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Full text of "Scope of Soviet activity in the United States. Hearing before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-fourth Congress, second session[-Eighty-fifth Congress, first session] .."

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



HEARING 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMIKISTBATION OF THE INTERNAL SECUKITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

UNITED STATESj^SENATE 

EIGHTY-FOURTH CONGRESS 

SECOND SESSION 

ON 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE 
UNITED STATES 



MARCH 8, 1956 



PART 8 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
72723 WASHINGTON : 1956 



Boston Public Library 
Cuperintondent of Documents 

JUL 18 1956 



COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 
JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

THOMAS C HENNINGS, JR., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L MCCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

PRICE DANIEL, Texas EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, lUinois 

JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming HERMAN, WELKER, Idaho 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER. Maryland 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Inteenal Security 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 
JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. MCCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

THOMAS C HENNINGS, JR., Missouri HERMAN WELKER,, Idaho 

PRICE DANIEL, Texas JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

ROBERT Morris, Chief Counsel 

Richard Arens and Alva C. Carpenter, Associate, Counsel 

Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 



n 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



THURSDAY, MARCH 8, 1956 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 
AND Other Internal Security Laws 
OF the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D. G. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to adjourmnent, at 10.45 a. m., in 
room 313, Senate Office Building, Senator Herman Welker presiding. 

Present : Senator Welker. 

Also present: Eobert Morris, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, re- 
search director; Alva Carpenter, associate counsel, and Robert C. 
McManus, investigations analyst. 

Mr, Morris. Miss Russell, will you come forward, please. 

Senator Welker. The committee will come to order. 

The subject of the hearing today will be the efforts that Communists 
have made to influence our Far Eastern policy. The subcommittee 
has received evidence that certain organizations and publications have 
been engaged in an extensive lobbying campaign in an effort to attune 
our foreign policy to the purposes of the Soviet Foreign Office. The 
witness this morning will be Maud Russell. 

Miss Russell, will you please stand ? Do you solemnly swear the 
testimony you will give before the subcommittee will be the truth, the 
whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Miss Russell. I so swear. 

TESTIMONY OF MAUD EUSSELL 

Senator Welker. Will you state your name, please. 
Miss Russell. Maud Russell. 
Senator Welker. Where do you reside ? 
Miss Russell. New York. 

Senator Welker. And your address there, please ? 
Miss Russell. 103 West 93d Street. 
Senator Welker. Very well. Thank you. 
Counsel, please proceed. 
Mr. Morris. Is that Miss or Mrs. Russell ? 
Miss Russell. JVIiss Russell. 
Mr, Morris. Miss Russell, where were you born ? 
Miss Russell. California, 
Mr. Morris, In what year? 
Miss Russell, 1893. 

Mr. Morris. Would you tell us rather sketchily about your educa- 
tional accomplisliments ? 

325 



326 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Miss Russell. I don't know what accomplishments, but I graduated 
from the University of California. 

Mr. Morris. In what year? 

Miss Russell. 1915. I studied in England in 

Mr. Morris. At what university ? 

Miss Russell. Woodbrook College. 

Mr. Morris. Woodbrook. 

Miss Russell. And got my M. A. at Columbia in 1945, 1 think. 

Mr. Morris. 1945? 

Miss Russell. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. You have lived a considerable portion of your life in 
China, have you not ? 

Miss Russell. Twenty-six years. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Will you tell us the span ? 

Miss Russell. 1917 to 1943. 

Mt. Morris. 1943. In 1943 you returned to the United States ? 

Miss Russell. I did. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what were you doing in China during that period 
of time ? 

Miss Russell. I was working with the Chinese WYCA — YWCA. 

Mr. Morris. Now, in 1943 you returned to New York City, you say ? 

Miss Russell. I returned to California. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Now, what did you do in California in 1943 ? 

Miss Russell. Celebrated Thanksgiving with my family, and 
Christmas. 

Mr. Morris. And thereafter ? 

Miss Russell. Studied at Columbia. 

Mr. Morris. That is in New York City ? 

Miss Russell. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Now, were you active in the formation of an organiza- 
tion called the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privilege under the fifth amendment not 
to testify against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, we have received evidence 

Senator Welker. I think maybe, for the purposes of the record, 
counsel for the witness might improve a little bit upon that objection, 
so that there will not be any question about it. 

Dave, will you state it for her? And then we will stipulate that 
that objection will go to all the questions she desires to use it on ? 

Mr. Rein. Surely. The witness is claiming her fifth- amendment 
privilege, the constitutional privilege, not to testify against yourself. 
It is commonly referred to as the privilege against self-incrimination. 

Senator Welker. Very well. I think that is very fine. 

Mr. Rein. And it will be understood that in the future her claim 
of the fifth- amendment privilege will mean that. 

Senator Welker. Very well. Thank you, Mr. Rein. 

And I think, for the purposes of the record, you had better show 
that David Rein, Esq., of the firm of Forer & Rein, is representing 
the witness. 

Will you give the street address, please ? 

Mr. Rein. 711 14th Street, in Washington, D. C. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, we have received evidence in the course 
of the Institute of Pacific Relations inquiry, which is reported on pages 
4602-4603, and following, to the effect that there was a meeting held 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 327 

at 23 West 26th Street, which meeting had been called at the direction 
of Eugene Dennis, then director of the Communist Party, for the pur- 
pose of forming the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy. 

Testimony at that time indicates that you were present at that found- 
ing meeting. Can you recall such an occasion ? 

(The witness consults with her attorney.) 

Miss Russell. I was not present. 

Mr. Morris. You were not present at that meeting ? 

Miss Russell. I know nothing about it. I never heard about it 
until today. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Now, do you recall a meeting held at 23 West 
26th Street at any time? Did you ever attend a meeting there? 

Miss Russeli.. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know a gentleman named Dr. Max Yergan? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privilege under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Yergan's testimony at that time, Mr. Chairman, 
reads — and he is now talking about a meeting held at that address 
in 1945 — there was no date given at the time — he could not recall the 
specific date — Dr. Yergan testifying: 

Well, the purpose was discussed both formally and Informally at these two 
meetings, that being to discredit Chiang Kai-shek, to use all of the influence 
possible to turn material to the forces in China that were opposing Chiang 
Kai-shek. That was the general point of emphasis with regard to the purposes 
of the meeting. 

Dr. Yergan was asked who was present at the meeting, and Dr. 
Yergan replies : 

Yes, I recall a lady who was identified in an executive capacity, Miss Russell. 

Is that Miss Maud Russell? 

Dr. Yergan. Miss Maud Russell. * * * 

Now, was that accurate testimony. Miss Russell? 

(The witness consults with her attorney.) 

Miss Russell. I was not present at any meeting ever with Eugene 
Demiis. 

Mr. Morris. No. I did not say. Miss Russell, that Eugene Dennis 
was present. I said the meeting was called at his direction and Fred- 
erick Field presided at the meeting. 

(The witness consults with her attorney.) 

Miss Russell. I claim my privilege under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Can you recall a meeting, now, at 23 West 26th Street 
at which Frederick Field presided ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, I am offering you a photostat of a letter- 
head of the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, dated 
August 26, 1945, and I ask you if you will read that photostat. 

(A document was handed to the witness.) 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Will you read that. Miss Russell? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment 
not to read it. 

Mr. Rein. Do you want the witness to look at it? 

Mr. Morris. I just want her to read it. 

Senator Welker. Just a moment. Counselor. The question was 
very apparent and very clear. She was asked whether or not she 



328 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

M-onld read the exliibit offered to lier. She took the fifth amendment 
on that, and I would like to inquire whether reading any sort of docu- 
ment might tend to incriminate this witness. I want to be fair with 
her. But it seems that you are taking the fifth amendment a long 
way. We are not asking her to testify about any contents thereof. 
She is merely asked to read the exhibit, Mr. Rein. 
Miss Russell (reading) : 

August 26, 1945. 
Dear Friend — 

Senator Welkee. No one asked you, madam, to read it aloud. 

Mr. Morris. I did. 

Senator Welker. Did you ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes. 

Senator Welker. I beg your pardon. 

Mr. Morris. Will you read that aloud. Miss Russell ? 

(The witness consults with her attorney.) 

Miss Russell. I object to reading it. 

Mr. Morris. Have you so advised your client, Mr. Rein ? 

Mr. Rein. Yes. 

Senator Welker. You are objecting to reading the exhibit 

Miss Russell. The exhibit aloud. 

Senator Welker. The exhibit aloud ? 

Mr. Morris. ^Vliat is the basis of the objection, Miss Russell ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my riglits under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. And you contend that if you read that aloud you will 
possibly be testifying against yourself ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my rights under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Miss Russell, at this time the acting chairman is 
going to order and direct you to read the exhibit aloud. 

(The witness consults with her attorney.) 

Miss Russell. Under the direction, I will read it : 

Dear Friend: The war in the Pacific has not ended. If American policy in 
China continues along present lines, we shall be helping to lay the basis for a 
bloody civil war that will undermine much of what we have sacrificed for and 
won in the past 3% years. 

It is kind of hard on the eyes. 

Americans have learned — 

Mr. Rein. Mr. Chairman, may I request on behalf of the witness 
that if any pictures are taken, they be taken now and not interrupt her 
testimony ? 

Senator Welker. Very well. I think that is a reasonable request, 
Mr. Rein. 

Will you gentlemen 

Miss Russell. It hurts my eyes, and I can't see. 

Americans — 

Senator Welker. Just a moment, now. I think the photographers 
want to comply with the request of your counsel. 
A Voice. Would you look right here and say something ? 
Miss Russell. Shoot. 
A Voice. One more. 

A Voice. Would you say something again, now, Miss Russell ? 
Miss Russell. Shoot. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 329 

A Voice. Thank you, Senator. 

Senator Welker. Very well. Are you gentlemen finished ? 

Thank you. 

Miss Russell. The second paragraph : 

Americans have learned in the most painful way possible — 
Senator Welker. Madam, I am sorry. I missed the last sentence 
you read. Would you mind repeating that? 
Miss Russell (reading) : 

If American policy in China continues along present lines, we shall be helping to 
lay the basis for a "bloody civil war that will undermine much of what we have 
sacrificed for and won in the past 3^2 years. 

Americans have learned in the most painful way possible that a small mci- 
dent" in China 8 years ago affected every man, woman, and child throughout 
the world. This time we must use our energies to prevent the recurrence of 
other "incidents" that can lead only to the destruction of the peace we must 
have in China and everywhere. 

Today our Government spokesmen and military leaders in Chma are adopting 
a policy that would not be approved by millions of Americans. They are lending 
political and military assistance to the Kuomintang dictatorship which has re- 
sisted democratic reform in China and has given an order to Japanese and quis- 
ling troops to hold their weapons, and if necessary use them rather than sur- 
render to the patriotic Eighth Route and New Fourth Annies that have assumed 
the greatest burden of Allied fighting in north and central China. This policy on 
the part of our American representatives in China serves to wipe out the efforts 
of the Chinese people for a democratic and unified country. When General Stil- 
well was in China our help was also one-sided, but we were at least trying to get 
sympathetic contact with all forces fighting the Japanese in China. Now we are 
meddling, not to accelerate but to hold back the democratic working out of the 
Chinese situation. We may well find ourselves committed to a new Franco in 
an Asiatic Spain. . 

In order to bring the urgent message for action before the American people, 
the Committee for a Democratic Policy Toward China is now being formed. As 
its first step, this committee proposes to send an appeal to President Truman 
urging that policy in China be rectified. You are asked to add your name to the 
appeal and to get clubs, organizations, and individuals to write immediately 
to President Truman or take any other appropriate action. 

To keep you acquainted with developments in China, the Committee for a 
Democratic Policy Toward China will issue regular news bulletins, the first of 
which is enclosed. , .^ 

We know that you will agree that this new committee must spread its work 
throughout the country to acquaint the public with the dangers that lie ahead 
and arouse people to act quickly. In order to do the job well, we need your 
help— first, add your name to the appeal on the flap of the enclosed envelope, and 
second, send us your contribution. Without funds we cannot carry out the neces- 
sary work, so send whatever you can immediately. 

And this is signed by Leland Stowe and Richard Watts, Jr. 
The sponsors of the committee : 

Dr. Phyllis Ackerman, T. A. Bisson, Israel Epstein, Frederick V. Field, Talitha 
Gerlach, *Rev. Jack McMichael, Artliur Upliam Pope, Ilona Ralf Sues, Lawrence 
E Salisburv, Michael Sayers, Vincent Sheehan, Mrs. Edgar Snow, Maxwell S. 
Stewart, Leland Stowe, Rose Terlin, Richard Watts, Jr., Dr. Max Yergan. 

My name does not appear. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you become the executive director of that 
organization, Miss Russell ? 

Miss Russell. I did not. 

Mr. Morris. Were you ever executive director of the Committee 
for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privilege under the fifth amendment. 



330 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Will you read the question before my last question, 
Mr. Reporter ? 

(Question read.) 

Mr. Eeix. If I may assist, Mr. Morris, this letterhead of this is 
Committee for a Democratic Policy Toward China, which is a different 
organization from the one you referred to. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

In other words, it is your testimony that you were not executive 
director of the organization which the letterhead just describes? 

Miss Russell. Correct. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what was the connection between those two or- 
ganizations? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, the Daily Worker of May 8, 1949, sec- 
tion 2, pages 3 and 4, contains an article which is headed "Truth Also 
Fights for Free China." 

Maud Russell is quoted as follows in this article : 

Yet the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy is not solely a supplier 
of information. We are a political action group to exert pressure for a change 
in official United States policy. 

Did you make that statement. Miss Russell ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like to have printed in the 
record at this point in the testimony a docmnent which has already 
appeared in the hearings of this cominittee during the investigation of 
the Institute of Pacific Relations. 

Mr. Mandel, will you read it ? 

Senator Welker. What is the document ? 

Mr. Morris. This is a letter on the letterhead of the Communist 
Party of New York State, 35 East 12th Street, New York, N. Y., 
dated March 1,1949. 

As I say, Mr. Chairman, it has been identified in our records pre- 
viously. I wonder if Mr. Mandel will read that letter into the record. 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 

(The document which was read by Mr. Mandel, was marked "Ex- 
hibit No. 139" and appears below :) 

Exhibit No. 139 

CoMMxmiST Party of New York State, 

Robert Thompson, Chairman, 

New York, N. Y., March 1, 1949. 
To All Sections and Counties. 

Dear Comrades: Enclosed please find Program for Action on China Policy, 
as voted upon by a united front action conference on China, held in New York 
on January 29, 1949. 

We are sure that you will find this material not only informative, but helpful 
in planning actions on China in your communities. 

A special outline has also been issued by the National Education Committee 
on Communist Policy in China. This can be secured through orders from our 
District Education Department. The outline can be used as the basis for dis- 
cussion in your sections and branches. 

Any inquiries in relation to further activity can be received by writing to the 
Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, at 111 West 42 Street, New 
York City. 

Comradely yours, 

Mat Milleb, 
Asat. Org. Secretary. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 331 

Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, did the Committee for a Democratic Far 
Eastern Policy have an office at 111 West 42d Street on March 1, 1949? 

Miss EussELL. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know May Miller, who describes herself in 
this letter as the assistant organizational secretary of the Communist 
Partyof New York? 

(Witness consults with her attorney.) 

Miss Russell. I never heard of her. 

Mr. Morris. During the period 1947 to 1948, did you make fre- 
quest visits to Communist Party headquarters at 35 East 12th Street ? 

(Witness consults with her attorney.) 

Miss Russell. I have never been there. 

Mr. Morris. You have never been at 35 East 12th Street ? 

Miss Russell. I have never been there. 

Mr. Morris. Have you ever been at 50 East 13th Street ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator AYelker. ^V\mt is located at 50 East 13th Street? 

Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, do you know that 35 East 12th Street 
and 50 East 13th Street are buildings that are back to back in Man- 
hattan ? 

Miss Russell. I don't know it. 

Mr. Morris. Now, is it your testimony that you were never in 35 
East 12th Street, but when I asked you, were you ever in 50 East 
13th Street, you invoke your privilege under the fifth amendment? 
Do I understand your answer to be that ? 

Miss Russell. Correct, sir. 

Mr. Morris. And you have no knowledge that those two buildings 
are connected? 

Miss Russell. I do not. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, is there anything in our record that would 
indicate at this time what 50 East 13th Street and 35 East 12th 
Street is? 

Mr. IMandel. 50 East 13th Street has been for some years the head- 
quarters of the Communist Party of the United States. 

Mr. Morris. IMiss Russell, I ask you if you will look at this article 
that appeared in the Daily Worker of January 16, 1950, page 2. 

(A document was handed to the witness.) 

Mr. Morris. Do you recognize that letter. Miss Russell ? 

Miss Russell. I do not, offhand. 

Mr. Morris. Will you bring that letter back, Mr. Arens, please ? 

Mr. Mandel, will you identify this article in the Daily Worker? 

Mr. Mandel. It is an article from the Daily Worker of January 16, 
1950, page 2, entitled "Facts Behind the Korea Crisis ;" subtitle, "Wlio 
Started the Shooting?" And underneath it says: 

Following is the first of a series of articles entitled "Facts on the Korean 
Situation," which was prepared by the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern 
Policy. 

Mr. Morris. Now, to your knowledge, was that article prepared by 
the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privilege under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may that go into the record at this time ? 

Senator Welker. It will be entered into the record at this point. 

(The article referred to was marked "Exliibit No. 140" and is as 
follows:) 

72723— 5&—pt, 8 2 



332 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Exhibit No. 140 

[Daily Worker, January 16, 1950] 

Facts Behind the Korea Crisis : Who Started the Shooting? 

(Following is the first of a series of articles entitled "Facts on the Korean 
Situation," which was prepared by the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern 

Policy ) 

Witiiin hours after the start of the Korean war the United States bluntly 
accused North Korea of armed aggression against South Korea, an action which 
it described as a wholly illegal and unprovoked attack. In the absence of the 
Soviet Union, and with Yugoslavia abstaining, nine members of the United Na- 
tions Security Council upon the insistence of the United States hurriedly passed 
a resolution "noting with grave concern the armed attack upon the Republic of 
Korea by forces from North Korea." All subsequent events of the intervention 
proceeded from this original assumption of North Korea guilt. 

Has responsibility for the Korean war been thereby firmly established? The 
Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy believes that it has not ; that 
the United States acted with unprecedented haste and persuaded the United 
Nations to do likewise. It takes this position for the following reasons : 

HEAR ONE SIDE 

Only one side was heard. No information was requested regarding the North 
Korean side of the matter ; no representative of North Korea was present nor 
was any arrangement made for hearing their side of the dispute. No effort was 
made to ascertain the facts. And all of this in spite of the knowledge that sev- 
eral hours before North Korean troops crossed the 38th parallel, the North 
Korean radio had broadcast news of an offensive by the South Koreans and had 
warned of stern countermeasures unless South Korea suspended "their adven- 
turous military actions." 

No court of law would render a verdict on the kind of one-sided and fiimsy 
evidence advanced in this case by the United States and accepted by the rump 
session of the Security Council. 

The haste wath which the American Government, and through its efforts, the 
United Nations, has condemned North Korea is in startling contrast to the inter- 
minable investigations and resulting equivocation with which the Dutch assault 
on the Indonesian Republic and the Arab attacks upon Israel were treated. This 
extraordinary haste in the Korean matter must raise the same questions as to 
the actual motives of the American Government, as did the interminable delays 
it engineered in the cases of Indonesia and Israel. 

The manner in which North Korea has been branded as the aggressor by the 
Western World under United States initiative makes the case an unconvincing 
one. It is not necessary that the American people believe the North Korea version 
in order for them to appreciate the irresponsible haste and total disregard of the 
most elemental rules of justice employed by our own Government. 

In the nature of the Korean case, what most Americans regard as direct evi- 
dence will for a long time be unavailable and perhaps unobtainable. A great 
deal of weight must therefore be placed upon the circumstances in which the 
Korean war broke out, upon what, in a court of law, is called circumstantial 
evidence. Of such evidence there is an abundance, but nearly all of it is being 
suppressed or concealed by the American press and radio and, instead, the Gov- 
ernment of South Korea, which until recently was roundly denounced as a cor- 
rupt and ineffective puppet of American policy, is now being heralded as an 
arsenal of Far Eastern democracy. 

Aggressive declarations by those whom American power put in charge of South 
Korea have given the world frank and full warning of what has now taken place. 
Consider, for example, the following : 

In December 1946 Syngman Rhee declared : "On returning to Korea I advo- 
cated unification to make the world think we were united, so that we could drive 
the Russians from the north. America is our friend. * * * We must fight those 
who are not our friends. As soon as the time comes I'll instruct you. Then you 
should be prepared to shed blood." He added : "I have already made connections 
abroad." 

Yun Chi Yong, former Minister of Home Affairs and vice speaker of the South 
Korean National Assembly, told a press conference on March 9, 1949, following 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 333 

a consultation with the United Nations Commission in Korea : "What was dis- 
cussed with the U. N. Commission is that peaceful unification of South and North 
Korea is nothing more than a political plot. The only way to unify South and 
North Korea is for the Republic of Taehan to regain the lost land in North Korea 
by force." 

TRIBUNE DISPATCH 

On August 5, 1949, a dispatch from Allen Raymond in the New York Herald 
Tribune said : "The one outstanding thing about the South Korean army, now it 
has been purged several times of Communist infiltrators, is its outspoken desire 
to take the offensive against North Korea. It wants to cross the border. Its best 
officers are Japanese-trained professionals, with a fine frosting of American Army 
training." 

On November 1, 1949, the New York Herald Tribune carried a UP interview 
with Sihn Sung Mo, South Korean Defense Minister, which said : "Referring to 
the readiness of his troops to drive into North Korea, Mr. Sihn expressed confi- 
dence that they could wrest control from the Communists. 'If we had our own 
way, we would, I'm sure, have started up already,' he told a press conference. 
'But we had to wait until they (American Government leaders) are ready. They 
keep telling us, "No, no, no ; wait. You are not ready. * * *" We are strong 
enough to march up and take Pyongyang (the northern capital) within a 
few days.' " 

On March 2, 1950, according to the New York Times, President Syngman Rhee 
told the Korean people that despite advice given by "friends from across the sea" 
not to attack the "foreign puppets" in North Korea, the cries of "our brothers in 
distress" in the north could not be ignored. "To this call we shall respond," he 
said. "The statement contained in a Korean independence day speech," says the 
Times, "was one of the most outspoken in recent months of a desire to unify the 
country, if necessary, by force." 

Mr. Morris. Miss Kussell, did you ever meet a Chinese Communist 
delegate named Tung Pi Wu ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under tlie fifth amendment. _ 

Ml'. Morris. Did you ever have a meeting with Tung Pi Wu in 
New York City at which the purposes of the Committee for a Demo- 
cratic Far Eastern policy were discussed? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, did you write a letter to subscribers 
protesting the fact that your organization, the Committee for a Demo- 
cratic Far Eastern Policy, had been forced to register as a subversive 
organization? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Mr. Morris. I show you a photostat of a letter which purports to 
be such and ask you if you wrote that letter. It bears the signature 
of Maud Russell. 

(A document was handed to the witness.) 

Mr. Morris. Is that your signature, Miss Russell ? 

Miss Russell, I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, will you read that letter in the record at 
this time ? 

(The letter, which was read in full by Mr. Mandel was later ordered 
into the record as exhibit No. 141 and reproduced on p. 335, with the 
remainder of the contents of the 6-page pamphlet following as exhibit 
No. 141-A). 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may that letter, together with the other 
two pages that appear on this little pamphlet, go into the record at 
this time ? 

Senator Welker. Very well. It will be so ordered. 



334 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. AVe have asked the witness to identify it as her signa- 
ture, and she has chiimed her privilege nnder the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Madam Witness, I notice you are taking notes 
there. And while you are writing, I wonder if you would favor me 
by giving me your signature, please, just on a blank piece of paper. _ 

(The witness signs her name on a card and hands it to the chair- 
man.) 

Senator "Welker. Thank you very kindly. 

This exhibit may go into and be a part of the record. At this time, 
the signature of Maud Russell as just given to me will be made a part 
of the record at this point. 

Mr. Morris. Immediately after the last exhibit. Senator? 

Senator Welker. Very well. That is where it will be. 

(The documents referred to are as follows :) 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 335 

Exhibit 119 




Exhibit No. 141-A 

President Truman in his message of September 22, 1950, vetoing the McCarran 
Act said : 

"The application of the registration requirements to the so-called Communist- 
front organizations can be the greatest danger to freedom of speech, press, and 
assembly since the alien and sedition laws of 1798 * * * The bill would open a 
Pandora's box of opportunities for official condemnation of organizations and 
individuals for perfectly honest opinions which happen to be stated also by the 



336 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

' ;ouimunists * * * Since no one can be sure in advance what views were safe to 
express, the inevitable tendency would be to express no views on controversial 

The McCarran Act was passed over President Truman's veto. It is McCarthy- 
ism in legal form. Can anyone deny that this attempt to terrorize the American 
people into silence on any issue considered controversial by the McCarthyites has 
curtailed the people's right of free speech? These last years have offered abun- 
dant and bitter proof of the cynical claim that an attack on the constitutional 
rights of the Communists would not endanger the rights of the whole people is 
one of the facets of the big lie. The furious onslaught of the McCarthyites 
against such figures as Bishop Oxnam, Harvey O'Connor, James Wechsler, Mrs. 
Paul Robeson, Corliss Laraont for any degree of dissent from the views of Mc- 
Carthy, has amply exposed this illusion. Teachers, students, writers and pub- 
lishers, editors, clergymen, farmers, scientists, trade-union leaders, artists and 
entertainers, leaders of the Negro people, and the foreign born are hounded by 
the FBI, pilloried in the headlines, fired from their jobs, made objects of sus- 
picion among their neighbors, jailed and deported on the charge of what they 
think or are suspected of thinking. Nonconformity has become a crime as the 
McCarthyites, McCarrans, Jenners, and Veldes and those whom they represent 
seek to impose on our country what Justice Douglas has called a black silence 
of fear. The rights of all Americans are under attack. 

But a strong wind of opposition is gathering. Each passing day witnesses 
more Americans seriously questioning a foreign policy which supports and uses 
the reactionary, feudal-minded cliques led by Chiang Kai-shek, Syngman Rhee, 
and Bao-Dai who scheme to preserve their oppressive outworn regimes through 
involving the American people not only in civil wars but even in world war. In- 
creasingly the American people are understanding, and are expressing their 
opposition to a policy which is proving incapable of creating stability in the 
Far East and which directly endangers world peace. It is this growing opposi- 
tion to a bankrupt policy that the administration seeks to silence in its attacks 
on the organizations of the people. 

Yes, the people are beginning to react wtih vigor. National conventions of the 
AFL, CIO, the railroad brotherhoods, and independent unions have condemned 
the McCarran Act. The American Civil Liberties Union, Americans for Demo- 
cratic Action, the NAACP, the American Jewish Congress, the Episcopal League 
for Social Action, the Presbyterians, the Methodist Federation for Social Action, 
the American Association of University Professors, the Bar Association of New 
York, the National Farmers Union, and a sizable and growing list of other organi- 
zations are on record against the McCarran Act. The New York Times saw fit 
to make the Commager article on the "right to associate" its lengthiest article 
in the magazine section on November 8, 1953. 

Those who have a special interest in Asia and our country's far eastern 
policy will appreciate how this attempt of the administi'ation to order even a 
nonexistent organization such as the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern 
Policy "to register" strikes at the right of all Americans to particpate in the 
formulation of our country's foreign policy. This order seeks to deny or destroy 
our right to be heard on the overriding issue of our day, the issue of war or 
peace. 

Of course, I am going to fight to the limit of my time, energy, and money; 
this is a part of my citizenship commitment. 

You too can go on fighting for the right to have your say about foreign policy : 
(a) By letting President Eisenhower, Attorney General Brownell, and 
Chairman of the Subversive Activities Control Board, Thomas J. Herbert 
(their addresses are Washington, D. C), hear your protest against this 
unconstitutional attack not only on a nonexistent organization, but even 
more basically, on the American people's traditional and lawful right of 
freedom of belief. 

(6) By urging your Senators and Congressman to support the repeal of 
the McCarran Act. 

As former executive director of the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern 
Policy I have had to secure legal assistance (attorneys in Washington, D. C.) to 
challenge the validity of this order to a defunct organization to register ; other- 
wise the issue could be decided adversely by default, and with possible penal 
consequences for me personally. 

While this statement is sent you primarily as a political document to ac- 
quaint you with a concrete instance of how our constitutional rights are being 
jeopardized, I am also asking you to help : 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 337 

(c) By sharing in some of the financial burden of meeting and resisting 
this un-American action of the Attorney General. 

Matjd Russell, 
103 West 93d Street, New York, N. T. 

(The card on which Miss Russell wrote her name was marked 
"Exhibit 142" and was placed in the committee files. A reproduction 
of the signature appears below :) 

Exhibit 142 



//jjui/Lu^uy 



Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, I offer you a photostat of a letter on the 
letterhead of the Far East Reporter, 112 West 42d Street, New York 
36, N. Y., Maud Russell, publisher, dated November 20, 1952, bearing 
the signature, "Maud Russell, Far East Reporter publisher." 

I ask if you will look at that. Miss Russell. 

Is that your signature thereon. Miss Russell ? 

Mr. Rein. May we have a moment ? 

Mr. Morris. Oh, yes. Go ahead. 

Miss Russell. I admit it. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Mandel, will you read the letter, please? 

Mr. Mandel. "Ill West 42d Street," on the letterhead of the Far 
East Reporter, dated November 20, 1952, "Maud Russell, publisher." 

"To Spotlight subscribers and friends" 

Mr. Morris. What is "Spotlight," Miss Russell ? 

Miss Russell. If you read that, you would see. It tells on it; 
doesn't it? 

Mr. Morris. Well, our information leads us to believe that you have 
a more intimate knowledge of Spotlight than is available to the com- 
mittee, and we are wondering if you would add to our store of infor- 
mation on that subject. 

Miss Russell. It is a publication that I issue, presenting facts and 
analyses of developments in the Far East. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

Is that still in existence ? 

Miss Russell. It is still in existence. I should say so. 

Mr. Morris. Read it, please. 

Mr. Mandel (reading) : 

The Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy is no longer in existence, 
after completing 7 full years of activity geared to informing and mobilizing 
American public opinion on the issues of our country's relationships with the 
Far East. Its work has served to prepare the way for the current emphasis on 
far eastern policy which many organizations now make a major part of their 
action programs. 

Making available specialized far eastern material remains, however, as impor- 
tant as ever — if not more so. I shall accordingly, continue working on this 
matter of information. Twenty-six years of residence and work in China gave 
me a concern over American- Asian relations and a compelling sense of citizenship 
obligation. And my 6 annual speaking trips across our rich and beautiful 
land, covering to date over 12.5,000 miles, assure me that the American people 
are concerned over happenings in Asia, are eager for facts, and want peaceful 
and beneficial relations with the half of the world that lives in Asia. 

So, I propose to continue writing and to make available as widely as possible 
facts and analyses by other writers on the Far East on developments in the 
Far East which touch upon the interests of the American people. About ready 



338 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

for early issue are a series of brochures on the new China, a pamphlet on 

''Kr'upSrSiTnsfo Far East Spotlight will be honored as subscriptions 
to Fa I as Reporter which will be published by me and which will strive to 
main ain the high standard of usefulness set by Far East Spotlight I hope 
™ouwn become (if you are not) a subscriber and enlist others to subscribe 
^TsM 1 con inue to be available for talks, about which I enclose details If 
my speaking schedule has not included your area or your organization I shall 
be pleased to receive an initial invitation. 

Si°^«^^ly' MATTD RUSSEIX, 

Far East Reporter Publisher. 

Mr. Morris. Now, I^Iiss Russell, do you publish both the Far East 
Spotlight and the Far East Reporter at this time? -,, • 

Mis? Russell. I publish Far East Reporter. I made a mistake m 
answering you before. I used the word "Spotlight." That is incor- 
rect. I publish Far East Reporter. 

Mr. Morris. That is right. This letter would indicate that the J^ ar 
East Reporter has taken over the function of the Far East Spotlight. 

Is that right? -r-. ^ o J.^^ x.i. 

Miss Russell. To some extent. I mean, as the Far East Spotlight 

tried to bring facts and information to people, I continue to want to 

hr'mo- facts and information about the Far East. It has somewhat the 



same 



Senator Welker. Miss Russell, I am not quite clear. You want to 
testify that at one time you did publish the Far East Spotlight, and 
you no longer do that, and you publish this 

Miss Russell. I did not say that. I say I now publish Far East 
Spotlight — Reporter. 

Senator Welker. I notice you are about as confused about that as 
I am. Now, let us see if we cannot get it clear. 

Miss Russell. I am not confused. 

Senator Welker. What did you publish immediately prior to Far 
East Reporter, if anything? 

Miss Russell. I published nothing. 

Senator Welker. Did you have any activity in publishing any- 
thing? 

Miss Russell. I claim my rights under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, did the Committee for a Democratic Far 
Eastern Policy terminate its activities, as the last exhibit indicated, 
on September 1, 1952? 

Miss Russell. I claim my rights under the fifth amendment. ^ 

Mr. Morris. Now, you are, however, the publisher of Far East 
Reporter ? 

Miss Russell. I am the publisher of Far East Reporter. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Miss Russell, what happened to the records of 
the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my rights under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do the files of the Far East Reporter contain 
materials that were taken from the organization, the Committee for 
a Democratic Far Eastern Policy ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my rights under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Is the Far East Reporter the successor organization of 
the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy? 

Miss Russell. I claim my rights under the fifth amendment. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 339 

Mr. Morris. Miss Kussell, I wonder if you will tell us the source 
of revenue for the Far East Eeporter. 

Miss Kussell. I have subscribers. I make an appeal to my 
subscribers for additional funds to help enlarge my printing. I 
do public speaking 8 or 9 months of the year. I sell literature, 
both my own publications and others. Those are the sources, and 
then the meetings, you know, to raise — speaking meetings. 

Mr. Morris. Now, where 

Senator Welker. Just a moment, counsel. 

Mr. Morris. Yes, sir. 

Senator Welker. You say you do public speaking about 8 or 9 
months out of the year. Would you mind telling the committee 
where you have spoken? 

Miss Russell. I speak around the country. 

Senator Welker. Very well. Let us go throughout the country 
and find out where you have spoken. 

Miss Russell. From Florida to California. I speak in the South, 
in the Middle West, the Far West, and throughout the country. 

Senator Welker. Have you spoken in every State in the Union, 
Miss Russell? 

Miss Russell. I would like to brag that I have, but I can't. 

Senator Welker. Well, can you think of the States you have not 
spoken in? 

Miss Russell. No, I can't think of them, offhand. 

Senator Welker. You have spoken in my home State of Idaho, 
have you? 

Miss Russell. Yes. 

Senator Welker. What part ? 

Miss Russell. Various parts. 

Senator Welker. Well, would you mind telling me ? 

Miss Russell. (No response.) 

Senator Welker. Perhaps the names have slipped you. Maybe 
I can help you. Have you ever spoken in the northern part of 
Idaho, say at Coeur d'Alene, or Wallace, or Kellogg, or Craigmont, 
Grange ville, or Lewiston ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. But thank you for the 
suggestions. 

Senator Welker. Now, ma'm, you have told me that you have 
spoken in Idaho. Then I have tried to ask you where you spoke 
in Idaho, and you put on the cutoff valve for some reason. Now, 
I believe your able counsel will agree with me that you opened 
up the subject matter, and I have a right to interrogate you on 
where you spoke in Idaho. 

Now, I am ordering and directing you to answer the question 
as to where you spoke in Idaho. 

(Witness consults with her attorney.) 

Miss Russell. I have spoken in Coeur d'Alene, Kellogg, Boise, 
and 3 or 4 places around there. 

Senator Welker. You say some places around there ? 

Miss Russell. Around Boise, Idaho. I don't recall the names 
just now. If I had a map, I could. 

Senator Welker. Would Pocatello be one, or Idaho Falls or 
Twin Falls or Nampa or Caldwell ? 

Miss Russell. Nampa, Caldwell 

72723— 56— pt. 8 3 



340 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator "Welker. You have spoken in Nampa or Caldwell. And 
under what auspices did you speak in Nampa or Caldwell or Boise? 

Miss Russell. Far East Reporter. 

Senator "Welker. Far East Reporter. 

Who sponsored your meeting there? 

Miss Russell. I chiim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator AVelker. You claim your privileges under the fifth amend- 
ment as to who sponsored your meeting? 

jNIiss Russell. Yes. 

Senator Welker. Since we have gone into the subject matter of 
these meetings, I think you have opened up the matter, and I am 
going to order and direct you to answer who sponsored your meetings 
at these places. 

(Witness consults with her attorney.) 

Miss Russell. I stick to my claim of privilege. 

Senator Welker. You stick to your claim of privilege. 

Now, would you mind telling me about the size of your audiences 
in Idaho? Are they large or small? 

Miss Russell. They vary from 400 down to 25 or so. 

Senator Welker. Where did you have a meeting of the size of 400 
in the State of Idaho ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privilege under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Did you speak in public buildings or church 
buildings, or did you hire a hall ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privilege. 

Senator Welker. I wish you would not. I am quite interested in 
my State, and I would like to know where you can get audiences of 
400 people. 

Who helped you arrange for these meetings in the State of Idaho ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Were they Idaho citizens or people from New 
York? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Had you ever met any of the people who were 
sponsors of your meeting prior to coming to the State of Idaho? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. You do not want to leave any inference that the 
people who sponsored you in the State of Idaho were not honorable 
and upright people, do you? I cannot see your invoking the fifth 
amendment on that unless it might really tend to incriminate you. 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Senator Welker. Have you told me all the places you have spoken 
in Idaho? 

]\Iiss Russell. As far as I remember. 

Senator Welker. Was any advertising gotten out on behalf of 
your appearances in the State of Idaho ? 

Miss Russell. I don't know. 

Senator Welker. That would be handled by someone else, would it, 
prior to your arrival? 

Miss Russell. I don't know. 
Senator Welker. You do not know. 

Just how do you set up meetings, whether it be in Idaho, Florida, 
Alabama, or Nortli Dakota? Would you mind telling me that? 
You certainly just do not go in there without an announcement; do 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 341 

you? "VVlio handles the announcements and publicity prior to your 
speaking ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my priA^ilege. 

Senator Welker. You claim your privilege under the fifth amend- 
ment? 

Miss Russell. That is right. 

Senator Welker. And if you told who did the advertising or the 
sponsoring of your meetings in the State of Idaho or any of the other 
States that you have appeared in, a truthful answer to that might 
tend to incriminate you ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Senator Welker. Are you a member of the Connnunist Party ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Have you ever been a member of the Connnunist 
Party? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Do you know any members of the Communist 
Party in the State of Idaho ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Do you know any members of the Communist 
Party in the United States ? 

Miss Russell. The same answer. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer for the record the 
letterhead of the Far East Reporter dated January 1955. 

Mr. Mandel, would you read the contents of that paper into the 
record, please? 

Mr. Mandel (reading) : 

To Far East Reportei- Subscrihers and Friends: 

May 1955. — The ninth annual cross-country speaking trip begins in March 
and is roughly as follows : Southern area, March and April, beginning in Florida, 
Alabama, Tennessee, North and South Carolina, District of Columbia ; Ohio and 
Michigan, month of :May; Chicago area, first half of June; Middle AVest area, 
Wisconsin and Minnesota, second half of June and early July ; North and South 
Dakota, Montana, northern Idaho, July; northwest, August, Washington and 
Oregon ; California, September ; en route eastward, month of October, southern 
Idaho, Utah, Colorado, New Mexico, Kansas, Missouri, Idaho, Chicago area; 
November, Ohio and Pennsylvania. 

Speaking arrangements, details and suggested topics are outlined on the 
accompanying card. If my speaking schedule has not previously included your 
area, I would be pleased to receive an initial invitation, and from all old and 
new friends I will appreciate an early indication of whether and when you may 
want me. 

Sincerely, 

Maud Russell. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may that go into the record at this time ? 
Senator Welker, It may. 

Mr. Morris. I offer you another letterhead, Mr. Mandel, dated 
January 1953. Will you read that into the record, please? 
Mr. Mandel (reading) : 

Deab Friends : 1953 is already well started and it is time to begin to plan for 
my annual cross-country speaking trip. I expect to leave New York and be on 
my way about the end of March, with time allowed for some weeks in the South. 
Then, as usual — 
Chicago area — later half of April 
Michigan and Ohio — month of May 

Minnesota, Wisconsin and South Dakota — month of June 
North Dakota, Montana, Idaho — first half of July 



342 SCOPE 'OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EN THE UNITED STATES 

Washington and Oregon- -last half of July and first half of August 
California— last half of August and first half of September , ^ ^ , 

En route eastward, Chicago, etc.— last half of September and early October. 

Mr. :Morris. Miss Kussell, are these accurate descriptions of your 
1953 and 1955 speaking tours? 
Miss Russell. They are. 

Mr. Morris. Roughly, how many lectures do you make a year i 
Miss Russell. Welf, when I am in the field I do one about every 

other day. 

Mr. Morris. That would be 150 or 160 a year? 

Miss Russell. Somewhere around there. 

Mr. Morris. What is the actual lecture fee for your talks? 

Miss Russell. I ask a minimum of $10. Sometimes I get $50 or 
$100, it runs $15, $20, $25. 

Senator Welker. In addition to your expenses, Miss Russell i 

Miss Russell. Expenses come out of that. 

Senator Welker. Come out of the $10 ? 

Miss Russell. Out of my speaking fee. 

Senator Welker. You get a fee of $10, and your expenses come out 

of your fees ? 

Miss Russell. That is right. It is not like a senatorial expense 
account. I cover about 25,000 miles on $800, including all expenses. 
I wish the Senators could match it. 

Senator Welker. I wonder if you could go a little deeper into your 
own expense account. Outside of your motel, your automobile, gaso- 
line, and so forth, what other expenses do you have? 

Miss Russell. You mean travel expenses? 

Senator Welker. I mean any expenses that you might have in mak- 
ing your appearance. Do you pay for billboard advertising, radio 
spots or television spots ? 

Miss Russell. No. I get on the radio free. 

Senator Welker. You get on the radio free ? Can you tell me where 
you appeared on the radio free in Idaho ? 

Miss Russell. Not Idaho, no. 

Senator Welker. ^Y[^y didn't you appear on the radio in Idaho? 

Miss Russell. Nobody asked me. 

Senator Welker. Nobody asked you. They asked you in all these 
other places, did they ? 

Miss Russell. I did not say in all of the places. 

Senator Welker. Wliere did they ask you to appear on the radio 
free? 

Miss Russell. I have spoken in Oakland and Berkeley and 
Portland. 

Senator Welker. Now, under whose auspices did you speak in 

Oakland? 

Miss Russell. As an individual, as a publisher of Far East 
Reporter. 

Senator Welker. As an individual. On some of these trips you 
must have undoubtedly lost money. For instance, on a long trip, say, 
from Coeur d'Alene doAvn to Nampa or Boise in the State of Idaho, 
you couldn't drive that for $10. 

Miss Russell. Well, I don't count each individual trip, I count 
the year's trips. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 343 

Senator Welker, I am speaking now about individual trips. Did 
you lose money on any of your appearances in Idaho? 

Miss Russell. As I say, I don't count it that way, I count my whole 
year. 

Senator Welker. T don't care what you are counting, I am asking 
you whether or not you lost money on your appearances in the State 
of Idaho. That is a prelude to another question I desire to ask you 
later. 

Miss Russell. Well, the first year I went to southern Idaho, I did 
lose money, I mean it cost me more to get there. But the second 
year I had so many speaking dates that it was worth while making 
the investment in the first year. 

Senator AVelker. And have you related to me all the speaking dates 
this second time you appeared in Idaho, as best you can remember? 
I realize that is rather hard to do. 

Miss Russell. I indicated, with help, some of the places where I 
spoke. 

Senator Welker. Now, in the places where you lost some money 
on your expenses in Idaho, did anybody repay you for that loss ? 

Miss Russell. Tliey did not. 

Senator Welker. And you still don't want to tell me what commit- 
tee organized your appearances in the State of Idaho, what individual 
or committee arranged for your appearances ? Naturally you couldn't 
do so if you were traveling. 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 
But I want to point out that when I traveled 

Senator Welker. Now, if you claim your privileges under the fifth 
amendment that about answers it. I don't desire any speech. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may those last two exhibits go into 
the record at this time ? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibits 1-13, l-iS-A, and 
143-B," and are as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 143 

Far East Reporte^i 

Maud Russell, publisher 

MAKING AVAir^BLE SIGNIlICANT FACTS AND ANALYSES CONTRIBUTED BY 
COMPEM'ENT WRITERS ON THE FAR EAST 

New York 17, N. Y., January 1955. , 

To Far East Reporter Subscrihers and Friends: 

My 1955 — the ninth annual — cross-country speaking trip begins in March, 
and is roughly as follows : 
Southern area : March and April. 

Beginning in Florida, Alabama, Tennessee, North and South Carolina, 

District of Columbia. 
Ohio and Michigan : Month of May. 
Chicago area : First half of June. 
Middle West area : 

Wisconsin and Minnesota : Second half of June and early July. 

North and South Dakota, Montana, northern Idaho: July. 
Northwest : August. 

Washington and Oregon. 
California : September. 



344 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

En rttiile eastwavrl : Mouth of October. 

Southern Idaho, Utah, Cohirado, New Mexico, Kausas, Missouri, Idaho. 
Chicago area : November. 

Oliio and Pennsylvania. 
Speaking arrangements, details, and suggested topics are outlined on the 
accompanying card. 

If my speaking schedule has not previously included your area, I would be 
pleased to receive an initial invitation. 

And from all — old and new friends — I will appreciate an early indication of 
whether and when you may want me. 
Sincerely, 

Maud Russkli.. 



Exhibit No. 143-A 

Fak East Reportee 

Maud Russell, publisher 

MAKING AVAILABLE SIGNIFICANT FACTS AND ANALYSES CONTRIBUTED BY COMPETENT 

WRITERS ON THE FAR EAST 

New York 36, N. Y., January 1953. 
Dear Friends : 1953 is already well started and it is time to begin to plan for 
my annual cross-country speaking trip. I expect to leave New York and be on 
my way about the end of March, with time allowed for some weeks in the South. 
Then, as usual : 

Chicago area : Latter half of April. 
Michigan and Ohio : Month of May. 

Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Konth Dakota : Month of June. 
North Dakota, Montana, Idaho: First half of July. 
Washington and Oregon: Last half of July and hrst half of August. 
California : Last half of August and fii-st half of September. 
En route eastward, Chicago, etc. : Last half of September and early October. 

This is the rough "schedule." I would like, now, to begin to fill in some of the 
details. Can you now make any definite "engagements" for the time allotted to 
your area? Even to have a few definite dates will give a framework to travel 
plans. I enclose a card giving details of speaking arrangements — and I again sug- 
gest that to think and plan in terms of "gatherings" rather than the more formal 
"meetings" is probably more realistic in these times. 
Some of the possible topics for talks or discussions are : 
China Begins Her First 5-Year Plan 
The New China 

China Forges Ahead as a Modern Power 
China as a World Peace Factor 
Sino-Soviet Relations 

Asian Factors in the World Peace Struggle 
What's Happening in Asia? 
The Korean War — and Us 
China and Her Asian Neighbors 
India 

Education in New China 
Culture in the New China 
and there may be particular aspects of the Far East and/or American relations 
with Asia that you will want to have presented or discussed. 

If my speaking scliedule has not previously included your area or your organi- 
zation I shall be pleased to receive an initial invitation. 
I will much appreciate an early response. 
Sincerely, 

Maud Russell. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 345 

Exhibit No. 143-B 

Maud Russell 

Publisher, Far East Reporter 

MAKING AVAILABLE SIGNIFICANT FACTS AND ANALYSES CONTRIBUTED BY COMPETENT 

WEITEKS ON THE FAR EAST 

$1 Yearly 

SPEAKER ON THE FAR EAST 

Twenty-six years' residence (1917-43) and work (with the YWCA) in China, 
followed by over a decade working on United States-Asian relations and speak- 
ing throughout the United States. 

SPEAKING ARRANGEMENTS 

Available 

For meetings and gatherings, large or small, public or in homes. 

Fees 

To cover travel costs and aid in publication of material on Far East. 
Suggested minimum of $10 for groups up to 30 ; $5 for each additional 10 per- 
sons. Larger fee or collection or contribution for printing appreciated. 

Cross-country tour 

New York to Pacific coast, April to November. 
D ecemher-Marclh 

New York and east coast area. 
Tr(wel 

By car — so no necessity to meet train, bus, or plane. 
A ccommodation 

Provided locally where i)ossible, please. 

SOME SUGGESTED TOPICS 

New China (The People's Republic of China) 
In General 
In Detail (separate talks) 

Political Aspects Workers in China 

Economic Aspects Farmers in China 

Cultural Aspects Women in China 

Achievements So Far 

China Trade Facts : Why Can't Americans Benefit? 

China and Her Asian Neighbors 

China, Factor for World Peace 

Should We Recognize China? 

Sino- Soviet Relationships 

The Struggle in Indochina 

Asian Factors for World Peace 

The People's Upsurge in Japan 

.Japan and the United States 

Whither Korea? 

India and Nehru's Role 

United States-Pakistan Issue 

What About Formosa ? 

What's Happening in Asia? 

Your Suggestions? 

f Far East Reporter, Box 1586, GCS, New York 17.) 

Mr. Morris. Miss Kussell, in connection with the speaking tours 
described in those two letters which you have acknowledged are an 
accurate description for the years 1953 and 1955, did you make any 



346 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

prearran<?ements with Coininuiiist Party members in the various 
States widi respect to anj^ lecture ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privilege under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what is the source of news for the Far East Re- 
porter? '\^n[iat is your source of news? 

Miss Russell. Well, I read 5 or 6 newspapers a day — the New 
York Times, the Daily Worker, the New York Herald Tribune, the 
People's World, the Wall Street Journal— and then if there is some- 
thing special on. you knoAv, I pick up the other papers. 

Mr. ]MoRRis. Do you have any correspondents, say, in occupied 
China? 

Miss Ri'ssELL. And in addition to that, I have many magazines 
like the U. S. News and AVorld Report, the Nation, and I get material 
from those on the Far East. But I make a point, in talking, to quote 
only from material that is available to anybody in the United States, 
you know, the current magazines and newspai^ers. There is plenty 
of information in them. 

Mr. jNIorris. Miss Russell, do you have a foreign correspondent 
or any other source of information in Red China? 

Miss Russell. I do not. 

Mr. Morris. Do you receive any news reports from any individual 
in Red China? 

Miss Russell. I get news reports that are available to everybody, 

Mr. Morris. I see. But you have no actual correspondent abroad? 

Miss Russell. I have friends — I don't have any correspondents as 
a Far East reporter, I have friends who write me personal letters. 

Mr. Morris. Are those letters that they write you, are they a source 
of news for the Far East Reporter? 

Miss Russell. Well, there is nothing that I ever had from them 
that I used, I mean, any information I had has come from public 
sources. 

Senator Welker. I want to ask a question. As I understood you. 
Miss Russell, you stated that you made your speeches based upon 
information you acquired from newspapers and magazines that any- 
one can acquire here in the United States. Do you make any of your 
speeches based upon information furnished you by the Daily Worker 
and the People's World, the Communist publications ? 

Miss Russell. As I said, I take a wide spread of news. 

Senator Welker. All right. Do vou make any of your speeches 
based upon information found in the Daily Worker,' the People's 
AYorld, or any other Communist publication?" 

Miss Russell. No, I do not make speeches based upon their news. 
I may use an item that appears— for instance, the paper in San Fran- 
cisco, the People's World, often has a UP or AP disj^atch about spe- 
cific things about the Far East that does not appear in all the news 
that I read on the east coast. Of course, I use that. 

Senator Welker. How about the Daily Worker ? 

Miss Russell. Very seldom does thatliave anything in it that isn't 
more fully— I think never has anvthing that isn't more fully set forth 
111 a paper like the Times or the Tribune. I think I could say a pretty 
clear no, I don't use the material from the Daily Worker, I read 
it to see what they have got in it in case they do have something, 
l)ut I depend mainly upon much fuller sources of information which 
appear m the magazines and the regular press. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 347 

Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, I ask you if you will look at that paper 
which Mr. Arens has there. Do you recognize that document ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privilege under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, will you identify this document, please? 

Mr. Mandel. This document has a folder which carries the follow- 
ing legend : 

Letters from China. Condensed from private newsletters and personal cor- 
respondence originating in China. Due to conditions, names of writers must 
remain anonymous. 

Distributed by: Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, 111 West 
42d Street, New York 18, N. Y. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer this for the record. 
Senator Welker. It may be made a part of the record. 
(The document referred to Avas marked "Exhibit No. 144" and is 
as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 144 

Letters From China 

(Footnotes are those of the publisher) 

Condensed from private newsletters and personal correspondence originating 
in China. Due to conditions, names of writers must remain anonymous. Dis- 
tributed by: Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, 11 West 42d 
Street, New York IS, N. Y. No. 4. 25 cents per copy, $2 10 issues. January 

EXCERPT FROM AUGUST AND SEPTEMBER LETTERS 

Due to the rapidly changing conditions in China we have not 
received new letters for several mouths. The material below is 
taken from letters written several months ago but which have not 
been published before and which have an important bearing on 
current events. 

military situation 
Summary of 3 years of civil vxir 

July 1948 marked the third year of China's civil war. The occasion was 
marked witli a great silence on most fronts which competent observers identified 
as the lull before the storm.' Behind-the-line activity, however, was proceeding 
at a feverish pace as both sides prepared for new battles. It is calculated that 
once fighting begins it will last for 5 or 6 months. And the coming battles 
may well decide the final outcome of t\\Q Kuomintang-Communist struggle.^ 

As the training of soldiers and the stockpiling of materials proceeds,* the 
generals review and plan. Their analysis of the situation at the end of the third 
year of war is very close to what is described below. 

It is an established fact that the past year has been a successful one for 
the Communists. In the first place the liberated areas were increased from 
2,100,000 square kilometers in 1947 to 2,355,000 square miles in July 1948. This 
represents an area of about 25 percent of China which has a population of 
170 million or 38 percent of the population of the whole country.^ 

Secondly, the strategic positions of the Communists have vastly improved 
during the past year. 



iThe storm broke -with the beginning of the Communist fall offensive in September. 
By October 30 the Communists had captured Mukden. Chiang's powerful 300 000-man 
Manchunan army (American trained and equipped) was trapped in the Mukden-Yingkow 
corridor. One week later the vital port of Yingkow also fell to the Communists. 

_ 2 Even before the fall of Suchow, Henry Lieberman wrote: "The position of Generalis- 
simo Chiang Kai-shek's Government— militarily, economically, and psvcho]ogically--has 
deteriorated to the point where diplomatic missions here are informing their hSme capitals 
of the possibility of a Nationalist collapse within the next few months. The Teports arl 
October 31 ?948)^^ ""^^ warnmgs of clearly apparent danger signs" (New York Times! 
3 These figures were, of course, estimated long before the present central China Com- 
Sre"/al^e*n'TJ?he^c"o'L^ris*ts.^^ *'"^ considerable territory, embracing mllliLfoT^peS. 



72723 — 56 — pt. 8- 



348 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Generals Liu Po-cheng, Chen Keng, aud Chen Yi are in charge of central 

China Here they have built up a liberated area bordered on the north by 

the Lunghai Railway, on the south by the Yangtze Kiver, on the east by a line 

hrough to Kiangsu, and on the west by a line from Shansi to Ankang This 

region embraces 30 million people and is called the central China liberated area 

In the northwest the Communists have recovered almost the entire district 
known as the Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia border region and have established contact 
directly with the liberated sections on the east bank of the Yellow River. 

In the east the Communists recaptured 85 percent of Shantung Province which 
had been lost to the Kuomintang troops the previous year. The areas between 
Tsinan and Tsingtao were entirely cleared of Nationalist troops. These victories 
forged the link between the central China areas and the Hopei Shantung-Honan 
liberated areas west of the Grand Canal. ^ ^ ., ^^ . . 

The north Kiangsu front has not been a spectacular one, but the Communists 
have retaken six cities there and reinstated the East Anhwei liberated area. 
This region lies between the Yangtze and the Hwai Rivers and provides direct 
communication between the north and central China liberated areas. 

Advances were also made in northeast and north China where the Communists 
now hold approximately 97 percent of the Northeastern and Jehol provinces. 
In north China, all the important Kuomintang salients in the Shansi-Chahar- 
Hopei liberated area and in the Shansi-Hopei-Shantung-Honan liberated area 
have been cleaned out. Yen Hsi-shan's stronghold of Taiyuan is the one exceiv- 
tion. but this has not held up the amalgamation of these two immense areas into 
what is now called the north China liberated area." 

Lookino- at a map it will be seen that the Communist areas inside and outside 
the Great Wall, north and south of the Yellow River are now connected and 
form one long corridor. This separates the Kuomintang holdings into two iso- 
lated regions with a few islands such as Taiyuan in Communist territory. 

Thirdly, there has been a significant change in the relative strength of the 
Kuomintang and Communist-led forces." , , , ,^ . .^. ^^ 

In the first year of the civil war (1946-47), the Kuomintang held the initiative, 
and its armies were attacking on practically every front. They lost their drive, 
however, in the autumn of 1947. They are still able to initiate an attack at some 
points and at others can put up a stubborn defense. But in general, the Nation- 
alist troops are now purely on the defensive. They can no longer hold cities 
against which the Communists believe it worth while to mount an attack. 

On the other hand, the Communists who lost 45 important cities in the first 
year of fighting, recaptured 40 others, and added another 120 cities and towns in 
the second year of warfare. All of these were former Kuomintang strongholds, 
and included such important cities as Anshan, the Pittsburgh of Manchuria, Wei- 
hsien Szepingkai, Manchurian rail and industrial center Shihchiachuang, vital 
rail and industrial junction south of Peiping. Other cities taken include Yung- 
cheng, Lingsun, Loyang, and Yenchow. The Communists also took Kaifeng in 
Honan and Paochi in Shansi, but evacuated both of these a few days later. These 




Sucliow. 
further lioudwiiv 

5 TlH" New York Times in a UP dispatch of November 4 said : "Chinese newspapers re- 
ported that Communist forces were steadily tightening their grip on Taiyuan . 
Several suburbs only a few miles from the city were reported already in Communist 

^^BMUitary analyst Max Werner (New York Star, December 5, 1948) gives a more recent 
estimate of the strength of the combatting armies : "* » * Thus Chiang commands some- 
what less than a million troops, the ma.ior part of which are now melting away between 
Suchow and Nanking. The war lords all together may command somewhat more than a 
million, but their forces are spread thin and isolated from each other. The war lords are 
neither able nor willing to help Chiang. Nor is there any military cooperation amon„ 
themselves. General Fu's troops in the Peiping-Tientsin pocket, Marshal \ en Hsi-snan 
and Gen. Hu Tsung in Shansi are encircled and face annihilation. Gen. Ma Hung Kwei 
in Ningsia Province and Gen. Ma Pu Fang in Chinghai Province cautiously do not ngnt 
at all. The Communist armies of China now number about 3 million men in their neia 
armies, local militia troops not included. • • * but mere numbers do not reveal that 
Chiang's adversaries have a tremendous advantage in better fighting power and organiza- 
tion. Secondly, the relationship of forces in China is changing every month, even every 
week, against Chiang. • » • who is now sinking into the role of a local war lord having 
military control only over a couple of provinces."' 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 349 

victories proved that the Communist armies, generally regarded as only capable 
of guerrilla fighting, are also equipped to fight mobile and positional battles.' 

Fourthly, the Kuomintang armies are growing increasingly weak both niuneri- 
cally and in firepower. The National Defense Magazine, published by the Chinese 
Ministry of Defense, in its July 4 issue, revealed that "up to May 1948, the Kuo- 
mintang troops had diminished from 3.5 million to 2 million, including 1.8 mil- 
lion new recruits who have not received sufficient training and who show signs 
of low morale due to the inefficient and corrupt manner in which Kuomintang 
conscription is handled." 

At the beginning of the conflict, the Kuomintang armies had 1.6 million rifles 
and 6,000 heavy guns. They now have only 1 million rifles and 2,100 heavy guns. 

In this same period, the Communist armies have increased from 320,000 men 
to 2.6 million men. Their firepower increased from 160,000 rifles and 6,000 
artillery to 1 million rifles and 22,800 artillery. These statistics clearly show 
how great the shift in fighting strength of the two sides has been. 

