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Full text of "Scope of Soviet activity in the United States. Hearing before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-fourth Congress, second session[-Eighty-fifth Congress, first session] .."

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SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FOURTH CONGRESS 

SECOND SESSION 

ON 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE 
UNITED STATES 



MARCH 7 AND S, 1956 



PART 7 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
72723 WASHINGTON : 1956 



Boston Public Library 
Cuperintendent of Documents 

JUN 1 2 1956 



COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

PRICE DANIEL, Texas EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois 

JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming HERMAN WELKER, Idaho 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri HERMAN WELKER. Idaho 

PRICE DANIEL, Texas JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

Robert Morris, Chief Counsel 
Richard Arens and Alva C. Carpenter, Associate Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 
II 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



WEDNESDAY, MARCH 7, 1956 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act and 

Other Internal Security Laws, of the 

Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. O. 
The subcommittee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 10:30 a. m., 
in room 457, Senate Office Building, Senator Herman Welker pre- 
siding. 

Present : Senator Welker. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, re- 
search director; Alva Carpenter, associate counsel; Robert C. Mc- 
Manus, investigations analyst; William Arens, and Elinor Malaneyj 
staff members. 

Senator Welker. The committee will come to order. 
Mr. Hinton, you were on the stand yesterday. You are still under 
the oath, the oath given to you as of yesterday. Is that understood 
by you and your counsel ? 
Mr. Friedman. Yes, sir. 
Mr. Hinton. Yes, sir. 
Senator Welker. Very well. You may proceed, counsel. 

TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM H. HINTON— Resumed 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Hinton, I wonder if you would tell us how you 
first became associated with the school, with reference to the picture 
concerning which Senator Welker questioned you yesterday. (Ex- 
hibit No. 28, p. 211, pt. 6.) 

Mr. Hinton. Just before we start, I want to ask when I am going 
to get these papers back, because this committee has been weaseling 
on that thing ever since 9 months ago when they were seized. And I 
want to know when I am going to get those papers back. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, you spent a lot of the committee's 
time yesterday. I think it is purely a delaying tactic. You have your 
counselor present. He knows of any avenue you might have to re- 
possess the property you say you allegedly were deprived of by the 
Customs and by this committee. 

Now, as far as the chairman is concerned, he has heard all of that 
he is going to hear. 

Mr. Hinton. You talk about delay. This thing has been delayed 
9 months, and I have had several promises to return those papers, and 
yesterday there was weaseling on that promise the last time. 

235 



236 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Now, there was no condition in my coming down here, but I was 
told when I appeared here that I will get those papers back, and I am 
expecting to get them back. 

Senator Welker. Speaking of weaseling, will you not weasel now 
and tell me whether or not you are a member of the Communist Party 
as of this moment ? 

Mr. Hinton. You asked me that question 2 years ago, and I refused 
to answer it. 

Senator Welker. And I will ask it 2 years more. 

Mr. Hinton. And I refuse to answer it now or in the future. 

Senator Welker. And you want to weasel out on that one ? 

Mr. Hinton. There is no weaseling. I refuse to answer that ques- 
tion. And you know that you can't draw any inference from that on 
the basis of the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Why do you refuse to answer it ? 

Mr. Hinton. I refuse to answer it on the basis of the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Senator Welker. All right. Proceed, counsel. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Hinton, would you answer the question that I 
asked you? 

Mr. Hinton. Will you repeat the question, please? 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us how you became associated with the 
school in this picture ? 

Mr. Hinton. I think that it would have been a good idea if the 
committee had got the Library of Congress to translate the caption 
over that picture. 

Senator Welker. Now, that is not responsive to the question. Will 
you answer the question? 

Mr. Hinton. That is my answer. 

Senator Welker. All right. I am ordering and directing you to be 
responsive, and, counsel, I am telling you you had better tell your 
witness now to be responsive to the question. 

Mr. Friedman. I believe that he is getting into it now, Senator. 

Senator Welker. All right. He is not going to go into some dis- 
course. Will he answer the question ? 

Mr. Friedman. He is about to tell you what is on the caption of that 
photograph. 

Senator Welker. He had better do it pretty soon. 

Mr. Friedman. That is what he is doing now. 

Mr. Hinton. That is right. That is very pertinent to this question, 
and I won't be rushed with my answers. 

Mr. Morris. Will you answer the question? 

Mr. Hinton. I think that the caption on that picture will indicate 
that that is the tractor school of the South Hopei liberated area, which 
was set up by the Chinese Liberated Area Relief Administration, 
which was the body which coordinated UNRRA relief in that area, 
and I was sent to South Hopei by UNRRA as a tractor instructor and 
project captain for that particular project. 1 



1 A translation of the lettering, provided the subcommittee by the Library of Congress, 
Is as follows : 

"A farewell group picture, taken at Chi Hsien (Hopei Province) in October 1047, in honor 
of Mr. Hinton, chief liaison officer, with the entire staff of the tractor group of the border 
ana of Sliansi, Hopei, Shantung, and Honan Provinces, and the representatives of the local 
administration and the people." 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 237 

Mr. Morris. And this school is a school under the auspices of 
UNRRA? 

Mr. Hinton. The school in South Hopei, where I taught tractors, 
was set up under the auspices of UNRRA and the Chinese Liberated 
Areas Relief Administration. In the Nationalist area they had the 
CNRRA, the Chinese National Relief Administration. This was the 
counterpart in the other area. 

Mr. Morris. Will you identify this document as yours? 

(A document was handed to the witness.) 

Mr. Hinton. This document that was handed to me is four pages. 
It does not seem to be complete. It ends in the middle of a sentence. 
And I wonder what you have to say on that. 

Mr. Morris. This is one of the documents that you brought to the 
United States in your footlocker ? 

Mr. Hinton. There is no complete document here that I see. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, Mr. McManus is under oath, having 
been sworn yesterday. 

Mr. McManus, will you state that this is one of the documents that 
3 T ou took from Mr. Hinton's footlocker ? 

Mr. McManus. Yes. That document was taken from Mr. Hinton's 
footlocker. 

Mr. Morris. Now, will you read the second 

Mr. Hinton. I would like to have time to read the whole thing, 
if you don't mind, and I don't want to be rushed like I was yesterday. 
I didn't even have time to get through the documents yesterday. 

Senator Welker. No; we do not want to rush you, Mr. Hinton. 
We have only had you twice that I know of before this committee, 
and you still have not answered the question that I would like you 
to answer on this framing of legislation. You take all the time you 
want because I will be with you as long as possible. I will be here 
so that you will be accommodated. You will not be rushed. But 
you are going to answer the question. 

Counsel, may I offer this suggestion ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes, sir. 

Senator Welker. You go ahead and interrogate the witness with 
respect to any material that you desire, and documents presented to 
the witness, and if he desires time to read them, he can read them 
after the hearing is over. I want to hurry along with the hearing on 
that basis. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may the whole document go in the 
record ? 

Senator Welker. It will be admitted in the record and made a 
part thereof. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 36" and reads 
as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 36 

How can our life be described in a few short pages ? Where to begin and what 
to leave out? 

In the beginning we had a few tractors left by UNRRA, a few wrenches, files, 
hammers, and odd bolts, no books, no classrooms, not even a roof to call our own. 
The brick and mud houses we slept in, the windswept courtyard where we held 
classes, and the shed where the tractors were kept were all borrowed from the 
villagers of Nan Liang Chuang, a tiny community lost in the vastness of the 
North China plain. They had not so long ago been the property of a big landlord, 
but were now part of the "struggle fruits" which were the property of the village 



238 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

as a whole pending final distribution to the poor. The landlord still lived in our 
midst and glumly watched our comings and goings. His little son. about 3 years 
old, used to call names and throw stones when we went by. Every night we 
mounted guard in turns lest something happen to our precious machines or to 
our small stock of gasoline which had come by mulecart all the way from Tsinan 
city where it was liberated in the first thrust of the great fall offensive in 1948. 

Most of the 70 young students — among them 3 girls — had never seen an engine 
of any kind before. They were from county schools, farms, shops, local govern- 
ment offices, and the army. The very word tractor was like magic to them, open- 
ing up a limitless future. It meant leaving behind all the filth and misery of 
feudal life and entering a new era of mechanization. Everyone knew that 
socialism was far off in China, but these young people felt that they already 
had one foot in the door of socialism when they climbed on to a tractor. In 
spite of the cold, the dilapidated buildings, the rough food, and the lack of any 
kind of fanfare, we all felt that China's future lay in our hands. 

We held classes in a broken-down courtyard under the open sky. The students 
sat on little piles of bricks or pieces of wood and took down notes according to 
their ability. Those who couldn't write just listened and looked. Sometimes 
when the wind was from the north, their fingers turned blue with cold and their 
teeth chattered, but we went on with the classes just the same. 

After classes there was study, self-study and group study, mutual aid, and 
competition between groups. Each group used to think up hard questions for 
the other groups to answer, and if there was any doubt the question were referred 
to me for final solution. In this way all progressed together and we moved 
rapidly ahead taking the tractors apart piece by piece until no two parts remained 
stuck together. They insisted on seeing everything down to the smallest wire, 
the smallest nut. Nothing approximate would do. 

Then came the practical work, plowing the wasteland. The war was not over 
then, not even in North China and we had to organize air precautions and keep 
a sharp lookout for bombers. Actually none came in the end — only transports 
almost daily flying to Taiyuan to evacuate the old criminal Yen Shi Shan. After 
Taiyuan fell we never saw another plane. 

The first few weeks in the field were hectic — small breakdowns everywhere and 
nothing but inexperience to meet them. They kept me running — testing a spark 
plug here, cleaning out a gasline there, adjusting the points on one tractor and 
the timing on another — but gradually the students got used to the machines and 
could begin to tell from the sound of the engines what was wrong. Then the pace 
of my work slowed down. 

By June it became very hot. We decided to plow at night and rest in the day- 
time. A marvelous sight, the night plowing — 30 bright lights in the blackness 
and the dull roar of 60 cylinders. Peasants in some of the remoter villages 
thought it was devils out dancing in the wasteland and dared not leave their 
houses until dawn. 

The problem at this time was to instill in the boys and girls a real love for 
machines, to make them ashamed of the least bit of dirt, to make them listen for 
the least change in sound, and to pay strict attention to all oil changes, greasings, 
adjustments, and other essentials of servicing. "Don't let little troubles change 
into big ones" ; "Use your head instead of your brawn" ; "Maintenance is the 
basis of successful tractor operation" were three of the slogans I used to hammer 
on. In time these began to have real results. But they would have been of little 
use without the political education which went on continuously, not only for the 
students but for the cadres, the cooks, and work, hard dirty greasy work, often 
ending in failure. 

Much later after the establishment of the Central Government, after we had 
moved to Peiping, at the opening of another tractor school, the vice minister of 
agriculture told us, "You are the field army of the wastelands, and where are the 
wastelands — in the suburbs of Peking? In Tientsin's Central Park? No, the 
wastelands are in the wilderness — North Chanar, Central Honan flooded area, 
the steppes of Sinkiang, the plains of North Manchuria. Wherever it is most 
isolated and difficult, there we must expect to go. One thing is certain, if we 
don't go there the imperialists will. If we don't open up the vast resources of our 
country, the imperialists will find a way. Hence I expect all of you to go wherever 
you are needed, wherever you are sent in the true spirit of service to the people." 

This spirit gradually built up among the cadres and workers, enabled them to 
look on the tractors, plows, and grain drills as part of the people's property which 
they must love, protect, and care for just as they would their own children. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 239 

One frosty night, long after everyone had gone to bed, I began to worry lest the 
tractor radiators and blocks had not been drained although it was supposed to be 
routine. I got up to have a look but as I went out the gate, I met a shivering 
student corning back from the tractor shed. "It's all right," he said. "I've 
checked them all. I couldn't sleep for thinking of it so I got up to take a look." 
This is but one small incident out of hundreds. 

Does this mean that we had no problems or made no mistakes? Far from it. 
Tractor experts are not created in a few months' time. In spite of the real desire 
and effort to do things right and (remainder of document not found). 

Mr. Morris. I would like to read just these portions of it : 

In the beginning we had a few tractors left by UNRRA, a few wrenches, files, 
hammers, and odd bolts, no books, no classrooms, not even a roof to call our own. 

Another part of the letter : 

Most of the 70 young students — among them 3 girls — had never seen an engine 
of any kind before * * * Everyone knew that socialism was far off in China, but 
these young people felt that they already had one foot in the door of Socialism 
when they climbed on to a tractor * * * 

We held classes in a broken-down courtroom under the open sky. ' 

Mr. Friedman. "Courtyard." 
Mr. Morris, (reading) : 

Much later after the establishment of the Central Government, after we had 
moved to Peiping, at the opening of another tractor school, the vice minister 
of agriculture told us, "You are the field army of the wastelands, and where are 
the wastelands — in the suburbs of Peking? In Tientsin's Central Park? No — the 
wastelands are in the wilderness — North Chanar, Central Honan flooded area, 
the steppes of Sinkiang, the plains of North Manchuria. Wherever it is most 
isolated and difficult, there we must expect to go. One thing is certain, if we 
don't go there the imperialists will. If we don't open up the vast resources of 
our country, the imperialists will find a way. 

Mr. Friedman. May I say that while in general the statement read 
by Judge Morris is identical with the letter I have before me, it was 
not in all respects identical. 

For instance, Judge Morris, it did not say, "Wherever it is most 
isolated and difficult, that there we must go." It says, "Wherever it 
is most isolated and difficult, there we must expect to go." 

Now, I do not know whether there are any other errors. But this 
one I did notice. 

Mr. Morris. Thank you, counsel. 

Senator Welker. Thank you very much, counsel. I am glad you 
brought that to our attention. 

Did you so write that letter, Mr. Hinton ? Mr. Hinton, may I have 
your attention? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. Did you so write the letter, or portions of the letter 
that counsel asked you about ? 

Mr. Hinton. I haven't finished reading it yet. 

Senator Welker. I am asking you, did you write the portions that 
counsel asked you about ? 

Mr. Hinton. I would like to read the whole letter first. 

Senator Welker. Will you answer the question ? You are ordered 
and directed to. 

Mr. Hinton. I don't think I can answer that without reading the 
whole thing, to see what it is. 

Senator Welker. Will you say that you did not write that portion ? 

Mr. Hinton. I don't think I can answer that without reading the 
whole thing. The whole thing isn't even a complete document. 



2 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Welker. I see. 

Mr. Friedman. Have you finished the document ? 
Mr. Hinton. I am fairly near through reading it. I don't want 
to be rushed. 

Senator Welker. Go right ahead and read it. 

Mr. Hinton. I don't want to be rushed. After all, what was taken 
from me, was taken 3 years ago. 

Senator Welker. I have heard that. I heard that all day yesterday. 

Mr. Hinton. I am going to repeat it again and again, too. 

Senator Welker. And I have heard it all day yesterday. And this 

committee will sit — I want to inform you that I will sit on night 

sessions and on Saturday and every day necessary to get you to answer 

the questions propounded to you by the committee. 

Mr. Hinton. I am sure the taxpayers will be pleased to hear that. 
Senator Welker. Well, I am certain there are a lot of taxpayers 
who would be pleased, if they saw your activities and heard your 
answers, sir. There are a few people in America that would like to 
hear you. I am sorry they cannot all hear you. 
(Witness confers with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds 
as before, the first, the fourth, and the fifth amendments. 

Senator Welker. Let the record show that the committee recog- 
nizes the right of the witness to avail himself of the fifth amendment. 
We do not recognize the right under the first and fourth amendments. 
Proceed, counsel. 

Mr. Hinton. I would like to also request that the whole of what 
is there would be in the record. I would like to protest that that does 
not seem to be a whole document. 

Senator Welker. How would you know whether or not it is a whole 
document ? 

Mr. Hinton. It ends in the middle of a sentence. 
Senator Welker. Very well. 

Do you think that perhaps that is not your document because it ends 
in the middle of a sentence ? 

Mr. Hinton. I didn't say that. I said it looks to me like it is not 
a complete document. 

Senator Welker. Very well. It will speak for itself whether or 
not it is complete. 

Do you want to tell us whether or not it is your document ? Did 
you ever write that, whether it be complete or incomplete ? 
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that. 
Senator Welker. On the fifth amendment? 

Mr. Hinton. On the grounds of the fifth amendment — the first and 
the fourth and the fifth amendments. I know you don't recognize 
the fourth amendment, but I would like to have your permission to 
read it, if you don't mind. 

Senator Welker. I do not think I need any help from yon. and it 
will not bo road. You are up hero to answer questions about that, 
and not to tell the committee. 

Mr. Hinton. Many people are not familiar with that. T would 
like to state that as grounds for not speaking on any of this matter. 
What it says is : 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and ef- 
fects, againsl unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no 
warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 241 

and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things 
to be seized. 

That is what the fourth amendment says. 

Senator Welker. Is that right ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. "Where did you learn that ? 

Mr. Hinton. I would like to have that in the record. 

Senator Welker. Did you learn that in the tractor school in Red 
China ? 

Mr. Hinton. I learned that from the Bill of Rights. 

Senator "Welker. Oh. You are pretty proud of that Bill of Rights, 
the first and fourth and fifth amendments ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. And I notice you aren't very proud of it. You 
said yesterday if it weren't for the fifth amendment — obviously, you 
would like to get rid of that fifth amendment, wouldn't you, and the 
fourth, and the whole Bill of Rights ? 

Senator "Welker. I would like to get rid of it when it came to wit- 
nesses like you. 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. I know you don't support the Bill of Rights. 
That is true. But I do. 

Senator Welker. Any time the fifth amendment is taken advantage 
of by a man like you, I say it is time for the Congress to do something. 

Mr. Hinton. Now, you are drawing inferences again. 

Senator Welker. You are doing a very great disservice to the peo- 
ple who could use the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Hinton. Now you are drawing inferences again, and you are 
not 

Senator Welker. Proceed, counsel. I am not going to argue with 
this witness until I take you on cross-examination, and we will go 
quite a length into your whole background. You are not going to 
paint yourself as the lily-white angel you would like the audience to 
believe you to be. 

Mr. Hinton. You are not in Denver now, Senator Welker. You 
are not in Denver now. 

Mr. Morris. Will you read the document, please? 

Senator Welker. And you are not in Red China now, either. 

Mr. McManus. This is a document which was found in the foot- 
locker of Mr. Hinton. 

Mr. Morris. Will you read the sections from that, please? 

Mr. McManus (reading) : 

Now, though stationed at Shangchias — 

and there is a question mark because the typist was not clear as to 
whether that was the correct spelling — 

Now, though stationed at Shangchias (?) farm, my work mainly consists of 
going from farm to farm, looking into the way things are done, helping to solve 
problems, criticizing and encouraging. To arrive at any of the State farms is 
like a homecoming for me, for almost all of the drivers are my students, old 
friends and comrades. 

Next section : 

It was while we were assembling the combines for the 10,000 mou wheat har- 
vest that the Stockholm peace appeal reached the Chi-Heng State Farm. It was 
discussed for several days and was signed by everyone. A few drivers wondered 
whether signing their names on a sheet of paper would be any good. For every 
child knows that it was armed struggle that liberated China. 



242 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Next section : 

I mentioned political study at the beginning of this article, and I think it will 
make a good subject for the ending, for of all the things I have seen in this last 
year and a half, the most striking has been the development of the cadres and 
workers through the political education led by the Communist Party. 

******* 

Day by day, step by step, all these problems are being solved. Through count- 
less work-review meetings, and meetings for self and mutual criticism, the people 
are gradually being united and steeled. The intellectuals are learning to labor, 
and to accept discipline, the skilled workers are learning to share what they 
know * * * 

Mr. Morris. And the last paragraph, Mr. McManus. 
Mr. McMantjs (reading) : 

* * * "We are planting wheat, but we are also planting the seeds of a tre- 
mendous change in rural China. That is why at this time, when the war is not 
yet over, and conditions are far from ideal, we are pushing ahead with mecha- 
nized farming, training workers and cadres, establishing a base, however small, 
which will someday transform Asia. 

Senator Welker. That will go into the record and be made a part 
thereof. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 37" and reads 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 37 

Now, though stationed at Shangchia (?) farm, my work mainly consists of 
going from farm to farm, looking into the way things are done, helping to solve 
problems, criticizing and encouraging. To arrive at any of the state farms is 
like a homecoming for me, for almost all of the drivers are my students, old 
friends and comrades. It doesn't take long to find out what the situation is in 
every department. Everyone is anxious to tell about his or her work and about 
the farm as whole — both the strong points and the weaknesses. And besides 
business there are always a host of other things to catch up on, marriages, new 
children born, the election of model workers, and the reactions of everyone to the 
latest developments in world politics. Our farms may be isolated physically, but 
they are certainly not cut off intellectually or politically. Every day, no matter 
how busy the work is, there is at least an hour or two of political study, and if it 
can't be carried out in an organized way during the heaviest rush of work, it is 
done individually through reading the paper whenever there is a spare moment. 

It was while we were assembling the combines for the 10,000 mou wheat harvest 
that the Stockholm peace appeal reached the Chi-Heng State Farm. It was dis- 
cussed for several days and was signed by everyone. A few drivers wondered 
whether signing their names on a sheet of paper would be any good, for every 
child knows that it was armed struggle that liberated China. 

"It isn't just your name on the paper," one girl driver explained. "Signing 
your name means that you know what is at stake and that you will do everything 
in your power to strengthen world peace — practically it means you'll work harder 
than you ever worked in your life to get in this harvest, and see that nothing hap- 
pens to your machine, care for it like a baby. That's the way to push ahead the 
reconstruction of our country and make it strong." 

I mentioned political study at the beginning of this article, and I think it will 
make a good subject for the ending, for of all the things I have seen in this last 
year and a half, the most striking has been the development of the cadres^and 
workers through the political education led by the Communist Party. 

I once made a little speech before sowing began in which I said that the ma- 
chines were the most important thing on the farm. Later a young driver came up 
(at the age of 15 he had been the leader of his village militia and once killed 15 
Japanese at one place with stone mines). He told me: "The machines are im- 
portant, but much more important are the men. Without them there would be 
nothing at all not to mention machines. Their well-being, their spirit, their 
progress, must be the first concern of everyone." 

He had lived all his life in a remote mountain village but he knew what was 
What He expressed the spirit of the whole revolution. The well-being, the 
spirit, and the progress of men is the main thing here, and a place has been 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 243 

f ound in the revolutionary camp for all but the most hard-bitten reactionaries 
and criminals. 

All sorts of people have joined our work with all kinds of motives. Some 
thought they could earn a lot more money if they learned a trade, some thought 
once they learned to drive a tractor they could become truck drivers and ride 
from city to city living a high life. Others came for the glory of it and wavered 
when they found out what a hard life it really was. One was sent to a farm 
near a large city and was overcome by the glitter and style of city life, a prob- 
lem which Chairman Mao long ago warned us about. He took some public 
money, bought a fountain pen and some bright leather shoes and disappeared 
for half a year. Now he is back, resolved to be steady and he has been given 
another chance. Workers from newly liberated Pejing brought with them 
technical selfishness — that society secretiveness regarding technical skills. In- 
tellectuals and students brought with them many of the weaknesses of the petty 
bourgeoisie and even of the landlord class — vanity, libertarianism, love of com- 
fort. Some wanted this work, but not that, they would here, but not there. 

Day by day, step by step, all these problems are being solved. Through 
countless work-review meetings and meeting for self and mutual criticism, the 
people are gradually being united and steeled. The intellectuals are learning to 
labor, and to accept discipline, the skilled workers are learning to share what 
they know. Everyone, including those who came to earn money, is learning 
what it means to serve the people. 

As the work expanded and we became responsible for a whole string of farms 
instead of only one, technical difficulties increased enormously. Four different 
makes of tractors and as many kinds of trucks were in use, to say nothing of 
the various types and styles of farm machinery which we had inherited from 
UNRRA. Of the thousands of different types of parts needed, almost none 
could be bought, and those we hastily had made could not always stand up to 
the rugged pounding which they met in overcoming tough wasteland in the 
hands of inexperienced drivers. 

Although the farms were chosen with an eye to communications, still it often 
took as much as 4 days to reach the city from them, and since no farm had a 
lathe or anything more advanced than a hand-turned drill, to break even the 
simplest part often meant a trip to the city and the loss of a week's work. 

Lubricating oil was almost impossible to buy in all the types and grades which 
we knew to be necessary. After the KMT collapse, there was an enormous 
quantity of oil stacked up in the big cities, but it was all mixed up and it was 
almost impossible to determine quality and viscosity. To buy 1 or 2 drums was 
easy enough, but to buy 30 or 40 drums of top-quality oil was a different matter. 
The oil merchants are past masters at mixing in vegetable oil, replacing labels, 
putting on new seals, and all the other tricks of the trade. We had to feel our 
way about very carefully. 

This stage of the work, like every other, began with my doing the work my- 
self, until other cadres could be trained and an organization set up to handle it. 
Now even the smallest drivers can crank the ATZ's. They say, "Labor creates 
everything, even men. When the tractors first came, not one of us could turn 
the crank over. But look at us now." 

Of course the tractors were new and stiff that night, but so were the boys. 
Now their muscles bulge out and they know when to push, when to pull, and 
when to slack off. 

Each step in our progress cost us effort like that. To suddenly launch large 
scale mechanized agriculture in a China just emerging from feudalism is to 
go into a real battle. In a thousand ways conditions are not ripe — without an 
industrial base, with meager communications, without native fuels or lubri- 
cants, with few or no technical cadres — the obstacles are enormous. 

I remember a young mechanic from Peijing who was sent to a new State 
Farm not far from the Yellow River. It had once been a Japanese rice farm. 
Guerrillas had killed a number of Jap officers and men. Some of the older 
peasants believed that the ghosts of those imperialist devils still haunted the 
area. Also the drinking water was bad there and they had a saying : "Drink 
the water of ten mile village and the devils will grab your legs." 

The tractors broke down one after the other, they had no spare parts and only 
a few simple tools. The spring plowing of land was far from complete and they 
were way behind schedule. The boy worried day and night about the tractors, 
listened to the weird ghost stories of the villagers, drank the rank water, and 
finally fell ill. He began to see little devils running in and out of his room, 



244 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

and crawling over the furniture. He locked the door, bolted the window, hid 
his head under the blankets and cried. 

"Send me back to Peijing," he sobbed. "Send me back to Peijing." 

That young mechanic almost cracked mentally, but not quite. They nursed 
him back to health, and while he was recovering, a mobile machine shop arrived 
from the Soviet Union complete with a lathe and hundreds of tools and drawers 
full of materials. A machinist and a fitter. In the end 10,000 mou of cotton 
were planted on time. 

"We have difficulties, but we also have solutions," Mao Tse Tung has said. 
And so it is, for these are the difficulties of progress, and one by one we shall 
overcome them all. When I look back on the last year and a half, it seems as if 
at least 5 years have gone by. We have come so far. From nothing we have 
grown to several thousand strong with drivers, team leaders, mechanics, ac- 
countants, agricultural specialists, managers, a school, a supply base, a bureau 
in the Ministry of Agriculture. Farflung areas of wasteland have been plowed 
up — altogether over 300,000 mou. And we have taken in our first harvest, the 
first 100 percent mechanized harvest in China's history. In a year and a half, 
peasants and soldiers have become combine operators. Nothing is impossible in 
our new China. 

The harvest was like a miracle to the peasants. At one farm 10,000 mou of 
wheat were fast ripening but no one was going around lining up harvest labor. 
Instead, in the farm's backyard, a few dozen people were putting together some 
strange pieces of tin and wire. The peasants shook their heads. A few of the 
more backward ones even made plans to do a little harvesting of their own on Gov- 
ernment land, since obviously we were unable to cope with the task. 

The peasants' wheat had already been cut and hauled home before we even 
began. Then one fine day, eight big combines went to work, and they worked 
not only in the daytime but all night long as well. Each morning the villages 
awoke to find another thousand mou or two of stubble instead of waving 
wheat. 

"That thing will do the work of 200 men," they said. "One to a village would 
be enough to solve the harvest problem." 

And so bit by bit new ideas penetrate the peasants' consciousness, and the 
news is passed far and wide by word of mouth. We are planting wheat but we 
are also planting the seeds of a tremendous change in rural China. That is why 
at this time, when the war is not yet over, and conditions are far from ideal, 
we are pushing ahead with mechanized farming, training workers and cadres, 
establishing a base, however small, which will someday transform Asia. 

Mr. Morris. Will you identify that as a paper taken from your 
f ootlocker ? 

Mr. Hinton. I haven't had time to read it. Will you give me a 
chance to read it? 

Mr. Friedman. There are about seven pages. 

Mr. Hinton. There are about seven pages here. 

Mr. Morris. You do not have to read it to know whether it is a docu- 
ment taken from your f ootlocker. 

Mr. Hinton. I certainly would have to read it to know that. That 
would be a very unreasonable demand. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, you sort of change your propeller 
pitch a little bit from yesterday. Yesterday you refused to read any 
of these documents because of the fact that you allege they were taken 
illegally from you. Now you want 

Mr. Hinton. I refused to read documents yesterday? You didn't 
give me time to read documents yesterday. 

Senator Welker. Did you not state yesterday 

Mr. Hinton. You rushed me several times. You get out the record 
from yesterday, and you will see if I didn't protest that I didn't have 
time to read the documents. 

Senator Welker. I know what you want to do. 

Mr. Hinton. You get out the record and see if I refused 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 245 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

Didn't you tell counsel yesterday that in response to his invitation 
for you and your counsel to examine the exhibits and read them, you 
refused to do so upon the grounds that they were illegally taken from 
you by Customs and by this committee ? 

Mr. Hinton. Prior to the hearing, that is correct. 

Senator Welker. Yes. 

Mr. Hinton. I am now forced to come down here by subpena, and 
sworn under oath, and told to read documents. 

Senator Welker. I see. 

Mr. Hinton. And I am now reading documents, and I am asking for 
time to read them. 

Senator Welker. And you do not think the reading of the docu- 
ment now might hurt your chances under the fourth amendment, the 
illegal searches and seizures amendment, that you quoted a moment 
ago^ 

Mr. Hinton. I am doing what I am told here, and — — 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

Mr. Hinton (continuing). And what happens about that will re- 
main to be seen. 

Senator Welker. That will remain to be seen. 

Counsel, proceed. 

Mr. Morris. Will you read the next document, Mr. McManus? I 
give you a document. Will you identify this as a paper from the 
footlocker of Mr. Hinton ( 

Mr. McManus. I identify this as a paper taken from the footlocker 
of Mr. Hinton. 

Mr. Morris. What is the date on that ? 

Mr. McManus. Mukden, April 4th. There is no year. 

Mr. Morris. How many pages are there ? 

Mr. McManus. There are two single-spaced sheets, each written on 
both sides. 

Mr. Morris. Will you show that to the witness ? 

(A document was handed to the witness.) 

Mr. Hinton. I would like to state right here and now that there 
is no typewritten material; there were no papers, typewritten notes 
or letters in the footlocker that I put in bond, that was sent through 
to the Customs. 

Mr. Morris. You deny that that paper was in your footlocker ? 

Mr. Hinton. I say there were no typewritten papers in my foot- 
locker that was in bond, sent to the Customs. 

Mr. Morris. I can only conclude from that statement that that, 
therefore, did not appear in your footlocker. 

Mr. Hinton. That is what I am saying. 

Wait a minute — that that did not appear in my footlocker. I am 
not 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, do you mean by your statement that 
there were no carbon copies of any typewritten documents in your 
footlocker? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. No. I mean there were no letters, carbon or otherwise : 
there were no notes, typewritten, carbon or otherwise, in the foot- 
locker. 



246 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Welker. Then it is your testimony that these exhibits were 
placed there by some person other than yourself or your agent; is 
that correct '. 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. If these were there at all, that is correct. 

Senator Welker. Very well. Proceed, counsel. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may that document go in the record 
as having been identified by Mr. McManus as a paper taken from Mr. 
Hinton's footlocker? 

Senator "Welker. It will be so admitted as a part of the record. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 38" and reads 

as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 38 

Mukden, April J/th. 

Dearest Berthee: How are youse? I have received uo letters for ever so 
long because the people in Shanghai figure I will be back soon and they don't 
forward anything to me. Right now I'm sick in bed, running at both ends, but 
it doesn't seem to be sprue any more, just some bug I picked up. Started out 
with a mild sneezing fit, then a runny nose, and then the GI's, plus something 
of a fever. I guess I'll be up and around in a couple of days. Right now I am 
on a liquid diet, but no medicine. Evidently our doctor here doesn't believe 
in the germ theory. He is an interesting man. He is from Chekoslovakia, evi- 
dently a jew. Like so many of the UNRRA medical personnel, he fought in 
Spain. 

When I am not busy, as now, often I think of you, and I wonder how you are 
getting on. Also I think about how awful it must have been living with me. 
I was so sullen all the time and so hard to arouse out of lethargy. It seems 
as if I never did the dishes or helped you with the meals or ever did anything 
to please you. How could I have been in such a mood? Ordinarily I am quite 
cheerful (oh dear, something funny happened just now. Writing this I suddenly 
burst into tears and just then somebody walked in the door and here I was with 
my face all wet. I had to pretend I had had a heavy coughing spell that brought 
tears to my eyes. Anyway the visitor, it was Frank Wallick, one of the BSU 
boys who is here, cheered me considerably with a brief discussion of politics. 
I wonder if he believed my coughing tale. Isn't it strange how low you can 
feel when you are sick?) . 

