequent witnesses, we noticed that they
invoked their privilege under the fifth amendment rather than answer
questions about the subcommittee's evidence. Some few admitted
what the subcommittee had presented as sworn testimony, but they
revealed little more.
Within the area of their testimony of their recent-day or present
activity concerning which the subcommittee had no direct sworn testi-
mony, they denied Communist Party membership. However, they
gave very little information or evidence to the subcommittee of how
Communists in the newspaper field carried on their work.
Just the other day I was reading a book which had just been pub-
lished, called Such Is Life, by Jeanne Perkins Harmon. In chapters
314 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
11 and 12, Mrs. Harmon, in a very clear and simple manner, has raised
the curtain on some of these very things the subcommittee was seek-
ing to learn. Her narrative deals -with her own experience as a news-
woman in Life magazine in late 1940, and is remarkable analytically.
She cites specific instances, the like of which have been withheld from
us in sworn testimony.
She has mentioned in these chapters the votes of the individual
units of the Newspaper Guild, which Mr. J. G. Sourwine, who was then
chief counsel of our subcommittee, had put into the record of the
subcommittee. The vote mentioned by Mrs. Harmon occurred in 1947
and was on the issue of whether J ack Ryan, whom our evidence clearly
indicates was then a Communist, should be the executive vice presi-
dent of the Newspaper Guild in New York. The contest was for the
control of the Newspaper Guild.
And while it resulted in the first defeat of the Communist-controlled
slate in New York, it did show the strength of the totalitarian forces
at that time in certain of the units.
Such Is Life relates the heroic work of the anti-Communist writers
and newspaper men and women who fought so valiantly to wrest
control of the Newspaper Guild from the Communists. The Internal
Security Subcommittee has always been mindful of the courage and
the determination of those publishers, editors, and newspaper men
and women whose devotion to their profession has never flagged.
Mrs. Harmon relates in great detail, among other things, how a story
written by her on American flyers protesting the execution of Gen-
eral Mihailovich by Tito was changed and rechanged. She also made
this significant observation :
I do say, however, that there is often as much sin in omission as in commission.
A zealous party supporter would be just as roundly congratulated for keeping
something out of the public eye as he would be for getting something in. And
that, given the high casualty rate on stories, anyway, is comparatively easy to
accomplish.
I am offering for the record these chapters by Mrs. Harmon, chap-
ters Nos. 11 and 12 of Such Is Life, and I am ordering that they
appear in the printed record in the sequence of the testimony of Tass
correspondents who are currently appearing before this subcommittee.
(The material above described will be found in part 9 of the sub-
committee's hearing on "The Scope of Soviet Activity in the United
States.")
The committee will now stand in recess.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, the next scheduled hearing is tomorrow
morning at 10 : 30. The witness will be Maude Russell.
(Whereupon, at 12 : 57 p. m., the subcommittee recessed, to recon-
vene at 10 : 30 a. m., Thursday, March 8, 1956.)
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
THURSDAY, MARCH 8, 1956
United States Senate,
Subcommittee to Investigate the Administra-
tion or the Internal Security Act and Other
Internal Security Laws, of the
Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, D. C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 4 p. m., in room 318,
Senate Office Building, Senator Herman Welker presiding.
Present : Senator Welker.
Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, re-
search director; Alva C. Carpenter, associate counsel, and Robert C.
McManus, investigations analyst.
Senator Welker. The meeting will come to order.
Mr. Hinton, you realize you are still under a continuing oath ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. You so understand, counsel ?
Mr. Friedman. Yes, sir.
TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM H. HINTON— Resumed
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, I would like to ask you under oath
with respect to an appearance and statements made by you at a World
Fellowship, Inc., meeting at North Conway, N, H., in the the summer
of 1955. Were you there at that time ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the fifth
amendment.
Senator Welker. Have you every been in New Hampshire?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds.
Senator Welker. Have you ever received an invitation to speak in
the State of New Hampshire ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the ground of the first and
the fifth amendments.
Senator Welker. Do you know a man by the name of Willard
Uphaus ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that.
Senator Welker. I will overrule your objection on the first and
recognize your objection on the fifth.
Mr. Hinton. On that last question my refusal was based on the fifth.
Senator Welker. Very well. Do you know what the World Fel-
lowship, Inc., is ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that.
Senator Welker. Have you ever heard of it ?
315
316 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that for the same reason.