NOTES ON AMERICAN INTERVENTION IN CHINA 

Communists on American aid 

Although the Communists are now holding the initiative and superiority of 
movement and power in the civil war, they are keenly aware of the possible 
effects of American aid to the Kuomintang. But at the same time they are con- 
vinced that although American aid can prolong the war, it cannot save the 
tottering Nationalist regime in the long run. Shortly before the fall military 
offensive, a Communist broadcast from the liberated areas declared : 

"* * * Since China is such a large country and since the reactionary Kuomin- 
tang government has the full support of the American imperialists, it would be 
impossible for the People's Liberation Army to score a complete military success 
at one time and at one place. The enemy will not be defeated or put to death 
by one blow. If they are defeated in one part of China, with the help of the 
American imperialists they can easily retreat and entrench themselves in another 
part. But the sole aim of the People's Liberation Anny is to crush the reaction- 
ary Kuomintang military forces entirely, for no compromise can be reached 
between a revolutionary force and a counterrevolutionary force. Such being the 
case, the People's Liberation Army can but pursue the reactionary forces to the 
end of the earth, until that force is annihilated. This, of course, will require 
time and will take many stages to accomplish. We hope, therefore, that the 
Chinese people will fully understand the importance of this and that they will 
help with all their might and heart to finish this sacred job in 3 to 4 years." * 

Chiang puts hopes in world war III 

The Chiang government is still convinced that a third world war will take 
place ; if not in 2 or 3 years then not later than 1953 when the American military 
preparations will be considered complete.® Basing the civil-war plans on such 
beliefs Chiang has decided to fight a gradually retreating campaign.^" He will 
attempt to drag out the war for as long a period as possible and will retreat to 
the south step by step. At the same time while prolonging the war in the north, 
the Kuomintang forces hoY>e to gain time for rebuilding South China into an 
arsenal with the help of American money and technicians. 



' Since the beginning of the fall offensive the Communists have captured 14 major cities 
and are now threatening Peiping and Nanking. 

" The belief that the civil war would be prolonged for 3 to 4 years was expressed before 
the sweeping Communist successes of the last 2 months. By November, the Communist 
radio declared that President Chiang's Government was "nearing collapse" and "that it 
would take 1 year to uproot the Nationalist Government, and a longer time to liberate 
the entire country." New York Times, November 15, 1948. 

8 A similar opinion on Chiang Kai-shek's reliance on another war was expressed by 
A. T. Steele in the New York Herald Tribune (November 11, 1948) : "President Chiang 
is apparently convinced that a third world war is in the making and that no matter how 
far back he may be pushed, his stubborn tenacity will ultimately be vindicated." 

^^ In desperate appeals for more American aid, Chiang has repeatedly claimed that his 
victory over the Communists would "avert a third world war." But even the New York 
Herald Tribune, which has consistently advocated aid to the Kuomintang, is not sure 
whether Chiang is more anxious to save mankind or himself. An editorial on November 
1, 1948, stated : "Chiang said that Communist conquest of Manchuria 'would mean the 
virtual beginning of another world catastrophe.' But his remedy was an unfortunately 
familiar one. To avoid a third war It is 'necessary to come to Asia's rescue' : this means 
the rescue of China, or more particularly of Chiang Kai-shek, and it is the United States 
which must do the rescuing." 



350 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

If their plans in the north fail, however, their aim is to fight desperately in 
central and south China, with the hope that American-Soviet relations would 
deteriorate to the breaking point." 

It should he added that this fits in very well with the American aid program 

now being prepared for China." 

United States influence on Kuomintang political shifts 

Bullitt missions to China."— The American owned and operated China Weekly 
Review (June 5, 1948) pointed out that "American officialdom has in recent 
months been interfering in the affairs of the Chinese Government with increas- 
ing frequency The new United States economic aid and the fact that it is to be 
haudh'd almost entirely by Americans, gives the American government a fairly 
bi<» stick in Nanking. American support was quite openly given to Gen. Li 
Tsung-jen in his campaign for the Vice Presidency of the Republic. A similar 
amount of disapproval was publicly given to Sun Fo and Chen Li-fu." 

As a matter of fact, the Review could have added a great deal more to the 
record of interference which the American Embassy is compiling out here. An 
important example is Mr. William C. Bullitt's recent visit to China and the air of 
mystery with which he conducted himself. From what can be gathered, his 
mission admittetlly for the United States Government, concerned three things : 

1. To'determine just how much military aid is really needed by the Nationalists 
to bridge the present gap and finally defeat the Communists. 

*> To conduct a preliminary study to determine the feasibility of setting up 
a Sino-American Headquarters to direct the so-called Communist-suppression 

campaign. 

3. To make a comprehensive study to determine the prospects for American 

l)rivute investment in south China. 

It was further revealed that while in the south Mr. P.ullitt had several fruitful 
conversations with T. V. Soong, Governor of Kwaugtung Province. Both parties 
agreed that American funds should be given to Kwangtung Province to build 
up Whampoa Harbor, develop Hainan Island, and rehabilitate the Canton- 
Hankow Railway. In return, the Chinese Government would be willing to 
release part of Hainan Island to the Americans for .joint naval and air bases. ' 

United States niaij support ivarlords rfi/Tcf///."— Further news concerning 
American aid to Nationalist China and which is also connected with Mr. Bullitt, 
centers around indications that the United States Government might bypass 
Chiang Kai-shek and give direct military support to such local warlords as Gen. 
Fu Tso-vi and Ma Pu-fang, one of the Moslem generals in the northwest. Mr. 
Bullitt visited General Fu and the latter requested that all frontline troops be 

" The loss of Manchuria and the drastic military defeats at Suchow and near Nanking 
have actually forced the Kuomintang to retreat farther to the south. On November 30, 
lfl4S, the New York Herald Tribune reported that "Health Ministry employees were being 
advised quietly to get ready to move either to Canton or the island of Formosa. And 
again on December 5 a dispatch from Paris stated "that the Chinese Government planned 
to establish itself on the Island of Formosa if the military situation continued to de- 
terlorntc." This report added that Chiang had offered the United States bases on the 
Island in exchange for new aid (New York Times, December 5, 1948). 

'2 Although the above statement was written some time ago, the L. S. Government has 
not changed its policy of aiding the reactionaries in China. The present military crises 
has brouirht new appeals for aid from, the Kuomintang. Chinese Ambassador Wellington 
Koo recently submitted a 4-polnt program to President Truman asking for: (1) Declara- 
tion of American support for Chlang-Kal-shek ; (2) acceleration of delivery to China of 
American supplies already authorized by Congress; (3) a military officer to be sent to 
China (Gen. Douglas MacArthur) "to take over direction of supplying, training, and strate- 
gic planning of the Chinese Army"; and (4) a $3 billion aid program to stretch over a 
3-year period (New York Times, December 5, 1048). The American Government has not 
yet made luiblic its reaction to Koo's proposals, but there are indications that support will 
continue — whether in the form of aid to Chiang or, in the event of his resignation, to 
other Kuomintang leaders. 

" We include this revealing story of Bullitt's 1947 mission to China for It throws some 
light on his recent (November) equally "mysterious" mission to that country. 

1* Bullitt was again sent to China on November 9, 1948 : this time by the congressional 
watcbdofr committee. According to the New York Herald Tribune (October 30, 1948), the 
State Department said that he would inyestigato "all phases" of American aid to Chiang s 
government. "It was recalled that he had already testified before congressional com- 
mittees that he favored Immediate speeding up of arms to Chiang and urged that Gen. 
Douglas MacArthur be sent to China to direct more effective combat of the Nationalists 
against the Communists." 

A. T. Steele (New York Herald Tribune. November 15, 1948) reported that Bullitt was 
to confer with T. V. Soong on this trip too. He also stated that "there is a strong section 
of American opinion here that favors Dr. Soong as the man best fitted to take the leader- 
ship in any new economic setup that might be established." 

"* For further indications of this move see footnote 2.5. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE tJlSriTED STATES 351 

American equipped and that tliis equipment sliould be sent tlirough Tientsin 
ratlier than through Nanliing as formerly. There is no positive check, but there 
has been some leakage to the effect that Bullitt concurred and expressed assur- 
ance that such arrangements could be made. 

Gen. Ma Pu-faug had similar conversations with an American diplomat in 
the north while on a visit to the Kansu-Chinghai war areas. He promised to 
make some recommendations to the American Government immediately. 

Premier Wong-M'en-hao.^'' — Further intervention by American authorities into 
China's internal affairs took place when the new Premier Wong Wen-hao was 
elected. 

During the period when the Generalissimo was scanning the field for persons 
whom he might cajole into accepting the premiership, an American official hinted 
to Chiang that the premier-to-be should have the following qualifications : 

(1) Pro- American and trusted by the Government. 

(2) An honest and capable oflicial who would not waste American dollars. 

(3) A man who could use American aid so effectively that it would im- 
measurably help the anti-Communist campaign. 

After much deliberation and considerable struggle with the "CC clique" which 
favored Gen. Ho Xing-chin, the Generalissimo selected Wong Wen-hao. Wong 
had proven his obedience and loyalty to Chiang over a long period of years. 
This choice was made primarily in line with the American oflicial's suggestion 
and Wong's main job therefore will be to handle American aid effectively. As 
one source put it, "Wong's familiarity with American methods will be reflected 
in the maintenance of good Sino-American relations, particularly at this time 
when China will depend to the fullest on an efficient administration of the aid 
program to help bring an end to the civil war." " 

American observers have said that Wong's appointment "wrote finis to one of 
the most intense clique conflicts in the history of modern Chinese politics by 
ending with what was interpreted as a resounding defeat to the CC clique and 
a victory for the Political Science Group." However, this is an erroneous calcu- 
lation. The Legislative Yuan, whose majority is in the hands of the CC clique, 
can either vote Wong out of office or they can put pressure on him to take such 
action as he may consider incorrect. Consequently, other observers on the scene 
feel that Wong's cabinet cannot last more than 6 months. In addition to the 
beatings he will get from the Legislative Yuan he has been forced to fill the 
Cabinet posts with second- and third-rate people.'* 

Peace rumors 

With the accelerated deterioration of the military situation, defeatism became 
rampant among both Nanking and American circles. This led to renewed peace 
rumors — some of them wilder than the farcical tales spun for local and inter- 
national consumption earlier in the year. 

One opium pipe concoction had it that Chiang will be compelled by such mili- 
tarists as Ho Ying-chin and Fu Tso-yi to announce his intention of going abroad 
and that this would pave the way for peace talks between Vice President Li 
Tsung-jen and Marshal Li Chi-shen, ousted Kuomintang rebel now residing in 
Hong Kong. Another rumor consisted of the story that the five northern gen- 
erals (Li Tsung-jen, Fu Tso-yi, Yen Hsi-shan, Ma Hung-kwei, and Ma Pu-feng) 
had joined hands and declared their independence of the Central Government 
so that they could negotiate a separate peace with the Reds.^^ 

It appeared as though all of these rumors were part of a large, overall plan. 
In June the New York Herald Tribune carried an editorial criticizing Chiang 
Kai-shek, advising that General Li Tsung-jen should be put at the helm and 



18 Wong Wen-hao resigned in November and was replaced by Dr. Sun Fo. 

1" That the selection of Wong did not improve the situation is clearly shown by numerous 
reports of corruption and deterioration within the Kuomintang regime. 

^ This writer's prediction of the duration of the Premier proved to be correct. Wong 
Wen-hao was forced to resign his position in November and was replaced by Sun Fo, 
President of the Legislative Yuan. Dr. Sun Fo, son of the founder of the Chinese Re- 
public, Sun Yat-sen, was appointed by Chiang Kai-shek (New York Times, November 10, 
1948). Various press reports have characterized the new Premier as a liberal. But a 
letter which we received from China last June describing "the Reconstruction Association," 
a Kuomintang group which is headed by Sun Fo, reveals that he is one of the leaders of 
the most reactionary elements of the Kuomintang : "This organization is a mixture con- 
taining some CC clique people who still remain loyal to Chen Li-fu, such as Pan Kung- 
chan, Wu Teh-chen, and others. Pan is the head of the Municipal Council of Shanghai and 
Wu was Minister of Communications. Sun Fo's clique also includes the Kwantung 
Province warlords, Gens. Chang Fah-kwei and Hsieh Yo and his own men, writer Chung 
Tien-hsin, and Nl Wen-ya, member of the San Min Chu Yi Corps Executive Committee." 

i» Re Marshal Li-Chi-shen's negotiations with the Communists, see footnote 22. 



352 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

broadlv hinting that the Wong Wen-hao Cabinet should inherit the emergency 
powers now at the disposal of Chiang.-"" Several weeks later the Associated 
Press climaxed the rumor drama in a report that some very important personage 
from Nanking (and all indications pointed to Premier Chang Chun) had con- 
ferred with Communist General Chou En-lai somewhere near Peiping. It was 
reported that during the conference General Chou had put forth the following 
conditions for the resumption of peace talks : ^^ 

1. Chiang should be deprived of all power and duties and go abroad. 

2. The Chinese armies should be reorganized and put under the command 
of Communist General Lin Piao. 

3. That the job of Premier or Minister of Foreign Affairs should be held 
by a Communist. 

4. Peace talks should be resumed. 

Communists on peace rumors 

The Communists hardly gave passing notice to all of this. Because of their 
cold attitude, it was obvious that they were not in favor of such peace talks.^ 

Therefore, on July 25 Premier Wong issued a statement bitterly denouncing 
the Communists and calling upon the whole nation to fight them to the end 
because "* * * the Communist Party is a 5th column for the U. S. S. R. in 
China." " 



20 New York Herald Tribune, June 18, 1948. 

^1 Similar peace rumors persisted through November. On November 7, 1948, the New 
York Times reported "unconfirmed speculations" that: (1) Gen. Chang Chi-chung "would 
become Premier and try to make peace with the Communists ;" (2) "That President Chiang 
would go abroad and let Vice President Li Tsung-jen head the government during the 
peace negotiations;" (3) that "Shao Li-tze or former Premier Chang Chun would head a 
coalition government without Chiang." 

-- On November 14 the Communist nortliern Shensi radio broadcast confirmed that 
Gen. Chang Chi-chung, director of Chiang's headquarters in northwest China, and Shao 
Li-tze were advocating peace negotiations. It further announced that Vice President 
Li Tsung-Jen, Gen. Pai Chung-hsi, Minister of Defense Ho Ying-chin. and former Premiers 
T. V. Soong and Chang Chun "had promoted a peace move." "These men are making a bid 
to force the abdication of Chiang Kai-shek," the Communist radio declared, and added 
that "this peace movement was contrary to the purpose of the Chinese Communists * * • 
and is intended to safeguard the interests and spare the influence of the reactionaries'' 
(New York Times, November 15, 1948). 

That the Communists are against peace negotiations with die-hard Kuomintang re- 
actionaries was made clear in an earlier Communist broadcast from China on November 
10, 1948, which announced that "all high Kuomintang military and political officials would 
be treated as war criminals." At the same time, however, the Communists continued 
negotiations with democratic, anti-Kuomintang forces. On October 18, 1948, Marshal 
Li Chi-shen, chairman of the Kuomintang Revolutionary Committee (headquarters in 
Hong Kong) announced that his committee had delegated Shen Chun-yu, Chang Po-chung 
(representatives of the Democratic League wlich was outlawed by Chiang Kai-shek), 
Tan Ping-shen and Tsai Ting-kai "to confer in the liberated areas with Communist leaders 
regarding the calling of a new Political Consultative Conference for the establishment of an 
All-China Democratic Coalition Government" (see The Crisis in China, published by the 
Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, New York, November 26, 1948). 

==> While accusing the Communists of plotting to sell China to a foreign power (the 
U. S. S. R.), the Kuomintang leaders at the same time offered the United States sweeping 
control within their country in return for increased aid. Early in November It was 
reported that Nationalist leaders proposed that Shanghai be declared an open or inter- 
national port (New York Times. November 7, 1948). Immediately following his appoint- 
ment as China's premier, Dr. Sun Fo declared that "China must be prepared to make any 
reasonable concession to obtain major American military assistance at the earliest possible 
moment." According to Dr. Sun, "reasonable concessions" included the following : the 
appointment of Gen. Douglas MacArthur as supreme military adviser in China, and "the 
reopening of the Yangtze River and other inland waterways to American and other foreign 
shipping for landing and embarking cargoes. Under certain circumstances, * * * United 
States Navy forces should be allowed to use Inland waters as American military advisers 
might desire" (New York Times, November 28, 1948). 

In sharp contrast to the Kuomintang program, is the statement of the Central Com- 
mittee of the Communist Party of China issued on November 21 in reply to the demand of 
the Nationalists for American military protection : 

"The Communist Party of China holds that any military or economic aid to the Kuomin- 
tang Government by the Governments of the United States or other countries constitutes 
an act of hostility against the Chinese Nation and the people of China, and should cease 
Immediately. If the American Government should dispatch its Armed Forces for either 
all-out or partial protection of the Kuomintang Government, this would constitute armed 
aggression against the sacred territory and sovereignty of China ; all the consequences 
thereof would have to be borne by the Amerir^an Government. 

"The Communist Party of China, the People's Democratic Governments of China's 
liberated areas, and the Chinese People's Liberation Army are willing to establish equal, 
friendly relations with all foreign countries, including the United States of America, and 
to protect the rightful Interests of all nationals of foreign countries In China, including 
American nationals. But the integrity of China's territory and sovereignty must be 
preserved without encroachment  * ♦'' (The Crisis in China, ibid., p. 7). 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 353 

Two days later Chiang also denied the peace rumors. He declared openly 
and with anger that such talk allowed to spread freely would only result in 
great harm to the morale of the Kuomintang Army."* 

Kuoniintanff blames United States for peace rumors 

An interesting sidelight to this whole dog-biting-at-his-o\vn-tail story was that 
sections of the Kuomintang began blaming the peace rumors on the Americans. 
These accusations were detailed in one Kuomintang-affiliated magazine which 
declared that ever since last winter the Americans were trying to do several 
things in China. 

1. They tried hard to promote Li Tsung-jen to the vice presidency, thereby 
providing a replacement in leadership if Chiang should be forced to 
resign.^ 

2. They put Wong Wen-hao and Ho Ying-chin in as premier and minister of 
defense, respectively, thus forming an alliance to take over Chiang's powers ; 
through these forces they hoped to achieve the political I'eforms for which 
they have been pressing. 

3. The Americans will sponsor all sorts of organizations which will 
"voice" support of reorganization and reform of the Kuomintang and the 
Government. 

4. The American Government is supporting directly all those military men 
who have proved to be efticient — i. e. Generals Fu Tso-yi, Ma Hung-kwei. 
This reveals the intention of continuing the anti-Communist war in China 
even if the Generalissimo is defeated on the battlefield. Thus they hope to 
prevent a Communist dominated China from being an effective ally of the 
U. S. S. R. in the event of a war between that power and the United States.^' 

5. The Americans are determined to organize south China and Taiwan 
(Formosa) economically and militarily in order to obtain a foothold in the 
Asiatic Continent in the event of a third world war. 

6. For the past 3 or 4 months, the Americans have, through certain legis- 
lators, writers, and scholars repeatedly denounced the Generalissimo. 



^ In November President Chiang again forcefully denied rumors of peace negotiations. 
On November 9, 1948, the New York Herald Tribune reported that "President Chiang 
Kai-shelj told his followers today to prepare for 8 more years of war against the Chinese 
Communists. He declared the present peace negotiations rumors following Government 
military losses were Communist propaganda. Peace, he said, can be attained only by 
destroying the Communists throughout the nation." 

See also Letters from China, June 1948, pp. 5-7, for a detailed account of the election of 
Li Tsung-jen to the vice presidency and concomitant political conflicts within the 
Kuomintang. 

2s Last June the Communists denounced Li Tsung-jen as a "puppet who was being 
groomed by the United States for continuing the civil war" (New York Herald Tribune, 
June 18, 1948). In the same month one of our letters from China in an analysis of Li's 
election to the vice presidency, said : "Li Tsung-jen's victory was misconstrued by some 
elements in China as a success for the liberals. This idea is completely unfounded. Li 
himself is far from liberal ; nor are the men who are closest to him. He does have a few 
liberal people in his entourage, but they have no voice and no influence" (ibid., p. 6). 

More recently, A. T. Steele of the New York Herald Tribune (November 18, 1948), ex- 
pressed the belief that "if Chiang * * * should step down from the presidency, the mantle 
of leadership would fall on the shoulders of Gen. Li Tsung-jen * * *. Whether this 
would lead to negotiations with the Communists or to a continuance of the present policy 
of resistance is hard to say. Although General Li is often mentioned as a possible sup- 
porter of a coalition government, his public statements have been pretty much on the 
government line." 

On November 10, 1948, the New York Star in a special dispatch from Paris reported 
that "information from usually trustworthy sources indicates that the United States Gov- 
ernment now inclines to the opinion that President Chiang Kai-shek should resign in the 
interest of his country. It is even reported that this view is being conveyed to the 
Generalissimo informally." 

29 Since despite the billions of United States dollars given Chiang Kai-shek, Communist 
military victories have continued at an ever increasing rate, the present near collapse of 
Kuomintang rule finds United States policy poised on the edge of a double-horned dilemma. 
That the United States might resort to giving direct aid to some of the feudal warlords has 
been hinted in the press from time to time. Writing in the New York Times, November 
9, 1948, Hansen Baldwin said : "We must search, then, for desperate remedies in China. 
We may have to support individual provincial governors, or able generals like Fu Tso-yi, 
commander of the government armies in north China, who are able to rally around them 
armies capable of holding at lease parts of China. In the next few weeks or months so 
dark is the present situation, we may be faced with some such desperate recourse" (New 
York Times, November 9, 1948). 

And again on November 10, 1948, the New York Herald Tribune reported that ECA 
Administrator in China Roger Lapham "has recently been in Washington pressing a plan 
to by-pass Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek and to give direct aid to local Chinese forces 
resisting the Communists. Lapham's main motive is that the north China leader. Gen. 
Fu Tso-yi, is distrusted by the Generalissimo and has therefore not been supplied very 
liberally. 

See also above for further comments on this view. 



354 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTnaTY IN THE UNITED STATES 

In conclusion this article claimed that the latest peace rumor was solely an 
American fabrication and that these actions were carried out by the Chinese 
agents of the United States. 
Cowmunisis want peace hut not compromise with reaction 

It should be pointed that that this false "peace wave" did have some effect on 
members of the democratic movement in that it set them wavering. These people 
thought that the downfall of the Generalissimo would mean the crumbling of the 
entire Kuomintang setup. Consequently they started a move for a joint declara- 
tion demanding the immediate resignation of the President. This declaration 
was to be signed Iw a thousand prominent men. However, this movement died as 
soon as the local governments announced that all participants would be severely 

punished. ,, ^. ^ ^,- • ^ 

What was obvious to all but these "peace dreamers" was that Chiang is actu- 
allv the last and the strongest of the reactionary elements in China and that the 
Chinese revolution cannot be successful if there is compromise with the reaction- 
aries throuLTh agreement to oust Chiang and at the same time preserve his mech- 
anism of rule. A look at their own history would provide the evidence for them— 
especially the failure of the northern expedition of 1925. These people have been 
warned that such mistakes must not be repeated again. 

LIVING IN THE LIBERATED AREAS 

(Excerpts of letters from William Hinton from Taihang Mountain 
areas, Shensi Province) "' 

Land reform 

Division of the land.—l am now living in a little village on a high plateau 
in the heart of the mountains. I came here to join in the work of carrying out 
the land reform. You cannot imagine what great pains are taken to put through 
this new program. One would think that they would just go out Into the fields 
and divide up the land according to the number of people in the village. But 
the actual distribution of land is only a small part of the work. 

This is a movement to root out feudalism from the Chinese countryside. This 
means not only doing away with economic exploitation but changing age-old 
habits of thought and action; mobilizing the people for real self-government 
and democracy. To teach the peasants to work and build together is a tre- 
mendous and slow task. It requires the constant and tireless effort of every- 
one. And then slowly but surely things begin to change. The economic changes 
are the first and easiest, but the political changes are slower and harder. Most 
of the people here already have a fair share of what there is in land, tools, 
and animals. But now we are laying the foundations for real democracy, made 
possible by the abolition of exploitation. This is a creative effort of such 
magnitude as the world has never seen, except perhaps in the early stages of 
the development of the Soviet Union. 

Determination of class standing. — The organization of the countryside is car- 
ried on in three stages: (1) Bringing together of the poor peasants and hired 
laborers into the Poor Peasants League; (2) uniting these people with the 
middle farmers in the Farmers Union which embraces the great majority of the 
people in the village; (3) establishing the Peasant Congress (out of a committee 
from the Farmers' Union) which then becomes the legislative and governing 
body of the community. 

But before these organizations are formed, people's committees, chosen from 
among the most active peasants and workers, must determine the economic status 
of all the people in the community ; who is a poor peasant, a middle farmer ,a 
rich farmer or a landlord. The Communist Party has issued a set of criteria for 
determining class standing. The people's committees study these instructions 
and ask each person in the village to report his economic status. On the basis 
of these reports, the committee then classifies the entire community. The basis 
for demarcating the class status is the possession of the means of production : 
the poor peasants and hired laborers have none or too little ; the middle farmers 
have about enough ; the rich and the landlords have more than they can 
themselves use so they exploit the labor of others. The rich farmers and land- 
lords as a class oppose the revolution because they have privileges to protect. 



'T William Hinton, an agricultural missionary, Is in China under the United Brethern 
Mission. lie formerly worked with the Office of War Information (United States) in China. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 355 

If a man is classed as a rich farmer it means tbat his surplus property will 
be taken away from him and distributed to those in need. The middle farmers, 
on the other hand, will benefit by the abolition of feudalism and they support 
the revolution. But it is not always easy to draw the line between the rich 
and the middle farmer and to classify the latter as "rich" will serve to drive 
him into the enemy's camp. 

Thus the utmost care is taken to do justice to everyone. All the peasants 
in the community report their economic status to the Poor Peasants League 
which makes up the first classification in the area. This preliminary list is 
posted in the village together with a special mailbox for objections and criticisms 
from the people. When the Farmer's Union, composed of both middle and poor 
farmers and embracing most of the people in the village, is established, the 
process of classification begins again : once ifiore the people report their eco- 
nomic status, particularly those who were dissatisfied with the first decision 
and appeal for reclassification. But even the decisions reached b.v the union 
are not final. The list and the mailbox are again posted up in the village. 
After the Peasant Congress is set up, the whole village meets again to pass 
on reclassifications and the class standing of the people is finally determined. 
But if there are some who are still dissatisfied, they may appeal to the county 
government, or even to the border region government. 

It is wonderful to see the progress of this work. These peasants, most of 
whom cannot read or write, achieve a more thorough knowledge of society and 
sociology than most people — than most postgraduates in America. They are 
keenly interested in the new development for it concerns their own lives, their 
neighbors' lives and the future of everyone. How a person is to live — whether 
he is to receive more land, tools, and animals or continue as before, or have 
land and property taken away from him — depends on the detennination of his 
class standing in the community. Ajid as I have explained, this very vital 
question is solved through an almost endless series of meetings and through 
this process everyone is educated. As the preliminary, temporary committees 
are replaced and succeeded by others, the people gain a better and better knowl- 
edge of how and whom to elect for their permanent ofiicers. In America we 
sort of assume that if we get a group of people together in a room they can 
at once elect a representative who woidd serve them best. This is of course 
an illusion and the peasants here know it. They hold several, a whole series of 
elections so that they can watch their candidates in action. Only after these 
experiences does the community hold final elections for a more permanent 
governing body. 

Collection of taxes in the countryside. — Did you ever hear of people deciding 
by themselves what taxes they should pay to the Government on the basis of 
their ability to pay? I never have. But things you have never heard about 
happen here all the time. 

In the liberated areas taxes are due after the summer and fall harvests. In 
the Kuomintang areas no one ever knows how much he will have to pay or 
when for soldiers are apt to come around whenever the warlord or governor 
needs funds and take away whatever you have in the house. But in the liberated 
areas taxes are paid only twice and at the time of year when the grain can most 
easily be spared. The amount is fixed in various ways (this summer a new 
tax law came into effect which I have not had time to study) but always the 
local conditions are taken into consideration. In our village, just before the 
wheat ripened, a big black cloud came rolling out of the west and plastered 
the fields with hail. The hailstones were as big as tennis balls — knocked holes 
in the roofs of houses, stunned men and animals and threshed the wheat as it 
stood. In 20 minutes an excellent harvest was split upon the ground. The people 
wept all day openly in the streets and for several days were stunned into in- 
activity. I saw one man work all afternoon winnowing and sweeping and piling 
up the straw. When he finished, there was enough wheat to fill only a couple 
of pails. The real crop remained on the ground in the fields. 

This tragedy was reported to the hsien (district) government and at the 
same time we in the village promised that taxes would be reduced although we 
could not say by how much for that decision had to be made by the hsien. 
Several weeks later word came that our village was to pay no taxes at all, while 
other villages in the same section which suffered less damage were to pay 15 
percent less than their usual quota. But at a general meeting of all the villages 
of our section there were some who protested this decision. It was not fair for 
Jang Jwang to pay nothing while they paid so much, they said. And we decided 
that our people would pay a little too. The hsien suggested 20 den for the whole 

72723— 56— pt 8 5 



356 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

village (about 2 tons or one-eighth of the regular quota corresponding to the de- 
crease in the yield). Then the question arose as to how this burden should be 
distributed among the people. We decided on the dz baw gung ti (self report, 
everybody agrees) method. This method allows everyone in the village to speak 
out at a meeting and say what he believes he can afford to pay and the other 
villagers discuss his offer. Has he given too much or too little? The amount for 
payment is fixed only after the individual and the rest of the people agree on 
the offer made. 

Although this sounds like a simple system it is not easy to put into practice. 
If a man who got a good harvest offers too little, who wants to cross him and 
earn his ill will by demanding that he pay more? If someone offers too much, 
who wants to reveal the truth and perhaps be accused of favoring a friend 
or relative? The problem was to encourage the people to speak out oi)enly 
and truthfully, to criticize each other and thus to arrive at a true conclusion. 
The basis of democracy as practiced here is for everyone to participate in making 
decisions and for everyone to say what he really thinks. That is the difficult part 
of the work. It is not so hard to get everyone or at least a majority to come to a 
meeting, but it is difiicult to educate the people to speak out frankly and openly. 

This kind if training in democracy had just begun in our village ; the people 
were not used to it and our meetings did not go too well. In one group, the man 
who had the best harvest of all made a low offer and a neighbor suggested he 
should pay more. He became angry and refused and after that none of the people 
wanted to speak. Some got discouraged and said "Why don't you just allot quotas 
to us as before and we'll pay whatever is necessary?" But we answered, "How 
can we know what quotas would be fair? Do we know your yield? The yield is 
different this year because of the hail. Who but you and your neighbors can 
decide a fair payment? Others didn't understand the democratic method. The 
"dz baw" (self report) was clear enough, but the "gung yi" (all agree) was 
not so clear. "I'll make my offer and since we have democracy now its my 
own business how much I give or don't give," they thought. And so the princi- 
ples of democracy had to be discussed again. Does a democracy mean doing 
just as you please? Can you leave your cart in the middle of the road and 
make others take to the ditch to get past you? Or does the community as a 
whole have the right to set limits and agree on rules? When 400 men and 
women discuss questions such as these — not in the abstract, but in the course 
of deciding the very vital matter of who pays what taxes — everyone learns 
something, and the whole community moves ahead. 

Finally, because everyone was busy in the field, it was decided to let the 
People's Congress whose 25 delegates had just been elected, to look over the 
list of offers and "gung yi" them. Quotas ranging from none to 4 bushels were 
allotted and the total for the village came to 21 dan, just 1 more dan than 
the hsien had suggested. But the congress decision was not binding and anyone 
not satisfied could appeal his case. When the time for actual payment arrived 
the people were satisfied. Of course, no one likes to pay taxes, but all realized 
the need of supporting the front (there are 70 soldiers' families out of a total 
of 28."> in Jang Jwang). Since they paid what they could and it was fair, they 
were happy. 

Policy on commerce and industry. — Another important problem today is the 
working out of the policy on commerce and industry. The movement led by 
the Chinese Communists during the past 20 years has been directed at the 
destruction of feudalism ; not at the destruction of wealth and privilege but of 
feudal wealth and privilege. It is feudal wealth and feudal society that put 
fetters on production. The whole aim and raison d'etre of the Chinese revolu- 
tion is to clear the ground for an upsurge of production. For only industrializa- 
tion can bring China into the modern world. 

Thus a clear distinction is made between wealth derived from industry and 
commerce and wealth derived from the ownership and operation of the land. 
The former is encouraged and helped by the new government but the feudal 
relationships are uprooted by the force of the revolution. When a large landlord 
also has industrial and commercial holdings the problem is more complicated. 
It is not easy for the poor peasant to distinguish between wealth derived from 
two different sources. When the peasants take possession of his land in the 
country it seems perfectly natural from them to move on to the town and con- 
fiscate the landlord's inn, his shop, or his factory. Such mistakes have been 
made in the past. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 357 

But during the past year tremendous effort has been made to correct such 
errors. Industrial and commercial holdings (except those belonging to the 
big-four families or other bureaucratic elements) have been returned to their 
original owners if previously confiscated, and are protected and encouraged in 
new areas. Last winter I frequented a bathhouse in the city and discovered 
that it had a very interesting history which illustrates the new policy. When 
the city was liberated the workers took possession of the bathhouse because 
of the ill treatment and low wages which they had received in the past. They 
ran the business for 2 years and were so successful that the enterprise expanded 
considerably. Recently the bathhouse was returned to the original owner and 
he compensated the workers only for the additions which they had constructed. 
But the owner may no longer set wages and hours to please himself. Working 
conditions and pay are jointly agreed upon by the owner and the union. 

In our village one of the landlords also had a wine distillery. This land 
houses, furniture, clothes, and buried wealth (such as silver dollars) as well 
as the distillery were confiscated and he and his family ran away. Now the 
plant is being returned to his son (for several members of the family have 
since died). Thus it is not unusual for refugees in Shanghai and the port 
cities to receive letters from home offering them their shops and plants and 
urging them to return as merchants and businessmen even though their land 
holdings have been distributed. 

order on this form 

Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, 
111 West h2a Street, New York, N. Y.: 

Enclosed is $2 for the next 10 issues of Letters From China. Please mail 
as specified below\ 

Name 

Address Zone No. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, do you Imow the sources of those letters, 
then ? Clearly they are people writing in from Red China, are thev 
not? ^ 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, I offer you a pamphlet of the Far East 
Spotlight called Germ Warfare in Korea. I ask if you will look at 
that pamphlet, please. That is a photostat. Do you recognize that 
pamphlet ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Was that a pamphlet that you published ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. You are ordered and directed to answer that 
question. 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, what was the source of information that 
went into the publication of that pamphlet? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, will you read the beginning of that pam- 
phlet, please ? 

Mr. Mandel (reading) : 

Millions of Americans heard with incredulity and dismay charges that United 
States military forces are dropping deadly plague germs on the Korean and 
Chinese people. 

The average American's first thought is that United States forces could not 
have resorted to such a barbarous weapon. Yet antedating the present charges 
are facts which deserve consideration. 

Mr. Morris. Where did you get those purported facts which you 
published in that paper? 



358 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Ar;o= T?rT=«ri> T claim mv privileges under the fifth amendment. 
Mr Mo?KirMr. M™dd!} wondtr if you would read the end of 

%''ma'kdeu Tt the end of the pamphlet are the following requests : 

.^^.sisj^^s^: rsjt^SiSf iHi?i?S 

:?tSirporrXclg'o'.LtTfnSue^e„tofd«e.-e.ce.. 
Mr MoMtis. Did you have anything to do with the publication of 

*'^fli^X'*r^''fcS my privileges under the «th amendmeii. 

ATr- AinRRT^ Miss Russell, I show you an article which appearea 
in the DiTwork ' of December 2, 19^48, entitled 'Wiat Chiang Has 
Lost in A/ms, Men," and ask you if you will read that, please. 

Do you recognize that article, Miss Russell { 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, will you read a description of that article 

"^M^ mTZl.' This is from the Daily Worker of December 2, 1948 
enSed "Crisis in China. What Chiang Has Lost m Arms, Men. 

The following is the second of four articles on the situation in China prepared 
by the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy. 

Mr. Morris. Now that article goes on, does it not, Mr. Mandel, to 
list in great detail a great deal of information about the losses of a 
Chinese Nationalist Army in China at the time i 

Mr. Mandel. Yes, sir. i . --u- .-^^^ \/Tr> Plinir 

Mr. Morris. May that go into the record at this time, IVlr. Chaii- 

man ? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered 

(The article referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 145 and is as 

follows:) 

Exhibit No. 145 

[From the Daily Worker, December 2, 1948] 

Ckisis in China : What Chiang Has Lost in Arms, Men 

(The following is the second of four articles on the situation in China pre- 
pared by the Committee for a Democratic Far-Eastern Policy.) 

The sweeping victories of the Chinese People's Armies bring closer the end 
of fascism and civil war in China and the day when she can begin to reconstiuct 
in the interest of all her people. . «TvnnnPTits 

The present situation also fully justifies the previous ^'f '^^^^'^g.e^^^^^^^J'EX 
of United States intervention and support to the corrupt, reactionary dictator 

''r th?Ser'hand1t also carries a new challenge because it ^as au^dy 
brought pressure by United States reactionaries for more open, direct, aimea 
intervention in China by those backing the oPP^-^^^i^'^JVanking regime^ 

Since the opening of the liberation army's fall offensive m the midflff ^^ 
September, Chiang Kai-shek has suffered successive ^^f ^ats of such ma^itude 
that his Kuomintang regime has been shaken to the roo s. ^^^^J!^ ^^f ^i^^.^,^^^^^^^^^ 
the people's army held only a half-dozen cities. During the offensive it capturea . 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 359 



Place 



Tsinan 

Linyi 

Chiiihsien.. 

Chefoo 

Changchun. 
Chengchow_ 



Paotao 

Kaifeng 

Mukden 

Yingkow 

Nanyang 

Chengteh 

Shanhaikwan. 



Tangshan. 
Hulutao... 
Suhsien 



Paoting. 



Population 



700, 000 



150, 000 



800, 000 
230, 000 



300, 000 
2, 000, 000 



Description 



Shantung provincial capital 

Former Communist headquarters in Shantung Province. 

Supply base for Chiang's Manchuriau armies 

Seaport on north Shantung peninsula 

Capital of M anchuria 

Strategic central China railway junction in Honan Prov- 
ince. 

Western terminus of Peiping-Suiyuan Railroad 

Capital of Honan Province 

Manchurian industrial center 

IManchurian seaport 

Strategic center in Western Honan Province 

Capital of Jehol Province 

Historic and strategic gateway from Manchuria into 
China proper. 

Coal center in east Hopei 

Seaport in M anchuria which is not icebound in winter. . . 
Railroad center 125 miles north of Nanking and 45 mUes 

of Suchow. 
Capital of Hopei Province 



Libera- 
tion 



Sept. 


24 


Oct. 


12 


Oct. 


15 


Do 




Oct. 


16 


Oct. 


23 


Do 




Oct. 


25 


Oct. 


30 


Nov. 


4 


Nov. 


/ 


Nov. 


8 


Nov. 


9 


Nov. 


11 


Nov. 


13 


Nov. 


16 


Nov. 


21 



There are three important points in connection with these battles. 

Chiang lost top generals : 

At Tsinan: General Wang Yao-wu, governor of Shantung, one of Chiang's 
most able and trusted generals, member of the Central Executive Committee of 
the Kuomintang — captured. 

At Chinhsien: General Fan Han-chieh, deputy commander-in-chief of Kuo- 
mintang forces commanding United States-trained and equipped mechanized 
troops — captured. 

In the battle for west Liaoning Province, when Kuomintang troops were trying 
to escape from the Alukden encirclement, the Government's Manchurian com- 
mander-in-chief, Gen. Wei Lihuaug, was reported arrested by Chiang for insub- 
ordination. The commander of the new 6th Army, Gen. Liao Yao-hsiang, de- 
scribed by Gen. Joseph W. Stillwell as one of the most able Chinese commanders. 
was reported shot for insubordination. Then the story was put out that he 
had "sacrificed himself heroically in battle." Finally he turned up alive and 
safe, but as a prisoner of the people's armies. 

Kuomintang armies which surrendered were destroyed or deserted : 

At Tsinan, the commander of the 96th Army, General Wu Hua-wen, went over 
to the liberation army with his troops. 

At Changchun, the 60th Army revolted. The new 7th Army surrendered 
without firing a shot. 

In w^est Liaoning, 12 Koumintang divisions, attempting to escape from Muk- 
den through Jehol Province, were put to rout. More than 70 Kuomintang 
general ofiicers had been captured by November 2. 

In the inconclusive battle of Suchow, the 59th and the 77th armies, formerly 
commanded by the late Christian Gen. Feng Yu-hsiang, went over to the libera- 
tion army. Another two of Feng's former divisions, under Gen. Liu Juming, 
revolted and went over to the liberation army in the north of Suchow. 

Nanking's losses in troops and supplies : 

At both Tsinan (Shantung Province) and Chinhsien (in south Manchuria) 
Chiang Kai-shek lost most of his crack troops and enormous quantities of 
American supplies and equipment. His most devastating defeat was in the 
Mukden area where his powerful 300,000-man Manchurian Army failed to escape 
to the port of Yingkow for evacuation to the nortli and central China fronts. 

In the first stage of the battle of Suchow, two divisions each from the Kuo- 
mintang 1.3th and 100th Armies were completely destroyed. The 54th and 25th 
Armies were partially destroyed. 

An indication of the amount of supplies captured by the Liberation Army 
was given in a Peiping dispatch to the New York Times dated November 3. 

"Supplies captured by the Communists in Manchuria far surpass all the mili- 
tary equipment that the Nationalists are scheduled to receive under the United 
States $125 million military-aid program." 

Announcing new purchases of arms for China in Washington on November 
1, a United States Government official was quoted by New York Herald Tribune 
correspondent Fitzhugh Turner, as saying that these "might not make up for 



360 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

arms and ammunition captured by the Chinese Communists in Manchuria or 
handed to them over there by Chiang's disintegrating armies." 

Chiang can try to hang on to the north China corridor where Gen. Fu Tso-yi 
is in command. Fu has already asked and been granted power by Chiang Kai- 
shek to make independent decisions on military and political matters in north 
China without consultation with Nanking. This can either mean that since 
Fu has a free hand he can receive arms and supplies direct from United States 
military authorities without interference by Chiang; or that since militarily 
he is no position to halt the advance of Gen. Lin Piao's army, he may capitulate 
without plunging the Nanking regime into further moral deterioration. 

In central China, Chiang is making an all-out effort to hang on to Suchow, stra- 
tegic railway junction about 190 miles south of Nanking where he has concen- 
trated about 400,000 of his best remaining troops and most of his air force. 
Large-scale Kuomintang victories were reported in the United States press, 
but on November 24 even the superinterventionist New York World-Telegram 
had to print the following headline : "Chiang Troops Gain on Paper, Lose on 
Ground." 

Suhsien, railway center 45 miles south of Suchow, was liberated on November 
16, and it is also reported that Gen. Liu Po-cheng's troops are attacking Peng-pu, 
important railroad center halfway between Suchow and Nanking. 

In northwest China, Gen. Hu Tsung-nan's forces, considerably reduced in 
past battles, are held by the Liberation Army in a pocket round the Chensi pro- 
vincial capital of Sian. Chiang Kai-shek has little hope of extricating these 
troops for use against Communist Gen. Lin Piao's Manchurian forces and Gen. 
Chen Yi's victorious Shantung army. 

If Chiang loses Suchow, he will probably move his government to south China. 
Government official dependents have already been asked to leave Nanking 
and on November 16, the Nanking diplomatic corps was called to a meeting 
and decided to ask Chiang what his plans were and whether and when he was 
going to move out of Nanking. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, I wonder if you would tell us, if you know, 
the sources of information which appear in this article which was pre- 
pared by the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Mr, Morris. Do you know a gentleman named Israel Epstein? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Is Israel Epstein now in Red China. 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Mr. Morris. Does Israel Epstein supply you with information which 
you publish in the Far East Reporter ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Mr. jSIorris. Do you know a gentleman named Guenther Stein ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Mr. Morris. Does Guenther Stein supply you with information that 
you publish in the Far East Reporter ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know a woman named Talitha Gerlach ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Mr. Morris. Does Talitha Gerlach supply you with information 
which you publish in Far East Reporter ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know a gentleman named John Powell ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know a man who appeared before this commit- 
tee yesterday, William Hinton ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Mr. ISIoRRis. Have you recently seen William Hinton ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 361 

Senator "Welker. Do you see him in the hearing room today ? 

Miss Russell. I chiim my privileges. 

Senator Welker. You claim your privilege as to whether or not you 
see William Hinton in the hearing room today, upon the ground that 
if you do see him, that might tend to incriminate you ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Senator Welker. Now, will you look around, madam, and as you 
look to the rear of the room, the left-hand section of the audience, see 
whether or not you see a man known to you as William Hinton. Would 
you mind looking around, please, over in the left-hand section there — 
no, over to your left. 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Senator Welker. Did you ever have any correspondence with a 
William Hinton? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Senator Welker. Have you ever spoken on the same platform with 
William Hinton? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Senator Welker. Do you know any place that William Hinton has 
ever spoken in the United States ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Mr. IkloRRis. Miss Russell, what is the circulation of the Far East 
Reporter ? 

Miss Russell. Around about a thousand. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know a person named Gerald Tannebaum ? 

Senator Welker. Just a moment. You say the Far East Reporter 
has a circulation of around a thousand ? 

Miss Russell. It has a circulation of around a thousand. 

Senator Welker. Will you tell me how you know that ? 

Miss Russell. Because I publish it. 

Senator Welker. You have now admitted that you were the pub- 
lisher, but when you were handed that exhibit a few moments ago you 
refused to identify it upon the ground of the fifth amendment. 

Miss Russell. I have not refused to identify a single Far East 
Reporter publication. I refused to identify the other material which 
3^ou put under my nose. 

Senator Welker. I see. I want to clarify that. I don't want any 
inference going out 

Miss Russell. I have identified all Far East Reporters. 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

I want to see the next to the last exhibit, which I thought was an 
exhibit from Far East Reporter, the one on germ warfare. 

Miss Russell. It was not. 

Senator Welker. That was Far East Spotlight ; yes. 

Have you ever had any connection with Far East Spotlight ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Well, if you never had any connection with Far 
East Spotlight, how could that tend to incriminate you ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Senator Welker. I am going to send you down an exhibit, headed 
"Far East Spotlight, July-September 1949,-' and down at the bottom 
thereof it states : 

Officers of the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy : Maud Russell, 
executive director — 



362 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

and it goes on to name some other individuals. I will ask you to look 
at that exhibit and tell us if your name appears thereon. 

Miss KussELL. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. You see the name Maud Kussell printed thereon ? 

Miss Kussell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Have you read the exhibit I sent down to you, 

madam ? 

Miss Kussell. I have glanced over the first page. 

Senator Welker. All right. 

On that first page do you see the name Maud Kussell as executive 
director printed thereon? 

Miss Kussell. I claim my privileges. 

Senator Welker. At this point, I want this to go into the record. 

(The inside cover of the pamphlet with the list of officers of the 
Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, to which Senator 
Welker referred, was marked "Exhibit No. 146" and is reproduced on 
the following page, followed by the text of a two-page editorial in the 
same issue:) 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 363 



Exhibit 146 



FAR EAST EPOTLIGET 




itiLf' SEPTEMBER, 1949 



Btiim 












Mrs, ?»«g Ta-ssi^i 



- Edilorsa! ;,,,;/., , 

What Sexl in Assa? (ty Ih'nry A, IVaUufe 
The Whitt? Paper on i2\ma  An fMmmU 

A Chance to ReoriesK -Uia Folic\ 
• i>y Danald G. 7'eii>k.simi~v 

Blockade ol' China 1:1 ks US. Konhwtm 
hx Kuthlcen CroHin : . .■ . ,,,,,,....,.. 

Ciuju^se Demwrats EepiKljaie A<hes<>35 . 

U.S. Opituon Cloves Si \\"i<fe Range 

^Uiffiore Critlcpu: , 

Intrant Feauues |;s|,sa« Reaesions . : . . 

C:o»miei2i hmii Western Euro|)e , 

y.S.S.R, mid New Denjuciacii;^ 

^^-'x EaNS Brief J. : : :,.... 



ffsl. DIfi J. S^F«lk:. 






?€««$■ or THSeOMMingS FOS: A BEMOCRATIC FAR 

SX&CUTfYS COMMSTTES: HB<gh Sfys-w, AfafAS5»rr, Chapman, S«y, jste S«ff, 
jr- MorfTs 08-.-<s, Hu?!h 0«iA>xv.: Ja-nsss OjrfcJft, Hsd^tUk V. Pi«Sd, TaSitha 
S.*.rt«** Sea &a»ssfe!n, C»>«riQ«e H»fii«< C> £, J«haw««, tiia Jwdd, S»v, 
j '$n«'»f-«f Kenrsara*, NifS ««b««on, N*l5!«!) fe«i, Arthur S-cAstjar, Ctts T«!59. 
Jb«b««« T«f««f, .J»«J«y ¥«» ai«f, S«Mrt W«r!-*f!. 



72723—56 6 



364 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Exhibit No. 146-A 
White Papee Confirms Our Charges 
an editorial 

X. . ,^.. rnmmittee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy and Far East 

For 4 years the Committee ^^i ^ j^e TTnited States policy in China to the 

Spotlight, have been brmging the facts o^^^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^.^ ^^^^ 

American I'^^^he and warmng of tje mevita ^^ reactionaries and the corn- 
have drawn "P0^^f^^^^J|i5e by Storney General Tom Clark last May. Now, 
mittee was li«t«,^/|."Vi?mon HtS the Stale Department's white paper has been 
rS'trten tSe people Tnexpl^^^^^^^^ of its present failure, the facts that 
forced to tell the £fOf ;^' /" f friendship with China, millions of Chinese lives, 
'""/^hnrns'S'\mertc"r taxpay^^^^^^^ if enough Americans had been 

aSled tHnfw th'enUn U^ give a few of the hundreds of examples. 

. The State Department now admits : 

r^feSt 1946- - * * American me- Page 181: "With respect to United 
^•n.?^,? f nil Prl because while it was States military-aid programs, General 

Feb?ua?v 194^ - States Government was continuing to 

for the failure to restore peace and unity supply arms and ammunition to one of 
frcinnallrin the very fact that while the two groups, namely, the National 
you (General Marshall) were attempt- Government. 

b.VSSt.on»^L\r.So^^^ ?S X^' "'Si'n'^ V...a. ,.e Unite. 

'rEK'" Un.tea States, on t.e jants and ^-atts^totaUn. appro.. 
^ w ??iT-" * * * the United States Government 

Jiinuary"l948: "Under the fine-sound- has sold the Chinese Governmentjarge 



ing name of 'aid' to China, our assist 
ance to the Chiang Kai-shek dictator- 
ship since Japan's defeat has cost 
over $4 billion of American taxpayers' 
money". 



quantities of military and civilian war 
surplus property with a total procure- 
ment cost of over $1 billion." 

Page 354: "* * * No dollar value can 
be put on three of the most vital forms 



°Ap?il-23. 1949. (Statement): "There ?' l'V*°' J-^f/"^ "^^ThS 



are also items whose dollar value can 
not be estimated. Most important of 
these are training of Kuomintang 
troops, maintaining MAGIC (the United 
States military advisory group in 
China) which has been training 
Chiang's troops * * *, (and) United 
States marines munition dumps turned 
over to the Nationalist Army." 
We said 



United States Forces, China Theater 

* * *, by the marines in North China 

* * *, by the advisory groups." 
They now admit : 

Page 236: "Even high-ranking mili- 
tary officers have said * * * that 
whereas there seemed to be some point 
in endless fighting when the enemy was 
Japan, there is not much stomach for 
fighting when it is against Chinese. 



April 1947: "The main factor in Kuo- This lack of morale appears to be re 



mintang defeats is the deterioration of 
morale. * * * Kuomintang's troops, in- 
creasingly composed of unw^illing re- 
cruits, have less and less desire to fight." 

We said : 

July 1947: "The consequences of the 
civil bloodshed Chiang started are ob- . 

vious. Eventually the Chinese people Chiang's, but theirs, 
will get rid of his regime and win a They now admit : 

truly representative, democratic govern- Page XVI : "* * * The ominous re- 
ment, free from the dictatorship of the suit of the civil war m China was be- 



fleeted among the troops * * *." 

They now admit : 

Page 573: "Chiang's feudal China 
cannot long coexist alongside a modern 
dynamic popular government in North 
China. The Communists are in China 
to stay. And China's destiny is not 



'four families'. 

We said : 

December 1948: "* * * Xo new in- 
tervention can change what * * * 
United States arms and endless mili- 
tary meddling have already failed to 
alter." 



vond the control of the Government of 
the United States. Nothing that this 
country did or could have done * * * 
could have changed that result * * *." 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 365 

About many other facts wliicli have been and are being reported in Spot- 
light, the State Department still prefers to maintain silence. If you think that 
making them known is more patriotic than keeping them hidden, if you do 
not want the American people to be kept in ignorance for additional years 
until some new policy failure prompts another White Paper, you should read 
every issue of Far East Spotlight, support the Committee for a Democrati-r 
Far Eastern Policy, and protest to the Justice Department against the black- 
listing of the committee for premature truth. 

Mr. Morris. ]Mr. ]Mandel, will you identify that document? 

Mr. Maxdel. This is the cover page of Far East Spotlight, dated 
July-September 19d9, volume V, No. 7. 

Mr. Morris. INIr. Mandel, that volume indicates, does it not, that 
the Far East Spotlight is a publication of the Committee for a Demo- 
cratic Far Eastern Policy, and the executive director and principal 
officer of that organization is Maud Russell, the witness before us 
today ? 

Mr. ISIandel. Yes, sir. 

INIr. Morris. JNIiss Russell, I am sure you are acquainted with these 
publications, so I will show you this. This is the Far East Reporter, 
entitled "Constitution (Fundamental Law) of the People's Repub- 
lic of China, With Editorial Introduction." Is that your publica- 
tion? 

Miss Russell. It is. 

jNIr. Morris. May that go into the record, Mr. Chairman ? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 

(The pamphlet referred to was marked as "Exhibit No. 147." The 
introduction appears below :) 

Exhibit No. 147 

Inteoduction 

Far East Reporter has reprinted the Constitution of the People's Republic 
of China adopted on September 20, 1954, by the First National People's Congress 
of the People's Republic of China, as a document of great importance to the 
American people, particularly at the present time. This is all the more necessary 
as only a few meager press items on inside pages marked this turning point in 
the life of nearly one-fourth of humanity. While Secretary of State Dulles and 
the plenipotentiary of Chiang Kai-shek's papier mache regime solemnly nego- 
tiated a mutual defense treaty, the People's Republic of China, the actual Gov- 
ernment of China, firmly established its constitutional claim to world recog- 
nition. 

The Constitution of the People's Republic of China is a genuinely democratic 
document. It is the more remarkable in that it comes only a brief 5 years after 
the Chinese people achieved national independence and their first experience, 
as a nation of domestic political democracy made possible by the end of 
feudal, landlord domination. Recalling the long years of tutelage advocated by 
Chiang Kai-shek before the Chinese people could be deemed ready for democ- 
racy the new constitution is further evidence that the surest teacher of democ- 
racy is the experience itself. 

The Constitution of the People's Republic of China is the product of the demo- 
cratic experience of the Chinese people in the 5 years since liberation. From the 
first days of the People's Republic, wherever conditions made it possible, all 
people's representatives conferences were functioning on a local level and elected 
interim people's governments. It was through such democratic processes and ex- 
periences of the great majority of the Chinese people that advances in political 
consciousness and practice were gained. Participation in land reform, recon- 
struction of war-devastated industry, flood control, and other major national 
efforts coupled with the achievement of equality for women freed China's pop- 
ulation for constructive participation in the great task of creating a modern 
industrial nation. These are the material conditions on which the constitution 



366 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

rests and the guaranty that the rights and privileges pronounced will be forth- 
coming in life. Its adoption after intensive nationwide discussion insures its 
popular support. 

Codes of laws in former times drew much of their authority from the divine 
source to which they were attributed or gained respect as the work of some 
outstanding lawgiver. Such were the Ten Commandments and the codes of 
Hammurabi and Justinian. In contrast to these, the new Chinese Constitution 
bears in every part the imprint of its earthy origin. 

The United States, the French, the Indian, and many other constitutions, 
while containing a procedure for amendments, are on their face perpetual. 
The Chinese Constitution is distinguished from these as it explicitly contemplates 
its termination in the not too distant future. It is without cavil a constitution 
for an envisaged period of transition from a capitalist to a socialist society. 
The preamble states as the perspective "that China can in a peaceful way elimin- 
ate exploitation and poverty and build a prosperous and happy socialist society." 
The classes in Chinese society today — the workers, farmers, petty bourgeoisie^ 
national bourgeoisie, and their place in this projected period of change are 
precisely delimited (arts. 1-20). 

Liu Shao-chi, chairman of the constitutional drafting committee, declared in 
his report to the National People's Congress : The constitution sets "down in 
legal form, the central tasks of our country in the transition period." The 
constitution is a framework within "which the people of the entire country unite 
to build a socialist society * * *. We shall give the capitalists the necessary 
length of time so that they may accept the transformation step by step, under the 
leadership of the state and the working class." 

The basic structure of the state is clearly defined in article I : "The People's 
Republic of China is a people's democratic state led by the working class and 
based on the alliance of workers and peasants." Article II declares that "all 
power * * * belongs to the people." The government's first concern is plainly 
those who were the have-nots under Chiang Kai-shek's corrupt landlord regime, 
workers and farmers, who comprise about 90 percent of the population. Work 
is now "a matter of honor for every citizen" (art. 16). The leading role ac- 
corded the workers is reflected in the electoral law which governs the election of 
deputies to the National People's Congress. The law apportions 1 deputy to 
every 800,000 persons in rural areas and 1 for every 100,000 persons in cities. 

Of great significance is the guaranty of equality for China's formerly sub- 
jugated national minorities — 60 different minority groups comprising over 40 
million people. Though only 7 percent of the total population, the national 
minorities have a minimum of 150 deputies, that is to say, about 13 percent of the 
deputies of the National People's Congress. 

The fundamental rights and duties of citizens are set forth in articles 85 to 
103. These enumerate civil, economic, and other rights. "All citizens are equal 
before the law" (art. 85). "All citizens who have reached the age of 18 have 
the right to elect and be elected" (art. 86). "Citizens * * * have freedom of 
speecli, the press, assembly, association, procession and demonstration." The 
state provides the necessary material facilities to guarantee to citizens the en- 
joyment of these freedoms (art. 87). Reminiscent of President Roosevelt's 
proposals for an Economic Bill of Rights (Message on the state of the Union, 
Jan. 11, 1944) are such rights as "the right to work * * *. The state guaranties 
this right by planned development of the national economy, by increasing employ- 
ment step by step, improving working conditions and raising real wages" (art. 
91). Coupled with this is "the right to rest" (art. 92) ; "the right to material 
assistance in old age, in illness and disability" (art. 93), and "the right to educa- 
tion" (art. 94). Tlie means "to guarantee" each of these rights is spelled out. 
Especially noteworthy is the declaration that women are "to enjoy equal rights 
with men in all spheres of political, economic, cultural, social, and domestic life" 
(art. 96). 

Two significant and unique rights guaranteed in China's Constitution are : (1) 
Tiie right to make charges "against any government worker for transgression of 
law or negligence of duty" and "the right to compensation" for any resultant 
loss ; and, (2) the right of asylum for foreigners "persecuted for supporting a just 
cause, for taking part in the peace movement or for scientific activities" (art. 
97). 

Article 14 prohibits any person "using his private property to undermine public 
interests." Article 17 requires that "all organs of state must rely on the masses 
of the people, constantly maintain contact with them, heed their opinions and 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 367 

accept their supervision." A remedy if deputies fail to lieed this mandate is also 
f^TlJ.^" ^ ^"^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^^ ^"^ replace their elected deputies at any time" 

(ai t. Oa) . 

Chairman Mao Tse-tung, in connection with attaining the long-range objectives 
embodied in the constitution, called upon the Chinese people to "be prepared in 
the course of sevei-al 5-year plans ^ * * * to build our country, at present 
economically and culturally backward, into agreat industrialized countiy with 
a high standard ot living and culture." ^ By these plans the Chinese people, 
lelymg mainly on their own toil and resources, seek to make a better life for 
themselves. Ihis vast project involving 600 million people is clearly a peace 
plan— It requires peace for its realization, and it requires coexistence among the 
nations, ihe constitution states that China's policy is to "develop relations with 
all countries, based on the principles of equality, mutual benefit, and mutual 
respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity" and to "strive for the noble 
cause of world peace" (preamble). Peace is a "must" for China as for all 
mankind. 