Have just read two books, China's Destiny, by Chiang Kai-shek, and the Sword 
and the Crysanthemum, by Ruth Benedict. I found the Roy edition of Chiang's 
book in Shanghai, but hadn't had a chance to read it until now. It certainly 
is a strange book. My chief impression is of an extremely muddled, irrational, 
childish outpouring of which any Occidental would be ashamed. The chapters 
are thrown together in the most haphazard fashion and there is no ateinpt at 
logical development. Paragraphs about quite unrelated things follow each other 
page after page, and it is very difficult to read — something like walking through 
a patch of weeds. The main theme of the book seems to revolve around the 
unequal treaties forced on China by the Western powers and Japan. All China's 
past troubles are laid to these treaties. All credit for the abolition of the treaties 
is given to the Kuomintang. This point is stressed again and again in all manner 
of direct and indirect ways. Although the argument in the book itself is not 
built up logically at all, when reduced to essentials it seems to run like this — 
In ancient China, things were fine. Laws were just, rulers wise, people well fed, 
the state well protected, and culture highly developed. The unequal treaties 
changed all this, China was enslaved, unbalanced industry was created along the 
coast, vice and profiteering were encouraged and all China's ancient virtues were 
abused and destroyed. 50 years of revolutionary effort on the part of the Kuomin- 
tang finally led to the abolishment of the unequal treaties. In 1943 England 
and America gave up extraterritoriality, turned over foreign concessions to 
China and restored China to full sovereignty once more. This the Kuomintang 
accomplished singlehanded and the Chinese people should properly appreciate it. 
Surely the party which led them to such a glorious victory deserves their whole- 
hearted cooperation and support. How can that party be wrong when it has 
such accomplishments to its credit. The people are urged to take the slogan 
"to know is difficult, to act is easy" to heart. Since Confucius said: "The people 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE "UNITED STATES 247 

may be made to follow a course of action, but they must not be expected to under- 
stand." it follows that everyone should put implicit trust in the government and 
unite to carry out its policies with the utmost sincerity. Even when these 
policies appear to be failing, as during the war under one defeat after the other, 
the people must realize that, "as far as the question of the survival or destruc- 
tion of the state is concerned, the correctness or incorrectness of the policy 
decided upon by the government is more important in its invisible influence 
than in its visible results in victory or defeat. Therefore our citizens must pay 
special attention to, and not for a moment neglect, the duty of obeying the state's 
policy and working to carry out that policy. If there is the least carelessness 
in carrying out the correct state policy, or if we permit it to be destroyed by 
those who are superficially dishonest, or radical, then the future of the state and 
nation will be one of a myriad calamities from which we will be unable to re- 
cover." The tone of the book is definitely defensive. Chiang adopts a hurt 
and misunderstood tone throughout. He grants once, that the Kuomintang may 
have erred, but urges only that people join the party and help correct mistakes. 
He takes great pains to state over and over again that the Three Peoples Prin- 
ciples are based on morality, justice, and wisdom without ever explaining in 
concrete terms what the principles are or mean. Only the Kuomintang follows 
the Three Principles and the people should unite behind it to carry out the 
reconstruction and save the nation. He then resorts to threats. Opposition will 
do no good. If opposition continues, national reconstruction will be impossible, 
intelligent people will not be able to unite to help their country and the Kuomin- 
tang will not be able to fulfill its responsibilities and duties to the people. What's 
more, opposition will be defeated. The Kuomintang has crushed all opposition 
in the past and will do so in the future. Chiang quotes a lovely paragraph from 
Confucius. It seems a certain Chao-cheng Mou used his house as a gathering 
place for opposition elements, he had unorthodox theories pleasing to the multi- 
tude and upsetting to the right, his arguments constituted a new and independent 
theory. For these crimes, which Confucius considered far worse than robbery, 
Chao-cheng Mou was put to death by Confucius himself. He was "a villain 
among men" and had to "be eliminated." 

The book is liberally sprinkled with revolutionary phrases and peons [sic] of 
praise to democracies and freedom. Nowhere are these brought down to earth. 
Chiang takes particular pains to point out that "freedom" must be restricted 
by law and discipline "in order to designate the duties and privileges of each 
individual." 'We lay the foundation of democracy through the firm establish- 
ment of Government by law." After all, says he, we do not want to be gypsies, 
"we must accept laws, decrees, and orders with a consecrated mind and solemn 
purpose and carry them out in a voluntary and active spirit." His discussion 
of the machinery of democracy is limited to vague reference to local self-gov- 
ernment which is the integral part of the state. Aside from reprinting in full 
the paper plans of Sun Yat-sen for economic development, naming the number 
of people needed to carry it out, and urging everyone to get busy, his proposals 
on economic problems are extremely vague. The following is typical : "We solve 
the problems of the people's livelihood through the adjustment of the surpluses 
and deficiencies in the public and private economy according to uniform and 
fair lines of reasoning." One thing is made clear, however : There will be no 
place in China's future economy for private initiating of enterprise. Chiang in- 
tended that the government carry out the industrialization and continue to cow 
trol and own it. 

The whole "Chinese economic theory" that is included in the Roy Volume is 
a hodgepodge of nonsense full of contradictions and absurd statements. Both 
orthodox and Marxist economic theories are labeled inadequate, while the an- 
cient sages of China are reported to have all the answers. The sentence "where 
there are, or where there is land, Where there is land there is money. Where 
there is money, there is use for it." Is considered to be the profoundest state- 
ment on economics ever written. People's wants, being materialistic are unim- 
portant — man's rational nature, not his wants are supposed to be the basis of 
the theory. Yet there is a whole chapter on satisfying the people's wants and 
restricting them. Much vague talk is directed toward the raising of trees and 
thus insuring national defense. Culture is in some vague way identified with 
peoples livelihood, and the peoples livelihood is then said to be the basis of na- 
tional defense. — and so it goes on in illogical stupidity denouncing everything 
foreign, affirming faith in a feudal economy of man and land and quoting an- 
cient Chinese sages in support of "managing men and adjusting things" by a 



248 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

paternalistic government. Small wonder China's intellectuals have little regard 
for Chiang. 

Ruth Benedict's book is interesting, though I don't agree with all her conclu- 
sions. She seems to take at face value the mores and ethics of Japan's ruling 
clique and regard it as uniform throughout the nation. Nowhere is there any 
indication that revolts against this rigid system of duties and obligations existed. 
At one point she says that were a Japanese to harbor "dangerous thoughts," he 
would immediately be ashamed for not having lived up to his obligations to the 
Emperor, fear of disapproval or fancied disapproval by the world for failure to 
live up to all obligations is the motivation behind the conduct of all Japanese. 
How then explain the prisons full of men who did harbor dangerous thoughts. 
The rapidly growing Union movements, the thousands who died in opposition to 
the established ruler. She says nothing of these, never hints that there were any 
cracks in Japan's social structure, denies that class war ever existed or can exist, 
and paints the picture of a society absolutely in harmony, united fully behind the 
Emperor, and strictly observing all the traditional practice. It seems to me an 
extremely limited view. Being an anthropologist she explains Japan's agressive- 
ness strictly on cultural grounds, America insulted the Japanese by the exclusion 
act and the naval treaties and insults must traditionally be revenged, therefore 
Japan went to war with the U. S. She upholds our decisions on retaining the 
Emperor and thinks MacArthur did a marvelous job taking over and running 
Japan. She wrote the book as a result of a study undertaken for the Office of 
War Information. Evidently some of her conclusions were used as a basis for the 
handling of propaganda to Japan, and for high policy decisions such as the reten- 
tion of the Emperor. Taking for granted, as she seemed to, that America has no 
aim in the Pacific other than the establishment of democracy everywhere, she 
makes a good case for American decisions. However, American factions since 
V-J Day, both here and in other parts of the world indicate that Washington 
policy-makers may have other ends in view. The Imperial system of Japan fits 
in as well with (?) other schemes that it is hard to take Democratic protesta- 
tions at face value. The books begin to look like a very learned justification 
for maintaining a fascistic social system in Japan as one steppmgstone to a still 
larger American empire in the Far East. She says leaving Hirohito alone was 
the correct policy. Perhaps it ended the war sooner not to touch him, but of 
what use was ending the war if the social system which caused 50 years of 
Japanese aggression remains intact. How can we be sure that the future might 
not have been better served had the Emporer and the whole ruling class been 
destroyed. The Emporer chose to surrender, but as I see it, it was only because 
we guaranteed both him and his ruling clique continued power. If our objections 
bad been, and it seems to me it should have been, the destruction of this clique 
and the overthrow of the Emperor he and they would never have surrendered. 
They would have gone down to utter defeat and the foundations for a really new 
Japan might have been laid, but perhaps after all, it is for the best, for the 
Japanese people themselves may take care of this problem in spite of us and the 
Emperor. 

Enough of books. Spring is coming here and the tractor program is very 
far behind. We have laid great plans for bring 200 into Manchuria, who are 
now in the process of visiting the places where the tractors will be based. We 
have seen five already but still have five to see. In the meantime I am hid 
up and Harry Sherwood, the machinery man from Mancey Harris, is having 
to go without me. It is quite a job traveling over the country here, getting on the 
filthy, crowded, train, riding for hours on and on. Then looking up some 
cold filthy hotel to sleep the night in. The other night, the only place that 
was open had but one room on the 3d floor. We were afraid to sleep on the straw 
tick that was on it for fear of bugs, so we threw that on the floor and slept 
on the iron springs without anything but our sleeping bags beneath us. It 
was the most uncomfortable night I ever spent. By morning my whole body 
ached and 1 was branded with diamonds from head to foot where the springs 
pressed into my flesh. The place proved to he more than a simple hotel, it was 
full of girls, who were evidently to be had at a price and we carefully locked 
the door to keep from being disturbed. The town is as usual in these parts, a 
drab dirty one. with none of the charm of southern Chinese cities. It was full 
of soldiers, police, and gendarmes and it turned out that the local magistrate 
was, as is customary, a man from the south, Ilonan, it was this time. They had 
in mind an experimental farm outside the city and we went out in horse carriages 
through the mud. We passed a mile or two of housing development built by 
the Japanese and a few scattered factories. All were looted. Windows were 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 249 

smashed. Roofs torn off aud the hardware removed. This was, of course, 
blamed on the Russians, but as we returned we saw a group of KMT soldiers 
busy carrying away the boards that were obviously torn from the houses. The 
looting is still going on. The experiment station was all by itself in the country 
by some rather high hills and just north of a small village. The trees are just 
beginning to bud there and the birds are returning. They were chirping busily 
in the branches and flitting here and there. The enormous plain stretched away 
to the west with the small piles of compost put out already by the farmer dotting 
the land here and there. I thought it a rather lovely place, the only one we have 
visited so far that is not in the midst of the factory district. We found a very 
suitable building and a good place for a living quarters for the personnel and we 
returned to Mukden rather pleased. 

I don't remember if I wrote you about MacKonkey, the Canadian, Agrehab 
officer here. He is a large man with wavy white hair and a mustache just turn- 
ing gray. He looks exactly like one of Calvert Whiskey's men of distinction. 
Ordinarily he wears a long great coat and a large fur hat and looks for all the 
world like a Russian general. This causes him no little trouble as the Kuomin- 
tang is very anti-Russian, and restricts the movements of Russians wherever pos- 
sible. The other day he left his coat and briefcase outside the diningroom while 
eating dinner. When he came out they were both gone. What a blow. Emperor 
Mackonkey as he is called by all UNRRA people, was now an Emperor without 
portfolio, also without coat, and it is still cold here. In his regal way he sum- 
moned the police, the management, the Army, the gendarmes and the newspapers 
and launched a campaign to get back his coat and briefcase. Twelve policemen 
showed up at one time and five truckloads were dispatched to the station to check 
on those going out and coming in. Speculation was rife as to who could have 
taken the coat in the midst of Mukden's finest hotel in the broad daylight. It 
turned out that the guard at the back entrance had seen a soldier walk out with 
a coat over his arm and a briefcase in one hand but had failed to stop him as he 
walked with such confidence. Colonel Sammy, aide to General Tu Yu Ming, Com- 
mander in chief of the Armies in the Northeast took a personal interest in the 
case. After two days without results he informed us in hushed tones that in his 
opinion it must have been Communist agents. These dangerous gentlemen, it 
seems, are always looking for foreign uniforms in which to disguise themselves 
for confusion at the front and for spying. The authorities here are Communist 
spy crazy. Last night in the hotel the railroad police celebrated the completion 
of one year in Manchuria. Height of the evening was a play which our people 
thought was going to be comedy. It started out with what appeared to be a two- 
timing wife whose husband had suddenly come home to find several suitors in 
attention. There was a great quarrel which ended with the husband being laid 
out as dead on the table and the wife in spasms of grief. The cook then suddenly 
revealed himself as a Communist spy who offered to get the woman out of her fix 
if she would turn over to him certain important papers in her husband's posses- 
sion. This the patriotic girl steadfastly refused to do and the Red drew a gun, 
as he advanced on the girl past the husband he suddenly arose, jammed his 
finger in the spy's back, forced him to drop the gun, as the latter thought the 
finger in his own ribs was another, and then called for his own personal servant. 
The servant also turned out to a Communist, and he pulled a gun on the husband, 
and the two nasty Reds were about to make their escape when who should arrive 
on the scene but 70 of the Northeast Railway Police, armed to the death, and 
shouting victory is ours. As a final touch the husband removed his gown to reveal 
that he was none other than the commander of the police force, and that the whole 
plot had been arranged as a trap for the Reds. Tarantara, Tarantara. 

Another example of this Red hysteria took place when Dr. Pan, head of the 
Agricultural Department for the Northeast, announced that he was going to 
verbally examine the more than 145 applicants for positions as tractor drivers. 
This was necessary, he said, in order to weed out any Communists. He assures 
us he can tell a Communist by talking to him. This Pan has found an excellent 
man to head up the tractor program here. This super-special tractor specialist 
spent 12 years in Germany both as a student and as a manager contractor oper- 
ations in the field. He did such good work that he was awarded a medal by Hitler 
himself. I feel our project is most certainly in safe hands. We may have a few 
Reds in the ranks, but the high command will most certainly be held by men 
of high moral standing. It is not everyone that can boast a decoration by so 
renowned an upholder of western civilization as Hitler. Of course he and I have 
something in common, as I myself once saw the great man as he skimmed up the 
Rhine in a motor boat, and a very vigorous salute he got from me, too. 

72723— 56— pt. 7 2 



250 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Just heard a report that another UNRRA ship bound for Communist ports in 
Shantung was bombed and strafed by Nationalist planes. That should certainly 
teach UNRRA to keep its hands out of politics and not to meddle where it is not 
wanted. It only prolongs the civil war to render aid to victims of Japanese ag- 
gression on the wrong side of the lines, and the Chinese people will certainly not 
tolerate anyone whose efforts prolong the war in whatever form. Just 1 month 
ago the same thing happened, the whole of UNRRA protested to the government 
and got a guarantee of safety from the Army and the Navy. As far as I know, 
they never did get one from the air force, which of course could not limit its 
activities at the request of a mere international agency. 

Mr. Hinton. Are we going to have time to read these documents? 

Senator Welker. You will have all the time you need to read these 
documents after the session is over, or tomorrow or the next day or at 
any future time. 

Mr. Hinton. Then why bring them down here? 

Senator Welker. If you do not want to see them, that is all right 
with me, to save us time. We want to be fair with you, and we want 
to be fair with your eminent counsel. 

Mr. Hinton. Can I read it, then ? 

Senator Welker. You can read the Literary Digest there, as far 
as I am concerned. But we are going to proceed with this hearing as 
we planned it. We have these things to go in the record, and they 
are going into the record. We are not going to be delayed by you any 
longer. 

Mr. Hinton. Then you refuse me the right to read these papers ? 

Senator Welker. I am not refusing you the right to do anything, 
sir. 

Mr. Hinton. Then you have to give me time to read them. 

Senator Welker. I am insisting on counsel's putting in the exhibits 
that must go into the record. Then we will go at length into this mat- 
ter. Do not think for a moment that we are hurrying this matter. 

Mr. Hinton. Then you have to give me time to read them, if you 
are going to put them in the record. 

Senator Welker. You will read them at the right time. 

Mr. Hinton. So you deny me the right to read them ? 

Senator Welker. No ; I do not deny you the right to read anything. 
I am telling you, you are not going to deny this committee the right to 
do its business as it deems best. 

Mr. Hinton. You deny me the time to read them. That is the 
same as the right to read them. 

Senator W t elker. Mr. Hinton, no doubt you love to argue with the 
committee. 

Mr. Hinton. I don't love to argue. I am down here forced to sit 
with the committee. 

Senator Welker. I know you are forced to sit here, and it hurts 
you a great deal. 

Mr. Hi nton. It certainly does. 

Senator Welker. You are doing your best to minimize the value 
of your appearance here. I do not desire to argue with you. We have- 
certain work. We have this footlocker evidence that we are going to 
put into the record, and you are not going to stall or delay it for one 
moment, as far as this acting chairman is concerned. 

Mr. Hinton. Are you going to deny me the time to read the docu- 
ment ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 251 

Senator Welker. We are not interrogating you about that. We are 
putting these matters into the record, and then we will go to the cross- 
examination a little later, please, Mr. Hinton. I do not believe yet 
that you are in charge of the committee work here. 

Mr. Hinton. Well, I certainly think it is very unfair that I am de- 
nied the time to read the document. 

Senator Welker. I am not going to be bothered about that, We 
are going ahead. Do not think for a moment that we are just going 
over these. You are going to be asked many questions about them. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, will you identify this paper dated No- 
vember 22, 1948? 

Mr. McManus. This is a document which was found in Mr. Hin- 
ton 's footlocker, when it was opened under my supervision. 
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may that go into the record? 
Senator Welker. It will go into the record and be made a part 
thereof. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 39" and reads 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 39 

Nov. 22, 19-',8. 
Dear Mother and Jean: Its been a long time since I've written you and a 
long time since I heard from you. Ways of getting things out and in are getting 
increasingly slim as one after another of the KMT outposts gets picked off. 
But soon the situation should change, for at the rate things are going here the 
whole of China will be liberated soon and then will be able to write just as if 
Ave were in Shanghai. 

For the last month I have done no work at all, neither at the teaching or 
in the writing of my book, for General Fu Tso Yi, in command of the KMT 
troops in North China, decided to raid our area. Since he has a lot of fast- 
moving cavalry and we had very few troops right here, it was not thought 
possible to stop him if he really was stupid enough to come on down. There 
was no chance for him to stay, of course, for he would have been cut off after 
a week or two, but he could have done a lot of damage. So we all picked up 
and moved south. The whole university moved on 4 hrs. notice. At 3 o'clock 
they told us to pack and get ready to leave by 5. That was the first word we 
had of it. Actually we got on the road by 8. We walked most of the night for 
3 nights, sleeping in peasant homes by day, and eating millet which was pre- 
pared by a cooking squad which went on ahead. On the fourth day we went on 
in the daylight and marched another four days until we got to Hsingtai. We 
stayed there about a week in a small village outside the city. Then it was 
decided to move back, for Fu Tso Yi, when he heard that Manchuria had folded 
up completely behind him began to feel the hot breath of the Manchurian troops 
on his back and ran back to Peiping. It was another week before we got home 
again to Jeng Ding. 

Of course we weren't able to hold any classes all that time and I couldn't 
do any writing work, but the time was not wasted by any means. For the 
university leaders took the march as an opportunity to teach all these young 
intellectuals, many of them from landlord homes, what proletarian solidarity 
and collective living means. We were all a bunch of individualists to varying 
degrees, selfish, undisciplined, not caring too much what happened to the others, 
not too good at obeying instructions and not at all bold about raising opinions 
about things we thought to be wrong. On the march through many meetings 
we learned what is meant by discipline and what they call here organizational 
spirit, which really means a responsible attitude toward the group. On the 
one hand, all are expected to obey the rules and carry out instructions, and 
on the other, all are expected to take the problems of the group as their own, to 
try and help make things go well, to point out what they believe to be wrong 
about the way things are handled, and to criticize friends, or teachers, or anybody 
whom they think have not done as they should. At the same time we learned 
what is meant by mutual help and collective work. Everyone is expected to 
pitch in, help fix up the rooms for sleeping, fetch water, help the cooking group 
if they need it, help those who are tired or sick or lame, all this until it becomes 



252 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

second nature. And further than this we learned what our relations should 
be with the people. Two things were expected in this regard (1) to help the 
people with their work, carry water for them, sweep the yards, leave things 
just as we found them, or better and at the same time learn about the people's 
life and problems; (2) teach the people something about the present situation in 
China, about the problems of the war, help them to understand better what is 
going on. 

All this was learned through two methods the first being mutual and self criti- 
cism done in an organized way through meetings of small groups. These are 
called examination meetings, the second was through the election of models. 
The second really was most successful. We have done so much criticism in the 
past and these intellectuals are so good at finding fault with each other that to 
a certain extent, though everyone takes the criticism to heart, many feel a little 
gloomy about their own shortcomings, but the elections have just the opposite 
effect in raising the morale of everyone to a tremendous extent. The two sys- 
tems sort of complement each other of course, for others tell you your own short- 
comings and at the same time all together you elect those who did the best. 

The elections are done in a unique way which avoids all spirit of competition 
and individual championship. They were held on three levels. First, peo- 
ple met in groups of about 20 or so. Anyone who thought anyone else should 
be a model of the group proposed his name with reasons. If the name was sec- 
onded, he became a candidate. There was no limit on the number of those nomi- 
nated, but there was a requirement that his bad points be criticized as well as 
his good points praised. After the nominations were in, everyone had a chance 
to add anything about any of the nominees, either of praise or of blame. Then 
when all had had their say, a vote was taken and anyone who got half the votes 
of the whole group or more became a model. This was the first step. The sec- 
ond was for the groups to meet together as whole departments, that is the lan- 
guage department met, the history department, etc., and each department again 
elected from among the small group of models those who were to be department 
models. The system was for some one from the group to speak for 10 minutes 
about the reasons why this particular individual was chosen, being careful at 
the same time to point out his faults. Then there was a few minutes for any- 
one else to add anything. And in the meantime wall newspapers were put up 
giving the story of each group model. In this way those of other groups could 
get an idea of the merits of your own candidates. After all the speaking was 
over an election was again held and anyone who got half the votes of the whole 
department was called a model. Our language department chose 8, among them 
three little orderlies (or little devils as they are called). 

Then our whole college met and we went through the speaking and voting 
process, and put up wall newspapers again. This time we had models from 
among the cooks, and from those who were in charge of transport, and of 
moving the sick and women with children. It was a long meeting for even 
though the speeches were limited to 10 minutes about any one person, there 
were some 15 who were qualified. I think eight were finally chosen for out- 
college, among them one cook, one little devil, one teacher who had been in charge 
of the sick and disabled, and five students. 

After the elections of individuals, model squads were chosen. On the march 
everyone had been put into squads either for work or just for walking and 
those squads were chosen which had worked together and helped one another 
and maintained morale, etc., the best. The first cooking group and the transport 
squad were elected. 

Well, there isn't time to tell you all the details of this march now, for I must 
get this letter off today, but I will only say that in these meetings and elections. 
everyone's actions and attitudes were examined down to the smallest detail. 
One lmy ate a pepper which belonged to a peasant and confessed it. Another 
had borrowed a bowl to wash clothes in and the old peasant woman from whom 
he borrowed it thought he washed his feet in it and was upset. He had to 
apologize to her for something he hadn't done, because she thought he had 
done it. One girl was ill and was sent to ride on the carts, she took along in 
her pack thing's which others had been carrying to lighten their burden but 
hadn't asked permission. This was not fair and she criticized herself. People 
were praised for oonntless things, for putting down their bedding in the worst 
and toughest and coldest places, offering the good places to others, for giving up 
their last pair of socks to someone who needed them more, for taking extra pains 
in looking after the wants of those whom they were to serve (this was the little 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 253 

devils who were the most cheerful and helpful kids you ever saw) for not 
grumbling when we lost our way and walked five extra li, for keeping good 
order at mealtimes and not diving in to get one's own millet without thinking 
of others, for singing songs even though their voices were no good simply 
because it helped to keep morale up. The list is too long to begin to cover. 
But the result of all this was remarkable. A group of individuals who all their 
lives had more or less looked out for themselves and grumbled about things that 
went wrong, were in a few days, transformed into a smoothly working team. 
They began to forget themselves and to strive to be like the models which had 
been chosen. It was really remarkable to see this change so quickly, and to see 
the spirits of everyone rise to such heights. One girl who came here simply 
because her parents in KMT China wouldn't let her marry the boy she wanted 
to, had three times gone off to see her fiance without permission, once during 
an air raid, and once on the march itself when we stayed near where the boy 
lived. She seemed not to realize at all what it meant and resented being told 
again and again that she was wrong. Suddenly after the elections she changed 
overnight and did so well from then on we chose her as a model. Anyone who 
made progress was especially honored and praised. 

We were sure surprised to hear that it's Truman again. We all predicted other- 
wise. That's all for now. Much love. I'm very well but Bertha and Joan 
haven't come yet and it is hell waiting for them. 
Love, 

Billy. 

Mr. McMaxus. The document reads : "Dear Mother and Jean, No- 
vember 22, 1948." 

(The document was handed to the witness.) 

Mr. Hixtox. You can take it back up. If I don't have time to 
read it, there is no point in bringing it down here. 

Also, I would like to protest again about the use of personal letters 
in a hearing of this kind, and also 

Senator Welker. Whose personal letters ? 

Mr. Hixtox. These seem to be personal letters. 

Senator Welker. Whose personal letters? 

Mr. Hixtox. This is a letter that says, "Dear Mother and Jean." 

Senator Welker. I ask you, whose personal letters? Do you deny 
that they are yours ? 

Mr. Hixtox. I never denied that they were mine. 

Senator Welkek. All right. Will you admit that they are your per- 
sonal letters? 

Mr. Hixtox. I refuse to answer questions on that subject. 

Senator Welkkr. On the grounds of the fifth amendment ? 

Mr. Hixtox. On the grounds of the first, the fourth, and the fifth 
amendments. 

Senator Welkek. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, will you read a few lines from that last 
exhibit, please? 

Mr. McManus. This is a letter. "Dear Mother and Jean": 

November 22, 1048. 
For the last month I have done no work at all, neither at the teaching or in 
the writing of my book, for Gen. Fu Tso Yi, in command of the KMT troops 
in North China, decided to raid our area. Since he has a lot of fast-moving 
cavalry and we had very few troops right here, it was not thought possible to 
stop him if he really was stupid enough to come on down. 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hix t tox. Mr. Chairman, you claim that these came from my 
f ootlocker. Why don't you put the whole works in ? 
Senator Welkek. I 



254 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Hinton. You claim that you are not afraid of the truth about 
China. Why don't you put all the letters in? Why don't you put all 
the writings in ? 

Also, if I remember rightly, in the locker that I brought back, there 
were 78 posters. These 78 posters covered the whole of the period 
that I was there, all aspects of life in China. In the exhibits that you 
put up yesterday and today, it seems that there are a few posters 
picked out which would show different, mostly political, aspects. 

Now, if you say you are not worried about the truth about China, 
why not — there should be a whole lot of posters. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, I am very sorry that you are not- 

Mr. Hinton. Why don't you lay out a whole lot of posters and let 
the press see everything that you claim you took from the locker ? 

Senator Welker. I am sorry you are not a member of this com- 
mittee. And as far as I am concerned 

Mr. Hinton. Also, as far as the photographs were concerned, there 
were three hundred and some photographs that I brought back 

Senator Welker. I know there is no such thing as decency in your 
body. But will you be courteous enough to let the chairman interrupt 
you one moment. 

Now, counselor, I have had about enough of this. 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Senator Welker. Now, you were so interested in the press seeing 
everything in your footlocker. That footlocker has been opened for 
2 days, and they have the consent of this committee to look through 
it and to do everything they want to, and you and your counsel have 
that perfect right. You can do so at any time. But you are not going 
to delay and to stall the hearing, because it does not go the way you 
want it to go, Mr. Hinton. 

Mr. Hinton. You are making quite a circus with all these things 

Senator Welker. Very well 

Mr. Hinton. Put up here. You pick this; you pick that, what yon 
say came out of this locker, and, of course, you try to give an impres- 
sion which suits you. 

Senator Welker. Well, now 

Mr. Hinton. Naturally, I think that the things I brought back, the 
things I brought back, they should all be on display. 

Senator Welker. You mentioned a circus we are trying to make 
and the impression we are trying to leave. Are you trying to leave 
the impression before this committee and the American people that 
you are not a Communist ? 

Mr. Hinton. I am trying to have a fair hearing as much as possible, 
as would, I think, be impossible with a committee of this kind, because 
of the record of this committee in the past and during these hearings. 
Everything is done to distort the picture. 

Senator Welker. Everything is done to distort the truth, you say '. 

Mr. Hinton. Everything is done to distort the whole picture: yes. 

Senator Welker. Now, then, maybe we can get right down to the 
grassroots level and get at the truth. Do you care to leave an impres- 
sion with this committee that you are an American and not a Com- 
munist? 

Mr. Hinton. I certainly care to leave the impression with the Amer- 
ican people that T am an American; yes. 

Senator Welker. Now, how about the Communist part of it '. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 255 

Mr. Hinton. As to questions about communism, I refused to answer 
before ; I refuse to answer now, and that is the same 

Senator Welker. Why did you refuse to answer that? You have 
now made quite a speech about the impression that you wanted to 
leave here, and the fairness, and we do not want a circus. Now will 
you tell us, have you ever been a member of the Communist Party or 
are you a member now ? 

Mr. Hinton. We are going through the same thing again and again, 
Mr. Chairman. 

Senator Welker. I know we are. 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of 
the fifth amendment, as before. 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

Proceed, counsel. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, will you identify the next document? 

Mr. McManus. This is a document which bears on the head the fol- 
lowing: "Peifang Ta shwye." This is one of the documents which 
was taken from Mr. Hinton's footlocker under my supervision. 

Mr. Morris. May that go in the record, Mr. Chairman ? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered and made a part of the record. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 40" and reads 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 40 

Peifang Ta shwye : 

This university is spread out in several villages on a flat and fertile plain which 
is ringed on every side with mountains. This was evidently a former Catholic 
stronghold, for everywhere one sees the spire of Catholic churches and the huge 
brick halls of Catholic convents and monasteries. The school, or at least part of 
it is housed in former Catholic mission buildings complete with gothic church, 
and stone crosses on roof peaks, door posts, and gables, Never, in their wildest 
nightmares did the Catholic fathers dream, I think, that their spacious halls and 
gardens would one day become a center of Communist learning, where Chu Te and 
Mao Tse Tung smile down from the halls of the rectory and the kitchen boys wear 
red stars with crossed hammer and sickle on their caps. The bulletin board where 
once holy bulls were posted, is now jammed with the wall newspapers of the 
students, and on the brick walls of the compound are written huge characters 
which says "Drive to Nanjing, Capture Chang alive." 

But the housing is not by any means the most unique thing about this univer- 
sity. Most striking of all right at this moment is the fact that all classes have 
been suspended for 6 weeks while all students, faculty, and staff study the new 
agrarian program, review their past lives, and reform their thinking and atti- 
tudes so as to be able really to serve the people and carry through this rock bot- 
tom land reform which has just been adopted by this Border Regions Government. 
This agrarian law is the most important thing that has happened in China for 
several thousand years. It is the biggest thing in Asia, perhaps in the world right 
now. Everything else has been laid aside while everyone studies what it means 
and examine himself in the light of the program and what part he must play in it. 
This self-examination is not confined to the university, but to every part of the 
Border Region. All cadres are taking time to do the same, all workers in fac- 
tories, all farmers in the villages. All are preparing for this great clean sweep 
of the land problem. As for the students, they do this in groups. They meet 
sometimes 9 and 10 hours a day and discuss. Usually it works like this. One 
will get up and talk, will examine his past life, explain what he did and why, 
and how he regards things now. Then others will analyze this boy's life and 
actions, criticize, praise, or blame, and try to help him to see how he should have 
done differently, or can now do differently. This goes on for days and days. Why 
is all this necessary? Partly because many of these students are of gentry back- 
ground, unconsciously they have many holdovers from the past, feudal ideas 
about family, land, classes, physical work, democracy and other aspects of life. 
With such ideas they cannot hope to be of use to the people or the revolution, for 
the revolution has left all such far behind. This new land law is the grave of the 
past and all those who wish to be of service to the future must rid themselves of 



256 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

the encumbrances of the past, wipe the slate clean and approach problems in the 
same way that the poorest, most destitute peasants approach them. Concretely 
this means that these gentry sons and daughters must be willing to destroy the 
roots of their own privileges, even struggle against their own parents, and divide 
their own parents' land and wealth, without fear or favor. That is the supreme 
test today, and it is no easy thing for those who have unconsciously grown up pro- 
tected by the security of land rents, safe in the knowledge that no matter how 
well or poorly they worked, no matter what happened to their health, they could 
always be taken care of by the family and those rents would continue to pour in, 
paying the bills, sending the children off to college, etc. Now all this must be 
renounced. The roots of this whole system are to be dug up. From now on their 
position in life depends on their own wits and skill, their own hard work and 
service to the people. 

That is one side of it. Then there are the others, the poor peasant and worker 
students whose class viewpoint is already solid because they are of the op- 
pressed. The discussions help them too, for even they may often have hangovers 
of fear, of inferiority, of superstition regarding the Li class, and they may not 
have a very clear picture of the relationships, and exploitation in society. They 
learn by discussion with the rest and help those of different background to 
better understand the problems of the people. 

When the university is not discussing laud reform, classes are held. But these 
are nothing like the classes held anywhere else in the world. Since I haven't 
been to any I don't know exactly how it is done, except that everyone says the 
classwork is group work, with the advanced helping the less advanced and every- 
one progressing faster for that very reason. But classwork itself is only part 
of the program. Practical work is the other part. The engineers go off to work 
in factories, put up blast furnaces, make explosives, the farmers go out to the 
fields and work with the peasants. The medical students work in the hospital. 
The economic students study land reform, Border Region finance, and get prac- 
tical work in all these. In no branch of the university is learning separated 
from practice. For the purpose of the school is to train as rapidly as possible 
the much-needed workers who will immediately be called to important jobs, 
building, fighting, tending sick and wounded, teaching, improving agriculture. 
and the thousand and one urgent things that need doing all at once. For that 
reason no excess baggage is thrown in. The students have little time and only 
learn what they need to learn in order to be of use at this stage of development. 
There is no use teaching engineers about radar when what is needed is men who 
can smelt iron in homemade blast furnaces. It is no use to teach ag students 
how 7 to repair tractors when what is needed is men who can design a better 
scythe, or organize the farmers to keep good corn strains pure. So textbooks 
are rewritten and a series of short courses given. In engineering, for instance, 
the first group studied iron smelting and coke making. The second class studied 
explosives, the third class is studying mechanical engineering, simple machinery, 
gears, worms, machining etc., while the third class will study whatever is con- 
sidered most important at the time. This has not yet been decided. It may be 
civil engineering, railroad building, highway planning, etc. or it may be elec- 
trical engineering, whatever is regarded as most vital will be the concern of 
the next class. Language courses are given because of the need for interpreters 
and for diplomats in the future. English is one main course — a 2 year one, and 
Russian is another. There are twice as many students of Russian as there are 
of English. 

Whatever the course, all students get their exercise by working on the land. 
The dean of the arts college announced proudly that his students had during 
the summer and fall grown and harvested over 2,500,000 local dollars worth of 
grain. That they did not look like students but rather more like fanners and 
that l hey could he seen any morning out on the roads with wicker basket which 
they had made themselves, picking up manure for next spring's crops. The 
dean of the medical college apologized for not looking more like a doctor. "I 
look really more like a cook or a soldier," he said, "lint don't let that fool you. 
and don't think because we are often seen out on the road picking up ma- 
nure that we know nothing about medicine. You'd be surprised when we get 
into our white aprons and white masks and pull on those rubber gloves, we do 
a good job of surgery, even if we don't have instruments made with precision 
machinery from some modern factory. Now when we need a knife we have to 
go to some local smith and have a few dozen pounded out, but they work quite 
well, for .all that." Of course, he added that they didn't try to train MD's but 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 257 

only to train men and women competent to deal with the most urgent diseases 
and problems, people who could go out now and work. 