Senator Welker. On the ground of the fifth ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. Let me ask you again : Have you been invited to
speak in New Hampshire by Willard Uphaus at a World Fellowship,
Inc., meeting ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the ground of the
first and fifth amendments ?
Senator Welker. I am not asking you what you said ; I merely ask
you whether or not you had been invited to speak at a meeting. Do
you mean to tell the committee that if you were truthfully to answer
that question it would tend to incriminate you ?
Mr. Hinton. Now, you are starting to draw inferences just the way
you did the other day.
Senator Welker. Very well. I am going to ask the questions and
you answer them.
Mr. Hinton. Go ahead.
Senator Welker. I asked you the question.
Mr. Hinton. What was the question again ?
Senator Welker. Eead it to him.
(The reporter read as follows :)
I am not asking you what you said ; I merely ask you whether or not you had
been invited to speak at a meeting. Do you mean to tell the committee that if
you were truthfully to answer that question it would tend to incriminate you?
Mr. Hinton. Is that the question ?
Senator Welker. That is the question.
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same ground.
Senator Welker. I am ordering and directing you, Mr. Hinton, to
answer that question.
Mr. Hinton. I decline on the same grounds, the grounds of the fifth
and the first amendment.
Senator Welker. Have you ever done any speaking whatsoever in
the State of New Hampshire?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same ground.
Senator Welker. Whether in 1955 or 1945 or any other year ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same ground.
Senator Welker. You have stated under oath that you were an
organizer for the Farmers Union in the New England States. Is that
correct ?
Mr. Hinton. I don't remember whether we went through that yes-
terday, but that is substantially correct. My area included the whole
of New England.
Senator Welker. How did you organize? Did you organize by re-
maining silent, or did you make speeches there ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first and
fifth amendments.
Senator Welker. You are ordered and directed to answer that
question.
Mr. Hinton. I decline on the same grounds.
Senator Welker. And you desire to take the fifth amendment as to
the question of whether or not you have ever been in the State of New
Hampshire?
Mr. Hinton. 1 decline to answer that on the same grounds — I am
standing on the fifth in regard to that question.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 317
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, yesterday you told the committee
that in your footlocker there were no papers, typewritten notes, or
letters that you put in bond. Is that correct ?
Mr. Hinton. Well, that would depend on the definition of papers.
There were no typewritten papers.
Senator Welker. Either carbon copies of typewritten papers or
otherwise ?
Mr. Hinton. Carbon copies or otherwise.
Mr. Morris. What do you suppose those papers were that were
shown to you ? What is your contention that they were, if they were
not your papers ?
Mr. Friedman. May I speak?
Mr. Morris. Sure, Mr. Friedman. Maybe there is a misunderstand-
ing here.
Mr. Friedman. There is a misunderstanding. The answer referred
to the container, not to the documents themselves. Those papers were
not in the footlocker at the time that the footlocker was placed in
bond, but they were otherwise contained, otherwise wrapped outside
the footlocker.
Senator Welker. Now, that is the statement of counsel, and it
doesn't come from the witness. It appears to me to be in direct con-
flict with the testimony given by the witness.
Mr. Friedman. I think not, sir.
Senator Welker. Sir ?
Mr. Friedman. I think not, sir.
Senator Welker. Well, we may differ on that. We both have the
transcript. I am reading now from page 934 of the transcript of your
present hearing — let me go back to 933 :
Mr. Morris. You deny that that paper was in your footlocker?
Mr. Hinton. I say there were no typewritten papers in my footlocker that
was in bond, sent to the Customs.
Mr. Morris. I can only conclude from that statement that that, therefore,
did not appear in your footlocker.
And on page 934 :
Mr. Hinton. That is what I am saying.
Wait a minute — that did not appear in my footlocker. I am not
and then there was an interruption.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, do you mean by your statement that there was
no carbon copies of any typewritten documents in your footlocker?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. No. I mean there were no letters, carbon or otherwise ; there
were no notes, typewritten, carbon or otherwise, in the footlocker.
Senator Welker. Then it is your testimony that these exhibits were placed
there by some person other than yourself or your agents; is that correct?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. If these were there at all, that is correct.
Senator Welker. Very well. Proceed, counsel.
Mr. Friedman. I think, Senator, that that is consistent with what
I just said. In other words, the footlocker was taken, and some other
container of typewritten documents was taken. But the typewritten
documents were not in the footlocker at the time they were taken from
Mr. Hinton.