Inciters of war with China, powerful and vociferous though a minoritv have 
turned their back on our traditions of 1776. The America that seeks peace and 
trade with our new Pacific neighbor is in the majority. This America, as it learns 
the terms of the new constitution, will greet the dignity and progress won bv the 
i^3.^^.^*^ P^'^P^^- '^^^^^ constitution is palpable evidence that the People's Republic 
ot China is here to stay. To deny recognition is to gainsay reality and will surely 
serve our interest ill. 

This constitution is a tocsin like our own Declaration of Independence sum- 
moning above all, China's workers and farmers, newly freed from feudal and 
foreign control, to win the abundance which they have been so long denied 
Patriotism as well as the highest type of enlightened self-interest is served bv 
Americans standing foursquare for peace, trade, and friendship with the Chinese 
people and their People's Republic. 

uc?^^^' 5f°^^^^' I ^^^ow you a pamphlet, Far East Eeporter, entitled 
State Capitalism in China." Is that your publication ? 
Miss Russell. It is. 

Mr. Morris. May that go into the record by reference, Mr. Chair- 

an? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 148" and was 
placed in the subcommittee file.) 

Mr. Morris. I show you a Far East Reporter, entitled "China's 
Foreign Trade Soars— Why Can't Americans Benefit?" Is that your 
publication? 

Miss Russell. It is. 

Mr. ]MoRRis. May that go in the record, Mr. Chairman ? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 

(The pamplilet referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 149 " The 
text of the pamphlet follows :) 

Exhibit No. 149 
China's Fokeign Teade Soars— Why Can't Americans Benefit? 

The United States Declaration of Independence contained a long list of ac- 
cusations against the British King. One of the most important was "for cut- 
ting off our trade with all parts of the world. 

This was a major grievance leading to the Revolutionary War for inde- 
pendence. Freedom of trade and freedom of the seas have been traditional 
American slogans, though often misused. 

Today trade with new China offers the American toolmakiug, machine and 
automotive workers, American seamen and longshoremen, the American farmer 
technician and businessman the possibility of peacetime jobs and profits that do 
n ot bring i n their wake enormous wartime taxes and war itself. We are cut 

1 China's first 5-year plan beRin in 1952. 
16, 1954.^^^ *"* ^^^ opening of the National People's Congress, New York Times, September 



man^ 



368 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

^fF frr.ni fhi«! trade not bv a foreign government but by our Government in 
Washington The vir?ual& complefe embargo on trade with new China has 
notreduced China's foreign trade which in 1951 registered a sizable increase 
mer that of 1928, the record year under the Chiang Kai-shek regime In 1951 
China's international trade doubled in volume over the year 1950. In that year 
China also achieved an export surplus for the first time since 18 <0. 

PRODUCTION UP 

These new developments in China's foreign trade date from 1949 when the 
Chinese people ended feudaUsm and colonialism in their country. China has 
alwavs been known for the abundance of her natural resources. The rapid 
restoration and development of her economy in the past 3 years has made it 
possible to utilize those natural resources much more effectively than m the 
nast Moreover, the successful completion of agrarian reform has generated 
a tremendous enthusiasm among the peasants resulting in greatly increased 
nroduction Total agricultural production in 1951 has already surpassed the 
hi-hest prewar level. The natural result of this rapid growth in production 
ha's been a larger export potential for agricultural produce, animal products, 
mineral products and industrial manufacturers. China is now producing soy- 
beans tung oil, vegetable oils, pork, eggs, tea. silk and silk products, bristles, 
coal, salt, and other commodities in large quantities which are more than enough 
to meet domestic requirements and can be exported. 

MORE INCOME — MORE BXTYERS 

New China's growing capacity to export is wellmatched by her capacity to 
import Under Chiang Kai-shek this capacity was limited by the constant 
deterioration of her economy and the poverty of the masses of the population 
This situation has completely changed. One of the distinguishing features of 
new China and a notable expression of her healthy economy is the rapid growth 
of the effective purchasing power of her workers and peasants. In the north- 
east area (Manchuria), as an example, wages and salaries in 19.51 registered 
an increase of 260 percent as compared with March 1948. Peasant income has 
also increased as a result of greater increase of productivity since land reform. 
The purchase of new tvpes of farm tools by peasants throughout the country 
in 1951 increased 151.:-! percent as compared with 19-50. Growing purchasing 
power means an expanding market. Under the new conditions created by the 
economic measures of the People's Republic of China the proverbial saying 
that "the China market is inexhaustible" is for the first time becoming a reality. 

ON THE "basis OF EQUALITY" 

The official policy of the government of the People's Republic of China in 
re"-ard to foreign trade is verv clearly stated in article 57 of the Common Pro- 
gram of the People's P-olitioal Consultative Conference : "to develop trading and 
commercial relations with foreign governments and people on the basis of equal- 
ity and mutual benefit." This insistence on a "basis of equality and mutual 
benefit" is a reflection of the determination of new China never to return to 
the type of foreign-trade relations which existed before 1949 when old China's 
foreign trade was semicolonial in character. At that time exports, for example, 
consisted mainly of agricultural products and industrial raw materials while its 
imports consisted of luxuries and certain types of consumer goods sold in China, 
not because China needed them, but because the sellers wanted to get rid of them 
and reap excess profits. As a result, machinery needed for industrial use con- 
stituted less than 10 percent of old China's total annual imports. The United 
States World Economic Report for 1950-51 shows that in 1950, SO percent of the 
total imports of new China consisted of machinery and scarce industrial raw 
material while in the prewar period imports had consisted mainly of consumi> 
tion goods. 

TRADK AGREEMENTS 

Based on strict adherence to its declared policy of commercial relations 
witli all foreiirn countries on a basis of equality and mutual benefit, new China 
has since 1950. annually concluded agreements with the Soviet Union, Czecho- 
slovakia, Poland, Hungary, and the German Democratic Republic. 

In the spring of 1952, representatives of the People's Republic of China, con- 
vinced that irrespective of differences in social, economic, and political systems, 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACXrVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 369 

different countries can live peacefully and develop normal trade relations of 
benefit to all, attended the International Economic Conference at Moscow along 
with representatives of 48 other nations. New China takes the position that 
trade does not involve the question of recognition. During the period of the 
Conference, the Chinese delegation concluded trade arrangements with 11 
nations including Great Britain, France, Italy, Belgium, West Germany, the 
Netherlands, Switzerland, Ceylon, Indonesia, Pakistan, and Finland with a 
total import and export value of $224 million. Later in the year, in Peking, 
some Japanese businessmen concluded a trade agreement amounting to some 
$180 million with the China Committee for the Promotion of International Trade. 

UNITED STATES EilBAEGO POLICY BOOMERANGS 

It should be clear from this brief survey of new China's rapidly expanding 
foreign trade that the United States policy of blockades, embargoes, and the 
like, is a negative policy that cannot achieve its object: to obstruct new China's 
industrial growth and development. What this policy does achieve is to reduce 
the volume of United States foreign trade causing a drop in employment in all 
phases of maritime activity including shipbuilding and repair, marine supply 
and port activity. On December 28, 1952, a spokesman for the National Federa- 
tion of American Shipping, Inc., revealed that 20,000 United States seamen and 
officers were thrown out of work and 5.50 United States owned vessels taken out 
of service during the year. It is a policy which cuts off American workers and 
businessmen from a steadily rising market for machinery and equipment — a 
market which does not vanish in times of depression or depend on war for its 
existence. It is in the bread-and-butter interest of American labor and in the 
war-or-peace interest of every American to demand an end to this policy. A 
positive policy of normal trade and friendship with new China is a policy that 
means millions of peacetime jobs and cooperation for peace instead of provoca- 
tion for war. 

Published by Maud Russell, Room 500, 111 West 42d Street, New York, N. Y. 

Mr. Morris. I show you another Far East Eeporter, entitled 
"Wanted : A Far East Geneva." Is that your publication ? 

Miss Russell. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. INIay that go in the record, Mr. Chairman ? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 

(The pamphlet referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 150." The 
text of the pamphlet follows :) 

E.rHiBiT No. 150 

Wanted : A Far East Geneva 
(By Susan Warren^) 

This article, reprinted from the New World Review, points up 
the importance of a Far East "Geneva" Conference on Korea, Indo- 
china. Taiwan, and other unresolved Asian issues. The present 
negotiations between the United States and Chinese ambassadors 
can, despite the diehard opposition of the China lobby, be a big step 
toward such a conference. The relaxation of the United States 
embargo on China trade is already hinted at. Expression of public 
opinion on this and the proposal of Senator George for a meeting 
between Secretary of State Dulles and Foreign Minister Chou En-lai 
are very much in order. 

The Bandung Conference in which China played a leading part 
was either ignored or minimized in the American press. Recent 
events in Algeria, Cyprus, and Indonesia have demonstrated the 
Asian-African Conference's profound and worldwide impact. Sub- 
ject peoples can no longer be cheated by guile or cowed by force 
from moving toward freedom here and now and not in some rosy but 
distant future. 



1 Susan Warren has lonjj been a student and writer on far eastern affairs. Slie was 
formerly editor of the publication Far East Spotlight. 



370 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Nor is the vote of the United States delegate to the United Nations 
against even discussing Algeria, Cyprus, and the return of west 
Iran to Indonesia lilcely to strengthen the claim of United States 
leadership of the free world. The hoary but threadbare alibi that all 
would be well in the world if only the Kremlin would cease its 
conspiracies finds fewer and fewer takers. 

The United States was in its time a "conspiracy" against the 
despotic monarchs of Europe. The spirit of 1776 reaches out to 
those who seek freedom in 1955 with friendship and support. 

Most significant in President Eisenhower's report to the Nation on Geneva 
was the statement, "But I do know the people of the world want peace. Moreover, 
evei-y other individual who was at Geneva likewise felt this longing of mankind. 
So there is great pressure to advance constructively * * *" With all regard 
for the ebullient personalities who took part, Geneva's secret of success was 
that unseen guest who spoke with the most persuasive voice of all — "the pressure 
of the people of the world for peace." Pressure, which some have tended to think 
a little vulgar, like many other things becomes eminently respectable when there 
is enough of it. Today "pressure for peace" has become highly respectable, 
because there is so much it has become irresistible. 

Yet there are still those who do not want peace. Senator Knowland, for 
example, has already begun to gnaw away at the new-found atmosphere of 
conciliation. After a grudging nod to the Geneva talks, the real Knowland soon 
broke through : "Neither we nor the free world must lull ourselves into a 'Little 
Ked Riding Hood' belief that because the wolf has put on grandmother's cap and 
nightgown, his teeth are any the less sharp * * *" And for Chiang Kai-shek, 
Syngman Khee and Ngo Dinh Diem, Premier of South Vietnam, increased tension 
and war are conditions of survival. Rejecting the implications of Geneva, they 
seek desperately to return to positions of strength. 

Testimony to the urgency of a Far East "Geneva" comes from the most varied 
sources. The Wall Street Journal (August 1) notes long-mounting evidence 
"that the real explosion point of the world lies not in Western Europe but in the 
Far East." Senator Walter F. George, Democratic chairman of the Senate For- 
eign Relations Committee, has called for "face to face" negotiations between Sec- 
retary Dulles and Chinese Foreign Minister Chou En-lai. In the British House 
of Commons, 20 Labor members urged another conference on Geneva lines, in- 
cluding People's China and India, to discuss "urgent Asian" issues. Prime Min- 
ister Nehru of India declared (July 19) that the "Far Eastern situation is one of 
the two major problems of the world * * * it is more explosive than the German 
problem * * * it cannot be ignored." And Prime Minister Nu of Burma, whose 
gentle wisdom so impressed Americans on his recent visit, told the press in Tokyo 
that "A world conference of all countries interested in Asia would be a very good 
thing," suggesting "tension in the Taiwan area and Indochina" as the top items. 
Prime Minister Bulganin, reporting to the Supreme Soviet, described Geneva as a 
"major historical event" signifying a turn in the relations between the U. S. S. R. 
and the West. He stressed that the Far East is one of the areas of tension which 
should be examined in the new spirit of Geneva. Finally, Premier Chou En-lai, 
at the National People's Congress in Peking, hailed the Geneva Conference as 
one of "positive achievements." He warned, however, that failure to discuss at 
Geneva the lessening of tension in Asia and the Far East did not mean it had 
become less urgent : "On the contrary, the situation in the Far East is explo- 
sive. * * * Many Asian countries have proposed the holding of a Par Eastern 
Conference * * * to settle the question of easing tension in the Far East. We 
support this proposal." The recurring word is "explosive." 

The administration's announcement of a United States-Chinese meeting of Am- 
bassadors opened the door to the warm winds of Geneva on the Far East. By 
the dramatic release on July 31 of 11 United States airmen with the hope that 
"this measure will have favorable effects on our present talks," the Chinese were, 
in fact, making a bid to clear the decks for a discussion of crucial issues. Of 
these, Formosa remains flammable. At Bandung, and subsequently, the People's 
Republic of China has indicated willingness to discuss with the United States the 
question of easing tension in that area. 

The liberation of Formosa itself they regard as an internal affair. However, 
they have made clear that "conditions permitting," they are ready "to seek the 
liberation of Taiwan (Formosa) by peaceful means" and to enter into negotia- 
tions with the "responsible local authorities of Taiwan" to this end. Thus it 
would appear that the Chinese answer to Secretary Dulles' hope that the Chinese 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 371 

will "renoimce the use of force" is to remind liim that without United States 
intervention nothing stands in the way of a peaceful solution of the Formosa 
problem. 

The very act of an American Ambassador meeting with a Chinese Ambassador 
cannot but help create more favorable conditions for negotiating a Far Eastern 
settlement. At the present writing the meeting at Geneva has not moved beyond 
the first point — "the return of civilians of both sides to their respective countries." 
The atmosphere, however, remains cordial and there is every reason to hope that 
Chinese Ambassador Wang's expressed conviction that "the forthcoming talks 
may pave the way for further negotiations between China and the United States" 
can be realized. 

Indochina is another principal tinderbox in the Far East. The Geneva agree- 
ment of 1954 temporarily divided Vietnam at the 17th parallel, but set general 
nationwide elections for July 1956 so the country could be unified. The elections, 
like the truce, were to be supervised by an International Commission composed 
of India, Canada, and Poland. Preparatory consultations between competent 
authorities of North and South Vietnam were set for July 20, 1955. 

An "intelligent reader's guide" to understanding the dangerous situation in 
Vietnam today should include a series of New York Times and other United States 
press editorials and comment which opened a well-timed barrage weeks in ad- 
vance of the date for preliminary election consultations. "It is no secret," said 
a Times editorial of June 29, "that the United States did not like the Geneva 
agreements * * * the United States was not a signatory nor was the free Govern- 
ment of South Vietnam." On July 7, it urged support of South Vietnam's demand 
for "more adequate supervision by the U. N. or an enlarged international com- 
mission." 

Through the early summer and midsummer of 1955, this theme with infinite 
variations filled the United States press. Senator Mike Mansfield, the United 
States Senate Foreign Relations Committee's Vietnam expert, offered his 
opinion: "I don't think there should be elections in Indochina," also on the 
basis that neither South Vietnam nor the United States were signatories to 
the agreement. Admitting the "possibility" that breaking the Geneva agreement 
might reopen civil war in Vietnam, the Senator added that the United States 
should give "every possible support" by ground troops in that event. 

Thus nobody was surprised when South Vietnam's Premier on August 10, 
rejected outright North Vietnam's offer to discuss general elections to reunite 
the country, on the basis that South Vietnam had not signed the Geneva agree- 
ment, that he must first have assurance that the elections in North Vietnam 
would be "truly free." In "truly free" South Vietnam, where Reuters (July 3) 
repoi'ted the arrest of "more than 100 men and women for demonstrating in 
favor of elections to unite Vietnam," the reason for this official lack of en- 
tusiasm is not hard to find. The New York Times (July 8) remarked that in 
South Vietnam "Peasants make up 80 to 90 percent of the population and it often 
appears that the Diem Government has few real roots among them." 

The plan here is to revive the United States proposal, rejected at the 1954 
conference, that the elections should be handled by the United Nations. 

Can anyone believe that the "demonstrations" in Saigon in which the demon- 
strators were brought into the city (Alliance France Presse) "by lumdreds of 
trucks, most of them belonging to the South Vietnam army" to storm and pillage 
the hotels housing the personnel of the International Commission and the 
almost simultaneous "spontaneous demonstrations" against the Polish and 
Czech members of the Neutral Nations Supevisory Commission in South Korea, 
are anything but a desperate effort to reverse the Korean truce and the 1954 
Geneva agreements? It was these two monumental achievements that made 
Geneva 1955 possible. To wreck them would be to undo Geneva itself. That 
this is the object was made plain enough by Syngman Rhee. Addi-essing a 
"rally" in Seoul, he attacked United States policy as one which now advanced 
"a new peace of mutual forbearance," and urged the free world "to abandon 
the drift toward this and other * * * policies." N. Y. Times, August 15. 

This article opened on a note which might be called "in praise of pressure." 
Viewing the New Look abroad in the world, the growing acceptance of the pos- 
sibility of "living together in peace," renunciation of force, negotiating differ- 
ences, it can truly be said, "See what the people have wrought." But the victory 
is not automatically secured forever. It must be defended against those who 
want to return to the pre-Geneva way. Can there be any doubt that the Ameri- 
can people will move on to demand concrete actions along the path which their 
own efforts and that of the peoples of the world has opened? Today the Far 



372 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

East urgently requires such actions. A Far East "Geneva" is on tlie order of 
the day. 

Mr. Morris. I show you a pamphlet entitled, "China Trade Facts," 
published by the Far East Keporter, Maud Russell, publisher. Is 
that your publication? 

Miss Russell. It is. 

Mr. JMoRRis. May that go in the record by reference, Mr. 
Chairman ? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 

(The pamphlet referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 151" and 
was placed in the subcommittee files.) 

Mr. Morris. I show you a Far East Reporter entitled "Formosa 
(Taiwan)," by Susan Warren. Is that your publication? 

Miss Russell. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Who is Susan Warren ? 

Miss Russell. A writer. 

Mr. Morris. Wliere is she now ? 

Miss Russell. I don't Imow. 

Mr. Morris. Where was she when she sent this article? 

Miss Russell. I don't know. I copied it from another magazine. 
It is a reprint. 

Mr. Morris. May that go into the record by reference, Mr. 
Chairman ? 

Chairman Welker. I think in fairness to the witness, she should 
be entitled to tell what magazine she copied it from. 

Miss Russell. It is on there. 

Senator Welker. All right. It should go in. 

(The pamphlet referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 152" and 
placed in the subcommittee files.) 

Mr. Morris (reading) : 

Susan Warren has long been a student and writer on far eastern affairs. 
She was formerly the editor of the Far East Spotlight. 

Senator Welker. Was that the publication from which you copied 
this article on Formosa? 

Do you have a question, Mr. Rein ? 

Mr. Rein. I thmk maybe if she saw the publication she might be 
able to answer the question a little better. 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

Miss Russell. It tells on the back from what magazine it was 
copied or reprinted. 

Senator Welker. Is it correct that the article in this pamplilet 
is a reprint from the March 1955 issue of the New World Review, 
and distributed by Far East Reporter, 103 West 93d Street, New 
York, 25, N. Y.? 

Miss Russell. That is what it says ; that is true. 

Mr. Morris. Was that ]:>ublication formerly Soviet Russia Today? 

Miss Russell. I think it was. 

Mr. Monms. Mr, Chairman, I have here the Far East Reporter, 
Descriptive Maps of China. 

Is that your publication. Miss Russell? 

Miss Russell. That is. 

Mr. INIoRRis. ]May that go into the record by reference, Mr. 
Chairman? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 373 

(The document referred to was marked "Exliibit No. 153'' and 
may be found in the subcommittee files. ) 

Mr. Morris. I have here a Far East Reporter, entitled "The Truth 
About Indochina." Is that your publication ? 

Miss Russell. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may that go into the record ? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit Xo. 154" and may 
be found in the subcommittee files.) 

Mr. Morris. I have here a Far East Reporter, entitled "China: 
Visitors Welcome ! " Is that your publication ? 

Miss Russell. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may that go in the record ? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 155" and may 
be found in the subcommittee files.) 

Mr. Morris. I have here a Far East Reporter, entitled "Bandung, 
Asian-African Conference." Is that your publication, Miss Russell ? 

Miss Russell. That is. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may that go into the record ? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 156." The 
text of the introduction to the pamphlet follows:) 

Exhibit No. 156 
Introduction 

On April 18, 1955, amid cheering crowds in the beautiful, flag-bedecked moun- 
tain resort town of Bandung, Indonesia, 600 delegates of 29 countries entered 
Merdeka (Freedom) Hall to open the long-heralded Asian- African Conference. 
At this conference, the first of its kind in history, leaders of 1,450 million people 
of 2 gi*eat continents who make up more than half of the world's total population 
met to advance the solution of their common problems. The delegates came from 
diverse cultures and social systems. Here were represented at least 8 different 
religions and 40 different languages. Here were, linked to the West by defense 
pacts, nations of SEATO (South-East Asia Treaty Organization) and METO 
(Middle East Treaty Organization) and Japan; neutralists India, Burma, Indo- 
nesia, Egypt, Syria, Afghanistan ; and on the road to socialism, China and North 
Vietnam. What were the forces which brought them together, and what 
common goals did they seek in Bandung? 

The end of World War II saw great upheavals in Asia. Many nations won at 
least nominal freedom from colonial rule. At first they saw tlie United States 
as an ally in their independence movements, but American aid disappointed 
them, and as Asian economies failed to expand, as foreign trade deficits grew" 
and cost of living rose, as more and more guns were featured and no steel mills, 
they began to realize that this aid was merely a new form of imperialist domina- 
tion. On the other hand, the achievement of China in economic advance, and 
the contribution of China and the Colombo Powers to the Geneva talks were new 
developments in Asia which gave heart to the Asian peoples. The five principles 
of peaceful coexistence (mutual respect for each other's sovereignty and terri- 
torial integrity ; nonaggression ; noninterference in each other's internal affairs : 
equality and mutual benefit; and peaceful coexistence) first set down by Nehru 
of India and Chou En-lai of China, were governing the relations of a growing 
number of states. Nehru proclaimed that the acceptance of these principles 
"enlarged the area of peace" and indicated "a certain historical change in the 
relationships of forces in Asia * * * and it will not be possible in the future to 
ignore what the countries of Asia think about themselves or their neighbors. 
They were ready to establish themselves independently in the world political 
arena, and they realized that their fate was tied to the fate of Africa, and to 
world peace. 



374 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

lu December lt).j4 the Prime Ministers of India, Paliistan, Ceylon, Burma, and 
Indonesia (The Colombo Powers — so named because of the influential Colombo 
Conference meeting in April 1954 at the time of the Geneva tallis, and no rela- 
tion to the Colombo plan, a British-led development program) met in Bogor, 
Indonesia, to sponsor an Asian-African Conference, to be held April 18-24, 1955, 
and issued invitations to 25 nations to participate on a ministerial level. The 
purposes of the conference, as set forth in the invitation were : 

(a) To promote good wiU and cooperation among the nations of Asia and 
Africa ; to explore and advance their mutual as well as common interests 
and to establish and further friendliness and neighborly relations. 

(&) To consider social, economic, and cultural problems and relations 
of countries represented. 

(c) To consider problems of special interest to Asian and African peoples, 
for example, problems affecting national sovereignty and of racialism and 
colonialism. 

(d) To view the position of Asia and Africa and their peoples in the 
world today and the contribution they can make to the promotion of world 
peace and cooperation. 

It was repeatedly stressed that it was not the aim of the conference to set 
up a regional anti-Western bloc, or to provide a battleground for ideologies. 

The countries invited included most of the independent or semiindependent 
nations of Asia and Africa, for the most part young states which have achieved 
independence in the last 10 years, and which are united in opposition to colonial- 
ism and their desire for peaceful development of economic relations. All but 
one (Central African Federation) accepted. Not invited were Formosa ("we 
do not recognize it as a state"), Union of South Africa (excluded because of its 
racial policy), Israel (because of Arab pressure, though the conference was not 
basically anti-Israel). Most significant was the the absence of the imperialist 
powers which have dominated the colonial world and all previous international 
or area parleys. 

The conference was immediately heralded as a turning point in Asian and 
world affairs : 

Ali Sastroamidjojo, Prime Minister of Indonesia : "We hope that the 
Asian-African Conference will open a new chapter in the history of man's 
endeavor to achieve peace in the world." ( NYT April 20. ) 

Jawaharlal Nehru, Prime Minister of India : "The Asian-African Con- 
ference is a final symliol of the emergence of Asia after 200 years of domi- 
nation by western countries. It seems to be a high privilege of countries 
outside to carry the burden of Asia on their shoulders. Discussions are 
made affecting Asia in which Asia has little to say. But it is obvious that 
things have changed." (Indian Information Service, March 31.) "We are 
marching in step witli history and so success must come to us. It means 
the self justification of Asia in her own right. It means a healthy climate 
of peace and cooperation in Asia and in the world." (NYT April 16.) 

Tatsunosuke Takasaki, Economic Minister of Japan : "I hope this confer- 
ence will light the beacon of an Asian and African renaissance and that we 
will once again raise high the torchlight of our indigenous civilization." 
(NYT April 20.) 

Indonesian Harian Kakjat editorial (December 31) : "The conference will 
write a new page in Asian history." 

Peking People's Daily editorial (January 5) : "Our voices have been ig- 
nored for a long time and our aspirations and demands mocked and sup- 
pressed by others. But a change has now taken place. * * * The fate of 
these vast areas, these countries and peoples, can no longer be controlled 
by others. Asia has undergone a radical change and dawn is rising over 
the so-called dark continent of Africa." 
The Negro people recognized in the struggle of the colonial peoples against 
oppression the counterpart of fhoir own struggle for freedom and full equality, 
and the Negro press reflected this appraisal of the importance of the conference. 
"Without question the conference is the most important international conclave 
to be held in the history of mankind." (Pittsburgh Courier, April 16, 1955.) 
"A new-found solidarity of the colored peoples of the world." (Afro-American, 
April .30.) "One cannot begin to calculate the broad implications of such a 
meeting." (Ethel Payne in the Chicago Defender, April 16.) "It cannot be 
denied. It is a call for freedom and human dignity." (Horace Cayton in Pitts. 
Cour., April 30.) Representative Adam Clayton Powell described the conference 
as potentially the "most important event of this century. * * * it will be a 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 375 

different world from Monday on. It won't be one dominated by western powers 
but instead it will be one in which eastern powers also must be reckoned with." 

The people of Asia showed their support of the conference in tremendous mass 
demonstrations, 50,000 in Madras, 100,000 in Djakarta, thousands in many other 
cities, carrying posters with slogans such as "Eliminate colonialism and develop 
peaceful cooperation." Thousands of young people marched five abreast in a 
torchlight procession in Bandung during the conference. In fact, all of Indonesia 
took on an air of festival. The central trade-union organization appealed to all 
working people to give unreserved support to make the conference a success. 

Greetings came to the conference from individuals, organizations, and heads 
of governments in all parts of the world. There was no greeting from Washing- 
ton. ( "We do not believe that the relationship of this Government to the Bandung 
Conference would warrant such a message.") It cannot be denied that Washing- 
ton feared and tried successively to condemn, ignore, and sabotage the confer- 
ence. John Foster Dulles hurried to Bangkok in February and called a meeting 
of SEATO nations. He failed either to dragoon any other nations into SEATO 
or to influence them away from a neutralist position. Not wanting to risk 
condemnation by openly opposing or boycotting the Asian-African Conference, 
United States policy turned to sabotage from within. The Philippines and Thai- 
land, who had originally indicated they would not attend, sent delegations bearing 
"greetings" from Bangkok. 

The Asian press and many government spokesmen denounced the Bangkok 
conference, with its talk of "mobile striking power" and "cooperative security 
measures for detection and control," as the very opposite of what the Asian- 
African Conference represented. The totally different nature of the two gather- 
ings was sharply pointed up by the Times of India and the Indonesian Harian 
Rakjat, February 23: "Bangkok and the Asian-African Conference represent 
two contrasting principles. The former is directed at war, the latter toward 
peace ; the former is based on antagonism, the latter on friendship." Peace, not 
military alliance, is the way to human welfare. 

Criticism in the Asian press and among the delegates generally was equally 
sharp and widespread for Voice of America speeches on the conference floor 
which were felt to be "out of tune" with the spirit of the conference; for the 
effort to isolate China by talk of "buildup" in the Formosa area just before the 
conference; for the carefully timed Eisenhower annoimcement of $2 billions in 
aid to Asia made while the conference was in session ; for the sabotage to a 
plane bringing death to Chinese delegates and Indian air personnel en route to 
Indonesia ; and for the open lobbying of the United States xiress, humorously re- 
ferred to as the "largest delegation to Bandung" — 70 strong. There was that 
correspondent of mysterious status, Representative Adam Clayton Powell, who 
arrived in an Army plane, urged those delegates who spoke with the Voice of 
America to make even stronger divisive statements, and called a press conference 
to give glowing accounts of the high status of the Negro people in the United 
States. He was generally regarded in Bandung as a "de facto envoy of the 
State Department." Since his return to the United States, Congressman Powell 
has made many statements on Bandung — some of them good and constructive 
and some in the same vein employed at Bandung — divisive and brash. One cannot 
disagree with his statement that "29 Asian-African nations meeting in Bandung 
last week placed the United States squarely on the spot. * * * The Asian- 
African Conference was neither antiAvhite nor anti-American, but it most defi- 
nitely had overtones of being against great chunks of American foreign policy. 
Because time is running out * * * we must place ourselves solidly on the side of 
the people fighting colonialism, radicalism, and intolerance in any form. Second. 
we must realize this: There is now a new group of powers in the world * * * 
and we must consult with them in every move we make in Asia and Africa from 
now on." On the other hand, the reaction to Representative Powell's "sweetness 
and light" account of the racial situation in the United States was best expressed 
by the Negro publication, Afro-American (April 30) : "If the State Department 
had any reservations about Mr. Powell before he took off for the Asian-African 
Conference, he quickly dispelled them upon his arrival. * * * News accounts 
say that Mr. Powell confounded his listeners with his blissful account of how 
lovely and serene were relations between white and colored Americans these days. 
To tell the truth, Mr. Powell confounded us, too." 

Despite all attempts at pressure and intimidation the delegates would not allow 
themselves to be diverted. They hailed Chou En-lai's conciliatory speeches and 
his statement on reducing tension, and accepted as the dominant spirit of the 



376 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

conference the "seeking of common ground while keeping differences." Indonesian 
Antara News Agency reported, April 26 : 

"It is generally conceded that the attitude of the Chinese Premier contributed 
much to the success of the conference. The Chinese delegate time and time 
again proved to be prepared to meet his counterpart halfway, or even much 
farther. Chou's statement expressing readiness to enter into negotiations with 
the United States is in line with the whole conference which aimed at lessening 
the danger of war." 

Amid prolonged cheering and applause the delegates adopted at the final 
session a communique remarkable for its unanimity and forcefulness in the 
broad range of subjects it covers. This statement expresses the will of three- 
fifths of the world's population to take their destiny into their own hands and 
oppose all forms of oppression ; to develop economic and cultural cooperation be- 
tween the Asian and African peoples ; and to "live together in peace." 

The influence of the conference is growing daily. Seeds were planted at 
Bandung that will bear fruit for years to come. Many friendly contacts were 
made outside of the conference hall that are already leading to settlement of 
issues, trade agreements, and cultural exchange. 

As a record of this historic assembly, and as a contribution to the method of 
negotiation in seeking widest areas of agreement. Far East Reporter is happy 
to make available these selected documents of the Asian-African Conference. 

Mr. IVIoRRis. Miss Russell, would it be fair to say that you have 
engaged in lobbying activity on behalf of your beliefs in connection 
with the Far East. 

Miss Russell. No. 

Mr. Morris. Have you urged Government officials, both in Congress 
and the executive branch of the Government, to take a particular 
position on a certain policy ? 

Miss Russell. No. 

Mr. Morris. You never have ? 

Miss Russell. The Far East Reporter has not done that, 

Mr. Morris. Have you, personally ? 

Miss Russell. No. 

Mr. Morris. Has the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern 
Policy ever done that ? 

IVIiss Russell. I stand on my privilege under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. You what? You claim your privilege? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privilege. 

Senator Welker. Thank you. 

Mr. Morris. Has the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern 
Policy engaged in a campaign to discredit the Chinese National Gov- 
ernment and weaken it by demanding an impossible coalition with 
the Communists ? 

Miss Russell. I stand on my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

]\Ir. Morris. Has the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern 
Policy urged representatives in Washington to stoj) all aid to the 
Chinese Nationalist Government? 

Miss Russell. I stand on my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

IVIr. INIoRRis. Has the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern 
Policy, during the time that you were an executive director and prin- 
cipal officer, urged representatives in Washington, including Con- 
gressmen and Senators, to secure the complete withdrawal of Amer- 
ican Armed Forces from China, Japan, and Korea, and the abandon- 
ment of all American bases in these areas? 

Miss Russell. I stand on my privilege under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Has the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern 
Policy, while j^ou were executive director and principal officer, asked 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 377 

Senators and Congressman in Washington to bring about the with- 
drawal of Gen. Albert Wedemeyer from the Chinese theater of war ? 

Miss KussELL. I stand on my privileges. 

Mr. Morris. Has the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern 
Policy, during the time that you served as executive director or prin- 
cipal officer, sought to bring about the resignation of Ambassador 
Patrick Hurley from China? 

Miss Russell. I stand on my ]:>rivileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, do you have anything in the record that 
would indicate an affirmative to those last two questions? 

Mr. JMandel. I have here the Committee for a Democratic Far 
Eastern Policy information bulletin, volume 1, No. 3, dated November 
1945. Under an article entitled "American Intervention in China: 
Official statements versus facts" we find this paragraph : 

There is only one way to avoid this — to pursue a democratic policy. American 
troops in China should be withdrawn at once. The movement and arming of 
Kuomiutang troops must stop. Generals Hurley and Wedemeyer must be 
recalled and the activities investigated. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, did the Committee for a Democratic Far 
Eastern Policy at the time when you were executive director and 
principal officer demand the resignation of Gen. Douglas MacArthur? 

Miss Russell. I stand on my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Did the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Pol- 
icy, during the period you were its executive director, urge Congress- 
men and Senators in Washington to attack the administration of Indo- 
china by the French Government, Malaya by the British, and Indonesia 
by the Dutch? 

Miss Russell. I stand on my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer for the record 
some papers which Mr. Mandel will describe, and by way of describing 
them, will read some of them. May they go into the record at this 
time? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibits No. 157, 157-A, 
and 157-B." The texts follow:) 



378 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 



Exhibit 157 



'^ 



^ 







TO: The President, The Secretary of Stat 
UE DEJAIO): GET OUT 0? CHIMJ 



The United States has made available to Chlans Kai-she! 
five 'billion dollars ($5,000,000,000) worth of American 
arms, and military services since ¥-J Day. This has teen \is 
to condiict civil vrar against the Chinese people. If this 
policy continues, the sending of American combat troops to 
China \7ill Inevitably follow. 



in cfi|Elt^ 



^^ 



TO URGE: 



1. No Loans, No Arms, Ho Troops to China. 

2. 7i thdrat? U. S. military personnel, training 
and advising Ordeing's forces. 

3. AlXo'n the Chinese people to settle their 
orm affairs, and act to restore once more 
the traditional friendship betv;een them 
and oxirselves. 





Name Address 


City & State 


Contribution 




































































Kame of Collector Address & City $ 



Betum to: COMCITEE fOH A DaiOCHATIC 7AB EAST5BH BOLICT, 111 V7. 42nd Street 

Hen York 18, N.T. 
uopT» 16-172 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE "UNITED STATES 379 

Exhibit No. 157-A 

Committee fob a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, 58 Park Avenue, New York, 

N. Y. 

Telephone: Lexington 2-2164, Lexington 2-1189 (Information Committee) 
Executive director : Maud Russell 

What Are We Saying and What Are We Doing? 

CLAIM 

"The United States has assumed a definite obligation in the disarmament and 
evacuation of Japanese troops * * * United States Marines are in north China 
for that purpose. United States support (for China) will not extend to any 
United States military intervention to influence the course of any civil con- 
flict * * *." — President Truman, statement on China Policy, December 15, 1946. 

FACT (6 months LATER) 

"The conference was held * * * between American Intelligence ofiicers and 
Japs. Then a stubby Japanese colonel named Sasai * * * began to speak of 
movements and attaclis made by Communist troops * * * Sasai spoke just as if 
he were taking part in a field conference during a campaign and the Americans 
were his fellow offlcers * * *. On the way back from this conference one of the 
American intelligence officers remarked : 'Those Japs are going to be our allies 
in the next war * * *. They talk our language.' " — John Hersey, in a report 
to the New Yorker, May 5, 1946. 

CLAIM 

"The United States Government considers that the detailed steps necessary to 
the achievement of political unity in China must be worked out by the Chinese 
themselves and that intervention by any foreign government in these matters 
would be inappropriate. The United States Government feels, however, that 
China has a clear responsibility to the other United Nations to eliminate ai'med 
conflict within its territory as constituting a threat to world stability and peace — 
a responsibility which is shared by the National Government and all Chinese 
political and military groups." — President Truman, statement on China Policy, 
December 15, 1946. 

FACT 

"Chinese minority parties fought today to prolong the Manchurian truce, but 
Gen. Tu Yu-ming ; Government army commander in Manchuria, said he expected 
to resume his advance when the armistice with the Communists ended at noon 
June 22." — AP dispatch from Nanking, New York Times, June 9, 1946. 

"The United States Fourth Marine Regiment was reported to have prepared 
defense positions on the outskirts of Tsingtao * * *. The heavy cruiser Los 
Angeles and five destroyers are in the harbor. Twelve United States Corsair 
fighters roared in from Peiping * * *." — New York Times, AP dispatch, June 14, 
1946. 

"As powerful United States — armed forces from Nationalist China pause mid- 
way in their drive along the Mukden-Harbin Railway * * * widespread fighting 
still continues. — New York Times, report by Benjamin Wells, June 15, 1946. 

"American personnel of the Seventh Fleet at Tsingtao are training Chinese to 
operate landing craft * * *." — New York Times, report by Henry R. Lieberman, 
June 16, 1946. 

WHAT YOTT CAN DO 

Write to President Truman, Secretary of State Byrnes, your Senators and 
Congressmen. 

Demand the immediate recall of all United States troops from China. No 
American boys must die fighting beside Japanese against Chinese in a civil war. 

Protest against any loan to China till "peace and unity" are established. Not 
a cent should be given to finance the shedding of Chinese blood. 

Read this committee's monthly bulletin and send your questions about what is 
going on in the Far East to us. 

Contribute to help further the work of this committee. 

We call you to action. 



380 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

(The following appears on the reverse side of the above document :) 

Do We Keep Troops in China for This? 

The China Weekly Review — J. B. Powell, editor and publisher. 
(In the I'nited States, address: 35 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y.) 
John W. Powell ; Edward Rohrpough ; Walter H. Wiener, financial 
editor ; F. K. Chao, business manager. Published at 160 Chung 
Cheng Road (Eastern), Shanghai, China, April 20, 1946. 

NORTH CHINA HUNTING 

Last week an American sailor was shot in north China. A little earlier a 
United States Marine met a similar death at the hands of unidentified persons. 
There have been others who died in countryside ambushes during the months 
since the Jap surrender, and the trend of events shows nothing to indicate 
that there will not be new killings of American servicemen in the future. In 
the early days after the surrender, such shootings were attributed to "Com- 
munists," liut more recently the newspapers have refrained from guessing at the 
political affiliations of the killers. 

The United States is not at war with any faction in China, and though the 
Communists have often accused American forces of aiding the Kuomintang 
directly and indirectly in the civil war, both Red China and Kuomintang China 
have expressed appreciation for the American part in the war against Japan 
and both have welcomed cultural and commercial intercourse with America 
in the future. Both have welcomed the mediation of China's internal diflSculties 
by General Marshall. 

Then why these killings? A little investigation reveals that most of them 
occurred under similar conditions. Usually, 1 or 2 Americans went hunting 
in an area somewhere close to the battle or blockade lines of the two factions 
in China's spasmodic civil war. They were, of course, in uniform and they 
were quite naturally armed. Such circumstances are enough to render the 
status of "hunters" doubtful in the minds of combatants, but they hardly con- 
stitute a full explanation. 

A couple of weeks ago, riding in a .ieep with an enlisted man of the Marines, 
we engaged in a conversation which may further clarify the killings. The 
enlisted man had never seen action, he told us, and he seemed to feel he had 
been cheated. Inspired by stories of Guadalcanal and Tarawa, he bad enlisted 
in the branch of the United States Armed Forces which he thought would 
offer the most opportunities for military glory. He had intended to enroll 
in Harvard University, but Harvard would ahva.ys be there. He could enroll 
in Harvard when he returned to America. Tlie young never doubt that they 
will return. 

But the war ended while he was still in the United States and he came to 
China as a replacement for the men who had fouglit the war in the Pacific. 
There was no prospect of action. There were only bars that charged exorbitant 
prices and coolies who looked to him like a definitely inferior people and girls 
who fawned and pouted and performed for cash. The young Marine thought 
it was all pretty sordid and not glorious at all — nothing to compare with his 
mental picture of blasting a chunky, tough Jap from behind a coral reef. 

He brightened as he talked. Recently things had been picking up. 

"Now we sometimes get to go out on shooting parties," he said. 'That makes 
it a little better." 

He explained about the shooting parties. "An ofljcer goes along and you carry 
automatic weapons, usually a carbine and a .45. Of course, a lot of the time 
you don't see anything, but sometimes you do. I haven't managed to ^o yet, 
but I've been promised a chance for next week." 

Having never heard of the existence of much game in the area, we asked, 
"What do you shoot?" 

"Why. Communists," said the young marine, looking a little surprised. 

It took us a moment or two to absorb the implications of what he had said 
and then we asked, "How do you know they're Communists?" 

"I don't know," he answered. "I guess it's because the Communists are in 
that territory. At least, that's what the Chinese say." 

Then, feeling a little justification necessary, he added, "The guys say they 
pot at us, too." 

The jeep stopped and we got out and thanked the young marine for the lift. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTH^ITY EST THE XMITED STATES 381 

Homecoming Again Delayed 
[New York Herald Tribune, June 5, 1946] 

Shanghai, June 4 (UP). — I'liited States Army forces will not deactivate the 
China theater by the end of June, as originally planned, and may remain for 
the rest of 1946, Lt. Gen. Alvin C. Gillem, Jr., commander of American forces 
in the absence of Lt. Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer, disclosed today. Gillem said 
Army strength will be reduced to 4,000 during the last half of 1946. 

Late in April, "N^'edemeyer said he believed the American mission in China —  
to disarm and repatriate Japanese and move government troops to north China — 
would be completed in June, and that the theater would be deactivated by the 
end of the month. 

In addition to the 4,000 troops mentioned above there are some 50,000 marines 
and many naval units stationed in China. No withdrawal date is set for these. 



Exhibit No. 157-B 

House Bill H. R. 6795 for Militakt Assistance to China 

The Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy appeals to you to do 
everything in your power to prevent or delay the passage of bill H. R. 6795 
which provides for military advice and assistance to the Republic of China 
to aid in modernizing its armed forces for the fulfillment of oliligations which 
may devolve upon it under the Charter of the United Nations, and for other 
purposes. Tliis bill has already been approved by the House Foreign AJfairs 
Committee. 

reasons foe opposition 

1. The 'bill violates the stated policy of the United States as enunciated hy 

President Trvman on December 15, 19/f5 

President Truman said : "It is the firm belief of this Government that a strong, 
united, and democratic China is of the utmost importance to the success of the 
United National Organization and for world peace. * * * 

"* * * the management of internal affairs is the responsibility of the peoples 
of the sovereign nations. 

"* * * United States support will not extend to United States military inter- 
vention to influence the course of any Chinese internal strife. * * * 

"The United States is cognizant that the present National Government of 
China is a 'one party government.' * * * 

"The United States Government considers that the detailed steps necessary 
to the achievement of political unity in China must be worked out by the 
Chinese themselves and that intervention by any foreign government in these 
matters would be inappropriate. 

"China has a clear responsibility to the other United Nations to eliminate 
armed conflict within its territory as constituting a tlireat to world stability 
and peace. * * * 

"As China moves toward peace and unity ^ * * the United States would be 
prepared to assist the National Government in every reasonable way to reha- 
bilitate the country, improve the agrarian and industrial economy, and estab- 
lish a military organization capable of discharging China's national and inter- 
national responsibilities for the maintenance of peace and order." 

Instead of moving toward peace and unity, China today is on the brink of a 
savage, countrywide civil war. 

2. The majority of the Chinese people are nnequivocally opposed to the bill 

(a) General opposition. — An AP dispatch in the New York Times, June 26, 
reported : "Demands for the withdrawal of United States forces from China 
caused grave concern today at the headquarters of Gen. George C. ^Marshall. 
* * * A spokesman for 54 anticivil w^ar groups in Shanghai demanded today 
that American forces go home and that United States aid to China be halted 
immediately. * * * Their spokesman, Dr. Tao Hsing-chih, told a press confer- 
ence that 'I am inclined to think Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek wants civil 
war,' and that reactionary supporters of the Generalissimo desired it as their 
one chance of retaining power." 



382 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY UST THE UNITED STATES 

This expresses the general feeling in China that the ruling Kuomintang 
Party wants American aid for purposes of civil war. 

(?>) Communist opposition.— -Although it is stated that the United S'tates 
military training program will include training of Chinese Communist divisions, 
Gen. Chu Teh, commander in chief of the Communist armies "raised objections 
on the ground that the plan would make China too much dependent on American 
industry. * * * He said the first step should be to develop industry and improve 
agricultural conditions, letting the state of Chinese economy determine the 
size and character of the national army." (New York Times, June 25, 1946.) 

"The Communist Party chairman. Gen. Mao Tze-tung, * * * demanded that 
the United States cease all military aid to the Chinese Government and 
promptly evacuate American forces from China. * * * He asserted that the 
withdrawal of American forces was long overdue, charging that their presence 
had become a grave menace to the national security and freedom of the Chinese 
people. 'Under such circumstances,' he added 'the Chinese Communist Party 
cannot but firmly oppose the further selling and exchange of lend-lease goods 
and the presenting of arms by the United States Government to the Kuomin- 
tang dictatorial government and the sending of a United States military 
advisory group to China.' " (ISi'ew York Times, June 25, 1946.) 
These objections cannot be ignored because: 

(i) They are raised by 1 of the 2 parties between which General Marshall 
is seeking agreement; 

(ii) The Communist Party controls 1,200,000 regular troops, or more than 
one-third of the total in all Chinese armies ; 

(iii) The Communists are the leading element in the administration of 
sections of Chinese territory (including Manchuria) which contain 200 mil- 
lion people, or more than 40 percent of the country's population, 
(c) Democratic League ohjectioiis. — The Democratic League is a coalition of 
all parties in China except the Communists and Kuomintang. It is especially 
strong in educational and professional circles, and stands for conciliation as 
opposed to civil war. Its spokesman. Dr. Lo Lung-chi, "a graduate of the Uni- 
versity of Wisconsin and close to General Marshall during Government-Commu- 
nist truce negotiations in Chungking, also asserted the United States was 
'taking sides' and asked that all American troops be evacuated from China." 
(New York Times, May 31, 1946.) 

^. The hill is an infringement of the sovereignty of China 

If Chinese armies are armed by America, in the absence of developed Chinese 
industry, it will perpetuate China's dependence on American industry, since the 
arms supplied will be useless without United States munitions. Under the bill 
the President is made, in effect. Commander in Chief of the Chinese armies, for 
he "is authorized upon application from the Republic of China, and whenever in 
his discretion the public interest renders such a course advisable, to detail offi- 
cers and enlisted men of the Army of the United States, and the United States 
Navy and Marine Corps to assist the Republic of China" and "may, from time 
to time, promulgate such rules and regulations as may be necessary and proper 
to carry out any of the provisions of this Act ; and he may exercise any power 
or authority conferred upon him by this Act * * *" 

5. The Mil would give the President unprecedented peacetime powers over the 

country's Far Eastern policy for the next 10 years {the term, of the bill) 
The power of the President would be unlimited as the bill specifies that it may 
be exercised "notwithstanding the provisions of any other law." 

6. The bill assumes for the United States the prerogatives of the United Nations 
The bill states that military assistance is to be given to China in order that 

China may fulfill "obligations which may devolve upon it under the Charter of 
the United Nations." These obligations are not yet known, and by giving such 
assistance now the United States is presupposing the lines along which decisions 
of the United Nations will be made. 

The Conunittee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy considers that the hasty 
passage of such a bill during the prerecess rush would be a calamity for China 
and possibly for world peace. Consideration should at least be deferred until 
Congress reconvenes by which time the situation in China may be clearer. 

Committee foe a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, 

58 Park Avenue, New York, N. Y. 
June 28, 1946. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 383 

Mr. Morris. These papers indicate that there was considerable effort 
on the part of the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy to 
use pressure and to lobby on behalf of the individual purposes of the 
Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy about which we have 
asked the witness today. 

Senator Welker. Very well. Proceed. 

Mr. ]Ma.ndel. I have in my hand a petition to the President, the 
Secretary of State and Congress, which reads as follows : 

We demand, get out of China. The United States has made available to 
Chiang Kai-shek over $5 billion worth of American credit and articles and 
military services since V-J Day. This has been used to conduct civil war 
against the Chinese people. If this policy continues, the sending of American 
combat troops to China will eventually follow. 

We urge: (1) no loans, no arms, no troops to China; (2) withdraw all United 
States military personnel training and advising Chiang's forces; (3) allow the 
Chinese people to settle their own affairs and act to restore once more the 
traditional friendship between them and ourselves. 

This is marked "Return to the Committee for a Democratic Far 
Eastern Policy, 111 AVest 42d Street," and it has a form for con- 
tributions. 

Next we have a printed circular of the Committee for a Democratic 
Far Eastern Policy ; address, 58 Park Avenue, New York 16 ; executive 
director, Maud Russell, which has the following demands: 

What you can do : Write to President Truman, Secretary of State Byrnes, 
your Senators and Congressmen, demand the immediate recall of all United 
States troops in China. No American boys must die fighting beside Japanese 
against Chinese in the civil war. Protest against any loan to China until peace 
and unity are established. Not a cent should be given to finance the shedding 
of Chinese blood. Read this committee's monthly bulletin and send your ques- 
tions about what is going on in the Far East to us. Contribute to further the 
work of this committee. 

Then we have attached thereto House bill H. R. 6795 for military 
assistance to China. And it gives reasons for opposition. This is 
sent out by the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy. 

Next we have another circular, a circular letter from the Committee 
for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy dated June 24, 1947, signed 
Maud Russell, executive director. It says : 

Fellow citizens — 

and at the end : 

We urge you to let the President, the State Department and your Congressmen 
know that you are opposed to further American support designed to bolster 
Chiang Kai-shek's crumbling, unpopular regime. Go into action, and get indi- 
viduals, groups, and organizations in your community to protest the granting 
of such aid under any guise to the Kuomintang government. The United States 
must cease being the arsenal of oppression in China. Let us know of your 
protest to Washington. 
Sincerely, 

Maud Russell. 

(The letter was marked "Exhibit No. 158." The text follows :) 

Exhibit No. 158 

June 24, 1947. 

From : The Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, 111 West 42d 

Street, New York City, N. Y. 

Fellow Citizens : The enclosed memo is self-explanatory. 

Since this memo was compiled news reports have appeared in the New York 
press showing the desperate dependence of the Nanking regime on the United 
States to save Chiang Kai-shek from defeat by his own people. Sun Fo, United 



384 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Press reports on June 21, said, "Help and encouragement is needed at once * * * 
this help should include not only military supplies and credits but also vigorous 
political support." Tillman Durdin, in the New York Times of June 21, writes 
"Dr. Sun urged application of the Truman doctrine to China more effective 
aid to the Chinese Government. * * * He stressed that the Government needed 
United States arms and ammunition. Ammunition for the American weapons 
in the Government Army are being exhausted. * * * Dr. Sun indicated that the 
aid to China might run into billions of dollars over a period of years." 

The following paragraph from a letter received from China this week tells 
its own story about popular Chinese reaction to American aid to Chiang Kai-shek : 

'•One thing is certain, the Chinese people will not be pleased. Another loan 
from the United States will make them realize how completely dependent on 
United States support is this regime which rules them with the whip and the 
bullet. They will know that their sons and daughters languish in concentration 
camps and in the misery of the torture chamber because it pleases Washington 
to keep this regime in power a little longer. The clearer this becomes the more 
deep, bitter, and widespread will become the hatred of America." 

We urge you to : 

Let the President, the State Department, and your Congressman know 
that you are opposed to further Ajnerican support designed to bolster Chiang 
Kai-shek's crumbling unpopular regime. 

Go into action and get individuals, groups, and organizations in your 
community to protest the granting of such aid, under any guise, to the 
Kuomintang government. 

The United States must cease being the arsenal of oppression in China. 
Let us know of your protests to Washington. 
Sincerely, 

Maxjd Russell, Executive Director. 

P. S. — A contribution from you right now will enable us to inform and mobilize 
more Americans who want to join in this fight. Each $5 enables us to reach 
an additional hundred people. 

Then we have a printed circular from the Committee for a Demo- 
cratic Far Eastern Policy, 58 Park Avenue, which lists as urgent: 

Wide support needed for Representative Delacy's resolution for immediate 
withdrawal of United States troops and equipment — 

and also — 

Public must know the facts : Why are United States troops and equipment in- 
volved in China's civil war? How can we change this policy? 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I suggest that Mr. Mandel has de- 
scribed sufficiently the papers that we plan to introduce in the record 
at this time. And I suggest that we offer them to the witness, to see 
if she will indicate if there is something inaccurate about those. 

Senator Welker. Very well. It will be so ordered. 

First, Madam Witness, I notice you are taking notes. Would you 
mind telling me what you are taking notes about? You are on the 
witness stand now, and if there is something here that is not fair to 
you I want to know about it, and if I can help you or your counsel, I 
want to be of assistance to you. 

Miss Russell. No. I will handle it myself. It is just as an aid 
to memory. 

Senator Welker. I didn't hear that. 

Miss Russell. I can handle it myself without help from you. It 
is just an aid to my memory. 

Senator Welker. Very well. You go right ahead. 

Miss Russell. I claim my privilege under the fifth amendment in 
connection with this material. 

(The circular was marked "Exhibit No. 159." The text of each 
side is printed below :) 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UlSriTED STATES 385 

ExuiBiT No. 159 

Committee fob a Demockatic Fab Eastebn Policy, 58 Paek Avenue, New York 

16, N. Y. 
Directors : 

Maxwell Stewart, writer 

Leland Stowe, foreign correspondent 

C. Sidney Gardner, Far Eastern specialist 

E. Franklin Frazier, sociologist 

Rev. S. H. Fritchman, magazine editor 

Frederick V. Field, Far Eastern specialist 

Talitha Gerlach, Women's Leader 

Freda Kirchwey, editor. The Nation 

Arthur Upham Pope, Far Eastern specialist 

Martin Popper, Lawyers' Guild 

Mrs. H. A. Rusch, Jr., Women Leader 

Mrs. Edgar Snow, author 

Rose Terlin, Women's Leader 

J. Raymond Walsh, radio commentator. 

Richard Watts, Jr., foreign correspondent 

Tom Wright, labor editor 

Consultants : 

Israel Epstein, foreign correspondent 

Laurence E. Salisbury, Far Eastern specialist 

Gunther Stein, foreign correspondent 

Ilona Ralf Sues, author 
Every $500 the committee receives means a group of America's foremost ex- 
perts on the Far East can reach Senators and Congressmen with documented 
facts and background material which can help influence American policy in 
China and prevent a third world war. 

Urgent — Wide support needed for Representative DeLacy's resolution for imme- 
diate tvithdrawal of United States troops and equipment 

Every $100 keeps our press releases flowing to more than 100 national radio 
commentators and newspaper columnists who are supplied with vital data on 
China and the Far East to pass on to their millions of listeners and readers. 
Our Information Bulletin, with your donation, can be sent to additional thou- 
sands of influential citizens. 

Urgent — Public miist know the facts: Why are United States troops and equip- 
ment involved in China's civil ivarf How can ice change this policy? 

Every $50 helps build citizens' committees throughout the country, means 
more speakers at community forums. Not the least, it provides us with funds 
to meet the committee's operating expenses. Every contribution, no matter how 
small, is put to useful work to prevent world war III. 

As a contributor to the committee, you will be kept fully informed of its work 
and will regularly receive its literature. 

Ubgent ! 

Memo from Leland Stowe, Richard Watts, Jr. 

More American troops, planes and supplies are in China today than there 
were at any time during the war with Japan. Civil war is raging throughout 
China, endangering the lives of American fighting men. 

There would be no civil war now if American troops and equipment were 
brought home and future support to Chiang Kai-shek was made conditional upon 
internal peace and unity in China. 

Although General Hurley has resigned, the appointment of General Marshall 
as special envoy to China does not necessarily mean a change in the present 
American policy of intervention in China's internal affairs. 

An enlightened public and an informed Congress must stop intervention in 
China. China must not become the battleground of a third world war. 

We feel that you can help most effectively by contributing generously to the 
Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy which is today leading the 
fight for a better American policy in China through a program of education 
and action. This work is vital and must be continued. It can only be done 
with your financial assistance. 



386 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

We are writing you because we are confident that you will recognize the 
urgency of the situation and that you will mail your contribution today. 

Sincerely yours, 

Leland Stowe. 
Richard Watts, Jr. 
r. S. — Return envelope is enclosed for your convenience. 

Senator Welker. Now, Miss Kussell, I have been handed docu- 
ments which have been identified by you as having been published 
by your Far East Reporter, a number of them here, that you see. 
And I hold in my hand one which is printed with red and white in 
it, and it says: "Constitution (Fundamental Law) of the People's 
Republic of China, with editorial introduction" ; price 20 cents. 

Now, you printed that, or your concern printed that, did you not? 

Miss Russell. I printed it. 

Senator Welker. And what did you do with that? Did you dis- 
tribute it or sell it ? 

Miss Russell. I sent it to my subscribers. I sold it throughout the 
country, sold it to bookstores. 

Senator Welker. Can you give me any idea of about how many you 
printed or sold ? 

INIiss Russell. Oh, about four or five thousand. 

Senator Welker. Have you printed the Constitution of the United 
States and distributed it to the people throughout the country ? 

Miss Russell. That is available. They studied it in school. What 
I was trying to do is tell people what is going on in the Far East, and 
that is pertinent. 

Senator Welker. I ask you if you distributed the Constitution of 
the United States. 

Miss Russell. No ; it is not in the Far Eastern policy. 

Senator Welker. You specialized on the Constitution of the 
People's Republic of China ? 

Miss Russell. I specialized on material in the Far East. 

Senator Welker. And you didn't spend any time whatsoever in 
helping the American people study their own Constitution ? 

Miss Russell. Yes, I have. 

I think the fact that I speak out on an issue that people like you 
don't agree with, is a help to people miderstanding their citizens' 
rights under the Constitution. 

Senator Welker. You haven't used your press to send out the Con- 
stitution of the United States with editorial introduction, have you? 

Miss Russell. I have presented material on the Far East, which is 
not available otherwise. 

Senator Welker. When is the last time you have read the Consti- 
tution of the United States ? 

Miss Russell. Oh, I read at it every now and then. I don't think 
I have read it through. I say, I read here and there, particularly 
of my rights under the Constitution. 

Senator Welker. You read the fifth amendment ? 

Miss Russell. Not only the fifth ; there are other pertinent parts. 

Senator Welker. I suppose you read the first, and Mr. Hinton 
brought in the fourth, and the tenth, and a few others like that. 

Miss Russell. Are you insinuating that these are not public docu- 
ments ? 

Senator Welker. Not in the least. 

Miss Russell. I do read them. I stand on my rights on them. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 387 

Senator Welker. I believe I know about as much about that Bill 
of Rights as you do. 

Miss EussELL. I hope so. 

Senator Welker. I am just wondering what other provisions of 
the Constitution of the United States have you read and studied in 
the last few years since you have been in this world. 

Miss EussELL. That is not pertinent to this. 

Senator Welker. It isn't? 

Miss EussELL. No. 

Senator Welker. Not very pertinent ? 

Miss Eussell. No. 

I am an American citizen who knows her rights under the Con- 
stitution. 

Senator Welker. You are an American citizen who knows her 
rights ; there is no question about that ; you have evidenced that here 
today. You have taken advantage of them many, many times. 