That is the way it is in every department. This is no cut and dried univer- 
sity. Certainly no ivory tower, but a place where people come to learn some skill 
or knowledge that their country and people are badly in need of, and the skill 
they learn is put to immediate use. Then as things advance, and what they 
know is inadequate to the times, they return here for further training, thus 
education and life are combined. This is all according to a theory of the presi- 
dent, Dr. Fan, an eminent Chinese historian, that education and life are in fact 
nothing but the same thing, and that knowledge and practical work must always 
be combined. In addition, he evidently believed that everyone should know what 
it is to raise his own food, though of course, beside from being desirable this 
is also a necessity, since the budget is very small and basic food rations must 
be provided by the students and faculty themselves, just as they are by all gov- 
ernment workers. 

Jan. 16th : 

Visited the Medical College this afternoon. Dean Li, the doctor in charge is 
one of the most vigorous and life-loving men I have ever seen. He gave us a 
long picture story of his college. Ten years' history of Peita Medical College. 
Ten years' struggle. The people's achievements are always built from nothing 
and progress from small to bigger. Medical science college is no exception. 
This school organized from the doctors training corps and is now 10 years old, 
overcame many difficulties, finally we succeed and develop to the college it 
is today. 1938, Jan. — Japanese invaded China and the Central Armies gave 
up and retreated but the 8 route army took its place iu the rear of the enemy 
and promoted guerrilla war. The medical department of the 129 division 
established a mobile training course to train doctors, nurses, and medical men. 
Skill was low then. More than 40 students, 2 teachers, one is Tien Shing Chung, 
the other is dean Liu Ho Yi. Most of the students of the mobile course came 
from the red army, formerly they were nurses. Their study could not be 
separated from the struggle. Not long after they established their school the 
enemy invaded S. E. Shansi by nine routes. All students and teachers joined 
the tight. Used the battlefield as their classroom. Studied medical surgery 
on the front. Picture shows students with large banner "Mobile Medical team 
129 Army." Then comes a big gear wheel which seems to be the banner of 
this team. On it is written : we suffered many hardships, etc. Mobile Medical 
training today has worked three terms. Then in 1940 they got order to enlarge 
this team to be the 129th division medical school. Tien Shing Chung was presi- 
dent. Names of teachers and students follow. More than 90 students. 1941 
January — this school joined with the medical training team of headquarters 
and formed the Battlefield Medical school. [Picture shows establishment of 
the school. Next picture shows the students cleaning guns, etc. Illustrates 
that they had arms for self-defense and were prepared to fight. During their 
off hours they practiced throwing grenades and rifle shooting (picture shows 
this).] Medical men also trained to be military men. When Japs moved up 
they planted mines on the roads. [Picture] While they studied they sent out 
scouts to watch enemy movements, thus their study was only rarely interrupted. 
1942, spring season — two big teams protected the movement of the school. One 
of the class was killed on the way, during the anti-mopping-up period. Their 
work in the hospitals was good, they never worried about tilth or bad smells. 
Patients cared for diligently. [Arrow says in the medical school there exists 
high revolutionary friendship.] The sixth team graduates were the best. One 
of the students named Mao Wen Shi practiced in the Bethune Hospital at the 
time of the Jap mopping-up ; anxious to find some safe place to protect patients, 
he fell into a deep gulley and was killed. This is highest form of revolutionary 
sacrifice. The students of the school carried the wounded to the mountains 
to avoid being caught. [Picture.] They also helped the patients move when 
the Japs mopped up. They never complained about this. [Picture.] To alleviate 
the burden of the people they usually carried their own food, grain and fuel. 
1941 — They had twice everyweek to do this, no one was excepted from this 
service. [Banner above says "save the people's force — " pictures of grain 
carrying and fuel gathering.] They carried coal five lis in order to earn money 
for a festival dinner. For 300 li and back every student carried 80 and every 

teacher 50 catties of and by this method they earned money for buying 

salt, etc. They passed the famine period just like the people, ate wild grass, 
and tree leaves, and saved grains to relieve poor farmers. 1943 — The medical 



258 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

school has the spirit of struggle and suffered many hardships bravely. In 
order to alleviate the people's burden and also improve their life, all students 
and teachers cultivated on the mountains 400 inou of virgin land. Everybody 
had more than 4 mou. In the wintertime they look over the record and choose 
their labor hero. 1944 — Big production carried on in this school. They gathered 
2,500 catties of manure. Teacher Li Rhen Shen was the foremost in this work. 
They hoed the fields under the hot sun. Hoed all land at least twice. After 
that year's production there life was improved. [Arrow says "be frugal."} 
They patched their clothes when broken as well as their shoes. They learned 
to make shoes of wild grass to overcome the shortage of shoes when they were 
transporting grain, etc. They had discussion meetings in the moonlight to 
save oil. They saved every small piece of string and every scrap of cloth. 
They used white soil to make their own chalk. They went to big temples to 
collect old Buddhist books and used the blank surfaces for notebook paper. 
Although their life was very difficult, still they studied very hard. They helped 
each other and cooperative progress overcame the simple conceptions of medicine. 
[Pictures all through here.] Their life was very democratic. If they had any 
opinion, they wrote it and put it in the opinion box as well as speaking out at 
meetings. During the study movement in the Communist Party, the whole staff 
and students studied hard, organized their thoughts and found out the mistakes 
of the past, and resolutely reformed themselves. The students of the school 
participated in medical work in all the big battles. [Picture shows Jap flags 
pierced with arrows for each battle.] They trained nearly 1,000 medical workers 
in 6 years and distributed to all battlefields in Chin-Chi-Lu-Yu. After the 
Japanese surrender, the medical school became the Medical College of Peifang 
Tashywe. Many students came from far places outside the liberated areas, 
partly due to President Fan's influence. In order to establish the buildings of 
the school, the students carried more than 100,0004- bricks. They erected 
telephone poles (121) from the school to the powerplant. They also participated 
in reconstruction work of other kinds, such as painting walls and making furni- 
ture. 1946 — during wheat harvest time all. the people in the school mobilized 
to help poor peasants harvest wheat. Medical college was no exception. The 
medical college has a cook -helping system. Every Sunday they cook in his place, 
and let the cook rest. They also kept records and did trade, transportation, in 
order to earn money to improve their life. When Chiang invaded lib. area, 
students of the college mobilized to help the soldiers and worked at the front. 
Organized a medical team. They went to the battlefield at the front and 
carried wounded soldiers to the rear for cure. One of the students named 
Sung Gro Chyang was killed in this work. At the front they also gave Yanko 
dances of 40 to 50 persons. 

At the school they worked hard but they also played hard. They had Yanko 
dances with more than 50 persons at a time. They organized ball teams for 
basketball, etc., and competed from time to time. They sing very often and 
have many singing teams. This is a mass movement of the students. Students 
study chemistry diligently. [Shows a boy writing formulas on the floor.] They 
utilize all spare time to study, even during their rest time they find reference 
books to read and write out their notes. Also they study how to improve their 
study methods. They combined study methods through efforts of students and 
teachers. When this school moved from Hsirgta to Taihang, all the students 
carried their baggage and walked more than 400 li Jan. 1947 — many graduated 
students went to the front and to many hospitals in the rear. They established 
a bacteriology lab, anatomy lab, and a hospital under very difficult conditions, 
in order that the students might study and practice. 

Now this the medical is still far far away from our ideal, but we hope and we 
thoroughly believe that we can overcome all difficulties and establish a modern 
scientific medical college. (End of history of the school.) 

The school itself now is located in two small villages not far from the central 
village of the university. Its buildings, like those of the latter, were once a 
Catholic mission. The church, which is as close a copy of an Italian country 
church as possible, with faked marble columns, arched nave, and cheap stained 
glass, is used as a classroom. On one side of the altar is a red banner saying 
Chinese Communist Party Wan Swey (live a thousand years), on the other 
Drive to Nanking, and where the altar used to be is a blackboard. The wall 
newspapers of the students take up a part of a wall, and the church bell 
calls the students to class. This medical school has 500 students, but almost no 
equipment — six microscopes, a few slides, some homemade test tubes, a home- 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 259 

made sterilizer, and an incubator which keeps warm by an alcohol lamp. For 
disinfectant the doctors are experimenting with a solution of egg white and 
salt water which the Russians have reported successful. But with this meager 
equipment they are ( V) disease cultures, studying them, and learning the funda- 
mentals of medicine. In one little mud hut, far away from the rest they have 
their anatomy room. Knives, forceps, and all are made by the local blacksmith. 
They have no formaldehyde with which to pickle corpses so they have to do their 
dissecting in winter time. Even at that the bodies sometimes kick up quite 
a stink ; that is why the building is so far from the post. The doctor said the 
local people do not mind their cutting up corpses. It is only a few of the older 
people who have religious qualms about it, but the people, in general, have long 
since outgrown such scruples and understand quite well what is being done 
and what for. 

When we came out of the anatomy lab, we came upon a hundred or more 
students and teachers all doing a Yanko dance just for the fun of it. The dean 
of the school is a great one for dances, drama, and singing. He often takes part 
in acting himself and on the big festival days he usually leads oh the Yanko 
himself. He says the school is just like one great happy family and it certainly 
appears to be so. He is perfect as a father, plump, cheerful, full of the love of 
life and enthusiasm for the future, which is such a part of everything here. 

In the evening we had a discussion meeting with all the students in the English 
Department. Some of them were not very advanced, 1 to 2 months only, so the 
talk could not be very complicated. Anyway we had a lot of fun with a little 
knot of students gathered around each foreigner, and questions shooting back and 
forth. Miss Fan, who teaches English conversation, told me at one point about 
the self-examination that is going on now, an examination by group discussion. 
She said as an example that she herself used to always expect people to wait on 
her and do everything for her, and that this was an obvious landlord hangover, 
since she was the daughter of a LL. She said also she liked to boss other people, 
which was another indication. It was this sort of thought that they branded as 
LL thought and were trying to clear up now. I said, "You couldn't really have 
been that bad could youV" and she said, "Well, not always, but much too much." 
She evidently felt that was no way to serve the people. The students asked over 
and over again about Wallace, about American policy, and about the coming 
elections. I was sorry not to give them more optimistic news. 

Then next day we came on here to the agriculture college. On the road we 
passed what looked like a division of troops on the march. Their weapons looked 
good, modern rifles, machineguns, mountain guns, a few small cannon. They had 
many horses and mules and carried their cooking pots with them. Unfortunately 
we went by so fast we could not really get a good look at them. There is some- 
thing about an army on the march that always stirs me, perhaps because I have 
never taken part in any such thing. This city is the most modern I have seen for 
a long time. It has some paved streets, electric lights, and running water. At 
night the streets are all lit up. The theater is brandnew, comfortably warm, for 
a change, and the stage is lit up too, by electric ligbts. 

The Ag school is run by a former professor of botany, and his wife, who also 
studied botany. Their background influences the whole school. They spend 
much of their time collecting and identifying plants. Now, this would seem to be 
a very impractical pursuit at a time like this, but in reality this is an extremely 
important activity. They are after plants of medicinal value and seem to know 
their business. The idea to And drugs which will be useful for veterinary prac- 
tice. A great deal of emphasis is being put on training vets and setting up vet 
stations. Since they have very few foreign drugs, they must depend almost 
entirely on what they can And in the mountains. Thus botanical collection turns 
out to be of major importance. In their vet work they have also drawn heavily 
on old Chinese practices which use herbs and needles. Modern veterinarians, 
with all their knowledge, are helpless here because none of the drugs and equip- 
ment which they know are required are available. Thus though they can diag- 
nose very well, they cannot cure. The old style Chinese vet may not know exactly 
what it is he is treating, but at least he has a remedy, and often it works. Hence 
they combine the two and make progress in spite of backward conditions. Ani- 
mals though they appear numerous here are really very scarce in terms of need 
and have a high value. The average donkey or mule costs $400,000 local money 
(U. S. $135). The vet stations now operating have treated 4,000 animals in the 
past year. Assuming that they saved the lives of every one, they saved the 
farmers of this region 10 billion. The center of the veterinary work at the college 



260 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

here is a little mudwalled room fitted up like an old-fashioned Chinese apothecary 
shop, with hundreds of small drawers full of drugs made from plants. These 
drugs were collected last summer by faculty and students on a long trip into the 
mountains. They brought back with them several thousand pounds of useful 
plants and roots. 

The other big enterprise here is making sugar from beets. They have' devel- 
oped a process for doing this by hand methods. It is very laborious but it works, 
and when it is expanded will save millions for the Border Region which has 
now to import most of its sugar from outside. Sugar beets grow well all over 
this area and produce sugar abundantly. In fact we are told that in the Taihang 
Mountain Region sugar beets have a much higher sugar content than they do in 
lower altitudes and other climates. From 1 mou, 2 to 3 tons of beets are har- 
vested, and 400 pounds of sugar made. 

This 400 pounds of sugar has far more value than the millet or corn or any 
other crop that might be grown on the land. Here the beets are first sliced up, 
and then boiled four or five times to remove all the sweet in them. This sugar 
solution is then boiled down in a series of kettles. When the right consistency 
is reached, the heavy molasses is set in a warm chamber in small bowls, where 
the sugar crystallizes overnight. The next day this sugar is put in a centrifuge 
and whirled around at a terrific speed propelled by the muscles of four students in 
turn. The crystalline sugar is caught in a fine copper screen, while the noncrystal- 
line sugar pours on through. This boiling clown, crystallizing and centrifuging 
process is done four times for each batch in order to get out all the sugar. The old 
centrifuge, a relic from the Japanese occupation, has to be whirled for a half 
an hour or more just for four pounds of sugar on the screen, and this must be 
scraped off by hand. But the students take this all in their stride. I guess they 
have never thought or realized how much labor this really is. What matters 
to them is that they are making sugar, pioneering in a new field with something 
their country and people need a great deal. In the process they are learning 
a great deal. Each of the boys in this class may well go out and set up a sugar 
plant of his own. In 3 years' time they expect the Border Region to be self- 
sufficient. The students work until far after dark by the light of small oil 
lamps, and Mrs. Lwo is right there supervising it, finding an empty bowl for the 
sugar pouring from the centrifuge, sending for another boy to help the three 
on the crank, taking care to see that everything is going right. What else they 
do in this agricultural school [several words illegible] enough in themselves, if 
nothing else were taught or done. This could hardly be called an Ag college 
by American specialists, but there is no question that it is doing more for farm- 
ers of this region than all the highpowered missionary experts and fancy KMT 
Ag schools ever did. 

In the evening we went to the (?) and a very fine show it was. First came 
a short play about a farm family. Then two young daughters were spending 
time learning to read, but their father got angry with them for this foolish 
waste of time and scolded them severely. But he spoke too soon, for that very 
day a letter was brought to him from (?) while classes are held in the rooms 
and halls where once the good fathers drank their wine and said their prayers. 
I guess all the dead popes of Christendom have turned over three or four times 
in their graves at the sight of their holy grounds providing shelter for the study of 
land reform and the overthrow of feudalism. But then, who cares about dead 
popes. The bell in the church tower now summons revolutionary students to 
classes. Boys and girls with hammers and sickles on their hats pass under t lu- 
st one crosses over the doorways, and in the rectory where the priests once took 
their sumptuous meals Marx and Lenin look down on discussions of the best 
way to mobilize the poor peasants so that the lands, among them lands once be- 
longing to this very convent, can be fairly distributed among all the people. 

The life of both students and faculty is rigorous. In this society people who do 
mental work have a lower standard than workers. Everything is strictly calcu- 
lated in terms of millet and the millet allowance per person is only about 20 
ounces a day. Not that we got only millet, but millet is the standard, and if we 
got wheat or meat, it is figured in terms of millet and the total can't be more than 
the standard. When I think of Putney's meals and the great organization and 
staff necessary to prepare and serve them, I have to smile. Here we of the faculty 
run (not walk, for the food would be half gone if we walked) to a bare room that 
must once have been the convent's grain storage bin. On the table (there is one 
table for every eight of us, but no chairs at all) are bowls and chopsticks, though 
many bring their own. On the floor is a wooden pan heaped with yellow millet 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 261 

and a bowl of the water that the millet was cooked in. In addition there are a 
few bowls of cabbage, or chopped carrots, with perhaps a bit of bean curd mixed 
in. Everyone grabs his bowl, fills it to the brim and shovels the food into his 
mouth as fast as he can trying all the while to get a bit of the vegetables in along 
with the millet, before they are all gone. In the corner is a pile of corn and over 
against the back wall is a pile of wheat. We also exist on steamed bread and 
corn cakes made from these reserves. Often during meals a rat will come poking 
along hoping to get a bite of the grain. Then the faculty all drop their bowls, grab 
whatever is handy and go after the rat. There is such a wild scramble that the 
rat often gets away. But not always. The other day we got one cornered in an 
old iron stove (needless to say this stove never has a fire in it even when it gets to 
20 below which it has this winter). We smoked him out of there and he dashed 
for the door. A new man, a writer just in from Peiping stepped in front of him 
but the rat disappeared. He thought at first it ran up his leg but we shook his 
pants all around and nothing was visible so, very disappointed we went back to 
our food. Some one remarked, "It's a fine thing when six men can't catch one 
rat" (the group was small that day) when all of the sudden the Peiping professor 
let out a whoop and clutched his rear. The rat was at the top of his pants just 
under his belt and we had to take his pants off to catch him. He did not get away 
that time. 

The kitchen is manned by one man, and stocked with a few great iron kettles. 
The man wipes out everything with a dirty old rag, cleans off the table with it 
and rubs up the chopsticks nicely ready for the next meal. In the kitchen the rats 
are very active but, the cook never even takes notice. He is 44 but has no wife 
and sleeps right there next to the stove. He says he is too poor to have a wife. 
"But have you no land?" I asked. "My home is not yet liberated," he said. "But 
soon it will be and then I will get land and a wife." It is things like that that 
make the revolution real to these people. Another boy, a helper at a different 
kitchen told me the same thing and said, "If we just string along with Mao Tse 
Tung, I'll be able to marry yet." In China there are many more men than women 
because girl babies are often drowned. That means that many men never have 
a chance to get married and of course it is the poor ones who lose out. It is simply 
a question of economics. No land, no wife. Of course some hired laborers were 
able to marry, but many millions were not, for wives had to be bought and many 
never got enough money to buy cheap as girls often were, especially in famine 
years. The rich landlords used to buy young girls in hard times for four or five 
dollars apiece. Keep them as slaves around the house until they were of mar- 
riageable age and then sell them at a handsome price to some poor merchant in 
search of a wife. Feudalism certainly is wonderful. 

The students have an even simpler mess than we do. There are no tables and 
each one brings his own bowl and chopsticks. They have the same huge steaming 
pile of millet and have the same rush to get it down before it is all gone. Faculty 
members each have a room apiece, or at least a room per family, but the students 
live together eight or ten to a room. Each has a quilt or two, a towel and maybe 
some soap, one suit of padded clothes and a pair of shoes. They sleep on the old 
kangs (brick beds) of the (remainder of article missing). 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may I read into the record at this time 
page 1755 of the preceding examination of Mr. Hinton ? 

Mr. Hinton. This was handed to me. What is it handed to me for ? 
I am not given time to read it. 

Senator Welker. Just a moment. [Gaveling.] 

Now, counsel, I am asking you as an old friend of mine, since we 
have worked together several times here, and you have been a very 
kind and courteous counselor. Will you kindly advise your witness 
to obey ordinary rules of decency when it comes to interruptions. We 
will be glad to recognize him. But when counsel is in the middle of a 
statement such as he is, please do not have him interrupt. Will you 
do that for me ? 

Mr. Friedman. Yes, Senator. I do not think he should interrupt. 
However, his question, I believe, was a valid one. 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

Mr. Friedman. The young lady handed him a paper. He wants 
to know what the purpose of that was. Is he to read it or not ? 



262 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Welker. Very well. The exhibits have been identified by 
Mr. McManus and they were identified by letter yesterday from the 
Department of Customs, and so we will not bother you any longer. 
We are trying to be courteous and let you see what is going into the 
record. 

Mr. Friedman. I think what Mr. Hinton would like to know is, if 
he is to have an opportunity to read it, then he wants to read it. 

Senator Welker. I understand that. 

Mr. Friedman. And if not, then I do not think there is much pur- 
pose served by handing the letters to him as if he were identifying 
them, since he has not done so. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Friedman, the reason we were doing that was that 
if something appears to him as not to have been a document belonging 
to him, and if he can indicate so by looking at the document or perus- 
ing it, he is being given the opportunity to do so. But as you noticed 
before when we gave him a document, he inserted that unless he read 
every word in the document, legally he was in no position to say 
whether or not it was his. 

Now, that is an implausible position. 

Mr. Hinton. Unplausible ? 

Mr. Friedman. That may be so, Judge Morris. But this document, 
as you can see, is about 2,500 words of not quite legible carbon type- 
writing, single spaced, with, I think, some interlineations, and he has 
no way of being able to form any judgment about it unless he has an 
opportunity to read it. Whether that means, peruse it leisurely, as 
you say, is another question. But he has no opportunity to do any- 
thing with it, even to read a half dozen words. 

Senator Welker. Now, counsel, I appreciate your position, and I 
think you are representing your counsel very ably when you say that 
he should have the time to read it. Now, during the next recess or 
any subsequent recess or in the evening or any time, you may read these 
documents fully and completely, and then I hope lie will be ready for 
cross-examination on all of them. 

Mr. Friedman. I would suggest only, Senator, that it does not serve 
much purpose even to hand them to him under these conditions. 

Senator Welker. I believe you are right. But we want to be 
courteous to you. Since you do not desire to see them, we will put 
them in the record as we have planned. 

Mr. Hinton. I would like to suggest again that the whole 

Senator Welker. I do not want to argue with you on this matter, 
and I do not desire to hear anything further from you. 

Mr. Hinton (continuing). That the whole document go in, and 
not bits and pieces. This was a courtesy afforded to Senator McCarthy. 
I think, and I believe I am entitled to the same as he is. 

Senator Welker. You say that we are not putting all the exhibits 
in the record ? 

Mr. Hinton. I understand that you are reading little excerpts here 
and there, pulling sentences out and reading them into the record. 
My suggestion is that it would only be fair to put the whole of the 
documents into the record or none of them. 

Senator Welker. The whole document is going into the record, Mr. 
Hinton. I am sorry you are not paying attention. I have ordered 
every document to be printed in full in the record. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 263 

Now, if you pay a little attention, I am sure we will get along much 
better. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, will you identify the next four docu- 
ments, each individual or single one ? 

Mr. McManiis. No. 12 (for identification) is a document headed. 
''Notes on Struggle meeting with Jye Shr Hsien — February 1, 1948." 
That is a document which was taken from Mr. Hinton's footlocker 
under my supervision. 

Mr. Morris. May it go into the record, Mr. Chairman ? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. The whole of the document will 
go in and be made a part of the record. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 41" and reads 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 41 

Notes on Struggle Meeting With Jye Shr Hsien — February 1, 1948 

As we at the ag school lived more than thirty Li from the scene of the 
meeting, we got up before dawn in the bitter cold, ate a little millet, were 
given two large cold steamed breads apiece for our noon meal, and then set 
out just as the sun reddened the eastern ridges. The whole student body 
went along, so that our column was more than a hundred strong. We walked 
rapidly through the snow across the flat plain, passed mud villages still asleep, 
and then over the hill to the university. We arrived just in time, for the 
meeting was about to begin. It was held in the enormous Catholic church 
here. The crowd this Sunday would have delighted any priest's heart for 
the church was packed from end to end and from side to side, and if people 
could have shinnied up the imitation marble pillars of the nave they surely 
would have. But these people were not here to listen to a priest. The stained- 
glass windows and numerous crosses peered down on as ardent an assemblage 
of revolutionaries as you are likely to find anywhere, and they had come to 
reckon with one of their number who had betrayed the revolution. In that 
huge gathering of over one thousand were men and women from all over China, 
peasants, workers, landlords and merchant's sons, old hands in the liberated 
area and newly arrived students with the breath of Peiping still hanging in 
their nostrils. They were here to examine a former landlord turned comrade 
and to learn a great political lesson, a class lesson, a lesson about landlord 
thought and landlord actions. 

The purpose was explained to me by one of the teachers at the college. 
This meeting is a mass meeting to struggle against a party member whose 
thought is typical of the landlord thought in the party and the college. It is 
not only for his education but also for the education of the whole student body, 
the faculty, and the masses. This man is a party member but will be judged 
not only by the party but by the people. This man was a large landlord 
in Wuan. He formerly was head of the department of education of Peita 
and later became a teacher in the culture college. As a member of the landlord 
class how did he become a member of the Party? His case has been in the 
papers twice. Everyone has a right to speak, hear, and express their thought. 
Wo want to beat his thought, not his body. This party problem has been 
brought to the masses not only as an education but also because in party 
meetings and in small group discussions this man refused criticism. Hence we 
have brought it out in the open. 

Now the Dean of the College of Education and Culture is speaking : Jye Shr 
Hsien, of Wuan Hsien is 34 years old, is a party member and is now working 
at Peita. His father was a tyrannical landlord with more than 500 mou, 200 
rented and 300 cultivated with hired labor. He owned many houses — almost 
half the village, more than two hundred rooms of his own house with a huge 
garden. This place was on the scale of the Peita campus. He also had wide- 
spread business connections in Kaifeng and Photing. His relatives, among them 
one uncle named "Black Coal Ball," had between them 2,000-3,000 mou alto- 
gether. Some ran a hei'oin business. Jye's father and mother both smoked 
opium and along with the other relatives were cruel to the people. His mother 
was especially bad. She loaned money at high interest rates and was cruel to 



264 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

the servants beat them and used her hot opium needle to burn their hands. Some- 
times this Jye himself beat the servants, now says this was for their education. 
He also ldlied two person and injured another not sure ((?) was he or his 
father). The servants wages were very low, they got but five hundred small 
coins a year. Several were bought for a song from local farmers during hard 
times. Laborers got but 440 a year. One of the best men asked for two dollars 
more but was refused. Some laborers wanted to borrow money for funeral 
expenses of their parent ; were refused. Ate millet, salt vegetables only. Never 
anything fresh. Many lived together in one small room with the animals. Jye 
was prohibited from playing with workers' children. There is a story — once 
he found a sleeping laborer and leaked into his mouth. The family lived com- 
fortably, burned incense, ate Jawdz every day. His father never ate carbo- 
hydrates because he had trouble with his kidneys. The son owned over 
60 blankets, and 200 suits of good clothes, had special horses to ride. When the 
family went out they used sedan chairs. Kept many dogs to drive off beggars. 
That is this man's family background. 

He was educated to be proud, to despise poor men. When at school he 
was authoritarian; wanted to be a boss. Was nicknamed "King of the Flies." 
His education bad from the beginning. All these habits and attitudes acquired 
while young. When 17 he studied in Paoting Middle School. Wanted to be a 
leader of the student movement but when there was real trouble he always 
backed down. 1931 joined the Social Union, a progressive organization. Said 
he joined the Communist Youth at that time but there is no proof of this. Trans- 
ferred to Peiping Middle School, a school under CC domination. There he 
joined a study association, wanted to lead it. But when police arrested some 
members he was frightened and confused. Decided to be Peiping University 
Prof. Then went off to Japan to study and did some revolutionary work but 
when the oppression became heavy he abandoned the revolution. Others arrested 
but not he. In 1937 came back to China, worked in Canton and Kaifeng, but 
had no success at business. Then came back to Wuan, joined his Uncle, a CC 
clique member. During war this man organized a local army to protect their 
homes, a local detachment. Uncle commanded ; Jye was staff officer. This group 
became 4th brigade of puppet army. Jye was surely involved in this. Befriended 
Wuan's chief traitor, named Li. Hye wanted to join his army to that of KMT 
general Sun Tien Ying but Sun refused them, so he went back and joined the 
puppets. There met 8th Route Army. They persuaded him to join them. He 
wanted to be in charge of politicial education. Was not given any such post 
so went off in a huff for his sisters' home. But the Communists talked with 
him more and he said he wanted to go to Yenan so he went off with ten others, 
all of who later betrayed. He wanted to be a teacher in Anti-Jap university 
but was given only small instructor's post. Then he joined the party. He had 
a good reputation in 1938-39 as he came with the army to Taihang, his attitude 
was ambitious, wanted advancement. Started struggle meetings in some organ- 
izations to show zeal and good thought. Mixed everything up, muddied the 
waters, and got promoted. After Jap surrender he wanted to go to big cities 
but was sent instead to party school. Wanted to be Hsien magistrate at Wuan 
but the local party would only back him for the PPC rep. He also wanted to head 
Wuan Party Committee. Refused PPC job, was introduced to the university 
which asked him to be research student. He refused, pulled wires and finally 
got appointed head of education. When they marched from Hsintai here he 
spread word among the students opposing the move and counted on support 
from those not used to hardships from the big cities, as the hardships were very 
great on the march. University asked him to go to medical science college, but 
he wanted to be a teacher. In August 1947 workers and staffs started thought 
meetings. He was never anxious to criticize himself, but was very good at 
"beating others thought." At this time he was class teacher and influenced 
students thoughts badly. Two girl students could not suffer the hardships, but 
he planned a struggle meeting against them. He wanted to be the modern 
LiDz Chen, in fact called himself such and said he was a national hero. In 1945 
he went home four times and entertained his landlord friends with expensive 
feasts and banquets. During the second reducation period the peasants struggled 
against him. He didn't like it at all. Threatened to expose the village head 
as a traitor and protected his sisters as well. When he came back he rode a 
horse very rapidly through the towns and always packed a gun. His attitude 
toward the staff is bad. His body guard often used a gun to threaten the villagers 
.and the peasants. During the struggle he sold his best land (30 mou) and gave 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 265 

away some of the poorest land to the farmers. But he brought back with him 
all his good things, gold, blankets, good clothes, and hid them all away. Also 
brought with him a girl servant who had been bought by his family for $1. 
Sold some of his things, bought guns, used university money for private business. 
Spent $100,000 a year. When the newspaper declared his guilt, he said this 
newspaper is Kirikun. My father is a progressive landlord and understands 
Marxist theory. Actually his father is connected with Japs and KMT. When 
others suggested he should think of his defects he said, "My defects don't amount 
to much." 

In the small group he despised other members. Said he was 20 years a revo- 
lutionary and that his family was rich and glorious. Never woould answer 
questions. Said he was a traitor to his class, and a loyal CP member. Finally 
he wanted to make a big confession in order to cover over the small things, so 
he said he was a traitor to the party. Could not get anywhere with him, so we 
decided to have a meeting of the whole university. We should study this man's 
mistakes and hope Comrade Jye will also study them. 

Then Jye himself spoke. He is a short, fairly heavy set man with a very 
weak yet arrogant face, wears glasses and a student's hat. Is obviously pleased 
to be on the platform and the object of so much attention. He makes what he 
considers a damning confession : 

"I thought the landlords' exploitation reasonable, after all the land was theirs. 
So I thought my family progressive. I asked the peasants to reserve good land 
for me. The party took good care of me, even offered to make me Wuan PPC 
rep. but I refused. My father was sometimes not just. He beat the laborers 
with a barbed rod, this I have not told before. I joined the party not as a revo- 
lutionary but to advance my personal position. I agree with the Dean about 
the most important of my defects. I joined the party three times, once when I 
was very young. I thought the CP would be successful so I joined, also felt this 
to be glorious. I knew nothing about it. When my father heard I was a CP 
member, he said, 'Even though he is a member he will never do anything to 
harm the landlord class (several words illegible) I joined after 3 months. The 
man who introduced me did not really know me. In the party I wanted a high 
position and wanted to carry out my personal ideas. I never discussed things with 
the whole group. I formed a clique which obeyed me. Those who obeyed me I 
helped. I wanted to make the party my private organization. I recognize my 
attitude toward the land reform was incorrect. Many persons asked me to think 
of my personal defects but I refused. I said, 'Land is the property of my family — 
it does not belong to the peasants.' But since yesterday when they told me I would 
be brought before the big meeting, I realized how serious were my mistakes. 
Since previously I had criticized the president, my first thought was, 'Now he is 
getting back at me.' I treated my boy as private property. I was afraid the 
peasants might struggle against my sister. I now have a better idea of the land 
reform and wish to be expelled from the party for my mistakes." 

The crowd takes this speech with evident displeasure. It is really no confes- 
sion at all but just a display of vanity at bay. The girl, slave girl of the family, 
is introduced amidst excitement and general applause. She gets up before that 
huge crowd and speaks. Her dialect is so broad most of the people cannot under- 
stand her; I was a beggar in (?). Was bought by this man's family for one 
dollar when very young. His sister used to cut my hand with a small knife. 
She beat me to the floor. She used hot irons from the fire to burn my skin. 
Gave me only millet hulls to eat. [Weeps. Repeats about the millet hulls many 
times.] 

Because no one can understand her very well another girl takes the floor and 
explains her story : 

"At five her father and mother came to Wuan as beggars. She does not know 
exactly what she was sold for, but often the LL cursed and said she cost him 
but $1. When six she was assigned to daughter number 4 who began to smoke 
opium at the age of twelve. This girl very cruel. Had three slave girls. Poked 
the eldest one with hot opium needle and used sharp knife to cut her hands 
and flesh. This 4th daughter died of eating too much honey. She was the 
worst. Made this girl lie on a very hot needle and beat her. When she called, 
if the slave did not come at once she would beat her. Beat one of them to death. 
The eldest sister and husband also smoked opium. This girl went to serve them 
next. They also tortured her with hot irons. Once she broke a lamp and was 
beaten with a very heavy rod. When it was cold and snowing outdoors, they 
made her undress and lie in the snow. She became so stiff she could not get 
up. After a year of this she went to serve an aunt who also beat her with 
72723— 56— pt. 7 3 



266 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

irons used for pressing clothes. The 3d sister also beat her. After Wuan was 
liberated they suddenly replaced the millet hulls with the same food they ate, 
for they feared she might struggle against them. The village staff said she was 
to go to school but the LL refused. There was a struggle and her hair was 
pulled out, she was beaten and put in a cold room. When she came here Jve 
warned her not to talk with others. But she told them the places where the 
family wealth was hidden in the grain storage room. There is an under ground 
tunnel. There the (?) are. In the east room there is a hollow Kang which has 
opium store in it." 

(During this talk and commotion over the girl, Jye sat without batting an 
eye with that same self-conscious, superior, suggestion of a grin on his face. 
Now the Chairman takes the floor (not comrade: note). 

We hope this fellow will think over all these things. His speech is far from 
satisfactory. He did not for instance tell us where his families' wealth is hid- 
den. He himself knows where they are. If he really repents why did he not 
tell us. When the newspapers established the fact that he threatened the peau- 
ants with a gun, he denied this fact. His attitude remains far from good. He 
talks only principles, has nothing concrete to offer. We hope all will study his 
thought. There will be a short recess, and then anyone can talk. We hope this 
meeting will be well organized. If you have something to say, ask the Chair- 
man for the floor. 