Senator Welker. I want to propound a question to Mr. McManus.
318 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. McManus, you are still under oath. Were these typewritten
papers and documents taken from the footlocker and not from some
other container ?
Mr. McManus. Senator, I think I testified repeatedly that all of
these documents which were introduced and identified by me were
taken from the footlocker. I never was given any other container by
the Customs pertaining to Mr. Hinton's property.
Mr. Morris. The difficulty arises here, Mr. Friedman, that when
the committee met and discussed this thing they were afraid that the
record showed that Mr. Hinton was contending that some of these
papers may not have been typewritten papers. And the committee
cannot leave the record unsettled that these documents are the original
documents of Mr. Hinton unmolested and untouched.
Mr. Friedman. The only point that Mr. Hinton was making, Judge
Morris, was that at some stage after the papers were taken from him,
properly or otherwise, there has been some transfer of papers from one
container to another. There were at least two and probably three
containers of papers that were originally taken from Mr. Hinton. The
typewritten papers were not in the footlocker at that time.
Mr. Morris. There is no contention on the part of Mr. Hinton, is
there, Mr. Friedman, that any of these documents are anything but
what they were represented by the committee to have been ?
Mr. Friedman. As far as the typewritten documents. Mr. Hinton
asks me not to waive his privileges in that regard. May I answer a
question without waiving his privileges ?
Mr. Morris. By all means, Mr. Friedman.
Mr. Friedman. As far as the typewritten documents were concerned,
Mr. Hinton does not take the position that they are not his. That
would not apply to all the photographs, however.
Mr. Morris. What do we do about the photographs, Mr. Friedman?
We have here the testimony of Mr. McManus that he took them out
of the footlocker. You do not deny — you are not going to concede —
you do not deny
Senator Welker. Are we talking off the record ?
Mr. Morris. No.
Mr. Friedman. Are you asking me a question ?
Mr. Morris. I pointed out to Mr. Friedman, Senator Welker, that
the concern of the committee, which has met since our last meeting
here, was that the state of the record was such that it might be con-
tended at some time in the future that all of the documents introduced
into the record by the subcommittee and the staff may not have been
genuine documents, in view of the denial on the part of Mr. Hinton
that he had any typewritten papers in the footlocker.
Now, I think this colloquy has brought out the fact that Mr. Hinton
did have a packet or a package of typewritten notes that may have
turned up in the footlocker — in other words, when the committee got
possession of the footlocker the contents of the package also ended up
in the footlocker. So there is no contention on the part of Mr. Hinton
that those documents are not genuine documents.
Mr. Friedman. He makes no such contention at this time.
Mr. Morris. Is there any basis for his making it any other time?
Mr. Friedman. He doesn't know, because he hasn't read all through
the documents. What he asks is that all the documents that Mr.
McManus found among his papers be returned to him.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 319
Senator Welker. You mean, he wants them returned to him and he
doesn't know whether or not they are his ?
Mr. Friedman. Mr. McManus knows whether or not they are his
or not, he knows what he took them for. But there are thousands of
documents there, and certainly Mr. Hinton is not in a position to say
that everything Mr. McManus returns is exactly what Mr. McManus
took.
Senator Welker. Is it your contention, counsel, that he should have
all these things returned to him because of the fact that he doesn't
know whether or not they are his, as you just stated ?
Mr. Friedman. No. It is my contention, Senator, that they should
be returned to him because they were taken from him, or at least
Mr. McManus says they were taken from him.
Mr. McManus. May I say a few things ?
Senator Welker. Yes ; go ahead.
Mr. McManus. I never said, Mr. Chairman, that they were taken
from him. I said where the committee obtained possession of them.
I don't know when they were taken from him, or where, or anything
of that kind, and I would like to have the record state what actually
is the fact.
This all reflects on me, and I would like to have a few words to say
once in a while.
Mr. Morris. I don't think it reflects upon you, Mr. McManus, in any
way.
Mr. McManus. In reference to the photographs, may I ask 1 or 2
questions ?
Senator Welker. Go right ahead.
Mr. McManus. You brought back some photographs, Mr. Hinton,
from China ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes ; I brought back some photographs.
Mr. McManus. Did you bring back any photographs pertaining to
the Asian and Pacific peace conference ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes, I brought back some photographs pertaining to
the Asian and Pacific peace conference.