These are to be introduced in the record. 

Now, do you know what the Worker is ? 

Miss Eussell. I stand on my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Do you know what the New York Times is? 

Miss Eussell. I stand on my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Do you know what the U. S. News & World Ee- 
port is ? 

Miss Eussell. I stand on my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Now, after all. Miss Eussell, let's get along. You 
have gone ahead and testified about getting information from these 
publications, so let's not hedge about the matter, and let's not have 
any ill will between the acting chairman and the witness. 

Now, I think you have opened up that subject matter, and I am not 
trying to trick you at all. You testified one time that you have got- 
ten information from these newspapers and magazines, and now I 
ask you if you know what they are, and you take the fifth amendment. 
I don't believe you are being fair with the committee or with your- 
self. 

Miss Eussell. Yes, I know these publications. 

Senator Welker. Well, then, tell me, what is the Worker? 

Miss Eussell. It is a leftwing publication. 

Senator Welker. It is a leftwing publication. Can I help you, 
and see whether or not this is correct: It is the Sunday edition of 
the Daily Worker ; is that correct ? 

Miss Eussell. Yes, that is correct. 

Senator Welker. Have you ever been quoted in the Worker? 

Miss Eussell. Not to my recollection. 

Senator Welker. Now directing your attention to the date of May 
8, 1949, you were quoted in the Worker, Sunday edition of the Daily 
Worker, as saying this : 

Yet the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy is not solely a sup- 
plier of information; we are a political action group to exert pressure for a 
change in official United States policy. 

Did you or did you not make that utterance, so that it was quoted in 
the Worker? 

Miss Eussell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 



388 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Welker. And if you did so make that utterance as quoted 
by me, then the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy cer- 
tainly was engaging in lobbying; isn't that a fair assumption? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Now, directing your attention to the Worker, the 
Sunday edition of the Daily Worker for the same date, May 8, 1949, 
section 2, pages 3 and 4, an article headed "Truth Also Fights for a 
Free China," Maud Russell is quoted as follows in this article : 

"Yet the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy is not solely a supplier 
of information," its executive director is quick to point out. "We are a political 
action group to exert pressure for a change in oflScial United States policy," 
Maud Russell declares. Return to China? Maud Russell's answer is a vigorous 
"No." "My place is here in my own country," the executive director for the 
Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy declares. 

Did you so make those utterances, and were you quoted correctly in 
the Sunday edition of the Daily Worker, commonly and officially 
known as the Worker ? 

Miss Russell. I stand on my rights under tlie fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Very well. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, have you reported in your publications, 
in the Far East Reporter, on the Asian-Pacific Peace Conference ? By 
way of refreshing your recollection, Miss Russell, I offer you a Far 
East Reporter entitled "Asia and World Peace, Wliither Japan? 
Answers by a Japanese — Toga Kameda, and an Australian — Victor 
James." 

Miss Russell. Yes ; I did ; Far East Reporter. 

Mr. Morris. Wliat was the source of your information for that 
particular publication ? 

Miss Russell. Tliese were reprints of documents for reference. 

Mr. Morris. Where did you receive those ? 

Miss Russell. These were widely distributed in the United States. 

Mr. Morris. Where did you receive your particular copy ? 

Miss Russell. I got quite a number of copies. I don't remember 
what particular copy this came from. There are many, many copies 
of this. They came from various sources. 

Mr. Morris. Did John Powell bring you any of these ? 

Miss Russell. This was printed 

Senator Welker. The question was. Did John Powell bring any 
of them ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my rights 

Senator Welker. Do you know John Powell ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Senator Welker. Do you know a publication in Red China called 
China Monthly Review ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Did Julian Schuman bring you any of this material 
concerning the Asian-Pacific Peace Conference ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my rights under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Now, I have here what appears to be an invitation, Miss 
Russell: "The Far East Reporter takes pleasure in providing an 
opportunity for its subscribers and friends to meet Anita and Henry 
Willcox, American delegates, Asian and Pacific Peace Conference, 
Peking, China, October 1952. Mrs. Willcox will tell us about 'A Day 
in a Peking Prison,' followed by a discussion of justice in new China. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 389 

Mr. Willcox will talk about 'Housing and Construction in New China,' 
as seen by an American engineer. Time: Sunday evening, Jan- 
uary 25, 8 p. m." 

Now, did you extend that invitation, Miss Russell ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my priveleges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know Anita and Henry Willcox ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, will you identify that paper ? 

And then, Mr. Chairman, may it go into the record as properly 
identified ? 

Senator Welker. Yes, after identification. 

Mr. Mandel. This is apparently an invitation mimeographed, 
headed "Far East Reporter takes pleasure in providing an oppor- 
tmiity for its subscribers and friends to meet Anita and Henry Will- 
cox." It has Chinese on the left-hand side, and at the bottom is 
"r. s. V. p. Miss Russell 111 West 42d Street." 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 160." The 
portion in English is printed below:) 

Exhibit No. 160 

Far East Reporter takes pleasure in providing an opportunity for its sub- 
scribers and friends to meet Anita and Henry Willcox, American delegates Asian 
and Pacific Peace Conference, Peking, China, October 1952. 

Mrs. Willcox will tell us about "A Day in a Peking Prison," followed by a 
discussion of justice in the new China. Mr. Willcox will talk about "Housing 
and Construction in New China," as seen by an American engineer. 

Time: Sunday evening January 25, S p. m. Place: 444 Central Park West 
(at 104th), apartment 12G (take the rear elevator). 

We hope you will want to join us. 

R. s. V. p. Miss Russell 111 West 42d Street. 

Mr. Morris. Will you show that to the witness, Mr. Arens ? 
Miss Russell, did you extend that invitation ? 
Miss Russell. I claim my privilege under the fifth amendment. 
Mr. Morris. I have here a little note : 

To our subscribers and friends: You are cordially invited to an evening with 
Rev. John Darr, for over 2 years American secretary in the secretariat of the 
World Peace Council, who attended the preparatory conference of the peace con- 
ference of the Asian and Pacific regions. Mr. Darr will speak on New China and 
World Peace. 

You are invited to meet Mr. Darr on Sunday evening, May 17, at 8 o'clock, at 
the home of Miss Annette Rubinstein, .59 West 71st Street, apartment lOA. 

We do hope you can join us for this informal but rich evening. 

( Signed ) Maud Russeix, 
Publisher, Far East Reporter. 

I show you that invitation and ask you if you did extend that in- 
vitation. 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. May that go into the record at this time, Mr. Chairman ? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 161," and is 
as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 161 

To Our Subscribers and Friends: 

You are cordially invited to an evening with Rev. John Darr, for over 2 years 
American secretary in the secretariat of the World Peace Council, who attended 
the preparatory conference of the peace conference of the Asian and Pacific 
regions. Mr. Darr will speak on New China and World Peace. 



390 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

You are invited to meet Mr. Darr on Sunday evening, May 17, at 8 o'clock, at 
the home of Miss Annette Rubinstein, 59 West 71st Street, apartment lOA. 
We do hope you can join us for this informal but rich evening. 

( Stamp signature ) Maud Russell, 

Publisher, Far East Reporter. 

RSVP Miss Russell, 103 West 93d Street, New York City. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I have three more pamphlets of the Far 

East Keporter. „„ rr,i i 

They are : The first one I mention, "Whither Japan ?" The second, 
"How the USA Curbs National Independence" ; and the third, "Asia 
Tells the World what the United States Is Doing in Asia ; ^Vliy Asia 
Demands Peace," all published by the Far East Reporter. 

Is that an accurate statement, Miss Russell ? 

Miss Russell. It is. 

Mr. Morris. May they go in the record, Mr. Chairman ? 

Senator AVelker. It is so ordered. 

(The pamphlets referred to were marked "Exhibits No. 162, No. 
163 and No. 164" and are available in the subcommittee's files. The 
text of the introduction to the pamphlet "Whither Japan," Exhibit 
No. 162, is printed below :) 

On the Japanese Question 
Togo Kameda, member of the Japanese delegation 

The present position of Japan is the result of the close collaboration during the 
last few years between the United States occupation authority and the Yoshida 
government. A year ago a separate peace treaty and the United States-Japanese 
Security Pact were signed at San Francisco. These two treaties provide for the 
permanent occupation of Japan by the United States forces, the construction of 
military bases in Japan without restriction, the rearmament of Japan by the 
United States. These provisions make Japan into an ally of the United States 
aggressor, and render difficult a speedy termination of the state of war between 
Japan and certain countries. These two treaties are in fact treaties of a war 
alliance which will make Japan the enemy of every Asian people. 

Moreover, this alliance is an alliance between the United States warmongers 
who are wantonly slaughtering the Korean people, and the Japanese militarists 
whose hands are stained with the blood of other Asian peoples and who, armed 
with United States-made weapons, now attempt to repeat their aggression against 
the Asian peoples. It is clear that this alliance has a common basis. On the one 
hand, the United States warmongers, with a view to carrying out their aggression 
in Asia, plan to get the Japanese militarists to help them and convert Japan into 
a tool for a new war of aggression. On the other hand, the Japanese militarists, 
seeking to revive the dead, and to realize their old dream of a "greater eastern 
Asia coprosperity sphere," are hoping to make use of United States aid to reassert 
their old influence in Asia. The basis of this alliance lies in the use of Japanese 
industry, which is the most developed in Asia, and of the strategic position of 
Japan and its vast source of manpower, for the preparing and waging of a new 
war of aggression. Here lies the new menace to Asia, namely, the revival of 
Japanese militarism. Thus, long before the conclusion of the separate peace 
treaty, the Japanese militarists who had in actual fact been controlling the state 
apparatus, cast off their masks and came out into the open. The only difference 
distinnguishing their present from their past is that now they don American caps 
and clothes and arm themselves with United States-made weapons. The re- 
armament of Japan is now being carried out in the open; a militarised police 
state has again emerged, and Japanese enterprises are being turned into war 
industries. 

At present, the aims of the rearmament of Japan envisaged by the foreign 
occupying power and the Japanese militarists are as follows : to build up an 
army of 300,000 men and to build as a start, a small-size navy and air force 
during next year. To this end a .system of conscription is to be enforced. At the 
same time, a security board has been set up with Yoshida himself as the head, 
and it is intended to turn the board into a ministry of defense in the future. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 391 

The core of this force is the police reserve corps, 75,000 strong, established after 
the outbreak of the Korean war. This police reserve corps is scheduled to expand 
to a strength of from 110,000 to 200,000 men by the end of the year. It has 
been equipped with airplanes, tanks and other heavy arms and has begun war 
maneuvers. Another aspect is this : the Japanese police force has expanded from 
its prewar 50.000 men to over 120,000, the Government has initiated a great 
number of acts of repression, such as the Subversive Activities Prevention Act, 
depriving the people of their freedom, and the Government apparatus has been 
turned into a fascist armed-police state. To meet the needs of the United States 
Armed Forces and cope with the rearmament of Japan, the main branches of 
Japanese industry have been rapidly converted into war industries. Their pro- 
duction already includes the manufacture of airplanes, naval vessels and similar 
complete units. The reestablished Japanese armed forces are not for the self- 
defense of the Japanese people, but for external aggression and for the internal 
repression of the Japanese people. They constitute a threat that bodes disaster 
to the Japanese people and to the peoples of the other areas of the Asian and 
Pacific regions as well. 

Similarly, the foreign policy of the Japanese Government has made it plain 
that its orientation is toward becoming the major accomplice of the United 
States in the latter's drive for a new war of aggression in the East. For in- 
stance, the Yoshida government, in accordance with the requirements of the 
Battle Act, which is politically and economically aimed at blockading the Soviet 
Union and China, has declared an embargo on trade between Japan and the 
Soviet Union and China. Actually, however, the principal party who suffered 
from the disastrous consequences of this blockade is neither the Soviet Union 
nor China, but Japanese economy and the livelihood of the Japanese people 
themselves. Recently the Yoshida government has gone further, accepting the 
mutual security program, and putting into force the so-called plan for the devel- 
opment of southeast Asia, in an attempt to plunder the strategic raw materials 
of these countries, and to help United States imperialism construct military 
bases there. In open antagonism to China, the Yoshida government has also 
concluded with the Chiang Kai-shek fugitive regime in Taiwan a so-called peace 
treaty, and schemed to expel the Soviet delegation from Japan. Recently, at 
the Honolulu meeting between the United States, Australia, and New Zealand, 
the United States once more ventilated plans to include Japan within the orbit 
of common security, with a view to organizing a Pacific alliance, in reality 
an Asian edition of the North Atlantic Pact, with Japan as its nucleus, and 
with the rearmed Japanese Army as its main force. 

The most fanatical aggressor in the world, whose true character was com- 
pletely revealed during World War II has joined forces with a new aggressor, 
in an alliance casting Japan in the role of criminal No. 1 of a new war. Premier 
Yoshida, on August 4, representing the Japanese aggressors, announced to the 
world that their intention is to make the Police Reserve Corps a basis for build- 
ing a national army, and that "a new Japan will lead Asia onto the world political 
arena." 

But, i>erhaps, honorable delegates, you will ask: "What, then, are the 
Japanese doing?" This is a very important question. For had not the Japanese 
people struggled for peace, they would already have repeated their past mistakes 
and allowed themselves to be led by the militarists onto the road of national 
and racial extinction ; this course is one the citizens of Japan are themselves 
wholly determined not to follow. The Japanese people heave begun to awaken, 
and have clearly realized that it is their grave responsibility to unite with the 
peoples of Asia and the Pacific regions in a common effort to eliminate the threat 
of the revival of Japanese militarism. 

I can inform you with pride that the Japanese people have shown unprece- 
dented bravery in their struggle against war and for the defense of peace. 

We people of Japan now^ understand that if the crisis of a new war with Japaa 
as base is not averted, we shall never be able to win our ardently desired libera- 
tion from the regime of United States occupation, or to establish a democratic 
state and live in freedom and happiness. Indeed, the characteristic features of 
Japanese life today are : the unemployed who fill the cities and the countryside ; 
the slave labor and the starvation wages ; the taxation that ruins homes and 
businesses : the prices that keep on soaring ; the destruction of agriculture and 
industry ; the extinction of national culture ; and the enslavement of the entire 
Japanese nation. And the primary cause of all these features is the United States 
occupation and the revival of Japanese militarism. During the year since the 
signing of the San Francisco Treaty, the Japanese people have come to realize 



392 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

that the separate peace forcibly imposed on them by the goTernments of the 
United States and Japan was designed to plunge the country into remilitarization 
qmi new wars of aggression, and this has roused their indignation. Would the 
people of any nation, faced by such dire circumstances, not desire peace from 

the bottom of their hearts? . . ^ ^ j. 

It is against this background that the movement m defense of peace is pene- 
trating ever more deeply into cities, villages, and among all classes of the people 
in Japan This movement places in the forefront the opposition to remilitariza- 
tion -'Hands off Korea !", the abrogation of the war treaty, the realization of 
an all-in peace, and on this basis it is forging ahead. For instance, the signatures 
in opposition to rearmament and demanding an all-in peace, collected simultane- 
ously with those demanding a 5-power peace pact, exceed 6 million. This is 
tvpical of conditions in general. The General Council of Trade Unions of Japan, 
tiie largest union in Japan with a membership of 3 million, and the Peasant 
Association of Japan have also put forward peace proposals similar to those 
above— evidence of the strong desire for peace characteristic of the workers and 




Corps !" and "Don't serve as United States 
most ranks of tlie anti-remilitarization struggle. They are now launching an 
anticonscription signature campaign, with 20 million signatures as their target. 
Many scholars, religious leaders, men of arts or letters, and other professional 
men are also taking an active part in the peace movement. While protesting 
against the repressions directed against the peace movement, they have also 
made earnest appeals to the people from rostrum and pulpit, in articles, on the 
street, and at meetings : "If deprived of freedom now, the Japanese people will 
once more be plunged into war." 

The popular movement, embracing numerous industrialists, financiers, leaders 
of political parties, progressive personalities from various groupings, workers 
and townsfolk to demand the restoration of trade relations with China and the 
Soviet Union, is growing in strength. For instance. Diet Member Tomi Kora, 
Kei Hoashi and Ex-Diet Member Kisuke Miyogoshi, braving the persecution 
of the United States army and the Yoshida government, attended the Moscow 
International Economic Conference and subsequently signed in Peking the Japan- 
Chinese Trade Agreement to the value of 30 million pounds sterling. On their 
return they were enthusiastically welcomed by the people throughout the coun- 
try. This illustrates the broadness of the movement. The vital significance 
of the movement lies in the fact that the Japanese people who are suffering from 
the blockade imposed by the United States and Japanese fomenters of war as 
the result of the separate peace, are going ahead themselves to build peaceful, 
friendly relations betwen themselves and the Soviet Union and China, on their 
own account. It shows that the Japanese people is about to blaze a trail which 
will assuredly lead to the building of peaceful friendly relations with the peoples 
of Asia and the whole world. 

Well above 1 million people throughout tJie country have taken part in person 
in the election of more than 400 candidates as delegates to the peace conference 
of the Asian and Pacific regions. The reason why the Japanese people are 
giving such strong support to the conference is that they look upon it as the 
way to peace. 

The United States Government pretends that the majority of the Japanese 
people support the United States-made separate treaty of San Francisco. This 
is completely false. As our glorious fighter for peace, Frederic Jolioi-Curie, 
put it at the extraordinary session of the World Peace Council, "No one can 
be deceived by such assurances; the enormous demonstrations, such as those 
of May Day last * * * are too revealing." Mr. Gordon Schaffer, chairman of 
the British Peace Committee, also stated at the same council session: "The 
Japanese people demonstrated on May Day with a unanimity of purpose which 
showed to the world that they will not stand idle while these attempts are made 
to plunge them again into war." Hence the extraordinary session of the 
World Peace Council declares: "The World Peace Council salutes the heroic 
struggle of the Japanese people for peace, independence, and democracy against 
the forces of militarism and war." 

I must point out with emphasis that the Japanese people entertain the hope 
that In the course of waging such struggles for the sake of peace, we may win 
the friendship of the peoples of Asia, .ioin with them, and carry on normal 
trade with the countries of Asia and the Pacific regions on the basis of equality 
and mutual benefit. This has become the urgent common demand of every 
grouping of the Japanese people. 



SCOPE OP SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 393 

The Japanese people are fully convinced that, though there be countless obsta- 
cles and difficulties in their way, and though blockade and isolation is enforced 
by the foreign occupying power and the reactionaries at home, they do not 
stand alone; the Japanese people, just as the other peoples of the Asian and 
Pacific regions, stand in the ranks of peace. No, the Japanese i)eople not only 
stand in the ranks but are right in the forefront. We regard it as our highest 
honor to struggle to the uttermost in defense of i)eace in Asia on what is the 
largest eastern base of the fomenters of world war. We who have been waging 
a life-and-death struggle for the prevention of a new war in Asia, express the 
heartfelt wish that the peoples of the Asian and Pacific regions may unit in 
unity and courageously advance our common cause of defeating war and winning 
peace. How can this be done? We believe that the urgent need is for Japan 
to conclude a general peace with all the countries concerned, to oppose the 
war-making separate treaty and to prevent the revival of Japanese militarism. 

The sources of unendurable suffering today to the Japanese people are foreign 
occupation, the revival of Japanese militarism and the war crisis aggravated 
by the San Francisco Treaty. We feel their bitter effects. The conclusion of 
a separate peace with Japan has trampled under foot the Potsdam declaration, 
which was won at the cost of tlie blood of the people of the whole world, betrayed 
the interest of the Japanese people and threatened peace and order in Asia. 
All who abhor the revival of Japanese militarism, oppose aggressors and demand 
peace cannot allow this war treaty to remain valid. We believe that the time 
has come to demand the substitution of a peace treaty for this war treaty, and 
to begin the struggle for this aim. This is a great cause, not only for the 
Japanese people but also for all the peoples of the Asian and Pacific regions. It 
is an international obligation and a duty to peace to substitute an all-in peace 
treaty for the separate peace treaty, and we must wage persistent struggle to 
achieve it. 

What then are the contents of the all-in treaty that we demand? This was 
made clear in the resolution on the Japanese question adopted at the extra- 
ordinary session of the World Peace Council. It is : Foreign occupation forces 
must be withdrawn from Japan, foreign countries must be forbidden to establish 
military bases in Japan, the sovereignty of the Japanese people must be kept 
intact, and their right to peaceful and democratic development must be recog- 
nized. These are, as the World Peace Council has repeatedly advocated, the 
inherent and inalienable democratic rights of the people. If it be recognized that 
the independence and sovereignty of a people should be respected, and that 
internal affairs must not suffer foreign intervention, then it is perfectly possible 
for all peoples, irrespective of their dilTerent political systems and ways of life, 
to co-exist peacefully, to develop trade relations on a basis of equality and. 
exchange according to needs; on this basis it will become possible to settle 
international disputes by peaceful negotiation and thus eliminate the scourge 
of war. This is the basic principle for the preservation of peace. We can 
clearly see that it is precisely the frustration of this rightful claim, whether in 
Europe or in Asia, that has subjected all the peoples to the threat of war. 

On the Japanese Question 

Victor James, Leader of the Australian Delegation 

The rise and expansion of Japanese militarism was the cause of considerable 
apprehension in Australia for many years. The aggressions against China in 
the 1930's gave rise to great indignation and anxiety. Following the attacks 
of 1931 and 1937 various movements developed in Australia in support of the 
Chinese people. By 1937 the Japanese militarists were encroaching on Hopei 
Province. When, in 1938, the Australian Government sold pig iron to the Japa- 
nese militarists, wharf -laborers in Port Kembla (New South Wales, Australia) 
refused to load this war material on the ships. The conservative government 
then passed repressive legislation to enforce the loading of this cargo — the 
Dog Collar Act. This struggle was one of the most important in the history 
of the Australian labor movement. The struggle was summed up by the emi- 
nent Australian jurist and former Governor-General Sir Isaac Isaacs in these 
words : 

"The men refused to engage to put the iron on board solely because they 
would, as they conscientiously believed, thereby become accessories in helping 
Japan in a war of aggression, and in the bombing of inoffensive civilians. The 
government intervened to force them to load the nig iron." 



394 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Later Australian workers refused to load wool, tin, lead, and other war ma- 
terials for Japan. The man who led these struggles for peace should be with 
us here today. He is Jim Healy, federal secretary of the Waterside Workers' 
Federation of Australia, 1 of the 23 Australian delegates refused passports to 
come to this conference. The goveniment which refuses them passports is the 
same kind of government which helped arm the Japanese militarists in 1937 
and right up to the time of the Japanese attack on Australia in 1941. 

When Japanese militarism set out to conquer all Asia and the Pacific in 1941, 
the Australian people found themselves engaged in a bitter struggle to protect 
their homeland. Japanese forces bombed Australia's northernmost port and 
came within a few miles of invading Australia. Thousands of Australians suf- 
fered as prisoners of the Japanese. The threat of invasion was only ended in 
1944 by Australian, American and other troops. 

The defeat and disarming of Japan, together with the renunciation of war 
written into the Japanese Constitution led to the belief that Japanese militarism 
was forever eliminated. The Potsdam agreement stated that Japan's war- 
making power would be destroyed. The basic postsurrender policy for Japan, 
adopted by representatives of the 11 nations which resisted Japanese aggres- 
sion stated as its first objects : . ^ -, 

"To complete the task of physical and spiritual demilitarization of Japan 
by measures including total disarmament, economic reform designed to deprive 
Japan of power to make war, elimination of militaristic influences, and stern 
justice to war criminals, and a period of strict control." 

At the end of the war the Australian people believed that this policy would 
be carried out and that a peace-loving, democratic, and demilitarized Japan 
would result. Under the Allied agreements the responsibility for the control of 
Japan was placed in the hands of a Four Power Control Commission compris- 
ing representatives of China, U. S. S. R., United States of America, and the 
British Commonwealth. In recognition of Australia's particular interest in the 
Japanese question, an Australian, Mr. McMahon Ball, was appointed as British 
Commonwealth representative. He resigned because of the failure of the Aus- 
tralian Government to support his stand for genuine four-power control of 
postwar Japan. 

His book Japan, Enemy or Ally? made it clear to the Australian people that 
Japan was completely under American domination ; the war criminals had been 
'treated leniently or even allowed to go unpunished; that there had been no 
real democratization of Japan and that the root sources of Japanese militarism 
remained untouched. 

In 1951 John Foster Dulles visited Australia. The purpose of his visit was 
,ciear — to insure that the Autralian Government would place its signature to 
his separate Japanese Peace Treaty, a document which betrayed the security 
and future of the Australian people. When the terms of the treaty were made 
public there was an immediate and widespread outcry in Australia against it. 
The vast majority of Australians were shocked to find that prewar Japanese 
militarism was to be forthwith revived. Both the Potsdam agreement and 
the basic postwar surrender policy were betrayed by this separate peace treaty 
of the United States Government. 

Opponents of the treaty not only included the peace councils, but ranged all 
the way across to members of the government party such as the former Prime 
Minister W. M. Hughes who said it was "treason" to rearm Japan. Leaders 
and members of ex-servicemen's organizations opposed it ; there was great bitter- 
'ness among former prisoners of war of the Japanese and of the relatives of 
those who died in POW camps. The Anglican Archbishop of Sydney (Arch- 
bishop Mowl), Gen. Gordon Bennett, and the New South Wales' Attorney Gen- 
eral (Mr. Oliver Evatt) were among the many public figures who joined in the 
mass movement of protest. 

There was strong opixisition from the business community. Under the terms 
of the the treaty Australia was obliged to give most-favored-nation treatment 
to Japan in relation to her trade with Australia. This aroused alarm and 
hostility amongst Australian manuafctnrers, particularly those in textiles and 
light industry. The threat became even clearer when it was announced that 
32 .ships had been chartered for the Japan-Australia run. 

A spokesman for the Associated Chambers of Commerce said : "Australia is 
wide open to attack on her markets by Japanese traders. * * * Any complacency 
by the Australian Government on this Japanese threat must spell doom to many 
Australian manufacturers." 

This opposition to the treaty was crystallized by the formation of the Com- 
mittee Opposed to the Rearming of Japan. The committee received the support 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 395 

of Australian workers, businessmeu, intellectuals, ex-servicemen, over 200 clergy- 
men of various denominations and of people in all vralks of life. It collected in 
a short time 100,000 signatures to a petition against the remilitarization of 
Japan and trade clauses of the treaty which was presented to Parliament by 
some 300 delegates from all over Australia. 

The treaty was ratified by the Government, but was opposed in Parliament 
by the Labor Party (the opposition) which had secured 49 percent of the votes 
in the previous election. Even some members of the Government party attacked 
the treaty in Parliament. 

These facts cleai'ly show the attitude of the vast majority of the Australian 
people to the remilitarization of Japan and its continued occupation by United 
States forces. The peace movement in Australia underwent its greatest develop- 
ment and expansion as a result of this campaign against ratification of the 
separate treaty. 

At a puppet performance in the San Francisco Opera House last September 
the treaty was signed. The Governments of the U. S. S. R. People's China, 
India aiid Burma — nations which include half of the world's population — did not 
sign. And although the Australian Government signed, the Australian people 
did not. 

The separate treaty was depicted by the Government and its powerful organs 
of propaganda as a measure designed to insure the security of Australia. The 
people know that this claim was utterly false ; they knew that a rearmed Japan 
was a threat to Australian security and to peace in the Pacific and Aasian regions. 

Since then there has been ample evidence of the revival of Japanese expan- 
sionist aims. The Japanese war criminals are free and are rebuilring their bat- 
talions. Statements by Japanese politicians have been quoted in the Australian 
press showing that Japanese militarism intends to renew its drive to the south. 
The rich island of New Guinea to the north of Australia is again the object of 
these expansionist ambitions. The Japanese Government has requested the Aus- 
tralian Government to repatriate over 200 Japanese war criminals, some of 
who are serving life sentences for atrocities iigainst Australians, and it was 
reliably reported on September 14. 1952, that the Government "was almost 
certain to grant the request." There are reports, too, of the resumption of 
Japanese ambitions to secure access to iron ore and other mineral deposits in 
Australia. 

In being a party to the revival of Japanese militarism and expansionism, the 
Australian Government, headed by Mr. Menzies, has betrayed the security of 
Australia in the same way as it did in the 1930's when it encouraged Japanese 
aggression against China. 

The Australian people neither wish to be the victims of revived Japanese 
militarism nor to fill the role of its ally in an aggressive war in Asia and the 
Pacific. Either path spells ruin for our land and our people. 

The war plans of the United States Government have caused widespread alarm. 
Not only has Japan been rearmed, but a string of bases from Japan to Australia, 
from the Philippines to the Polynesian Islands have been built. These are 
clearly directed against People's China and other Asian countries and bring 
the menace of war to the entire Asian-Pacific region. 

The same groups which have forced remilitarization and continued foreign 
occupation on the Japanese people have enmeshed the peoples of Australia and 
New Zealand in yet another war treaty — the ANZUS Pact. Under this agree- 
ment signed recently in Honolulu, Austrialia and New Zealand are committed 
to any war which the United States Government chooses to launch in the Pacific- 
Asian region. The Australian Ambassador in Washington (Sir Percy Spender, 
a shareholder in IMalayan rubber companies) revealed the fact that the ANZUS 
Pact would commit Australia and New Zealand to supplying 1 millon men for 
war — this out of a total population of 10 million. Spender hurriedly withdrew 
his statement, but it was clear to the Australian and New Zealand people what 
lay in store for them under the ANZUS Pact. 

The separate treaty with Japan, the ANZUS Pact and the United States-Philii> 
pines Pact are the three components of the war which is being planned In the 
Pacific. The keystone of this plan is .Japan. 

Consequently the Japanese people bear great responsibility in the struggle 
against the revival of Japanes militarism. Their resistance to rearmament and 
to United States domination of their country has been received with great joy 
in Australia, notably the demonstrations around May 1, 1952. We want more 
information on the struggle of the Japanese people for peace; regular contact 
with the Japanese peace movement can strengthen our own struggle for peace in 



396 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE TJOTTED STATES 
Australia. Our delegation is confident that this conference will result in estab- 

"'TlTe^/^tanaf Government through its subservience to United States Govern- 
ment wa? plans in the Pacific faces our people with the alternatives of being 
Se aUies or the victims of Japanese militarism. Both al ernatives would be 
rufuous and the only solution is for our people to struggle m common with the 
SoX of China, Japan, and other Asian and Pacific countries against the war 

"" A^miUtSd^Sn is essential to these war plans. Victory in the struggle 
for an independent, democratic, and peace-loving Japan would be a catastrophic 
setback to the United States Government's plan for war on People s China and 
other Asian peoples who have asserted their independence. 

We ur^'e that the resolutions of this conference should contain a call to the 
Deoples o'f the Asian and Pacific regions to supi)ort the struggle of the Japanese 
people against the remilitarization of their country and against its use as an 
armed base for aggressive war on other peoples. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Russell, have you been a member of the executive 
committee of the China Aid Council? 

Miss Russell. No. 

Mr. Morris. You have not. , -, tit- -d n 

Mr. Mandel, do we have a paper which indicates that Miss Russell 
has been a member of the executive committee of the China Aid 

Council ? 
Mr. Mandel. No. 
Mr. Morris. Have you been active in the Rosenberg case, Miss 

RiUSsell ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know a publication called the New World 
Review ? 

Miss Russell, Yes. 

Mr. Morris. "\Yliat is the New World Review ? 

Miss Russell. A monthly magazine. ^ 

Senator Welker. Counsel, going back to your question, has she been 
active in the Rosenberg case, that is a very general question, and one 
that might be treated as rather unfair against this witness. Many 
people have been active in litigation, some popular and some unpopu- 
lar. I wonder as to the reason for that question because I don't want 
to ieave any inference in the record here that we are broadly shooting 
at a general subject like that. 

Mr. Morris. AVliat was that, ISIr. Chairman ? ^ ^ 

Senator Welker. You asked the question : "Have you been active m 
the Rosenberg case"? Now, an inference could be drawn from that 
question that maybe she was one of the witnesses, maybe she was one 
of the participants, mavbe she was one of the witnesses for or against 
the Rosenbergs, and things like that. I don't like that form of a 

question. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may Mr. Mandel describe this next 

document? t t ut^ 

Mr. Mandel. I have here a circular mimeographed, headed: J^ar 
East Reporter. To our subscribers and friends." It is undated. 

Two drastic acts of ignoring the wishes of the American people have occurred 
during the past 2 weeks : President Eisenhower's state of the union address which 
indicated no plans whatever for carrying out the American people's desire for a 
peaceful settlement of the Korean war and the blatant unresponsiveness of Mr. 
J^isenhower to the nationwide, worldwide appeal for less than the death sentence 
for the Rosenbergs. These two acts are not unrelated : Extending the war in 
Asia and riding roughshod over the expressed desires and appeals of the people. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 397 

Aud, the linking of the Rosenberg sentence to the war In Korea, specifically by 
Judge Kaufman and implicitly by INIr. Eisenhower, is a measure of the psychologi- 
cal warfare which Washington is conducting— not against the Chinese and 
Korean people who well understand the true nature of American far eastern 
policy— but against the American people. This is a part of the increasingly 
hysterical measures which are being employed by our authorities to bludgeon the 
American people into an acceptance of a widening of the war in Asia. 

All who want peaceful relations with Asia will see these connections. The 
Far East Reporter urges action : Wire the President and your congressional Rei> 
resentatives appealing for a reconsideration of the Rosenberg sentence and urging 
the exercise of clemency. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Kiissel], did you send that letter? 
You may examine it if you like. 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 
Mr. Morris. Is that your signature that appears on that letter ? 
Miss Russell. I claim my privileges. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know an organization called the International 
Civil Liberties Committee? 
Miss Russell. No. 

Mr. Morris. Have you had any communication with that com- 
mittee ? 

Miss Russell. I don't know any such committee. 

Senator Welker. May I suggest, Madam Witness, where there is a 
question such as that — and this is a suggestion ; you have able counsel 
at your right, and I hope you will pardon a suggestion — wliere there 
IS a question, do you know this or that, and your memoiy might be a 
little bit faulty, I think the best answer would be "I don't recafl." 

Mr. Rein. Yes, I think that is what she meant, she has no recol- 
lection. 

Senator Welker. Fine. 

Mr. Morris. I am reading now from a letter on the letterhead of the 
Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, dated June 11, 1947, 
which bears the signature "Maud Russell, executive director." 
Fellow Citizens : 

"The reign of terror is on. Students are the victims. The faculty is next 
* * *. The Government is using extreme methods. This story about "the total 
reign of terror must be told abroad. It is a significant revelation of the desi>erate 
state of affairs in China." A friend wrote us this on .Tune 1. 

Right now, in Washington, the Nanking Government is using high-pressure 
methods to secure a billion or a billion and a half American dollars with which 
to continue the civil war aganst which Chinese students, faculty, newspapermen, 
workers, and intellectuals are demonstrating. 

We Americans must protest. Our protests can save thousands of lives in 
China, and they will let our administration in Washington know that we citizens 
will never sanction underwriting of the terror in China. We must demand that 
this Chiang Kai-shek blood bath stop. Chiang Kai-shek now depends on 
American dollars for his continued rule. 

We urge you: send a letter of protest against these violent repressions of 
students to International Civil Liberties Committee, .John W. Powell, chairman 
care of China Weekly Review, 160 Chung Cheng Road East, Shanghai, China. 

Does that refresh your recollection on that particular organization. 
Miss Russell? ^ ' 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may that go into the record? 

Senator Welker. It will be so ordered. 

(The letter referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 165" and is as 
follows:) 



398 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Exhibit No. 165 

Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy. 

New York JS, N. Y., June 11, 19J,7. 

Fellow Citizens : "The reign of terror is on. Students are the victims. The 
fac-ulty is next * * * The Government is using extreme methods. This story 
'i'bout the total reign of terror must be told abroad. It is a si.^uiticant revelation 
of the desperate state of affairs in China." A friend \Yrote us this on June 1. 

Right now, in Washington, the Nanking Government is using high pressure 
methods to secure a billion or a billion and a half American dollars with which to 
continue the civil war against which Chinese students, faculty, newspapermen, 
workers, and intellectuals are demonstrating. 

We Americans must protest. Our protests can save thousands of lives in China, 
and they will let our administration in Washington know that we citizens will 
never sanction underwriting of the terror in China. We must demand that this 
Chiang Kai-shek bk)od bath stop. Chiang Kai-shek now depends on American 
dollars for his continued rule. 

We uriie you : send a letter of protest against these violent repressions of 
students to International Civil Liberties Committee, John W. Powell, chairman, 
in care of China A\'eekly Review, 160 Chung Cheng Road East, Shanghai, China. 
An airmail letter to China costs 25 cents and will be there in a week. 

Or, send a night letter cable to tlie same committee, using the following address : 
International Civil Liberties Reviewing, Shanghai. A night letter cable (with 
25 words minimum) costs less than $2. 

We urge that you get your organization and other organizations in your com- 
munity to send a message (air letter or cable) ; or that you get 3 or 4 individuals 
to send joint cables. 

Messages to this Civil Liberties Committee — you can guess why a westerner 
rather than a Chinese is chairman — will be used effectively to pressure the 
Nanking Government and will be given wide publicity in China. That regime 
deeply fears American public opinion : let's give them a wave of American pro- 
tests and stop this civil war and those violent suppressions of civil liberties. 

Please send copies of your messages to the Committee for a Democratic Far 
Eastern Policy. We will help give it added circulation in China and we will use 
it to show our administration tliat Americans want no part in helping crush 
democracy in China. Act today ! 
Sincerely, 

Maud RusSell, Executive Director. 

Senator Welker. Miss Eussell, do you know Nathan Gregory Sil- 
vermaster ? 

Miss Russell, No ; I do not. 

Senator Welker. You never met him ? 

Miss Russell. No. 

Senator Welker. Did you ever know William Ludwig Ullmann? 

Miss Russell. No ; I do not. 

Senator Welker. Have 3^011 ever known Joan Hinton ? 

Miss Russell. I have read her name in the paper, but I don't know 
her personally. 

Senator Welker. You have never attended any meetings where 
she w^as present, to your knowledge ? 

Miss Russell. Not that I know of. 

Senator Welker. Do you know of Joan Hinton ? 

Miss Russell. I have read her name in the paper. 

Senator Welker. You have read about her being a nuclear scientist ; 
is that correct? 

Miss Russell. I think that is her connection. 

Senator Welker. And you have read where she is now ? 

Miss Russell, I don't know wliere she is. 

Senator Welker, You haven't read the recent testimony as to her 
being in the People's Republic of China, a dairy farm there, which 
I have termed in Red China ? You haven't read that ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 399 

Miss Russell. Well, I may have read it, but T can't affirm it. 

Senator Welker. I want to ask you this question, Miss Russell. Do 
3'ou actually believe the United States of America, through its Armed 
Forces, is guilty of using germ warfare in the Korean war? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privilege under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. You claim your privilege under the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Proceed, counsel. 

Mr. Morris. Are you acquainted with an organization called Indus- 
co? 

Miss RussELi.. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. IMoRRis. Was Ida Pruitt the" secretary of an organization called 
Indusco, Inc.? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Does Ida Pruitt reside in the same apartment with 
you ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. And you will not tell this committee whether or not 
you had any connection with the organization known as Indusco? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Miss Russell, have you ever told anyone that you 
are a member of the Communist Party ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. In the many speaking tours, many places that you 
have testified, have you been asked whether or not you were a member 
of the Communist Party ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. And had you been so asked, what would your 
answer have been? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. You did tell them that you were the executive 
director of the Far East Reporter, did you ? 

Miss Russell. I did not. I am the publisher of the Far East Re- 
porter. 

Senator Welker. I beg your pardon. The publisher. 

Miss Russell. Yes. 

Senator Welker. You did tell them that you were the publisher 
of that? 

Miss Russell. Of course. 

Senator Welker. Did anyone ask you, or did you tell anyone that 
you were also a member of the Communist Party ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amenchnent. 

Mr. Morris. jVIiss Russell, has Frederick. V. Field been a contribu- 
tor to the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Did he specifically contribute $1,000 to the support of 
that organization. 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Did Corliss Lamont, to your knowledge, contribute $500 
to the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Do you recall a cocktail party held at the residence of 
Frederick V. Field in New York City on February 17, 1946, the pur- 



400 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

pose of which was to foster traditional activities of the captioned 
organization, namely, the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern 

Policy ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Do you have any knowledge that at that meeting plans 
were made for the following speakers to speak at a meeting held April 
3, 1946, at the Hotel Roosevelt, New York City, and the speakers in- 
cluded Hugh DeLacy, Ted ^Vliite, Louis Weinstock, Sam Cannon, 
Bella Dodd, Phil Jaffee, and Mrs. Fred Field? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Were there several people from the State Department 
present at that meeting i 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Was Johannes Steele present at that meeting? 

Miss Russell. Same answer. 

Mr. Morris. Do you recall an article called the Tokyo Martyrs by 
Agnes Smedley, published in the Far East Spotlight in March 1949 ? 

Miss Russell. I claim my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may that go into the record at this 
time? 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 166" and is 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 166 

The Tokyo Martyrs 

(By Agnes Smedley) 

General MacArthur has published accusations regarding a "Soviet spy ring" 
in Japan, in which he involves me. They were timed to coincide with his military 
conference with Army Secretary Royall and the building of a new civil-war base 
in south China. They coincided with Gen. Claire Chennault's book advocating 
new United States intervention in China and Senator McCarran's shouts for $1.5 
billion more for Chiang Kai-shek. 

MURDERED BY JAPANESE 

The report tells us that the principals in the "spy" case, Richard Sorge and 
Hozumi Ozaki, are dead. They are dead indeed, murdered by the Japanese 
militarists. To the best of my knowledge, these men were not spies and traitors, 
but martyrs for the Allied cause. MacArthur' s own report says that it was due 
fo their efforts that the Soviet Union was able to throw back the Nazi enemy 
and prevent Russia from being transformed into a German base. If it had not 
been for that, American and British Armies could never have landed in Normandy. 
We would have lost the war. 

By contrast with Sorge and Ozaki, I am alive and, according to the report 
"still at large." If these men were "guilty" of anything and I with them, it has 
taken General MacArthur a long time to decide. His military intelligence chief. 
General Willoughby, said the report was prepared a year ago. Much earlier 
than that, Hozumi Ozaki's prison letters to his wife were published in Japan, 
w-here nothing can be printed without the consent of MacArthur's censors. They 
became a best-selling book. My name appears frequently in those letters. 

There has been no secrecy about my knowing Ozaki. He was a noted writer 
and a correspondent in China for many years, and it was as such that I knew 
him. He was bitterly opposed to Japanese impeinalism. He gave his life in 
the fight against its criminal war, for his own people and all peoples. 

SMEARS BEIFORE CHECKING 

Now General MacArthur and General Willoughby defame the dead. Their 
sources are a mixture of Japanese secret police reports and hearsay. They do 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 401 

not blush to speak in the direct words of Tojo. They have not bothered even to 
check with the State Department before smearing one of its officers who is also 
dead and cannot reply. 

Among the living, they make no mention of many foreign correspondents with 
powerful connection who visited Japan during that time and worked with Ozaki 
and Sorge. They have singled me out for attack instead. Their report says 
that, for 20 years, my writings have "hoaxed" the United States State Depart- 
ment, all American correspondents who came to the Far East and the whole 
American people regarding the facts of life in China and that that is why I must 
now be "exposed." They make out all these Americans to be such poor dumb- 
bells that they cannot judge for themselves. I do not know of any greater insult 
to the American State Department, the American press and the American people. 

General Willoughby says he has much more on me than has been made public. 
Of course he has much more on me. If he hasn't, he can go right back to the 
Japanese secret police, who had me on their death list for many years, and they 
will be glad to help. 

WHERE WAS 62 ? 

If General Willoughby and the United States military intelligence to which he 
belonged had worked as well in prewar Japan as the martyrs he now defames, 
there might have been no World War II. General Willoughby exclaims with 
horror that Sorge "plundered" the files of the Nazi Embassy in Tokyo. Why 
didn't he do it and stop the attack on Pearl Harbor? It was his job. What were 
our intelligence officers doing in Japan in those years? If I know them, they 
were probably going to cocktail parties. 

The Japanese and the Chinese people call Sorge and Ozaki "the Tokyo martyrs." 
MacArthur now calls them spies and traitors for working against Tojo. Why 
doesn't MacArthur consult his Japanese police files and report on the Americans 
who worked with Tojo? Those real spies and traitors were everywhere before 
the war. Their activity helped make Pearl Harbor possible. I met them in this 
country and in China. Our authorities know who they are but do not molest 
them, or tell the American people. Today they are still well-paid "respectable" 
citizens. 

Generals MacArthur and Willoughby are using hit-and-run tactics. 

General MacArthur's mother was a Virginia lady, and I hear he prides himself 
on being a Virginia gentleman. I say he is a Virginia ham actor. He sits there 
like a star-spangled god, hiding behind the legal immunity which he enjoys as a 
high United States official and heaves rocks at the reputations of private citizens. 
His purpose is to cover up the failure of our policies in the Far East, which like 
his behaviour are a disgrace to America. 

In conclusion, and with only this comment, I quote from two news items which 
subsequently appeared, one in the New York Times and one distributed by 
Associated Press. 

The New York Times report, February 16, said : 

"Washington, February 15. — The Army admitted today that the report on the 
Sorge spy ring in Japan, formally issued by its public information division last 
Thursday, did not represent Army policy. Some Army officials, who were not 
present when the long report was made public, went on also to say they believed 
a "public relations faux pas" had been committed for which only the Army 
could take responsibility." 

The Associated Press item (February 19) said: 

"Washington, February 19. — The United States Army, under criticism for 
issuing its recent report of wartime Soviet espionage in Japan, admitted today 
that it had blundered. Col. George S. Eyster, Deputy Chief of the Army's public 
Information Division, said among other things that the Division had no proof 
at hand to back up the charge in the report that Agnes Smedley * * * was a 
Russian spy." 

The irresponsible smear has done its front-page damage; the so-called re- 
tractions are late, weak and in the back of the newspapers. The retraction, in 
such cases, rarely catches up with the lie. 

Mr. Morris. And, Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer for the rec- 
ord at this time a translation which I think ]Mr. MclSIanus can identify 
for the committee. 

Senator Welker, A translation of what? 

Mr. Morris. Articles about Agnes Smedley, 



402 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr McManus. The subcommittee asked the Library of Congress 
for a translation of the series of articles which appeared in the Kuang 
Mino- Daily, May 6, 1951, which w^ere written on the occasion of the 
cominemorative services to Agnes Smedley in Peking. This was a 
ceremony a year after the death of Agnes Smedley m England when 
her ashes were sent to Peking, China. And this is a translation w^hich 
the Library of Congress gave us. 

Mr. Morris. ]Mr. Chairman, may that go m the record i 

Senator Welker. It is so ordered. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 167" and is as 

follows:) 

Exhibit No. 167 

The Librart of Congress, 
Washington, D. C, January 12, 1956. 

Mr. Robert C. McManus, 

Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C. 
Dear Mr. McManus : Your request of December 28 for the translation of 6 
articles from the Kuang Ming Daily, May 6, 1951, has received the attention of 
our Chinese Section. . 

Two copies of the translations, together with the original Chinese text, are 
transmitted herewith. 
Sincerely yours, 

Edwin G. Beal, Jr., 
Acting Chief, Orientalia Division. 

Caption for the series of articles : "Special Issue in Commemoration of the 
American Revolutionary Writer Miss Smedley." 

(The 6 articles which follow have all been translated from the Kuang-mmg 
jih-pao, Peking, May 6, 1951, p. 3.) 

No. 1. In Commemoration of Oxm Dear Friend Agnes Smedley 
(By Mao Tun (i. e. Shen Yen-ping)) 

Today we are commemorating the first anniversary of the death of the Amer- 
ican liberal writer and correspondent, Miss Agnes Smedley * * *. In all she 
had spent a total of 12 years in China. It was the most difficult period in the 
Chinese revolution. Miss Smedley's first visit to China was in 1928; her first 
book relating to China, called Chinese Destinies, was published in 1933. This 
book is a record of blood and tears shed by the Chinese peasants. Her second 
l)ook, entitled "China's Red Army Marches," was published in 1984. This book 
gave the world a real picture of the Chinese Communist Party and its armed 
forces, the Red army which was composed of laborers and farmers. It also ex- 
posed the disgraceful rumors— manufactured by the reactionary imperialist 
hloes — regarding the Chinese people's liberation movement. Her third and 
fourth books, China Fights Back and Battle Hymn of China, were published 
during the war of resistance. In them she forcefully pointed out that the 
Cliinese Communists, not the Chiang Kai-shek group of bandits, were leading 
the Chinese people in their w^ar of resistance against Japan. Miss Smedley had 
planned to write a biography of Chu Te, but it was never completed because she 
was in illne.ss and poverty. 

******* 

After 1947 it was apparent that the Chinese people's revolution would suc- 
ceed and that the American imperialists and their running dogs, the Chiang 
bandits, would lose. To fight a hopeless battle, the American imperialists 
feverishly prepared for new aggressive wars. The administration became 
increasingly Fascist. One would get in trouble if he spoke out against war 
or if he righteously advocated for peace. Progressive American people were 
being constantly persecuted. Miss Smedley, of course, was no exception. This 
shameful persecution reached its climax in Febrauary 1949, when warmonger 
MacArthur accused Miss Smedley as a "Soviet spy." 

*•**•*• 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 403 

Last June the American imperialist flagrantly launched a war of aggression 
against Korea and Formosa, which endangered peace in Asia and the world. 
Owing to the valiant resistance of the Korean people's army and our volun- 
teer army, more than 70,000 of the American aggressors were annihilated. 
Temporarily we had smashed the plan of the Ajnerican imperialists to enlarge 
the war. But the aggressors would not accept the lesson of defeat. Instead 
they intensified their military preparation at the expense of their own people's 
blood and tears. At the same time, they entered into a peace agreement inde- 
pendently with Japan and started to rearm her with the idea of making her 
people cannon fodder. In Europe meanwhile the American imperialists rearmed 
Western Germany. They rejected the Soviet proposals to safeguard world 
peace. The Truman government and its backers, the Wall Street warmongers, 
were plotting a new aggressive war to destroy world peace. They not only 
imperiled the people of the whole world, but also the people of the United 
States. They were not only the murderers of Smedley; they were the enemies 
of all peace-loving people. Although Miss Smedley is now dead, the peoples 
of the whole world, including those of the United States, are following the path 
of righteousness which Miss Smedley traversed. With courage they will organ- 
ize to oppose the sinful plan of the American imperialists to conquer the world 
and to slaughter its people. 

* * * * H: t * 

Life of Miss Smedley, a Warrior 

(By Ting Ling (i. e. Chiang Ping-Chih) 

It is by no means easy under the American imperialist-fascist system of gov- 
ernment to steadfastly cherish iieace and truth. Likewise it is hard not to be 
swayed by wealth and power, or not to yield to force under duress. As far 
as I can see. Miss Smedley is one of those who defied force and power * * *. 

******* 

* * * She gained knowledge by direct contact with revolutionists and made 
a visit to Soviet Russia. She understood that there were two camps in the 
world : the revolutionary, righteous camp comprising the workers of the whole 
world, and the reactionary camp which is the militarist, imperialist, and 
Fascist camp. Miss Smedley chose the former camp, and came to China. From 
her contact with the Chinese people and the revolutionary movement for more 
than 20 years, she had never changed her attitude. She ardently loved the 
Chinese people, the Chinese revolution, and the Chinese armed forces and their 
leaders * * *. 

******* 

* * * She got herself interested in revolutionary ideals in early life, and 
was determined to dedicate herself to revolutionary work * * * she left the 
United States and went to Berlin, which was the center of the Indian revolu- 
tionists. All the progressive Indians there knew Miss Agnes Smedley. 

* ****** 

She came to China in 1929 * * * She came to China as a correspondent of 
the Frankfurter Zeitung in Germany at a time when Chiang Kai-shek's white 
terror enveloped the whole of China shortly after the great revolution, 

* * * After she came into contact with the leftist intellectuals, she had a 
better understanding of the revolutionary aspirations of the Chinese people. 
Through these contacts she collected much material related to the revolution- 
ary movement of the Chinese Communists in Kiangsi, Fukien, Anhwei, Honan, 
Hupeh, Hunan, an other places. She had conversions with revolutionary workers 
who came to Shanghai from Red areas. These heroic revolutionary anecdotes, 
together with the fighting records of the Red army of workers and farmers, 
bloomed beautifully in her heart. She worshipped them and their splendid 
war deeds. She wrote report after report which she sent out to the world. * * * 



* * * 



* 



During her stay in Shanghai, Miss Smedley not only wrote articles, but also 
helped in establishing relations between the leftist intellectuals and interna- 
tional progressive organizations, such as the New Masses and other magazines 
in the United States * * * 



404 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Employing difterent methods, she worked among foreigners in Shanghai, 
filked to them solicited contributions, and organized them as communications 
agents for the revolutionary leadeis and guided them. She said to them often 
•'Once you understand truth, you should plan what to do accordingly." She 
mobilized and directed some people to the Red areas. She helped the Red 
relief work, and participated in the work of the Alliance for the Protection of 
Human Rights sponsored by Sung Ching-lin, Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei, Lu Hsun (i. e., 
Chou Shu-jen), Yang Hsin-fo, and others. 

******* 

Chinese reactionary writers like Hu Shili and Ting Wen-chiang hated her 
bitterly. Hu Shih proposed complaining to the Frankfurter Zeitung in Germany 
that she had been conspiring with the Chinese Communists and demanded that 
the agency dismiss her. They intimidated her on these grounds. She was thus 
forced to leave the news agency, and lost her status as a correspondent * * * 
******** 

In November 1936, slie reached Sian which was a stronghold of reaction. 
Chiang Kai-shek sumujoned a military conference there, and started to suppress 
patriotic movements. Chang Hsueh-liang, who was stationed in Sian, Yang Hu- 
ch'eng, and many other military leaders of the Northeast and the Northwest 
had just accepted the proposals of the Chinese Communists to consolidate and 
unify the fighting front. Many Communists were in Sian, as well as members of 
the Democratic League. Miss Smedley who was confronted with such compli- 
cated and tense political situation became greatly encouraged. When Chiang 
Kai-shek was detained on December 12, Miss Smedley was overjoyed. She knew 
Chiang Kai-shek was fundamentally reactionary and was the bitter enemy of 
the Chinese people. He would not humble himself before the people. But 
Miss Smedley did not understand thoroughly the complicated nature of the 
Chinese revolution because at one time she wondered why Chiang Kai-shek 
was released. Nevertheless the Sian incident strengthened her determination 
to join the Eighth Route Army. She proceeded to Yenan, the holy place of 
Chinese democracy. 

She went to the headquarters of the Eighth Ronte Army where she met 
Generals P'eng Te-hui, Jen Pi-shih, Ho Lung, Kuan Hsiang-ying, Lu Ting-i, Yang 
Shang-k'un, and others. It seemed to her that she was having a reunion with 
members of her own family whom she had not seen for a long time. She held 
many pleasant conversations and asked all sorts of questions. In her daily con- 
tact with new things and new problems, she was kept exceedingly busy, yet 
she took time out to write articles to report what she had seen. 

In the .spring of 1937. she went to Yenan and stayed in the city, leading a 
frugal life like any other comrade. She spent most of her time talking to 
General Chu Te with the purpose of writing his biography * * *. 

******* 

The War of Resistance started on July 7. She followed the troops in Taiyuan, 
and reached the front at Wu-fai. She moved with the headquarters, passed 
through the T'ai Hang Mountains, and was stationed in a village near Lin-Feng. 
Besides enduring hardships of a military life, she even took care of other 
comrades * * *. 

******* 

In 1938 she went to Wuhan. Frequently she used the battles at P'ing Hsing 
Kuan and Yang Ming Pao as subjects for her reports. She exhibited overcoats, 
swords, binoculars, bags, gas masks, and other articles captured by the Eighth 
Ronte Army. With proceeds from contributions and royalties from her writ- 
ings, she bought medical supplies, gloves, and wind glasses and sent them to the 
r^ighth Route Army front * * *. 

******* 

She also went to the New Fourth Route Army and brought medical supplies 
to the front. She finished writing her third book, China Fights Back and her 
fourth book. Battle Hymn of China. In these books she differentiated between 
love and hatred ; she wrote them with enthusiasm. She exposed the intrigues of 
American imperialism toward China and revealed the infamy and dissipation 
of bandit Chiang Kai-shek. She praised the heroism, tenacity, determination in 
resisting Japan, and the selfless spirit of the Eighth Route Army and the Chinese 
people. She extolled their spirit of sacrifice in liberating the people, and in 
struggling toward a successful i-evolution. Her books were widely acclaimed 
by progressive people; they were translated into Russian, Gennan, Chinese, 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 405 

and other languages * * *. Although under extreme economic oppression, she 
continued her propaganda work on behalf of the Chinese revolution. 

Her enthusiasm for reAOlutionary work made her veiT active. Wherever she 
went, she would attract a crowd and win their sympathy for herself and her 
work in opposing American Imperialism * * * frequently she organized meet- 
ings to give speeches and sponsored discussion clubs. When she went to tne 
country, she organized the women students in nearby colleges and invited Chinese 
revolutionists in the United States to talk about Chinese problems and con- 
ditions in China. Gradually she trained herself to be an eloquent speaker. 
She was persuasive in hei- talks. Her writings were so convincing that they 
drew the attention and sympathy of her readers * * * 

* * * * * * * I 

* * * General MacArthur, as commander-in-chief of the Allied Forces, accused 
her as a spy of Soviet Russia not under arrest. He blamed her for her relation 
with two Japanese revolutionary martyrs who were loved by the Japanese people. 
All the American newspapers carried this news in big type on the front pages. 
What is behind all this? The reason is that during the war of resistance, many 
American correspondents came to China. Some of them went to Yenan and the 
Eighth Route Army front. They had observed with their own eyes two different 
types of China. Seeing from the angle of an American small capitalist class, 
they could not but realize that the policy of assisting Chiang in destroying China 
was not favorable to the United States. So their statements regarding General 
MacArthur's intrigues were unfavorable. Therefore MacArthur and the con- 
trolling class of the United States wanted to intimidate or warn these people. 
Together with anti-Soviet intrigues of Wall Street, they chose Miss Smedley. 
a true friend of China, to be their scapegoat. But Miss Smedley was uncompro- 
mising and untouched. Although this plot was treacherous and malicious, it was 
not successful. 

* * * « « * * 

* * * Her publishers were unwilling to accept the biography of General Chu 
Te for publication unless she revised it. But she continued to write about China 
when she got hold of any material. She distributed her articles freely. When- 
ever there was any chance she wanted her friends to have her material incorpo- 
rated into their writings, or to use it in debates. 

*f ***** * 

* * * She passed away this day a year ago — May 6, 1950. At the time of her 
death, she told her friends that she wanted to give her belongings to General Chu 
Te and have her ashes sent to Peking, China. She could not come to China 
while she was living, but she wanted her ashes to be buried in Chinese soil. Now 
her ashes have been brought over to Peking and will be interred in the in- 
destructible soil of the People's Republic of China * * * 

Daughter of the Earth 

(By Lao She (i. e., Shu Ch'ing-sh'un) 

The first time I met Miss Smedley was in September 1946. Before then I had 
heard of her. 

The place I met her was Yaddo, a large park in New York State. The park 
covers more than 10,000 acres ; there are pine woods, small lakes, rose bushes, 
buildings, and individual study rooms all scattered among the pine trees. The 
park belonged to a private citizen who was a millionaire and a connoisseur of 
the arts. After the owner's death, the beneficiaries of the estate set up a commit- 
tee and made the place a receiving center for artists to do creative work. It 
was opened in 1926; up to the present more than 500 artists have been enter- 
tained in that park, with all expenses paid by the committee. The garden was 
exceedingly beautiful and the location was quiet and tranquil, an ideal place for 
people to do creative work without disturbance. When I was invited as a guest at 
Yaddo for a month. Miss Smedley was already there working on her biography 
of General Chu Te. 