(Follows a 10-miiiute break. Everybody stands up, revealing that they are 
sitting on bricks on the floor, they stretch, talk, walk outside. Then the meeting 
is resumed.) 

Just now he said his land and buildings were not as big as this campus. Why 
does he deny this well-known fact? His personal detachment was formed at 
Kaifeng in 1936. He was a member of the Returned Students Anti-Jap Associa- 
tion. He had a big business in Kaifang at the time. His armed company had 50 
rifles, 2 machine guns. This he joined with other LL forces including his uncles. 
Latter was old KMT militarist trained by (?) clique. Together they had more 
than 2,000 guns. The aim of this organization was to protect their land called 
a self-defense army. After 8th route army came there was a big propaganda 
campaign. Wun Fu San went to Communists and said he had long wanted to join 
the revolution, told false stories. But the first thing he did was put the propa- 
ganda team in prison (they evidently came first). The Sth route had difficulty 
getting there to liberate them. Then this private army tried to make contact with 
Sun but he didn't want them, so they joined with the Sth route again, but before 
that there was a period when they were Jap puppets. They had a quarrel with 
another puppet army and killed some of them, then tried to contact both ways, 
could not contact Balu so went to KMT. Uncle wanted join Balu, Jye wanted 
to join KMT, finally they joined with the former but he was forced into it. Then 
of course he immediately wanted a high position, as political commissar. They 
didn't agree, so he wanted to go home. Then the party asked him to go to Yenan. 
His father had contact with the Japs and was adviser to the puppet government. 
He himself at one time had a private telephone line to the Japs. 

A student speaks: "He has always used two covers: (1) That he was in the 
army; (2) that he is an old party member. Actually he was nothing but a 
traitor all along. His army served as Japanese puppets but he denies this. After 
he joined the Balu they wanted to go south, but he was afraid of danger, didn't 
want to go. His purpose in joining CP was to use the power of the party to pro- 
tect his land and property and to serve the LL class," from inside the party. He 
usually says, "I am an old revolutionary. But this is to get honor from others." 
He said, "I was formerly a proletarian but now I am suddenly become a land- 
lord. I don't see why my class suddenly changed !" During Peiping days when 
he was a student leader he retreated when police arrested some. He is typical 
of the LL class in the party. He has wants to use his reputation as an old 
revolutionary to gain power in the party and protect his family. 

Another student : He always opposed the leadership whatever he was doing. 
(Lists those he opposed ending with President Fan.) As he admits, he opposed 
Fan and Dean Chang ; formed a small clique to which he loaned money. Bribed 
people with blankets. He created bad feeling among the staff members. Said 
one thing to one, another thing to another. Said President Fan made 90 percent 
mistakes, he himself but 1 percent. Created bad feelings between one department 
and another. Tried to get other colleges to oppose the president. His attitude has 
never had a spirit of self-criticism. When he spoke his attitude was very bad. 
He only asked everybody's pardon. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 267 

Professor : This meeting, as the chairman said, is an education meeting to edu- 
cate the LL's in the party, but this fellow does not want to be educated. When 
he spoke, he spoke only in general ; had no concrete mistakes. The place of his 
family treasure he never mentioned. His father is in Faifeng. He criticizes him, 
but does not come across with an action about the wealth, etc. All his antiparty 
activities and antileader activities he has never mentioned at all. All the people 
whose relations you destroyed you have never mentioned. In the small group 
he was hostile to others. Never examines his thought. Yesterday he said to me, 
"You say my spirit is not good, well, it's not good, so what?" Doesn't want to re- 
form his thought. I know something now about your mistakes. Evidently you 
want only to liquidate the party. 

Student : He must be kicked out of the party and the university. Four times 
he went home to oppose land reform. Used the opportunity of attending party 
school to return home and oppose land reform. Used old LL's attitude towards 
laborers. His thought never got down off horseback. At home he used one hun- 
dred dollars to entertain LL's and took back a load from his father amounting 
to $40,000. About land reform he said the policy is a mistake, land could be given 
out, but money, clothes, etc., should not be. This distribution of personal wealth 
he thought due to poor training of village staff and peasants. Someone asked 
him, "Have you any guns?" He said, "No." But actually he has. He resolutely 
opposed the revolution. He asked the party to make him magistrate of Wuan, 
and also head of Wuan CP committee, but they offered him only PPC rep. He 
failed. Second time he went home he sold 17 mou of land and animals amounting 
to $40,000. Third time he brought all valuable things back with him. Went to 
his sisters and also hid sisters' things. Party asked him to return to Peita but 
he wanted to go to Peiping Ex. Headquarters. Fourth time he went home he 
found his family had been struggled against. He went to the Chu to ask why 
they treated him so badly. Should make an exception for him. He met a poor 
peasant who was a party member and got struggle fruits. "You're rich now. 
You squeezed my gold watch. If you don't bring it back, I'll report you as a spy." 
Thus he got back a gold ring, gold watch 

Miss Ling, faculty secretary : His activities against the university are numerous. 
He opposed the leadership and the policy of the party. (1) He opposed 
President Fan. He thought the president should obey him. When he first 
joined the party, it was with this threat, "If you don't permit me to join the 
party, I'll join the KMT." Evident that his thought is LL. He relieved land- 
lords and then said, "But they are all women and children." Last year there 
was a meeting to synthetsize thought. He said the president has 95 percent 
of the mistakes. Myself but 5 percent. Fan is not qualified to be president. 

(2) He created bad blood between facility members and college. To this college 
he said, "Fan doesn't like you, he likes the others better." Then the others 
asked what is your thought. He never tells any facts but he certainly displays 
his thought thoroughly. He said to some old comrades, "Why are you not in 
charge, the party must doubt you." Said to Wang, Chang is bad ; to Chang, 
Wang is bad." Said, "I'll loan you money. I'll find you a wife." He said, "now 
Peita has the wrong leadership. Only bad ideas found currency." Said to 
the girls he wanted to kiss, "Oh, in the Eighth Route Army we're all very rough, 
just like this." He doesn't believe Peita can be any good even in 10 years. 

(3) His work here. When he studied in the small group everyone was thinking 
of their past mistakes, but he said their mistakes were nothing. In the 
meeting he said problems cannot be solved, only investigated. He said some 
of the new students were very proud, must be struggled within small groups, 
and if need be in mass meeting. He regards leadership as dictatorship. Presi- 
dent said we cannot close the door against revolutionaries joining the party; 
we cannot establish small cliques. This man says, "We have no such things, 
why should they be mentioned?" He wanted the president to excuse him 
from going through this examination, thought it was the president's personal 
spite. Was his speech good ? All : "No it was no good !" 

A student : When he protected his sisters he said, "You must find a method to 
get our father back. His cousin beat the slave girls and put them in prison. 
He never did anything about it." 

Another student : He tried in every way to protect the landlords. He said to 
one newly married teacher, "this land policy is many times worse than ever 
before." Most of the village staff are former hired farmers of his father's, but 
he despises these people and treats them as a LL. "You were fed by our 
family! This land reform movement is a rascal movement because the poor 



268 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

farmers are all rascals." He is a filial son of LL's. When he is fifty, he hopes 
to be on the Central Committee. He wants LL's to occupy leading positions 
in CP. He wanted a high position in the Balu and threatened to go to KMT 
if he didn't get it. When he worked in Taiyueh he wanted a higher position 
and wanted the whole organization reorganized so he could have it. We must 
learn from his activities what his thought is. When he was in Paoting he heard 
the police had arrested some. He was afraid and loaded all his things into a 
rickshaw and ran to the railroad station. 

Chairman : Remind group to talk facts, not principles, but without much 
affect. (About this time various group leaders stood up from time to time 
and shouted slogans which were answered by the crowd. Since the break 
lie has been standing — the object of struggle — as some one sent a note up saying 
he should not be allowed to sit down.) 

Student : The members of my small group are dissatisified with his speech. 
At the beginning of this meeting he was afraid we would send him to the 
people's court. His mind when he speaks is very bad : he smiled and was 
obviously glad to talk. We must reform his attitude. During his work here 
he praised people under Fan but criticized President. Told dean Lwo you 
are very good, but Fan is no good. Said similar things to all local people. 
"President despises you, despises local people. Gives them low positions but 
gives outside educated people high positions." Said to old staff, "Old staff 
members are despised." Said to some, "Others get special food, why not you?" 
Was dishonorable with girl students ; tried to use his position get somewhere 
With them. He talked down the party so much to one girl that she quit the 
party. He should not be kicked out of the party, but should be sent to Wuan 
so that the people there may judge him. He gave a road pass to his sister to 
leave here. Where did he get it? 

A stuttering student : He always tried to make friends with superiors, but 
despised those under him. Students never could get a satisfactory explanation 
of the things wrong with his thought. He led his class sometimes very loosely, 
sometimes very strictly. He said he would introduce students to the party 
youth if they would follow him. His attitude toward new party members 
very bad. 

A girl from his class : He took no repsonsibility for classwork. He does not. 
know anything concrete about the situation in the class. He asks to talk with 
students very little. He talked with newly arrived students, but didn't explain 
about hardships. Said we must suffer hardships, but always liked to enjoy him- 
self. The students worked hard in the field, but he stood by with tools and did 
nothing. 

Another student : When he returned from home he said he had contributed 
all his families' land to the peasants. But this could not have been so since 
the peasants are asking to struggle with him. This indicates he wants to 
avoid struggle and stand with the LL's and beat students spiritually. 

Another : His speech not a synthesis of his thought. He called the President 
"the old man, Law Twedz." His spirit is such that he doesn't want to correct 
his mistakes. He has not yet discovered how to study the land law. He wants, 
as a landlord in the party, to destroy the party. Says, "Old members not wanted, 
but intellectuals newly arrived get high positions." In class he said, "Many 
old members and cadres are not satisfied and were kicked out by members 
newly arrived in the army." Once a student from KMT wanted to go back 
there. They held a meeting when he left. Jye said, the students' attitudes 
are poor, but this fellow is leaving has the right attitude. "I will follow him." 
He taught sociology class. The students said there was no need for him to 
lecture in the classroom. He said, "I cannot create a new sociology, so I will 
follow the books." 

Another : Old comrades should stand on the proletarian line. Our revolution 
is to abolish feudalism, but we must abolish feudal thought first. Must not 
threaten the people. 

Another (shouting) : His thought is bad. All : "Yes" More slogans, ending with 
"The masses see dearly his mistakes." 

Another : He returned to the village and demanded that the village cadres re- 
turn his things. Hence he obviously opposes land reform. He looks on peasants 
as rascals. I talked with him when he was in the guerrillas; at that time he 
wanted to join the KMT army. When new teachers came he showed them a 
book of students' names, pointed out which were jnrls and might be approached. 

Another: Repeats same story. He oppresses village cadres, opposes land re- 
form. Kick him out of the party. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 269 

Another : Actually he is a landlord and his attitude is the same. This is thor- 
oughly understood by you [points at him]. Why should you disguise this? This 
man cannot improve at all. Should be sent to the people's court for punishment. 

Another : He protects his landlord property. He keeps guns and shells. His 
father in Kaifeng provides for him a connection with KMT. Wants to de- 
stroy the revolution under the guise of a revolutionary. Declared the paper 
which criticized him to be kiflkun. He wanted to be Hsien Jang, etc., etc. Reviews 
all the same crimes. 

Someone shouts he should take off his spectacles. He takes them off. Now 
stands a little bleary eyed. Obviously can't see well without glasses. All this 
time he has been looking gloomier and gloomier. He has pulled out a small note- 
book and has been writing clown what they say against him. He is taking it all 
seriously for the first time. Evidently he felt that in the beginning there would 
be some, his gang, who would stick up for him, but as student after student gets 
up to denounce him, he obviously is becoming shaken. 

A teacher of the Medical College : Describes his conversations with him. He 
talked with me about the defects of others. At that time I did not understand 
the situation so did not criticize his thought. But now I realize his purpose was 
to create bad relations between me and President Fan. He said something about 
Fan to me and covered up the mistakes in his own work. He originated many 
rumors about the president. He is antipopular ; looks on the revolution as a 
rascal movement, reviews all the crimes. 

Another student : He says there is no need to contact the masses. Our work 
may be improved without the masses. This is not a fit standard for Communists. 
He made students' relations bad ; went to student reps and said that small group 
heads bad, and vice versa. He used small girls in the college as servants. 

(About this time the cold is really beginning to penetrate the church. Many 
people are coughing, stamping their feet, and clapping their hands together to 
keep warm, but the meeting continues hour after hour. There is a break for 
supper and then it goes on again.) 

A student : He used CP as if it were the KMT. He opposed Mao's thought. 
He is very lazy. Pregnant women work hard in the fields but he only leans on 
the shovel and watches. 

A shyaw Gtwey of the college : Once he wanted to put his blankets in the sun. 
Called me to get some ropes. I got them, but he would not let me return them. I 
was dismissed for not bringing back the ropes. He did not permit the servant girl 
to eat anything. 

Another student: He is a counterrevolutionary cadre who wants to destroy 
the revolution. 

Another : All the persons in the university have tried to help you to improve 
your mistakes, but you have refused all help. Formerly, you say, you were a 
proletarian but now it is obvious you are a landlord. You stole bicycle from the 
school and stole them. You boast that you alone can lead the school well, and 
that the leadership alone is bad. You should be dismissed. 

Another : He organized a group to oppose the party. LL activities are exhibited 
by this person's activities such as we never imagined. If a person is of LL 
class and wants to improve he must expose all bad actions of LL. Some students 
of the LL class were given social conveniences when in his classes. 

Another: His grandfather, and his father (for 200 years) have been land- 
lords. A long tradition. His father was a tyrannical landlord of Wuan who 
used political power to oppress the P+HP. His mother is just like the LL's wife 
in Bay Mao Nywu. When she smoked opium she used the hot opium needle to 
prick the slave girls. He himself is tyrannical. He took much of his families' 
gold, but when he got here he said it was all lost. Others asked him the story 
but he never told. Said his father-in-law had only a half cattie of gold. We 
don't believe that he lost the gold. He is a new big stone on the people's necks. 
He must be removed. 

Another : When the college was in Hsintai he wanted a copper basin to wash in, 
although no one had such good basins. He bought a pair of glasses using college 
money. He borrowed public money, invested it in co-ops and took the interest 
himself. He tried to make capital out of acquaintance with Po yi Po and Chen 
Geng. This is but to use the CP as if it were the KMT. 

Another (a girl) : He has always opposed land reform. He wants to be a 
hero. He only wants to apologize to the slave girl and not do anything to com- 
pensate. 

Another : How can he have the thought of P+HP when he despises them and 
defends the attitudes of his father and mother. His relation to his father is a 



270 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

landlord and feudal relation. He wants to make the CP a landlord party. He 
wants Peita to become LL in thought. Wants to change the whole thing over. 
Even though given the chance to reform he would not give up his landlord ways. 

Another : When I listened to his speech I could see immediately that this was a 
LL speaking. Also his movement against President Fan. This makes him typi- 
cal. He apologized to the slave girl, admitted party attitude, asked to be expelled, 
kicked out from the party. All this is not to improve his thought but only to 
settle this struggle. He does not show the proper spirit at all. This fellow is 
really a fascist. Last year they had a cadre meeting ; he used this meeting to 
spread his thought. At this meeting he insulted the president over an incident 
concerning cod liver oil which was sent to Fan by the government. He used 
Peita road passes to send his sister to Shrmen at a time when that city had not 
been liberated. Often criticized others without any real proof. He went around 
eavesdropping and picked up bits of conversation, then went around spreading 
rumors. He must trust the KMT otherwise he would not have sent his sister out. 

At this time the shouting goes on almost every few minutes. "He is not CP ; 
he is KMT. Dismiss him." "Oppose landlord thought." "Down with this man 
Jye." "Support the land reform." Everyone shouts with raised fist. Jye raises 
his fist too, automatically, as the others shout. This is very weird. It must either 
take a lot of brass or he is so distracted he does not know what he is doing. 

Another student : When he first came to Peita he called on all the Wuan people 
to come and see him and thus tried to form a clique on the basis of locality. He 
always asked the girls if they were married or not. His intentions were not 
honorable. 

Dean of Medical College : He says his father was very good to others but never 
says who these others were. Not only did he have land but he had political power. 
He wants to be kicked out of the party but still preserve all these things and his 
property which is hidden. I once was living in a village where he had a landlord 
relative who was being struggled against. He wrote and asked me to help the 
fellow. (Much more, but along in here my interpreter got tired and quite stub- 
born.) (More slogans. The crowd is beginning to get quite impatient and upset, 
especially toward the north end of the church where the Ag students are. Most 
of them are P+H) and they are obviously more tired than the rest. It is after 
dark by now ; the meeting has gone on 10 hours. A kerosene lamp is hung over- 
head, but it keeps flickering low, and in the middle of speeches they have to find 
someone to climb up and fix it several times. It is bitterly cold in the church. 

Dean of Financial and Economic College : Takes out the land law and goes over 
it point by point showing where Jye has opposed each point specifically. (Jye 
by this time looks like a ghost of himself. He is very tired of standing up. His 
face twitches and he tries to wipe his nose with the back of his hand. Still 
peers at his notebook and tries to write down what is being said. When the 
shouting is on, raises his arm mechanically.) 

Everybody shouts, "Expel him from the party ; expel him from the university. 
Send him to the people's court for justice." 

More and more speeches follow. People get more aroused. Someone yells 
"Take off your hat." He does, but a little later puts it back on again. The chair- 
man reaches round and tells him to take it off again. He does and holds it in 
his hands, twisting it this way and that. Someone shouts, "If we cannot beat 
him, at least the slave girl can ; let her beat him." Hundreds roar in agreement. 
They are hungry for action now. Finally the boys from the Ag college make a 
rush for the platform intending to seize and beat him. The chairman and sev- 
eral faculty members rush to oppose them. There is a tense moment. The 
P-f-HP from the Ag college retire, muttering to themselves. 

Finally President Fan gives a long speech. Talks a long time on beating and 
opposes it. Says we cannot fight feudalism with feudalism. We must reform 
thought, not beat bodies. Describes three ways to destroy the party: (1) Bore 
from within; (2) stir up factions; (3) smash. This man has done all three. 
Are there others of the same kind among us? Yes there are. They must re- 
form, and not end up like this man. Ten years in the party and look at the re- 
sults. (The result is indeed pitiful, standing bleary eyed, all arrogance gone, 
peering out in the dark crowd with spectacle-marked eyes. When the students 
rushed him, he shrank back in terror, but was relieved when he saw the faculty 
in control.) A small amount of landlord thought can grow, will grow until it 
encompasses the whole mind. 

Others make summaries. The meeting finally breaks up. It is after 11 and 
we have still to walk home the 36 Li. We stagger home in the darkness, a long 
line of weary people. It is so late there is not even anyone on the road checking 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 271 

passes. Finally the moon comes up and lights the way. We stop at a small 
roadside restaurant in a mud hut. Eat some mantou cold and drink a little 
hot water. We are so tired we can hardly move on, but finally stagger home 
after 3 in the morning. A 20-mile walk and more than 12 hours of meeting. 

The next morning the whole affair is discussed. The Ag students are still 
muttering. They think the authorities wrong in preventing them from beating 
the bastard. 

Mr. Morris. Identify the next document. 

Mr. McManus. This is a document under the heading, "Recruiting 
in Communist China," and the first sentence says : 

While working for UNRRA in the Communist area of China, I lived for a 
time in a small village in the middle of the North China plain. 

This is a document which was taken from Mr. Hinton's footlocker 
under my supervision. 

Senator Welker. That will be admitted in the record and made a 
part of the record, the whole of the document. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 42" and reads 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 42 

Recruiting in Communist China 

While working for UNRRA in the Communist areas of China, I lived for a 
time in a small village in the middle of the North China plain. One day in an 
open square I came upon several men beating a huge drum while two young 
boys clashed cymbals together. Soon a crowd gathered. Women with small 
babies in their arms came out of doorways. Old men coming in from the fields 
with hoes on their shoulders stopped to listen. A large group of schoolchildren 
arrived, lined up, and began to sing. 

This, it turned out, was a send-off party for a young farmer who had just 
volunteered for the army. After an hour of continuous noise he at last appeared 
mounted on a white horse, a large flower on his chest, and a bright band of cloth 
around his body. The singing children fell in ahead of him, the drummers rallied 
behind, while the people hastened along on every side. In this way they escorted 
the smiling recruit to the next village, where he found a similar welcome. 

Thus I first became aware that the Peoples' Liberation Army — the army led 
by the Chinese Communists — is in fact an army of volunteers. I soon learned 
that this young man was but one out of several hundred thousand that joined 
the army this year. As the Liberation troops pushed across the Yellow River 
and drove to the banks of the Yangtze, there to threaten Chiang Kai-shek's 
main bases, the peasants of North China joined up in increasing numbers. In 
the Chin-Chi-Lu-Yu Border Region, which contains 30 of the 200 million people 
in the Communist areas, more than a third of a million men volunteered in 
1947. In the month of November alone 160,000 men joined the forces from this 
one region, while almost as many were turned away. One young man who was 
rejected for a slight physical defect said ruefully, "In the old days we avoided 
the army. Now we all want to go, but it is very hard to get in these days." 

What is the secret of this mass recruiting? What makes these poor peasants 
not only willing but anxious to go to the front and face the American guns, the 
American planes, and the American tanks in the hands of Chiang's forces? 

Fundamentally it is the land reform that has brought this about. For the first 
time in thousands of years, the common people of North China have land. There 
is not much for each family — perhaps only an acre or two — but each has enough 
for basic needs and each is at last secure. This land was won by hard fighting, 
first against the Japanese, then against Chiang and the landlord forces who 
forced civil war on the nation. The people are in no mood to lose now what they 
have so dearly bought. 

The determination to defend newly won land is basic, but there are additional 
reasons which also impel an individual to leave home and wife and risk his life 
at the front. The army into which the recruit goes is a new army where the 
common soldier is treated with respect, is taught to read and write and think, is 
promoted on the basis of merit, and is carefully looked after when wounded. The 
village which the soldier leaves is a new village where the poorest peasants are in 



272 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

control and where they are organized to help one another. The soldier's family- 
is not left to shift for itself or go begging at the door of relatives. It is honored 
in the community and cared for by an organized team of neighbors. When the 
fighting is done at last and the soldier returns home he can look forward to a life 
of expanding opportunity and well-being. 

All of these things are as much a part of the revolution as the land reform 
itself. A new life is being created here in which the Chinese peasant who for- 
merly could be "enlisted" only by tying a rope around his neck, finds it perfectly 
natural to take up arms in defense of his home, his land, and his fellow peasants. 
The actual recruiting procedure is unique. The war is the concern of the whole 
community and the whole community takes care that the army does not lack men. 
Once headquarters decides how many men are needed, quotas are assigned to 
every county and every village. Mass meetings are then called and the issues at 
stake on the front are made clear to everyone. "Remember the Past — Compare 
With the Present" is a key slogan. The new farmers — those who have received 
land for the first time in their lives — review their past sufferings, their oppres- 
sion at the hands of landlords and rich farmers, their struggle against these 
oppressors and their final victory over them. 

At these mass meetings the great victories of the southern offensive are dis- 
cussed. Who won them? The peasants on the front. How can Chiang be finally 
destroyed? By more peasants on the front. The terrible conditions which still 
exist behind the lines in Kuomintang China are also reviewed. The slogan "Sup- 
port the Great Counter-Offensive — Liberate Our Brothers in the South" moves 
many. 

For these people Chiang Kai-shek has become the very symbol of everything 
that is backward, corrupt, and rotten. He is the core of feudal degradation in 
old China. Chiang is called the "The Old Root of Disaster" that must be dug 
out. "Advance to Nanking and Capture Chiang Kai-shek Alive" is the battlecry 
of the whole area. 

As these and similar slogans are raised and discussed at village meetings, many 
young men volunteer on the spot. In one small village of southern Shansi prov- 
ince, after a discussion of current events, the land distribution and past suffer- 
ings, 41 men volunteered. In a nearby village the head of the Women's Associa- 
tion persuaded her husband to enlist. Inspired by these examples 685 men of the 
subdistrict joined up in the next 3 days. 

The women — who have gained perhaps more than any other group by the 
revolution — are especially active in recruiting. One young Hopei wife who took 
the new equality seriously demanded of her husband that she be allowed to work 
in the fields along with the men. He was reluctant at first, fearing that something 
might happen to her. When he finally yielded she proved to be such a good 
worker that he was delighted. "This relieves my mind of a great burden," he 
said. "Why, if anything should happen to me, if I should get sick or die, you 
could carry on the farm like any man !" "That's just what I have been thinking," 
said she. "I see no reason why you should not join the army." And join he did. 
That this is not an isolated instance is illustrated by a meeting at Yincheng 
in south Shansi. There 13 wives promised to mobilize their husbands and 65 
girls promised to persuade their brothers to enlist. But the women did not 
carry off all the honors. Twenty fathers promised to send their sons, 18 grand- 
fathers agreed to mobilize their grandsons, while 11 uncles guaranteed that their 
nephews would enlist. 

Thus the whole community takes responsibility for recruiting. 
It is frankly admitted that these meetings do not always go well. In some 
villages the distribution of land and wealth has not been thoroughly carried 
out. The poor and hired peasants have not organized to take the lead in village 
life. In such communities recruiting may be slow. 

In other villages government workers neglect the education campaign and 
expect the people to join up without any clarification of the issues. According 
to one report those responsible for recruiting in one town simply told the young 
men, "It's fine in the Liberation Army. You eat wheat every day and have three 
sets of clothes." But the young men replied, "If it's so fine, why don't you go 
yourself'.'" hi the end nine were appointed to go, but when they got to the 
count. v seat they were sent home. The army has no use for those who are un- 
willing. 

Often, if the leaders do a poor job, the people themselves come to the rescue. 
In Liehang, south Hopei, after half a day of meeting, no one spoke a word. The 
women became perturbed and said, "You look after the kids. We'll go and 
fight. When the land was divided you men spoke fine words, but look at you 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 273 

now. You ought to be ashamed of yourselves!" After that 14 volunteered 
at once. 

Village and county officials who neglect proper methods, bypass education and 
end up ordering people to go in order to till their quotas are severely criticized 
in the press. Coercive recruiting is not tolerated. 

Lest community pressure itself prove too strong, the "four wishes" campaign 
has been launched in some areas. Father, mother, wife, and above all the young 
man himself must all agree before he joins the army. Furthermore, should a 
man's family pack him off against his better judgment, even so it is likely that 
his lack of enthusiasm would be noticed at the new soldiers' meeting or at the 
county recruiting center, and he would be sent back. 

Recruiting failures, though prominent in the press which aspires to eliminate 
them, are not widespread. In most areas the land reform has been thoroughly 
carried out, the issues of the war are well understood by the people, and the prob- 
lem, far from being one of a lack of volunteers, is actually one of surplus. The 
army cannot handle, nor the community spare, all the men who want to go. 
Methods of selecting only the best men have been worked out. Not everyone 
who wants to join the army is accepted by any means. 

In Hukuan County in southern Shansi, only 1,466 men were approved out of 
2,191 who wanted to go. In Siyang County in the same province, out of 2,000 
who volunteered, only 1,191 were finally accepted. In Licheng County, South 
Hopei, the selection was even more drastic. There only 300 were taken out of 
2,483 recruits. 

The requirements for a recruit are simple but exacting. He must be over 18, 
under 35, healthy, and willing. In addition, his class origin and class conscious- 
ness is examined. The Liberation army is a class army — that is it is made up 
almost entirely of former landless hired laborers, poor peasants who never had 
enough land, and socalled middle farmers — men who have just managed to 
scratch a bare living from small holdings. Such men make up the majority of 
the Chinese people. The revolution is their revolution. In the villages they are 
now in charge of everything including recruiting and they are becoming increas- 
ingly particular about who fights for them. 

During the anti-Japanese war a number of landlords and rich farmers' sons 
joined the people's forces. But the character of the war in China has under- 
gone a drastic change since then. This civil war is a class war — a war of the 
landed gentry and rich compradores against the rising landless and dispossessed. 
In the villages of the Communist-led areas, a bitter struggle has been waged 
against landlords and rich farmers who formerly took advantage of their poorer 
neighbors and often tortured and killed those who protested. 

Now, all those who have been struggled against — which means anyone whose 
property has been distributed — along with those who followed their lead, served 
as their agents, and carried out their orders are rejected as fighters by the people. 
It may seem strange that such men should volunteer at all. But since the 
people have won control many young gentry are anxious to gain popular favor 
and avoid the stigma which is now attached to their class by joining the army. 
In addition there are some who sincerely believed in the new cause. But the 
people do not trust them. When the going is tough they too easily waver. 
Peasants, on the other hand, particularly the poor and hired, cannot and will 
not turn back. 

Ex-landlords, rich farmers and their hangers-on are but a small minority of 
the population. Volunteers from their group make up but a small proportion 
of the total. Rejections for reasons other than class are more important as far 
as numbers go. 

Not only must the young man and his family be willing. Not only must the 
village accept him as a soldier but the village must also agree that his labor 
can be spared. The people have undertaken to care for soldiers' families. If 
the soldier is an only son or the only man in the family, the burden of carrying 
on for him is heavy. A man with brothers or a vigorous father, or uncles that 
farm together with him, is more readily accepted as a volunteer. 

To keep at home enough men to till the land is of prime importance. Not only 
the village people but the county and regional authorities pay special attention 
to this problem. In the fall recruiting drive, the villages of Chin-Chi-Lu-Yu 
sent 300,000 men to the army, all of whom were qualified in every way. 140,000 
were sent back to insure that production would be maintained. 

The final result of this rigid selection is an army of the most advanced, the 
most fit, and the most eager young men in North China. They form some of 
the finest fighting troops the world has ever seen. 



274 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

The people fully appreciate the quality of their army and treat the soldiers 
accordingly. How they sent off one recruit has already been described. When 
several go at once, the occasion is even more festive. The village is gaily decked 
with banners, streamers, and posters. The new soldiers are showered with gifts 
and are wined and dined all day, while music and dancing goes on in the streets. 

So eager are the people to give their sons and husbands a fine sendoff that 
they sometimes spend with wanton prodigality. In one west Shansi village, 
70 feast tables were set for 60 recruits and 114 bushels of wheat were consumed 
in 1 day. Another village spent $1,900,000 on five meetings. This amounted 
to 80 percent of the value of their year's taxes. Still another village fired off 
200 clips of precious bullets when the volunteers left town, while nearby 100 
stone mines were exploded to celebrate the occasion. 

The government has found it necessary to warn the people against excessive 
spending. Said the paper, "The extravagance in some villages is surprising. 
Such haphazard ways of spending money must stop !" 

When at least the recruit marches off, a poster goes up on his doorpost. At 
the entrance to one home, I read : 

To Comrade Wang Tien-Yu 

Glorious are those who volunteer 

To dig out the already rotten root 

of Chiang Kai-shek. 

March southward when the north wind blows. 

Fight for the masses, 

Make landreform nationwide. 

Most glorious are the volunteers. 

Once the young men are gone, aid to their families must be organized. Water 
must be hauled for old mother Wang. Land must be tilled for the wife of 
Li. Comrade Yang's crops must be harvested. A committee for aid to soldiers' 
families is elected. Men or women from each section of the village are chosen. 
Each takes charge of the care of soldiers' families nearby. Specific tasks are 
assigned to various neighbors, and it is the duty of the committee to see that 
these are carried out. "Care For Soldiers' Families Comes First. Do Your 
Own Work Later" is the motto. Should the work be late or sloppy, the family 
may complain to the committee and something must be done about it. 

As a rule it is the men of the mutual aid groups that look after soldiers' families 
belonging to their team. All the village families are members of one or another 
of these groups, whose function it is to organize labor exchange and increase pro- 
duction through group work. In the past the soldier worked together with the 
members of his team. Now they simply add the work of his fields to that of their 
own. Should they fail to harvest on his land as good a crop as they obtain on 
their own land of similar quality, they must make up the difference out of their 
own bins. 

How this system works when well organized is illustrated by the following 
letter written by a young wife to her husband at the front. 

"Since you joined up the people of our village come often to visit us. Hauling 
water and other work is all properly looked after. The three Lis have all volun- 
teered to do some work for us. I suppose what worries you most is my pregnancy 
and you are afraid there will be no one here to care for me. But it is already 
arranged that besides mother, the wife of Hung Jung, a member of the women's 
association committee is to live here with me. And if we haven't enough millet 
this year the village will supply us with red millet and will buy other necessities. 
So don't be downhearted or worry about home." 

In the South Hopei village of Can Ji Jeng, preferential treatment for soldiers' 
families did not go well at first. One farmer admitted that he had not plowed 
well for the family under his care. Another said, "When I hauled water for 
soldiers' families I was never on time." After discussion and inspection, the sys- 
tem was reorganized and from then on things went so well that many families 
said, "Our work is done better and faster now than it was when the men were at 
home !" 

Honor and aid to the soldier continues when he returns home as a veteran. 
Many have already been mustered out and have received some of the best land, 
the best houses, and the best animals available at the time of redistribution. 
There are plans for future aid to disabled fighters — plans which will enable them 
to become useful citizens. But that is another story. 

The main point to be emphasized here is this : That the Chinese revolution, by 
creating a wholly new society, has also completely changed the role of the soldier 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 275 

in China from that of a despised vagabond to that of an honored fighter for the 
people. The soldier is one of the people ; he fights their battle, and he is rewarded 
by them in every way they know. Thus it is not hard to understand why the 
young men of the Liberated Areas volunteer in such large numbers that many 
have to be turned away. It is not hard to understand why they so willingly go 
out to face the American planes, the American guns, and the American tanks in 
the hands of Chiang's forces. 

"Drive to Nanking. Capture Chiang Kai-shek alive" is no idle slogan. There 
are several million men in the Commmiist-led areas of North China who are de- 
termined to do just that. 

Mr. McManus. The next is a document dated Peiping, May 20, no 
year, addressed to "Dear Jean." 

Senator Welker. It will be admitted into the record and made a 
part thereof. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 43" and reads 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 43 

Peiping, May 20. 