Mr. McManus. Did you bring back any photographs pertaining to
exhibits of alleged bacteriological warfare that were on display at the
Asian and Pacific peace conference ?
Mr. Hinton. I don't remember whether I did or not.
Mr. McManus. Did you bring back any photographs of John or
Sylvia Powell?
(The witness consults with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. I think I did not.
Mr. McManus. Did you bring back a picture of your sister Joan,
sitting on the platform of the Asian-Pacific peace conference ?
(The witness confers with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I think I did not.
Mr. Morris. You say you did not ?
Mr. Hinton. I think I did not.
Senator Welker. May I ask you, Mr. McManus, were any pictures
taken from the footlocker of Mr. Hinton which included the photo-
graphs of John and Sylvia Powell or the witness' sister, Joan Hinton ?
Mr. McManus. I think I testified on the first day, Senator, that in
the footlocker was a picture of John and Sylvia Powell looking at an
320 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
exhibit, which we had translated by the Library of Congress, and the
translation is in the record.
There is another picture of John and Sylvia Powell sitting, listen-
ing to what appears to be a tape recording. And there is a picture of
another woman there, whom I cannot testify is Joan Hinton, but who
compares with other pictures I have seen identified as Joan Hinton.
May I ask about one more picture ?
Did you bring back a picture of Joseph Starobin ?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. How about letting me see the picture you are talking
about ?
Mr. McManus. Did you bring back a picture of Joseph Starobin ?
(The witness consults with his attorney.)
Mr. Hinton. I would certainly be very much surprised if this pic-
ture came out of my f ootlocker.
Mr. McManus. What is your answer, yes or no ?
Mr. Hinton. My answer is that I would be very much surprised
that it did. I rather think that you planted it there.
Senator Welker. What ?
Mr. Hinton. I said, I rather think that he planted it there.
And that isn't the picture that was on the board here the other day
which I testified to, because that didn't have any thumbtack holes in it,
and that picture wasthumbtacked to the board, as you well know.
Senator Welker. If you want to delay matters, we will get the
thumbtacked picture.
Mr. Hinton. We are speaking about several pictures.
Senator Welker. Don't give me any argument. I have had about
all the argument from you I am going to take.
Mr. McManus. Do you know Joseph Starobin ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that.
Mr. McManus. Did you ever see Joseph Starobin in China ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the ground of the fifth
amendment.
Mr. McManus. Did you bring back this volume ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the ground of the first,
fourth, and fifth amendments.
Mr. McManus. You won't acknowledge that this is one of the
volumes that you brought back ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of the
first, fourth, and fifth amendments.
Senator Welker. Will you decline to answer whether or not this
volume was in the f ootlocker that was impounded by Customs?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer whether that volume was in th«
f ootlocker.
Mr. McManus. For the record, Senator, this is a bound volume en-
titled "People's China, 1952." This is one of the volumes that was in
the f ootlocker when it was opened under my supervision.
On page 36 of the issue for September 17, 1952, this paragraph ap-
pears in an article, "They Want To Live in Peace, by Joseph Starobin."
I have talked with many American friends who have lived and worked here
for years. For example, Hill Hinton, a chip off the old marble of Vermont, was
telling me how he hailed a bus one afternoon on his way into Peking.
Senator Welker. Well, directing your attention to an instrument,
I will ask you whether or not that is your property.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 321
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the ground of the first and
fourth and fifth amendments.
Senator Welker. And you still want that returned to you upon
the ground that you will not admit whether or not it is your property ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that.
Senator Welker. Mr. McManus, directing your attention to the
matter just propounded — the question propounded to the witness — I
will ask you whether or not you received that.
Mr. McManus. This is one of the documents — has it been identified
any more than this — this is a document that I found in Mr. Hinton's
footlocker. It is a carbon, single space, two sheets. The top of one
sheet says :
Your letter finally caught up with me.
The top of the second sheet says :
Peasant houses where they live and are often packed in like sardines.
And on the back of the first sheet there is a script following ; it says :
I have gone to talk with Dean Chang, will be back soon.
And the signature, "Bill Hinton."
Mr. Hinton. You know, you are spending an awful lot of time on
this, Senator. I don't think the farmers out in Idaho will be pleased
to hear that you are spending this whole week on this while the farm
bill is up on the floor. You don't seem to be worrying about whether
you are going to get reelected, and I doubt very much that you will,
when the farmers out there find that you have been here 5 days while
the farm bill has been on the floor.