Whenever possible she made every effort to promote the causes of the Chinese 
(Communists) in the liberated area and of Soviet Russia. In so doing she 
did not step out to make any statement to the point of hysteria. For example 
twice she worked among newly returned American veterans from the war, and 
made efforts to dissuade them from following the old veterans in doing reaction- 
ary work. She asked me to go with her and let me tell them how corrupt and 



406 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

cruel the Chiang-Kai-shek government was. Then she immediately followed 
with explanations telling them how good the Chinese Communists in the lib- 
erated area were, for fear of arousing suspicion on the part of the poorly edu- 
cated soldiers that she was trying to ask them to join the Communist Party. 
In another instance, when discussing the world situation with a British author 
staying at Yaddo she made every effort not to blow up all at once. That British 
author had participated in the Spanish Civil War and he was bitter toward 
fascism But, like many other British intellectuals, the author, while opposing 
fascism stood in defense of the reactionary policies of the British Labor Govern- 
ment toward Russia. Miss Smedley was very clever realizing that if she per- 
sisted in praising Soviet Russia she would be putting forth fruitless effort, 
or even would cause angry embarrassment for both. She always pointed out that 
the "Soviet structure of government is the now ideal, the new experiment, and 
thetrefore the bright future of mankind for the whole world. Therefore, we must 
not criticize Russia for certain things she does but we must be farsighted for the 
sake of Soviet Russia and the future happiness of all mankind. If we denounce 
Russia merely on the basis of the remarks made by other people, our ideal would 
be diminished and the bright future of mankind would be obstructed." Such 
tender, highly principled remonstrances were very persuasive to those intellec- 
tuals who were susceptible of being swayed one way or the other. 

 **«*•• 

On account of her, Yaddo was subjected to investigation later. It was ac- 
cused of being a hideout for dangerous elements and a place for spreading danger- 
ous thoughts. There were many progressive artists who were guests at Yaddo 
throughout the years, but Miss Smedley was the most notoriously denounced. 

Once at a conversation with her at Yaddo I mentioned the impoverishment 
of the Chinese writers on the mainland. She immediately asked me to draft a 
letter, and typed copies and mailed them to progressive American writers. As 
a result I received more than fourteen hundred dollars in contributions which 
I deposited in a bank. I was unable to send the American money to China, but 
she again helped me by writing to a friend living in Shanghai and by requesting 
him to transfer the funds to the person in charge of the Chinese Writers' 

Association. * * * 

******* 

* * * Even after her death she gave her bones to the Chinese people, because 
she knew that the Chinese revolution was the people's revolution. Rest in peace, 
Daughter of the Earth, because you are now sleeping in the soil which was 
won by the victorious people's revolution. 

Miss Smedley, a True Friend of the Chinese People 

By Wu Yun-fu 

******* 

We remember that before the Sino-.Tapanese conflict began. Miss Smedley, 

while under surveillance of the imperialist elements and Chiang Kai-shek's 

secret police, gave constructive assistance to our revolutionists and progressive 

members in Shanghai. 

******* 
At present the American imperialists are madly committing aggression and 
slaughter in Korea, causing the Korean people to experience an unprecedented 
grave disaster. We should adopt Miss^Smedley's attitude of fighting for the 
right and emulate her noble international spirit by aiding Korea and resisting 
against the United States in order to completely fulfill the mission of guarding 
international peace. 

Miss Smedley, a Great Warbioe for Peace and Freedom 

By Ma Hai-te 

Miss Agnes Smedley came to Slianghai at the time when Chiang Kai-shek 
betrayed his comrades after the revolution, thereby spreading reaction and 
terror over the whole city. During tliose darkened days, many people with 
democratic inclination were arrested, punished and murdered by the servile 
hounds of the foreign imperialists ; foreign progressive elements were captured 
and put in prison ; charges were leveled against those who showed the slightest 
tendency to progressiveness. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 407 

She stayed in Shanghai and gathered around her revolutionary friends and 
bolstered them with her earnest and indominable spirit. She helped the deter- 
mined comrades to carry on their work required of them at that time- she 
assisted the underground fighters, collected and dispatched abroad news from 
the veteran Communists in Kiangsi : she held meetings with the students and 
assisted them to carry out their revolutionary activities; she took part in start- 
ing an anti-Japanese magazine called Voice of China, to which she frequently 
contributed articles signed with her pen name "Rustv Nails" * * * She par- 
ticipated in every type of revolutionary activity when called for at that time. 
I recall her busy moments: seeking medical supplies and forwarding them to 
the troops at the front ; looking after the clothing problem of a man about 
to take a dangerous assignment : working with an interpreter on news of the 
Ked army activities; and typing her articles to be sent abroad. 

She inspired many persons to join the revolutionary movement by setting a 
good example herself, by her persistent struggle, and also bv her untiring in- 
doctrination and propaganda efforts. My awakening and ultimatelv mv deter- 
mination to join the Chinese Red Army in 1936 was due to her influence and 
help. Her deep and strong conviction in the victorv of the Chinese Revolution 
and in the Chinese Communist Party movingly affected me and those who were 
associated with her. * * * 

•**•*•♦ 

At her hon;e in the Pai En apartment house in Shanghai, she often Invited 
close friends to dinner and encouraged them. Her friends had to come to her 
home m a roundabout way, for her house was often under the surveillance of 
the Kuommtang secret police and her guests were also being shadowed 



* * 



******* 



* Let us commemorate her according to her desired way— by positive 
action— by unflinching, continuous action, and by unity in our fight until the 
hnal complete destruction of imperialism from the earth (Feb. 19, 1951, Peking). 

I Will Never Forget Miss Smedley 

By Li Te-ch'uan 

I saw Miss Smedley several times when I was in the United States The fol- 
lowing two meetings gave me a very deep impression, which will never be 
obliterated from my memory. 

It was in the spring of 1948 when I first met her. She had been invited to 
give a speech at the China Week meeting sponsored by the American Far East 
Democratic Policy Committee. My husband, Feng Yu-hsiang, and I were invited 
to take part in this big meeting which was held on 38th Street, New York City 
A huge crowd turned out at the meeting. The great maioritv of the people were 
workers from clothing manufacturing plants. The leaders of this meeting were 
Miss Lo Mu-te, Miss Smedley, the Negro singer, Mr. Robeson, Mr. Feng Yu- 
hsian, and I. All of us stood on a platform specially installed on a big truck 
Alter one of the leaders announced the formal opening of the meeting on the 
loud speaker, the first speaker was Miss Smedley who sharply criticized the 
American Government's policy in assisting Chiang Kai-shek to start a civil 
war. t^he stated, "Now the war has ended ; American troops should be with- 
drawn immediately from Chinese soil * * * 

•  • • * * « 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, there is only one bit of unfinished busi- 
ness at this hearing. Mr. Mandel, the research director of the com- 
mittee, has gone through the files of the Far East Reporter, the Far 
-h^ast hpotlight, the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy 
and has compiled a list of 36 individuals who have been associated with 
the United States who have been connected in varving ways with the 
aforesaid publications and organizations. I was "wondering if they 
may go into the record at this time with a description of exactly what 
their associations with these publications have been. 

Senator Welker. I think perhaps in fairness to the witness she 

A °j -^.1^^^ '> ^^^^^^® ^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^h^s list to see if there is some error. 
And It there is some error, she may point it out. 



408 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

I am sending it down to you, Miss Russell. This is a list prepared 
bv the research director of Government employees, United states 
Government employees, either former or present, who al^e connected 
with the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy and its 
official organ, Far East Spotlight, and ask you whether or not you 
recognize any of those names. , ^, nj^^i i + 

Miss RussEM.. I claim my privileges under the hfth amendment. 

Senator Welker. You claim your privileges under the htth amend- 
ment ? 

Miss Russell. Yes. 

Senator Welker. Very well. Proceed. , -i . •. 

Mr Morris. May that list go into the record with a caveat that it 
purports only to be a compilation made by Mr. Mandel, research di- 
rector of the committee, in the course of trying to determine to what 
extent individuals connected with the United States Government have 
been associated with these publications and these organizations < 

Senator Welker. Yes, with a special reference that maybe some 
of them now are not connected with the Government, fonner and 
present men employed by the United States Government, ihat will 
o-o into the record with that stipulation. 
'^ (The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 168 and is 

as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 168 

Government Employees Connected With the Committee for a Democratic 
Far Eastern Policy and Its Official Organ, Far East Spotlight 

Abava Hernando J. : Former political reporter of United States Embassy in 
Mani?irformer employee Philippine Research and Information Sec ion head- 
quarters United States Army in the Far East. Speaker ^^^^ Committee for a 
Democratic Far Eastern Policy, writes guest column for Far East Spotlight, 

^""ibSmf He?be?t K. (Dr.): Former major in United States Public Health 
ServiceTn'cWna; later regional medical officer for UNRRA in Shantung Speaker 
for Committee for I Democratic Far Eastern Policy.-CDFEP Information Bulle- 
tin, September 1946. , ^, .. , o^ *. w„,,. ,-,1 riiiriQ 

Arivoshi, Koji: Former first lieutenant with Lmted States Armj m Chma-- 
attached to United States Army observer group at Chinese Communist head- 
quarters; later psychological warfare representative of the OWI at lenan. 
Writes guest column for Far East Spotlight. Far East Spotlight, February 194 < , 
pages. Consultant, Far East Spotlight, March 1949. , ^ ^- ^. ^^ v'ov 

Bernard, John T. : Former Congressman. Member, board of directors, a ar 
East Spotlight, Jime 1948. . . ^ ^^^^^„^f.„i. 

Bernstein, David : Former United States adviser to Philippine Government- 
Far East Spotlight, October 1947, page 7. r^ „„^^n fr.r- 

Bisson, T. A. : Former adviser, Government Section, Supreme Commander for 
the Allied Powers, Tokyo, Japan; principal economist, Board of Economic wai- 
fare, 1942-43. Consultant, Far East Spotlight, March 1949, CDFEF. 

Capitman, William : Former special agent, United States Army Counter-inteui- 
gence in Japan. Writes for Far East Spotlight, July 1948, page lo. 

Carlson, Evans F. : General, United States Marine Corps. First chairman, 
CDFEP letterhead February 11, 1947. See quote in Far East Spotlight, Decem- 
ber 1949-January 1950, page 21. Deceased. Author books on China. 

Chapman, Abraham: Formerly on editorial stafE of Army newspaper, the Dauy 
Pacifican (fired by General MacArthur). Writer for Far East Spotlight, feee 
Worker, Julv 7, 1946, page 9 editor Fraternal Outlook. Wrote article for *ar 
Eastern Survey (IPR). Member executive committee, CDFEP letterhead, Apni 
18, 1951, writes for Far East Spotlight, June 1948. . . 

Chu Tong : "In 1942 and 194;^ Mr. Tong was on a confidential mission to tne 
Orient for the OWI."— Daily Worker, May IS, 1949, page 3. Editor China Daily 
News. Lectures for Jefferson School of Social Science. Member executive 
committee CDFEP, writes for Far East Spotlight. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 409 

Coffee, John M : Former Member of Congress. Sponsor, CDFEP, letterhead 
April 4, 1942. 

Deane, Hugh : Employee, OflBce of the Coordinator of Information. Con- 
tributor, Far East Spotlight, July 1948. 

De Lacy, Hugh : Foi*mer Member of Congress. Member, board of directors. 
Far East Spotlight, June 194S. 

Doyle, Dorothy : Ex-UNRRA nurse in China.— Far East Spotlight, February 
1948, page 1. 

Falconer, Douglas: Former UNRRA official in China.— Far East Spotlight, 
May 1949, page 13. 

Fast, Howard : Army special film project, 1944. Member staff OWI, overseas 
December 1942-November 1943. — Sponsor, Committee for Democratic Far East- 
ern Policy. 

Foster, John : Ex-member, United States Information Service in China. — Far 
East Spotlight, March 1949, page 13. 

Friedman, Julian : Former United States labor attache in Shanghai. W^rites 
column for Far East Spotlight, April 1947, pages 3, 5. 

Gollobin, Ira: Chairman, American Veterans of the Philippines Campaign — 
must have been in the Army. Signer of call to Conference on China and the 
Far East (October 18-20, 1946). Member board of directors, CDEF. — Far East 
Spotlight, June 1948. 

Hagelberg, Gerhard: Served in Asia during war, with Signal Corps. — Far 
East Spotlight, August-September 1947, page 6. Consultant, CDFEP, Far East 
Spotlight, March 1949. 

Hernandez, Amado V. : Major in Lt. Col. Bernard Anderson's Guerillas during 
occupation of Philippines. Writer, Far East Spotlight, February 1949, page 10. 

Hunton, Alphaeus: Former teacher, Howard University. — Far East Spot- 
light, Augiist-September 1947, page 3. 

Keeney, Philip O. : Former libraries officer, SCAP, Tokyo. Treasurer 
CDFEP.— Far East Spotlight, June 1949. 

Dealtad, Catherine (Dr.) : "Was with United States Public Health Service on 
loan to UNRRA as a medical officer in Shantung Province (North China) for over 
a year."— Far East Spotlight, February 1948, page 6. Member board of directors, 
CDFEP— Far East Spotlight, June 1948. 

Liu Tsun-Chi : Former Chief Editor of the Chinese Department, United States 
Office of War Information, Chungking. Editor Slianghai paper suppressed by 
Kuomintang. Wrote article for Far East Spotlight, July 1947, page 3. 

Menefee, Selden : Social research economist, WPA, 1938-41 ; housing research 
analyst, USHA, 1941 ; senior psychologist. Office of Coordinator of Information, 
1941-42. Sponsor, Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy. 

Perlo, Victor : National Recovery Administration, Commerce Department, War 
Production Board, Treasury Department, writes article for Far East Spotlight 
urging trade with Chinese Communist Government — Far East Spotlight, Decem- 
ber 1949-January 1950, page 7. 

Pressman, Lee: Assistant General Counsel, AAA, 1933-35; General Counsel 
WPA, 1935-36. Member board of directors, CDP^EP, Far East Spotlight June 
1948. ' 

Rorkbrough, Edward : Writer for OWI— Daily Peoples World, September 28 
1946, October 3, 1946. Consultant, Far East Spotlight, March 1949. 

Salisbury, Laurence E. : Occupied numerous stations in Far East as United 
States foreign service officer, 1920-44 ; former Assistant Chief, Division of Far 
Eastern Affairs, State Department ; retired 1944 to assume present position as 
editor Far East Survey (IPR) : consultant to CDFEP.— Information Bulletin 
August 1946. 

Stewart, Maxwell S. : Consultant, War Manpower Committee 1943^4 

Consultant, CDFEP, letterhead, February 11, 1947. 

Tewksbury, Donald G. : Deputy chief, Special Training Branch, Military 
Training Division, ASF, War Department, 1942-44— writes for Far East Soot- 
light, October 1950. 

Wuchiuich, George S. : OSS. Speaker, CDFEP, Daily Worker, April 3, 1946 

Watson, Goodwin B. : Chief analyst. Foreign Intelligence Service Federal 
Communications Commission, 1941-44— Sponsor, CDFEP, letterheard' April 4, 

Watts, Richard, Jr. : Former head, News Division, Chungking Branch OWI— 
Worker July 4, 1946. Dublin representative. United States OWI, and special 
^l^i^^^T?^ to American Minister to Eire. 1942^3— Member board of directors 
CDFEP, writes for Far East Spotlight. 



410 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Willmott, Don : With OSS in China during war ; writes article for Far East 
Spotlight, September 1948, page 15. 

Mr. Morris. I have no more questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator Welker. Have you planned your speaking tour for the 
summer of 1956, Miss Russell ? 

Miss Russell. I have. 

Senator Welker. Do you have the speaking tour planned with 
respect to the Western States ? 

Miss Russell. I have the general areas where I am to speak. 

Senator Welker. Have you already been booked, or have you been 
scheduled for any of those places ? 

Miss Russell. The details are still to be worked out, the areas 
where I am going to be have been made known to my subscribers, and 
I am waiting for them to tell me when to come. 

Senator Welker. The subscribers are the ones who do the detail 
work for you in arranging for these speeches ? 

Miss Russell. I let them know I am coming, and some of them 
arrange meetings. 

Senator Welker. And you haven't arrived at a schedule for your 
next appearance in the State of Idaho ? 

Miss Russell. No. 

Senator Welker. I think that concludes the hearing as of today. 

I want to thank you. Miss Russell, for appearing before the com- 
mittee. And you, Mr. Rein, for your courteous and very fine way of 
representing your client. 

The meeting is now adjourned. 

And it is further ordered that you, Miss Russell, are now released 
from subpena. 

(Whereupon, at 12: 40 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned.) 



INDEX 



Note.— The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance to 
the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organization 
in this index. 

A 

Ackerman, Dr. Phyllis 329 

"A Day in a Peking Prison" ~ 300 

Alabama J ~ !__!__ ~ 340 341 

Americans _ 323^ 329r337, 357, 396 

American Armed Forces from China, Japan, and Korea 376 

American-Asian relations 33^ 

American bases ~ ~ 3-g 

American combat troops I_II_I I II IIII 383 

"American Intervention in China : Official Statements Versus Facts"IIII 377 

American policy 329 

-^P 34g 

Armed Forces ~ ~ ~ oan 

At>id. 33^ 3g^ 

Asian and Pacific Peace Conference, Peking, China, October 1952 ' 388 

"Asia and World Peace, Whither Japan? Answers by a Japanese— Toga 

Kameda, and an Australian— Victor James" 388 

"Asia Tells the World What the United States Is Doing in Asia- Whv 

Asia Demands Peace" ooa 

Asiatic Spain _ H ~ ~_ __ 3^9 



"Bandung, Asian-African Conference" 070 

Berkeley " xi^ 

Bill of Rights _ _ I I _ ^ 

Bisson, T. A Z^^ll.~ -."ZlllZ .3^ 

Boise ir339l340, 342 

British ' oT- 

Byrnes, Secretary of State I I ~lll 383 

C 
CaldAvell_ 339 34^3 

California 305 326, 339, 341, 342 

Cannon, Sam _ ' ^q 

Chicago ---~:ii::::::::::::"34i, 342 

S^'"''-^•J 0-— T 326-329, 337, 338, 347, 377, 383, 388, 397 

China Aid Council _ 39^ 

"China's Foreign Trade Soars — AVhy Can't Americans Benefit ">" I 367 

China Monthly Review oo^ 

"China Trade Facts" IIIIII 37^ 

China Weekly Review .^n.% 



'eekly Review 39j 

Chinese 



"China: Visitors Welcome!" ^^ _I 3^3 



397 

Chinese Communist 3"oq 

Chinese National Government IIIIIIII 3-(' 

Chinese Nationalist Army in China 'o~q 

Chinese YWCA I— Illllliri 326 

Coeur d'Alene ~ oon o^.^ 

Colorado '^^^' Jf," 



jl INDEX 

Page 

- - . . 326 

Columbia oor 

Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy ---;;, „„„' 

committee lor a^^ g^c^og^^ 333^ 337^ 338^ 347, 358, 360-363, 365, 376-384, 387, 

38S', 397, 399, 400, 407, 408. 

Letterhead. August 26, 1945 f^' 

111 West 42d Street, New York 06I, 6-ti 

58 Park Avenue, New York '^^ 

June 11, 1947 — Jf^ 

Committee for a Democratic Policy Toward China doO 

Communist Party '^^^' •^^^' ^^^' ^^^ 

Communist Party of New York State <5^0, 6Sl 

35 East 12th Street, New York, N. Y -^JO 

Congress ^93 

Congi-essmen ■- — --7 ~~~T" — 

"Constitution (Fundamental Law) of the People's Republic of China, 

With Editorial Introduction" 365, 386 

Constitution of the United States 386, 387 

Craigmont 3^^ 

"Crisis in China : What Chiang Has Lost in Arms, Men ' 35S 

D 

Dailv Worker 330-332, 346, 387, 388 

Mav 8. 1949 330, 387, 388 

January 16, 1950 331, 332 

December 2, 1948 358 

Darr, Rev. John 389 

Daughter of the Earth 405 

DeLacy, Hugh 384, 400 

Dennis, Eugene 327 

Descriptive maps of China 37- 

District of Columbia 341 

Dodd, Bella 400 

Dutch 377 

E 

Eighth Route Armory 329 

Eisenhower, President 396, 397 

England 326,402 

Epstein, Israel 329, 360 

Exhibit No. 139— Letter to all sections and counties from May Miller, 
assistant organizing secretary of Communist Party of New York State, 
Robert Thompson, chairman. New York, N. 1^., letterhead dated March 1, 

1949 re program for action on China policy 330 

Exhibit No. 140— Article from Dailv W^orker, January 16, 1950: "Facts 

Behind The Korea Crisis: Who Started The Shooting?" 332 

Exhibit No. 141-A— Letter from Maud Russell "To my friends" re Com- 
mittee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy being forced to register as 

a subversive organization 335 

Exhibit No. 142 — JNIaud Russell signature 337 

Exhibit No. 143— Far East Reporter. Maud Russell, publisher, January 
19.15: Making available significant facts and analyses contributed by 

comjietent writers on tlio Far East 343 

Exhibit No. 143-A— Far East Reporter. Maud Russell, publisher, .January 
1953: Making available significant facts and analyses contributed by 

competent writers on the Far East 344 

Exhibit No. 14.3-B— Maud Russell, publisher. Far East Reporter : Making 
available significant facts and analysis contributed by competent writers 

on the Far East 345 

Exhibit No. 144— Letters from China 347 

Military situation 347-349 

Notes on American intervention in China 349-354 

Living in the liberated areas 354-357 

Ordei" on tliis form 357 

Exhibit No. 145— Article from Daily Worker, December 2, 1948 : "Crisis in 

China : What Chiang Has Lost in Arms, Men" 358-360 



ESTDEX X TTT 

Page 

Exhibit No. 14(^-P^ar East Siwtlight, July-Septembor, IWJ: List of offi- 
cers of Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy 362 363 

Exhibit No. 146-A— "White Paper Confirms Our Cliarges" 364^365 

Exhibit No. 147— Far East Reporter, entitled "Constitution (Fundamental 

Law) of the People's Republic of China, With Editorial Introduction". 365-367 
Exhibit No. 148— Far East Reporter, entitled "State Capitalism in China"- 367 
Exhibit No. 149— "China's Foreign Trade Soars— Why Can't Americans 

Benefit?" 367-369 

Exhibit No. 150— Far East Reporter, entitled "Wanted: A Far East 

Geneva," by Susan Warren _ 369-37v> 

Exhibit No. 151— "China Trade Facts" Z___IZ__ ~_~Z_ _ 372 

Exhibit No. 152— Far East Reporter, entitled "Formosa~(Taiwan) " by 

Susan Warren 3j9 

Exhibit No. 153— Far East Reporter, entitled '"Descriptive Maps of 

China" 372 37^ 

Exhibit No. 154— Far East Reporter, entitled "The Trut~li~AbouTYndo- 

china" { 3j3 

Exhibit No. 155— Far East Reporter, entitled "China : Vistor's Welcome !"_ 373 
Exhibit No. 156— Far East Reporter, entitled "Bandung, Asian-African 

Conference" 373-376 

Exhibit No. 157— A petition to the President, the Secretary of State, and 
Congress : "We demand : Get out of China !" Return to Committee for a 

Democratic Far Eastern Policy 378 

Exhibit No. 157-A— Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, 58 
Park Avenue, New York, N. Y. : "What Are We Saying and What Are 

We Doing?" 379 

Reverse side of document : 

"Do We Keep Troops in China for This?" 380 

"Homecoming Again Delayed" 381 

Exhibit No. 157-B— June 28, 1956, from Committee for a Democratic Far 
Eastern Policy re opposition to House bill H. R. 6795 for military assist- 
ance to China ^ 38i 332 

Exhibit No. 158— June 24, 1947, from Committee fora Democratic Far 
Eastern Policy, to fellow citizens re dependence of Nanking regime on 

United States to save Chiang Kai-shek from defeat by his own people 383 

Exhibit No. 159— Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy printed 
circular re wide support needed for Representative Delacy's resolution 

for immediate withdrawal of United States troops and equipment 384 

Exhibit No. 160— Invitation, mimeographed, headed "Far East Reporter 
Takes Pleasure in Providing an Opportunity for Its Subscribers and 

Friends to meet Anita and Henry Wilcox" 389 

Exhibit No. 161 — Invitation from Maud Russell, publisher. Far East Re- 
porter, to our subscribers and friends to an evening with Rev. John Darr_ 389 

Exhibit No. 162— "Whither Japan?", introduction to pamphlet.. 390-396 

Exhibit No. 163— "How the USA Curbs National Independence" 390 

Exhibit No. 164— "Asia Tells the World What the United States Is Doing 

in Asia ; Why Asia Demands Peace" 39O 

Exhibit No. 165 — Letter from Maud Russell, executive director. Committee 
for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, June 11, 1947, to fellow citizens re 

Nanking government 393 

Exhibit No. 166— "The Tokyo Martyrs," by Agnes Smedley I ~__ 400, 401 

Exhibit No. 167 — Letter to Robert C. McManus from Edwin G. Beal, Jr., 
Acting Chief, Orientalia Division, Library of Congress, January 12, 1956! 

I'e translation of 6 articles from Kuang Ming Daily, May 6, 1951 402 

No. 1. "In Commemoration of Our DeadFriend Agnes' Smedley," by 

Mao Tun ' 4Q2 

"Life of Miss Smedley, a Warrior," by Ting Ling _ . I 40a 

"Daughter of the Earth." by Lao She ZZ_Z~"ZZ.~~ _ 405 

"Miss Smedley, a True Friend of the Chinese People," by Wu YunZfuZ" 406 
"Miss Smedley, a Great Warrior for Peace and Freedom," by Ma 

Hai-te '_ _ AQa 

"I Will Never Forget Miss Smedley." by Li Te-eh'uan ZZ~ZZZ" 407 

Exhibit No. 168— "Government Employees Connected with the Committee 
for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy and Its Official Organ. Far East 
Spotlight" ^Qg 



IV INDEX 

P 

Pa?e 

••Facts Behind the Korea Crisis" oq""Voo""qI«" q'tT^ III' ?«R 

I,',.- vn^t 337, 338, 34b, 37b, 383, 38b 

F r F-fst Re"»orte7 "-"_ 337-343, 346, 

112 West 4'2d Street, New York 36, N. Y ^^ 

Letterliead ^^1 

Letterhead, January 1955 %Jr 

Letterhead, January 1953 ^^ 

103 West 93d Street, New York 25, N. Y ^'^ 

Far East SpotlS' t^ 3^8^ -357, 361, 363, 365, 369, 372, 373, 400, 407, 408 

March 1049 f^ 

Far eastern policy ^^•^' ^°^ 

Field, Frederick „ ^q' 

Field, Frederick V ^-'^' ^jJJJ 

Fifth amendmenV""V:::::~ 

Florida ^^™J 

Formosa (Taiwan) ^'- 

Franco ^;^ 

French Government ^' ' 

G 

Gerla.h. Talitha 329, 360 

Germ warfare in Korea ^^>'' ^^ 

Government ?-^' *'° 

Government employees connected with the Committee for a Democratic 

Far Eastern Policy and its official organ. Far East Spotlight 408 

Grangeville 339 

H 

Hai-te, Ma ^^ 

Hintou, Joan ^^» 

Hinton. Mr " ??J 

Hinton, William ^W, rfox 

Hotel Roosevelt, New York City 4U0 

House bill H. K. 0795 3M 

"Housing and Construction in New China" 389 

•'How the USA Curbs National Independence" 390 

Hurley, Ambassador Patrick 377 

I 

Idalio Falls --^---.„ ^^ 

Idaho. State of 339-343, 410 

"In Conunemoration of Our Dead Friend Agnes Smedley" 402 

India 338 

Indochina 377 

Indonesia 377 

liidusco ^ 3J9 

Institute of Pacific Relations 326, 330 

international Civil Liberties Committee 397 

"I Will Never Forget Miss Smedley" 407 

J 

Jafle, Phil 400 

James, Victor 388 

Japan 338 

Japanese 329 

K 
Kai-shek, Chiang 327, 383, 397 

K'aiiKvla, Toga 388 

Kansas 341 



INDEX V 

Fng9 

Kaufman, Judge 397 

Kellogg II_I_I"__Z 339 

Korean 39^ 

Korean war IIII-_IIIIII__IIIIII___r396~397, 399 

Kuomintang 329 377 353 

Kuang Ming Dally, May 6, 1951 402 

L 

Lamont, Corliss 399 

Lewiston ~ ~ 339 

Library of Congress 402 

"Life of Miss Smedley, a Warrior," by Ting Ling Z" 403 

Ling, Ting 403 

M 

Malaya g^Y 

Manhattan Z_I I I_I__IZ 331 

MacArthur, Gen. Douglas ~_ __~_ 377 

McManus, Mr I_III~ __IZ ~~ 401 

McMichael, Rev. Jack ZZ Z ZZ_ 329 

Michigan , 34^^ 

Middle West -'— ZZZZV_ZZZZZZZZZZZZZZ'339, 341 

Miller, May 33O, 331 

Minnesota 34]^ 

"Miss Smedley, a Great Warrior for Peace and Freedom" ~____ 406 

"Miss Smedley, a True Friend of the Chinese People" 405 

Missouri ^^ 

Montana 34]^ 

N 

Nampa__ 339^ 34O 342 

Nanking Government 397 

Nation, the Z 346 

National Education Committee on Communist Policy in China Z 330 

New Fourth Army 329 

New Mexico Z_ 341 

New World Review, March 1955 issue Z 372 

New World Review Z 396 

New York Herald Tribune 346 

New York City 326, 333, 340, 341 

New York Times 345 3^7 

North Carolina ZZ ' 341 

North Dakota 34O 341 

O 

Oakland 340 

Ohio zzz_zzzrz^zzz;zzzi^:rz^ 341 

Oregon 341^ 342 

P 

Pacific 328 

Peking, China Z__Z ZZ_ZZ 402 

Pennsylvania ~_ ~__~ 34]' 

People's Republic of China 393 

People's World _~_ 34^ 

Pope, Arthur Upham 329 

Portland 342 

Powell, John. ZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZ360, 388 

Powell, John W 39y 

President , Qg3 

Program for action on China policy ZZ~~ 330 

Pruitt, Ida ~ ~ 3gg 



BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY 



3 9999 05445 4333 



INDEX 
B 



Page 



T, , p^,.„^ 346, 357, 360, 388, 398 

Red Cnina ^ 226 

Rein, David 7~-"-- fT";; q2R 

711 14th Street NW., Washington, D. C ^f" 

Attorney for Maud Russell ~_Z~~_~_l~S9Q 397 

Rosenberg's I'ZII _ ' 396 

Rosenberg case - " ~ooPi_4in 

Russell, Maud (testimony of) "^or 

103 West 93d Street, N. Y ^g 

1893, born in California ^;^ 

1915, graduated University of California |^^ 

Studied Woodbrook College, England ^^o 

M. A., Columbia, in 1945 g^ 

Fifth ameSneS re CommitteeUr a" De'mocratic Far Eastern Policy- 326 
Publisher of Far East Reporter g^« 



Fifth amendment re Communist Party. 

S 



399 



Salisbury, Lawrence E ^ 

San Francisco — 029 

Sayers, Michael ggg 

Schuman, Julian „q„ 

Secretary of State "I"!' 377 

Senators ~ ~ 097 

Shanghai, China 229 

Sheehan, Vincent ^| 

She, Lao ono 

Silvermaster, Nathan Gregory 2m-M)° 

Smedley, Agnes ^^"loo 

Snow, Mrs. Edgar ~~"~~I ^9 

South ' 041 

South Carolina ^ 

South Dakota ^ 

Soviet Foreign Office ^^ 

Soviet Russia Today (publication) ^<;f 

Spotlight (publication) ^^' 

"State Capitalism in China" ^nA 

State, Department of ^^'^' *"^ 

Steele, Johannes ^"" 

Stein, Guenther ^^ 

Stewart, Maxwell S ^;^ 

Stilwell, General ^^ 

Stowe, Leland %'X?. 

Sues, Ilona Ralf ^^'^ 

T 

Tannebaum, Gerald ^^ 

Te-ch'uan, Li ^"| 

Tennessee o^q 

Terlin, Rose ^^ 

Thompson, Robert ^nn 

"Tokyo Martyrs," by Agnes Smedley ooa'^nQ qsq 

Truman, President ^^y- ^»^' ^°^ 

"Truth About Indochina, The" ^'| 

"Truth Also Fights for Free China" <*^"' ^?? 

Tun, Mao *^; 

23 West 26th Street %'^' 

Twin Falls ^**^ 

U 

Ullmann, William Ludwig Qo«"Qftr^5ft"5q<? 407 

United States 326, 361, 386, 388, 407 

U. S. Government *"'* 



INDEX vn 

Page 

U. S. Government employees 408 

United States military forces 357 

United States military personnel 383 

United States of America 399 

U. S. News & World Report 346, 387 

University of California __ __!"__" ' 326 

UP ::::_:::::::::::: 346 

Utah 341 

V 
V-J Day 383 

W 

Wallace _ _ 339 

Wall Street Journal ~J~ ~_~ 345 

"Wanted: A Far East Geneva" ~ ~__I 369 

Warren, Susan ~ 3^9 3-5-2 

Washington .____"_" 341 342 

Watts, Richard, Jr ~_ ' 3.79 

"We Demand: Get Out of China:" I ~ 378 

Wedemeyer, Gen. Albert ~ ~ 377 

Weinstock, Louis , ~ 4OO 

Welker, Senator Herman 325 

Western States ~"~ 4]^q 

"What Chiang Has Lost in Arms, Men" 358 

"White Paper Confirms Our Charges" Qfi4 

White, Ted :: : joo 

"Whither Japan?" ~ _ "_"_" 390 

"What Started the Shooting?" ZlZJlJi_JlZ_ 331 332 

wiiicox, Anita ::_:":::::::::::::: 388,' 389 

Willcox, Henry ggg, 359 

Wisconsin 34-j^ 

Woodbrook College, England ZZ Z-_ZZZZZ 3'?6 

Worker,- ::_:::::::"387, 388 

Wm, Tung Pi 333 

Y 

Yergan, Dr. Max 097 ooq 

Yun-fu, Wu I_I__II III~_III~IZ"_ 456 

O 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



HEARING 



BEFORE THE 



SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTBATION OF THE INTEENAL SECUEITY 

ACT Am OTHER INTERNAL SECUEITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 
UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FOURTH CONGKESS 

SECOND SESSION 
ON 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE 
UNITED STATES 



MAECH 13, 1956 



PART 9 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




DNITED STATES 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

WASHINGTON : 1956 



Boston Public Library 
Cuperinteri.-lprit of Documents 

I JUL 18 1956 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

JAMBS O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

ESTES KBFAUVBR, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, JR., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

PRICE DANIEL, Texas EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois 

JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming HERMAN WELKER, Idaho 

MATTHEW M. NEBLY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Secubity 
Act AND Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman. 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, JB., Missouri HERMAN WELKER, Idaho 

PRICE DANIEL, Texas JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

Robert Morris, Chief Counsel 

Richard Arens and Alva C. Carpenter, Associate Counsel 

Benjamin Mandbl, Director of Research 

n 



CONTENTS 



Testimony of — Fag* 

Lamken, Natalie 426 

Lautman, Corinne 428 

Montgomery, Jean 411 

Montgomery, Jean, resumed 431 

Sherman, Alexander 421 

Stone, John B "~~ 417 

Todd, Alden "_IIII 435 

m 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



TUESDAY, MARCH 13, 1956 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 

OF THE Internal Security Act and Other 
Internal Security Laws, of the 
Cojimittee on the Judiciary, 
Washington^ D. G. 

Tlie subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10 : 30 a. m. in room 318, 
Senate Office Buildin(j, Senator Arthur V. Watkins presiding. 

Present: Senators Eastland (chairman) and Watkins. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, 
research director ; and Robert C. McManus, investigations analyst. 

Senator Watkins. The committee will be in session. 

Judge Morris, you may call your witnesses. 

Mr, Morris. Jean Montgomery. Miss Jean Montgomery. 

Chairman Eastt,and. Hold your hand up, please, ma'am. 

Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give is the 
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Miss Montgomery. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF JEAN MONTGOMERY, ACCOMPANIED BY DAVID 

COBB, HER ATTORNEY 

Mr. Morris. Miss Montgomery, will you give your full name and 
address to the reporter, please? 

Miss Montgomery. Jean Montgomery, 5041 12th Street NE., Wash- 
ington. 

Mr. Morris. Wliat is your occupation. Miss Montgomery? 

Miss Montgomery. Unemployed. 

Mr. Morris. You are a newspaperwoman ? 

Miss Montgomery. I was. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you would give the committee a short 
sketch of your career, dating back to the time you were in college . 

Miss Montgomery. I was employed in the early thirties by the 
United States Government 

Chairman Eastland. Would you please talk into the mike, ma'am, 
so that we can hear you. 

Miss MoNTGoiMERY (continuing). For about a year. 

Mr. Morris. I am sorrv. You went to Antioch College; did you 
not? 

Miss Montgomery. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. And you graduated in what year? 

Miss Montgomery. I spent 4 years there. I did not graduate. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

411 



412 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Miss Montgomery. I left in 1929, 1 believe. 

Mr. Morris. And what was your first employment after you left 
Antioch College? 

Miss Montgomery. I had a brief experience with a marionette 
show. I then became employed with a women's organization that 
was seekinc? the repeal of the prohibition amendment. I next worked 
for the United States Government in Washington. 

Mr. Morris. AVhat was your employment with the United States 
Government in Washington ? 

Miss Montgomery. As an administrative assistant in the NRA. 

Mr. Morris. It what year was that ? 

Miss Montgomery. I believe it was in 1934 or 1935. I believe in 
1934 or 1935. 

Mr. Morris. Now, in 1935 you became associated with the Textile 
Workers Organizing Committee, did you not? 

Miss Montgomery. It might have been in that year. After I left 
my Government job, I was employed in New York with an organiza- 
tion known as the Paper Industries Coordinator. 

Mr. Morris. The Paper Industries 

Miss Montgomery. The Paper Industries Coordinator. There- 
after I had a number of jobs. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did Len De Caux assist you in getting that par- 
ticular position ? 

Miss Montgomery. No. 

Mr. Morris. Did you work for the Textile Workers Organizing 
Committee ? 

Miss Montgomery. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did Len De Caux get you that job? 

Miss Montgomery. No. Len De Caux hiTed me to work — no. 
That is correct. Len De Caux hired me to work for the Textile 
Workers Organizing Committee. 

Mr. Morris. Now, at the end of 1935 and early 1936 you did secre- 
tarial work for the Rural Worker ? 

Miss Montgomery. I don't recall the name, I was employed by a 
committee organizing farmworkers. 

Mr. Morris. Now, were you associated with a gentleman named 
Archie Wright at that time ? 

Miss Montgomery. Not that I recall. 

Mr. Morris. Now will you continue? For how long a period did 
you do that work ? 

Miss Montgomery. Oh, I really don't remember. I should think 
perhaps a year. 

Mr. Morris. All right. What was your next employment. Miss 
Montgomery ? 

Miss Montgomery. Probably the CIO or the Textile Workers Or- 
ganizing Committee. 

Mr. Morris. In what year was that ? 

Miss Montgomery. I think around 1935 or 1936. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Now, for how long did you work for them? 

Miss Montgomery. I believe it was less than a year ? 

Mr. Morris. And what was your next employment after that. Miss 
Montgomery ? 

Miss Montgomery. The investment management firm of Joseph W. 
Burden. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EN THE UNITED STATES 413 

Mr. Morris. For how long did you work for them ? 

Miss Montgomery. About 3 yeare, I believe. 

Mr. Morris. That brings it down to what year ? 

Miss Montgomery. Around 1940. 

Mr. Morris. 1940. Now, what did you do during the war years, 
Miss Montgomery ? 

Miss Montgomery. In 1941 1 was employed by Tass. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Now was that the last employment, then, after 
the Burden agency, from there to Tass ? 

Miss Montgomery. Yes, that is right. 

Mr. Morris. And for how long did you work for Tass ? 

Miss Montgomery. Until July 1955. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Now, what was the nature of your work for 
Tass news agency ? 

Miss Montgomery. I was a reporter. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Now, would you give us a brief description of 
your duties as a Tass reporter? Were you working, for instance, in 
New York, or were you working in Washington ? 

Miss Montgomery. I worked in New York for 4 years. I was then 
assigned to Washington in the fall of 1945, assigned to cover Con- 
gress. My duties were those of any reporter, to cover hearings, legis- 
lation, debates, and other things of interest to readers. 

Mr. Morris. Did you cover Capitol Hill, in other words ? 

Miss Montgomery. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Did you also cover the White House? 

Miss Montgomery. Later, beginning, I believe, around 1952, I was 
given the additional assignment of covering Presidential and the 
Secretary of State's press conferences. 

Mr. Morris. Now, in that capacity did you attend off-the-record 
news conferences ? 

Miss Montgomery. No, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Did you also cover the State Department ? 

Miss Montgomery. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Can you tell us briefly of your work covering the State 
Department? 

Miss Montgomery. The work included sending news reports on 
whatever news emanated from the State Department : Speeches, hand- 
outs, press conferences. 

Mr. Morris. Now, when you would gather your news, or material 
for your news stories, to whom did you turn that material over, Miss 
Montgomery ? 

Miss Montgomery. A news story was filed, usually by telephone 

Mr. Morris. By you ? 

Miss Montgomery. By me. 

Mr. Morris. To whom ? 

Miss Montgomery. Dictated over the telephone, and it went by 
teletype to the New York office of Tass for transmission to Moscow. 

Mr. Morris. I see. In other words, you reported directly to New 
York rather than to the head of the Washington bureau ? 

Miss Montgomery. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Who was the head of the Washington bureau? 

Miss Montgomery. At what time? 

Mr. Morris. Well, give us the period of time that you were with 
Tass. 



414 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE XHSTITED STATES 

Miss Montgomery. In the beginning of my employment in the 
A^^ashington bureau, the manager was Larry Todd. Thereafter 
the chief of that bureau was Federov. He was succeeded by Bolsha- 
kov, who was in charge when I left. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Bolshakov is a Russian, is he not? 

Miss Montgomery. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And at the time of your departure in July 1955 what 
was the makeup of the Tass agency here in Washington, the personnel 
office ? 

]Miss Montgomery. There was Mr. Bolshakov, another reporter, 
Mr. Paramonov, and either one or two technical workers in the office. 

Mr. Morris. Would you tell us who they were ? 

Miss Montgomery. One was named Kondakova. 

Mr. ]\loRRis. Will you spell that for the reporter? 

Miss Montgomery. I believe it was K-o-n-d-a-k-o-v-a. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what was the name of the reporter that you men- 
tioned after Mr. Bolshakov? 

Miss Montgomery. Paramonov. 

]Mr. Morris. Is that the gentleman who sits over here at the end of 
the press table, Miss Montgomery ? 

Miss Montgomery. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And why did you leave Tass in July 1955 ? 

Miss Montgomery. I was dismissed. 

Mr. Morris. What was the reason for your dismissal? 

Miss ]\IoNTGOMERY. Reorganization of the staff. 

]\[r. Morris. What do you mean by that? 

Miss Montgomery. That is what I was told. 

Mr. Morris. I see. In other words, you know nothing more than 
that? 

Miss jNIontgomery. No, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you get any separation pay at that time? 

Miss Montgomery. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. What did it amount to ? 

Miss Montgomery. Including final salary, vacation pay and sever- 
ance pay for 14 years, the total was something over $5,700. 

]Mr. Morris. Now, when you were served with a subpena by the 
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee a few weeks ago, what did 
you do ? What was your first reaction ? 

Miss Montgomery. Well, that is rather hard to recall. 

Mr. Morris. For instance, did you call the head of the Tass bureau 
in New York, Harry Freeman, to let him know that you had been 
served ? 

Miss Montgomery. Yes : I did. 

]\rr. Morris. Now, why did you do that? 

Miss Montgomery. I requested that Tass pay whatever legal ex- 
penses might be involved for me in the proceeding. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Now, are they doing that? 

Miss Montgomery. I don't know. The proceeding is still going on. 

Mr. MdRRis. At the time of your executive session, you said that 
issue was uncertain, and that you did not knoAV what the outcome 
was going to be? 

Miss Montgomery. That is correct. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 415 

Mr. Morris. And it is your testimony here this morning that you 
do not know whether or not Tass is going to pay the retainer for your 
attorney representing you here today- 

Miss Montgomery, Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Or any other legal expenses you may incur ? 

Miss Montgomery. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. Wliat did Harry Freeman tell you on that issue? 

Miss MoNTGOJNtERY. As 1 told you during our rehearsal session, he 
said that it would have to be taken up with the home office of Tass, 
because such contingencies were not provided for in the budget. 

Mr. Morris. And he still, to this day, has not let you know what the 
answer is going to be ? 

Miss Montgomery. No. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Miss JNIontgomery, what credentials did you have 
as a Tass correspondent ? 

Miss Montgomery. I had credentials from Tass News Agency, a 
card saying that I was an accredited representative of the news agency. 
I had a card admitting me to the White House and one admitting me 
to the Congress. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Is that all? Were there any other credentials ? 

Miss Montgomery. During the immediate postwar years, I might 
have had others. There was a time, during the war, when reporters 
were required to carry a great many credentials for almost every Gov- 
ernment agency. But I don't recall what other agencies I had in those 
early years. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Now, Miss Montgomery, I think, awhile ago, 
you said that you did not attend off-the-record press conferences at 
the White House. Did you attend conferences at the TV^iite House at 
which off-the-record statements were made? 

Miss Montgomery. At the White House ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes. 

Miss Montgomery. I don't recall any. 

Mr. Morris. Did you attend any such conferences, at which off-the- 
record statements were made, on Capitol Hill ? 

Miss Montgomery. Yes, frequently. 

Mr. Morris. Frequently. That was a frequent situation, that you, 
as a member of the working press, found yourself in, was it not. Miss 
Montgomery ? 

Miss Montgomery. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. And is it your testimony that, for the most part, your 
assignment here on Capitol Hill and in the White House and at the 
State Department and at New York was very much the same as any 
other reporter's would be in carrying out his assignment for his news 
agency ? 

Miss Montgomery. For the entire part. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Miss IMontgomery, were you a member of the 
Communist Party the day before you took up employment with Tass ? 

Miss Montgomery. I won't answer that question, because I am 
afraid it might tend to incriminate me. 

Mr. Morris. Now, were you a Communist the day you took up your 
employment with Tass ? 

Miss Montgomery. I would Sfive vou the same answer to that 
question. 

72723— 5&—pt. 9—2 



416 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. jMorris. "Were you a member of the Communist Party a day 
after your employment with Tass News Agency? 

Miss MoNTGOiMERY. No, sir. 

Mr. Morris. You were not. Did you effect a resignation from the 
Communist Party for the purposes of working at Tass News Agency? 

Miss Montgomery. I don't believe so. 

Mr. Morris. Did you effect a resignation from the Communist Party 
on the day that you took up employment with Tass News x\gency? 

Miss Montgomery. No. 

Mr. Morris. Did you effect your resignation the day after you 
began to work with Tass News Agency ? 

Miss Montgomery. No, I don't believe that I did. 

Mr. Morris. You do not believe you effected a resignation ? 

Miss Montgomery. I don't recall, really, as I told you in executive 
session. I don't recall any such incident as that. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did Tass have a regulation that working members 
of that organization should not be members of the Communist Party ? 

Miss Montgomery. Tass had a regulation that its employees could 
not engage in any political activity whatsoever, and could belong 
to no political party. 

Mr. Morris. And for that reason you did not continue any member- 
ship that you may have had with the Communist Party ; is tJiat right? 

Miss Montgomery. For that reason, I did not participate in any 
political activity, or belong to any party. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Miss Montgomery, did you attend meetings of 
the Robert H. Hall newspaper unit of the Communist Party held at 
the home of Mr. J. B. Stone, 2901 18th Street NW. ? 

Miss Montgomery. Mr. Morris, I have already testified 

Mr. Morris (continuing). In Washington? 

Miss Montgomery (continuing). That I was not a member of any 
party. I was not a member of any group or unit or cell or fraction or 
subsidiary, any organization whatsoever. I did not attend any such 
meetings. 

Mr. Morris. Well. Miss Montgomery, the question I believe I asked 
vou was, did you attend any meetings of the newspaper unit of the 
Communist Party held at Mr. Stone's home, 2901 18th Street NW. 

Miss Montgomery. No, sir. 

Mr. Morris (continuing) . In Washington, D. C. ? 

Miss Montgomery. No. 

Mr. Morris. In the year 1947 ? 

Miss Montgomery. No, never. 

jVIr. Morris. Did you meet with people in Mr. Stone's home? 

Miss Montgomery. Mr. and Mrs. Stone were friends of mine. I 
have been in their home on social occasions. 

Mr. Morris. Now, it is your testimony that whatever meetings you 
had with Mr. J. B. Stone at 2901 18th Street NW., were social meetings 
and not meetings of a political nature? 

Miss Montgomery. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Were there political items discussed at those meet- 
ings? 

Miss Montgomery. That is very difficult to recall. I would pre- 
sume there were. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

Miss Montgomery. But none of us were living in a vacuum. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 417 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I wonder if we might interrupt the 
testimony of Miss Montgomery at this time and ask Mr. J. B. Stone to 
testify. 

Chairman Eastland. Yes. Call Mr. Stone. 

Mr. Morris. Will you step down temporarily, Miss Montgomery? 

Mr. Stone, would you come forward, please? 

Mr. Forer. May we have the lights and cameras off while the wit- 
ness is testifying, Judge Morris ? 

Chairman Eastland. Gentlemen — wait a minute, sir. You cannot 
take pictures. He has asked not to. He has that right under our 
rules. 

Would you gentlemen step in the back, please ? 

Stand up, please, sir. Hold your hand up. 

Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give the 
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee is the truth, the whole truth, 
and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Stone. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN B. STONE, WASHINGTON, D. C, ACCOMPANIED 
BY JOSEPH FORER, HIS ATTORNEY 

Mr. Morris. Would you give your name for the record ? 

Mr. Stone. John B. Stone. 

Mr. Morris. Where do you reside, Mr. Stone? 

Mr. Stone. 2901 18th Street. 

Mr. Morris. And what is your present employment? 

Mr. Stone. I am self-employed. 

Mr. Morris. Will you describe what you are doing? 

Mr. Stone. I publish a newsletter entitled "On the Washington 
Record." 

Mr. Morris. And what is your circulation for that publication ? 

Mr. Stone. It is not very big. I just started. I am trying to 
build it up. 

Mr. Morris. All right. 

Now, Mr. Stone, you have been a newspaper man most of your 
working life, have you not? 

Mr. Stone. I have. 

Mr. Morris. Will you give us briefly what your newspaper career 
has been? 

Mr. Stone. In 1922, I was publisher of the Billings Searchlight 
for 9 months. That might have been 1921. I think it was 1922. It 
was during the Wlieeler campaign in Montana. 

In 1923, I was radio editor of the Chicago Evening Post. From 
1924 to 1929, I was feature writer for the Chicago Daily News>. 
From 1929 to 1930 and maybe 1931, part of 1931, 1 was a rewrite man 
for the Chicago Evening American. I was a public relations man in 
Chicago for a year or two. Then I joined the Chicago Daily Times. 
I was a rewrite man and feature writer, night city editor, assistant 
city editor, and city editor, for various newspapers up until 1938, 
I believe. 

I worked for the Herald American for a year. I am not sure — no. 
The Herald Examiner. I beg your pardon. The Examiner. I was 
then public relations account executive for the Illinois Central Rail- 
road, for De Kuyper Co., an advertising concern. 



418 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

I came to Washington in 1 939 or 1940. I think it was 1940, to set up 
the first publicity organization for the defense bond sale. I went from 
there to Treasury procurement and from there to OPA. 

Mr. Morris. Now, just a minute. This is your Government employ- 
ment now you are telling ns about, Mr. Stone? 

Mr. Stone. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us what your first Government assign- 
ment was? 

Mr. Stone. At the Treasury Department, to set up the first public 
relations organization for the sale of defense bonds. 

Mr. Morris. What was your title at that time i 

Mr. Stone. I am not sure. I think I was Assistant Director of 
Public Relations, but I am not sure of the title. 

Mr. Morris. For the Treasury Department? 

Mr. Stone. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And after that? 

Chairman Eastland. What year was that ? 

Mr. Morris. What vear was that, Mr. Stone ? 

Mr. Stone. It was 1940. 

Mr. Morris. And after that? 

Mr. Stone. 1 went to the procurement department of the Treasury, 
the Procurement Division, as a, liaison man between the procurement 
officers and the economic agencies, like the WPB, OPA, and various 
departments of the Government that set the rules for buying things. 
Froni there I went to OPA. I wrote publicity for the Solid Fuels 
Division, for the Oil Division, and for a number of others, gradually 
moving up to where I was head of the desk that cleared all of the 
publicity pieces. 

Mr. Morris. What was that, Mr. Stone ? You were at the desk that 
cleared all these publicity features ? 

Mr. Stone. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Of OPA; is that right? 

Mr. Stone. That is correct. There was a short period I was asked 
to go over to OWL I worked there for a few months. 

Mr. Morris. What did you do with OWI? 

Mr. Stone. I wrote special assignments. One that I had was on 
war housing, the progress that was being made on war housing; one on 
the daily work of the chaplains in the armed services. I think those 
were my tAvo major assignments in the short period I was there. 

Mr. Morris. And after that, Mr. Stone? 

Mr. Stone. I went to Newsweek Magazine as correspondent here. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, immediately after the OPA assign- 
ment, you went to Newsweek? 

Mr. Stone. Well, there was a period in which I was looking around 
for something constructive to do. 

Mr. Morris. When did you work for Newsweek? 

Mr. Stone. As I recall, it was from 1944 to 1947. 

Mr. Morris. Then did you go to the Bridgeport Herald ? 

Mr. Stone. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Now. you were a Washington correspondent of News- 
week at that time, were you not? 

i\Ir. Stone. That is right. 

INIr. Morris. And were you a Washington correspondent of the 
Bridgeport Herald? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE "UNITED STATES 419 

Mr. Stone. I was. 

Mr. Morris. What was the general natui'e of your assignments for 
tliose two publications? 

Mr. Stone. For Newsweek I did economics, mitil the period of post- 
war strikes, when somebody discovered that I knew something about 
labor organizations, and I was given that assignment. I wrote a col- 
umn once a week called Labor Trends, and I covered labor develop- 
ments in the capital. 

Mr. Morris. And after you left your work at the Bridgeport Herald, 
wliat did you do ? 

Mr. Stone. The entire city was my beat on that. I wrote anything 
that I thought would interest the Bridgeport Herald. 

Mr. Morris. And your next assignment ? 

Mr. Stone. I was public relations director. I was retained by the 
Bureau of the Budget, or suggested by the Bureau of the Budget, to 
handle nublic relations on the World Congress of Statisticians at the 
Statler Hotel — no; at the Shoreham Hotel. 

Mr. Morris. Wlien was that ? 

Mr. Stone. I don't exactly remember the j^ear. It must have been 
1948 or 1949. I have a letter of commendation from the Budget Bu- 
reau on that. 

Mr. Morris. And then after that ? 

Mr. Stone. I worked for the Federated Press. 

Mr. Morris. Now 

Mr. Stone. There was a period in there, to keep the record straight, 
where I worked for the National Guardian and the Federated Press, 
both. 

Mr. Morris. Now, I wonder, Mr. Stone, if you could tell us whether 
or not you were connected with the Robert F. Hall newspaper unit 
of the Communist Party here in Washington. 

Mr. Stone. I refuse to answer that on the basis of my privilege un- 
der the fifth amendment not to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Do you reside at 2901 18th Street NW. ? 

Mr. Stone. I do. 

Mr. Morris. Are Communist meetings held in your home? 

Mr. Stone. I refuse to answer that for the same reason. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know a gentleman named Alex Shermaii ? 

Mr. Stone. Yes, I have met Al Sherman around. I know him quite 
well. 

Mr. ;Moruis. And who is he!* What does Alex Sherman do? 

Mr. Stone. I don't know. He has been a newspaperman. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Do you know his wife, Polly Sherman ? 

Mr. Stone. I have met her. 

Mr. Morris. She has been at meetings in your home? 

Mr. Stone. I don't know. She may liave been. I visited them. 

Did you say at meetings? 

Mr. FoRER. Would you clarify what you mean by meetings ? 

Mr. Morris. Have they been to your home ? 

Mr. Stone. I don't know whether they have visited my home or 
]iot, really. I have visited them. I remember having breakfast with 
them one Sunday morning. I would be delighted to have them come 
to my home. 

Chairman Eastland. Answer his question, now. 



420 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Stone. I did, sir. I don't know. I don't recall whether I 
was 

Chairman Eastland. Xow, what did you understand Judge Morris 
to mean by "meetings in your home"? You have answered the 
question 

Mr. Stone. I thought — I am answering the question. 

Chairman Eastland. Sir^ 

jMr. Stone. I am answering the question. 

Chairman Eastland. I said, you answered his question by saying 
"No." 

Mr. Stone. Oh. I thought he had asked me, had they visited my 
liome. 

Chairman Eastland. He asked you if they had attended meetings 
in your home. Now, what did you understand him to mean by 
"meetings"? 

Mr. Stone. Well, a visit, it seemed to me, would be a meeting in 
my home. 

Chairman Eastland. You understood him to mean a visit in your 
liome ; is that right ? 

Mr. Stone. Yes, that is correct. 

Mr. Morris. Has Jean Montgomery been in your home ? 

Mr. Stone. I am not quite sure. I think she has been. I have 
known her for a long time socially. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Has she attended meetings in your home? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Stone. What do you mean by meetings? I mean, if there 
were 2 or 3 people there, we, sometimes, as other people do very often, 
in fact, have a dinner and invite a fcAV friends out, or sometimes we 
invite a few friends over to watch TV. It is hard for me to answer 
that without knowing exactly what you mean by a meeting. 

Mr. Morris. Would you describe to us exactly what kind of situa- 
tions prevailed when Miss Montgomery did visit your house? 

Mr. Stone. As I said earlier, I am "not quite sure that she did. I 
think she has been at my home just in a purely social manner. But I 
have known her for quite some time. We were newspaper people 
covering the Hill here. 

Mr. Morris. How recently have you seen lier ? 

Mr. Stone. Well, I saw her on tlie witness stand just now. 

Mr. Morris. Naturally. Earlier than that, Mr. Stone. 

Mr. Stone. Oh, I would have to guess at that. I would say a year 






or so ago. 



Mr. Morris. A year or so. Well, is it your testimony that she is 
a person that you have known and whom you see and visit with from 
time to time? 

Mr. Stone. Oh, she is a person I know and have known and have 
visited with from time to time, rather over dozens. 

Mr. Morris. You will not tell the committee, now, however, whether 
or not you are a member of the newspaper unit of the Communist 
Tarty here m Washington ? 

Mr. Stone. I refuse to answer that for the same reason I have given 
before. *^ 

Mr. Morris Mr. Stone, were you a Communist when vou did that 
work for the Bureau of the Budget ? 

Mr. Stone. I refuse to answer that for tlie same reason. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 421 

Mr. Morris. Are you a Communist today ? 

Mr. Stone. I refuse to answer that for the same reason. 

Mr. Morris. Were yon a Communist when you worked for the 
United States Government from 1940 to 

Mr. Stoxe. I refuse to answer that for the same reason. 

Chairman Eastlaxd. Do you know Harry Dexter White? 

Mr. Stone. No, I do not. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were a newspaper- 
man here in Washington after the war? 

Mr. Stone. I refuse to answer that for the same reason, 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you did newspaper work 
in Chicago prior to the Avar? 

Mr, Stone. I refuse to ansAver that for the same reason. 

Chairman Eastland. Have you any questions? 

Senator Watkins. I have nothing. 

Chairman Eastland. You may stand aside. 

Mr. Forer. Is the witness excused ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes, you are excused. 

Mr. Forer. All right. 

Mr. Morris. You are excused, Mr. Stone. Thank you for your 
testimony. 

Mr. Alex Sherman. 

i\Ir. Forer. Senator, ma}^ Ave haA'e the pictures off for this Avitness, 
too? 

Chairman Eastland. Yes, sir. Gentleman, no pictures. 

Hold your hand up, please, sir. 

Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give the 
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee is the truth, the whole truth, 
and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Sherman. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF ALEXANDER SHERMAN, ACCOMPANIED BY JOSEPH 

FORER, HIS ATTORNEY 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Sherman, will you give your full name and ad- 
dress to the reporter ? 

Mr. Sherman. My name is Alexander Sherman. 

Mr. Morris. What is vour address ? 

Mr, Sherman, 1742 17th Street NW. 

Mr, Morris, And what is your occupation ? 

Mr. Sherman. At the present time I am self-employed, distribut- 
ing motion pictures. 

Mr, Morris, Wliat motion pictures do you distribute ? To Avhom ? 

Mr, Sherman. Various types of films; primarily documentaries. 

Mr. Morris. And for whom are you distributing films ? 

Mr. Sherman. For A^arious companies : Hoffberg Productions, in 
New York. 

Mr, Morris. What was that ? I did not hear. 

Mr. Sherman. HofflDerg; Brandon Films; Artkino; and Contem- 
porary Films. 

Mr. Morris. Will you give us a description of your work in dis- 
tributing films here in Washington ? 