Dear Jean : I guess you didn't think you would ever get an answer from me, 
but here it is. Are you surprised? The world situation certainly looks bad. The 
above was written yesterday. Just as I started I heard the singing of a student 
demonstration and so of course could not continue. Spent the afternoon on the 
street instead. But before I describe the demonstration, I want to say that the 
world situation doesn't look so bad after all. Last night we heard that Chang- 
chun has fallen to the Communists. It seems that the Nationalist new First 
Army folded up without much of a fight. This is the best army the Nationalists 
have, trained and equipped by Americans. It fought in Burma against the Japa- 
nese and was transported to Manchuria by air and the American Navy. This col- 
lapse really has the Nationalists scared. The military situation is critical. 
Everywhere the losses are tremendous. In Shantung half a million troops are 
getting nowhere. In Sensi, Yenan is about to fall back into Communist hands 
and Sian, main government base to the south, is in danger. Taiyuan in Shansi is 
surrounded. The Government is in a panic. People are saying that the Kuomin- 
tang will sue for peace to avoid complete collapse, but it may be too late already. 
The days of coalition government are past. The Reds are more apt to fight on 
until the Government is really whipped. What this means for the world situation 
is incalculable. To me it means there will be no third world war. The situation 
in Asia is developing too fast for America. China is lost. There is nothing 
America can do to halt the Kuomintang disintegration now. We put in over 6 
billion but it was like throwing it into the sea. It seems obvious that State De- 
partment men decided some time ago that it was a lost cause. They have aban- 
doned Chiang to his fate not because they wanted to but because they had no 
other choice. The peasants of China were too much for Chiang even with every- 
thing America could throw in. We have retreated to Japan in hope of a comeback 
eventually but it isn't in the cards and I think in their hearts our men know it. 
The people of Japan are awake now too. There is little possibility that we can 
ever mobilize them for another Asian adventure. Even if we can it will be a 
different proposition this time. So China is lost. And without China war with 
Russia is impossible. It just can't be done. In my opinion there will be no war 
and I feel better than I have in a long time. 

As for the students, it was very interesting. They marched in defiance of 
a National ban on demonstrations, and the warnings of local authorities that 
any march would be prevented by force if necessary. The students came out 
in such strength that the Peiping authorities backed down. Their bluff was called. 
With National power crumbling they couldn't afford an open attack on the 
students. So the demonstrators marched 4,000 strong and met with no opposition. 
Police were conspicuous by their absence, and soldiers were confined for the 
most part to their barracks. On a few casual uniformed men were seen in the 
streets, and they were unarmed. 

The parade was very well organized. These young people really have the 
techniques of a demonstration down to a fine point. First there come the massed 
columns of marchers holding banners aloft, singing defiant and revolutionary 
songs, and shouting slogans in unison. They are not grim. The mood is not vio- 
lent, but hopeful, friendly, and passionately demanding a better world. On both 



276 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

sides of the marchers the propagandists go to work. Most numerous are the 
boys and girls with chalk. They write slogans on everything, the pavement, the 
sidewalks, the walls (Peiping has more miles of walls than any city in the world), 
the arches, the gates, the doors, the store windows, the awnings, and on all 
moving things — cars, streetcars, trucks and even rickshaws. Everywhere the 
slogans go up. It is as if a flock of birds descended and made tracks everywhere 
and were joined by an army of writing ants. "The People Want Peace" ; "The 
People Want To Live" ; "Stop Civil War" ; "Chinese Must Love Chinese" ; "No 
More Hunger" — these and many others are written everywhere that a few char- 
acters can be drawn. After the chalkmen come the paint pot men and girls. 
They paint the same slogans with larger strokes and with paint that won't wash 
off. Some use a few strokes to draw a picture of starving men, or the dove of 
peace, or empty rice bowls. Following the painters and competing with them 
in energy and determination are the tar pot group. They carry pots of liquid 
tar and with their bare hands dip twisted cloth into the tar and rub slogans 
onto the walls. One group of five girls were especially diligent at this and 
they were splashed with sticky tar from head to foot. They were so intent 
on their work they didn't even have time to laugh at one another. Between 
all these folk come the pasters. They paste posters and paper slogans on every- 
thing in sight. Some of the larger ones are very effective cartoons. People 
go in for harsh cartooning here, somewhat in the style of the Russian anti-Hitler 
work. Reactionaries are fat cruel monsters crushing skin-and-bone people under 
their heel or reclining on the backs of starving farmers, while bombs explode 
in the background. 

The posters, the black tar wielders, the paintpot people, and the chalkers are 
only a part of the effort, for there are leaflet distributors and newspaper sellers 
as well, and then, most effective of all, come the speakers. They stop and talk 
to anyone who will listen. Over here is a young man addressing a group of 
rickshaw men. Over there a girl talks fast and earnestly to the occupants of a 
streetcar that is stalled in the traffic. They make a fine audience, for they are 
jammed together unable to move. They have to listen. As the speakers finished, 
there is clapping and cheering from the crowd. A young student speaking broken 
English comes up to me. "Sir, we are students demonstrating against the civil 
war. The government must stop this war. The people are starving. Chinese 
kill Chinese. We hope your country will not send any more arms and will help 
us build democracy. Please write all your friends and tell them what we say." 
A few minutes later another comes and says the same thing in a different way. 
They are not angry with me for being an American. They only plead for under- 
standing and support. 

The response of the people of Peiping to all this is disappointing to the students. 
They would like to see thousands join the parade and a real mass demonstration 
grow out of it. Nothing like this occurs, but the people are friendly. Many 
drivers stop their cars long enough for the slogans to be chalked on and the 
posters pasted up. Many shopkeepers look approvingly on as the slogans in 
tar are brushed onto their awning mats. There seems to be an understanding 
between the people and the students even though the people are too passive to 
suit the young marchers. There is friendliness in the air. Everyone buys the 
papers, even soldiers, and officers, and American-trained flyers. There is no 
mistaking where the sympathies of the public lie. 

When the march is over, the whole route is littered with leaflets, posters, and 
slogans in red paint, black tar, and white chalk. It is hard to believe that a 
few hundred students could cover so much area in so short a time. But even 
more remarkable is the scene next day. Every single slogan has disappeared. 
All the chalk has been rubbed off, the posters torn down, the painting painted 
over, and the tar smudged out with black. Householders are held responsible 
for what appears on their walls, while the police work all night to cover up the 
writing on public property. In far corners of the city an old man is seen rub- 
bing a red wall with a broom, rubbing out the chalk marks. Beside him stands a 
policeman holding a gun. Thus does the Government reestablish law and order, 
and rub from sight the truth that has burst forth in a sudden blazing effort. 
Life goes on then as before, to all appearances, but ideas cannot be wiped out 
with a broom, or smeared over with black paint, and it is probable that behind 
the walls in a good many homes the thoughts take root and grow. 

Well, that's the student demonstration. Would that American students would 
produce something like it. When and if they ever mobilize they could learn a 
good many tips from their Chinese cousins. I never saw so many techniques 
used all at once to get an idea across. Of course in America there are no cities 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 277 

with nice walls like these Peiping ones, and property owners would be incensed 
at paint and chalk on their windows and doors, but still something of the same 
kind could be done. 

That's all for now. It's almost quitting time. Give my best to everyone and 
tell them all what these Chinese students are thinking. Things are looking 
better than they have for a long time. I think the human race will yet pull 
through. 

Love, 

Billy. 

Mr. McManus. Next is a document— it is difficult to classify some 
of these, Mr. Chairman, because they were scattered all through the 
trunk — but the first four sentences are as follows : 

Lin — Dean of 1st division. On cadre traiing — 

the word apparently should be "training" — it is misspelled "trai- 
ing"— in Hwa Da. 

Why do students come and what do they think. Based on classes we have had 
before, we can classify students' purposes in coming here (1) For sake of 
showing — 

and that word is misspelled — 

objection to American imperialism and Chiang's control. A protest against KMT 
conditions. 

(2) Discover CP power increasing, believe CP may win in future. 

(3) Want to study revolutionary theories and gain skill for future revolu- 
tionary work. 

Senator Welker. That will be admitted into the record and made 
a part thereof, the whole of the document. 

The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 44" and reads 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 44 

Lin-Dean of 1st division. On cadre traiing in Hwa Da : 
Why do students come and what do they think? 

Based on classes we have had before, we can classfiy students' purposes in 
coming here : 

1. For sake of shoing objection to American imperialism and Chiang's 
control. A protest against KMT conditions. 

2. Discover CP power increasing, believe CP may win in future. 

3. Want to study revolutionary theories and gain skill for future revolu- 
tionary work. 

4. In KMT areas couldn't continue studies because of financial conditions; 
i. e., Middle school graduates who can't afford college there. 

5. Want to study some special technique for future employment. But have 
no pull with anyone who can help them in KMT area. Here simply tell their 
ability and desire. 

6. Consider Liberated Areas as new country, as going abroad. When 
whole China liberated they will be return students. 

7. Come simply to meet authorities, such as Ay Ching of the Third Division, 
famous poet, or Ding Ling, Ay Sz Chi, and to study under them because they 
admire them. 

8. In Chiang's area couldn't get free marriage, come here hoping to find 
new wife or following someone they love. Man and girl want to get married, 
but family doesn't allow. Then they decide to come here. 

9. Come to have a look. Inspection trip. 

10. Want to find the real truth (most of these are Christians. Know 
Christians always hunt truth. Have idea the CP fights for truth. Come 
to learn. Christian truth and CP truth similar they think ! 

11. No definite ideas, go on from day to day, suddenly meet someone wh« 
persuades them. Better go, find a good job, a good school. No definite 
purpose. 



278 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

First three i-easons cover majority of the students. Usually those who come 
have not one purpose only. Usually have four or five reasons combined. No. 3 
usually have some Marxist ideas ; a foundation of Mao ideas but rather vague. 

Very recently most were compelled to come to LA because their names were 
on blacklist. Had to escape to avoid arrest. From class 11, beginning from Au- 
gust-September all who came during this period, majority came to escape. 
Class 11, 12, 13, 14. These were the more advanced and active members of dem- 
ocratic movement in Chiang's areas. In Kalgan Period students who came had 
nothing to do with politics. Knew very little about American imperialism, or 
about Chiang. Both Chiang and American imperialism hadn't exposed them- 
selves enough. Hence still had some illusions about glorious America, in civi- 
lization and industry, and Chiang so huge and important. Didn't see real na- 
ture of either American imperialism or Chiang. During the 3 years they gradu- 
ally discovered what imperialism and Chiang control means, hence gave up past 
illusions and shift their hope to CP. Thought America prosperous ; friendly to 
China. Chiang fought Japan 8 years, but after Chiang and Americans came 
they began to lose freedom, suffered hunger, poverty, inflation. They were edu- 
cated by Americans and Chiang, through that education they discovered the 
real fact. Now have no illusions about getting something from America or 
Chiang. 

That is why the students who come now are easily changed in their thought, 
while in the past we had to do something more to prove to them that America 
and Chiang were enemies. Now we need not tell them what imperialism is, or 
what Chinese fascism is. They know themselves. 

About here, they think purpose is O. K. ; they accept this immediately, but 
mostly they don't agree with us, to make everything change so slowly and stead- 
ily. Work here is tedious ; tackle one problem at a time ; patience. They think 
all is controlled by CP; if we want something just order people; don't explain 
in detail ; have no practical training. Don't understand democratic concentra- 
tion (centralized democracy). They understand democracy to be self-determin- 
ation. Anything I personally don't agree with shouldn't be done. If it is done 
that means you don't obey democracy. Believe in absolute freedom ; extreme 
democracy. Whatever they want to do they want to do, and if limited, say no 
democracy here. Chien said if I am a lower rank worker, I want more democ- 
racy. If I'm a high rank officer, then I want more centralism. That kind of idea 
is wrong. Should be just the opposite. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Hinton, will you look at the lower photograph in 
the right-hand corner of that bulletin board on the right ? 

Does that picture recall an episode to you ? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. What is the scene that is depicted in that picture? 

Mr. Hinton. I would have to look at the words again to make sure 
what it is. 

Mr. Morris. Will you do that, Mr. Hinton, please? There are two 
of them, are there not ; duplicates ? 

Mr. Friedman. May I dismount them and hold them in front of 
him? 

Mr. Morris. Yes ; certainly. 

Mr. Hinton. What I want to check is this word "Kai Hsueh." I 
didn't remember whether it was — "Kai" means to open — I wanted to 
check on whether it was the opening or the graduation of a tractor 
training class that it referred to in these letters here. These letters, 
I am quite sure, say, "The state farming training opening ceremony." 

Your question was, Does this remind me of or recall some incident 
or some occasion ? 

Senator Welker. "Episode," I think he used. 

Mr. Hinton. Episode. 

Mr. Morris. What was the occasion of the picture there ? 

Mr. Hinton. Evidently the occasion was the opening of the training 
class of the State farm bureau. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 279 

Mr. Morris. And you were making an address there ? 

Mr. Hinton. At the opening of each training class, as a teacher in 
the training school for tractor drivers and technicians, I usually said 
a few words about the courses that were to come and the importance 
of tractor maintenance and similar things. 

Mr. Morris. Now, who are the gentlemen sitting on the platform 
with you ? 

Mr. Hinton. I don't recognize them. 

Mr. Morris. You do not recognize them? Is your testimony that 
you do not know who they are ? 

Mr. Hinton. The picture is not clear here. 

Mr. Morris. What are the flags that appear in the background ? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, those flags look to me like the four-star flag of 
the People's Kepublic of China. There is another flag on the right 
there that isn't very clear. It looks like a hammer-and-sickle flag, or 
some such thing. 

Senator Welker. A what ? 

Mr. Morris. A hammer and sickle. 

Senator Welker. That is the flag of the 

Mr. Hinton. I don't know whether it does or not. But there is 
something there, sort of a circle there. 

Mr. Morris. And the picture in the background ? 

Mr. Hinton. That looks like a picture of Mao Tze-tung. 

Mr. Morris. Are those two photographs, photographs which you 
brought into the United States in your f ootlocker ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first and 
the fourth and the fifth amendments. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Hinton, will you look at the other photographs 
that we have on that board ? Let us take the upper lef thand corner 
first. 

Mr. Friedman. The poster, you mean ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes ; that is right. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, I think he directed you to the other 
one. 

Mr. Morris. On the left. I am sorry. 

Mr. Hinton. If these were put up front where we can see them 

Mr. Morris. The Library of Congress translation reads : 

Celebrate the establishment of the People's Republic of China. 

Do you recognize that photograph ? I am sorry. It is not a photo- 
graph, Mr. Chairman. That is a poster. 

Mr. Hinton. What was the question ? 

Mr. Morris. Do you recognize it ? 

Mr. Hinton. Do I recognize it ? Recognize it as what ? 

Mr. Morris. As a poster that you brought into the United States in 
your f ootlocker. 

Mr. Hinton. That would be very hard to say. I did bring 78 posters 
of all sorts, sort of a record of the period when I was there, the various 
posters that they got out. 

Mr. Morris. Do you recognize that as one of them ? 

Mr. Hinton. To recall whether or not that was one of them would 
be difficult. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, you say you brought back 78 posters. 



280 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Hinton. I mean, approximately 78, because I wouldn't want to 
stick to the number. 

Senator Welker. The number was approximately 78; would that 
be fair? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. "Would you mind telling the committee what you 
intended to do with those posters ? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, they were a sort of historical collection. From 
the beginning when I was there, when there were posters on sale — you 
understand, these were what in China are called New Year pictures. 
They are on sale everywhere in every village. Peasants buy them. 
People buy them and put them in houses and on their doors, and so 
on. And from year to year, I used to buy, oh, 10 or 15 of the New 
Year pictures on each year as sort of a record of that year's produc- 
tion of posters. I thought they were quite interesting. 

Senator Welker. And what did you intend to do with them when 
you brought them back to the United States ? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, I didn't have any specific intention. I thought 
it was a rather historical collection. It would certainly be very valu- 
able some time. It certainly was a record of historical 

Senator Welker. You mean just from the history standpoint? 

Mr. Hinton. That is right. 

Senator Welker. Did you intend to use them in the lectures that 
you have given throughout the United States, some 300 or more? 

Mr. Hinton. If I had had the posters which I brought back, I 
think I would have exhibited some of them when I gave talks as 
examples of the kind of posters that are produced in China. 

Senator Welker. Now that you have gone into that matter, where 
were you giving these talks where you would use these exhibits had 
they not been taken away from you ? 

Mr. Hinton. Look, Senator Welker. If I may say so, this matter 
we went into in the first hearing; we went into it yesterday. If we 
are going to go through all these other hearings, I would like permis- 
sion to read the statement which I had at the first hearing. I would 
like permission to read that. It describes in summary the work I 
did in China and what I felt about it, and more or less it gives a 
picture of the kind of lecture I gave. 

If we are going to go through everything again, I think that it is 
only fair that I should be able to read that original statement again, 
too. 

Senator Welker. You want to go back and read the testimony that 
you gave before ? 

Mr. Hinton. The statement which I gave to the committee at the 
first hearing in July 1954. 

Senator Welker. You certainly are familiar with what you gave 
to the committee. 

Mr. Hinton. I would like to read it again into the record, since 
there seems to be a whole series of questions that have been the same, 
and I think if is only fair that my statement at that time should also 
again go into the record and become a part of the record of the hearing. 

Senator Welker. Now, I appreciate the fact that you would like to 
include what you want to include in this record, and we are going to 
do our best to present this in the record fairly and impartially. We 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 281 

are sorry if we cannot abide by all your requests. I merely ask you 
what group you were speaking before when you would have used these 
posters. 

Mr. Hinton. I would have used it in all my talks. 

Senator Welker. All right. 

Mr. Hinton. I would have had some examples of posters and other 
art of China. 

Senator Welker. Now, do you desire to tell me today what groups 
you spoke before, since you returned from Red China ? 

Mr. Hinton. As to the groups before which I have spoken, I decline 
to answer on the grounds of the fifth amendment, as previously 
stated 

Senator Welker. But you tell me- 



Mr. Hinton (continuing). And the first amendment. 

Senator Welker. You tell me that you would have used these had 
they not been confiscated from you, and yet you will not tell me upon 
the grounds of the fifth amendment, since it might tend to incriminate 
you, what groups you spoke before ; is that fair? 

Mr. Hinton. I didn't say I would have used these. I would have 
used the posters I brought back, or some of them. 

Senator Welker. Are you saying that you did not bring any of 
these pictures back ? 

Mr. Hinton. What I said was that I couldn't positively identify 
them ; I couldn't identify them. I did bring back posters. I brought 
back 78, as I recall, though I wouldn't want to stick on the exact 
number. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, directing your attention to the exhibit 
at the upper left-hand corner that you have just been viewing, did 
you ever see a poster like that in Red China ? 

Mr. Hinton. I think I saw posters like that; yes. 

Senator Welker. And if you saw them, probably as part of your 
historic record, as you call it, you probably would have bought some ; 
is that right ? 

Mr. Hinton. I tried to buy examples of the posters that came out 
each year. All I am saying is that I can't positively identify that 
particular poster as one. As I suggested, I brought back some 78. 
There are very few put out here. It is hard to say, because there are 
lots of these posters that are available all over the world, and it is 
very easy to obtain them, and they could be bought and displayed. 

As I said yesterday, similar posters to these were displayed at the 
library of Stanford University when I was out there some time ago. 

Senator Welker. Did you speak in the library of Stanford Uni- 
versity ? 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I didn't. 

Senator Welker. Did you speak to anyone at Stanford University ? 

Mr. Hinton. Anyone? 

Senator Welker. Any group, or any one group ? 

Mr. Hinton. No. 

Senator Welker. Did you speak to any one group in the State of 
Colorado ? 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of 
the first and fifth amendments, and protest again that where I spoke I 
believe is not a proper concern of this committee. 

72723 — 56 — pt. 7— — 4 



282 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, will you identify all the photographs 
on both of those boards ? And Mr. Chairman 

Mr. Friedman. Posters. 

Mr. Morris. Posters and pictures together. And when they are 
identified by Mr. McManus, may they go into the record as samples 
of Communist propaganda that turned up in the footlocker? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 

Mr. McManus. All of these exhibits, including the posters and the 
photographs, were in Mr. Hinton's footlocker, which was opened and 
examined under my supervision. 

Mr. Morris. Will you please state how many there are ? 

Mr. McManus. What is that ? 

Mr. Morris. Will you mention the number of them there, so that 
we will be sure that these exact ones go into the record ? 

Mr. McManus. There are 12 posters and 3 photographs. 

I should have pointed out, Mr. Chairman, that the English-lan- 
guage translations were not in the footlocker. Those were obtained 
from the Library of Congress. 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

The exhibits so identified by Mr. McManus will go into the record 
and by reference be made a part thereof. 

(The photographs and posters were marked "Exhibits 45 through 
45N.") 

(One of the photographs described by the witness as a ceremony 
opening a tractor-training class and one of the posters, with a trans- 
lation of the Oriental characters, are reproduced on the following 
pages. The remainder may be found in the subcommittee files.) 

Exhibit No. 45 




SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



283 



(A translation of the characters on the banner at the top of the pic- 
ture was provided the subcommittee by the Library of Congress and 
is as follows :) 

The opening ceremony of the winter session of the Government-owned farm 
training school. 

Exhibit No. 45-A 



CELEBRATE THE ESTABLISHMENT Of THE 

PEORlTWPUfOC OF CHINA, -.■ 



•• INAUGURATION CEREMONY Of VAi CWRAi PfOfltS 
GOVERNMENT Of M mKtt WUmQ Of CHINA, 

• IONG iNi THt PEOPt£S .RSPU3UC Of CHINA. 

• tONO LIVE fH£ ClWmi ptQPtfS 'GOVERNMENT. 

• LONG ItVC CHAIRMAN MAO. • 

• LONG LM fHE CHINfSf COMMUNIST PARTY. 



THf BIRTH Of NEW CHINA . 
CHfJRATf THE BTABUSHMEW Of 
TN£ PEOPU'S MWmc Of CHINA. 

ammi mi sj'rth of nm china. 







Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, while you were in China — and I am 
going to call it Red China — did you have any connection with Red 
Chinese forces? 

Mr. Hinton. With the Red Chinese forces ? 

Senator Welker. Military forces. 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. No ; I had no such connection. 

Senator Welker. Did you ever write anything with respect to mili- 
tary happenings in the area around Tsinan ? 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. As to my writings, I stand on the first, the fourth, and 
the fifth amendments. 

Senator Welker. You do not care to tell the committee whether or 
not you wrote anything about military conditions around Tsinan ? 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 



284 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Hinton. I will repeat that as to anything I may have written, 
I stand on the first, the fourth, and the fifth amendments. I would like 
to add that I never was in the Tsinan area. 

Senator Welkee. Did you have any way of coming into the posses- 
sion of any material written about the military situation as it existed 
in the Tsinan area ? 

Mr. Hinton. What area was that, again ? 

Senator Welkee. Well, I am not going to compete with you, be- 
cause I know you are an expert on Chinese. Now, you pronounce it 
for me and I will agree with you. 

Mr. Hinton. I would have to hear it. Spell it. You could spell it. 

Senator Welkee. It is spelled T-s-i-n-a-n. 

Mr. Hinton. Yes; I recognize the name. That is the capital of 
Shantung Province. 

Senator Welker. Yes. Were you there ? 

Mr. Hinton. No. I have never been to Tsinan, the capital of Shan- 
tung Province. 

Senator Welker. Did you ever come into the possession of any 
literature or document with respect to the military situation there? 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of 
the first and the fourth and the fifth amendments. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, would you identify the next document ? 

Mr. McManus. This is a document headed, "1. Conditions in 
Tsinan." It was found in the footlocker of Mr. Hinton and removed 
under my supervision. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may that document go in the record? 

Senator Welker. Yes, that document, the whole thereof, will go 
into the record. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 46" and reads 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 46 
1. Conditions in Tsinan 

i. statistics 

Tsinan is militarily an important strategic point in East China. Politically, 
economically, culturally, it is relatively important (though not compared with 
Peiping and Shanghai). It is a modernly constructed city. Experiences gained 
here can be used as patterns for larger cities. 

Population over 700,000; 150,000 families; 300 foreigners (SO families); 
190 square li. Made up of three districts: (a) business district. Contains 
large scale business and banks. Well laid out roads, etc. (b) City district 
(inside wall). Not so well constructed. Middle and poor urban population live 
here. But quite well developed and a lot of historical sites. Schools in this 
district include Cheeloo Univ. (c) Industrial district. To north of business 
district; has flour mills, weaving mills, arsenals, machine repair shops, etc. 

The chief characteristics of the town are commercial and industrial. Light 
industry predominates — spinning mills, flour mills, match factories. Heavy in- 
dustry not developed as Taiyuan. Four spinning mills employ over 1,500 
workers (?) and there are 8 small mills. The average output of cloth is 50,000 
to 00,0<)0 bolts a month. Of 8 large flour nulls, 1 is public and 7 are private. 
They have a very large output; e. g., one private mill puts out daily 6,500 bags 
ill catty a bag). Seven match factories. And lots of smaller factories — chemi- 
cal, needle, cigarettes, shoes, kettles, ice, soft drinks, and small machine shops. 

As fur commerce, there are 8,800 shops, big and small; 90 banks; 90 guilds (?). 

Ax for education and culture, there are 13 newspapers; 21 news agencies; 
high schools with about 6,000 students ; more than 20 movies ; 18 bookshops ; 
libraries; museums; and swimming pools, etc. Relatively it has considerable 
cultural equipment. All controlled by CC clique. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 285 

Public utilities are much better than those in Shihchiachuang. Adequate power 
and large-scale running water system. There were 12 large pumps, 9 were 
destroyed but the remaining 3 were enough to supply the whole city. 

As for communications, there is a very large railway station. Yards, tracks, 
etc., are very adequate. They are electrified (the Japs had fixed them up). 
Many buses and private cars and pedicabs. 

Under the KMT rule its secret service was greatly expanded. All KMT organ- 
izations had officers in Tsinan. Secret societies, Buddhist associations, missions, 
relief and people's organizations, i. e., women's organizations, mothers' organi- 
zations, young women's organizations, in fact, organizations for people of every 
age. There were more than 50 organizations. 

There were 2,000 open police and about 10,000 secret agents. 

There was a three-level administration. Extremely expanded. There were 4 
big bureaus ; 8 subbureaus ; and hundreds of low bureaus. Such organization 
no good for us — extremely overexpanded. Its control and oppression of the 
people unimaginably strong. 

As for the food problem, 70 percent of the people haven't enough. People 
said that if we had come 10 days later how many would have starved to death. 
Tsinan needs 80.000 catties of grain a day (by our standard, 100,000 catties 
be needed). Last March Wang Yaowu issued orders to register all grain and 
to put in food reserve. In August, he ordered that the grain in reserve be 
inspected. He used this as an excuse to confiscate and add to the Government 
supply, leaving each family with only 5 days' grain supply. Every one including 
merchants were mobilized to build fortifications so people couldn't even earn a 
living. 

The 11 big prisons were completely packed. Mostly the city poor arrested 
on all kinds of pretexts. Every policeman was an overlord. Life of the citizens 
was completely controlled. Nothing progressive could be seen. In bookshops 
we could only find counterrevolutionary books. 

Tsinan was taken in 8 days because of heavy artillery concentration. So 
there was considerable destruction. Electric wires, housing, etc. The city was 
destroyed but not the business section, because Wang Yaowu put up his last 
resistance in the city — the main post office constructed of stone was his final head- 
quarters. It was completely destroyed. All the streets had cement pillboxes — 
over 500 big ones. One's first impression is of dead bodies everywhere. We 
buried 8,800 (incomplete figure). KMT wounded everywhere. Place very evil 
smell. 

This gives you an idea of the work which had to be done. 

II. REHABILITATION AND POLICY QUESTIONS 

Two quicks — captured quick, recovered quick. This was because the policy 
was correct and carried out well. The battle ended on the 24th. On 25th 
and 26th administrative cadres of Government army and CP had entered and 
organized the military government (military administration council — MAG). 
This is the highest authority in Tsinan during military period — highest both 
relating to us and to the city people. United leadership for 1 month. The MAG 
completely cleaned up the city, buried all the dead, cleaned the streets, removed 
fort and pillboxes, restored electricity and water supply. Businesses were all 
opened except for banks. In 15 days the railroad was opened to Yenchow. Roads 
all repaired. Buses running to Tehchow. All arms were taken over and regis- 
tered. There was so much military equipment, enough to capture Hsuchow. 
Millions of bullets. Just before we left we found a secret store of artillery 
shells. KMT aircraft came to bomb it and thus made an opening, so we dis- 
covered the shells. There were a tremendous number of cars and trucks. Taking 
over the property was a great job in itself, but it was completed. 

In 1 month rehabilitation was very quick. At the end of the month we could 
do away with MAC because the task was completed — due to the correct leader- 
ship of the central committee of the CCP and the East China Central Bureau, and 
because of the detail preparation and able leadership of the MAC. 

At first it was decided that there should be a material takeover command, 

but later the MAC was decided upon. Now the head was , the vice head 

was the secretary of org. department of the East China Buro. There three sec- 
retary generals. There were 16 departments under the Council, Political De- 
partment, etc. Whatever department the enemy had, we set up an opposite 
number to take it over and wipe it out. All were completely under the military. 
In economic field we had commercial, industrial, employment, radio, communi- 



286 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

cations, power, production, post offices, and financial departments. Under city 
administration we had publicity, police, medical, educational, and control of ma- 
terial. There was a garrison department and air-raid precaution department. 
Each department had work teams, field groups, and different sections. 

The cadres of each department had been transferred from similar departments 
elsewhere. Bankworkers worked in bankwork, etc. Cadres were kept in their 
own line as far as possible. The head of each department was a high cadre 
(brigadier general status) who could independently master policy, was able in 
his new field. No major policy mistakes were made. 

Whether not this organization is adequate there is still room for study. Per- 
sonally I think some subsections could be combined for example, the post 
telegraph. Perhaps or organization a bit overexpanded. If we could combine, 
we might save cadres. 

Another method of taking over was by district. 

Each department has a clear-cut prepared policy. The policy of the garri- 
son headquarters was (a) to quiet the people, (6) to take care of the wounded, 
(c) protect public peace, (d) (?). The publicity buro policies were (a) to take 
care of existing publishing houses, (6) to quickly put out a newspaper and cor- 
rectly respond the policy of the Communist Party and help quiet the people, (c) 
to support order. (These are 2 examples out of the 16 departments. Each had its 
clear-cut policy.) The leading organization takes the actual situation and 
makes its own policy according to the main policy. 

The police established 11 offices, 1 in each district. The garrison had 11 sub- 
headquarters, etc. (two garrison brigades were taken into the city). This seems 
a lot but was very effective. The SS couldn't even raise their head. There was 
no such activity as the shooting of guns to frighten people. There were car 
squads constantly patrolling during raids. During one air raid a cook went 
into a tunnel and found 11 people armed with mausers. He said, "Hand over 
your guns or I'll throw grenades." These 11 tehwu had lived in the tunnel a 
couple of days, not daring to go out. 

Perhaps this method will need changing for other cities. Police excellent, but 
probably the garrison should not have been so dispersed. There were always 
the secret service men in every city. The problem is how to clear them out. 
If we disperse our garrison troops too much — 11 subheadquarters with three 
machineguns each — they will be too weak. Probably several should be grouped 
together with adequate arms. This needs further study. 

City organization. — We had to use old personnel. Proclamations clearly in- 
dicate this but they didn't solve the problem alone. We had to have registra- 
tion and hostels. Wo set up 20 hostels and registration offices, e. g., we had a 
guesthouse for registering foreign personnel — good building well furnished, 
western meals. We had cars for communication. We had a special guesthouse 
for engineering personnel ; a guesthouse for dispersed odd soldiers ; a telegraph 
office workers ; teachers ; bus workers ; peddlers ; police ; radio ; medical work- 
ers; water plant employees. 

Each individual factory has special registration. Registration offices every- 
where ; so besides proclamations there were organizations for carrying it out. 
The people were very enthusiastic. They queued up around the proclamations, 
many of them taking down notes. We solved their work problems. The only 
people we had no open office for were the SS men. 

We established a basis for work and the work of each department became 
standardized. Under the MAC there were 16 departments, but these became city 
organizations after the basis had been laid. The MAC standardized, put on a 
regular basis, and handed over to the city administration : e. g., the subsidiary 
military organizations came under the military, not under Tsinan authority, but 
under the regional military authority. Communication department came under 
the railway. Finance department came under the Bo Hai Bank. Education came 
under the city educntion department; medical work under the city medical de- 
partment. In this way the organization became regularized as a city organiza- 
tion, no longer as a temporary military one. But personnel were the same. High- 
est authority of the MAC was handed over to the Tsinan party bureau. 

For tliis to come about there bad to be many meetings, organizations, etc., to 
serve as the basis for transfer to the city CP bureau. After the transfer the only 
job left to the military council was control of enemy property. 

The city government worked out well. Both the mayor and vice mayor were 
from the CP bureau. 

The preparatory work was very full and adequate. There was complicated 
ideological and professional of the cadres ; but it was successful. Just like the 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 287 

attack on Tsinan, this was fully prepared. We started at the time of the capture 
of Yenchow in July ; thus there were 2 full months of preparation. We organized 
a "Committee for preparing the Attack on Tsinan" (but for security reasons we 
called it Construction Committee of Jingjow). We made detailed investigation 
of the economic, political, industrial conditions of Tsinan. The material of this 
investigation was used for the cadres' preparation course. Directories gave the 
names of all KMT personnel of all grades. Maps showed the names of even the 
smallest lanes. We did not have enough Tsinan cadres to act as guides for the 
fighters, but after the training even the natives of Tsinan were not so familiar 
with the troops as our troops. 7,000 odd cadres were prepared. We asked at 
first for 10,000-20,000. 

Cadres were educated : in policy ; and in vocation. We picked cadres who had 
taken part in practical work. After the capture of Weishian many cadres were 
sent to work there ; some thought there were far too many, but when Tsinan was 
captured we pulled many of them out and put them there. This had an important 
leavening effect because of their practical experience. The same thing will hap- 
pen in Tsinan. Many cadres will be sent there to study. They will study in a 
very detailed way, e. g., there are 600-700 in the police school. Their vocational 
training is just like military maneuvers. They have practice in handling traffic. 
We even laid out roads and had people act as motor cops so that they could have 
experience in directing traffic. The police were taught how to enter homes to 
carry on the census registration. We told them what they should say so that 
people should not think our LA cadres country bumpkins. This vocational training 
is very good. 

Policy training is also extremely important. We worked out the practical exe- 
cution of MAC'S policies in detail. The East China Bureau worked out details 
for every department, including proclamations, forms, etc. There was a whole 
book full of proclamation patterns which could be adapted to fit the situation. 
The proclamation book and the document book were about 2 inches thick. They 
included patterns for all possible types of orders, so that the cadres had only to 
rewrite them. Cadres carried these books with them. If a cadre on arrival found 
he had to hold a meeting or issue a proclamation, he was well prepared in ad- 
vance. Orders and proclamations had to suit the actual conditions. The prin- 
ciples were made clear before the battle. Our personnel were all mobilized. 
"We're attacking and occupying Tsinan ; what attitude should we take towards 
the people." This propaganda filtered into the city and as each district was oc- 
cupied, posters were pasted up at once. By the time the occupation was com- 
pleted, the city was absolutely covered with posters. If you waited to print these 
posters before getting into the city, you would be in the midst of battle and nobody 
would have time to write them. 