Senator Welker. Counsel, I am going to admonish this witness
about his argumentative attitude. I know he hates me, as he does all
Americans.
And I have had about as much from you as I am going to take. I
am on official duty here, and I expect to be here as long as my official
duty calls for me to be here, and I don't need any assistance from a fifth-
amendment gentleman like you.
Mr. Hinton. You are drawing inferences again; it is unconstitu-
tional.
Senator Welker. It is unconstitutional. Well, you come back to
Idaho and raise your ugly head, and I defy you to ever get elected to
anything. You couldn't get a corporal's guard to listen to you. I dare
you to come out.
Whose handwriting is on the back of that ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the ground of the fifth amend-
ment, and the first and the fourth.
It is about time we wound up this show, isn't it, Senator? It is not
doing you any good.
Senator Welker. Did anyone ask you a question ? You know, I
have been here for nearly 6 years, and I have had many witnesses be-
fore me that I have tried to treat with courtesy and respect, never try-
ing to entrap them. And I have had them try to make me lose my
temper.
I will refuse to lose my temper to a man like you. I think you know
what I think of you. I don't respect you at all. You haven't, I think,
told the truth to this committee, and if you would come forth and be
frank with me I would be the first person to congratulate you and
send you on your way.
322 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Hinton. Do you mean to say that I made one false statement
to this committee ?
Senator Welker. I will take care of the matter in due time.
And now I am ordering that the footlocker, all of its contents, be
impounded. And you may go and seek your legal redress, if any you
might have, to receive the same.
Mr. Friedman. Senator, may I ask on what basis the footlocker and
its contents are being impounded ?
Senator Welker. It is because of the fact that there is no identifica-
tion that the contents are owned by the witness. That is perfectly
apparent by the interrogation, too.
Mr. Friedman. However, the testimony at the first session here on
Tuesday was that the property that was taken by Customs was the
property of William Hinton. Mr. McManus has testified that he
opened the footlocker and took from it the documents that were offered
here. There is no question but that the property that was taken was
Mr. Hinton's.
Senator Welker. That is your statement. Let him state it.
Mr. Friedman. That is the statement of the witnesses here.
Senator Welker. Very well.
That is the statement of Mr. McManus.
But he has denied it is his property.
Mr. Friedman. He hasn't denied anything, except the Starobin
picture.
Senator Welker. He denied this document, he took the fifth amend-
ment on this.
Mr. Hinton. That is not a denial, that is the fifth amendment.
Senator Welker. I am not going to argue.
It is the order of the acting chairman that the locker be impounded.
Mr. Friedman. May I ask
Senator Welker. I don't care to hear from you.
Mr. Friedman. I must protest the impounding of the footlocker.
Senator Welker. As far as I am concerned, the meeting
Mr. Friedman. May I state for the record my objection? I don't
believe the committee has a right to impound the footlocker. It is not
evidence, it is the property of Mr. Hinton, its contents are the property
of Mr. Hinton, nor can he legally and constitutionally be required
as a condition for the return of his property to waive his rights under
the Constitution.
And that is precisely what your statement adds up to, Senator, that
because he asserted his constitutional rights you are going to impound
the footlocker.
Senator Welker. Will you have your client say that the footlocker
and all of its contents are the property of one William Hinton ?
Mr. Friedman. In a proper forum, sir, I am sure he will
Senator Welker. Will your client — not you, Mr. Friedman, yon
are not the man who is being heard here.
Mr. Friedman. I am saying that in a proper forum he will make
whatever statement he is advised to make.
Senator Welker. Very well.
If you will just let your client say that the footlocker and all of
its contents, including those exhibits presented to him about which
he took the fifth amendment — we certainly don't know whethey they
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 323
are his pieces of property — if you will have your client admit that all
of this is his property, then I would like to hear him say so.
Mr. Friedman. Senator, I consider that an unconscionable attempt
to force a witness to waive his constitutional rights. I will not advise
him to do that.
Senator Welker. How about the Starobin photograph? Do you
have anything to say about that ?
Mi*. Friedman. The Starobin photograph ?
Senator Welker. Yes.
Mr. Friedman. Mr. Hinton has testified to that, that he does not
recognize it. I don't care if it is not returned to him.
Mr. McManus. Just one point. The question was raised as to
whether this is the same photograph that was shown to him yester-
day. And I would like the record to show that when I was testifying
about the photographs on the board yesterday, those were enlarge-
ments. I neglected to state that, and I would like to correct that for
the record.