Mr. Sherman. Well, this is the distribution of what is known as 
nontheatrical motion pictures. In other words, 16-millimeter films. 
They are intended primarily for use by organizations and schools. 



422 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. And for liow loiio- have you been doing that work? 

Mr. SiiERMAX. Since February or ]March of hist year, I believe. 

]Mr. Morris. What did you do prior to that time ? 

]VIr. Sherman. Prior to that, I was also self-employed in publicity 
and in the operation of the Georgetown Theater in Washington. 

]\rr. Morris. For how long did you run the Georgetown Theater 
in Washington ? 

Mr. Sherman, From the latter part of 1950 up until 1954, the latter 
part of 1954. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Sherman, what schools have you put these pic- 
tures into, that you are distributing ? 

Mr. Sherman. What schools ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sherman. Well, it varies. Mostly there have been some col- 
leges and some public schools and school systems. 

Chairman Eastland. Name them, please, sir. 

Mr. Sherman. Well, the Cleveland Public Library 

Chairman Eastland. Is that Cleveland, Ohio ? 

Mr. Sherman. Cleveland, Ohio ; yes, sir. 

Chairman Eastland. All right, sir. 

Mr. Sherman. St. Peter's College in Jersey City, quite a number 
of them, sir. 

Chairman Eastland. Go ahead. 

Mr. Morris. You tell us some more. 

Chairman Eastland. Wait a minute. Go ahead. 

(The witness' attorney consults with the witness.) 

Chairman Eastland. Wait a minute, now. He did not ask you, 
Mr. Attorney, for your advice. 

Mr. Sherman. I find it difficult, sir, to remember them all. 

Chairman Eastland. All right. You can remember some more 
now. Let us name them. 

Mr. Sherman. Well, it hasn't been a vey profitable business, frankly. 
We have had very few requests for these films. 

Chairman Eastland. Name the others, please, sir. 

Mr. Sherman. I just find it almost impossible. I would have to 
refer to my records to do that. 

Chairman Eastland. "\'\niere are your records, sir ? 

Mr. Sherman. They are at my office. 

Chairman Eastland. Now, name the others that you remember. 
You are bound to remember more than that. 

Mr. Sherman. Private individuals. 

Chairman Eastland. Who are those individuals ? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Forer. Senator, I think he is still on your question about 
schools. 

Chairman Eastland. Well, he said private individuals. 

Go ahead. All right. 

Mr. Forer. Are you dropping schools ? 

Chairman Eastland. All right, go ahead. Finish schools. We will 
go back to private individuals. 

(Tlie witness consults with his attorney.) 

INIr. Sherman. I really don't remember any more, Senator. 

Chairman Eastland. You do not remember any more ? 

Mr. Sherman. Not right now. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 423 

Chairman Eastland. Now, your records will show, is that right? 

Mr. Sherman. Yes, the records will show. 

Mr. Morris. Did you mention in your testimony public schools ? 

Mr. Sherman. There may have been public schools. 

Mr. Morris. I mean, did you say so just a few minutes ago ? 

Mr. Sherman. I said, schools. I am not sure. 

Chairman Eastland. Now, you said "public school systems." That 
is what you said, is it not? 

Mr. Sherman. There may be some public schools among them. I 
don't remember, Senator. 

Chairman Eastland. You do not remember the names of the 
schools ? 

Mr. Sherman. They are usually school systems. 

Chairman Eastland. You do not remember the name of a single 
school system ? 

Mr. Sherman. Offhand, I don't, sir. 

Chairman Eastland. Now, you said "private individuals." Name 
some of those private individuals. 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Sherman. At this moment, I don't remember who they are. 

Mr. Morris. 'Wliat work did you do prior to — I think we had gotten 
back as far as your work with the Georgetown Theater. 

Mr. Sherman. I was self-employed as a publicist, working for var- 
ious clients, and also as a publicity and film consultant to the Royal 
Norwegian Government. 

Mr. Morris. To the Royal Norwegian Government ? 

Mr. Sherman. Right. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us how long you served in that capacity ? 

Mr. Sherman. From 1942 through the duration of the war and 1 
year following, about 1946. 

Mr. Morris. When was the Hoffberg Film Distribution Co. organ- 
ized? 

Mr. Sherman. I don't know, sir. 

Chairman Eastland. It is a new company, is it not? 

Mr. Sherman. Hoffberg Productions? 

Chairman Eastland. Yes. 

Mr. Sherman. No, sir. 

Chairman Eastland. All right. 

Mr. Morris. Now, for how long did you work for the Royal Nor- 
wegian Government as public relations man ? 

Mr. Sherman. From the end of 1942 through the war and 1 year 
after, about 1946. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what did you do before 1942? 

Mr. Sherman. Prior to that I was handling publicity work for 
Columbia Pictures in Washington, and also for New York City. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what did you do before that? 

Mr. Sherman. Prior to that? 

Mr. Morris. Yes. 

Mr. Sherman. I was on a newspaper as a film critic for the New 
York Morning Telegraph. 

Mr. Morris. Film critic for the New York Morning Telegraph? 

Mr. Sherman. New York Morning Telegraph. 

Mr. Morris. How long did you hold that assignment ? 

72723— 66— pt. 9 3 



424 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Sherman. I would say about 3 years. 

Mr. Morris. Prior to that ? 

Mr. Sherman. Prior to that, I was a newspaperman with a the- 
atrical publication for about 3 or 4 years, and out of work for a period 
of a year. 

Mr. Morris. What? 

Mr. Sherman. Out of work for a period of a year during the de- 
pression. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

Now, your wife works in the Polish Embassy, does she not, Mr. 
Sherman ? 

Mr. Sherman. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Are you presently a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Sherman. I refuse to answer on the basis of my privilege under 
the fifth amendment not to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Have you attended meetings of the newspaper unit of 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Sherman. I refuse on the same grounds, sir. 

Chairman Eastland. Is there a newspaper unit of the Communist 
Partv in the city of Washington at this time? 

(Witness consults with his attorney.) 

Mr. Sherman. I refuse to answer on the same basis, sir. 

Chairman Easti^nd. Now, have you put these films in the Washing- 
ton scliool system? 

Mr. Sherman. No, sir. 

]\Ir. Morris. Now, Mr. Sherman, you are a friend of Miss Mont- 
gomery, an earlier w^itness today, are you not? 

Mr. Sherman. I know her, sir. 

Mr. Morris. And she is a friend of your wife? 

]\fr. Sherman. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. And you meet with her on frequent occasions ; is that 
right? 

Mr. Sherman. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. Now, to youf knowledge, has she attended Communist 
meetings with you? 

Mr. Sherman. I refuse to answer on the same basis. 

Chairman Eastland. In the past 2 years, has she attended Com- 
munist meetings with you? 

Mr. Sherman. I refuse to answer that, sir, on the same grounds. 

Chairman Easti^nd. In the past year has she attended Communist 
meetings with you, sir? 

Mr. Sherman. I refuse, again, to answer on the same grounds. 

Cli airman Eastland. In the past 6 months has she attended Com- 
munist meetings with you? 

Mr. Sherman. I refuse to answer on the basis of the fifth amend- 
ment. 

]\Ir. Morris. I think, Senator, I have no more questions of this 
witness. 

Senator Watkins? 

Senator Watkins. I have none. 

Mr. Morris. You are excused, sir. 

Mr. FoRER. All right. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Forer has represented several 
other people whose testimony in connection with the first witness here 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 425 

today is much the same as these last two witnesses. I think, however, 
at this time it will not be necessary for the other witnesses to appear 
here today. 

And they were who, Mr. Forer ? 

Mr. FoRER. You have got the names there. Will you get them from 
Mr. Mandel ? I am not very good at names. 

Chairman Eastland, You do not know the names of your clients? 

Mr. FoRER. (No respoufte.) 

Mr. Morris. That is Corrine Lautman, Mr. Forer ? 

Mr. FoRER. Yes, that is right. 

Mr. Morris. From Washington, here. And Natalie Lamken, also 
from Washington ? 

Mr. Forer. That is right, 

Mr, Morris. Mr. Chainnan, may I put portions of the testimony of 
Natalie Lamken and Corrinne Lautman into the public record in order 
to make unnecessary their public appearance here today ? 

Chairman Eastland. That will be granted.  

Mr. Morris. I have done so with the stipulation of counsel for both 
those clients who appeared for them in executive session. 

Mr. Forer, will you have a short session with me so that the part "of 
the executive session that does go into the record will be a fair repre- 
sentation of what happened? 

Mr. Forer. Yes, it is. 

Mr. Morris. And you agree that the best interests of all will be 
served if we put this into the public record ? 

Mr. Forer. If you are asking me whether or not you should ptit it 
in the public record 

Mr, ^Iorris. Is it satisfactory to you, Mr, Forer ? 

Mr. Forer (continuing). I do not think you should. AVhat are 
you asking me ? 

Mr. Morris. I mean, did you not, Mr. Forer, agree yesterday that 
the story could be best told if we just put the portion of the executive 
session testimony that bears on the particular issue here today into 
the record ? 

Mr. Forer. Yes. I said yesterday that I saw no purpose of repeat- 
ing in the public session what you already had in the executive 
session. 

Mr. Morris. That is right. I just wanted to be sure that there 
would be nothing taken out of context. 

Mr, Forer. Yes. - 

(The portion of the executive session record referred to is as foln 
lows:) 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 

OF THE Internal Security Act and Other 

Internal Security Laws, of the 
Committee on the Judiciary, 
Wednesday, February 29, 1956, Washington, D. 0. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 3 o'clock p. m., in room 313, Senate 
OflBce Building, Senator Herman Welker, presiding. 

Present : Senator Welker. 

Also present : Robert Morris, chief counsel, and Benjamin Mandel, research 
director. 

Senator Welker. The subcommittee will be in order. 



426 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr, Morris. Miss Lamken. 

Senator Welker. Will you stand and be sworn, please. 

Mjss Lamken. Yes. 

Senator Welker. Do you solemnly swear the testimony you will 
give before the subcommittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

TESTIMONY OF NATALIE LAMKEN, ACCOMPANIED BY HER 

COUNSEL, JOSEPH PORER 

Senator Welker. Your name and residence, please, 

Miss Lamken. Natalie Lamken, L-a-m-k-e-n, 1724 I7th Street NW., 
Washington. 

Senator Welker. Thank you. 

Proceed, Counselor. 

Mr. Morris. What is vour occupation, Miss Lamken ? 

Miss Lamken. Well, I have a part-time clerical job, and I also give 
music lessons. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

Is that Miss or Mrs. Lamken ? 

Miss Lamken. Miss. 

Mr. Morris. And what other employment? That is the only em- 
ployment you have at the present time ? 

Miss Lamken. Yes, uh-huh. 

Mr. Morris. Where do you work; where is the secretarial job? 

Miss Lamken. It is a clerical job. I work at a weekly newspaper 
called the Jewish Ledger. 

Mr. Morris. Where is that? Here in Washington? 

Miss Lamken. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. What is the address? 

Miss Lamken. 14th and K. 

Mr. Morris. What employment did you have immediately preced- 
ing this employment ? 

Miss Lamken. Oh, I was teaching English to foreigners. 

Mr. Morris. I see. "Where did you do that? 

Miss Lamken. At several embassies. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Wliich embassies were they ? 

Miss Lamken. The^ Hungarian, the Russian Legation, and the 
Polish for a short while. 

Mr. Morris. And who were the people, who were your students in 
those classes? 

Miss Lamken. They were, I guess you call them, nationals of 
those countries. 

Mr. Morris. I see ; who are here in the United States? 

Miss Lamken. Yes, working here at the embassy. 

Mr. Morris. How long were you doing that work? 

Miss Lamken. Let me see. I would say about 3 or 31/^ years. 

Mr. Morris. What salary do you get? 

Miss Lamken. I was paid by the hour. 

Mr. Morris. By the hour. 

Miss Lamken. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Approximately how many students did you 
nave in each class? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 427 

Miss Lamken. I didn't teach by class. I taught just individuals. 
Mr. Morris. I see. 

What employment did you have before that ? 

Miss Laisiken. I worked at the Bureau of National Affairs, in 
Washington. 

Mr. Morris. "VVliat is the Bureau of National Affairs? 

Miss Lamken. Well, it publishes many different kinds of publi- 
cations. I worked on Labor Eelations Reporter, and it publishes 
many other things. 

Mr. Forer. It publishes U. S. Law Week. 

Miss Lamken. Law Week, Daily Report for Executives, and many 
other things. 

Mr. Morris. How long were you working for them? 

Miss Lamken. I think I was there 7 years. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

Miss Lamken. Seven and a half. 

Mr. Morris. What did you do before that? 

Miss Lamken. Let me see. I am trying to think back what year 
that was that I came there. Oh, I know. I worked at the GE, this 
was during the World War II, the General Electric Co. in Lynn, 
Mass. 

Mr. Morris. Wliat did you do there ? 

Miss Lamken. I was an inspector. 

Mr. Morris. An inspector. 

Miss Lamken. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And before that? 

Miss Laimken. That was from — I was, I think, for a year or a year 
and a half, in Baltimore, working as a junior caseworker in the de- 
partment of public welfare. 

Mr. Morris. In Baltimore? 

Miss Lamken. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Now, have you been on the membership committee of 
the District of Columbia Communist Party ? 

Miss Lamken. I must refuse to answer that question, under the 
privilege of the fifth amendment, which affords me the privilege of 
not incriminating mj^self. 

Mr. Morris. Have you — do you know a woman named Jean Mont- 
gomery ? 

Miss Lamken. I refuse to answer that question, for the same rea- 
son. 

Mr. Morris. Are you a Communist now, Miss Lamken ? 
Miss Lamken. I refuse to answer that question, for the same rea- 
sons. 

Mr. Morris. I have no more questions. 

Senator Welker. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Morris. Mrs. Lautman. 

Senator Welker. Raise your right hand and be sworn. 

Do you solemnly swear the testimony about to be given before the 
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee will be the truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mrs. Lautman. I do. 



428 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

TESTIMONY OF CORINNE LAUTMAN; ACCOMPANIED BY HER 

COUNSEL, JOSEPH FOEER 

Senator Welker. Your name and your residence, please. 
Mrs. Lautihan. Corinne Lautman. I live at 526 Sheridan Street 
NW., Washington. 

Mr. Morris. Are you Mrs. Lautman ? 
Mrs. LautjMan. Yes, I am. 
Mr. Morris. What is your husband's name? 
Mrs. Lautman. Robert. 

Mr. Morris. What is your occupation, Mrs. Lautman? 
Mrs. Lautman. I am a housewife. 
Mr. Morris. What was your last occupation ? 

Mrs. Lautman. I worked at the United office— no, that was not my 
last occupation. I am sorry. I worked at the United Electrical, 
Kadio, and Machine Workers of America office in Washington. 

Mr. Morris. I see. What does your husband do now ? 
. Mrs. Lautman. He is a photographer. 
Mr. Morris. Where does he work ? 
Mrs. Lautman. He has an office in Washington. 
Mr. ISIoRRis. What does he do, though? Is he an independent 
photographer, or does he work for someone? 
Mrs. Lautman. Yes, he is self-employed. 

Mr. Morris. Will you just give us a brief description of his work, 
where he works, how he works ? 

(Mrs. Lautman conferred with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Lautman. Well, he is a commercial photographer, and he has 
his laboratory and his studio together. I don't quite understand 
what you mean by "how he works." 

Mr. Morris. I just really wanted the general nature of his work. 
Mrs. Lautman. He is a commercial photographer. 
Mr. Morris. And he does independent photography work? 
Mrs. Laut3ian. Yes; that is right. 
' Mr. Morris. Has he any particular client, any outstanding client? _ 

Mrs. Lautman. No. He has a number of clients, but no one in 
particular. 

Mr. ]\loRRis. All right. 

When did you work for the UER 

Senator Welker. Just a moment. 
Can we have some of those clients, particular clients? 
(]\lrs. Lautman conferred with her counsel.) 
Mr. FoRER. Do you know ? 
Mrs. Lautman. Yes. 
Mr. FoRER. O. K. 

Mrs. Lautman. Let me see. He has done some work for the Seco 

Industrial Co. He worked for some local architects. He has taken 

pictures for Charles Goodman. I am trying to remember the others. 

Senator Welker. I know that is a rather hard question for you to 

'answer. Plas he done any Avork for any of the Embassies here ? 

Mrs. Lautman. I am not sure. I don't know whether he has or not. 
Senator Welker. Or anyone connected with the Embassies, to your 
knowledge? 

Mrs. Lautman. I don't know. 

Mr. Morris. You have worked for Tass, haven't you ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 429 

Mrs. Lautman, Yes ; I have. 

Mr. Morris. When did you work for Tass? 

Mrs. Lautman. It was about from 1947, November of 1947, as I 
remember it, to 1949. 

Mr. Morris. What was your assiijnment ? 

Mrs. Lautman. I was a stenographer in the office. 

Mr. Morris. When you left Tass in 1949, what was your next job? 

Mrs. Lautman. Then I worked for the United Electrical Workers. 

:Mr. Morris. I see. What did you do before you went to Tass ? 

Mrs. Lautman. Before I went to Tass; you mean my job before 
that? 

Mr. jMorris. Yes. 

Mrs. Lautman. I had lived in New York before that. Directly 
before I worked for Tass, my husband and I had taken a 6-months' 
trip around the country. And in New York, I had worked a number 
of places. 

Mr. Morris. Just your last em]oloyment. 

Mrs. Lautman. Well, before that, it had been the National City 
Bank in New York ; and before that 

Mr. Morris. What was your maiden name, Mrs. Lautman ? 

Mrs. Lautman. Pressman. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Pressman, Corrine Pressman? 

Mrs. Lautman. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. Are you a college graduate? 

Mrs. Lautman. No ; I am not a^ollege graduate. 

Mr. Morris, Mrs. Lautman, have you been a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mrs. Lautman. I refuse to answer that question on the basis of my 
privilege under the fifth amendment not to testify against myself. 

Mr. Morris. All right. 

Were you a Communist during the years 1947 through 1949 while 
you were with Tass ? 

Mrs. Lautman. I refuse to answer, for the reason I have already 
given. 

Mr. Morris. Are you a Communist now ? 
Mrs. Lautman. I refuse to answer, for the same reason. 
Mr. Morris. I have no further questions. 

Senator Welker. May I inquire about how you received your em- 
ployment with Tass ? 

Mrs. Lautman. Yes. When we returned to Washington, I wanted 
to 

Senator Welker. From where? 

Mrs. Lautman. From the trip that we were taking. 

Senator Welker. Just a sightseeing trip around our United States? 

Mrs. Lautman. Yes, generally that sort of thing. 

Senator Welker. I did not hear you, ma'am. 

Mrs. Lautman. Yes, it was that sort of thing. 

I wanted to work for a publication or a news service, and I went to 
the National Press Building, because I knew that most magazines and 
news services had their offices there, and I applied at a number of 
offices, and I was offered a job at Tass, and it seemed an interesting 
]ob and it was a well-paying one, so I accepted it. 

Senator Welker. IYIio did you apply to ? 

Mi-s. Lautman. I was interviewed by Larry Todd. 



430 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Welkjer. Introduced to whom? 

Mrs. Latjoian. You mean 

Mr. FoREK. She said "interviewed." 

Senator Welker. I am having a little trouble hearing. I am sorry. 
And he interviewed you? 

Mrs. Lautman. Yes. 

Senator Welker. Did he ask you whether you were a member of the 
Communist Party? 

Mrs. Lautman. No, he did not. 

Senator Welker. Do you know whether or not he knew you were at 
any time a member of the Communist Party ? 

(Mrs. Lautman conferred with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Lautman. No, he wouldn't have known. 

Senator Welker. He would not know ? 

Mrs. Lautman. I don't quite understand your question. Would 
you repeat it again? 

Senator Welker. We will read it. 

(The question was read by the reporter.) 

Mrs. Lautman. No. 

Senator Welker, And nothing was discussed between the two of 
you as to whether or not you were a member of the Communist Party? 

Mrs. Lautman. That is quite right. 

Senator Welker. Did he interview you about your past work or 
your writing experience, stenographic experience? 

Mrs. Lautman. Yes, he did. 

Senator Welker. Did he interview you with respect to any organ- 
ization that you perhaps belonged to ? 

Mrs. Lautman, No, All that we discussed concerning organiza- 
tions was that it was emphasized that people who were employed by 
Tass were not to have any political activities. But we discussed noth- 
ing concerning membership, my membership in any organization. 

Senator Welker. By "political activity," I take it you mean you 
could not take any activity in the Republican Party, Democratic Party, 
or any other party. 

Mrs. Lautman. That is right. 

Senator Welker. He did not say anything to you with respect to 
whether or not you would take any activity with respect to the Nazi 
Party, the Fascist Party, anything like that? 

Mrs. Lautman. No. No. 

Senator Welker. Do you have something you want to offer? 

Mrs. Lautman. No, 1 would just like to repeat that he didn't ask 
me about my associations in the past with any organizations. He only 
emphasized that it was important that Tass employees not have any 
political activities at all, with any party at all. 

Senator Welker. Now, did anyone suggest that you go to Tass to 
look for work ? 

Mrs. Lautman. No. 
Senator Welker. Not a soul? 
Mrs. Lautman. No, not that I remember. 
Senator Welker. Not that you remember, 
Mrs, Lautman. That is right. 

Senator Welker. You certainly would remember if somebody had 
suggested it, would you not ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 431 

Mrs. Lautman. I am quite sure that no one suggested it. It was 
quite the way that I have said. 

Senator Welker. Fine. I am not trying to mislead you, entrap 
you, or anything like that. 

I have no further questions. 

Mr. MoKRis. Just one question. 

Are you related to Lee Pressman in any way ? 

Mrs. Lautiman. No, I am not. 

Mr. Morris. I have no questions. 

Senator Wfxker. Thank you very much. 

I would like the record to show the firm association. 

Mr. Forer. Forer and Rein. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Montgomery, will you resume the stand? 

TESTIMONY OF JEAN MONTGOMERY— Resumed 

Mr. Morris. Miss Montgomery, you know Alexander Sherman, do 
you not ? 

Miss Montgomery. Yes, I do. 

Mr. Morris. And you know his wife, Polly Sherman ? 

JNIiss Montgomery. Very well. 

Mr. Morris. And Alden Todd of Federated Press is a good friend 
of yours ? 

Miss Montgomery. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. As is Nat Einhorn ? 

Miss Montgjomery. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. What does Nat Einhorn do now? 

Miss Montgomery. He does public relations for the Embassy of 
Poland. 

Mr. Morris. And what does Polly Sherman do ? 

Miss M0NTG031ERY. I am not sure what her job is. She works at 
the Polish Embassy. 

Mr. Morris. And you testified in executive session that Natalie Lam- 
ken, about whom we have just spoken, is a friend of yours? 

JNIiss INIoNTGOMERY. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. A person you have associated with while you have been 
employed here in Tass ? 

Miss Montgomery. Yes ; I have known her. 

Mr. Morris. The same with Corinne Lautman? 

Miss Montgomery. That is correct, 

Mr. Morris. A friend of yours with whom you have associated 
during the period ? 

Miss Montgomery. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. However, it is your testimony that while you were asso- 
ciated with these people, you yourself were not a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Miss Montgomery. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. However, you will not tell us whether or not you were, 
prior to your employment with Tass, a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Miss Montgomery. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Montgomery, do you know Alex Sherman to be 
a Commmiist ? 

72723— 56— pt. 9 * 



432 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Miss Montgomery. No, sir. 

Mr. Morris. You do not know that ? 

jMiss Montgomery. No, sir. 

Mr. JNIoRRis. Do you know whether or not Polly Sherman is a 
Communist ? 

Miss Montgomery. I do not. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know whether or not Alden Todd is a Com- 
munist ? 

Miss INIoNTGOMERY. I do not. 

Mr. Morris. Miss Montgomery, were you active in the Committee 
for the Rosenbergs in any way ? 

Miss Montgomery. No ; I was not. 

Mr. Morris. You made a contribution to their campaign, did you 
not? 

Miss Montgomery. As I told you in executive session, IMr. Morris, 
I bought the transcript of the Rosenberg trial, which I understood 
was being sold, partly, to raise money for the committee. I don't recall 
any other contribution. 

Mr, Morris. I see. 

In other words, you bought the transcript in order to raise money 
for them, or did you buy the transcript for Tass News Agency ? 

Miss Montgomery. I bought the transcript for my own personal 
use, to read. 

Mr. Morris. Did you buy it for Tass News Agency ? 

Miss Montgomery. No. 

Mr. Morris. To your knowledge, does Tass News Agency have a 
copy of that transcript ? 

Miss Montgomery. I don't know. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know Mr. Yuri Novikov, Miss Montgomery ? 

Miss Montgomery. I have met Mr. Novikov. 

Mr. Morris. Now, who was Mr. Novikov ? 

Miss Montgomery. He was a member of the diplomatic corps of the 
Soviet Embassy. 

Mr, Morris, And what were your associations with him in Wash- 
ington ? 

Miss Montgomery, I met him at social affairs. 

Mr. Morris. And did you discuss the work of Tass News Agency 
with him ? 

Miss Montgomery. I don't recall. I don't think so. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

You know, do you not. Miss Montgomery, that he was asked to 
leave the United States as a person persona non grata in 1953 ? 

Miss Montgomery, I read about that in the papers ; yes, 

Mr. Morris. Was that because he was engaged in espionage? 

Miss Montgomery. I don't know. 

Mr. Morris, In other words, it is your testimony that you only 
kno^y about that particular episode what you read in the press ? 

Miss Montgomery. That is correct, 

Mr. Morris. :Mr, Chairman, may I put the Department of State's 
press release, dated January 15, 1953, on the question of the request 
tliat Yuri V. Novikov, second secretary of the Soviet Embassy at 
Washington, depart because he was persona non grata to the United 
States Government, on the record? 

Chairman Easit^nd, It is so ordered. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 433- 

(The press release referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 169" and 
reads as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 169 

Department of State 

For the press, January 15, 1953, No. 27 

The Department of State has been working with the Department of Justice 
in connection with the espionage case of Otto Verber et al., against whom ap 
indictment has been opened today. Upon the arrest of the defendants and in 
view of the information contained in the indictment regarding the activities 
of Yuri V. Novikov, second secretary of the Soviet Embassy at Washington, 
the Department has notified the Embassy that Mr. Novikov is persona non grata 
to this Government and bas requested his immediate departure from the United 
States. 

The text of the note follows : 

"Department of State, 
"Washington, January 14, 1953. . 

"The Secretary of State presents his compliments to His Excellency the Am- 
bassador of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and states the following • 

" 'The Government of the United States has ascertained that Yuri V. Novikov, 
second secretary of the Embassy, has engaged in activities incompatible with 
his status as an accredited diplomatic official. 

" 'Therefore, this Government is impelled to declare Mr. Novikov persona non 
grata. The Embassy is requested to make arrangements for his immediate 
departure from the United States.' " 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, do we have anything from the Justice 
Department on the question of Mr. Novikov ? 

Mr. IVIandel. We have a release dated January 15, 1953, from the 
Department of Justice on the case of Yuri V. Novikov. 

Mr. Morris. May that go into the record, Mr. Chairman ? 

Chairman Easixand. It will be admitted into the record. 

(The press release referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 170" and 
reads as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 170 

Department of Justice 

For immediate release, Thursday, January 15, 1953 

Attorney General James P. McGranery announced today the indictment of two 
naturalized citizens on charges of espionage for Soviet Russia. 

The indictment, naming Otto Verber and Kurt L. Ponger, both of New York 
City, charged them with conspiring with Yuri V. Novikov, second secretary of 
the Soviet Embassy. 

The indictment was returned sealed by a District of Columbia Federal grand 
jury January 13, 1953. It was opened on the basis of their being taken into 
custody in Vienna, Austria, by the United States Army. They will be brought 
to the United States for arraignment. 

Verber, 31, was born in Vienna. He was naturalized May 8, 1943, on the 
basis of his service with the United States Army, in which he was commissioned 
second lieutenant December 8, 1944. He served on a military intelligence team 
in Europe until February 8, 1945, and subsequently was employed as an inter- 
rogator for the War Crimes Commission in Nuremberg. Presently he has been 
residing in the American Zone of Vienna and is enrolled under the GI bill of 
rights at the University of Vienna. 

Ponger, 39, was also "born in Vienna and first entered this country as a seaman 
February 21, 1940. He was naturalized February 17, 1943. Ponger, reportedly 
a brother-in-law of Otto Verber, having married one Vera Verber, entered the 
United States Army June 11, 1943. He was also employed subsequently by the 
War Crimes Commission and has been recently residing in the Soviet Zone 
of Vienna, and reportedly is also studying under the GI bill of rights. 

The indictment, resulting from combined investigation by the Federal Bureau 
of Investigation and an investigative agency of the United States Army, is in 
two counts. Both counts charge 14 overt acts in pursuance of a conspiracy. 



434 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

The grand jury charged that beginning on or about June 18, 1949, Verber 
and Ponger conspired in Washington, Vienna, and Salzburg, Austria, and at 
other places unknown, with Novikov and others unknown to violate the espionage 
sfatutes. The grand jury charged that the plan was to communicate, deliver, 
and transmit or attempt to do so, and to induce each other and divers other per- 
sons unknown to communicate, deliver, and transmit to the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics, documents, writings, sketches, plans, maps, notes, instru- 
ments, and information relating to the national defense of the United States with 
intent and reason to believe that the same would be used to the injury of the 
United States and to the advantage of Soviet Russia. 

It also further charged that they conspired to obtain and collect information 
relating to intelligence and counterintelligence activities of the United States 
AYmy and United States Air Force and relating to the numbers, personnel, 
disposition, equipment, arms, and morale of the Army and Air Force, the loca- 
tion, size, equipment, organization, and other features of military establishments, 
atrports, aircraft, and other establishments connected with the national defense 
of the United States, and information in possession of the United States Armed 
Forces relating to strength, organization, disposition, and capacity of foreign 
armed forces. 

The grand jury further charged that a further part of the said conspiracy was 
that the defendants and coconspirators would be employed in various capacities 
and activities within the United States, in Austria, and at other places unknown 
for the purpose of being in a position to deliver information relating to the na- 
tional defense of the United States to Soviet Russia. It charged that they ar- 
ranged through the conspiracy to receive instructions, directions, and messages 
from Soviet Russia ; that they agreed to induce, engage, and employ other persons 
for the purpose of making contact with others in this country and Austria who by 
reason of employment were in a position to be acquainted and familiar with and 
were in possession of or had access to national defense information ; and that 
they agreed to offer and promise sums of money and other valuable considera- 
tions to such persons who might be able to assist them. 

The second count charged them with conspiring to go upon, enter, and other- 
wise obtain information concerning aircraft, works of defense, places connected 
with the national defense, and places in which aircraft, arms, munitions, and 
other material and instruments for use in time of war are being made, prepared, 
repaired, stored, all for the purpose of obtaining information with the intent 
and reason to believe that it would be used to the injury of the United States and 
to the advantage of Soviet Russia. 

The 14 overt acts charged in each count were the same. They are: 

(1) On or about June 18, 1949, at Vienna, Austria, defendant Verber did solicit 
and attempt to obtain a list of informants of American intelligence agencies. 

(2) On or about July 19, 1949, at Vienna, Austria, defendant Verber did solicit 
and attempt to obtain a list of employees of the United States engaged in certain 
intelligence and defense work. 

(3) On or about August 3, 1949, at Vienna. Austria, defendant Verber did take, 
receive, and obtain information regarding an American intelligence operative 
and informant. 

(4) On or about September 26, 1949, at Vienna, Austria, defendant Verber did 
transfer to a Government employee a sum of money as remuneration, expense, 
and.payraent for information relating to the national defense of the United States. 

t5) On or about October 11, 1949, at Vienna, Austria, defendant Verber did 
take, receive, and obtain information concerning a United States Air Force 
installation. 

(6) On or about November 15, 1949, at Vienna, Austria, defendant Verber did 
take, receive, and obtain an American intelligence report. 

(7) On or about May 16, 1950, at Vienna, Austria, defendant Verber did take, 
receive, and obtain an American intelligence report. 

(?) On or about May 25, 1950, at Vienna, Austria, defendant Verber did take 
obtain, and receive information relating to the national defense of the United 
States. 

CD) On or about July 18, 1950, at Vienna, Austria, defendant Verber did take, 
obtain, and receive information relating to the national defense of the United 
States. 

(10) On or about December 29, 1950, at Salzburg, Austria, defendant Verber 
did attempt to arrange a meeting between an agent and representative of a 
foreign government with an employee of the United States. 

(11) On or about January 1, 1951, at Salzburg, Austria, defendant Ponger did 
meet and confer with an employee of the United States. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 435 

(12) On or about January 4, 1951, at Salzburg, Austria, defendant Verber did 
meet and confer with an employee of the United States. 

(13) On or about January 4, 1951, at Salzburg, Austria, defendant Ponger did 
arrange a meeting at Washington, D. C, between an employee of the United 
States and coconspirator Novikov. 

(14) On or about April 12, 1951, at Washington, D. C, coconspirator Novikov 
did meet and confer with an employee of the United States. 

Mr. JMoKKis. I have no more questions of this witness, Senator. 

Cliairman Eastland. You may stand aside. You are released 
from your subpena. 

Miss Montgomery. Thank you. 

Mr. Morris. Counsel, in the event that we may want to recall Miss 
Montgomery at any time, will you stipulate for the record in her 
presence that a telephone call will be all that is necessary to have her 
return ? 

Mr. Cobb. A telephone call, together with due notice. 

Mr. Morris. Yes. You will try to give you as long a notice as wb 
can. 

IMr. Cobb. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Alden Todd. 

Mr. Todd. I prefer not to have those things in my eyes, if you 
please. 

Chairman Eastland. Do you want the lights out? 

Mr. Todd. Thank you, sir. 

Chairman Eastland. Turn the lights out. 

Stand up, please, sir. Hold your hand up. Do you solemnly 
swear the testimony you are about to give the Senate Internal ^ 
curity Subcommittee is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Todd. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF ALDEN TODD, ACCOMPANIED BY DAVID COBB, HIS 

ATTORNEY 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Todd, will you give your full name and address 
to the reporter. 

Mr. Todd. Allen Todd, no middle initial ; 4872 Chevy Chase Boule- 
vard, Chevy Chase, Md. 

Mr. Morris. What is your occupation, Mr. Todd ? 

Mr. Todd. I am a news reporter. 

Mr. Morris. For what news service? 

Mr. Todd. With the Federated Press. 

Mr. Morris. How long have you been with the Federated Press? 

Mr. Todd. I think I first came with them in February of 1946. 

Mr. Morris. And you are the son of Larry Todd, who has been 
the ranking Tass correspondent here in Washington for many years • 
is that right ? ' 

Mr. Todd. Yes. He retired 3 years ago, or 4 years ago. 

Mr. Morris. Yes, I understand. Now, what did you do before you 
took up employment with Federated Press? 

Mr. Todd. I was in the United States Army, Parachute Infantry. 

Mr. Morris. Was that immediately preceding your employment 
with Federated Press ? 

Mr. Todd. I think I took off about 3 weeks between Army service 
and the Federated Press. 



436 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UlSriTED STATES 

Mr. Morris. And prior to your Army service, Mr. Todd, what did 
you do ? 

Mr. Todd. I was employed in the Sun Shipbuilding Co., in Chester, 
Pa. 

Mr. iNIoERis. And when did you graduate from college? 

]\Ir. Todd. 1939. 

Mr. Morris. From what university ? 

Mr. Todd. Swarthmore College in Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Morris. Swarthmore College. Do you have any graduate 
degree ? 

Mr. Todd. I can't quite hear j^ou. 

Mr. Morris. Do you have a graduate degree ? Have you done any 
graduate work ? 

Mr. Todd. I have no degree. I think I took a course or two after 
graduating, at Temple University, but no degree. I think I got a 
point or two. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Todd, have you associated — have you been a good 
friend and rather regular associate of the first witness here today. Miss 
Jean Montgomery ? 

Mr. Todd. Well, I would say I was a friend. I don't know how 
regular "regular" is. 

Mr. Morris. You describe it as best you can. 

Mr. Todd. I would say I have seen her off and on here over a period 
of 10 years, the way I see many others. 

Mr. Morris. But she is a personal friends of yours, too, is she not ? 
' Mr. Todd. I would say so, yes. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Todd, are you now a Communist? 

Mr. Todd. No, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist a year ago ? 

Mr. Todd. No, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist 2 years ago ? 

Mr. Todd. I decline to answer on the grounds of the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Todd, is there a date somewhere between — it is now 
March 13— somewhere between March 13, 1954, and March 13, 1955, 
that you would change the answer to that question if I were to put 
it to you through a long series of exchanges ? 

Mr. Todd. I will resort to the fifth amendment for anything prior 
to the beginning of the year 1955. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Now, did anything happen to you at that time 
that would cause your answer to change with respect to that last 
answer? 

Mr. Todd. I don't quite understand you. Judge. 

Mr, Morris. Is there anything that took place in your life, any 
episode of your life that took place, that would cause you to alter your 
answer to that question ? 

Mr. Todd. (No response). 

Mr. Morris. Tell me this : Was there a regulation of the Federated 
Press? We have heard from Miss Montgomery that the Tass News 
Agency had a regulation that people who worked for Tass News 
Agency are not supposed to be members of the Communist Party. 

Now, did Federated Press, whom you represent here in Washington, 
promulgate any such order to their employees that they, too, should 
not be members of the Communist Party ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 437 

Mr. Todd. No. 

Mr. Morris. I am asking you, Mr. Todd, if you can tell me — it may 
well be that the circumstances were such that you cannot come forward 
with that evidence — is there anything that took place in your life, such 
as that, such as an order of the Federated Press not to be a Communist, 
that would cause you to change the answer you have been giving to 
these questions ? 

Mr. Todd. I am completely mystified at what the proper answer to 
your question is because it doesn't hang together. 

Mr. Morris. All right. 

Mr. Todd. I fail to understand it. 

]\Ir. Morris. I was wondering 

Mr. Todd. Nothing special happened to me on Christmas morning 
or 

Mr. Morris. Did you resign from the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Todd. I decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

Mr. Morris. I have no more questions. 

Chairman Eastland. Senator Watkins ? 

Senator Watkins. No, I have no questions. 

Chairman Eastland. You may stand aside. 

Mr. Todd. Thank you. 

Mr, Morris. I have no more witnesses this morning. 

Chairman Eastland. We will recess now until Thursday at 10 : 30. 

CWliereupon, at 11 : 30 a. m., the subcommittee recessed to reconvene 
at 10: 30 a. m., Thursday, March 15, 1956.) 

(At a hearing of the subcommittee on April 7, 1956, certain material 
was ordered into the record at this point. The statement of the acting 
chairman on that day follows : 

Senator Welkkr. During December and January, the Senate Internal Security 
Subcommittee held hearings during which newspapermen appeared as witnesses. 
The subcommittee had received evidence that virtually all of these witnesses 
had been, at some time or other in the past, members of the Communist Party. 

Earlier, a Columbia Broadcasting System reporter had made a forthright dis- 
closure before us about his own participation in Communist Party activities, 
from which association he had been recruited by the Soviet intelligence to work 
as a correspondent abroad. 

From his testimony and from other sources, the subcommittee acquired ex- 
tensive evidence of Communist penetration of the press. With respect lo must 
of the subsequent witnesses, we noticed that they invoked their privilege under 
the fifth amendment rather than answer questions about the subcommittee's 
evidence. Some few admitted what the subcommittee had presented as sworn 
testimony, but they revealed little more. 

Within the area of their testimony of their recent-day or present activity 
concerning which the subcommittee had no direct sworn testimony, they dtuled 
Communist Party membership. However, they gave very little information or 
evidence to the subcommittee of how Communists in the newspaper field carried 
on their work. 

.Just the other day I was reading a book which had just been published, called 
Such Is Life, by Jeanne Perkins Harmon. In chapters 11 and 12, Mrs. Harmon, 
in a very clear and simple manner, has raised the curtain on some of these very 
things the subcommittee was seeking to learn. Her narrative deals with her 
own experience as a newswoman in Life magazine in late 1940, and is remarkable 
analytically. She cites specific instances, the like of which have been withheld 
from us in sworn testimony. 

She has mentioned in these chapters the votes of the individual units of the 
Newspaper Guild, which Mr. Jay Sourwine, who was then chief counsel of our 
subcommittee, had put Into the record of the subcommittee. The vote men- 
tioned by Mrs. Harmon occurred in 1947 and was on the issue of whether Jack 
Ryan, whom our evidence clearly indicates was then a Communist, should be 



438 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

the executive vice president of the Newspaper Guild in New York. The contest 
was for the control of the Newspaper Guild. 

And while it resulted in the first defeat of the Communist-controlled slate in 
New York, it did show the strength of the totalitarian forces at that time in cer- 
tain of the units. 

Such Is Life relates the heroic work of the anti-Communist writers and news- 
paper men and women who fought so valiantly to wrest control of the Newspaper 
Guild from the Communists. The Internal Security Subcommittee has always 
been mindful of the courage and the determination of those publishers, editors, 
and newspaper men and women whose devotion to their profession has never 
flagged. 

Mrs. Harmon relates in great detail, among other things, how a story written 
by her on American flyers protesting the execution of General Mihailovich by 
Tito was changed and rechanged. She also made this significant observation : 

"I do say, however, that there is often as much sin in omission as in com- 
mission. A zealous party supporter would be just as roundly congratulated for 
keeping something out of the public eye as he would be for getting something in. 
And that, given the high casualty rate on stories, anyway, is comparatively easy 
to accomplish." 

I am offering for the record these chapters by Mrs. Harmon, chapters Nos. 11 
and 12 of Such Is Life, and I am ordering that they appear in the printed record 
in the sequence of the testimony of Tass correspondents who are currently ap- 
pearing before this subcommittee. 

(The material referred to above was marked "Exhibit No. 171" and 

reads as follows :) 

Chapter 11 

Of all the memories I have of the years at Life, the one that stands out most 
vividly in my mind is the struggle against connuunistic infiltrators on news- 
papers and magazines of New York. Maybe I have become hipped on the sub- 
ject, where previously I had refused to take the supposed menace of Soviet 
agents seriously. At any rate, what I saw when I was working in the trade 
changed my general thinking more radically than anything else and for all 
time. And because of the profound impact the whole business had on me per- 
sonally, I feel impelled to describe what happened as I saw it. 

On and off I had listened to some of my more politically minded colleagues 
talking of the growing danger of subversives in the publications field. Writers 
told of headlines subtly altered to convey meanings never intended ; reporters 
referred to pressures exerted upon them to ignore one story and push another; 
sincere liberals claimed to have endorsd seemingly innocent drives only to 
find them plain ordinary party instrumentalities. 

However, dealing mainly with etiquette experts, movie personalities, and 
other noncontroversial subjects, I had not paid much attention to their fears. 
Because I had never had any firsthand experience with communism or Commu- 
nists, aside from Noel's and my frustrated attempt to get a story in Hollywood, 
the party was a dim, shadowy subject which interested me very little, particu- 
larly at a time when the Russians were supposed to be such close friends of ours. 

As far as the activities of party sympathizers, or fellow travelers, on our 
magazine were concerned, I felt, first of all, that the danger was much exag- 
gerated generally — my friends were seeing things under the bed; secondly, if 
there were any such situation, no organization headed by anyone so militantly 
opposed to communism as Henry Luce would tolerate it. 

Then one afternoon my upstairs neighbor, also a magazine writer, phoned 
to invite me to a cocktail party, "It's for some young flyers who are interested 
in the Mihailovich trail," she explained. "They're all upset about it, can't get 
anybody to listen to them. It would make them feel good just to meet somebody 
from Life. Besides, you'll hear the noise in your apartment anvway, so why 
not come up for a few minutes?" 

I thanked her and agreed to make it if I could, having no intention of doing 
so. All I had heard about Mihailovich was that he had been head of the Yugo- 
slavia underground during the war and had been widely praised for leading 
guerrilla warfare. That I happened to know solely because Noel had once 
had the idea of interviewing Mihailovich by short-wave radio telephone from 
behind the lines, on the theory that the result might be a good piece. The 
scheiiio hadn't worked, and what had happened in Yugoslavia since interested 
me not at all. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 439 

When I got home that nipht, the party was still going on. My neighbor called 
over the banister to come up, and I did. 

In her living room were twenty-odd young men, clean-cut, voluble, and terribly 
in earnest about their cause. It seemed that during the war they had been 
rescued by General Mihailovich's forces when shot down by the Germans, and 
they felt they owed him their lives. Now that his regime had been overthrown 
by Tito and the Communists and the general was on trial, Soviet style, they 
wanted to show their appreciation by testifying that he had not been a traitor, 
^t least in their case. 

Many of the boys were willing to fly over and testify in person. But Tito 
refused to admit them to the trial. Next, they requested permission to offer 
written testimony. That, too, the People's Court disallowed. As at last resort, 
they were holding a mock trial of their own in New York, with Arthur Garfield 
Hayes of the American Civil Liberties Union presiding. 

"We're not setting ourselves up to decide whether he's guilty or not," explained 
one youngster. "That's not our business. But we do say he deserves a fair 
trial, with witnesses heard on both sides, as to whether or not he was a Fascist, 
whether or not he collaborated with the Germans. He sure didn't as far as 
we were concerned." 

After listening to them, a well-known war correspondent and some army in- 
telligence officers who also felt that the general was being railroaded out of 
Tito's way through trumped-up charges, I became sufficiently interested to want 
to know a little more about the whole affair. I was not sold either way, nor 
<lid I have any great burning crusading urge. It just seemed to me that if the 
trial was that urgent to those boys, if they felt strongly enough about it to drop 
their own activities and gather from all over the country, the situation was 
at least worth understanding. 

At the office the next morning I asked one of the girls in charge of clipping 
the newspapers on every conceivable subject to let me see the stories on the 
Mihailovich trial. 

"Oh, I don't have any," she said. "They didn't tell me to clip that." 

This suiprised me ; any story running more than one day was usually 
watched by the domestic news department, and the mock trial had been going 
on for several days. I called the foreign news section, but got no help there 
either. 

"We're not doing anything about Tito and Mihailovich," I was told. "It's 
not important." This seemed odd indeed. 

When my request to the morgue for information turned up the same result, I 
began to wonder if perhaps the warnings of Communist-fearers might not 
have some basis. Certainly somewhere there should have been something 
available on this business. 

Mihailovich had received reams of publicity at one time ; he had even been 
a Time cover candidate, as I recalled. The blackout of his troubles with Com- 
munist Tito, then a loyal Soviet servant, just might have been inspired by 
people easer to keep the purge quiet. I consulted Blanche Finn, the company's 
leading Communist expert. Blanche is a former labor organizer and a dedi- 
cated New Deal Democrat, as well as Time's labor researcher. 

"What did you expect?" she said. "Naturally you won't find anything against 
Tito. He's a good Communist, for heaven's sake. Why do you think I keep my 
own files?" 

Apparently Blanche had run into this situation enough to induce her to set 
up her own independent file system, which she maintained on her own time. 
But since her interest was mainly domestic, she didn't have anything on 
Mihailovich either. 

After work that night, I dropped by the public library ana read the back 
issues of the papers. At home, I tyi^ed up the highlights of the situation in a 
memo to an editorial writer with the suggestion that it might fit in his depart- 
ment, either as a short editorial on the trial and the rescued flyers' jjoint that 
guilty or not, a man deserves a fair trial, or as part of a larger discussion the 
editorial page might be planning on a general subject. 

The editorial writer suggested that I do a short text piece on the story, leav- 
ing out all editorializing, and making it center on the objective of the boys 
themselves — to try to get evidence presented for, as well as against, the man 
on trial. 

I batted out 800 words or so on the subject during my lunch hour, took it by 
the writer's office, and left it with him for his secretary to type. The regular 
typing room, my Guild friends had warned, was apt to include members of the 

72723— 56— pt. 9 5 



440 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

same group that considered such things as the trial and what it represented 
"unimportant." If pro-Communists learned that such a story was in the works, 
which of course they would if It were processed throiigh regular channels, they 
might discredit it before the editor ever saw it. Therefore, I didn't mention it 
to anyone. 

In a short time, the managing etlitor notified me that he had read the story 
.and would run it to close the following afternoon. No changes necessary, he 
said, except for a little cutting. 

Now the manuscript went on the editorial conveyor belt — copy room for count- 
ing, space allotment, layout, etc. — and the fat was in the fire. The news spread 
as fast as the switchboard could make the ueces.sary connections. 

In a very short time, I got a call from one of the writers, an attractive, down- 
to-earth fellow who, though well up in the salary bracket, made much of his 
.ardent union sympathies. One of the stories he liked to tell on himself was 
the time he walked up some 17 floors or so in protest against scab elevator 
operators, only to discover that the elevator strike currently in progress did not 
affect our building or the union members in good standing who were driving the 
cars. 

Bill was an engaging, friendly guy, very popular with workers and manage- 
ment alike. He was also extremely able. On more than one occasion, I had 
-heard him described as "the perfect Life writer," a master of short sentences 
and simple words, and a whiz at headlines and captions. 

Communists generally are pictured as gloomy, mediocre characters who can't 
make a go of things on their own and therefore embrace the system in hopes 
either of improving their own lot or dragging everyone down to their same 
level. That was one of the false impressions I had to correct. 

While there are such moth-eaten society rejects in the party, there are also 
some mighty attractive, mighty successful and prosperous members, too — people 
who seem to have everything to lose by the ascendancy of communism. Why 
they are Communists is a question that keeps you awake nights, once you know 
that they are. 

On the occasion of the Mihailovich story, Bill was as warm and friendly as 
ever. One of his most ingratiating qualities was his "regular guy" personality. 
Unlike some Ivy League Racquet Club writers, he pulled no rank on those less 
prosperous than himself. When he was called upon to "fix up" somebody's copy, 
the ensuing confabs had the aura of two good friends working out a problem, 
almost a personal problem, instead of the cold business of earning one's salary 
by stringing the proper words together in the proper order. 

Bill was everybody's friend. Never did he say an unkind word about anyone. 
But evei-y now and then he would begin "worrying" about some staff member. 

"Gosh," he would say with concern to a boss, usually when some of the even 
bigger brass was within hearing, "Sam's been looking mighty seedy lately. 
Haven't you noticed? I think he's sick. Comes in here at 11 o'clock in the 
morning, looking like death warmed over. I don't think vou ouuhta ask him 
to do that coal mine story. I'll do it. Sam's health can't stand it."" 
_ Or, "Be a good guy and take Lou oft the nightclub beat. 1 love him, but he's 
just not up to it * * *" 

This sort of thing would go on for weeks, until his boss was convinced that 
the victim wasn't up to the job. The unfortunate staffer would be gracefully 
transferred to a "less exacting" job, probably next tired for "his own good." 
With a fat severance pay check, of course. I had seen it happen to three of my 
best friends, all of whom landed on their feet with good jobs elsewhere. But 
I refused to believe the anti-Communists' assertions that they had been liqui- 
dated because they bucked the party. I knew they did, but couldn't see the 
connection with their private political activities and their ofBce careers. 

>''':i^^,i*^'^"^'""lV^ ^^'^'^ always so sincere, and delivered with just the right flavor 

fity 




I allowed as how I didn't think it meant much of anything, other than what it 
said. 

"I don't mean the story. I don't care about the story. I care about you. 
i»o you know wliat imblishing this piece under your byline can do to you?" 

I told lum no, I didn't. 

Bill shook his head, very concerned. "I was afraid of that Sweetie, if vou let 
(■(luntr ''^ published, you'll be blackballed by every liberal group 'in the 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 441 

I took some exception to this, on the grounds that as I understood liberalism 
(and who does?) it meant just what the word did, "liberty." In this case, 
the fliers should have the "liberty" of presenting their case, be they right or 
wrong, and the defendant should have the "liberty" of having something said 
in his favor. 

Bill shook his head some more. "Lucky thing I caught this," he said, "Why, 
you poor kid, if this thing had gone through, you'd never be able to get another 
line printed. No publication in the country would touch you with a 10-foot 
pole. You'd be tagged as a Fascist." 

At this point, we took our gloves off. I told him I had no burning ambition to- 
write for every publication in the country anyway ; that it made no difference- 
to me whether I was blackballed or not ; and that furthermore, while his concern 
for my welfare was touching in the extreme, it was also more than passing 
strange. In fact, downright fishy. 

Being a smooth and practiced operator, Bill handled himself much better, of 
course. He argued a little more, still for my own good only ; then, shaking his 
head, he said he would simply have to save me from myself, somehow. 

When my copy came back from processing, I saw what my friends had been 
complaining about. Anonymous little changes appeared here and there, all seem- 
ingly minor, but all subtly reversing the tone of the story. 

When I charged up to the managing editor's office to complain, I ran into more- 
trouble. Some of the researchers and writers had gotten wind of the story and 
were making a joint protest against its publication. One or two were even talk- 
ing about resigning, should it appear. 

I got mad, they got mad, we began to argue, and the managing editor kicked 
us ail out. "Go away," he said to me. "Go to the movies, to a baseball game, do 
anything. But I don't want to see you back in this office until 5 o'clock this 
afternoon." 

He meant it, and I went. When I came back, I found layouts and word counts- 
on my desk, indicating that the piece was going to run after all. 

Mine wasn't much of an article, there were no repercussions to speak of, and 
Mihailovich was executed shortly thereafter. But some of the changes had; 
stayed in, weakening the point of the story. And as a symbol of what could 
happen, it scared me. From then on, I began to look around a little. And I 
didn't like what I saw going on in New York's news world. 

The next episode was more subtle. One of the reporters I knew was a dedi- 
cated Communist, in the classic sense of the word, and made no secret of her 
convictions. She attended night sessions at a Communist school twice a week 
and followed the party line faithfully. Shy and retiring, she was one of the 
most conscientious workers and a real addition to any staff. Not only because 
she was so reliable and so willing, but also because, being such a thoroughgoing 
supporter of the party line, she picked out the points at issue before they got into- 
print. They could be argued out while the story was in the works, and fixed ; 
or, if they were allowed to stand, the editors could be secure in the knowledge 
that vocal Communist protesters would not have any objections that were valid. 
If she couldn't prove her point, nobody could. It was a perfect dry run. 

Yet of all Communists she was the most harmless because she was constitu- 
tionally incapable of trickery and underhandedness. Therefore, I suppose, she 
was the most expendable. 

There were increasing rumbles of criticism of one of the highly placed execu- 
tives on her publication about the question of political leanings. Because the 
job involving hiring and tiring, the anti-Communists were especially anxious to 
get rid of that particular cog in the machinery. They discussed the problem 
M'ith various management ofiicials, to no avail. One veteran of 16 years' service 
in the same outfit had been a Communist herself, briefly, and had met the execu- 
tive at local party cell meetings. That too, was brushed off as youthful exuber- 
ance. 

But as the protests increased, evidently the party brass decided to take no 
chances. The executive was too important a cog in their organization to lose. 

In cases where an important party faithful is in danger, I was to learn, it is 
accepted procedure to "throw a victim out of the droshky." In other words, fire, 
eliminate, discredit a genuine but less important pro-Communist for the sake of 
making secure the important one's position. 

Such a sacrificial lamb must of necessity be well-known for Communist lean- 
ings. Also, it helps for the individual to be of a noncombative nature. 

The reporter fitted the requirements on all counts. She had been hired with 
the approval of the executive and therefore had the necessary association ; she- 



II 

3 9999 05445 4432 activity m the united states 

had always held the cause above all else. By suggesting persoually that this 
girl bo fired, the executive was in fact saying, "How could I be a pro-Communist 
and not only allow, but be the one to suggest, firing such a loyal believer?" 

Thus had the reporter been selected to be thrown out of the droshky. How- 
ever, things went a little wrong. In the first place, she was not sold on, or 
even told of, the idea. Not being a party hack, the cynicism of the plot shocked 
and surprised her. Furthermore, while timid, she did object to the imfairness of 
it. 

So did many anti-Communist members of the Newspaper Guild. The only 
ground on which the executive could base the decision to dispose of the reporter 
in question, after 2 years of unusually faithful service, staying until dawn, doing 
all the dirty work, never being careless or sloppy in her work, was that "She 
didn't grow with the job." 

This meant, the victim was told, that while she was an excellent worker and 
one of the most painstaking members of the staff, she had not developed imagina- 
tion, had not demonstrated ability to interview. What was not mentioned was 
the fact that, being so obliging, she inherited all the drudgery while the more ag- 
gressive reporters got themselves the assignments and the interviews. 

However, when given the chance to do leg work, she seemed to satisfy the 
eminently non-Communist writers who used her. Some of them, in fact, pro- 
tested to management when they heard about the proposed firing. 

But it didn't do any good. She was fired anyway. I haven't kept track of 
her, but I have often wondered if she retained her Leftist leanings. For it was 
an ironic situation, that the only people who came to her defense were the anti- 
Communists. Usually loud and vociferous in their complaints, the party liners 
remained completely silent on this occasion and stood by without lifting a finger 
while we tried to save her. Evidently the word had gone through the ranks 
that the comrade was to be scuttled. 

However, perhaps some good did come of it, because the sacrifice play didn't 
worlv for the pro-Communist executive. There was a change in management and 
from then on those who should liave done so long before began to scrutinize her 
activities more closely. 

There had been increasing leaks on stories. Gossip columns were jmnping the 
gun, announcing proposed publication beforehand ; certain journals ran stories 
suspiciously close to those already in the works several days before the original 
one hit the stands. A press agent called casually one day to confirm publication 
date on an important essay that had been kept under wraps for months. 

It was impossible to attribute the blame with certainty. Besides the editors 
concerned, an office girl might have overheard, or an information source might 
have talked. 

Still, once management began to watch for it, a certain pattern did seem to take 
shape. One of the prerogatives of the executive's position was to sit in on all 
story conferences and to know all stories planned in each department before 
anyone else. i 

Finally, they seemed to get wise. As we heard it unofficially, a trap was set. 
A round-up of Communist functionaries in a certain area was scheduled, fool- 
proof pi-ecautious taken that no one know about the story except the depart- 
ment concerned and the executive. But no one let it be known just how closely 
guarded the secret was. 

Sure enough, the story had scarcely reached the printer before the Communist 
press came out with a rebuttal. Shortly thereafter, the executive "retired. "^ 
The leaks stopped, but otherwise, the removal really didn't do too much good. The 
Communist system of infiltration is pretty bard to beat. 

When a staff vacancy occurred on a newspaper or magazine, former party 
liners explained, news was rushed to party headquarters. Not only the fact 
that there was a vacancy, but detailed instructions were supplied as to what 
type of applicant was most likely to land the job. The party selected a can- 
didate, told him or her what to say and how to behave ; in short, the party 
gave a complete coaching based on the recommendation of its members on the 
inside. 

As a random example, one of the commonest mistakes female applicants for 
jobs on Life or Time used to make was to cite previous writing experience or 
express a burning desire to write. Time, Inc.'s theory basically was that men 
write, women research, and that a would-be writer, frustrated in her literary- 
ambition, probably wouldn't make a good researcher. A party applicant would 
be so warned. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 443 

Another eiTor was to overemphasize specialized training. By and large, Time, 
Inc. wants versatile, flexible researchers, people they can switch from one 
department to another. Experts can be consulted when needed from the out- 
side. As a rule, they're not particularly desirable as permament staff members. 
These and many other tricks of the trade could easily be passed on by party 
sympathizers within the organization, whichever one it might be. So when the 
party applicant was interviewed, he had it all over the outsiders. He knew 
exactly what to expect, exactly how to act in order to make the most favorable 
impression on his prospective employers. 

Thus, even if those doing the hiring were completely anti-Communist, the 
setup had been so thoroughly cased beforehand that they would naturally 
choose the party liner, simply because he appeared to be best fitted for the 
job. 

All this was pretty depressing, particularly when the various bigwigs con- 
cerned seemed to sit back, hands folded, doing nothing whatsoever about the 
situation. The anti-Communists in the guild weren't even positive that the 
executive had been fired on the subversive issue. There was good authority 
that was the reason, but no official source. It would have been a boost to morale 
to know for sure that, just once, the management had recognized that there was 
such a thing as a Communist danger. A lot of anti-Communists felt it was up 
to the top brass, as masters of important media for molding public opinion, to 
do something. I?ut since they didn't, anti-Communists took on the job. 

The best place to do something about the situation seemed to be within the 
New York chapter of the Newspaper Guild. This was the showcase, the most 
overt demonstration of party organization ; and the Communists used it for 
frequent harassing movements, threatening strikes, generally causing disruption 
and commotion. Operating through the union further strengthened their job 
security and provided a convenient cloak of respectability. 

Those of us who had heretofore remained aloof from the fight decided there 
was only one thing to do — join the union ourselves. 