Each soldier of the 3d PLA had his 3 disciplines and 8 points for attention, 
but concretized for the city. The military council had worked out 11 points 
and 52 action slogans. These were printed in advance and posted all over the 
city. Fight, paste, fight, paste— that's what the soldiers did. The 3d PLA carried 
out excellent preparation so their work was excellent. 

Currency Policy. — Step 1 : Proclamation ; stop using fapi at once. After this 
proclamation another one gave concrete details what to do with fapi. Step 2 : 
Stabilization of the Bohai Bank currency; it was the only currency allowed 
(there was a limited period between steps 1 and 2 when fapi could circulate). 
Step 3 : Consolidation of confidence in the Bohai notes. We posted three proclama- 
tions : Expose Chiang's attempt to destroy Bohai currency through forgeries (we 
showed the people how to expose it). CKS aimed to destroy the currency by 
circulating counterfeit. We named all the kinds and posted samples on the 
proclamations, so even these counterfeits had to be collected before the battle. 
This raised people's confidence in Bohai currency (we also posted up genuine 
samples to help the people distinguish). Step 4 : Completion of the stabilization. 
Step 5 : Provided for other LA exchange rate. All were made acceptable in 
Tsinan. This is an example how the policy principle was worked out step by 
step. 

All business started up except for the banks. As for them we proclaimed 
temporary regulations for Shantung Provincial Bank. Questions arose because 
accounts, interest, loans, etc., were all in fapi. So detailed procedure was posted 
up on how to handle all these things. If we had posted up this proclamation 
on the first day it would have been of no use, but it was prepared in advance 
to be put up at the appropriate time. 

Conimunications were organized immediately. Since the main road was 20 li 
long it was essential to set up some sort of transportation at once. Traffic 



288 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

regulations were needed immediately. Some of our own drivers were not very 
expert and injured people, but the drivers were very responsible and the victims 
were given immediate care, etc., so there was no bad effect. 

Curfew started off district by district. As soon as the residents had been 
checked up and the census made, it was let up. 

One problem was to reorganize quickly so that we could collect the rates on 
electricity and water supply. 

For each field concrete specific details, policies and proclamations were pre- 
pared. The main thing connecting it all was: "The mass-movement." So the 
people's response to the proclamation was wonderful. From morning till night 
they would stand around reading the various proclamations and writing them 
down. You can't use country methods in the city. In the village you can call 
a meeting, but not in the city ; just try. 

Execution of two important policies : 1. K'an Kuan : 

The taking over and protecting of depots and warehouses is a very important 
part of our work in cities. Who is to do this while the fighting is actually 
going on? Somehow arrangements must be made to avoid destruction. Who 
does it? Combat troops. They have the tasks of destroying the enemy and of 
caring for property. This must be done. If care is not taken, SS agents will 
steal everything; the damage would be terrific and would run into figures of 
astronomical proportions. 

But in the long run the task must be carried out by the ordinary combat 
troops themselves, not by high officers. If proper education on this point were 
not carried out, therefore, it could not be fulfilled. 

In Tsinan all this was very well done. There was no major loss of material 
or damage to equipment and buildings such as schools, factories, etc. This was 
of great aid ia the quick rehabilitation of the city. The necessary education 
was given to each individual soldier on this point and every ganbuh understood 
it. The principle was expressed in a six-word slogan: Protect, care for, con- 
struct (?). 

Nevertheless this protection and caring for property was a very difficult job 
and the soldiers much preferred fighting to "k'ann kuan" ; e. g., in one company 
of 80 men, 45 men were put to guard 14 warehouses. Each of these man had to 
stand guard for 13 hours. (Gave examples of other companies posting so many 
guards etc.) The men took these duties with the utmost seriousness, e. g., one 
man had been on guard many hours and his relief did not come. Some friends 
offered to take over to give him a rest but he refused saying that he must stay 
at his post until it was officially taken over. 

As to the attitude toward protection of property, one cook whose shoes were 
worn out took a new pair. Then he thought things over and remembered offi- 
cial instructions and sorrowfully took them off and put them back and put on 
his old worn-out pair again. Another soldier was stationed for the night in a 
room with a beautiful mahogany table covered with all sorts of papers. Rather 
than disturb the papers, he slept on the floor. The soldiers were so anxious to 
avoid any breaches of the 3 Great Disciplines and the 8 Points for Attention that 
before entering the city many of them had made a special point of preparing 
needles and thread. This was especially notable among the soldiers, though 
ganbuh occasionally took enough ink to fill their pens. 

Of course there were some breaches of discipline, but the overwhelming ma- 
jority observed it satisfactorily. If anything, the weakness lay in leaning over 
backward and some things which should have been taken and used were not, 
e. g., in one -ase there was a large case of valuable medicines, etc., and the sol- 
dier who found it left, it alone. When he reported to his superiors he was told 
to go back and gel il but it was too late; the looters had already taken it. Judg- 
ment in this sort of case has to be taught ; the main thing is not to steal for per- 
sonal use. 

Point 2. Work Relief : 

This was used in the task of clearing the city of dead bodies, burying them, 
cleaning the streets, etc. There was no organization already existing in the 
city, as there is in the villages, for getting this done. So somehow the people 
had to be organized, but not by force. We ourselves had not brought with us 
personnel for this job so we had to mobilize the inhabitants. 

The three main principles used in mobilizing people for this job were: edu- 
cation, payment, and taking turns. So we educated, paid, and took them off 
relief all at once. This job was very well done. The city was cleaned up, the 
fortifications leveled, and the streets cleaned all with 7-10 days. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 289 

This was a big task. 13,000 people were mobilized, 8,898 corpses were buried — 
all of them outside the city. S68 animals were also buried and 384 pillboxes in 
11 city chili were destroyed. 4,000 land mines were also dealt with — by the 
troops. Around Cheeloo University conditions were especially chaotic. The 
students were afraid to come out of the cellars where they'd been hiding, for 
fear of land mines. 

Altogether 75,000 jin of grain was distributed for work relief and $980,000 ( ?) 
Jinan. Special regulations were drawn up regarding the turn-taking system. 
15 jin was paid for each body buried; 25 jin for an animal; 40 jin for a pillbox 
leveled. The old bao-jia system in each district was used. Each district organ- 
ized groups of body carriers with one ganbuh in charge of 3 or 4 groups. For 
work done, the ganbuh in charge handed out vouchers which could be exchanged 
for the suitable amount of grain. At the same time he carried on educational 
and propaganda work. 

The educational effect of all this was very good because it was done among the 
poor and destitute. The slogan launched was "li gung" — work for the people. 
Groups who did especially good work received a bonus,, such as a bag of white 
flour. What was considered good work? This was standardized ; e. g., some of 
the pillboxes contained various types of things, equipment, etc. If this was all 
carefully handed over before beginning the destruction, etc., etc. In the course of 
the work the people themselves spontaneously labeled some as "Active Ele- 
ments," using these and other words which they learnt from the ganbuh. Out of 
this work there developed 25 permanent organized groups of the city poor. To 
obtain similar results in villages would be extremely difficult. In a city, if the 
work is well done, it's easy. 

The ganbuh showed a great sense of responsibility. One woman ganbuh, for 
example, herself took part in burying the dead. She helped by joining in the 
groups of 2 people, each group carrying a corpse, 2-3 lii to the place of burial. 
The bodies stank and so did her clothes which became all bloody, but she took all 
this in her stride. This had a great effect on the people working with her. This 
was a practical example of how the LA ganbnh really work for the people and it 
was very effective. This work was not actually required of her ; she did it solely 
out of a sense of responsibility. 

As to the destruction of pillboxes : the people said, '"Wang Yao Wu came and 
made us build pillboxes everywhere. The Liberation Army comes and says knock 
them down. They certainly must have great strength to be so confident that they 
don't need them." So the people were greatly impressed. 

These are some of the aspects of the relief policy. 

The preparatory work for the burial was inadequate. There wasn't the right 
equipment, no masks, gloves, etc. In summer there would thus have been very 
great danger of disease, though in the cold weather we got away with it. We 
must make preparations of this sort. 

We used the bomb craters for burying bodies — the KMT dug their own graves. 

Confiscation of bureaucratic capital and protection of private property : 

This work was well done. A proclamation was issued : "Bureaucratic capital 
will be taken over, private capital will be protected ; functionaries of both stay on 
the job." This was general party policy. 

How were industry and banks taken over? In the case of the Bank of China, 
for example, everything was taken over in a very smooth operation — equipment, 
accounts, etc., everything. This was a very big problem for there are many banks 
in Tsinan. All were handed over and 98 percent of their personnel registered. 
Out of a total of 600 employees, 400 came over to work for us. Two percent, the 
big shots, had left before by air. Some who wanted to didn't manage to get away. 

In the Central Bank of China, for instance, accounts, money, material, account 
books, everything was labeled, tied up, indexed, and put away neatly in the safes. 
When we went in, the keys and index was handed over by the staff. This was 
very good ; it showed that they understood our policy, that it was a correct policy 
and had been correctly carried out. 

This finance is a very complicated business. If things are not taken over 
properly, there's a great opportunity for squeeze. So we had to take one place 
as an example. This was the Central Bank of China. An example had to be 
made here so as to avoid squeeze all round. 

There were all sorts of inner conflicts in the banking field ; wherever Chiang 
Kai-shek is there are inner conflicts. Here the disunity was very great, for the 
other banks like the Communications Bank, etc., were discriminated against by 
CKS. He stopped them from printing currency and imposed other restrictions 
on them ; e. g., the Central Bank was allowed to give an interest rate of 45 per- 



290 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

cent ; the other banks were allowed only 18 percent. Foreign exchange could 
be handled by the Central Bank only and all military personnel had to deposit 
their money there. So the other banks were anti-CKS. They did not wish to 
accept staff sent to them from Central Bank, but if because of influence they 
were forced to, they would discriminate against the appointee, giving him poor 
pay, etc. This was the case when the appointee got his job through influence, 
not on the grounds of technical proficiency. The other three banks worked 
against the Central Bank in business circles, etc. There were $12 million GY 
in the Central Bank and some fapi ; other banks had little of either. So the 
great task was to take over the Central Bank well. Then the others would fall 
into line. 

The principles for taking over were : strict investigation and broad outlook, 
in action. These bankers might have looked down their noses at our rough 
clothes and speech which is not like that of bankers. So they might have tried 
to fool us when it came to the handling over. Our task was to make them respect 
ns. So we put able and highly qualified comrades onto this work who had a 
professional understanding of it. They caught the bankers up on quite a num- 
ber of points and showed that they were not easily fooled. This made a very 
great impression. 

We gave them collective treatment (examining various people individually 
about the same point?). The vice head of the Bank of Communications was 
caught out trying to graft 60 ounces of gold from the account of a co-op. He 
was hauled up for this and we gained much prestige. On the other hand we 
didn't bother about trifles, small amounts missing, small accounts, petty pilfer- 
ing, etc. In this way, displaying a broad outlook, we got the initiative. 

There was a clear policy toward, both the junior and senior staff. Both were 
offered the option of either staying or going. Some of the higher-ups tried to 
influence the junior staff to go along with them, saying : "Let's all go together." 
How were we to handle the problem of the lower and middle staff, since the 
head of the bank had an ideological hold over his subordinates. We concentrated 
on them working from the bottom up. Finally, only the manager and his wife 
elected to go; all the rest stayed (presumably this refers to Central Bank of 
China) . So on the whole we were very successful. 

At first the senior staff didn't believe it when we said they would be allowed to 
go, so we proved it by action, placing cars at their disposal and providing protec- 
tion, as far as Tsingtao. Even the manager, in the end, was affected by this and 
offered us suggestions on the subject of taking over and banking in general. He 
said : "CKS is bound to collapse. That's clear. We'd be glad to stay, but we're 
afraid your living conditions are too tough for us to stand — even if we ate shao 
tzao. But when we get to Shanghai we'll go into training for when we see you 
there again. Your principles are O. K. We'll spread them around for you." 

The manager of the Central Bank of China (Chen's friend) told friends that 
the LA army was the best disciplined army in Chinese history- They came 
to his home asking if he had firearms. When he said he didn't, they showed 
no interest in other things of his. He invited soldiers to have tea and refresh- 
ments, but they refused what he offered. Then he felt suspicious of his be- 
havior, thinking he had offered them too little. Offered a wristwatch and pen, 
but also refused. Soldier then explained LA policies. "It was the first time I 
ever met anyone who didn't want to accept valuable things," manager said. 

Manager told us 3 or 4 KMT people needed to do job one LA cadre could do, 
because LA attitude toward work different. However he offered suggestions 
for improving our work. He said : "You people are not very citified and you must 
raise your technical and vocational levels." 

This was correct. Our city style was not very good. Some cadres even afraid 
to talk to city people. For example, in exchanging currency, made many blunders. 

Manager told us : there are three kinds of bureaucratic capitalists — those who 
can escape to America or Hongkong ; those who can go to Shanghai and Canton ; 
and those who cannot run away. He asked us to leave a road out for the latter, 
so that they can live. For instance, he said, you allow landlords to have enough 
land to maintain their livelihood, and in the same way, you should leave us with 
a little capital also. 

Manager suggested that when we take over Shanghai banking, must be care- 
ful not to close banks long or this will make industry collapse. He advised 
placing supervisors in charge of big banks, who will have final authority, but 
let banks continue pending thorough investigations. In Tsinan, he noted all 
banks closed for 20 days while banking taken over. In Shanghai, need at least 
40 days for same procedure. But in that period, everything would stop there. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 291 

The suggestions this manager made reflects that our policy toward him was 
correct. 

Four : Policies must be flexible : 

In confiscating bureaucratic capital, we must apply our policies flexibly, not 
dogmatically. We used a different policy toward the Ta Lai Bank in Tsinan 
than toward the Central Bank and Commercial Bank. The Ta Lai bank had 
been forced to close last April by KMT oppression. Therefore we did not con- 
fiscate it. 

In taking over, don't use "frontal takeover." Take the firm over in parts. 
When we went to the Central Bank, the manager and vice manager were not in, 
so we went on to the secretary and we took over the departments under him. 
If we had waited until we could assemble all personnel, the process would have 
been very slow leaving time to destroy the documents. 

Fifth : Currency. 

Currency is a very big problem in taking over a large city. We can defeat 
Chiang's armies and politics but his currency remains. We must solve this 
problem quickly. In Tsinan our administrative cadres entered on the 25th. On 
the same day we issued regulations for handling currency based on two gen- 
eral methods: (1) opening exchange places (2) exporting currency — currency 
was wrapped in a cloth, sealed, registered (we gave receipt) and this could be 
taken outside the liberated areas or to any places within the liberated areas. 
Through this method we sent lots of fapi back to KMT areas. 

Fapi taken in by the exchange shops was also sent out of LA. We limited 
the amount that could be exchanged and the denomination of banknotes in 
order to provide advantages to middle and lower income groups who had no 
way to use fapi in KMT areas. The main principle was to send back as quickly 
as possible. Our success gave us a great economic victory. Within 15 to 20 
days we got all fapi back to Chiang's area, sending out 1,400,000 hundred mil- 
lions CNC. This was a terrible blow to Chiang. On October 5th and 6th, in 
Tsingtao 1 ounce of silver cost 240 gold yen. Within 10 days, because we sent 
out this currency, the price was 100 gold yen per ounce. Had we delayed, 
the liberated area economy would have suffered badly. 

We fixed the exchange rate at 2 million fapi to 1 penpi. We didn't exchange 
$500,000 banknotes. However, Tsinan prices rose 3 to 6 times because we under- 
valued our money. This was an error. 

Chiang used method to oppose us. After Tsinan fell, Tsingtao immediately 
announced that fapi couldn't be circulated after November 1st (shortening the 
original time limit of November 15th). Chiang thought we would be left with 
the worthless currency but he failed because by October 15th we had sent all 
of his money out. Since $500,000 notes couldn't be circulated in KMT areas, 
we would not take them either. 

But we were weak technically in handling this currency problem. For ex- 
ample, none of our 11 exchange shops could make their accounts balance. They 
gave out too much money. One shop alone gave out $300,000 penpi too much in 
1 day. The cashier said they counted wrong, and this was true for our cadres. 
But there was some sabotage because we had to use old cashiers from the banks 
and we didn't know how to control them. It had been the principle of all banks 
to make cashiers responsible for their money. But we didn't use this method, 
so some put money in their pockets. 

Sixth : Win over all of Chiang's functionaries : 

The policy for KMT personnel is the same as for army prisoners. Low civilian 
employees are given help for their families, money to leave the LA, etc. We also 
show leniency to higher personnel. 

MISCELLANEOUS 

There were over 300 foreigners in Tsinan and we gave them complete pro- 
tection. The enemy had turned Cheeloo University into fortress with pillboxes, 
landmines, trenches, and so forth. But we didn't use heavy artillery there 
even during the hardest fighting. So the damage was relatively small. Although 
their high buildings made good artillery positions for attacking the inner city 
we didn't station our troops there even overnight. After Tsinan's liberation 
our troops started at Chiloo first to clean up landmines, etc. The education 
department sent representative to comfort them, held meeting to explain our 
policies, and helped them reopen classes on the 18th. We gave them help in 
collecting their dairy cattle that had scattered during the battle. Forty or 



292 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

fifty out of the sixty cows were returned. We also gave food and flour for the 
school. We sent out their personal messages that they were safe. No definite 
regulations regarding religious education beyond the principle that seditious 
activities must stop. In preparing for the battle, our troops and city cadres 
were told not to touch foreign property and to protect foreigners. We didn't 
even borrow a single book from the libraries. We sealed their buildings until 
school reopened to avoid any possible destruction. 

In general students in Tsinan had a very low political consciousness and 
there was no open students' movement. The students were suspicious of us and 
some shaved their heads and wore laopaihsing clothes. Of 1,300 students in the 
normal school, all except 300 to 400 hid themselves until they saw our policy. 
The educational bureau held a meeting to explain our student policy and then 
they returned. 

Our policy for private schools was to start classes as soon as possible. We 
changed the names of public schools to Tsinan 1, 2, 3, public school. We com- 
bined a few because of teacher shortage. We created some specialized schools. 
We started a business and commercial school which got 1,800 students within 
10 days. Many Cheeloo students wanted to go to Hwapei. Some special schools 
like the normal school were closed because they were full of secret agents and 
the students were sent to other schools. We had prepared teaching cadres to 
become principals of public schools, and we provided teachers for political 
study. Otherwise the teaching staffs remained the same. We gave relief funds 
to students and grain relief to schools in need. 

We had organized six dramatic groups to carry on cultural activities. Two 
evening meetings were held — one, a musical evening lasting from 5 to 12 P. M. 
All schools participated, but they could only sing popular romantic songs. 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, are you paying attention? We are 
doing business here and we do not want to take advantage of you. 

Now, he has identified a document. Did you hear the document 
described by him ? 

Mr. Hinton. I assumed that this that was being handed out was 
the thing that he was identifiying. 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

I notice you are conferring with counsel. I am now showing you 
the exhibit so that you will not say that we were not fair with you, 
and I have admitted the whole of that exhibit into the record. 

Mr. Hinton. I would like to correct a statement that the whole of 
it is in. At least, what was handed to me here and what is — oh, well, 
in the record, maybe, yes, but not on this mimeographed sheet. There 
is not the whole of what is on this document. 

Senator Welker. Just a moment, now. I want to be fair. 

Counsel, did you hear ? 

Would you read Mr. Hinton 's statement back ? 

(The statement of Mr. Hinton was read by the reporter.) 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, to correct that matter, I am saying 
that the whole of the document is going in, and not any mimeographed 
article that you might have before you. 

Mr. Hinton. Thank you, Mr. Senator, because what was left out — 
what was in seems to concern military; what was left out seemed to 
concern public utilities, shops, schools, factories, and information of 
other sorts, and I think it would give the wrong impression simply to 
cut that out. 

Senator Welker. The whole of it is going in, Mr. Hinton. 

Mr. Hinton. Thank you. 

Mr. Mokrjs. The cut ire document jroes into the record. 



Exhibit No. 47 




<*JJ + 't /C i£' 



W, W<W, C^ Vt'tA/W "^ 






\<9 h" 



tt»* fU*^ 







f /o 0~S*+* • 




* 





SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 293 

Now, Mr. Hinton, will you look at the right-hand board there, those 
charts there? Let us take the upper left-hand chart. Will you tell 
us what that chart is, if it is a chart ? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of the 
first, the fourth, and the fifth amendments. 

Senator Welker. Now, Mr. Hinton, directing your attention to the 
chart that you have just examined, do you recognize the handwriting 
thereon ? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. My answer is the same. 

Senator Welker. Is it the handwriting of one William H. Hinton, 
the witness? 

Mr. Hinton. My answer is the same. 

Senator Welker. That is, the fifth amendment ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer the question on the grounds of 
the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. You would not say whether it was your handwrit- 
ing or not your handwriting ? 

Mr. Hinton. I would not say whether or not it was my handwriting. 

Senator Welker. Upon the grounds of the fifth amendment? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, do you have the original document of 
which that is a reproduction ? 

Mr. McManus. I cannot see it. Will you read the heading of that, 
Senator, so that I can see which one it is ? 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Arens, will you read the heading on that ? 

Mr. Arens. I am sorry. I cannot make out the heading. 

Miss Malaney. It is, "Concerning punishment of CPB." 

Mr. Arens. Right. 

Mr. McManus. I have the original of that enlargement headed, 
"List VIII," "Concerning punishment of CPB." 

Mr. Morris. What does "CPB" stand for, Mr. Hinton ? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first, 
fourth, and fifth amendments. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, is that one of the documents you took 
from the f ootlocker ? 

Mr. McManus. Yes ; that is one of the documents which I took from 
the f ootlocker. 

All of the exhibits on the board were taken from the footlocker. 

Mr. Morrts. Mr. Chairman, may that go into the record, having 
been identified by Mr. McManus ? 

Senator Welker. It will go into the record. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 47" and is 
herewith inserted.) 1 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton. 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. In the classes that you taught in Red China, was 
it necessary for you or any of the other supervisors at the school to 
punish the students ? 

1 Other charts Trill appear in a later volume. 



294 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Hinton. In any of the classes, or training classes that I taught 
in, I was simply a teacher. I had no responsibilities other than to 
teach classes. 

Senator Welker. Did anyone else, to your knowledge, have any 
responsibilities with respect to punishing students ? 

Mr. Hinton. Schools in China, as elsewhere, have their disciplinary 
regulations and rules. 

Senator Welker. Did any of your students that you taught in your 
own individual classes — did any of those students ever receive any 
punishment from those who had the authority to punish ? 

Mr. Hinton. I don't recall, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Hinton, this refers to punishment of farmers, does 
it not, and not to students, this particular chart ? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the grounds of the first, the 
fourth, and the fifth amendments. 

Mr. Morris. Will you look at the second chart, Mr. Hinton? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first,, 
the fourth, and the fifth amendments. 

Miss Malaney. The title of that chart is 

Mr. Hinton. But — oh, excuse me. 

Mr. Morris. What is the title, Miss Malaney ? 

Miss Malaney. "Family-by-family record of changes through land 
reform." 

Mr. Hinton. This chart seems to refer to land reform, and I would 
be happy to describe to the committee the general 

Mr. Morris. Now, tell us what that particular chart is. 

Mr. Hinton (continuing). The general course of land reform in a 
Chinese village. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, we would be very glad to hear you on 
land reform if you will go with us and identify all the other charts. 
But you refuse even to testify as to whether or not it is your own hand- 
writing. Now, you are not going to pick out one and make a speech 
on that, unless you make a speech on all of them. 

Do I make myself clear ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes ; you make yourself clear. I am just suggesting 
that it might be of interest to the committee to hear about land reform 
and how it happened. 

Senator Welker. I would be interested in having you describe and 
go fully into the first exhibit appearing on the top left of the board, 
at your left, Mr. Hinton, and we will go over them all. I would be 
glad to hear everything about every exhibit there. But you are not 
going to pick out just one. 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. Is there a question now ? 

Senator Welker. Do you want now to go into all the exhibits there ? 

Mr. Hinton. As to the documents, I decline to answer about the 
documents. As to any facts about land reform, any facts about what 
happened in the course of land reform in the villages, I would be glad 
to tell about it. 

Senator Welker. But you want to hold it down to land reform. 
You do not want to give us any other information that might be in- 
cluded in those charts. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 295 

Mr. Hinton. I would be glad to talk about what happened in 
China. But all that you seem to want to do is to trap me into talking 
about the documents. 

Senator Welker. Oh, Mr. Hinton, I wouldn't trap you for any- 
thing. 

Mr. Hinton. Oh, no. 

Senator Welker. I am quite certain that the American people 
would be interested in setting a trap for you, but not this committee. 
We do not operate that way. 

Mr. Hinton. I remember a speech given by Mr. Eastland in 
1954 

Senator Welker. Now, just a moment. 

Mr. Hinton (continuing) . In which he said 

Senator Welker. Now, counsel 

Mr. Hinton (continuing) . I broke the law, and I am 

Senator Welker. Now, counsel, I want this held a little bit accord- 
ing to the way that I am sure counsel desires it to be held. I think 
you will admit that I have tried to protect your client in every way 
possible. I have even kept out exhibits that counsel has tried to put in 
here, in fairness to you. But now I am not going to sit here and hear 
this committee or its chairman embarrassed upon some irrelevant act. 

Now will you so advise Mr. Hinton ? 

Mr. Friedman . Yes, sir ; I will. And I do not think we will have 
any difficulty, if we go right along. 

Senator Welker. Thank you. 

Now, you stated you would like to speak and testify about land re- 
form. Would you like to tell me anything about a struggle meeting 
held in the area in which you were in Red China on February 1, 1948? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I don't know what this refers to. 

Senator Welker. A struggle meeting wherein a certain Chinese 
person was punished, punished severely, with long and unusual hours 
of suffering before other people witnessing this suffering. Do you 
want to tell us anything about that? Or do you know anything about 
it? 

Mr. Hinton. There were many meetings in those areas at that time 
in which people who had committed crimes or had broken regulations 
or had committed acts against the law — one of the things that hap- 
pened in those circumstances was that they had to go before their 
colleagues, their students, and they had meetings in which there were 
criticisms from all sides, and they had a chance to answer the criti- 
cisms, and that was the way a great deal of the education of people 
was carried on in 

Senator Welker. They way the education of a great deal of people 
was carried on ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator W t elker. As a matter of fact, those people were held up 
as objects of ridicule before their fellow students, and also those at- 
tending the meetings would have to stay up and watch this embarrass- 
ment for late and unusual hours, long hours of the night, and walk 
many, many miles ; is that not correct ? 

Mr. Hinton. There were two kinds of meetings. One was among 
colleagues and students. The others were in the case where, during 



296 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

land reform, in the case where landlords were involved; they were 
not regarded as colleagues and friends of the people at the meeting. 
So in cases where landlords were involved, they called it a struggle 
meeting. In cases 

Senator Welker. Now you have found out at last what a struggle 
meeting was. A moment ago I thought you did not know what a 
struggle meeting was. 

Mr. Hinton. No. You spoke of a certain date and a certain time 
That is what I didn't know. 

Senator Welker. All right. Now, what is a struggle meeting? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, from all that I could learn, from being there, 
these meetings were held during the land reform when those land- 
lords who had committed crimes and who had a bad record of oppress- 
ing people were brought before the village and asked to — or they faced 
the peasants who had been their tenants over the years, and the peas- 
ants had a chance to speak out and say the grievances which they had 
against them. 

Senator Welker. Yes. Now, do you recall a struggle meeting held 
in the giant Catholic church about February 1, 1948, which you 
attended? 

Mr. Hinton. I remember attending a meeting at which a faculty 
member of the college, who had opposed land reform in his own vil- 
lage and had physically punished peasants in his own village, who 
were at that time carrying out land reform — back at the college he 
was brought before the meeting of faculty and students, and they did 
raise opinions and criticize him for several hours. 

Senator Welker. You attended that meeting? 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I was there. 

Senator Welker. And is that the meeting where you walked some 
30 li to get to the scene of the struggle meeting ? 

Mr. Hinton. At that time, as I recall it, I was living at the agri- 
cultural school 

Senator Welker. Yes ; that is right. 

Mr. Hinton (continuing). Which was connected with the college, 
and the rest of the college was some 30 li away from the agricultural 
school. All the students 

Senator Walker. Now, how far is 30 li ? 

Mr. Hinton. It is approximately 10 miles. 

Senator Welker. And you and others -walked this 10 miles to wit- 
ness this struggle, or to take part in it ? 

Mr. Hinton. The students, who were students in the school, at- 
tended there as members of the student body. 

Senator Welker. And you attended there as one of the faculty? 

Mr. Htnton. I went along to see what was happening. 

Senator Welker. All right. What did happen? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, just what I described. The man who they 
claimed abused the peasants in his home village and had tried to cir- 
cumvent the land reform, was standing before the whole student and 
faculty body of this university, and many people raised, or made, 
-charges against him, and criticized his actions. 

Senator Welker. Now, I wonder if what I am about to read you— 
and I will read it to you — correctly portrays what happened at this 
certain strucirle meeting;: 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 297 

As we at the ag school lived more than 30 li from the scene of the meeting, 
we got up before dawn in the bitter cold, ate a little millet, were given two large, 
cold-steamed breads apiece for our noon meal, and then set out just as the sun 
reddened the eastern ridges. The whole student body went along, so that our 
column was more than a hundred strong. We walked rapidly through the snow 
across the flat plain, passed mud villages still sleep, and then over the hill to the 
university. We arrived just in time, for the meeting was about to begin. It was 
cold in the enormous Catholic church here. The crowd this Sunday would have 
delighted any priest's heart, for the church was packed from end to end and from 
side to side and if people could have shinnied up the imitation marble pillars 
of the nave, they surely would have. But these people were not here to listen 
to a priest. The stained-glass windows and numerous crosses peered down on 
as ardent an assemblage of revolutionaries as you are likely to find anywhere, 
and they had come to reckon with one of their number who had betrayed the 
revolution. In that huge gathering of over one thousand were men and women 
from all over China, peasants, workers, landlords and merchants' sons, old 
hands in the liberated area and newly arrived students with the breath of Peiping 
still hanging in their nostrils. They were here to examine a former landlord 
turned comrade and to learn a great political lesson, a class lesson, a lesson 
about landlord thought and landlord actions. 

Does that about describe what took place ? 

Mr. Hinton. That sounds like a pretty good description of it. 
Senator Welker. Then reading further, I will ask you if this 
sounds like a pretty good description : 

The purpose was explained to me by one of the teachers at the college. 

I want you to pay attention, because I want to be so fair with you, 
Mr. Hinton. 

This meeting is a mass meeting to struggle against a party member whose 
thought is typical of the landlord thought in the party and the college. It is 
not only for his education but also for the education of the whole student body, 
the faculty, and the masses. This man is a party member, but will be judged 
not only by the party but by the people. This man was a large landlord in 
Wuan. He formerly was head of the department of education of Peita and later 
became a teacher in the culture college. As a member of the landlord class, 
how did he become a member of the party? His case has been in the papers 
twice. Everyone has a right to speak, hear, and express their thought. We 
want to beat his thought, not his body. This party problem has been brought 
to the masses, not only as an education, but also because, in party meetings and 
in small group discussions, this man refused criticism. Hence we have brought 
it out in the open. 

Now, does that describe what took place there ? 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. That sounds like an accurate quotation of what the 
faculty member told me at the time. It sounds like something that he 
stated to me. 

Senator Welker. You were there at the meeting, were you not? 

Mr. Hinton. I went to such a meeting. 

Senator Welker. And in this meeting, what did the man who was 
accused of violating the regulation, or whatever it may have been, the 
law or the regulation, do? He stood up before the mass of over a 
thousand people and received the complaints of students, the masses, 
and the faculty alike ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Hinton. As I remember it, that is what happened. 

Senator Welker. Now, does this sound like your return journey, a 
description of your return journey? 

Others make summaries. The meeting finally breaks up. It is after 11 and 
we have still to walk home the 36 li. We stagger home in the darkness, a long 
line of weary people. It is so late there is not even anyone on the road check- 
72723— 56— pt. 7 5 



298 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

ing passes. Finally the moon comes up and lights the way. We stop at a small 
roadside restaurant in a mud hut. Eat some mantou, cold, and drink a little 
hot water. We are so tired we can hardly move on, but finally stagger home 
after 3 in the morning. A 20-mile walk and more than 12 hours of meeting. 
The next morning — 

are you listening, Mr. Hint on ? 

Mr. Hinton. I was following it here on the 

Senator Welker. Very well. [Continuing:] 

The next morning the whole affair is discussed. The Ag students are still 
muttering. They think the authorities wrong in preventing them from beating 
the bastard. 

Does that describe about what took place there? 

Mr. Hinton. I think that describes fairly well what took place and 
what the attitude of the students was. 

Senator Welker. Did you, William Hinton, the witness before this 
committee, sworn to tell the truth — did you write that description 
yourself ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the grounds of the first, the 
fourth, and the fifth amendments. 

That appears to me to represent 

Senator Welker. Now, you answered the question. So if you get 
into it, I am going to cross-examine further. You have declined to 
answer upon the grounds of the fifth amendment, and I have accepted 
your refusal to answer. 

Now, if you get into the matter, counselor, will you advise him that 
I am going to go into this matter quite fully ? 

Mr. Friedman. I do not see any need to advise him on anything, 
Senator. 

Senator Welker. You are his counsel. 

Mr. Friedman. I think he only wants to make some comment about 
the appearance of this exhibit. 

Senator Welker. I read to him what I asked him to identify, as to 
whether or not it took place, and then I asked him whether or not he 
did not write the words I used in interrogating him. 

Mr. Hinton. Many of these words 

Senator Welker. There is no need for any further interruption of 
this hearing now, counselor, and I am sure you will cooperate as you 
have in the past. We are getting along now. We are getting some 
pla^e. So let us be responsive and do it right. 

Mr. Hinton. Many of these words were, of course, quotations of 
people. That is the way it certainly appears here. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may I go back to these charts to have 
them identified ? Mr. Chairman, these charts contain some of the most 
valuable statistics and most valuable evidence that the committee has 
encountered anywhere, on the details of how China is being Sovietized. 
And I wonder if Mr. McManus will read some of the classifications on 
that first chart to give the chairman an understanding of what that is. 

Mr. McManus. This is in the chart headed, "Concerning Punish- 
ment of CPB." 

There are in the middle column, under the heading, "Their mis- 
takes,""^) Counted on restoration to avoid struggle." 

Excuse me, Mr. Chairman. On the left-hand side there is a classi- 
fication of individuals by name, sex, class, "occ," probably "occupa- 
tion," age, years in CP, party history. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 299 

The next column is entitled. "Their mistakes." Under the heading 
of "Their mistakes" is some difficult-to-read material, but : 
Counted on restoration to avoid struggle — 

is one mistake, and the man who made such, apparently gets 2 years' 
suspension. 