Those were enlargements of originals that I had taken from the
footlocker, and the prints were made under my direction.
Senator Welker. Very well. The record will so show.
It is the order of the subcommittee that the footlocker and its con-
tents will be impounded.
Mr. Hinton. We are going right down to the district court, and
we are going to bring every member of this committee into court, and
we are going to sue every member of this committee.
Senator Welker. That shocks me very much, Mr. Hinton. I quite
assure you that I am not going to hide behind the fifth amendment
like you have for these past 3 days.
Mr. Hinton. We are going right down to court, and we are going
to bring you all into court.
Senator Welker. You go right ahead.
Mr. Hinton. And we are going to let the court decide, since you
have used this form of blackmail.
Senator Welker. Please, you are using rather strong language for
such a well-educated gentleman who has walked 36 miles to see a
person suffer.
Mr. Morris. There are some documents that Mr. McManus wants to
put in the record.
Mr. McManus. I will just look at them and say I can identify them
all as having been taken from the footlocker. Will that be satisfac-
tory for the record ?
Senator Welker. Very well.
Mr. McManus. Senator, I can say that I have examined every doc-
ument in this pile, and that they are material that was removed from
the footlocker under my supervision.
Senator Welker. Very well.
You will properly mark the exhibits, and they will be put in the
record.
Mr. Morris. Would you make a list of those, Mr. McManus.
Mr. McManus. Yes.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Hinton, would you look at these documents ?
Mr. Friedman. Judge Morris, would it help if I made a statement
for the record ?
Mr. Morris. Yes, Mr. Friedman.
324 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Friedman. Mr. Hinton, if he looks at those documents, will
assert his rights as he has already asserted them with respect to other
documents handed to him, under the first and the fourth and the fifth
amendments.
Mr. Morris. However, let the record show, Mr. Friedman, that he
had an opportunity to dispute these documents, that an opportunity
was afforded him to dispute these documents.
Mr. Friedman. In that case, you had better show them to him, and
you will have to make a record as to how many pages, and so forth,
involved.
Senator Welker. The record will show that you will identify the
documents and introduce them in the record as of this point.
(The list of documents offered by Mr. McManus appears in a fol-
lowing volume.)
Senator Welker. And let the record further show that counsel and
the witness have every opportunity to examine the exhibits at any
time.
Mr. Friedman. We haven't seen the documents, of course.
Mr. Morris. They will be shown to you, Mr. Hinton.
Mr. Friedman. There is on the desk in front of you a pile of docu-
ments which seems to be several hundred pages, and if that consti-
tutes an opportunity to examine them, I miss my guess.
Mr. Morris. Put them in front of Mr. Hinton, will you, Mr. Arens.
(A pile of documents was placed in front of the witness.)
Mr. Hinton. It would take me a long time to really look through
and be able to say one way or another.
Mr. Morris. You know, Mr. Hinton, you were given an opportunity
yesterday afternoon, and again this morning, and overnight, if you
wished it, here in the building, and then earlier last Monday, to ex-
amine all these documents.
Mr. Hinton. When I came on Monday, there was a small envelope
of paper that couldn't have had more than 25 or 30 sheets in it. It
wasn't opened. And that was reported to me as what I was going to
be examined on.
Mr. Morris. Didn't I make it clear to you yesterday that in the
event there was any doubt, you could see any document you wanted to
in the f ootlocker ?
Mr. Hinton. I thought that was going to be arranged at the session.
Mr. Morris. You said, in order to save time, you would again look
at that yesterday afternoon or this morning, and you said you wouldn't
do it.
Senator Welker. Any part of the recess.
Mr. Hinton. I didn't understand that that was the offer.
Senator Welker. Very well.
This hearing is now concluded, because of the fact that the acting
chairman is being called to the floor to vote on the amendment to the
farm bill.
The documents have been received in the record, and the meeting
is adjourned.
Mr. Hinton. Are they mine or not?
Senator Welker. No; they are not yours. They are impounded.
Mr. Hinton. AH right ; you are going to get sued.
(Whereupon, at 4 : 50 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned.)
INDEX
Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance to
the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organization
in this index.