We signed up by the dozens, including many diehards who had sworn they 
would never have anything to do with organized labor. "If the company wants 
to fire me, I don't want some union telling them they can't. I'll fight my own 
battles," was one point of view. "Unions may be all right in the trades, but in 
creative work it's just plain ridiculous," was another. "If a writer hasn't got 
it any more, he hasn't got it, that's all." Many felt that they were being very 
nicely treated regardless of the union, and saw no need for it. 

Nevertheless, they joined en masse, much to the annoyance of some of the 
old faithful party workers. "Trouble with this union, it's getting too many 
God-damn members," grumbled the sour-faced secretary who took my applica- 
tion. 

We began to attend meetings of the New York chapter of the American News- 
paper Guild and thus came face to face with the conditions CBS newscaster 
Winston Burdett described in 1955. We were up against a bunch of pros, and 
very able ones at that. The regulars outflanked us, outmaneuvered us. and 
generally made first-class jackasses out of us. 

Union participation, we discovered, was not discussion; it was a theatrical 
performance. While we would raise a tentative hand to ask a question, or 
mumble from our seats, the opposition strode briskly to the front of the room, 
grasped the microphone with practiced ease, and spoke ringingly as the veteran 
public speakers they were. Should we by chance try to participate in a discus- 
sion they had organized, they knew the right rule of parliamentary procedure to 
shut us up. 

If we did manape to get the floor, we were hopelessly blocked. All our care- 
fully planned arguments evaporated in a ground sea of chattering and coughs. 

One of the hardest lessons we had to learn in dealing with fanatics is the 
fact that they never speak in terms of logic. Actually, they never argue. They 
orate. There is no sense thinking up rebuttals in terms of cold facts, because 
facts have no place in the discussion. 

If one of the anti-Communists happened to make what sounded like a telling 
point, somebody from the other side would jump up instantly to knock it down. 
Far from disagreeing, he would pretend to be on the same side. "I agree with 
Brother So-and-So," he would say smoothly. "I think he is absolutely right in 
saying * * *" and then go on to drive home a theory a hundred and eighty 
degrees away from the original thought suggested by the innocent amateur. 

Why did they bother with us? That, too, we learned — eventually. 



444 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE XHSTITED STATES 

There might have been a handful of tried-and-true "followers," in a union of 
several hundred members. Those opposed numbered slightly more. The over- 
whelming majority of the members were in the middle, undecided, unaware 
that this was a well-rehearsed performance. It was these votes that botli sides 
must get. The speakers, therefore, were not really answering each other; they 
were addressing the great malleable mass. These were the ones to be convinced. 

I'm told the same situation exists in many party-minded unions, be they 
countries or small local cells. All that is needed is a handful of party pros. In 
fact, the Communist Party generally prefers it that way. By expert training 
and proper maneuvering, the hard core of professionals can lead the innocent 
ma.iority to do just about what they want. 

Chapter 12 

Gradually, we got our sea legs and began to assess the job we had in front 
of us. The New York Newspaper Guild had fallen captive to the party ; and all 
over the city, non-Communists at Newsweek, the Herald Tribune, World-Tele- 
gram, Associated Press, United Press, etc., stirred in protest. But not one major 
information-disseminating organ in a town which is probably the capital of the 
news world was 100 percent free of fellow travelers at all times. 

A citywide election of officers was in the offing. This was the time for anti- 
Communist unionists from all the newspapers and magazines to get together 
to try and unseat the pro-Communists. 

This was a tough proposition, not only because our opponents were so solidly 
entrenched but because they were also exteremely persuasive and attractive in 
their appearances before the unaffiliated mass membership which would decide 
the issue. 

For one thing, they were completely dedicated. One of them, it was rumored 
fairly reliably, had turned down a $50,000-a-year job with private enterprise to 
continue his work in the guild. Privately, he made no bones of his Communist 
sympathies. But when challenged publicly as to whether he was or was not a 
Communist, he followed the instructions of the party : he ducked and cried 
persecution, or, if a showdown were forced, refused to reply. When asked 
the same questions in last year's hearings, former guild boss Jack Ryan pleaded 
the fifth amendment and described himself as a self-employed "horticultural 
worker." , 

As the campaign intensified, so did the tricks. Those already in the saddle 
had the valuable privilege of making up the agenda in advance. Thus, they 
could clog up the early hours of the meetings with trivia, saving the crucial 
issues until late at night. Their followers were warned ahead of time, but on 
the first few occasions, the anti-Communists were soundly trounced by this 
device. Commuters had to make trains, other anti-Communists had important 
previous engagements. 

Not so the professionals. They scored their big victories when the air became 
thick with smoke, the members befogged and weary from too much beer from the 
union bar and too many hours of sitting on intentionally imcomfortable folding 
chairs. Grimly, we learned to stick it out. 

As we began to make gains, hostilities increased. "Sexually frustrated, that's 
what you are — the buncli of you," thundered an uncommonly unattractive battle- 
axe comrade from Brooklyn. Conversation became increasingly perfunctory ; 
virtually all semblance of union solidarity disappeared. 

The tactics became more crude. On one issue requiring written votes, the 
Communists won by exactly the number of votes contained in one of the few units 
that habitually voted almost 100 percent against them. When one of the mem- 
bers of that unit asked to see the tally on her organization, she was told that 
her unit had not turned in any votes. When she countered with the fact that 
she herself had delivered them personally to the guild officer in charge, she was 
told they must have been "lost." She demanded, and got, another count, and 
from then on, there were watchers at the polls and in the counting rooms. What 
had happened, evidently, was that the Communists had opened the votes ahead 
of time, noted that that one unit was the decisive factor, and therefore "removed" 
it from the election. 

In the office, meanwhile, our work was suffering. Our opponents had a regular 
system. While the important ones devoted at least half their working day to 
union business, less vital sympathizers did their regular work for them. Lack- 
ing the manpower for such coverage, we earned a good many raised eyebrows 
from our bosses over closed-door caucuses ; lengthy telephone conversations ; 



SCOPE^OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



HEARING 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTEATION OF THE INTEBNAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 
UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FOURTH COXGRESS 

SECOND SESSION 

ON 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE 
UNITED STATES 



MARCH 15, 1956 



PART 10 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
72723 WASHINGTON : 1956 



Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

JUL 2 6 1956 



COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi,- <7ftatrman 

ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, JR., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

PRICE DANIEL, Texas EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois 

JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming HERMAN WELKER, Idaho 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 



StTBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECXJEITT 

Act AND Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM B. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, JR., Missouri HERMAN WELKER, Idaho 

PRICE DANIEL, Texas JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

Robert Morris, Chief Counsel 
William A. Rdsher, Administrative Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 
n 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 445 

and even, on occasion, use of office materials for campaign literature. It was 
the difference of who put what things first. To some people, the cause always 
comes first. To us, unfortunately, holding on to our jobs had to be our primary 
consideration. This put us at a bad disadvantage. 

No wonder they beat us at every turn in our own arena of combat, the union 
meetings. We were up against a gang of experts. The only solution was to 
try and learn the business ourselves. 

We were fortunate in having among our ranks several experienced members. 
Earl Brown, the Negro reporter from Life, and Blanche Finn have always been 
particular thorns in the Communist side, not only because they knew the score 
from years of experience, but also because they are above reproach on their 
records as liberals and labor supporters. A smear campaign on the basis of 
antiracialism or religion was out, too, in their case. Besides Earl and Blanche, 
there were also in the guild some ex-labor organizers and one former Communist 
who had graduated from the "trade school" in his early days. Under their 
tutelage, we began a regular program of instruction. 

Once a week we gathered in one another's houses while the veterans taught 
us the fine points of parliamentary procedure, how to address a meeting, how 
to use a microphone. Sometimes we met in musty Greenwich Village lofts; 
other nights the settings were chic East Side apartments or elegant New York 
townhouses. Whether we sat on the floor or on a penthouse terrace, the routine 
was the same. Gradually, we improved. 

We learned to toss about such phrases as "broaden the base of participation," 
meaning, let's all decide on this instead of a bunch of operators taking action 
in caucus ; or "Democratize the procedure," for blocking a railroading. We 
learned, too, the value of "point of information, :\Ir. Chairman, please," and 
*'point of personal privilege," when in doubt. (Senator McCarthy had not as 
yet made these household words.) Perhaps most important of all, we learned 
to use our emotions, rather than succumb to them. Never get angry, but some- 
times it is etrective to pretend to be angry. Never snap back untilyou have had 
a chance to think over your remark at least once. When you object, make it 
seem an amendment rather than an objection. 

As our performance began to show beginnings of promise, the opposition paid 
us the compliment of assigning specific teammates to cope with each of us. If 
I rose to speak, I could be certain that one reporter, and nobody else, would 
jump up to "agree" with me. It was soon such generally recognized procedure 
that no one was particularly shocked when one earnest little blonde anti-Com- 
munist said in meeting one night, "I resent being answered by just anybody. 
Mary gets to be answered by somebody important, so does Natalie. What's the 
matter with me?" 

Although this remark was greeted with some laughter, nevertheless, we had 
improved. 

At last came December 18, the big election night. All of us went to union 
headquarters and stayed there until the following morning. As we watched the 
count, we dared to hope. One unit after another — The American Weekly, the 
Herald Tribune — came in, giving the anti-Communist ticket the edge. About 
dawn, we were sure of victory. It had been a really tough battle. Toward the 
end. Communist braintrusters had enlisted outside speakers; ours were booed 
down, and we were denied admission to some of the rallies. But to no avail. 
We had won at Time, Inc. by four votes. 

The morning papers reported the results; we appeared at work baggy-eyed 
but jubilant. Our candidates relieved the old guard down at union headquarters. 
From that day to this, so far as I know, the leadership itself of the New York 
Guild has been anti-Communist. 

It is interesting to note how the voting went on the various publications that 
night. In the case of the then executive vice president, now self-employed hor- 
ticultural worker, John Ryan, for instance : 



446 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

FOE EYAN AGAINST 

Amsterdam News 26 to 13 Acme News Service 82 to 3 

Billboard 12 to 9 American Weekly 53 to 13 

Himsarian Journal 12 to Associated Press 110 to 104 

In Fact 10 to Bronx Home News 126 to 20 

Jewish Day 27 to 1 Commonweal 6 to 

Jewish Journal 52 to 4 Herald Tribune 290 to 84 

Labor Pi-ess 73 to 14 International News Photos__ 30 to 25 

Look magazine 20 to 11 International News Service-. 15 to 6 

Mirror 174 to 108 Jewish Forward 26 to 

Nation 7 to 6 Journal-American 399 to 63 

New Masses 16 to Daily News 494 to 167 

Newsweek 112 to 32 Post 154 to 84 

New York Times 510 to 260 Scholastic 20 to 4 

Daily Worker 63 to Staats Herold 15 to 11 

World-Telegram 133 to 129 Tide 5 to 4 

Time, Inc 183 to 179 

United Press 60 to 28 

Did the new order stop our pro-Communist colleagues? Not at all. The 
very next year we got a sample of their tenaciousness in the presidential election. 
The CIO, of which the Newspaper Guild is a part, of course, voted to endorse 
Truman. Naturally, many individual guild members would vote as they pleased. 
But the guild itself, as a loyal unit of the parent union, officially, should follow 
the decision of the CIO, parent organization. 

Yet before our astonished eyes, we saw some of our union veterans urging 
us to l)olt the CIO and endorse Wallace. Undoubtedly many innocent people 
may have voted for Wallace. But for journalists, people working constantly 
with facts and news, it was almost too much to believe that all of them were 
that naive, even putting aside the consideration of union loyalty which was 
usually held so sacred. 

One of the pro-Communists' most effective and frequently used weapons was 
to accu.se anyone who differed with them of not being union-minded, not putting 
the union and solidarity above all other considerations. Yet when it suited 
their own purpose, as in this case, they would blandly turn around and commit 
the most outrageous kind of labor treason. 

And the terrifying thing was that they seemed to get away with it as far 
as the mass of the membership was concerned. Our people protested, pointing 
out that we should not, as a member chapter, offlcially go on record as refusing 
to comply with our parent organization, the CIO. When it became obvious that 
we were outnumbered, we suggested as a compromise that we pass no resolution 
at all. But logic had nothing to do with the issue. 

Shortly thereafter I had to cover a Progressive Party rally at Madison Square 
Garden. ' When I went to get the press passes, they had all disappeared. The 
Life photograiiher and I lined up with the rest of the general public at the 
ticket office outside to buy our seats while Paul Robeson's spirituals were pii)ed 
out onto the street. 

If there had been any doubt then in my mind of the terror of what might come 
to pass in America, it disappeared that night. Theatrically, the staging was a 
masterpiece. Robeson's velvet-voiced serenading was simple and moving against 
a quiet piano accompaniment. The arena itself was dark, except for dramatic 
spotlights strategically placed to give the most impressive effect Wallace 
and Taylor, handsome men both, looked bigger than life, in a setting arranged 
to present them as 20th-century saviors. 

The talk was pure demagoguery, hypnotism of the most dreadful form. 
The photographer and I could see it catch hold as we looked at the faces around 
us, almost trancelike in their absurptiun. Each remark was greeted with roars 
of applause. And, as at our union meetings, the majority were, I was con- 
vinced, plain ordinary citizens, neither Communists nor anti-Communists. As 
we sat there, not applauding, my neighbor, a motherly looking suburbanite, 
kept looking at me. Finally she spoke. "How can you sit there and not clap?" 
she said. "They're so handsome." 

In various blocks throughout the Garden certain racial groups sat together as 
units. The theme that night was fear. One minority group after another was 
appealed to on the grounds of fear, warned that this was their last chance 
at freedom and survival. What they had escaped in the old country was nothing, 
they were told, compared to the horrors that awaited them in America unless 
they supported the third party. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 447 

As the eloquent voices, emphasized with mood music and lights, droned 
through powerful amplifiers, about the slavery in sight, the dire consequences 
of either Democratic or Republican victory, the mass impact was enough to 
terrify anybody, much less the frightened, shaken foreigners or relatives 
of foreigners in the audience. Greeks, Negroes, Jews. Each group got its 
summons to contribute, support the cause, or expect the worst. One by one, 
they sidled up, white-faced, to present their offerings. It was like a voodoo 
mass. 

I wish every citizen in the United States could have had a dose of the poison 
that was being disseminated that night. It was so infinitely cruel, so utterly 
disgusting, you had the feeling of unreality that "it can't be happening here— 
not in America." And yet it was. A mass massacre of souls. I felt like jumping 
up and telling these people. "It's not true. None of it. Read the inscription 
on the Statue of Liberty. Look at your history books. America will never do 
things like this." 

In the end, the rally degenerated to a riot ; it was a horrible spectacle. And 
who had the press seats while we tried to get pictures from some 50 rows back 
and to the side? In the very front row, the choice location reserved for report- 
ers and honored guests, sat a typist, a copy girl, and a couple of other guild 
stalwarts- — applauding like mad. 

To my mind, the struggle will remain so long as the same individuals who sup- 
ported the party influence in the guild keep their jobs handling the news. And the 
repercussions can be unfortunate. I may have come to seeing things under 
the bed myself ; I will admit that the whole experience gave me a good scare. 

Take just this one case, for instance. The man who had told me the Mihailo- 
vich episode was not important was also one of the biggest of the Progressive 
Party boosters. There was no proof that he was a Communist as far as party 
card or other documentary evidence was concerned. The party is very careful 
about that, particularly with important people. Indeed, some of the really im- 
portant Communists themselves do not have a party card and never have had, 
and they are kept completely aloof from party machinery. 

Still, in the case of this young man, there were certainly enough indications to 
cause at least reasonable doubt. He was all for peace until Russia got into World 
"War II, then he immediately joined the howling for a second front. He de- 
nounced the Marshall plan as a capitalistic trap and in addition to his Wal- 
lace work, took the positions on other key issues that experts have come to 
consider sufficient basis for investigation. 

Shortly after Wallace's defeat, the young man departed to take on a post in 
one of the United States Government's information bureaus abroad. This up- 
set some of us enough to write the FBI, urging that his reliability be double- 
checked. Mr. Hoover acknowledged the letter, but the applicant got the job 
anyway. As Mr. Hoover pointed out to us, he had no power to act, only to 
report. 

A couple of years after I had left New York, an FBI investigator came to see 
me in the Virgin Islands, where I live, to inquire more fully into the matter 
of evidence, which I took to mean they weren't evidently satisfied themselves. 
It seemed that the young man had not only held his job, but was now being 
promoted to an even greater position of trust, heading a strategic bureau abroad. 
I can't help but wonder how he feels about unification of Germany, for example. 

How do these things happen? How did such a situation come into our par- 
ticular company? Henry Robinson Luce has been called many things, but not 
even his bitterest enemies could include Communist among them without being 
ridiculed out of print. 

Luce has been labeled "Fascist " "power-hungry," "intolerant." Yet the fact 
that he is the very opposite of these things explains, I believe, why he allowed 
the small but disturbing element to exist. 

Why? How can this be? 

The answer goes back to the 1930's. 

When Heywood Broun came into Time, Inc., to organize the original chapter 
of the Newspaper Guild, one of the first and most enthusiastic would-be members 
was Henry Luce himself. According to employes who were there then, he 
was genuinely disappointed when told that, being the boss, he could not join. 

My own encounters with Mr. Luce have been limited to a small dinner party 
at the home of one of the editors; an hour or so's conversation over a cup of 
coffee at Holland House with him and one of our cox'respondents ; and the usual 
snatches of small talk at company functions, office parties, and one or two of 
the Wednesday editors' lunches held in the Time, Inc. private dining room in 
Radio City. 



448 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Henry Luce is someone you would remember meeting, however briefly, be- 
cause he doesn't fit any particular pattern of anyone you have ever met before. 
His red-gray brows beetle just as much as the cartoons indicate ; his blue eyes 
are as steely as described ; and with his gruff manner wiry, restless physique, 
and hard-to-understand bark of a voice, he seems somewhat of a cold fish. 

On the other hand, he has a sharp, all-consuming curiosity and interest in any 
subject under discussion. It is almost as though he wanted to eat up, swallow, 
and digest that particular item all in one gulp. He seems to be saying "give us 
the dope, all the dope, and be pretty quick about it." Although he stammers 
on occasion, usually his conversation is so clipped and abrupt that this speech 
defect isn't noticeable. 

Perhaps it is the height of presumptiveness to try to evaluate anyone as com- 
plex as Henry Luce on the basis of a few chance meetings and an occasional 
ride in the elevator with him. On the other hand, so many pundits have seen fit 
to interpret, analyze, and explain his character and motivations on the basis 
of no personal contact whatsoever, I might as well air my views, too — everybody 
else does. 

At any rate, in my inexpert opinion, the unhappy situation that prevailed at 
Time, Inc., in regard to the guild problem had its roots in the very nature of 
Henry Luce as a man. 

His biographers have pointed out that he was raised the son of a Protestant 
missionary in China. What they fail to mention is that he evidently still holds a 
sincere religious feeling. This would explain a sense of obligation to tolerate 
and understand his fellow man, regardless of whether or not he happens to agree 
with him. 

Throughout prep school and college, Luce dedicated 1 hour a day to good works. 
He still does good works, on a scale expanded more than proportionately to his 
enlarged capacity, though he does not ballyhoo his philanthropies, endowments, 
or research funds. Every once in a while, in a library or a reference file, I used 
to come across a study, a scholarship, or a fund listed as financed by Time, Inc. 
But this fact was never headlined by Time, Inc. 

In addition to his religious motivation, 1 have another theory as to why 
Luce is so bipi>ed on every individual's right to do and think as he pleases. That 
is his experiences as a white child, a different child, set down alone in a com- 
pletely alien, often hostile, environment. He looked unlike his slant-eyed Chinese 
playmates. They talked different languages, lived differently, worshiped dif- 
ferent gods. 

Children are known for their delight in tormenting anyone who is in any way 
different. So perhaps as a child Henry Luce made up his mind that anyone he 
ever had anything to do with would be allowed to differ as much as he pleased. 

This allergy to imposing authority is admirable so long as it confines itself 
to the employees' private lives. It is fine that Mr. Luce knows and accepts the 
fact that probably most of his writers and researchers are working ardently for 
the Democratic Party while he and his magazines go all out for the Republicans. 
It is equally Mr. Luce's business if he wants to let union workers use up large 
quantities of the time he is paying for in doing union work during office hours — 
so long as it is really union work. And although he lives himself by a basically 
strict code of ethics, Mr. Luce has never allowed any interference in the some- 
times rather sticky domestic situations that have developed within his staff. 
But on occasion, I think he carries this highly praiseworthy hands-off policy 
too far, as have many of the other publications. 

It is one thing to allow each individual tlie right to his own opinion, but it is 
quite another to put him in a position to express it in America's most powerful 
media for molding public opinion. I'm not saying that Time and Life or the 
New York Times or any other news organ are Communist propaganda organs ; 
obviously, that would be absurd. I do say, however, that there is often as much 
sin in omission as in commission. A zealous party supporter would be just as 
roundly congratulated for keeping something out of the public eye as he would 
for getting something in. And that, given the high casualty rate on stories 
anyway, is comparatively easy to accomplish. 

Finally, it was not quite fair to the rest of the employees in those no-holds- 
barred days to have to struggle not only against the pro-Communist network 
thoroughly entrenched within the guild, but also against their supporters who 
were in a position to hire and fire. One little stenographer very nearly lost 
her job the morning after a guild election in which she had caught a crucial 
discrepancy in the vote count. In addition to all this, we non-Communists had 
no substitutes to do our work, nobody to cover up for us, as did the others. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 449 

We felt that management forces were ducking a responsibility in not doing a 
little housecleaning of their own, instead of leaving us to fight it out on our own 
against a stacked deck in the guild. 

To us Time, Inc.-ers, the struggle for control of the union was the most serious, 
the hardest fought clash of the time. Far better known, of course, was the 
Whittaker Chambers crisis, which was unfolding simultaneously. Yet those of 
us who were supposedly on the inside then knew little more about it other than 
what we read in the papers. 

Time writers are not only anonymous in the matter of bylines, but also gener- 
ally by temperament. Whittaker Chambers was even more of a reciuse than 
most. A small, round, shabbily dressed little man with deep blue eyes, thinning 
white hair, bad teeth, and an ever-present pipe, he had a passion for privacy, 
possibly because of the fact that he lived daily in mortal fear of bis life and that 
of his family. His address was a carefully guarded secret, so was his home 
telephone, usually unavailable from the telephone operators on request. Anyone 
trying to reach Whit by telephone through the office switchboard was given his 
mother's telephone number. She in turn had Whit call back. 

I happened to meet him when he was writing a Life article ; I was at the time 
in charge of layouts for such articles. Usually the researcher assigned to work 
with me in gathering pictures did most of the work ; I came into it in the later 
stages, picking out what seemed best suited for actual publication and working 
with the layout boys on making up the final form. But both the researcher and 
I spent more time on that one story by Chambers than we usually gave to any 
normal half-dozen. 

AMiether it was because of his murky background, or because of a natural 
personality trait of his own, Whit was an absolute fanatic in his insistence upon 
verifying everything down to the most minute detail. As some people have an 
obsession about cleanliness and carry it to extremes, others have manias about 
germs, so was Whit about accuracy. He took our word for nothing. Dates, 
places, names of artists, each and every tiny factor he refused to accept until he 
had seen it proved with his own eyes. The researcher's theory was because he 
had lived with lies for so many years, truth had become a sacred cause with him. 

Normallj', collecting pictures and making layouts for a piece brings no more 
than passing contact with the author. He is responsible for the words; the 
pictures are our problem. In this case, however, we spent so much time with 
Whit that we almost felt as though he was an old friend. And we got to like him. 
Relaxed, quiet, endowed with an unobtrusive but good sense of humor, he gave no 
indication of the tremendous inner torment he was going through. Indeed, he 
was much less high strung and temperamental than the usual writer. 

When the bombshell finally burst in full force, we were more surprised than 
people Avho hadn't known him. Chambers could so easily have held on to his big 
job, kept on building the farm that he loved so deeply, and lived in peace with his 
wife and children for the rest of his days. All he had to do was keep his mouth 
shut. 

Up until he joined Time, his had been a turbulent and uncertain life — poverty, 
privation, mental confusion. When at least he apparently had achieved security, 
stability, spiritual serenity, it seemed odd that he should give all that up. 

When I hear people who have never known either him or Alger Hiss pontificat- 
ing on what a stinker Chambers is, I do wonder if they have read factual accounts 
of the case, or taken the trouble to look into the testimony. Because Chambers 
certainly didn't gain anything out of the whole sorry mess. His job was gone, 
his health broken, and his reputation will forever be suspect. 

Probably I am prejudiced because I did like him when I worked with him. 
But I saw a brilliant writing talent and a restless, searching mind hidden behind 
a gentle old-fashioned courtesy through which came flashes of a rare sense of 
humor. 

On December 10, 1948, the publisher of Time sent each of us a copy of 
Whittaker Chambers' letter of resignation : 

"I hereby tender and ask that you accept my resignation as a senior editor of 
Time magazine. Both of these acts became imperative when I recently began to 
make revelations about Communist espionage. When Time hired me in 1939, its 
editors knew that I was an ex-Communist ; they did not know that espionage was 
involved. 

"For 9 years I have been actively fighting communism. I believe I was helpful 
in alerting Time's editors years ago to the dangers of worldwide communism 
which have been confirmed by events and which are now generally, if imperfectly, 
understood in this country. In my own writing I have tried to give expression to 



450 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

human values which I knew from my own experience communism denies and 
destroys. Now, after 9 years of work done in good conscience, I have been called 
upon to expose the darkest and most dangerous side of communism — espionage. 
This can be done only if a man who knows the facts will stand up and tell them 
without i-egard to the cost or consequences to himself. I cannot share this 
indispensable ordeal with anyone. Therefore, with a quiet and firm mind, I am 
withdrawing from among the colleagues with whom I worked for so many years 
and whose support has been loyal and generous." 

Appended to the resignation was the company's comment. To my mind, it 
illustrates perhaps more vividly than anything else could, Henry Luce's basic 
philosophy of tolerance. In the case of what I considered to be pro-Communists, 
I resented, and still resent, this tolerance. In Chambers' case, the other side of 
the coin is an insistence on fair play and withholding of censure until the accused 
has had every opportunity of vindication : 

"Time has accepted Mr. Chamber's [in the excitement, somebody failed to check 
spelling] resignation for the reasons which he has so well expressed. 

"In accepting his resignation now. Time does not wish to prejudge and is not 
prejudging his recent disclosures. Not until all the evidence is in can the pros 
and cons be weighed. Against the admitted disservice to his country of a decade 
ago must be set the service we are convinced he is trying to perform for his 
country now." 

So far as Time, Inc., was concerned, that ended the Chambers episode. Basi- 
cally, the big threat of communism seems to have about subsided, too. Every now 
and then, someone looking tor it might be able to find a little party work sneaking 
in here and there on the various magazines and newspapers, but nothing like it 
was before the Battle of the Newspaper Guild. 

The anti-Communists are still on the watch, and it may not be too much to hope 
that, at long last, management echelons may have learned a bit of a lesson them- 
selves. Probably the most potent factor of all is that the mass membership of 
the guild is not as gullible as it used to be. At any rate, the opportunities for 
infiltration have perceptibly diminished. 

But the battle will ne\'er be completely over. The same "liberals" stay on and 
on in the guild and, though more careful these days, still seem to be pretty effec- 
tive under the new euphoniously called anti-anti-communism. This, as I get it, 
means fighting tlie people who fight communism. The double negative sounds so 
much better than "pro-Communist." 

In July 1955, the American Newspaper Guild in convention unanimously voted 
not to defend the employment rights of any member who is "an admitted or 
proved Communist Party member." As one guild member fi'om St. Louis put it, 
"If anyone wants to exercise his right to be part of a conspiracy, then let him seek 
employment from those who agree with him." 

To which, a fervent amen. 

On May 9, 1956, at a public hearing at which Senator Arthur V. 
Watkins presided, additional matter was ordered into the record at 
this point. 

The testimony follows : 

Mr. Morris. A witness before this subcommittee, Franklin Folsom, 
in connection with the Tass hearings, refused to say, unlike all the 
other witnesses who appeared in the Tass hearings, whether in face he 
had M'orked for the Tass News Agency. He refused to say on the 
grounds that his answers might incriminate him. 
_ I would like to offer for the record the September 3, 1947, registra- 
tion filed by Tass, pursuant to section 2 of the Foreign Agents Kegis- 
tration Act of 1938, in which it is listed that Franklin Folsom, 142 
East 27th Street, New York City, was in fact an employee of Tass at 
that particular time. 

May that go into the record, Mr. Chairman ? 

Senator Watkins. This is a photostatic copy of the original docu- 
ment? rj 6 

Mr. Morris.- That is right. That is a photostat of the original regis- 
tration certificate, which shows in fact that Folsom was employed by 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 451 

Tass at that time, at the time he refused to say that he was, pleading 
fifth amendment privilege. 

Senator Watkixs. It will be made a part of the record. 

]SIr. INIoRRis. I have here two photostats that may be of interest to the 
committee, because they contain additional facts, similar registration 
for March 31 and September 30, 1948, also containing the name of 
Franklin Folsom. To some extent, they are duplicates, but since it is 
a different registration, there is a little more information on it, putting 
more information in the files. 

Senator Watkixs. These are photostatic copies of the official record ? 

Mr. MoKRis. That is right. 

Senator Watkixs. They may be made a part of the record. 

(The exhibits referred to were marked "No. 172, 172-A, and 172-B." 
Exhibit No. 172 is printed in full below, followed by the first three 
pages of Exhibits Nos. 172-A and 172-B, complete copies of which 
may be found in the subcommittee files :) 

Exhibit No. 172 

[Stamped: Filed October 28, 1947, Foreign Agents Registration Section, Department of 

Justice] 

United States Department of Justice 
washington, d. c. 

suppi.emental registration statement 

Pursuant to Section 2 of the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, as Amended 

REGISTRATION NO. 464 

For Six Months Period Ending September 30, 1947 

1. (a) Name of Registrant. 

New York Bureau of the Telegraph Agency of the U. S. S. R. (TASS). 
(&) All other names used by Registrant during the period. 

None. 

(c) Address of principal office. 

50 Rockefeller Plaza, New York, N. T. 

(d) Name of person or persons in charge of principal office. 

Alexander Georgievich Alexandrov. 

3. If Registrant is a nonbusiness membership organization, state — 

Inapplicable. 

(a) Approximate number of members in the United States 

(6) Approximate number of members outside the United States 

Inapplicable. 

4. (a) All persons who became partners, officers, directors, and similar officials 
of Registrant during the period. 

Name and address of official : 

Date connection began : 

Position, office, or nature of duties : 

None. 
( h ) All persons who ceased to be partners, officers, directors, or similar officials 
of Registrant during the period. 
Name and address of official : 
Date connection ended : 
Reason for ending connection : 

None. 

5. (a) All branches and local units of Registrant and all other component or 
affiliated groups or organizations which began to operate during the period. 
Name and address of branch, unit, group, or organization : 

None. 
Nature of connection with Registrant : 
None. 



452 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



Name and address of person in charge : 

None. 
(&) All branches and local units of Registrant and all other component or 
atfiliated .groups or organizations which ceased to operate during the period. 
Name of branch, unit, group, or organization : 
Reason operations ceased : 

None. 

6. All persons who at any time during the period were foreign principals of 
Registrant. 

Name and principal address : 
Is person still a foreign principal of Registrant? 
If not, give date connection ended : 
None. 

7. Describe fully all activities of Registrant during the period for or in the 
interests of each foreign principal named under item 6. 

Gathering and transmitting American news to the U. S. S. R. 

8. Describe briefly all other businesses, occupations, and public activities in 
which Registrant engaged during the period. 

None. 

9. Furnish the following information as to all employees and other individuals, 
except those named under item 4, who during the period rendered any services or 
assistance to Registrant, with or without compensation, for or in the interests of 
any foreign principal named under item 6 : 

(a) All such employees and other individuals for whom Exhibits A have 
previously been filed. 



Name and address of employee or other individual 


Nature of any changes 
during period in 
activities for Regis- 
trant or its foreign 
principals 


Has connection with 
registrant ended? 


Kenneth Diirant, Tjimaica, Vt _ - 




No. 


Esther Shields 9 West 97th St , New York City - 




No. 


Harry Freeman, 22 East 89th St., New York City 




No. 


Thurher Lewis, 328 West 47th St., New York City 




Died Aug. 18, 1948. 


Timofoi Rcmizov, 121 Madison Ave., New York City - 




No. 


Samuel Krafsur, Dahlonega Rd., Mohican Hills, Md., 




No. 


Washington, D. C. 
Emilio Delgado Rodriguez, 29 West 97th St., New York 

Citv. 
William Cunningham, 328 West 21st St., New York City 




No. 




No. 


Harrv Ross, 369 Bleecker St., New York City 




No. 


Jean Montgomery, Marlyn Apartments, Washington, 




No. 


D. C. 
Paul Burns, 294 West 11th St., New York Citv 




No. 


Sasha Small Lurie, 345 Bleecker St., New York City 




No. 


Jerome Klein, 47 Morton St., New York City.. .. 




No. 


Franklin Folsom, 142 East 27th St., New York City 




Yes; left Oct. 1, 1948. 


Frederick Van Wicklen, 259 West 11th St., New York 




No. 


City. 
Hays Jones, 270 Fort Washington Ave., New York City., 




No. 


Laurence Todd, 4805 Langdrum Lane, Chevy Chase, 




No. 


Md. 
Travis K. Hedrick, 3014 South Columbus St., Arlington, 




Yes; left Sept. 1, 1948. 


Va. 
Kuzma Tlyashenko, 113 West 103d St., New York City 




No. 


Arcidi Oporodnikov, 45 West 95th St., New York City . 




No. 


Michael Fedorov, 614 West 113th St., New York City 




No. 


Nikolai Nikolaevich Karev, 56 W. 105th St 




No. 









SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE "UNITED STATES 



453 



(6) All such employees and other individuals for whom exhibits A have not 
been previously filed. 



Name and address of employee or other individual 



Nature of services or 
assistance rendered 



Has connection with 
registrant ended: 



Vera Groden, 101 West 60th St 

Vincent Vaccaro, 254A Grand Ave , Brooklyn, N. Y 

Harry Fisher, 4309 47th Ave., Lone Island City .. . 

Ruth Fisher. 4309 47th Ave., Long Island City 

Minnie Bunin, 101 West 60th St., New York City. 

Julie De Witt, 2 Horatio St., New York City. 

Jessie Harris, 45 Hawthorne St., Brooklyn .... . 
Alison Burroughs, 114 East 123d St., New York City 

Evelyn Gross, 308 East 72d St., New York City 

Bose Averett, 4121 49th St., Long Island Citv... 

Fred Nield, 429 East 65th St., New York City 

Corinne Lautman, 511 Ro.xboro PI., A^'ashington, D. C 
Micky Virden, 1328 Park Rd. NW., Washington, D. C. 



Bookkeeper 

Teletypist 

do 

Librarian 

Teletypist 

Librarian 

Editorial assistant 

Librarian 

Librarian 

Switchboard operator. 

Teletypist... 

do 

do 



No. 
No. 
No. 
No. 

No. 

No. 

No. 

No. 

Yes; left Apr. 15, 1948. 

No. 

No. 

No. 



Filing of Exhibit A for all of the above names, waived because they are clerical 
and iiondiscretionary employees who are not engaged in writing, speaking, 
organization, or other public or political activities on behalf of Tass or otherwise. 

10. Furnish the following information as to Registrant's receipts and expendi- 
tures during the period covered by this statement. The information may, if 
Registrant desires, be furnished for Registrant's latest semiannual fiscal period, 
provided the period covered is indicated and future statements are furnished 
on the same basis : 

(a) All amounts received during the period directly or indirectly from each 
foreign principal named under item 6, itemized as follows : 



Date funds 
received 


Name of foreign principal from 
whom funds received 2 


Purposes for which received ' 


Amount 
received * 


Apr. 29,1947 


Telegraph Agency of the U. S. S. R., 
Moscow. 


All operational expenditures . . 


$20, 000. 00 


May 22, 1947 
June 16,1947 
June 17,1947 
July 28,1947 
Aug. 7, 1947 




2.3,094.34 
10, 000. 00 
28, 301. 00 
35, 339. 62 
26, 867. 92 



(6) All amounts received during the period from other sources to be used 
directly or indirectly for or in the interests of any foreign principal named under 
item 6, itemized as follows : ^ 

Date funds received : 
Name of person from whom received : ' 
Purposes for which received : * 
Amount received : * 
None. 



See footnotes on p. 454. 



454 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



(c) All exiienditures made during the period directly or indii-eotly for or in 
the interests of each foreign principal named under item 6, itemized as follows : ' 





Name of person to whom 


Purposes for which pay- 


Amount of 


Date payment was made 


payment was made 2 


ment was made ' 


payment  






Salaries 


$71,537.04 






Rent and maintenance, sub- 


16, 8S9. 62 






scriptions, books, supplies. 








equipment, and other 








office expenses. 






Western Union, American 


Cable tolls and ptirchase 


55, 718. 50 




Cable & Radio Corp., RCA 


of news services. 






Communications, Asso- 








ciated Press, United Press, 








Press Association, New 








Yorlv Telephone Co., Chesa- 








peake & Potomac Tele- 








phone Co. 







1 Include all amounts so received, whether as compensation, loans, contributions, subscriptions, fees, dues 
subsidies, or otiierwise. ,. j ^ 

2 Receipts from or payments to a person amoimtins to less than $200 for the period may be combined with 
other like amounts, provided the source or disposition of the funds, as the case may be, is clearly indicated. 

3 Where funds were received or paid, as the case may be, for various purposes, such purposes shall be listed 
In reasonable detail. 

* Show separately the amount received or paid, as the case may be, for each purpose listed under the 
preceding column. 
« Include all transfers of funds to any foreign principal. 

11. (o) Speeches, lectures, talks, and radio broadcasts arranged or sponsored 
by Registrant or delivered by officials or employees of Registrant, during the 
period. 

Name of person by whom delivered : 
Number of speeches, lectures, and talks delivered : 
Number of radio broadcasts delivered : 
Inapplicable. 
(6) Publications prepared or distributed by Registrant, or by others for Regis- 
trant, or in the preparation or distribution of which Registrant rendered any 
services or assistance, during the period. ( Indicate each type of publication by 
an "X".) 



(1) Press releases 

(2) News bulletins 

(3) Newspapers 

(4) Articles 

(5) P.ooks 

(6) Magazines 

(7) Pamphlets 

(8) Circulars 

(9) Form letters 

(10) Reprints 

( 11 ) Copies of speeches, lectures, 
talks, or radio broadcasts 



(12) Radio programs — 

(13) Radio scripts 

(14) Moving pictures 

'15) Lantern slides 

(16) Still pictures 

117) Posters 

(18) Photographs 

(19) Charts 

(20) Maps 

(21) Other publications- 



Inapplicable. 

(c) Preparation and distribution of publications referred to in answer to (6) 
above. 

Description of publication : 
By whom written, edited, or prepared : 
By whom printed, produced, or published : 
By whom distributed : 
Inapplicable. 

(d) Compliance with the filing, labeling, and reporting provisions of Section 4 
of the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, as amended, and Rule 400 
thereunder. 

(1) Were copies or summaries of all communications and publications re- 
ferred to in answer to («) and (b) above filed with the Department of Justice 
and the Librarian of Congress? If not, explain why copies or summaries of any 
such communications and publications were not filed. 
Inapplicable. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTRaTY IN THE UNITED STATES 455 

(2) Were all such communications and publications labeled in accordance 
with Section 4 and Rule 400? If not, explain why any such communications and 
publications were not so labeled. 

Inapplicable. 

(3) Were reports of the delivery, distribution, or other dissemination of all 
such communications and publications made to the Department of .Tustice in 
accordance with Section 4 and Rule 400? If not, explain why any such reports 
were omitted. 

Inapplicable. 

12. (a) Any changes during the period, not fully described above, in Regis- 
trant's affiliations, associations, or other connections with foreign governments, 
foreign political parties, or oflicials or agencies thereof. 

Name of government, party, or official or agency thereof : 

Nature of changes during period in Registrant's connections therewith : 

None. 

(6) Any changes during the period in Registrant's pecuniary interest in or 
control over partnerships, corporations, associations, or other organizations or 
combinations of individuals. 

Name of organization or combination : 

Nature of changes during period in Registrant's ownership or other pecuniary 

interest : 
Nature of changes during period in any direction or control exercised by 

Registrant : 

None. 

13. (o) Any changes during the period in the ownership of or supervision, 
direction or control over Registrant by any organization, group, or individual. 
Name of organization group, or individual : 

Nature of changes during period in ownership, supervision, direction, or control : 

None. 

(6) Any subsidy or other financial assistance received by Registrant during 
the period directly or indirectly from — 

Any individual who is is citizen of, or resides in, a foreign country. 
Any organiaztion created in, or under the laws of, any foreign country or 
having its principal place of business in a foreign country. 

Any foreign government or foreign political party, or any official or agency 
thereof. 
Name of person from whom subsidy or financial assistance received : 
Nature and amount of subsidy or financial assistance : 

None. See Item 10a. 

14. File the following exhibits with this statement : 

Exhibit A.— File an Exhibit A, on the printed form provided therefor, for each 
of the following persons for whom an Exhibit A has not previously been filed : 
(o) All partners, officers, directors, and similar officials of Registrant. 

Furnished. 
(&) All employees or other individuals who during the period rendered 
any services or assistance to Registrant, with or without compensation, 
for or in the interests of any foreign principal named under item 6. 

See item 9b. 

ExhiUt B.— File a copy of any changes during the period in the agreement, 
arrangement, or authorization (or if not in writing a written description there- 
of) pursuant to which Registrant is acting for, or receiving funds from, each 
foreign principal named under item 6. 

Inapplicable. 

Exhibit C— File an Exhibit C, on the printed form provided therefor, for 
each foreign principal named under item 6 for whom an Exhibit C has not 
previously been filed. 

Furnished, 



456 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Exhibit D. — If Registrant is a nonbusiness organization, file a copy of any 
changes during the period in its charter, constitution, bylaws, or other instru- 
ments of organization. 

Inapplicable. 

Exhibit E. — File a copy of the agreement or arrangement (or if not in writing, 
a written description thereof) between the Registrant and each business firm 
or other organization named under item 11 (c), and copies of all changes during 
the period in similar contracts previously filed. 

Inapplicable. 

The undersigned swear (s) or affirm (s) that he has (they have) read the 
information set forth in this statement and the attached exhibits that he is 
(they are) familiar with the contents thereof and that such contents are in their 
entirety true and accurate to the best of his (their) knowledge and belief, except 
that the undersigned makes (s) no representation as to the truth of accuracy of 
the infornjation contained in Exhibit A insofar as such information is not within 
his (tlieir) personal knowledge. 

/S/ Alexander Alexandrov. 

Subscril)ed and sworn to before me at New York, New York, this 20th day of 
October 1947. 

George J. Nejedly, 
Notary Public in the State of Neiu York. 
My commission expires March 30, 1948. 



Exhibit No. 172-A 

[Stamped : Filed April 30, 1948, Foreign Agents Registration Section, Department of 

Justice] 

United States Department of Justice 
washington, d. c. 

Supplemental Registration Statembint 

Pursuant to Section 2 of the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, as Amended 

REGISTRATION NO. 4 64 

For Six Months Period Ending March 31, 1948 
1. (a) Name of Registrant. 

New York Bureau of the Telegraph Agency of the U. S. S. R. (Tass). 
( h ) All other names used by Registrant during the period. 

None, 
(c) Address of principal office. 

50 Rockefeller Plaza, New York, N. Y. 
{(1) Name of person or persons in charge of principal office. 

Alexander Georgievich Alexandrov. 
3. If Registrant is a nonbusiness membership organization, state — 

Inapplicable. 

(«) Approximate number of members in the United States 

{h) Approximate number of members outside the United States 

Inapplicable. 

4 (a) All persons who became partners, officers, directors, and similar officials 
of Registrant during the period. 

Name and address of official : 

Date connection began : 

Position, office, or nature of duties : 

None. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 457 

( ft) All persons who ceased to be partners, officers, directors, or similar officials 
of Registrant during the period. 
Name and address of official : 

Date connection ended : 
Reason for ending connection : 

None. 
5. (a) All branches and local units of Registrant and all other component or 
affiliated groups or organizations which began to operate during the period. 



Name and address of branch, unit, group, or 
organization 


Nature of connection 
witli registrant 


Name and address of person in 
charge 


Subbureau of the New York Bureau of the Tele- 
graph Agency of the U. S. S. R., 9G9 National 
Press Bldg., Washington, D. C. 




Laurence Todd, 4805 Langdrum 




Lane, Chevy Chase, Md. 



(b) All branches and local units of Registrant and all other component or 
affiliated groups or organizations which ceased to operate during the period. 
Name of branch, unit, group, or organization : 

Reason operations ceased : 
None. 

6. All persons who at any time during the year were foreign principals of 
Registrant. 

Name and principal address: 
Is person still a foreign principal of Registrant? 
If not, give date connection ended 
None. 

7. Describe fully all activities of Registrant during the period for or in the 
interests of each foreign principal named under item 6. 

Gathering and transmitting American news to the U. S. S. R. 

8. Describe briefly all other businesses, occupations, and public activities in 
which Registrant engaged during the period. 

None. 

9. Furnish the following information as to all employees and other individuals, 
except those named under item 4, who during the period rendered any services 
or assistance to Registrant, with or without compensation, for or in the inter- 
ests of any foreign principal named under item 6 : 

(a) All such employees and other individuals for whom Exhibits A have 
previously been filed. 



458 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 



Name and address of employee or other individual 


Nature of any changes 
during period in 
activities for Regis- 
trant or its foreign 
principals 


Has connection with 
registrant ended? 


Kemicth Durant, Jamaica, Vt... 




No 


Esther Shields, 9 West 97th St., New York Citv 




No 


Harry Freeman, 22 East 89th St., New York City . .. 




No 


Thurber Lewis, 328 West 47th St., New York City 




No 


Timofoi Remisov, 121 Madison Ave., New York Citv 




No 


Samuel Krafsur, Dahloncga Rd., Alobican Hills, Md., 
Washincfon, D. C 




No 


Emilio Delgado Rodrig:uez, 29 West 97th St., New York 
City 




No 


WiUiam Cunningham, 328 West 21st St., New York City 




tio 


Harry Rops, 369 Bleecker St., New York City . . 




No 


Jean Montgomery, Marlyn Apartments, 39th St. and 
Cathedral Ave., Washington, D. C 




No 


Paul Burns. 294 West 11th St., New York Citv.- 




No 


Sasha Small Lurie, 345 Bleecker St., New York City 




No 


Jerome Klein, 47 Morton St., New York City 




No 


Franklin Folsom, 142 East 27th St., New York Citv 




No 


Bernard Freeman, 138 West 13th St., New York Citv. 
left Jan. 10, 1948 




Yes 


Frederick Van Wicklen, 259 W. 11th St., New York City 




No 


Hays Jones. 270 Fort AVashington Ave., New York City- 




No 


Laurence Todd, 4805 Langdrum Lane, Chevy Chase, Md 




No; 


Vladimir Morev, 430 West 119th St., New York City. 




No, 









(6) All such employees and other individuals for whom exhibits A have not 
been previously filed. 



Name and address of employee or other individual 



Kuzma Ilyashenko, 113 West 103d St., New York City 
Vera Groden, 101 West 60th St., New York City 
Anne Weissberg, 226 East 6th St., New York City 
Vincent Vaccaro, 254-A Grand Ave., Brooklyn, N Y 
Harry Fisher, 4309 47th Ave., Long Island City, N. Y 
Ruth Fisher, 4309 47th Ave., Long Island City, N. Y " 
Mmnie Bunln, 101 West 60th St., New York City 
Julie De Witt, 2 Horatio St., New York Citv 
Augusta Strauss, 241020th St., NW., Washington, t5. c" 
Jessie Harris, 45 Hawtliorne St., Brookljm N Y 
Olga Molnikova, 115 West 76th St., New York City 
Alison Burroughs, 114 East 123d St., New York Citv 
Evelyn Gross, 308 East 72d St., New York City 



Bluma Cohen, 65 71st St., Brooklyn, N. Y 
Rose Averett, 4121 49th St., Long Island City, N. y""" 
Fred Nield, 75 West 55th St., New York City 
Anne Carroll, 29 Bethune St., New York City 
Travis K. Hedrick, 3014 South Columbus St., Arfing- 
ton, Va. ^ 

Corlnne Lautman, 511 Roxboro PI. NW., Washington, 

Micky Virden, 1328 Park Rd. NW., Washington, D. C. 



Nature of services or 
assistance rendered 



Staff writer.. 
Bookkeeper. 
Teletypist. - 

.do. 

.do. 



Librarian 

Teletypist 

Librarian 

Teletypist 

Editorial assistant. 
Student translator. 

Librarian 

do... 



.do. 



Switchboard operator. 

Teletypist 

Librarian 

Staff writer 



Teletypist. 
— .do 



Has connection with 
registrant ended? 



No. 
No. 

Yes; left Jan. 1, 1948. 
No. 
No. 
No. 
No. 
No. 

Yes; left Nov. 19, 1947. 
No. 

Yes; left Nov. 14, 1947. 
No. 

Yes; on leave of ab- 
sence, Jan. 15, 1948. 
Yesjleft Jan. 31, 1948. 
No. 
No. 

Yes; left Jan. 19. 
No. 

No. 

No. 



Filing Of Exhibit A for all of the above names, except Kuzma Ilyashenko and 
iravis K. Hedrick, waived because they are clerical and nondiscretionary em- 
ployees who are not engaged in writing, speaking, organization, or other public 
or political activities on behalf of Tass or otherwise 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



459 



Exhibit No. 172-B 

[Stamped: Filed November 1, 1948, Foreign Agents Registration Section, Department of 

Justice] 

Department of Justice 
washington, d. c. 

supplementai. registration statement 

Pursuant to Section 2 of the Foreign Agents 
Registration Act of 1938, as Amended 

REGISTRATION NO. 464 

For Six Months Period Ending September 30, 1948 

1. (o) Name of Registrant. 

New York Bureau of the Telegraph Agency of the U. S. S. R. (Tass) . 
(&) All other names used by Registrant during the period. 

None. 
(c) Address of principal office. 

50 Rockefeller Plaza, New York, N. Y. 
id) Name of person or persons in charge of principal office. 

Alexander Georgievich Alexandrov. 

3. If Registrant is a nonbusiness membership organization, state — 

Inapplicable. 

(o) Approximate number of members in the United States 

(6) Approximate number of members outside the United States 

Inapplicable. 

4. (o) All persons who became partners, officers, directors, and similar officials 
of Registrant during the period. 

Name and address of official : 
Date connection began : 
Position, office, or nature of duties : 
None. 
(ft) All persons who ceased to be partners, officers, directors, or similar officials 
of Registrant during the period. 

Name and address of official: 
Date connection ended : 
Reason for ending connection : 
None. 

5. (a) All branches and local units of Registrant and all other component or 
affiliated groups or organizations which began to operate during the period. 



Name and address of branch, nnit, group, or 
organization 


Nature of connection 
with registrant 


Name and address of 
person in charge 


Subbureau of the New York Bureau of the Telegraph 




Laurence Todd, 4806 


Agency of the U. S. S. R., 969 National Press Building, 
Washington, D. C. 




Langdrum Lane, 
Chevy Chase, Md. 



(b) All branches and local units of Registrant and all other component or 
affiliated groups or organizations which ceased to operate during the period. 

Name of branch, unit, or organization : 
Reason operations ceased : 
None. 

6. All persons who at any time during the period were foreign principals of 
Registrant. 

Name and principal address : 

Is person still a foreign principal of Registrant? 

If not, give date connection ended : 

The Telegraph Agency of the U. S. S. R. 



460 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

7. Describe fully all activities of Registrant during the period for or in the 
interests of each foreign principal named under item 6. 

Gathering and transmitting American news to the U. S. S. R. 

8. Describe briefly all other businesses, occupations, and public activities in 
which Registrant engaged during the period. 

None. 

9 Furnish the following information as to all employees and other individuals, 
except those named under item 4, who during the period rendered any services 
or assistance to Registrant, with or without compensation, for or in the interests 
of any foreign principal named under item 6 : 

(«) All such employees and other individuals for whom Exhibit A have pre- 
viously been filed. 



Name and address of employee or other individual 



Kenneth Durant, Jamaica, Vt - - 

Esther Shields, 9 West 97th St., New York City 

Harry Freeman, 22 East 89th St., New York City 

Thurber Lewis, 328 West 47th St., New York City 

Timofei Remisov, 121 Madison Ave., New York City... 

Boris Krylov, Washington, D. C. --- 

Samuel Krafsur, Dahlonega Rd., Mohican HUls, Md., 

Washington, D. C. 
EmUio Delgado Rodriguez, 29 West 97th St., New York 

William Cunningham, 328 West 21th St., New York 

City. 

Harry Ross, 309 Bleecker St., New York City 

Jean Montgomery, Marlyn Apts., 39th St. and Cathedral 

Ave., Washington, D. C. 

Paul Burns, 294 West llth St., New York City 

Sasha Small Lurie, 345 Bleecker St., New York City 

Jerome Klein, 47 Morton St., New York City 

Franklin Folsom, 142 East 27th St., New York City 

Bernard Freeman, 138 West 13th St., New York City... 
Frederick Van Wicklen, 259 West llth St., New York 

City. 
Hays Jones, 270 Fort Washington Ave., New York City. 
Laurence Todd, 4805 Langdrum Lane, Chevy Chase, 

Md 



Nature of any changes 
during period in 
activities for regis- 
trant or its foreign 
principals 



Left, Jime 15, 1947. 



Has connection with 
registrant ended? 



No. 

No. 
No. 

No. 
No. 
Yes. 
No. 

No. 

No. 

No. 

No. 

No. 
No. 
No. 
No. 
No. 
No. 

No. 
No. 



(6) All such employees and other individuals for whom exhibits A have not 
been previously filed. 



Name and address of employee or other individual 



Vladimir Morev, 149-32 Union Turnpike, Flushing, 

Long Island. 

Vera Qroden, 101 West fiOth St., New York City 

Anne Weissberg, 226 East 6th St., New York City 

Vincent Vaccaro, 254A Grand Ave., Brooklyn, N. Y 

Harry Fisher, 4309 47th Ave., Long Island City, N. Y. _ . 

Minnie Bunin, 101 West 60th St., New York City 

Julie De Witt, 1328 Park Road NW., Washington, D. C. 
Augusta Strauss, 2410 20th St. NW., Washington, D. C. 
Ames Ogden Stewart, 8 East 10th St., New York City. _ 

Roberta Felsen, 101 West 60th St., New York City 

Jessie Harris, 45 Hawthorne St., Brookl\^l, N. Y 

Olga Melnikova, 115 West 76th St., New York City 

Martha Dcutscher, 2120 Thiebout Ave., New York City- 
AlLson Burroughs, 114 East 123d St., New York City... 

Evelyn Cross, 308 East 72d St., New York City 

Ruth Fisher, 4309 47th Ave., Long Island City, N. Y 

Bhima Cohen, 65 71st St., Brooklyn, N. Y 

Rose Avrrclt, 4121 49th St., Long Island City, N. Y 

Fred Nicld, Jane West Hotel, 507 West St., New York 

City 



Nature of services or 
assistance rendered 



Staff writer. 



Bookkeeper 

Teletypist — 

do 

....do 

do 

do 

do 

do --. 

Editorial assistant 

do 

Student translator 

Librarian 

do - 

do... 

do 

do 



Switchboard operator. 
Teletypist 



Has connection with 
registrant ended? 



No. 

No. 

No. 

No. 

No. 

No. 

No. 

No. 

Yes; left Sept. 1, 1947. 

Yes; left May 15, 1947. 

No. 

No. 

Yes; left Apr. 13, 1947. 

No. 

No. 

No. 

No. 

No. 

No. 



Filing of exhibit A for all of the above-named except Vladimir Morev waived 
because they arc clerical and nondlscretionary employees who are not engaged 
in writing, speaking, organization, or other public or political activities on behalf 
of Tass or otherwise. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 461 

Mr. Morris. When Estlier I^well Shields, of tlie Tass News Agency, 
appeared before tlie committee, we asked her if she had in fact written 
for Imprecor, which is a publication of the Comintern. Miss Low- 
ell — Mrs. Shields — denied that she had ever written for Imprecor. 
We have here a notation made by Mr. Mandel, the research director, 
which indicates that an article under the name of Esther Lowell, the 
name she used, did in fact appear. 

Mr. Mandel. The article under the name of Esther Lowell was a 
book review of Agnes Smedley's book Chinese Destinies, and was pub- 
lished in International Press Correspondence, official organ of Com- 
munist International, volume 14, No. 19, dated March 31, 1934, page 
508, under the title "A Vivid Picture of Changing China." 

Mr. Morris. That would not necessarily contradict Mrs. Shield's 
testimony because she would not necessarily consider a book review an 
article. At the same time, the name Esther Shields may have been 
used by the Imprecor people without her knowledge. 

I have an article here by Paul F. Healy on Tass which I would like 
to have go into the record. Senator, because it has been referred to 
several times in the course of our Tass hearings. 

Senator Watkins. Is this a magazine which has been published? 

Mr. Morris. Yes ; the Saturday Evening Post, Senator. 

Senator Watkins. It may be made a part of the record. 

(The article referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 173" and reads 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 173 

[From the Saturday Evening Post, January 20, 1951] 

Stalin's American Snoops 

By Pan! F. Healy 

What kind of Americans are the "news" witers, who report on 
press conferences at the Pentagon or White House, directly to Mos- 
cow? Why do we let these paid agents of Russia claim the pro- 
tection of United States citizenship and freedom of the press? 

Gen. George C. Marshall, discussing foreign-policy strategy hefore the House 
Foreign Affairs Committee early in 19.50, remarked that the Russians "certainly 
have a knowledge of our activities that we do not possess at all in respect to 
theirs." He nodded toward a redheaded woman who was swiftly taking notes 
at the press table nearby. 

"Witness this young lady here today," Marshall continued. "You do not see 
her prototype at such meetings in the Soviet Union." 

The general had pointed up a dangerous anomaly in United States-Russian 
relations. The redheaded woman was Miss Jean Montgomery, correspondent 
for Tass, the official Soviet "news" agency. After the hearing, she would freely 
and in detail inform Moscow of everything said that would be of interest to the 
Russian leaders. 

Tass, in fact, is given the run of this wide-open country and the same rights 
to information as our own reporters, in striking contrast to the manner in which 
the half dozen American newsmen in Moscow are subjected to rigid censorship 
and otherwise straitjacketed in very red tape. 

It is one of the humorless ironies of our time that Premier Stalin has been 
able to hire some competent American journalists to act as his informers in 
America and also write smear-America propaganda for the Russian press. Ten 
citizens of the United States are among the 19 reporters who serve the Soviets 
through Tass' main bureau in New York and its subbureau in Washington. 

The Tass job obviously is not the kind for which aspiring young American 
journalists clamor. Its qualifications are unique and its rewards are ques- 
tionable, to say the least — unless one is more interested in winning a Stalin 



462 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE imiTED STATES 

prize than a Pulitzer prize. True, there are no deadlines and no competitors 
to worry about, since Tass is a government-owned monopoly. But Tass wages — 
for the Americans — are below the scale. The job carries with it a social stigma. 
It often requires a talent for eavesdropping. It demands an adjustment to 
the indoctrinated Russian mind. And aboA-e all, it calls for a stubborn pro- 
Soviet point of view. As someone once said, there must be an easier — and bet- 
ter — way of making a living. 

Who, then, are the Americans who choose to remain Stalin's pen pals under 
such occupational hazards and under present two-world tensions? By and large, 
they are intelligent, educated, and the products of upper- or middle-class back- 
grounds. But each of these, for one reason or another, acquired an obsessive 
dissatisfaction with the American system which eventually drove him, or her, 
into a blind belief in the rightness of the Soviet cause. Tass thus became a 
catalyst for their political feelings. 

Let's take a look at the more prominent among them. The aforementioned 
Miss Montgomery, the 45-year-old daughter of a brilliant but erratic Pittsburgh 
architect, now dead, had a more hectic pre-Tass career than most of her com- 
rades. A born rebel w'ith a keenly receptive mind, she attended Antioch College, 
at Yellow Springs, Ohio. Among other things, she learned how to pull strings 
at Antioch and aftei'ward she spent a year on a national tour with Tony Sarg's 
marionette show. But once having seen the country, she set out to reform it. 