Exposure of party. Told — 
I can't quite make out the next word — 

she was member when party secret, in order to prevent opinions. 

(1) Ideologically backward. Afraid to join army, he left post as Vice Leader 
MIA. 

That was 5 months' suspension. 

(3) Class line not clear. Beat all alike. 

Senator Welker. What was that? 
Mr. McManus. "Beat all alike." 
Senator Welker. "Beat all alike" ? 
Mr.McMANUs. Yes. Then: 

Bad style toward basic elements. 

I do not know that I can read this. The handwriting in this, Mr. 
Chairman, compares with the handwriting in diaries — I am not a hand- 
writing expert, but I call that to your attention. 

Senator Welker. Do not go into it if you are not a handwriting 
expert. 

Proceed. 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Morris. We have gotten to the second chart, Mr. Chairman. 

What is that second chart, Mr. Hinton ? 

I think we had gotten to the second chart in identifying those 
statistical charts. 

Senator Welker. That is the one on land reform. He wanted to 
explain that. 

Is that correct, Mr. Hinton ? 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us what that is, Mr. Hinton ? 

Mr. Hinton. You are asking me what that chart is ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes, what it is. 

Mr. Hinton. I will try to read it, if that is what you want me to do. 

Mr. Morris. It is a chart that was found in your locker, Mr. Hinton. 
I wonder if you would tell the committee precisely what it is. 

Mr. Hinton. You say it is a chart that was found in my locker. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, do you identify that as one of the papers 
found in the f ootlocker ? 

Mr. McManus. Yes. I have already identified that chart as a chart 
from Mr. Hinton 's f ootlocker. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you prepare that chart ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the grounds of the first, fourth, 
and fifth amendments. If you want me 

Mr. Morris. And you also decline to tell us what it is ? 

Mr. Hinton. If you want me to read it, I will read it for you, as 
best I can. 

Senator Welker. He has already told you that he declines to tell 
you what it is. So proceed to the next chart. 

Mr. Morris. Is there anything about that second chart, Mr. Mc- 
Manus, that the chairman should know at this time ? 



300 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. McManus. The second chart bears the heading, "Family-by- 
family record of changes through land reform." These are classifica- 
tions, statistical clasifications. The columns under that heading are 
names, and then whether they have been — I mean, there are various 
initials, "LL," and so on, to classify what the individuals are, or the 
families are. 

Mr. Morris. Take the third chart, Mr. Arens, will you. 

Mr. Arens. You want me to read that ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes. What is that? 

Mr. Arens. "Resettlement of LL's and RF's." 

Mr. Morris. What is that, Mr. Hinton ? 

Mr. Hinton. I will read it for you, if I can. If I can make it out, 
I will be glad to read it for you. 

Senator Welker. Do you know what it is? Nobody asked you to 
read it. 

Mr. Hinton. I think I can read it 

Senator Welker. The question was, "Do you know what it is?" 
Now, do you or do you not know what it is ? 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first, 
fourth, and fifth amendments. 

Senator Welker. You decline to answer on the fifth. We recognize 
the declination on the fifth amendment. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, is that one of the documents which 
were found in Mr. Hinton 's footlocker? 

Senator Welker. Counsel, he has identified all of these exhibits as 
having been found there. Now, let us not repeat on that. 

Mr. Morris. Let us ask him. 

Senator Welker. All right. Mr. McManus, all of the exhibits ap- 
pearing on the board at the left of the witness; Where did you find 
those? 

Mr. McManus. I found all of those exhibits in Mr. Hinton's foot- 
locker, and they were written on sheets this size [indicating], and they 
have been enlarged under my supervision. 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

Mr. McManus. May I point out, Senator, that there are a good 
many more ? We found 51 of these charts. 

Senator Welker. Very well. Proceed, counsel. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, will you give the description of each 
one of those ? 

And may they be placed in the record, Mr. Chairman ? 

Just describe them so that we will know which ones are going in the 
record. 

Mr. McManus. Here is a chart, a recapitulation which was made. 

Number of charts in Hinton's possession. 

Number of families of from 2 to 15 persons to each family on which 
records were kept; various classifications. 

We made an approximation on the number of families. That would 
amount to 3,000 persons. The charts were handwritten. Various 
classifications under which the persons or groups appeared on these 
charts were as follows : 

Families that have Fanshen. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 301 

We have in the collection a glossary of terms in which "Fanshen" 
is defined. That document is not yet in the record. 

Families that have not yet Fanshened. 

Jan Jwang party members' economic condition and Fanshen. 

There is some Chinese inscription which I have not translated. 

Jang Jwang — family-by-family record of changes through land 
reform. 

Resettlement of LL's and RF's. 

The context of other material in the record indicated that "LL" 
referred to landlord, and "RF" to rich farmer. 

Property confiscated from MF's — and the same classification, mid- 
dle farmer. 

Reasons why MF's were struggled. 

Degree of annihilation of feudal conditions. 

Concerning punishment of CPB. 

Jang Jwang families struggled against. 

Repaying wrongly struggled MF's. 

Now, statistics on filling holes. 

Production material occupied by each class before liberation. 

Production materials occupied by each class before filling holes. 

Production materials occupied by each class after filling holes. 

Changes of leading cadres during movement. 

Class of CP members. 

Proportion of CP members in leading organizations. 

Class of members in leading organizations. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. McManus, you will have to identify them by name. 

Mr. McManus. This is a chart which had four headings at the top : 
"Before Struggle; Amount Confiscated; Things Repaid; Present 
Condition." 

On the left-hand side of this chart are names, and they are classified 
according to persons, land, house, animal — I can't be sure of that next 
word. One family or individual under this classification is Wang 
Gway Jing, 15 persons in this family; 81 land. I don't know what 
"81" means, 81 acres or what. Under house, 22, and "animal, tools, 
etc.," "evervthing," and then in further columns on the right it is 
"SDCM : He ( ? ) killed ; some ran away ; 5 died." 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, directing your attention to the ex- 
hibits that are being sent down to you, the originals, it has been testi- 
fied that they were found in your footlocker. I will ask you whether 
or not you know whose handwriting it is on those exhibits. Will you 
send them down ? 

(Some documents were handed to the witness.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of 
the first, the fourth, and the fifth amendments. 

Senator Welker. You decline to answer whether or not it is the 
handwriting of William H. Hinton ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, yesterday I interrogated you about 
a matter. I want to ask you another question about it. 

May I have the magnifying glass, please? 

Mr. Hinton, directing your attention to a picture — I think this is 
an enlargement of the picture I showed you yesterday — I believe you 
told me that was a class that you taught. Now, maybe my memory 

72723 — 56 — pt. 7 — —6 



302 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

slipped. Do you recognize anyone in that group as being your 
students? (Exhibit No. 28) 

Mr. Hinton. I think I told you yesterday that this appeared to 
be a picture of myself and students in the tractor training class. 

Senator Welker. And your picture appears in the middle of the 
second row ? 

Mr. Hinton. I think I agree with what I said yesterday ; yes. 

Senator Welker. That is your picture ? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, it looks like me ; yes. 

Senator Welker. I agree with you that it does look like you. 

Now, yesterday I interrogated you as to whether or not there were 
any caps with any official insignia of the Communist Chinese Red 
Army on the caps of these individuals in your class. I think you told 
me that you could not see well enough. I believe you did, now. I 
may be wrong on that. 

Mr. Hinton. I think yesterday I said I didn't see any insignia on 
the caps. 

Senator Welker. Very well. Now, with the magnifying glass, I 
am asking you to examine this picture and see whether or not you can- 
not see the star-and-sickle insignia on the cap of many of your students. 

Mr. Hinton. It looks to me like each cap has two buttons on it. 

Senator Welker. You would say it was buttons instead of a star 
and sickle ? 

Mr. Hinton. It does not look like any insignia to me. 

Senator Welker. Do you know what two buttons would stand for ? 

Mr. Hinton. That is the way caps are made over there. 

Senator Welker. I see. Then how does it come that some of them 
do not have two buttons on ? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, they have different styles of caps in China just 
as we have here in America. 

Senator Welker. And you want to tell the committee, then, that 
none of your students were wearing the uniform of the Red Army in 
Chinese-occupied territory ? 

Mr. Hinton. All the students that came to the classes I taught wore 
the suits, pants, and caps that were issued by the school. 

Senator Welker. Including the instructor ? 

Mr. Hinton. That is right. 

Senator Welker. Including you, Mr. Hinton ? 

Mr. Hinton. When I was there, I wore the clothes that were — that 
was part of my pay. 

Senator Welker. Now we are into something, something I would 
like to find out about. 

Who paid you when you were instructing ? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, at that time I was a member of the Brethren's 
Service Unit, which was a group of volunteers, 50 American volun- 
teers, who went over with UNRRA, and we were paid by the UNRRA 
finances, $12 a month and our expenses. Part of our expenses was 
clothes, and that was the clothes that we got. 

Senator Welker. You were paid all the time from funds of 
UNRRA when you were teaching this group of people ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. Or was it funds from the Friends Society ? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, I don't remember the exact details. I know 
that we got $12 a month plus our expenses. Now, it may be that the 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE "UNITED STATES 303 

Brethren's Service paid the $12 and UNRRA paid the expenses. I 
am not quite sure. But in any case, that is the way we were paid. 

Senator Welker. And that is all the money you received, Mr. 
Hinton ? 

Mr. Hinton. Absolutely. 

Senator Welker. But you still had money enough to buy these 
posters that you talked about ? 

Mr. Hinton. I bought posters, a few every year, and they were 
very cheap there. 

Senator Welker. Very cheap there? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. And you bought everything else that you needed ? 

Mr. Hinton. Part of the living expenses included food and soap 
and all the things that were needed for daily life ; yes. 

Senator Welker. I see. All right. 

Mr. Hinton, when did you leave Red China ? 

Mr. Hinton. I left the People's Republic of China 

Senator Welker. And the People's Republic of China is referred 
to by the acting chairman of this committee as Red China. And you 
would not argue about that, would you ? 

Mr. Hinton. I am referring to the People's Republic of China, 
which is where I was at that time. I left there in the early summer 
of 1953, as we went through with the other hearing already. We al- 
ready went through all those. 

Senator Welker. Yes. I want to go over all that again. 

You left in the early summer of 1953 ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. Why did you give up your school there? Did 
your funds run out, or was there some other reason ? 

Mr. Hinton. I had no school there. I worked as a teacher in a 
school. 

Senator Welker. That is what I mean. You worked as a teacher. 
Why did you quit teaching ? 

Mr. Hinton. Because I wanted to come home. 

Senator Welker. You wanted to come home 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. And make lectures in the United States? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. I wanted to come home because I am an Ameri- 
can ; I never expected to spend all my life in China. I went there for 
a brief period and stayed on longer than I had expected to because 
there was interesting work there, and I came home in 1953 because 
I wanted to return to America and take up my life here. 

Senator Welker. You wanted to return to America and take up 
your life here, but you left your wife and child in Peking, did you 
not, your ex-wife and child ? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. Isn't this a very personal question, Senator Welker? 

Senator Welker. Yes. You told about your wanting to come back 
to America, that you had finished your work there, and you desired 
to come back home. 

Mr. Hinton. That is right. 

Senator Welker. I am interrogating you on the general plane as to 
why you wanted to come back to America. You said it was because 
you were an American. 

Mr. Hinton. That is right. 



304 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Welker. And I asked you if there was any other reason 
why you wanted to come back ? 

Mr. Hinton. No other reason. 

Senator Welker. And you were so anxious to come back to America 
that you left your wife and child there ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Hinton. My relations between me and my wife are a private 
matter as far as I know. 

Senator Welker. Well, will you answer me this question : I do not 
want to get into privacy. But I think certainly I am entitled to know, 
since your great desire to come back to America, whether or not you 
left your wife and only child in Peking, Red China. 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I was separated from my wife for about 3 years before 
I returned. 

Senator Welker. You separated from your wife ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. But you did leave your child there ? 

Mr. Hinton. I have since obtained a divorce. 

Senator Welker. Where did you get that divorce ? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I don't think that this is a matter of concern for me. 
This is a personal question about my marriage, and I don't think it. 
is of interest to the committee. 

Senator Welker. Now, Mr. Hinton, I am going to direct this next 
question to my friend, your counsel, Mr. Friedman. You are the man 
who brought up the question of divorce. You opened up the subject 
matter, and certainly I am entitled to know where you received your 
divorce. You said you have a divorce. I want to know whether you 
do have a divorce. And I do not intend to go into the grounds or 
anything of that sort, Mr. Friedman. I think that you will agree with 
me that I am entitled to know where he received his divorce. 

Mr. Friedman. Senator, you addressed your question to me, and 
therefore I answer personally. I just advised Mr. Hinton, at his re- 
quest for advice, that the question about his divorce and his separation 
from his wife is a private matter and not within the purview of this 
committee. That was my advice to him, and that is my opinion. 

I do not believe that he raised the question of his divorce yesterday. 
I think you had referred, Senator, to his wife, and he stated to you, 
in answer to your question, that he did not have a wife, that the lady 
to whom you referred was his ex-wife, from whom he had been 
divorced. 

Senator Welker. Yes. 

Mr. Friedman. But it was not a subject that he opened up or that 
he wished to talk about. 

Senator Welker. Well, he opened it up just a minute ago. He said 
he was divorced. 

Mr. Friedman. That had come out yesterday in response to a ques- 
tion that you put, Senator. 

Senator Welker. I will depend on the record on this. And he 
opened up the subject matter, and regardless of whether he opened 
up the subject matter, I think it is fair, and I know that you are not 
expecting me to go into the trial of the divorce action or anything of 
that sort. I do not intend to get into intimate details of the divorce 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 305 

action, but I do want to know, and I think the committee of Congress 
wants to know, whether or not a divorce was received, and if so, where. 
If it were an illegal divorce, certainly we would try to get legislation 
to touch on such divorces. 

I have no idea whether it was illegal or not, Mr. Friedman. I am 
just trying to explain the background. 

Mr. Friedman. May I suggest, Senator, that if that is the purpose, 
it is clearly not within the purview of this committee, whether a 
divorce is valid or invalid under a State or interstate law. That is not 
within the directive of this committee. 

Senator Welker. Very well. Mr. Friedman, we will end our little 
discussion hurriedly. 

Mr. Friedman. In that case I think I will advise Mr. Hinton to 
answer it. 

Mr. Hinton. I obtained a divorce at Reno, Nev. I took the cure. 

Senator Welker. You took the cure at Reno, Nev. And now I want 
to ask you, after you left China, where did you first go on your return 
back to America'^ 

Mr. Hinton. As we went through in the previous hearing, that sub- 
stantially certainly outlines exactly how I got home. I took the train. 
I went by train across all of Siberia and European Russia to Czechoslo- 
vakia. From Czechoslovakia I took an airplane to London, England. 
From there I got a boat at Liverpool, I believe it was. The boat took 
me to Quebec, Canada, and from Quebec, Canada, I came to the United 
States by way of Maine. 

Senator Welker. Very well. On what kind of passport did you 
travel when you went through Russia to Prague ? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, as I said in the other hearing, my own passport 
was no longer valid, since it had expired. There was no way to get a 
new passport in China, since there were no American consular officials 
there. So I traveled on a Chinese exit permit until I reached Prague, 
where I had a few days when I could go to the consulate and apply for 
a new passport to return home. 

Senator Welker. Was your passport, the one that you traveled on 
from China to Czechoslovakia, the one you say expired, was that picked 
up at Prague ? 

Mr. Hinton. As I remember it, I gave that passport, that old ex- 
pired passport, to the consulate at Prague, and I received a new pass- 
port on which I traveled home, or with which. 

Senator Welker. You were issued an American passport in Prague ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes ; I was. 

Senator Welker. Did you fill out any forms when you made applica- 
tion for this new passport ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. I filled out all the forms that I was required to 
fill out. 

Senator Welker. Did you make any changes in those forms ? 

Mr. Hinton. We went through all that before. 

Senator Welker. And we are going to go through it again. So you 
do not need to argue with me on that. 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. It was printed in the record of the hearings. I think 
there is a record. In fact, we have it in here. 

Mr. Friedman. No ; there is not. 



306 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Hinton. Yes ; there is. They added it. After the hearing was 
over, your committee went to the State Department and got the origi- 
nal application of my form, and I believe it is printed right here. 

Senator Welker. I believe I know that about as well as you do. I 
understand that. And I am interrogating you again in a continuation 
of this hearing, and I ask you whether or not you made any changes 
in the application for a passport at Prague. 

Mr. Hinton. Yes, I made changes on it ; yes. 

Senator Welker. What changes did you make ? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, I have to find the document. 

Senator Welker. Don't you know ? 

Mr. Hinton. The last time we did not answer that question be- 
cause we did not have the document before us. 

Mr. Friedman. Just answer the question. 

Mr. Hinton. I know. But I have to have the document. 

Senator Welker. Now, do not argue with your counsel. After all, 
you have been doing pretty well with me. I do not want Mr. Fried- 
man to get what I have been getting. 

Mr. Hinton. Well, this purports to be, on page 1817, purports to be 
a photostat of the passport application which I made, and it looks to 
me to be substantially correct. 

Now, I made an addition to the lower part. I don't know what 
part you call that. 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Senator Welker. Is there a question before the witness ? 

(The question was read by the reporter.) 

Senator Welker. Yes. 

Now, do you want to tell us about what changes vou made, Mr. 
Hinton? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. According to this — and this evidently is a copy of the 
application I made — I added a phrase to the section, to the affidavit, 
stating that : 

Unless the above-mentioned employment is interpreted as cominji" under any of 
the above provisions. 

Senator Welker. Were you asked in Prague or any other place 
where you were getting this new passport to come back to America, 
whether or not you were a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first, 
fourth — on the grounds of the first and the fifth amendments. 

Senator Welker. You decline to answer that ? 

Mr. Hinton. [Nods head affirmatively.] 

Senator Welker. Had you been 'asked that question, would you 
have given a truthful answer ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, since you have testified that you are 
an American and anxious to come back home and leave China, why do 
you take the fifth amendment when I ask you whether or not you were 
asked by any official in Prague whether or not you were a member of 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds; on the 
first and fifth amendments. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 307 

Senator Welker. Did you tell the passport division over there, 
once you received this passport to get back to America, the truth on 
your application ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

Senator Welker. Did you lie to the passport division in Prague 
in order to get back to the United States of America ? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. 1 decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

Senator Welker. You were so anxious to leave China and to get 
back to America that you lied to the passport people at Prague where 
you received a passport to come back to America ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, did you stop at Moscow, Russia, on 
your way back from Red China ? 

Mr. Hinton. I changed trains there. 

Senator Welker. You changed trains there ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. How long did you remain in Moscow ? 

Mr. Hinton. Oh, a few hours. I don't remember exactly. 

Senator Welker. Was it 3, 8, or 10 hours, or what ? 

Mr. Hinton. Oh, it was maybe 15 hours, or something like that. 

Senator Welker. About 15 hours? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. Whom did you see there in Moscow ? 

Mr. Hinton. 1 decline to answer that. 

Senator Welker. You decline to answer that ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question. 

Senator Welker. On the grounds that your answer might tend to 
incriminate you ? 

Mr. Hinton. On the grounds of the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. You were so anxious to get back, apparently 

Mr. Hinton. We went all through this before in the other hearing. 

Senator Welker. Yes. I know that this is embarrassing to you. 
And you will get on the record, sir, if I have to stay here all evening. 

Mr. Hinton. It is not embarrassing to me. It is just wasting my 
time, sir, and yours, too. 

Senator Welker. I know you like to go back to the first hearing, 
and I would like to go back to it, too, and I am sorry the American 
people, all of them, do not know it as well as you and I do. 

Now I am asking you, you were so anxious to leave Red China to get 
back to America, but you will not tell this committee whom you saw 
or visited in Moscow, Russia ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of 
the first and the fifth amendments. 

Senator Welker. Did you disclose to anyone in Moscow, Russia, 
whom you intended to speak before or whom you intended to see after 
you returned to the United States of America ? 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. No ; of course not. 

Senator Welker. What did you discuss with anyone whom you saw 
in Moscow, Russia? 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of 
the first and the fifth amendments. 



308 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Welker. Did you tell them anything about Red China? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question. 

Senator Welker. Did you tell them anything that you expected to 
do when you came back to the United States of America. 

Mr. Hixton. No. 

Senator Welker. Now, since you have been back to the United 
States of America, and since you refuse to tell me on the grounds of 
the fifth amendment whom you talked to in Moscow, Russia, and the 
fact of whether or not you were asked whether or not you were a Com- 
munist, in Prague, and you have heretofore told me that your major 
occupation was that of teaching tractor work, and so forth, have you 
ever done any tractor work since you have been back to the United 
States of America ? 

Mr. Hinton. I have worked for a considerable while as a truck 
mechanic ; yes. 

Senator Welker. As a truck mechanic ? 

Mr. Hinton. That is right. 

Senator Welker. Have you ever taught in any schools about how 
to run a tractor, as you did in Red China ? 

Mr. Hinton. An expert is an ordinary fellow a long way from home. 
In China I was able to teach on tractors. But in this country, I don't 
think I would be quite the — I couldn't be a professor of tractors in this 
country. I am a pretty good mechanic. 

Senator Welker. Well, I think you are a pretty good mechanic at 
words. I will admit that. 

Now, have you made any attempt to teach in any tractor school in 
the United States of America ? 

Mr. Hilton. Why, no ; I certainly haven't. 

Senator Welker. Have you made any applications for any jobs 
whatsoever ? 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I think you are getting at the same thing we talked 
about yesterday, there. 

Senator Welker. I know I am. 

Mr. Hinton. I know it is the purpose of your committee to prevent 
people from getting jobs, and now you are asking me, did I apply for 
any jobs, and you are threatening me with loss of livelihood, actually. 
That is what you are doing. 

Senator Welker. No; I wouldn't do that. I would like to send 
you back to Red China to get your livelihood. I will be frank with 
you, as far as I am concerned, when you refuse to tell me whether or 
not you lied at Prague when you got a passport into this country, 
here, an American citizen coming into this country, and you take the 
fifth amendment on a question of whether or not you were asked 
whether you were a Communist. 

Mr. Hinton. Now you are drawing inferences again. 

Senator Welker. I will make some inferences. I think that is a 
logical inference. 

Mr. Hinton. No. That is not allowed in the use of the fifth amend- 
ment, to draw inferences. That is not constitutional. It is not con- 
stitutional. 

Senator Welker. All right. So I am going to get some law from 
a tractor driver, now. 

Mr. Hinton. Well, that part of the law I know. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 309 

Senator Welker. And when you deny to this committee whom you 
talked to in the 15 hours that you stopped in Moscow, Eussia, I think I 
am entitled to know the reason why you have not asked for employ- 
ment, the skilled employment, that sent you to China, sir. 

Mr. Hinton. I didn't say I hadn't asked for employment. I said 
that it seems to me you are getting into an area where you will try to 
prevent my making a living in this country. 

Senator Welker. I asked you your principal employment at the 
first hearing, and I believe yesterday, and you told me it was lecturing. 
Is that correct ? 

Mr. Hinton. I said that in recent months I had been lecturing and 
writing. I wrote a book since I came back. 

Senator Welker. Has that been published yet ? 

Mr. Histtox. No ; it hasn't. 

Senator Welker. Now, you told me, did you not, that your princi- 
pal employment was that of lecturing ? 

Mr. Hinton. I don't know. We would have to go back to the record. 
I think the record said I had been writing and I had been lecturing, 
and I think I also mentioned that I had worked as a truck mechanic. 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

Assuming that is correct, now, do you want to tell me where you 
have lectured in the United States ? 

Mr. Hintox. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first 
and the fifth amendment. And I do not know why you go through 
this again and again and again. 

Senator Welker. I know you do not. But maybe I am not 

Mr. Hintox. I have a right to lecture anywhere I want in the United 
States. 

Senator Welker. That is very true. 

Mr. Hinton. And I don't have to report to you where I lecture. 
That is my right as an American citizen. 

Senator Welker. That is very true. Now I suppose that if you 
were to lecture to a group who were dedicated to the overthrow of this 
country by force and violence, you would claim you did not have a 
right to report to a committee of Congress? Is that correct? 

Mr. Hinton. I didn't get the purport of your question. 

Senator Welker. I know you did not get it. But you said you did 
not have to tell this committee where you lectured or whom you lec- 
tured to, and then I came back and said, if I had information that 
you spoke to a group who were dedicated to the overthrow of this 
country by force and violence, you still would think that you did not 
have a right or duty to answer that question from this committee? 

Mr. Hinton. If you 

Senator Welker. Is that your opinion? 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. If you have such information, you should report it. 

Senator Welker. I am not asking you that. I am cross-examining 
you as to what my rights and duties, this committee's rights and duties, 
are, with respect to a witness such as you. 

Mr. Hintox. If you have any evidence that I have done any such 
thing, I should think you should report that. 

Senator Welker. All right. 

Why don't you tell us, then ? Why don't you tell me where you have 
lectured these 300-and-some times ? 



310 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Hinton. Because all your committees want is names, names, 
names of people. I spoke to a lot of good, honest American citizens, 
and I certainly do not intend that you should have all these names, 
names, names, so that you could haul innocent people down here and 
give them the same kind of grilling that you gave me; no, sir. 

Senator Welker. No, no. That does not work that way. Yesterday 
you took the fifth amendment on something which I thought embar- 
rassed a great farmers' organization composed of thousands 

Mr. Hinton. You were drawing inferences again, and you are 
drawing inferences now. And it just won't work. 

Senator Welker. It just will not work with Bill Hinton, but it will 
work with me and millions of other Americans all over this land, Mr. 
Hinton. 

Mr. Hinton. I think most Americans respect the Bill of Eights 
more than you do, Senator. 

Senator Welker. Yes. I think most Americans that I have met since 
coming to this Congress respect the Bill of Rights, too. But I think 
that people who will decline to answer whether or not they lied at 
Prague or whom they met in Moscow, Russia — I think those people 
are the ones who appreciate the fifth amendment more than any per- 
son I have ever known. And I can say this to you, sir 

Mr. Hinton. I think 

Senator Welker. And I have defended a great many people charged 
with serious, major offenses in the field of criminal law. Never in my 
life have I ever seen the fifth amendment taken advantage of until I 
was put on this Committee of Internal Security of the United States 
Senate, taken advantage of by people just like you, Mr. William Hin- 
ton, who, as I say, have some reason to take the fifth amendment on 
whether or not he lied in Prague when he got his passport to the 

country 

Mr. Hinton. And what you are doing now is unconstitutional. 
Senator Welker (continuing) . And whom he spoke to in Moscow, 
Russia. 

Mr. Hinton. What you are doing is unconstitutional, and you know. 
Senator Welker. Well, that is too bad about the Constitution. 
Mr. Hinton. Yes. That is how you regard it. 

Senator Welker. You are awfully sacred on the Constitution. In 
my opinion, if you answered the truth, you would help us preserve it. 
Mr. Hinton. I am certainly trying to. I am certainly trying to. 
Senator Welker. People like you, by your actions, by your testi- 
mony, and by your deeds, might very well be hurting that Constitution 
that we all ought to be having closer to our bosoms. 

Mr. Hinton. I am trying to uphold it every way I know how. 
Senator Welker. Yes. I know just exactly how you are trying 
to uphold it. You think it is upholding the Constitution of the 
United States when you sit here and take advantage of the fifth amend- 
ment when I asked you 

Mr. Hinton. You are drawing that inference. 

Senator Welker (continuing). When I asked you the very ques- 
tion of whether or not you lied to get back to this country. You did 
not have to lie in Prague when the question was asked you, are you 
now or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party. 
Mr. Hinton. Did vou have a question ? 

Senator Welker. Did anybody ask you to lie in Prague when you 
were trying to get a passport back to this country ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 311 

Mr. Hinton. Who said I lied at Prague ? 

Senator Welker. I say there is an inference that you lied when you 
took the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Hinton. You can't draw inferences from the use of the fifth 
amendment. 

Senator Welker. All right. 

Then if you did not lie, what did you say when you were asked the 
question, were you a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first and 
fifth amendments. 

Senator Welker. And why do you hesitate on telling this commit- 
tee, if you are such a great American as you would like people to be- 
lieve you are, whom you met in Moscow, Russia, on your return? 

Mr. Hinton. Am I directed to answer that question? 

Senator Welker. Yes, you are. 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first and 
the fifth amendments. 

Senator Welker. Now, in Prague, where did you go and how did 
you go in your trip back to the United States of America ? 

Mr. Hinton. From Prague, I took an airplane to London. Then 
I went by train to Liverpool. Then I went by boat to Quebec, Canada, 
and then I came by automobile back to my home. 

Senator Welker. Was there any particular reason why you took 
Quebec, Canada, as the place to land ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. Why ? 

Mr. Hinton. Because that was the only berth I could get on a ship 
crossing the Atlantic in the month of July 1953. They had one berth 
on a ship going to Quebec, and so I took it. I wanted a berth coming 
to New York, but there was no such boat available to me. 

Senator Welker. You did not want to wait a week or a few days 
until a berth was available ? 

Mr. Hinton. I wasn't allowed to wait a week or a few days. 

Senator Welker. All right. 

And then after leaving Liverpool and coming to Quebec, then what 
happened in your travels ? Where did you go from Quebec ? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, as I remember it, I went right away to Mada- 
waska, Maine, and then 

Senator Welker. First let me interrupt you. Did you meet any- 
body in Quebec to talk to ? 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. My mother and my sister met me at the boat. 

Senator Welker. Which sister ? Jean or Joan ? 

Mr. Hinton. My sister, Jean. 

Senator Welker. Your sister, Jean. 

You heard the testimony before that she was divorced by her hus- 
band on the ground that she had been in the home of Nathan Gregory 
Silvermaster in Washington, D. C, and that her ex-husband had 
seen photographic equipment in the basement of Mr. Silvermaster, 
with his wife, your sister, Jean ? That is the same person, is it not, 
that met you at Quebec ? 

Mr. Hinton. I don't think it is proper to start questioning me about 
why my sister was divorced, and so on, as I remember that 



312 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Welker. You heard that testimony, did you not Mr. 
Hinton? 

Mr. Hinton. No, I didn't hear it. 

Senator Welker. You did not ? You read it. though, did you not, 
given by her former husband ? I have forgotten his name. It is here 
in the record. 

Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Green. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Green. I think he lives in Baltimore. 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. Yes, I read the record of that hearing. But as you 
remember, I came in late, and I didn't hear the testimony. 

Senator Welker. I don't remember when you came in. But that 
is one of the statements made by Mr. Green under oath before this 
subcommittee ; is that not true ? 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. It is in the record, what Mr. Green said, and we could 
get it out if we wanted an argument. 

Senator Welker. Do you know your sister Jean to be a member 
of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the grounds of the first and the 
fifth amendments. 

Senator Welker. Do you know any member of your family to be 
a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the grounds of the first and 
the fifth amendments. 

Senator Welker. And your family consists of your mother, your 
sister Jean, and your sister Joan, who is in Red China now; is that 
correct ? And that is all of your family outside of your child ? 

Mr. Hinton. That is right. 

Senator Welker. Do you know any of them to be members of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first 
and fifth amendments. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Friedman, can you arrange with us to have an 
executive session where we can put some more of these documents into 
the record? And we will tell you now that they, in all likelihood, 
will be put into the public record, and at that time, Mr. Hinton may 
have all the time required to examine them as they go into the record. 

Mr. Friedman. You will get together with us on that ? 

Mr. Morris. As soon as it is over, we will work on a time in agree- 
ment. 

Senator Welker. And Mr. Hinton, you are still held under subpena 
of the committee, because I may want to interrogate you a little more 
and have some more testimony from you. I will make up my mind on 
that at a later time. 

Mr. Morris. And you will notify Mr. Friedman. 

Senator Welker. And, Mr. Friedman, we will appreciate that. 

Mr. Friedman. Is Mr. Hinton dismissed now ? 

Senator Welker. I want lo say to counsel that he has been very 
perfect to deal with, and he is a gentleman in every respect. I want to 
pay a tribute again. 

Mr. Friedman. Thank you, Senator. 

Senator Welker. You have been a gentleman all the time, and I 
appreciate it very much. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 313 

Mr. Friedman. Thank you, Senator. 

Senator Welker. Now, for the purpose of the portion of the Wil- 
liam Hinton hearing, that portion will be suspended as of now, be- 
cause I want to take up another subject matter, which will be very 
brief. You hold your client under subpena until advised by commit- 
tee counsel. 

Is that agreeable, Mr. Friedman ? 

Mr. Friedman. Is he to stay in Washington ? 

Senator Welker. We will let you know. Counsel will let you 
know just as soon as we can get time to get together and have a visit 
on some other matters. 

Mr. Friedman. Very well, sir. 

Senator Welker. Thank you. 

You are excused as of this time. 

Mr. Friedman. Mr. Hinton asks me, what about his papers ? Are 
we to discuss that, too, when we discuss the executive session % 

Mr. Morris. We will do that. 

Senator Welker. You mean the papers in the f ootlocker ? 

Mr. Friedman. The papers in the footlocker and the other papers 
that he claims. 

Mr. Hinton. The papers that were seized from me. 

Senator Welker. I did not think he admitted that he owned those. 

Mr. Friedman. No. He did not answer the questions as to whether 
he owned them or not in this session. But Judge Morris knows, there 
is a lot of correspondence from me and Mr. Hinton's former lawyer, in 
which he has claimed those papers, and we have replies from the 
committee with respect to them. 

Senator Welker. Well, I am sure we will have no trouble agreeing, 
Mr. Friedman. We may differ, but we will be friends. 

(Witness temporarily excused.) 

Senator Welker. During December and January, the Senate Inter- 
nal Security Subcommittee held hearings during which newspaper- 
men appeared as witnesses. The subcommittee had received evidence 
that virtually all of these witnesses had been, at some time or other 
in the past, members of the Communist Party. 

Earlier, a Columbia Broadcasting System reporter had made a 
forthright disclosure before us about his own participation in Com- 
munist Party activities, from which association he had been recruited 
b} T the Soviet intelligence to work as a correspondent abroad. 

From his testimony and from other sources, the subcommittee ac- 
quired extensive evidence of Communist penetration of the press. 
With respect to most of the subsequent witnesses, we noticed that they 
invoked their privilege under the fifth amendment rather than answer 
questions about the subcommittee's evidence. Some few admitted 
what the subcommittee had presented as sworn testimony, but they 
revealed little more. 

Within the area of their testimony of their recent-day or present 
activity concerning which the subcommittee had no direct sworn testi- 
mony, they denied Communist Party membership. However, they 
gave very little information or evidence to the subcommittee of how 
Communists in the newspaper field carried on their work. 