A Page
America 240,302-308
American/s 254, 295, 303, 306, 309-311, 320, 321
American flyers 314
American passport in Prague 305, 306
Asia 242
Asian and Pacific Peace Conference 319
Atlantic 311
B
Baltimore 312
"Before Struggle ; Amount Confiscated ; Things Repaid ; Present Condi-
tion 301
Bill of Rights 310
Brethren's Service Unit 302, 303
Catholic church 296. 297
Celebrate the establishment of the People's Republic of China 279
Central Government 239
Chang, Dean 321
Changes of leading cadres during movement 301
Charts 300
Chi-Heng State Farm 241
Chi Hsien 236
China 239, 241, 242, 254, 280, 283, 294, 295, 298, 302, 303, 305-307, 309, 320
Chinese 284
Chinese exit permit 305
Chinese Liberated Area Relief Administration 236, 237
CNRRA (Chinese National Relief Administration) 237
Chinese-occupied territory 302
Class of CP members 301
"Class of members in leading organization" 301
Colorado, State of 2S1
Columbia Broadcasting System 313
Communist 254, 308, 314
Communist Chinese Red Army 302
Communist-controlled slate in New York 314
Communist Party 236, 242, 255, 306, 310-313
Communist penetration of the press 313
Communist propaganda 282
"Concerning punishment of CPB" 293, 298, 301
Congress 305, 309, 310
Constitution 310, 322
Courtyard 239
CP 298
CPB 293, 298, 301
Customs 235, 245, 262, 317, 318, 320, 322
Czechoslovakia 305
n INDEX
Page
"Degree of annihilation of feudal conditions" 301
E
Eastland, Mr 295
English-language translation 282
European Russia 305
Exhibit No. 28 (see pt. 6) 235,302
Exhibit No. 36 — Description of tractor school 237-239
Exhibit No. 37 — Description of work at Shangchia farm 242-244
Exhibit No. 38 — Letter Mukden, April 4, "Dearest Berthee" re two books :
China's Destiny and Sword and the Chrysanthemum 246-250
Exhibit No. 39 — Letter November 22, 1948, "Dear Mother and Jean,"
signed "Love, Billy," re meaning of proletarian solidarity and collec-
tive living 251-253
.Exhibit No. 40— "Peifang Ta shwye" 255-261
Exhibit No. 41 — Notes on struggle meeting with Jye Shr Hsien, Feb-
ruary 1, 1948 263-271
Exhibit No. 42— Recruiting in Communist China 271-275
Exhibit No. 43 — Peiping, May 20, "Dear Jean, Love, Bill," re student dem-
onstration 275-277
Exhibit No. 44— Lin, Dean of 1st Division : On cadre training in Hwa Da_ 277, 278
Exhibit No. 45 — Photograph : The opening ceremony of the winter session
of the Government-owned farm training school 282, 283
Exhibit No. 45- A — Poster: Celebrate the Establishment of the People's
Republic of China 283
Exhibit No. 46— Conditions in Tsinan 284-292
Exhibit No. 47 — "Concerning punishment of CPB" 293
F
"Families that have Fanshen" 300
"Families that have not yet Fanshened" 301
"Family-by-family record of changes through land reform" 294, 300
Farmers Union 316
February 1, 1948 296
Fifth amendment 236,
240, 253, 255, 279, 281, 283, 284, 293, 294, 298-301, 306^313, 315, 316,
320-324.