Just the other day I was reading a book which had just been pub- 
lished, called Such Is Life, by Jeanne Perkins Harmon. In chapters 



314 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

11 and 12, Mrs. Harmon, in a very clear and simple manner, has raised 
the curtain on some of these very things the subcommittee was seek- 
ing to learn. Her narrative deals -with her own experience as a news- 
woman in Life magazine in late 1940, and is remarkable analytically. 
She cites specific instances, the like of which have been withheld from 
us in sworn testimony. 

She has mentioned in these chapters the votes of the individual 
units of the Newspaper Guild, which Mr. J. G. Sourwine, who was then 
chief counsel of our subcommittee, had put into the record of the 
subcommittee. The vote mentioned by Mrs. Harmon occurred in 1947 
and was on the issue of whether J ack Ryan, whom our evidence clearly 
indicates was then a Communist, should be the executive vice presi- 
dent of the Newspaper Guild in New York. The contest was for the 
control of the Newspaper Guild. 

And while it resulted in the first defeat of the Communist-controlled 
slate in New York, it did show the strength of the totalitarian forces 
at that time in certain of the units. 

Such Is Life relates the heroic work of the anti-Communist writers 
and newspaper men and women who fought so valiantly to wrest 
control of the Newspaper Guild from the Communists. The Internal 
Security Subcommittee has always been mindful of the courage and 
the determination of those publishers, editors, and newspaper men 
and women whose devotion to their profession has never flagged. 

Mrs. Harmon relates in great detail, among other things, how a story 
written by her on American flyers protesting the execution of Gen- 
eral Mihailovich by Tito was changed and rechanged. She also made 
this significant observation : 

I do say, however, that there is often as much sin in omission as in commission. 
A zealous party supporter would be just as roundly congratulated for keeping 
something out of the public eye as he would be for getting something in. And 
that, given the high casualty rate on stories, anyway, is comparatively easy to 
accomplish. 

I am offering for the record these chapters by Mrs. Harmon, chap- 
ters Nos. 11 and 12 of Such Is Life, and I am ordering that they 
appear in the printed record in the sequence of the testimony of Tass 
correspondents who are currently appearing before this subcommittee. 

(The material above described will be found in part 9 of the sub- 
committee's hearing on "The Scope of Soviet Activity in the United 
States.") 

The committee will now stand in recess. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, the next scheduled hearing is tomorrow 
morning at 10 : 30. The witness will be Maude Russell. 

(Whereupon, at 12 : 57 p. m., the subcommittee recessed, to recon- 
vene at 10 : 30 a. m., Thursday, March 8, 1956.) 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



THURSDAY, MARCH 8, 1956 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee to Investigate the Administra- 
tion or the Internal Security Act and Other 

Internal Security Laws, of the 

Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. C. 
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 4 p. m., in room 318, 
Senate Office Building, Senator Herman Welker presiding. 
Present : Senator Welker. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, re- 
search director; Alva C. Carpenter, associate counsel, and Robert C. 
McManus, investigations analyst. 

Senator Welker. The meeting will come to order. 

Mr. Hinton, you realize you are still under a continuing oath ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. You so understand, counsel ? 

Mr. Friedman. Yes, sir. 

TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM H. HINTON— Resumed 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, I would like to ask you under oath 
with respect to an appearance and statements made by you at a World 
Fellowship, Inc., meeting at North Conway, N, H., in the the summer 
of 1955. Were you there at that time ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the fifth 
amendment. 

Senator Welker. Have you every been in New Hampshire? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

Senator Welker. Have you ever received an invitation to speak in 
the State of New Hampshire ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the ground of the first and 
the fifth amendments. 

Senator Welker. Do you know a man by the name of Willard 
Uphaus ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that. 

Senator Welker. I will overrule your objection on the first and 
recognize your objection on the fifth. 

Mr. Hinton. On that last question my refusal was based on the fifth. 

Senator Welker. Very well. Do you know what the World Fel- 
lowship, Inc., is ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that. 

Senator Welker. Have you ever heard of it ? 

315 



316 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that for the same reason. 

Senator Welker. On the ground of the fifth ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. Let me ask you again : Have you been invited to 
speak in New Hampshire by Willard Uphaus at a World Fellowship, 
Inc., meeting ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the ground of the 
first and fifth amendments ? 

Senator Welker. I am not asking you what you said ; I merely ask 
you whether or not you had been invited to speak at a meeting. Do 
you mean to tell the committee that if you were truthfully to answer 
that question it would tend to incriminate you ? 

Mr. Hinton. Now, you are starting to draw inferences just the way 
you did the other day. 

Senator Welker. Very well. I am going to ask the questions and 
you answer them. 

Mr. Hinton. Go ahead. 

Senator Welker. I asked you the question. 

Mr. Hinton. What was the question again ? 

Senator Welker. Eead it to him. 

(The reporter read as follows :) 

I am not asking you what you said ; I merely ask you whether or not you had 
been invited to speak at a meeting. Do you mean to tell the committee that if 
you were truthfully to answer that question it would tend to incriminate you? 

Mr. Hinton. Is that the question ? 

Senator Welker. That is the question. 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same ground. 

Senator Welker. I am ordering and directing you, Mr. Hinton, to 
answer that question. 

Mr. Hinton. I decline on the same grounds, the grounds of the fifth 
and the first amendment. 

Senator Welker. Have you ever done any speaking whatsoever in 
the State of New Hampshire? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same ground. 

Senator Welker. Whether in 1955 or 1945 or any other year ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same ground. 

Senator Welker. You have stated under oath that you were an 
organizer for the Farmers Union in the New England States. Is that 
correct ? 

Mr. Hinton. I don't remember whether we went through that yes- 
terday, but that is substantially correct. My area included the whole 
of New England. 

Senator Welker. How did you organize? Did you organize by re- 
maining silent, or did you make speeches there ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the first and 
fifth amendments. 

Senator Welker. You are ordered and directed to answer that 
question. 

Mr. Hinton. I decline on the same grounds. 

Senator Welker. And you desire to take the fifth amendment as to 
the question of whether or not you have ever been in the State of New 
Hampshire? 

Mr. Hinton. 1 decline to answer that on the same grounds — I am 
standing on the fifth in regard to that question. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 317 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, yesterday you told the committee 
that in your footlocker there were no papers, typewritten notes, or 
letters that you put in bond. Is that correct ? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, that would depend on the definition of papers. 
There were no typewritten papers. 

Senator Welker. Either carbon copies of typewritten papers or 
otherwise ? 

Mr. Hinton. Carbon copies or otherwise. 

Mr. Morris. What do you suppose those papers were that were 
shown to you ? What is your contention that they were, if they were 
not your papers ? 

Mr. Friedman. May I speak? 

Mr. Morris. Sure, Mr. Friedman. Maybe there is a misunderstand- 
ing here. 

Mr. Friedman. There is a misunderstanding. The answer referred 
to the container, not to the documents themselves. Those papers were 
not in the footlocker at the time that the footlocker was placed in 
bond, but they were otherwise contained, otherwise wrapped outside 
the footlocker. 

Senator Welker. Now, that is the statement of counsel, and it 
doesn't come from the witness. It appears to me to be in direct con- 
flict with the testimony given by the witness. 

Mr. Friedman. I think not, sir. 

Senator Welker. Sir ? 

Mr. Friedman. I think not, sir. 

Senator Welker. Well, we may differ on that. We both have the 
transcript. I am reading now from page 934 of the transcript of your 
present hearing — let me go back to 933 : 

Mr. Morris. You deny that that paper was in your footlocker? 

Mr. Hinton. I say there were no typewritten papers in my footlocker that 
was in bond, sent to the Customs. 

Mr. Morris. I can only conclude from that statement that that, therefore, 
did not appear in your footlocker. 

And on page 934 : 

Mr. Hinton. That is what I am saying. 

Wait a minute — that did not appear in my footlocker. I am not 

and then there was an interruption. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, do you mean by your statement that there was 
no carbon copies of any typewritten documents in your footlocker? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. No. I mean there were no letters, carbon or otherwise ; there 
were no notes, typewritten, carbon or otherwise, in the footlocker. 

Senator Welker. Then it is your testimony that these exhibits were placed 
there by some person other than yourself or your agents; is that correct? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. If these were there at all, that is correct. 

Senator Welker. Very well. Proceed, counsel. 

Mr. Friedman. I think, Senator, that that is consistent with what 
I just said. In other words, the footlocker was taken, and some other 
container of typewritten documents was taken. But the typewritten 
documents were not in the footlocker at the time they were taken from 
Mr. Hinton. 

Senator Welker. I want to propound a question to Mr. McManus. 



318 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. McManus, you are still under oath. Were these typewritten 
papers and documents taken from the footlocker and not from some 
other container ? 

Mr. McManus. Senator, I think I testified repeatedly that all of 
these documents which were introduced and identified by me were 
taken from the footlocker. I never was given any other container by 
the Customs pertaining to Mr. Hinton's property. 

Mr. Morris. The difficulty arises here, Mr. Friedman, that when 
the committee met and discussed this thing they were afraid that the 
record showed that Mr. Hinton was contending that some of these 
papers may not have been typewritten papers. And the committee 
cannot leave the record unsettled that these documents are the original 
documents of Mr. Hinton unmolested and untouched. 

Mr. Friedman. The only point that Mr. Hinton was making, Judge 
Morris, was that at some stage after the papers were taken from him, 
properly or otherwise, there has been some transfer of papers from one 
container to another. There were at least two and probably three 
containers of papers that were originally taken from Mr. Hinton. The 
typewritten papers were not in the footlocker at that time. 

Mr. Morris. There is no contention on the part of Mr. Hinton, is 
there, Mr. Friedman, that any of these documents are anything but 
what they were represented by the committee to have been ? 

Mr. Friedman. As far as the typewritten documents. Mr. Hinton 
asks me not to waive his privileges in that regard. May I answer a 
question without waiving his privileges ? 

Mr. Morris. By all means, Mr. Friedman. 

Mr. Friedman. As far as the typewritten documents were concerned, 
Mr. Hinton does not take the position that they are not his. That 
would not apply to all the photographs, however. 

Mr. Morris. What do we do about the photographs, Mr. Friedman? 
We have here the testimony of Mr. McManus that he took them out 
of the footlocker. You do not deny — you are not going to concede — 
you do not deny 

Senator Welker. Are we talking off the record ? 

Mr. Morris. No. 

Mr. Friedman. Are you asking me a question ? 

Mr. Morris. I pointed out to Mr. Friedman, Senator Welker, that 
the concern of the committee, which has met since our last meeting 
here, was that the state of the record was such that it might be con- 
tended at some time in the future that all of the documents introduced 
into the record by the subcommittee and the staff may not have been 
genuine documents, in view of the denial on the part of Mr. Hinton 
that he had any typewritten papers in the footlocker. 

Now, I think this colloquy has brought out the fact that Mr. Hinton 
did have a packet or a package of typewritten notes that may have 
turned up in the footlocker — in other words, when the committee got 
possession of the footlocker the contents of the package also ended up 
in the footlocker. So there is no contention on the part of Mr. Hinton 
that those documents are not genuine documents. 

Mr. Friedman. He makes no such contention at this time. 

Mr. Morris. Is there any basis for his making it any other time? 

Mr. Friedman. He doesn't know, because he hasn't read all through 
the documents. What he asks is that all the documents that Mr. 
McManus found among his papers be returned to him. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 319 

Senator Welker. You mean, he wants them returned to him and he 
doesn't know whether or not they are his ? 

Mr. Friedman. Mr. McManus knows whether or not they are his 
or not, he knows what he took them for. But there are thousands of 
documents there, and certainly Mr. Hinton is not in a position to say 
that everything Mr. McManus returns is exactly what Mr. McManus 
took. 

Senator Welker. Is it your contention, counsel, that he should have 
all these things returned to him because of the fact that he doesn't 
know whether or not they are his, as you just stated ? 

Mr. Friedman. No. It is my contention, Senator, that they should 
be returned to him because they were taken from him, or at least 
Mr. McManus says they were taken from him. 

Mr. McManus. May I say a few things ? 

Senator Welker. Yes ; go ahead. 

Mr. McManus. I never said, Mr. Chairman, that they were taken 
from him. I said where the committee obtained possession of them. 
I don't know when they were taken from him, or where, or anything 
of that kind, and I would like to have the record state what actually 
is the fact. 

This all reflects on me, and I would like to have a few words to say 
once in a while. 

Mr. Morris. I don't think it reflects upon you, Mr. McManus, in any 
way. 

Mr. McManus. In reference to the photographs, may I ask 1 or 2 
questions ? 

Senator Welker. Go right ahead. 

Mr. McManus. You brought back some photographs, Mr. Hinton, 
from China ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes ; I brought back some photographs. 

Mr. McManus. Did you bring back any photographs pertaining to 
the Asian and Pacific peace conference ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes, I brought back some photographs pertaining to 
the Asian and Pacific peace conference. 

Mr. McManus. Did you bring back any photographs pertaining to 
exhibits of alleged bacteriological warfare that were on display at the 
Asian and Pacific peace conference ? 

Mr. Hinton. I don't remember whether I did or not. 

Mr. McManus. Did you bring back any photographs of John or 
Sylvia Powell? 

(The witness consults with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. I think I did not. 

Mr. McManus. Did you bring back a picture of your sister Joan, 
sitting on the platform of the Asian-Pacific peace conference ? 

(The witness confers with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I think I did not. 

Mr. Morris. You say you did not ? 

Mr. Hinton. I think I did not. 

Senator Welker. May I ask you, Mr. McManus, were any pictures 
taken from the footlocker of Mr. Hinton which included the photo- 
graphs of John and Sylvia Powell or the witness' sister, Joan Hinton ? 

Mr. McManus. I think I testified on the first day, Senator, that in 
the footlocker was a picture of John and Sylvia Powell looking at an 



320 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

exhibit, which we had translated by the Library of Congress, and the 
translation is in the record. 

There is another picture of John and Sylvia Powell sitting, listen- 
ing to what appears to be a tape recording. And there is a picture of 
another woman there, whom I cannot testify is Joan Hinton, but who 
compares with other pictures I have seen identified as Joan Hinton. 

May I ask about one more picture ? 

Did you bring back a picture of Joseph Starobin ? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. How about letting me see the picture you are talking 
about ? 

Mr. McManus. Did you bring back a picture of Joseph Starobin ? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Hinton. I would certainly be very much surprised if this pic- 
ture came out of my f ootlocker. 

Mr. McManus. What is your answer, yes or no ? 

Mr. Hinton. My answer is that I would be very much surprised 
that it did. I rather think that you planted it there. 

Senator Welker. What ? 

Mr. Hinton. I said, I rather think that he planted it there. 

And that isn't the picture that was on the board here the other day 
which I testified to, because that didn't have any thumbtack holes in it, 
and that picture wasthumbtacked to the board, as you well know. 

Senator Welker. If you want to delay matters, we will get the 
thumbtacked picture. 

Mr. Hinton. We are speaking about several pictures. 

Senator Welker. Don't give me any argument. I have had about 
all the argument from you I am going to take. 

Mr. McManus. Do you know Joseph Starobin ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that. 

Mr. McManus. Did you ever see Joseph Starobin in China ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the ground of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. McManus. Did you bring back this volume ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the ground of the first, 
fourth, and fifth amendments. 

Mr. McManus. You won't acknowledge that this is one of the 
volumes that you brought back ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of the 
first, fourth, and fifth amendments. 

Senator Welker. Will you decline to answer whether or not this 
volume was in the f ootlocker that was impounded by Customs? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer whether that volume was in th« 
f ootlocker. 

Mr. McManus. For the record, Senator, this is a bound volume en- 
titled "People's China, 1952." This is one of the volumes that was in 
the f ootlocker when it was opened under my supervision. 

On page 36 of the issue for September 17, 1952, this paragraph ap- 
pears in an article, "They Want To Live in Peace, by Joseph Starobin." 

I have talked with many American friends who have lived and worked here 
for years. For example, Hill Hinton, a chip off the old marble of Vermont, was 
telling me how he hailed a bus one afternoon on his way into Peking. 

Senator Welker. Well, directing your attention to an instrument, 
I will ask you whether or not that is your property. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 321 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the ground of the first and 
fourth and fifth amendments. 

Senator Welker. And you still want that returned to you upon 
the ground that you will not admit whether or not it is your property ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that. 

Senator Welker. Mr. McManus, directing your attention to the 
matter just propounded — the question propounded to the witness — I 
will ask you whether or not you received that. 

Mr. McManus. This is one of the documents — has it been identified 
any more than this — this is a document that I found in Mr. Hinton's 
footlocker. It is a carbon, single space, two sheets. The top of one 
sheet says : 

Your letter finally caught up with me. 

The top of the second sheet says : 

Peasant houses where they live and are often packed in like sardines. 

And on the back of the first sheet there is a script following ; it says : 

I have gone to talk with Dean Chang, will be back soon. 

And the signature, "Bill Hinton." 

Mr. Hinton. You know, you are spending an awful lot of time on 
this, Senator. I don't think the farmers out in Idaho will be pleased 
to hear that you are spending this whole week on this while the farm 
bill is up on the floor. You don't seem to be worrying about whether 
you are going to get reelected, and I doubt very much that you will, 
when the farmers out there find that you have been here 5 days while 
the farm bill has been on the floor. 

Senator Welker. Counsel, I am going to admonish this witness 
about his argumentative attitude. I know he hates me, as he does all 
Americans. 

And I have had about as much from you as I am going to take. I 
am on official duty here, and I expect to be here as long as my official 
duty calls for me to be here, and I don't need any assistance from a fifth- 
amendment gentleman like you. 

Mr. Hinton. You are drawing inferences again; it is unconstitu- 
tional. 

Senator Welker. It is unconstitutional. Well, you come back to 
Idaho and raise your ugly head, and I defy you to ever get elected to 
anything. You couldn't get a corporal's guard to listen to you. I dare 
you to come out. 

Whose handwriting is on the back of that ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the ground of the fifth amend- 
ment, and the first and the fourth. 

It is about time we wound up this show, isn't it, Senator? It is not 
doing you any good. 

Senator Welker. Did anyone ask you a question ? You know, I 
have been here for nearly 6 years, and I have had many witnesses be- 
fore me that I have tried to treat with courtesy and respect, never try- 
ing to entrap them. And I have had them try to make me lose my 
temper. 

I will refuse to lose my temper to a man like you. I think you know 
what I think of you. I don't respect you at all. You haven't, I think, 
told the truth to this committee, and if you would come forth and be 
frank with me I would be the first person to congratulate you and 
send you on your way. 



322 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Hinton. Do you mean to say that I made one false statement 
to this committee ? 

Senator Welker. I will take care of the matter in due time. 

And now I am ordering that the footlocker, all of its contents, be 
impounded. And you may go and seek your legal redress, if any you 
might have, to receive the same. 

Mr. Friedman. Senator, may I ask on what basis the footlocker and 
its contents are being impounded ? 

Senator Welker. It is because of the fact that there is no identifica- 
tion that the contents are owned by the witness. That is perfectly 
apparent by the interrogation, too. 

Mr. Friedman. However, the testimony at the first session here on 
Tuesday was that the property that was taken by Customs was the 
property of William Hinton. Mr. McManus has testified that he 
opened the footlocker and took from it the documents that were offered 
here. There is no question but that the property that was taken was 
Mr. Hinton's. 

Senator Welker. That is your statement. Let him state it. 

Mr. Friedman. That is the statement of the witnesses here. 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

That is the statement of Mr. McManus. 

But he has denied it is his property. 

Mr. Friedman. He hasn't denied anything, except the Starobin 
picture. 

Senator Welker. He denied this document, he took the fifth amend- 
ment on this. 

Mr. Hinton. That is not a denial, that is the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. I am not going to argue. 

It is the order of the acting chairman that the locker be impounded. 

Mr. Friedman. May I ask 

Senator Welker. I don't care to hear from you. 

Mr. Friedman. I must protest the impounding of the footlocker. 

Senator Welker. As far as I am concerned, the meeting 

Mr. Friedman. May I state for the record my objection? I don't 
believe the committee has a right to impound the footlocker. It is not 
evidence, it is the property of Mr. Hinton, its contents are the property 
of Mr. Hinton, nor can he legally and constitutionally be required 
as a condition for the return of his property to waive his rights under 
the Constitution. 

And that is precisely what your statement adds up to, Senator, that 
because he asserted his constitutional rights you are going to impound 
the footlocker. 

Senator Welker. Will you have your client say that the footlocker 
and all of its contents are the property of one William Hinton ? 

Mr. Friedman. In a proper forum, sir, I am sure he will 

Senator Welker. Will your client — not you, Mr. Friedman, yon 
are not the man who is being heard here. 

Mr. Friedman. I am saying that in a proper forum he will make 
whatever statement he is advised to make. 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

If you will just let your client say that the footlocker and all of 
its contents, including those exhibits presented to him about which 
he took the fifth amendment — we certainly don't know whethey they 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 323 

are his pieces of property — if you will have your client admit that all 
of this is his property, then I would like to hear him say so. 

Mr. Friedman. Senator, I consider that an unconscionable attempt 
to force a witness to waive his constitutional rights. I will not advise 
him to do that. 

Senator Welker. How about the Starobin photograph? Do you 
have anything to say about that ? 

Mi*. Friedman. The Starobin photograph ? 

Senator Welker. Yes. 

Mr. Friedman. Mr. Hinton has testified to that, that he does not 
recognize it. I don't care if it is not returned to him. 

Mr. McManus. Just one point. The question was raised as to 
whether this is the same photograph that was shown to him yester- 
day. And I would like the record to show that when I was testifying 
about the photographs on the board yesterday, those were enlarge- 
ments. I neglected to state that, and I would like to correct that for 
the record. 

Those were enlargements of originals that I had taken from the 
footlocker, and the prints were made under my direction. 

Senator Welker. Very well. The record will so show. 

It is the order of the subcommittee that the footlocker and its con- 
tents will be impounded. 

Mr. Hinton. We are going right down to the district court, and 
we are going to bring every member of this committee into court, and 
we are going to sue every member of this committee. 

Senator Welker. That shocks me very much, Mr. Hinton. I quite 
assure you that I am not going to hide behind the fifth amendment 
like you have for these past 3 days. 

Mr. Hinton. We are going right down to court, and we are going 
to bring you all into court. 

Senator Welker. You go right ahead. 

Mr. Hinton. And we are going to let the court decide, since you 
have used this form of blackmail. 

Senator Welker. Please, you are using rather strong language for 
such a well-educated gentleman who has walked 36 miles to see a 
person suffer. 

Mr. Morris. There are some documents that Mr. McManus wants to 
put in the record. 

Mr. McManus. I will just look at them and say I can identify them 
all as having been taken from the footlocker. Will that be satisfac- 
tory for the record ? 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

Mr. McManus. Senator, I can say that I have examined every doc- 
ument in this pile, and that they are material that was removed from 
the footlocker under my supervision. 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

You will properly mark the exhibits, and they will be put in the 
record. 

Mr. Morris. Would you make a list of those, Mr. McManus. 

Mr. McManus. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Hinton, would you look at these documents ? 

Mr. Friedman. Judge Morris, would it help if I made a statement 
for the record ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes, Mr. Friedman. 



324 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Friedman. Mr. Hinton, if he looks at those documents, will 
assert his rights as he has already asserted them with respect to other 
documents handed to him, under the first and the fourth and the fifth 
amendments. 

Mr. Morris. However, let the record show, Mr. Friedman, that he 
had an opportunity to dispute these documents, that an opportunity 
was afforded him to dispute these documents. 

Mr. Friedman. In that case, you had better show them to him, and 
you will have to make a record as to how many pages, and so forth, 
involved. 

Senator Welker. The record will show that you will identify the 
documents and introduce them in the record as of this point. 

(The list of documents offered by Mr. McManus appears in a fol- 
lowing volume.) 

Senator Welker. And let the record further show that counsel and 
the witness have every opportunity to examine the exhibits at any 
time. 

Mr. Friedman. We haven't seen the documents, of course. 

Mr. Morris. They will be shown to you, Mr. Hinton. 

Mr. Friedman. There is on the desk in front of you a pile of docu- 
ments which seems to be several hundred pages, and if that consti- 
tutes an opportunity to examine them, I miss my guess. 

Mr. Morris. Put them in front of Mr. Hinton, will you, Mr. Arens. 

(A pile of documents was placed in front of the witness.) 

Mr. Hinton. It would take me a long time to really look through 
and be able to say one way or another. 

Mr. Morris. You know, Mr. Hinton, you were given an opportunity 
yesterday afternoon, and again this morning, and overnight, if you 
wished it, here in the building, and then earlier last Monday, to ex- 
amine all these documents. 

Mr. Hinton. When I came on Monday, there was a small envelope 
of paper that couldn't have had more than 25 or 30 sheets in it. It 
wasn't opened. And that was reported to me as what I was going to 
be examined on. 

Mr. Morris. Didn't I make it clear to you yesterday that in the 
event there was any doubt, you could see any document you wanted to 
in the f ootlocker ? 

Mr. Hinton. I thought that was going to be arranged at the session. 

Mr. Morris. You said, in order to save time, you would again look 
at that yesterday afternoon or this morning, and you said you wouldn't 
do it. 

Senator Welker. Any part of the recess. 

Mr. Hinton. I didn't understand that that was the offer. 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

This hearing is now concluded, because of the fact that the acting 
chairman is being called to the floor to vote on the amendment to the 
farm bill. 

The documents have been received in the record, and the meeting 
is adjourned. 

Mr. Hinton. Are they mine or not? 

Senator Welker. No; they are not yours. They are impounded. 

Mr. Hinton. AH right ; you are going to get sued. 

(Whereupon, at 4 : 50 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned.) 



INDEX 



Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance to 
the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organization 
in this index. 

A Page 

America 240,302-308 

American/s 254, 295, 303, 306, 309-311, 320, 321 

American flyers 314 

American passport in Prague 305, 306 

Asia 242 

Asian and Pacific Peace Conference 319 

Atlantic 311 

B 

Baltimore 312 

"Before Struggle ; Amount Confiscated ; Things Repaid ; Present Condi- 
tion 301 

Bill of Rights 310 

Brethren's Service Unit 302, 303 



Catholic church 296. 297 

Celebrate the establishment of the People's Republic of China 279 

Central Government 239 

Chang, Dean 321 

Changes of leading cadres during movement 301 

Charts 300 

Chi-Heng State Farm 241 

Chi Hsien 236 

China 239, 241, 242, 254, 280, 283, 294, 295, 298, 302, 303, 305-307, 309, 320 

Chinese 284 

Chinese exit permit 305 

Chinese Liberated Area Relief Administration 236, 237 

CNRRA (Chinese National Relief Administration) 237 

Chinese-occupied territory 302 

Class of CP members 301 

"Class of members in leading organization" 301 

Colorado, State of 2S1 

Columbia Broadcasting System 313 

Communist 254, 308, 314 

Communist Chinese Red Army 302 

Communist-controlled slate in New York 314 

Communist Party 236, 242, 255, 306, 310-313 

Communist penetration of the press 313 

Communist propaganda 282 

"Concerning punishment of CPB" 293, 298, 301 

Congress 305, 309, 310 

Constitution 310, 322 

Courtyard 239 

CP 298 

CPB 293, 298, 301 

Customs 235, 245, 262, 317, 318, 320, 322 

Czechoslovakia 305 



n INDEX 

Page 
"Degree of annihilation of feudal conditions" 301 

E 

Eastland, Mr 295 

English-language translation 282 

European Russia 305 

Exhibit No. 28 (see pt. 6) 235,302 

Exhibit No. 36 — Description of tractor school 237-239 

Exhibit No. 37 — Description of work at Shangchia farm 242-244 

Exhibit No. 38 — Letter Mukden, April 4, "Dearest Berthee" re two books : 

China's Destiny and Sword and the Chrysanthemum 246-250 

Exhibit No. 39 — Letter November 22, 1948, "Dear Mother and Jean," 
signed "Love, Billy," re meaning of proletarian solidarity and collec- 
tive living 251-253 

.Exhibit No. 40— "Peifang Ta shwye" 255-261 

Exhibit No. 41 — Notes on struggle meeting with Jye Shr Hsien, Feb- 
ruary 1, 1948 263-271 

Exhibit No. 42— Recruiting in Communist China 271-275 

Exhibit No. 43 — Peiping, May 20, "Dear Jean, Love, Bill," re student dem- 
onstration 275-277 

Exhibit No. 44— Lin, Dean of 1st Division : On cadre training in Hwa Da_ 277, 278 
Exhibit No. 45 — Photograph : The opening ceremony of the winter session 

of the Government-owned farm training school 282, 283 

Exhibit No. 45- A — Poster: Celebrate the Establishment of the People's 

Republic of China 283 

Exhibit No. 46— Conditions in Tsinan 284-292 

Exhibit No. 47 — "Concerning punishment of CPB" 293 

F 

"Families that have Fanshen" 300 

"Families that have not yet Fanshened" 301 

"Family-by-family record of changes through land reform" 294, 300 

Farmers Union 316 

February 1, 1948 296 

Fifth amendment 236, 

240, 253, 255, 279, 281, 283, 284, 293, 294, 298-301, 306^313, 315, 316, 

320-324. 
First amendment 240, 253, 279, 281, 283, 

284, 293, 294, 298-301, 306, 307, 309, 311, 312, 315, 316, 320, 321, 324 

First healing (Hinton), July 1954 280 

Flag: 

Four-star 279 

Hammer-and-sickle 279 

Footlocker (Mr. Hinton's) 237, 241, 244-246, 

251, 254, 255, 263, 271, 279, 282, 284, 299-301, 313, 317, 318, 320-324 

Four-star flag of People's Republic of China 279 

Fourth amendment 240, 

241, 245, 253, 279, 283, 284, 293, 294, 298-301, 306, 320, 321, 324 

Friedman, Milton H. (attorney for William Hinton) 235 

Friends Society 302 

G 
Green, Mr 312 

H 

Hammer-and-sickle flag 279 

Harmon, Jeanne Perkins 313,314 

Hinton, Jean (sister of William) 311,312 

Hinton, Joan (sister of William) 311,312,319,320 

Hinton, Mrs. (mother of William) 311,312 

Hinton, William H. (testimony of) 235-313, 315-324 

Sent to South Hopei by UNRRA 236 

Brought back 78 posters 254 

Brought back 300 and some photographs 254 

Statement, first hearing, July 1954 280 



INDEX III 

Hinton, William H. (testimony of) — Continued . Page 

Struggle meeting, February 1, 1948 296 

Member of Brethren's Service Unit, paid by UNRRA $12 a month 302 

Left People's Republic of China early summer 1953 303 

Left wife and child in Peking 303, 304 

Divorce obtained in Reno, Nev 304, 305 

Traveled on Chinese exit permit to Prague 305 

Issued American passport in Prague 305 

Held under subpena of committee 312 

Historical collection 280 

Historic record 281 

Honan 236 

Hopei 236 

Hsien, Jye Shr 263 

Hsueh, Kai 278 

Hwa Da 277 

I 
Idaho • 321 

Internal Security Subcommittee 310,313 

J 

"Jan Jwang families struggled against" 301 

"Jan Jwang — family-by-family record of changes through land reform" 301 

"Jan Jwang party members' economic condition and Fanshen" 301 

K 
KMT 253, 277 

L 
Landlord referred to by "LL" 301 

Land reform 294 

Library of Congress 236,279,282,320 

Life magazine 314 

Lin, Dean of 1st division 277 

"List VIII" 293 

Literary Digest 250 

Liverpool 311 

"LL" referred to landlord 301 

London, England 305, 311 

M 

Madawaska, Maine 311 

Maine 305 

Mao Tze-tung 279 

McCarthy, Senator 262 

McManus, Mr 237, 242, 

245, 246, 251, 255, 262, 263, 282, 298-300, 317, 319-324 

Mihailovich, General. 314 

Moscow, Russia 307-311 

Mukden 245,246 

N 

New England States 316 

New Hampshire 315, 316 

Newspaper Guild 314 

Newspaper Guild, New York 314 

Newspapermen 313 

New Year pictures 280 

New York 311, 314 

North China 253, 271 

North Conway, N. H 315 

"Now, statistics on filling holes" 310 



IV INDEX 

O Page 

Opening of the training class of the State farm bureau 278 

P 

Party member 297 

Passport 305-308,310 

Passport Application 306 

Passport division in Prague 307 

Peifang Ta shwye 255 

Peiping 239 

Peita 297 

Peking 303, 320 

Peking, Red China 304 

"People's China, 1952" 320 

People's Republic of China 279, 303 

Photographs 254,318 

Posters 254, 279-281, 303 

Powell, John 319, 320 

Powell, Sylvia 319, 320 

Prague 305-308, 310, 311 

"Production materials occupied by each class after filling holes" 301 

"Production materials occupied by each class before filling holes" 301 

"Production material occupied by each class before liberation" 301 

"Property confiscated from MF's — and the same classification, midde 

farmer" 301 

"Proportion of CP members in leading organizations" 301 

Q 
Quebec, Canada 305, 311 

R 

"Reasons wby MF's were struggled" 301 

Recruiting in Communist China 271-275 

Red Army 302 

Red China 241, 281, 2S3, 293, 295, 303, 307, 308 

Red Chinese forces 283 

"Repaying wrongly struggled MP's" 301 

"Resettlement of LL's and RF's" 300,301 

"RF" referred to rich farmer 301 

Russell, Maude 314 

Russia 305 

Ryan, Jack 314 

S 

Schools in China 294 

'Scope of Soviet Activity in the United States, The" 314 

Shangchia farm, description of work at 242-244 

Shangchias 241 

Shansi 236 

Shangtung 236,284 

Siberia 305 

Silvermaster, Nathan Gregory 311 

Socialism 239 

Sourwine, J. G 314 

Soutb Hopei 236, 237 

Soviet intelligence 313 

Sovietized 298 

Stanford University, library of 281 

Star-nnd-siekle insignia 302 

Starobin, Joseph 320 

Starobin photograph 323 

State Department 306 

"State farming training, opening ceremony, the" 27S 

Struggle meeting, notes on 263-271 

Struggle meeting 295, 296 

Such Is Life, by Jeanne Perkins Harmon (chs. 11 and 12, see pt. 9) 313, 314 



INDEX V 

T Page 

Tass 314 

Taxpayers 240 

They Want To Live in Peace, by Joseph Starobin 320 

Tito 314 

Tractor school 236-239, 241 

Tsinan 283, 284 

Tsinan, conditions in 2S4-292 

U 

United States 237, 279, 280, 305, 307-311, 314 

UNRRA 236, 237, 239, 271, 302, 303 

Uphaus Willard 315, 316 

V 
Vermont 320 

W 

Wang Gway Jung, 15 persons in this family; 81 land 301 

Washington, D. O 311, 313 

Welker, Senator 235, 315 

World Fellowship, Inc 315, 316 

Wuan 297 

Y 
Yi, Gen. Fu Tso 253 

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