First amendment 240, 253, 279, 281, 283,
284, 293, 294, 298-301, 306, 307, 309, 311, 312, 315, 316, 320, 321, 324
First healing (Hinton), July 1954 280
Flag:
Four-star 279
Hammer-and-sickle 279
Footlocker (Mr. Hinton's) 237, 241, 244-246,
251, 254, 255, 263, 271, 279, 282, 284, 299-301, 313, 317, 318, 320-324
Four-star flag of People's Republic of China 279
Fourth amendment 240,
241, 245, 253, 279, 283, 284, 293, 294, 298-301, 306, 320, 321, 324
Friedman, Milton H. (attorney for William Hinton) 235
Friends Society 302
G
Green, Mr 312
H
Hammer-and-sickle flag 279
Harmon, Jeanne Perkins 313,314
Hinton, Jean (sister of William) 311,312
Hinton, Joan (sister of William) 311,312,319,320
Hinton, Mrs. (mother of William) 311,312
Hinton, William H. (testimony of) 235-313, 315-324
Sent to South Hopei by UNRRA 236
Brought back 78 posters 254
Brought back 300 and some photographs 254
Statement, first hearing, July 1954 280
INDEX III
Hinton, William H. (testimony of) — Continued . Page
Struggle meeting, February 1, 1948 296
Member of Brethren's Service Unit, paid by UNRRA $12 a month 302
Left People's Republic of China early summer 1953 303
Left wife and child in Peking 303, 304
Divorce obtained in Reno, Nev 304, 305
Traveled on Chinese exit permit to Prague 305
Issued American passport in Prague 305
Held under subpena of committee 312
Historical collection 280
Historic record 281
Honan 236
Hopei 236
Hsien, Jye Shr 263
Hsueh, Kai 278
Hwa Da 277
I
Idaho • 321
Internal Security Subcommittee 310,313
J
"Jan Jwang families struggled against" 301
"Jan Jwang — family-by-family record of changes through land reform" 301
"Jan Jwang party members' economic condition and Fanshen" 301
K
KMT 253, 277
L
Landlord referred to by "LL" 301
Land reform 294
Library of Congress 236,279,282,320
Life magazine 314
Lin, Dean of 1st division 277
"List VIII" 293
Literary Digest 250
Liverpool 311
"LL" referred to landlord 301
London, England 305, 311
M
Madawaska, Maine 311
Maine 305
Mao Tze-tung 279
McCarthy, Senator 262
McManus, Mr 237, 242,
245, 246, 251, 255, 262, 263, 282, 298-300, 317, 319-324
Mihailovich, General. 314
Moscow, Russia 307-311
Mukden 245,246
N
New England States 316
New Hampshire 315, 316
Newspaper Guild 314
Newspaper Guild, New York 314
Newspapermen 313
New Year pictures 280
New York 311, 314
North China 253, 271
North Conway, N. H 315
"Now, statistics on filling holes" 310
IV INDEX
O Page
Opening of the training class of the State farm bureau 278
P
Party member 297
Passport 305-308,310
Passport Application 306
Passport division in Prague 307
Peifang Ta shwye 255
Peiping 239
Peita 297
Peking 303, 320
Peking, Red China 304
"People's China, 1952" 320
People's Republic of China 279, 303
Photographs 254,318
Posters 254, 279-281, 303
Powell, John 319, 320
Powell, Sylvia 319, 320
Prague 305-308, 310, 311
"Production materials occupied by each class after filling holes" 301
"Production materials occupied by each class before filling holes" 301
"Production material occupied by each class before liberation" 301
"Property confiscated from MF's — and the same classification, midde
farmer" 301
"Proportion of CP members in leading organizations" 301
Q
Quebec, Canada 305, 311
R
"Reasons wby MF's were struggled" 301
Recruiting in Communist China 271-275
Red Army 302
Red China 241, 281, 2S3, 293, 295, 303, 307, 308
Red Chinese forces 283
"Repaying wrongly struggled MP's" 301
"Resettlement of LL's and RF's" 300,301
"RF" referred to rich farmer 301
Russell, Maude 314
Russia 305
Ryan, Jack 314
S
Schools in China 294
'Scope of Soviet Activity in the United States, The" 314
Shangchia farm, description of work at 242-244
Shangchias 241
Shansi 236
Shangtung 236,284
Siberia 305
Silvermaster, Nathan Gregory 311
Socialism 239
Sourwine, J. G 314
Soutb Hopei 236, 237
Soviet intelligence 313
Sovietized 298
Stanford University, library of 281
Star-nnd-siekle insignia 302
Starobin, Joseph 320
Starobin photograph 323
State Department 306
"State farming training, opening ceremony, the" 27S
Struggle meeting, notes on 263-271
Struggle meeting 295, 296
Such Is Life, by Jeanne Perkins Harmon (chs. 11 and 12, see pt. 9) 313, 314
INDEX V
T Page
Tass 314
Taxpayers 240
They Want To Live in Peace, by Joseph Starobin 320
Tito 314
Tractor school 236-239, 241
Tsinan 283, 284
Tsinan, conditions in 2S4-292
U
United States 237, 279, 280, 305, 307-311, 314
UNRRA 236, 237, 239, 271, 302, 303
Uphaus Willard 315, 316
V
Vermont 320
W
Wang Gway Jung, 15 persons in this family; 81 land 301
Washington, D. O 311, 313
Welker, Senator 235, 315
World Fellowship, Inc 315, 316
Wuan 297
Y
Yi, Gen. Fu Tso 253
o
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