Soon she was running the New Jersey State office of the Women's Organiza- 
tion for National Prohibition Reform, which, for once, put her on the side of 
the majority. However, it was the coming of the New Deal which gave Miss 
Montgomery some real outlets for her advanced ideas. As an administrative 
assistant in the Paper Codes Branch of the NRA, she was a leader in helping to 
found the first Federal Government workers' union, a forerunner of what was 
to become, through mergers, the United Public Workers of America, now expelled 
from the CIO for being communistic. Then she went into union work full time 
with the late Sidney Hillman's textile workers' organizing committee and sub- 
sequently was loaned, as a publicity worker, to the New York organizing office of 
Allen Haywood, who is now a CIO vice president. Haywood soon returned the 
clever little redhead, because he didn't like either her attitude or her politics. 
In 1937 she caught on with a weekly news magazine as a labor expert, but she 
was fired in a matter of weeks. 

For a change of pace. Miss Montgomery next infiltrated, of all places, Wall 
Street. Starting as a secretary, she soon worked up to stocks and bonds share- 
trading in the investment firm of Joseph W. Burden, a socially prominent New 
Yorker and a Roosevelt Democrat. This job blew up when Burden was sentenced 
to Sing Sing for having fleeced his friends to the tune of $343,000. 

After these experiences, our heroine was ripe for Tass, joining its New York 
office in 1941 and transferring to Washington 4 years later. Today she covers 
Capitol Hill with cool and confident pride, apologizing to no one for the nature of 
her vocation. She lives with her mother, who has never been favorably im- 
pressed with Stalin, so, instead of talking about the latest 5-year plan, they play 
gin rummy. 

Like other Tassites, Miss Montgomery explains that she is not permitted to be 
a member of any political party. Perhaps unaware of this occupational gimmick, 
Senator Tom Connally once turned to her before starting a press conference and 
inquired bluntly, "By the way, how long have you been a "Communist?" 

"Why, Senator, I'm not a Communist," she protested. 

"Well, you'd better not let your bosses find out," Connally quipped. 

Tass employees never seek to justify their way of life. They insist, with 
straight faces, that working for Tass is just like working for any news agency 
and that they are not being disloyal to the United States. Certainly they would 
shout objections if one tabbed them as incipient traitors. Nonetheless, Tass has 
become a provocative word in Washington, and the 4 Americans and 1 Russian 
who serve Tass there cast a shadow far out of proportion to their numbers. For 
Tass, like a deadpan "heavy" in a Hitchcock movie thriller, can excite suspicion 
without making a single overt move. 

Being buttonholed by a press agent of the Kremlin sometimes dismays and 
irritates Senators. For example, Connally, when he was approached by Miss 
Montgomery as he was leaving for a conference with President Truman after the 
outbreak of the Korean war, froze and pointedly escaped into a Capitol elevator. 
Similarly, Senator Brien McMahon, chairman of the Joint Congressional Atomic 
Energy Committee, once angrily refused to answer a question off the record about 
the hydrogen bomb, with Tass present. 



SCOPE OF SOMET ACTIVITY IX THE UNITED STATES 463 

Some lawmakers joke about being tapited for information by Stalin's stooges, 
Senator Eugene Millikiii, a Colorado Republitan. has told a Tass reporter with 
a chuckle. "If there's any question about this quote, refer Uncle Joe directly 
to me." 

Significantly. Tass conespondents never ask questions of the President or the 
Secretary of St;ite at press conferences : anything they did ask probably would 
set off a wave of speculation by American planners and pundits. But Tass' 
people are good listeners. Last spring AVhite House correspondents felt it neces- 
sary to telephone the Pentagon oflice of garrulous Louis Johnson, then Secretary 
of Defen.se, to tip him o!f that Tass liad been taking in the candid remarks he 
had made to them on the white House steps a half hour earlier. Johnson's 
sub.lect had been the condition of the Armed Forces. 

Covering the State Department, one of the truly veteran newsmen is the dean 
of American Tass correspondents— 6S-year-old, anachronistic Laurence Todd 
whose case history represents a curious flight from his heritage. Todd's antece- 
dents came to New England on one of the first shiploads. One of his ancestors 
fought as a colonel in the American Revolution and another was a founder of 
the Republican Party in Jackson, Mich. Raised in Nottawa, Mich., "Larry" Todd 
was educated at the University of Michigan and then undertook a career which 
began with the Kalamazoo Gazette and continued through San Francisco news- 
papers and several press associations. 

As a young man, Todd, who had had a firm religious upbringing, was puritan- 
ical almost to the point of asceticism. He was also a chronic dissenter from most 
of his fellow Americans, and in 1904, after listening to a speech by Eugene V 
Debs and reading Edward Bellamy's Equality, a novel about the alleged Utopian 
life under socialism, he joined the Socialist Party. Gradually socialism became 
his faith. During 19Lj and 1916 he interrupted his news career to be secretary 
to Meyer London, of New York City, when London, a Socialist, served his first 
term in Congress, London, though born in Russian, was a mild Socialist in the 
old European tradition, and soon Todd had moved to his left. 

With free enterprise skyrocketing all around him in the 1920's, Todd bitterly 
turned to the violent Soviet version of socialism. He became Washington cor- 
respondent for the Federated Press, a labor news service which in recent years 
has been cited by the Hou.se Un-American Activities Committee as Communist- 
dominated and, in 1923, he started as part-time correspondent for the Bolsheviks' 
first news service ; 10 y^ears later he became Washington bureau chief for Tass. 

Today Todd lives sedately in Chevy Chase, a conservative Washington sub- 
urb, and looks as staid as any old-fashioned college professor. Academic in 
his manner, he is tall, angular, and perpetually ruddy, perhaps because he is 
exercised so frequently about what is wrong with his native land. For Todd is 
intellectually a very angry man. 

In the State Department pressroom, where he is sometimes pointed out as a 
curiosity to newcomers, he will defend the Soviets' behavior as long as anyone 
will listen. His working for Tass, he has explained, simply means that he be- 
lieves the Soviets are showing the way to world peace. Oddly, he still calls 
himself a Socialist. He probably would not be recognized as such by this coun- 
try's No. 1 Socialist, the Soviet-hating Norman Thomas. 

Todd's bifocal political philosophy was scrutinized to a degree back in 19.34, 
when he was summoned before a House Select Committee investigating the 
source of a charge by William A. Wirt, superintendent of schools in Gary, Ind., 
that the United States then was in the process of a "deliberately planned 
revolution." Wirt testified that at a dinner party attended by several second- 
rung New Deal Brain Trusters, he had been astounded to hear Todd say : 

"We believe that w^e have Mr. Roosevelt in the middle of a swift stream and 
that the current is so strong he cannot turn back or escape from it. We believe 
that we can keep Mr. Roosevelt there until we are ready to supplant him with 
a Stalin. We all think Mr. Roosevelt is only the Kerensky of this revolution." 

Todd categorically denied that he said this, as did the other dinner guests 
called to the stand, and the three Democratic committee members disbelieved 
Wirt. But the two Republican committee members, in a minority report, de- 
clared that the hearings had only scratched the surface and amounted to a 
whitewash of Todd and his friends. Incidentally, one of Todd's chums in that 
period was Lee Pressman, who was then occupying a Communist cell in the 
Agriculture Department, Pressman himself now admits. 

At one point in the Wirt hearings, Todd was asked, "Are you one of those people 
who desire to seed a red flag waving from the dome of the Capitol ?" Todd argued 
that it would be embarrassing to him, as the employee of a foreign government. 



464 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

to have to answer the questu.n. r r.-vpssional (•(unniittees were easier on 
reluctant witnesses in those days, and Todd was let <.tf witli this novel exciise. 
But he was rebukecl in the minority report for havin- grandiosely described Tass 
as "the \ssociated Press of Russia." Tlio report pointed out that Tass "is m no 
sense an honest news agency, but is a mere pr..paj;anda aiiency of the Soviet 

Government." . , • • ^.i „ 

Tass is snrely the busiest and the farthest-Hun.ii propaganda seiTice in the 
world Its 1 (M}0-plus correspondents fiom all over the globe feed distorted 
infoniiation 24 hours a day to the Kremlin's vast captive audiences in tJie 
U S S. R., Red China, and the satellite nations. But they also do aboveboard 
intelligence work and function as key adjuncts to Soviet consular posts. 

Until 1946 for example, Todd reported to the Russian Embassy regularly. 
The Soviet diplomats often acted as though they wouldn't make a move without 
him and he was sometimes ordered to report to the Embassy on the double. 
His 'information and advice were considered so indispensable that when he was 
hospitalized for a time tlie Embassy frequently telephoned the Tass bureau, 
inouiring impatiently, "Why does he have to be sick for so long?" Todd also 
used to sit in on closetl-door meetings of the satellite diplomats and candidly 
appraise American policies and leaders. ^ , . ^ 

But suddenlv. on October 12, 1948, Tass replaced him as Washington bureau 
chief with 30-year-old Mikhail Fedorov, fresh from Moscow. This was in keeping 
with the Russians' postwar policy of filling important Tass posts with Russians. 
Todd was unhappy about the demotion, but there was nothing he could do about 
it The "mark of Tass" is indelible. Ex-Tass employees have no future m the 
non-Communist news field. Most employers shun them like lepers. 

While Tass reporters in this country suffer no discrimination on the part of 
their capitalistic colleagues, they are considered to be professionally freakish by 
many Americans. There was the girl who had .iust been hired by Tass and was 
invited out to dinner by some old friends. Aware that they worked for the Gov- 
ernment the girl gaily warned them upon arrival that she was now in the pay of 
Tass. Her host and hostess smiled bravely and reassured her that as Democrats 
they always took the large view in such matters ; that, after all, this is a free 
country aiid she shouldn't feel that her employer would be held against her. It 
was not until several hours later that they discovered to their horror they had 
mistakenly understood her to say she was working for Senator Taft. At that 
point the temperature grew noticeably cooler. 

In war-jittery Wasington, working for Tass has become so controversial 
an issue it has split up husbands and wives, and in one celebrated case it was 
responsible for a tragic father-daughter crack-up. A few years ago a gossip 
columnist disclosed that Miss Euphemia ("Mickey") Virden, the 22-year-old 
post-debutante daughter of John C. Virden, a special assistant to Secretary of 
Commerce Sawyer, was running the teletype— she also covers an occasional press 
conference — in the Tass Washington office. 

A furor followed, when Representative Fred Crawford, a Michigan Republican, 
called upon Sawyer to demand Virden's resignation because he was "so close by 
flesh and blood to the Soviet agency." Virden, a brilliant Cleveland industrialist 
and a religious man who hates atheistic communism, offered to resign, but re- 
considered^ at the pleading of his friends and a warm note from Truman assur- 
ing him that "my faith is you is unshaken." However, when his hitch in Govern- 
ment was over, Virden returned to his Imsiness in Cleveland, still sick at heart 
over the ideological gulf between him and the daughter on whom he had once 
doted. 

When Mickey threw in with the Russians, he had sensed a perhaps irrevocable 
separation. In the jargon of the doctrinaire, she had explained she "wanted to 
learn journalism, but not in the lying capitalistic press." A slender, coltish girl, 
with handsome dark hair and large brown eyes, she had begun her cerebral 
journey leftward in her teens, through wide, precocious reading and a concern 
about racial injustice. Soon she came to look upon her successful father as the 
very symbol of the capitalist society. Then, at Sarah Lawrence College, where 
she was a brilliant avant-garde pupil and got elected president of the Student 
Council, she fell under the influence of the late Genevieve Taggard, an English 
teacher and a poetess, who contributed to the literary magazines. Miss Taggard 
also wrote for Communist publications, and she was the wife of Kenneth Durant, 
who headed up the American Tass operation from its inception in 1923 until 
he retired due to ill health in 1944. New York is headquarters for Tass in this 
country. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 465 

A word ahont Durant, who strongly influenced Todd and who, in many ways, 
is the most fascinating member of the Tass gallery of characters. The red sheep 
of an old and respected Philadelphia socialite family, Durant first went to the aid 
of the Bolsheviks by doing publicity for C. A. K. Martens, who was sent here 
by the revolutionaries after the First World War in shearch of diplomatic recog- 
nition. Tall, well-pressed, and aristocratic looking. Durant had a sophisticated 
prose style and a ruthless wit. Holding his subordinates under the spell of his 
sardonic charm, he stood no nonsense from anyone expressing mild misgivings 
about what the Soviets were up to. A colorful and dominating figure among 
New York's Greenwich Village intellectuals in the 1920's, he made several trips 
to the Soviet Union, always donning a peaked workingman's cap when he crossed 
the Russian border. Durant often seemed to be more intrigued with the con- 
spiratorial nature of the Soviets than with their ideology. 

The American who has made the American Tass operation click since the de- 
parture of Durant is 44-year-old Harry Freeman, who is deputv to Ivan Beglov, 
the poker-faced Russian boss of Tass in this countrv. Quiet and obsequious' 
likable Freeman has a peculiar ability for getting along with Russians. He also 
IS a skillful news-desk man for Tass, having put in 20 years with the agency after 
learning the tricks of the trade and of communism as city editor for the Com- 
munist New York Daily Worker. Freeman was born in Brooklvn, of a Russia- 
born father who was a moderately prosperous contractor, and he "married Russia- 
born Vera Shapiro, also known as Vera Schapp, a member of the radical Ameri- 
can Labor Party. Freeman, who has steered clear of political shenanigans since 
his Daily Worker days, is a brother of the novelist Joseph Freeman a founder 
and one-time editor of the Communist magazine. New Masses. 

Harry Freeman radios or cables— from the Tass office in New York— an aver- 
age report of 6,000 to 15,000 words a day to Moscow about America Most of it 
is never seen by the Russian worker and muzhik, but is circulated among those 
in iNIoscow who are trusted to know the truth. This part of the report includes 
speech texts, all types of Government handouts, technical and business reports 
and whatever documents and inside information can be picked up. Tass re- 
porters not only get around where other Soviet representatives would be con- 
sidered off limits, but they can move their information home cheaper and faster 
The press rate is 6% cents a word, compared with the lli/o cents the Russian 
diplomats pay for official business, and the 23 cents a word commercial rate 
Stalin spends approximately $25,000 a month to maintain the American Tass 
operation, according to Tass. Nobody doubts that he would be willing to pay 
considerably more than that. " 

Freeman's assistant in the New York office is Esther Shields, who described 
herself in the Justice Department's foreign agents registration file as a staff 
writer, housewife, and mother. In her time she has also done picket duty in 
at least one famous strike and contributed to the New Masses. It was Esther 
a prim-appearing woman of 50 years, who mounted the barricades for the Rus- 
sians when some of the Tass Americans, depressed by their low salaries, met to 
discuss organizing a union. Esther took the floor and argued that the idea 
was ridiculous and insulting to Tass. She asserted it would be unthinkable, for 
instance, even to consider calling a strike against the worker's best friend,' the 
Soviet Union. The project died. 

Esther is married to Arthur Shields, of the Daily Worker staff. Interestingly, 
the Tass Americans do not share the Tass Russians' evident contempt for the 
bumbling Communist Party of the United States. Todd has even gone to the 
Russian Embassy to put in a good word for Rob Hall, the Daily Worker's Wash- 
ington columnist. 

Hall and the Tass Americans are, of course, brothers under the skin. He is 
a rather extreme example of the shaggy-haired, pipe-smoking southpaw intel- 
lectual. Born into a typically con.servative Mississippi family. Hall was edu- 
cated at Columbia University, where he became a campus radical, a bachelor 
of arts and a Phi Beta KaiTpa. In 1930 he visited Russia and then married 
Russia-born Clara Stern, In 1944 he became a member of the powerful national 
conmiittee of the Communist Political Association, now dissolved. Today, when 
he isn't applying the party line to the Washington scene for his readers, he 
directs Communist Party activities in the area and keeps a tight rein on various 
Red-front groups. He also appears to be an arm-in-arm pal of virtually every 
left-winger who has run afoul of a congressional committee. 

In New York, the Tass Russians are elusive lone wolves who bvpass foreign- 
press cocktail parties and are .seldom seen, except at the United Nations. But 



466 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

in Washington, burt-au cliief Fedorov jiraiiples t-onscientiously with the customs 
of tho natives. When he api>eared for the first time on the Wliite House beat, 
press-room veterans pointed out that a jug of spirits is acceptable dues for a 
newcomer. The next niorninu Federov, who is broad-shouldered, broad-faced 
and as melancholy as any character in Chekhov, dejectedly explained that the 
third secretarv of the Embassy liad gone off to New York with the key to the 
wine cellar in his pocket. The day after that the Musocvite showed up for work 
with two bottles of the Embassy's finest vodka. Soon the White House corre- 
spondents were calling him "Mike" and baiting him about life under the com- 
missars. , . ,. ^. 

Mike is living proof that the Kremlin places no great value on journalistic 
experience as a requirement for a Russian Tass reporter. Fedorov's prepara- 
tion for his present job was 5 years in the Russian aircraft industry and a degree 
as a graduate aeronautical engineer. The Russians prefer their agents to be 
double- or triple-threat men. Jacob Lomakin, a recent Soviet consul general 
in New York, had been a Tass editor before that in Moscow. The late Constan- 
tine Oumansky became mana,t,ang director of all Tass operations during World 
War II, immediately after he had been Ambassador to the United States and an 
appendage of Soviet Intelligence here. In some countries, government officials 
have learned only after the departure of a Soviet diplomat that he had acted 
as a Tass reporter on the sly at the same time. 

Many Tass reporters have been suspected of outright espionage and some of 
them have been caught at it. A splendid example of the Tass spy breed is one 
Vladimir Rogov, who directed the main Tass bureau in Nationalist China from 
Shanghai, while .simultaneously heading up the far eastern Soviet spy ring. 
When the Chinese Reds took over, Rogov moved his two-faced operation to the 
new government's seat at Peiping, presumably to spy on Russia's ally. 

Canada has suffered notoriously from trusting Tass. In 1946 the Canadian 
correspondents had grown moderately fond of a couple of Tass reporters — 
Nicolai (Big Nick) Zheivinov and Nicolai (Little Nick) Afanasiev. When "Big 
Nick" suddenly announced that he was being recalled to Moscow, the press 
gallery members in Ottawa gave him a farewell cocktail party. The Russky 
rose to the occasion and delivered a grandiloquent speech of friendship for 
Canada. The Canadians were touched. 

Immediately after he left Canada, Zheivinov was named by the Royal Canadian 
Commission as a key member — under the cover name "Martin" — of the Soviet 
spy ring which had been stealing atomic secrets from the Canadian Government. 
There was some bitter talk about expelling Afanasiev, but presently he said that 
he too, was being summoned home. However, months later a Canadian news- 
man visiting in New York bumped into Afanasiev in the Associated Press Build- 
ing. Puzzled, the Canadian invited "Little Nick" to have a drink and chat. 
The Russian replied that he was busy at the moment, but that if the Canadian 
would call at the Tass office upstairs later, they could go to dinner together. 
The Ottawa man did call at the Tass office at tlie dinner hour, only to informed 
blandly at the door— no visitor gets inside the railing— that no such person as 
Nicolai Afanasiev was employed there and that, in fact, they had never heard 
of him. "Little Nick" never turned up again. , ,^ 

The name Tass stands for "Telegraphic Agency of the Soviet Union. Its 
first "chief responsible leader" was Jacob Doletzky, a Polish-born, old-line 
Bolshevik who was liquidated— along with some of his subeditors— in the no- 
torious purge of 1937 as a "Trotskyite bandit." Today the big boss of Tass is 
Nicolai Palgunov, affectionately known as Pal the Goon by Tass Americans. 
Under Palgunov, Tass propaganda is noted for its heavy-handed distortion, 
bald editorializing, and signiticant omissions. Tass will stop at nothing in 
attempts to document its story that the United States is on the verge of eco- 
nomic collapse and at the same time is trying to needle up a third world war. 
When Tass writers are hard-up for an authority to quote, they fall back on the 
Daily Worker, which is like approvingly quoting one's own echo, or simply 
dream up the name of a fictitious American newspaper. Tass does not sell its 
service to non-(Jommunist countries— it has mutual free-exchange deals with 
the Associated Press and United Press. So, for foreign news, the Daily 
Worker is oliliged to rely on the United Press, which it rewrites, and a kind of 
demi-Tass agency called Telepress, which supplies Soviet-shaped news to Com- 
munist uewspai eis from Prague, Czechoslovakia. 

Remember when Louis Johnson was hacking away at the armed services 
budget, over the protests of many military men, and paving the way for our 
unpreparedness in the Korean war? Well, here's the way Tass interpreted 
the American scene at that time, via Pravda : 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 467 

"New York (Tass), Feb. 9. — U. S. Defense Secretary Johnson's report on the 
status of the American military machine (National Defense Establishment), 
published with the obvious purpose of strengthening the new wave of military 
hysteria engulfing the U. S. A., shows that the U. S. is working out far-reaching 
aggressive plans * * * the contents of this report show that U. S. military 
circles are in control of American foreign policy. The author unwittingly cites 
facts in the report which exposes the American propaganda myth that U. S. 
military preparations are designed for "defense" from some "danger of aggres- 
sion * * * the whole world knows that the U. S. A. has not been and is not 
threatened." 

The tone of Tass is frequently snide. Pravda carried this cryptic bit of sar- 
casm in 1949 : 

"Washington (Tass), Aug. 3. — Truman has expressed satisfaction with the 
"progress" in the sphere of atomic energy. Truman's assertions that the com- 
mission is also carrying out a program of research work to utilize atomic 
energy to "improve human welfare" sound strange. 

Tass takes a poor view of American humor where it concerns the Russians. 
Once, when a comedian had posed as an outspoken Russian general to enter- 
tain graduates of tlie FBI training academy at a dinner, the Tass story out of 
Washington called it an "obscene hoax" which "revealed the taste and cultural 
level of American policemen." 

The average Tass story is slanted by the reporter who writes it, given a 
harder or, perhaps, different twist as it passes through the New York office, and 
then treated to a tinal Marxian pummeling iu Moscow before it is fit for public 
consumption. As they appeared in the Russian press, the Tass accounts of the 
trial of Valentin Gubitchev, the Russian engineer at the U. N., could not have 
been enlightening to the Russian reader. These stories ignored the fact that 
Gubitchev had been charged with conspiracy to commit espionage, failed to men- 
tion the presence of a jury, and fulminated against the FBI for having picked 
him uiy. Judith Coplon, Gubitchev's accomplice in the Justice Department, was 
identilied with this single reference in one story : "The American girl. Miss 
Coplon, who was tried with Gubitchev, was sentenced to 15 years' imprisonment." 

On Stalin's own basis, the United States would be justified in restricting or 
censoring Tass correspondents in this country. Stalin told Harold Stassen 
in his interview in 1947 that foreign correspondents are subject to censorship in 
Russia because the foreign press had been guilty of sending erroneous reports 
on the Soviet Union which the Russians regarded as unfriendly. But Congress 
for the present is going along with the State Department's view that Tass should 
be tolerated in the Government's press galleries as a necessary evil. This policy 
is founded on two arguments. One is that giving Tass the same access to legiti- 
mate news as other foreign newsmen is the most spectacular way to practice 
what we preach about freedom of the press. The other is that any clamping 
down on Tass surely would bring reprisals against American newsmen behind 
the Iron Curtain. 

Many Washington officials feel, however, that instead of putting the lid on 
Tass, the State Department should demand some reciprocity, some sort of quid 
pro quo, on the issue of Russian-American press coverage. This attitude was 
hinted at publicly by Representative James G. Fulton, JElepublican, of Pennsyl- 
vania, when he noticed Tass' presence at a House Foreign Affairs Committee 
meeting. 

Fulton said, "I only hope that in Moscow we will get the same treatment. In 
order to be fair, we in the United States like to do it in the open, and we hope 
the Tass correspondent will sit down with her fellow United States correspond- 
ents in Moscow on the same basis in the near future." 

Mr. Maxdel. The date on that article is January 20, 1951. 

Mr. Morris. Just a few more things here. We have a publication 
of the United States Information Agency. 

That is right, isn't it ? 

Mr. ]\LvNDEL. United States Information Service. 

]\Ir. Morris. United States Information Service, which has a refer- 
ence — Mr. Mandel will identify it. 

Mr. Mandel. It is a magazine called Problems of Communism, No. 
2, volume 5, March, April, 1956, published by the United States Infor- 
mation Service. 



468 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

On page 7 is this reference to Tass : 

Only one of the Soviet newspaper organizations can compete with Pravda in 
scope," thouiih not in ranlt. This is Tass, the monopoly news agency. In addi- 
tion to its news service, Tass operates a photo service, a mat and plastic cut 
service, I'resklishe. a radio service, a feature syndicate press bureau, and a 
confidential news service distributed under seal to metropolitan editors and high 
officials of state and party. 

That is footnoted as being from Benton's notes of an interview with 
Palgunov. Also from Palgunov's Fundamentals of News in the 
Newspapers, Moscow University Publishing House, Moscow Univers- 
ity, 1955. 

Mr. Morris. I ask that those exhibits be placed in the record with 
some portion of the Tass testimony * * *. 

Senator Watkins. It is so ordered. 

(The article referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 174" and may 
be found in the subcommittee files.) 

Mr. Morris. I have two more news accounts which indicate that 
India expelled a Tass correspondent. The news story is in the Wash- 
ington Daily News of April 14, 1952, and the New York Times of 
April 15, 1954, and the Ottawa Citizen of the same day, which indi- 
cated that Canada expelled Mr. Ivan Tsvetkov from Canada. 

Senator AVatkins. You want those in the record ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes. 

Senator Watkins. It will be done. 

(The newspaper accounts referred to were marked "Exhibit Nos. 
175, 175-A, and 175-B" and read as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 175 

[Washington Daily News, April 14, 1952, p. 2] 

India Boots Out Tass 

The Russian Government is going to call home the chief correspondent of the 
Tass news agency in New Delhi, the capital of India. This is a result of protests 
by the Indian Government against "distorted" Moscow broadcasts about the na- 
tion. 

Whatever this correspondent wrote about India, it could be no more out- 
rageous than the fantastic falsehoods the Russians print and broadcast about 
the United States every day. Many of these "news items" are alleged to be 
based upon Tass dispatches from its representatives in the United States. 

How does it happen that India, a relatively weak nation, can make Russia 
back down in this matter and we cannot? 

One reason, of course, is that it is Russian policy to cultivate friendship 
with India in an effort to soften it up for eventual capture by communism. 

Another is that the United States Government has done nothing about Russian 
"reporting" from this country except to complain about it now and then. 

Here we play into the hands of the Kremlin by pretending that correspondents 
of Tass are legitimate foreign newspapermen. We give them all the privileges 
we extend to correspondents from Great Britain, France and the other free 
nations. They even are allowed to attend press conferences of the President. 

Tass correspondents acknowledge they are representatives of the Russian 
Government. They are so registered with the .lustice Department. The chief 
Tass correspondent in Washington is not even a newspai>erman by profession ; 
he is an aviation engineer — and doubtless an able one who manages to pick up 
much interesting technical information for his bosses in Moscow while on his 
"news gathering" rounds. 

When a committee of newspaper editors suggested last year that Tass cor- 
respondents be barred from Congress' press galleries, the committee of United 
States correspondents which govern the galleries asked the State Department 
for its recommendation. The State Department responded with a weasel-worded 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 469 

reply in which it declined to make a recommendation. The committee then voted 
to permit the Tass correspondents to remain. 

We said then that this action was a mistake. We still think so, and we think 
the incident in India helps to prove it. 

These spies for Russia ought to be barred from the press galleries, and those 
who are Russians ought to be expelled from the United States. It would take 
no new laws to do it. 

We deport undesirable aliens for lesser reasons. But we tolerate Russian 
espionage and propaganda. 



Exhibit No. 175-A 

[New York Times, April 14. 1054] 

Canadian Tass Man Recalled 

Special to the New York Times 

Ottawa, April 14. — Ivan V. Tsvetkov, Ottawa correspondent of Tass, the 
Soviet news agency, has been ordered by his oflSce to return to the Soviet Union. 



Exhibit No. 175-B 

[The Ottawa Citizen, April 15, 1954, p. 9] 

Recall Tass Reporter to Russia 

By the Canadian Press 

Tass, the oflScial Russian news agency, has recalled its Ottawa correspondent. 

Ivan V. Tsvetkov, 35, informed the parliamentary press gallery Wednesday 
that he has been ordered back to Russia. He has been a member of the gallery 
since last September when he was able to satisfy members who had raised 
objections to his membership application in March 1953. 

His original application was rejected by a general meeting of the seventy-odd 
members of the gallery on grounds that Mr. Tsvetkov came to Canada on a 
diplomatic passport and was attached to the Russian Embassy here. Later, he 
obtained a nondiplomatic passport and was accepted as a gallery member. 

Tass correspondents have been regarded with some suspicion since a royal 
commission di.sclosed that a Tass correspondent, Nikolai Zheveinov, was at- 
tached to a wartime Russian spy ring. This was the ring exposed by Igor 
Gouzenko, Russian Embassy cipher clerk who sought asylum in Canada in 1945. 



(The following editorial later was ordered into the record at this 
point:) 

I-^XHIBIT 175-C 

[New York World Telegram, July 13, 1954, p. 26] 
Tass Men Exposed 

Vladimir Petrov, former Soviet Embassy secretary in Australia, testifying 
before an Australian royal commission, said every Tass reporter outside the Iron 
Curtain is a Russian secret police official. 

Tass is the news agency of the Soviet Government. 

The job of a Tass man on foreign assignment, Petrov continued, is to represent 
himself to other newspapermen as just another journalist so he may have more 
contacts to gather information useful to Russia. But he is under orders from 
the Kremlin at all times and carries out his assignment as a bona fide spy. The 
stories he sometimes writes are a sideline. 

Petrov's former job, before he defected, was to keep an eye on the Tass man 
in Australia who has since gone back to Moscow. 



470 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

The Petrov testimony substantiates what we have long contended — that Tass 
representatives in this country are frauds as newspapermen. Yet they have the 
same press privileges as other correspondents at the White House, the Capitol, 
and elsewhere in Washington. They are free to roam the country, in contrast 
to American correspondents in Russia. 

We believe it's time for a crackdown on these Tass agents in the United States. 
Let's be realistic about it — accept them for what they are, as Petrov disclosed 
their duties, and stop treating them as authentic newsmen. 

Mr. IVIandel. This one is from the records of Gen. Charles Wil- 
loughby, and is headed GHQ, FEC, Military Intelligence Section, 
General Staff, appendixes to a partial documentation of the Sorge 
espionage case miscellaneous records, special branch, Shanghai Munici- 
pal Police. 

Consecutive exhibit No. 32, part II, section B, p. 115, headed "Tass." 

Tass established a branch in Shanghai in April 19.32, when V. Rover opened 
an office at 19 Museum Road. The location of the agency was moved in 1933 
when J. Chernoff replaced Rover and again in June 1934, when it was moved 
to the fifth floor, 20 Canton Road, its location as of 29 July 1936. The manager 
at that time was Andrew Ivanovitch Sotoff, who replaced Chernoff in February 
1935. The permanent foreign staff members were : R. L. Wikmen and his wife, 
and L. Lidov, Soviet citizens. Several foreigners were associated with the out- 
side organization, and among those who had been seen visiting the offices were 
Agnes Smedley, Frank Glass, Granitch (Voice of China), Randal Gould, J. B. 
Powell, and V. Abolnik, Pekin Tass agent. Mrs. Sotoff was manager of the 
American Book & Supply Co., 841 Bubbling Well Road, and it was reported that 
Hayton Fleet, a British subject, would take over the outside Tass organization in 
the near future. Tass was run on the same lines as other news agencies ; how- 
ever, all messages transmitted to Moscow were censored by the U. S. S. R. con- 
sulate prior to dispatch. 

The only local press that frequently published Tass messages was the China 
Daily Herald. 

Mr, Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like the record to show that 
no conclusion has been drawn from the article just read by Mr, Mandel, 
that the information was read into the record in connection with our 
Tass hearings, and no inference is necessarily made. 

Senator Watkins. The record will so show. 



INDEX 



Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organiza- 
tion in this index. 

A Page 

Abolnik, V. (Pekin Tass agent) 470 

American Book & Supply Co 470 

American fliers 438 

Antioch College 412 

Army, United States 435 

Artkino 421 

B 

Baltimore 427 

Benton's notes , 468 

Billings Searchlight 417 

Brandon Films , 421 

Bridgeport Herald 418, 419 

Budget, Bureau of 419, 420 

Burden Agency, The 413 

Burden, Joseph W , 412 

C 
Canada 468 

"Canadian Tass Man Recalled" 469 

Canton Road, 20 470 

Capitol Hill , 413, 415, 420 

Chernoff, J 470 

Chester, Pa 436 

Chicago 417, 421 

Chicago Daily News , 417 

Chicago Daily Times 417 

Chicago Evening American . 417 

Chicago Evening Post 417 

China Daily Herald 470 

"Chinese Destinies" by Agnes Smedley 461 

Christmas morning , 487 

CIO 412 

Cleveland Public Library 422 

Cleveland, Ohio 422 

Cobb, David 411 

Attorney for Jean Montgomery 411 

Att<'rney for Alden Todd - 435 

Columbia Broadcasting System reporter , 437 

Columbia Pictures 423 

Comintern 461 

Communist 415, 420, 427, 429, 431, 432, 436, 437 

Communist International , 461 

Communist meetings 419, 424 

Communist Party 415, 416, 420, 424, 429, 430, 431, 436, 437 

Communist Party, District of Columbia 427 

Communist Party, newspaper unit , 424 

Communist Party, Robert H. Hall newspaper unit 416, 419 

Congress 413, 415 

Contemporary Films , 421 



n INDEX 

D Pas« 

Daily Report for Executives 427 

DeCaux, Len 412 

DeKuyper Co 417 

Democratic Party 430 

E 

Eastland, Senator 411 

Einhorn, Nat 431 

Public relations for Embassy of Poland 431 

Embassies 428 

Espionage 432 

Exhibit No. 169 — State Department press release January 15, 1953, No. 27, 

re Yuri V. Novikov 433 

Exhibit No. 170 — Justice Department press release, January 15, 1953, re 

indictment of two naturalized citizens on charges of espionage for Soviet 

Russia, Otto Verber and Kurl L. Ponger, conspiring with Yuri V. 

Novikov 433 

Exhibit No. 171 — "Such Is Life," by Jeanne Perkins Harmon, chapters 11 

and 12 438-450 

Exhibit No. 172 — September 3, 1947, registration (No. 464) filed by Tass, 

pursuant to section 2 of the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938 with 

Justice Department 451^56 

Exhibit No. 172- A — March 31, 1948, supplemental registration (No. 464) 

filed by Tass 456 

Exhibit No. 172-B — September 30, 1948, supplemental registration (No. 

464) filed by Tass 459-460 

Exhibit No. 173 — Article from Saturday Evening Post, January 20, 1951, 

"Stalin's American Snoops," by Paul F. Healy 461-467 

Exhibit No. 174 — "Problems of Communism," No. 2, volume 5, March, 

April 1946, published by United States Information Service 469 

Exhibit No. 175 — Article from Washington Daily News, April 14, 1952, 

page 2, "India Boots Out Tass" 468-469 

Exhibit No. 175-A — Article from New York Times, April 14, 1954, "Cana- 
dian Tass Man Recalled" 469 

Exhibit No. 175-B — Article from the Ottawa Citizen, April 15, 1954, page 9, 

"Recall Tass Reporter to Russia," by the Canadian Press 469 

Exhibit No. 175-C— Article from New York World-Telegram, July 13, 1954, 

page 26, "Tass Men Exposed" 469^70 

F 

Fascist Party 430 

Federated Press 419,431,435-437 

Federov (chief of Washington Tass bureau) 414 

Fifth amendment 419, 424, 429, 436, 437, 451 

Fleet, Hayton 470 

Folsom, Franklin 450 

142 East 27th Street, New York City 450 

Employee of Tass 450 

Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938 450 

Forer, Joseph 417,421,426,428 

Attorney for John B. Stone 417 

Attorney for Alexander Sherman 421 

Attorney for Natalie Laniken 426 

Attorney for Corinne Lautman 428 

Freeman, Harry (head of New York Tass bureau) 414,415 

"Fundamentals of News" in the newspapers 4(58 

G 

General Electric Co., Lynn, Mass 427 

Georgetown Theater, Washington 422,423 

GHQ, FEC, Military Intelligence Section 470 

Glass, Frank 470 

Goodman, Charles 428 

Gould, Randall 470 

Granich (Voice of China) 470 



INDEX in 

H Page 

Harmon, Jeanne Perkins (Mrs.) 437,438 

Healy, Paul F 461 

Herald American 417 

Herald Examiner 417 

Hoffberg Productions (New York) 421,423 

Hungarian Embassy 426 

I 

Illinois Central Railroad 417 

Imprecorr 461 

India 468 

"India Boots Out Tass" 468 

Internal Security Subcommittee 414, 417, 421, 425, 427, 437, 438 

International Press Correspondence 461 

J 

Jewish Ledger (newspaper) 426 

Justice Department 433, 451-460 

Press release, January 15, 1953 433 

K 

Kondakova, Mr. (Washington bureau of Tass) 414 

L 

Labor Relations Reporter 427 

Labor Trends 419 

Lamken, Natalie (testimony of) 425-427,431 

1724 17th Street NW.. Washington, D. C 426 

Joseph Forer, attorney 426 

Music teacher 426 

Employed on Jewish Ledger 426 

Previously taught English to foreigners 426 

Worked 714 years for Bureau of National Affairs 427 

World War II worked at General Electric Co., Lynn, Mass 427 

Junior caseworker, department of public welfare in Baltimore 427 

Fifth amendment re Communist Party 427 

Lautman, Corrine 425, 427 

Testimony of 428-431 

Joseph Forer, attorney 428 

526 Sheridan Street NW., Washington, D. C 428 

Robert Lautman, photographer, husband 428 

1949 employed by United Electrical Radio and Machine Workers of 

America 428-429 

1947-49 employed by Tass 429 

Employed by National City Bank, New York 429 

Corrine Pressman, maiden name 429 

Fifth amendment re Communist Party 429 

Lautman, Robert 428 

Lidov, L 470 

Life magazine 437 

Lowell, Esther 461 

Lynn, Mass 427 

M 

Mandel, Beniamin 411, 425 

McGranery, Attorney General James P 433 

McNanus. Robert 411 

Milhailovich, General 438 

Execution of by Tito 438 

Montana , 417 

Montgomery, Jean 420, 424, 427, 436 

Testimony of 411-417, 431-435 

5041 12th Street NE 411 

David Cobb, attorney 411 

Antioch College 411-412 



IV INDEX 

Montgomery, Jean— Continued ^"^^ 

Administrative Assistant in NRA 412 

Textile Workers Organizing Committee 412 

Paper Industries Coordinator 412 

Joseph W. Burden Agency 412 

Employed by Tass, 1941-July 1955 41d 

Morris, Robert "^ 

Moscow "^l^- *^^ 

Moscow University Publishing House 4bb 

Museum Road, 19 ^'^ 

N 

National Affairs, Bureau of Washington 427 

National City Bank, New York 429 

National Press Building 429 

Nazi Party gO 

Newspaper Guild 4d<, ^rfb 

Newspaper Guild in New York 438 

Newsweek magazine 418, 419 

New York 412, 413, 415, 423, 429, 438 

New York Morning Telegraph 423 

New York Times, April 15, 1954 468, 469 

New York World-Telegi-am 469 

Novikov, Yuri V 432,433 

Diplomatic corps of Soviet Embassy 432 

NRA___ y- 412 

O 

"On the Washington Record" 417 

OPA 418 

Solid Fuels Division 418 

Oil Division 418 

Ottawa Citizen 468, 469 

OWI 418 

P 

Palgiinov — - 468 

Paper Industries Coordinator 412 

Paramonov, Mr 414 

Reporter, Washington bureau of Tass, 1955 414 

Persona non grata 432 

Petrov, Vladimir 469 

Poland, Embassy of 424,426,431 

Ponger, Kurl L 433 

Powell, J. B 470 

Pravda 468 

Presidential press conference 413 

Presklishe 468 

Pressman, Corrine. (See Corrine Lautman.) 

Pressman, Lee 431 

"Problems of Communism," No. 2, vol. 5, March, April 1956 467 

Public welfare, department of 427 

R 

"Recall Tass Reporter to Russia" 469 

Republican Party 430 

Rosenberg trial 432 

Rosenbergs, Committee for 432 

Rover, V 470 

Royal Norwegian Government 423 

Rural Woiker 412 

Russian Legation ^20 

Ryan, Jack 437 



INDEX V 

S Page 

Saturday Evening Post 461 

Schools 421 

Public 422 

Public-school systems 422, 423 

Seco Industrial Co 428 

September 3, 1947, registration filed by Tass, pursuant to section 2 of 

Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938 450 

Shanghai municipal police 470 

Sherman, Alexander 419, 421-424, 431 

1742 17th Street NW 421 

Joseph Forer, attorney 421 

Motion picture distribution for Hoffberg Productions, Brandon Films, 

Artkino, Contemporary Films . 421 

Operation of Georgetown Theater, 1950-54 422 

Publicity and film consultant for Royal Norwegian Government, 

1942-46 423 

Publicity work for Columbia Pictures 423 

Film critic, New York Morning Telegraph 423 

Shernum, Polly 419, 431, 432 

Employed at Polish Embassy 431 

Shields, Esther Lowell 461 

Shoreham Hotel 419 

Smediny, Agnes 461, 470 

Sorge espionage case 470 

Sotoff, Andrew Ivanovitch 470 

Sourwine, Mr. Jay 437 

'"Stalin s American Snoops" by Paul F. Healy 461 

State Department 415, 432, 433 

Press release, January 15, 1953, re Yuri V. Novikov 432, 433 

State, Secretary of, press conference 413 

Statler Hotel 419 

Stone, Mr. John B 416, 417-421 

2901 18th Street NW., Washington, D. C 417 

Joseph Forer, attorney 417 

Publishes "On the Washington Record" 417 

I'ublisher of Billings Searchlight, 1922 417 

Radio editor of Chicago Evening Post, 1923 417 

Feature writer for Chicago Daily News, 1924-29 417 

Rewrite man for Chicago Evening American, 1929-30 or 1931 417 

Public relations in Chicago 417 

Herald Examiner 417 

Public relations account executive for the Illinois Central Railroad, for 

DeKuyper Co 417 

Came to Washington in 1939 or 1940 418 

Treasury Department, Procurement, Assistant Director of Public 

Relations 418 

OPA 418 

OWI 418 

Newsweek magazine, Washington correspondent, 1 911 1 7 418 

Bridgeiwrt Herald, Washington correspondent 418 

Public relations. World Congress of Statisticians 419 

Federated Pi'ess 419 

National Guardian 419 

Fifth amendment re Communist 420 

St. Peter's College, Jersey City, N. J 422 

"Such Is Life" by Jeanne Perkins Harmon 437, 438-450 

Chapter 11 438-444 

Chapter 12 444-450 

Sun Shipbuilding Co., Chester, Pa 436 

Swarthmore College, Pennsylvania 436 

T 

TASS News Agency 413-416, 428-432, 435, 436, 438, 450, 461, 468, 470 

"Tass Men Exposed" 469 

Tass, New York Office 413,414 

Tass, Washington office 414 



VI mDEX 

Page 

Temple University 436 

Textile Workers Organizing Committee 412 

Tito 438 

Todd, Alden 431, 432, 435-437 

4872 Chevy Chase Boulevard, Chevy Chase, Md 435 

Testimony of 435-437 

David Cobb, attorney 435 

N'ews reporter for Federated Press, Feb. 2, 1946 435 

Son of Larry Todd, ranking Tass Correspondent in Washington for 

many years 435 

United States Army, Parachute Infantry 435 

Employed in Sun Shipbuilding Co., Chester, Pa 436 

Graduated Swarthmore College, Pennsylvania, 1939 436 

Temple University 436 

Fifth amendment re Communist 436 

Todd, Larry 414 

Washington bureau of Tass 414,429,435 

Treasury Department 418 

Procurement Division 418 

Tsvetkov, Ivan V 468, 469 



United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America 428,429 

United States 326, 429, 432 

United States Government 411,412,415,418,420 

United States Information Agency 467 

U. S. Law Week 427 

U. S. S. R 470 

V 
Verber, Otto 433 

"Vivid Picture of Changing China, A" 461 

Voice of China 470 

Washington 412, 413, 416, 418-421, 423-426, 428, 429, 432, 435, 436 

Washington Daily News, April 14, 1952 468 

Washington school system 424 

Watkins, Senator Arthur V 411,437,450 

Welker, Senator Herman 425, 426, 437 

Wheeler campaign, Montana 417 

White, Harry D 421 

White House 413, 415 

Wikmen, R. L 470 

Willoughby, Gen. Charles 470 

World Congress of Statisticians 419 

WPB 418 

Wright, Archie 412 



o 



CONTENTS 



Testimony of — • ^^^e 

Fred Myers 471 

Gerald W. Rogers 493 



rn 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



THURSDAY, MARCH 15, 1956 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To IN^^STIGATE the 
Administration or the Internal Security Act and 

Other Internal Security Laws, or the 

Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D. C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 10 : 40 a. m., in room 
318, Senate Office Building, Senator William E. Jenner presiding. 

Present: Senators Eastland (chairman) and Jenner. 

Also present: Robert IMorris, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, re- 
search director ; and Robert C. McManus, investigations analyst. 

Senator Jenner. The committee will come to order. 

Will you call the first witness ? 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Myers ; Fred Myers. 

Mr. Myers. Yes, sir. 

jNIr. Morris. Come forward, Mr. Myers, please. 

Senator Jenner. Will you be sworn to testify, jNIr. Myers ? Do you 
swear that the testimony you give in this hearing will be the truth, 
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God % 

Mr. Myers. I do. 

Senator Jenner. Will you be seated. 

TESTIMONY OF FRED MYERS, WASHINGTON, D. C. 

Senator Jenner. Let me say at the outset that the Internal Security 
Subcommittee has received testimony from Yuri Rastvorov that 
VOKS, a Soviet oi'ganization that is designed to promote cultural 
relationships with foreign countries, has been used as a cover for intel- 
ligence agents by the Soviet secret police, the MVD. 

Mr. Rastvorov also testified that the American-Russian Institute 
was used for intelligence purposes and for recruiting Americans into 
the Communist framework. During the course of the investigations 
of the Institute of Pacific Relations, the Internal Security Subcom- 
mittee was able to establish that the American-Russian Institute was 
created as an affiliate of VOKS. 

This witness this morning has been an executive secretary of the 
American-Russian Institute. 

Proceed, JNIr. INIorris. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, before beginning, I wonder if we could 
\)\\t some of the evidence supporting the opening statement of the 
chairman into the record at this time. 

Senator Jenner. You may. 

471 



472 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. I^Ioiiius. Mr. Mandel, Avould you read the portion of Mr. Rast* 
vorov's testimony that is relevant to the opening statement about 
VOKS and the American-Russian Institute ? 

Mr Mandel. I read from testimony before the Internal Security 
Subcommittee dated February 8, 1956, by Mr. Yuri A. Rastvorov: 

Mr Morris. Will you tell us about the operation in VOKS? 

Mr' Rastvorov. This organization, they call the cultural relationship with 
foreign countries, and they have their representation all over the world attached 
to local embassies. 

Mr. Morris. Will you continue? . 

Mr. IlASTVOROV. As I mentioned before about Tass, the people who maintain 
the cultural relationship with foreign countries practically engage in intelligence 
operations in foreign countries, and it is no different between Tass and the or- 
ganization by name VOKS. . 

In other words, in spite of the fact this is official government organization, 
section of government which tries to maintain a cultural relationship, but prac- 
tically speaking, the personnel of this organization abroad consists of intelligence 
people from Military Intelligence Service and from Political Intelligence Service, 

MVD. , ^ , ^ 

For instance, in Tokyo and in other countries, I knew a couple of people who 
worked under cover of VOKS doing intelligence, engaged in intelligence activi- 
ties. , „ 

JNIr. Morris. Is it your testimony, Mr. Rastvorov, that you know from your 
own experience that the organization VOKS, which is the cultural organization 
of the Soviet Union 

Mr. Rastvorov. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Which is engaged to bring about cultural relations with other 
countries, that that, too, is a cover for intelligence operations? 

Mr. Rastvorov. Exactly, that's right. 

Mr. Morris. Are you acquainted with an organization called the American- 
Russian Institute? 

Mr. Rastvorov. I don't know particularly about activities of this organization, 
but according to my knowledge, I know that this organization was used for in- 
telligence purposes by Intelligence Service in United States, in other words. 

I\Ir. Morris. You knew that the American-Russian Institute was used for in- 
telligence purposes? 

Mr. Rastvorov. Yes, exactly. It is one object of Soviet Intelligence Service for 
recruitment purposes. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, we have had testimony, considerable testimony 
in the course of the last 4 or 5 years, on the activities in and around the Ameri- 
can-Russian Institute. 

You don't mean that everybody connected with that would be a Communist ; do 
you? 

Mr. Rastvorov. Not exactly, of course. 

]\Ir. Morris. You mean it is an organization that they control. Suppose you 
tell me. How do they operate it? 

Mr. Rastvorov. Well, I repeat again, this organization such as I mentioned 
before, is organization which is subject for recruitment, I mean, the people who 
work in this organization is a subject for recruitment for intelligence purposes 
of Soviet Intelligence Service. 

Mr. Morris. Thank you, Mr. Mandel. 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to put into the record at this time an 
exhibit from the Institute of Pacific Relations hearing which showed 
the intimate connection between the American-Russian Institute and 
VOKS at the time of the establishment of the American-Russian In- 
stitute. 

Will you describe the document, Mr. Mandel ? 

INIay it go in, Mr. Chairman ? 

Senator Jexxer. It may go into tlie record and become a part of 
the record. 

Mr. IMoRRis. Proceed, Mr. Mandel. 

Mr. Mandel. This is a document that was presented from the Insti- 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES ' 473 

tute of Pacific Relations files in our hearings on the Institute of Pacific 
Relations. It is headed "Comments by Officers of the U. S. S. R. 
I. P. R. on Present Crisis in the Far East" : 

Motylev's suggestion for Carter's visit to Moscow, August 10, 1923. 

I read a paragraph from that document : 

We had a long session at VOX at the invitation of the new President, Smirnov. 
Motylev, Mrs. Carter, Miss Kislova, and myself were present. Smirnov wanted 
to know how cooperation between VOX and the American-Russian Institute could 
be made more effective. He wished to get a very much fuller understanding of 
the work and program of the A. R. I. and hoped that much more substantial 
cooperation could be built up in the future. I read between the lines that VOX 
felt that the A. R. I. gave letters of introduction to VOX to any American tourist 
who requested one and thus they had no basis for discrimination as to who was 
entitled to a lot of time and who could best be handled by Intourist. If VOX 
knew in advance of the specific social opinions and interests of important Amer- 
icans, they could make very much better use of their limited staff. Smirnov 
wanted a long explanation as to why the A. R. I. still retained a certain inter- 
nationally known enemy of the U. S. S. R. on its board of directors. 

That is page 3484 of the I. P. R. hearings. 

(The exhibit above referred to may be found in part 10 of the 
published hearings on the Institute of Pacific Relations.) 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, will you put the citation of the Attorney 
General with respect to the American-Russian Institute into the 
record ? 

Mr. Mandel. The American-Russian Institute and its branches in 
New York City and San Francisco were cited as subversive by the 
Attorney General on May 27, 1948. The branches at Philadelphia and 
southern California were cited by the Attorney General as subversive 
on April 21, 1949. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Myers, would you give your full name and address 
to the reporter ? 

Mr. Mters. Fred Myers. 

Mr. Morris. And where do you reside, Mr. Myers ? 

Mr. Myers. 4328 Brandy wine W\Y., Washington. 

Mr. Morris. And what is your occupation ? 

Mr. Myers. I am executive director of the National Humane Society. 

Mr. Morris. Now, would you tell us what the National Humane 
Society is ? 

Mr. Myers. It is a society for the prevention of cruelty to animals 
and children. 

Mr. Morris. And what, Mr. Myers? I did not understand the 
last part. 

Mr. Myers. And children. 

Mr. Morris. Children. Now, would you tell me the membership, 
the scope of the membership, of that organization ? 

Mr. Myers. It has a relatively small membership which is national 
in distribution. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

Now, for how long have you been so engaged ? 

J^Ir. Myers. Since November 1954. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Myers, do you hold a college degree? 

Mr. Myers. No. 

Mr. Morris. "What was your first employment, Mr. Myers ? 

Mr. Myers. You mean, way back ? 



474 • SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Momus. Well, the first significant employment. You are 
l)asicall>; a journalist and an editor, are you not ? 

Mr. Myers. That is right. 

My first news])aper employment was as a reporter for tlie Kansas 
City .loiirnal. 

Mr. Morris. And what year was that ? 

Mr. Myers. I believe 1923. 

Mr. Morris. What was your next employment ? 

Ml-. Myers. I Avas next employed with the United Press. 

Mr. ^Morris. In what year ? 

Mr. Myers. I um not absolutely sure of the year, but I believe 1931. 

Mr. Morris. After that? 

Mr. Myers. From the United Press, I went to the New York 
Mirror. 

Mr. Morris. When were you employed by the New York Mirror? 

Mr. Myers. 1934,1 think, to 1937. 

Mr. Morris. Now, were you the chairman of the New York Daily 
ISIirror unit of the New York Newspaper Guild ? 

Mr. Myers. For a time I was. 

Mr. Morris. What period of time w^as that ? 

Mr. Myers. Approximately 1935 to 1937. 

Mr. Morris. Now, INIr. Chairman, at this point I would like to read 
into tlie record the testimony of Mr. Clayton Knowles, a New York 
Times newsjiaperman, who has testified. This is executive session 
testimony taken October 6, 1955. The w^itness is Clayton Knowles, 
now a New York Times reporter. 

Mr. Knowles has testified at this point in the transcript that he had 
been a member of the Communist Party : 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you or did you know Fred Myer ? 

Mr. KxowLES. Yes, I did, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who was Fred Myer? 

Mr. Knowles. Fred Myer, I believe, was chairman of the Daily Mirror unit. 
He later became an organizer for the American Newspaper Guild. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. He was chairman of the Daily Mirror unit of the Newspaper 
Guild? 

Mr. Knowles. Correct, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you know of any information as to whether Fred Myer is or 
was a Communist? 

Mr. Knowles. Yes, sir. He was a man who invited me — he was the man 
who approached me at St. Louis and invited me to attend that meeting that I 
told you about. 

Mr. Sourwine. The first person who asked you to join the Communist Party? 

Mr. Knowles. No, he was not the first person. He was the person at St. 
Louis who said, "Would you like to come around and hear a summary of what 
went on here, an analysis of the effectiveness of this convention?" 

Mr. Sourwine. And you knew him to be a Communist? 

Mr. Knowles. I did not then, but he later — it was he who disclosed when 
he got there that this was a Communist meeting. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you know where he is now? 

Mr. Knowles. No, sir ; I have no idea. 

Now, Mr. Myers, we would like to ask you a few questions about 
that particular testimony. 

Do you remember attending the St. Louis convention ? 

Mr. Myers. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. At that time, what position did you have in the News- 
paper Guild? 

Mr. Mi-EKs. I was chairman of the Mirror unit. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 475 

Now, were yon then the editor of the Guild Reporter? 

Mr. Myers. No. 

Mr. Morris. Yon were not. You became that later; is that it? 

]\Ir. JMyers. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. What was the year of that convention, Mr. Myers? 

Mr. IMyers. I may be wrong. I think it was 1935. 

Mr. Morris 1935. 

Now, did you attend a Communist caucus at that time? 

Mr. Myers. Not to my knowledge. 

Mr. Morris, ^^lio was in control of the Newspaper Guild at that 
time? 

Mr. Myers. I beg your pardon ? 

Mr. Morris. Who was in control of the Newspaper Guild at that 
time ? 

Mr. Myers. Well, I don't know how to answer that question. It was 
governed by a board of directors. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

There were dominant personalities, were there not, in the guild 
at that time, and you knew them personally? 

Mr. JMyers. Oh, yes; there were outstanding people in it. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us who they were, Mr. Myers? 

Mr. Myers. Well, the executive seca-etary was Milton Kaufman. 

Mr. Morris. Milton Kaufman, Mr. Chairman, has been a witness 
before this commiltee, and he has been identified in sworn testimony 
as having been a member of the Communist Party. 

Who else, Mr. Myers ? 

Mr. Myers. I may have given Mr. Kaufman's title incorrectly, 
because I believe that another man was known as secretary-treasurer, 
Victor Pasch. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, Victor Pasch has been identified in 
testimony before this committe-e as having been a member of the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. Myers. Perhaps, and really undoubtedly, most noted of all was 
Heywood Broun, who was president. 

I don't 

Mr. Morris. Well, what was your relationship to the guild at that 
time? 

Mr. Myers. I had no relationship, except that I was chairman of a 
newspaper unit. That was my first convention, and I really knew no 
more about the guild than other people who were attending at that 
time. I had been in it only about G months. 

Mr. Morris. Now, were there two factions in the guild at that time, 
to your knowledge? 

Mr. Myers. I think there were several factions. 

Mr. Morris. Was there a slate that was dominated by people who 
were accused of being Communists and a slate dominated by those 
who were making the accusations that the dominant slate were Com- 
munists ? 

Mr. Myers. Yes. As you say, that is correct. 

Mr. Morris. Now, with respect to each of those two factions, with 
which faction were you at that time? 

Mr. Myers. I was alined with the faction which was accused of 
being Communist-led. 

72723—56 — pt. 10 2 



476 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. You were working with that. 

Now, can you recall Clayton Knowles at that time ? 

Mr. Myers. I have no memory of Mr. Knowles at all. 

Mr. Morris. Can you recall attending a session which Clayton 
Knowles described here in this sworn testimony? 

Mr. Myers. No, sir. 

Mr. Morris. You do not ? 

Mr. Myers. No, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Is it your testimony that you were a Communist at 
that time? 

Mr. jNIyers. That I was not a Communist at that time. 

Mr. Morris. It is your testimony that you were not a Communist at 
that time ? 

Mr. Myers. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. Now, you are telling this subcommittee that the testi- 
mony given by Clayton K]iowles is not accurate testimony with re- 
spect to you ? 

Mr. Myers. That is right. 

As you know, in executive session I stated the same thing and gave 
my opinion of how IVIr. KnoAvles might have arrived at such an 
impression. 

Mr. Morris. What was that ? 

Mr. Myers. Well, as I have just told you, I did aline myself in the 
internal politics of the American Newspaper Guild with a group 
which was accused of being Communist-led. 

Mr. JMoRRTS. And you have no doubt that they were Communist-led 

at that time ? 

]\Ir. Myers. I have no doubt that there were strong Communist 
influences within that group. I have no doubt of that. I had none 
at the time. 

Mr. Morris. You had none at the time? 

Mr. Myers. That is right. Because I was strongly of the opinion 
that the cause that the guild espoused was good, I thought it ex- 
pedient and good to work with whoever would ally himself in that 
cause. I quite freely worked with ])eople whom I thought to be or 
suspected of being Communists. 

At the St. Louis convention, which was the first that I ever attended, 
there were caucuses, I think, six times a day all over the place. You 
could hardly move up and down the corridor or walk up and doA^m 
the aisle without somebody inviting you to a meeting in somebody's 
room or in a special conference room. It is quite possible, because I 
was active in that convention, that I invited Mr. Knowles, as I am 
sure numbers of other people, to various meetings all during the week- 
lono: convention. 

I have already testified tv.ice to tliis connnittee that not to my knowl- 
edge did I attend any meeting of a Communist fraction or group or 
cell or any other thing Communist. 

Chairman Eastland (now presiding). Do you deny tliat you at- 
tempted to recruit Mr. Knowles into the Connnunist Party ^ 

Mr. Myers. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. INIyers. you stayed on with this particular group 
that you have just described for some time thei-eafter ; did you not i 

Mr. Myers. Yes. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 477 

Mr. Morris. In fact, you became tlie editor of their publication; 

did vou not ? 

Mr. Myers. It was not tlieir publication. It was the guild's. 

Mr. Morris. The publication of the guild which they dominated? 

Mr. Myers. Right. 

Mr. Morris. And what is the name of that publication ? 

Mr. Myers. The Guild Reporter. 

Mr. I^Iorris. Now, how long were you editor of the Guild Reporter ? 

Mr. Myers. I believe only slightly more than 1 year. 

Mr. Morris. "What year was that ? 

Mr. Myers. 1939, running into 1940. 

Chairman Eastland. Now, you stated there were two factions. You 
state that one of those factions had strong Communist tendencies, to 
your knowledge ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Myers. It was my opinion that that was so. 

Chairman Eastland. Yes; and that you affiliated with that faction? 

Mr. Myers. Senator, I didn't use the word "affiliated.'' I worked 
with them. 

Chairman Eastland. All right. You worked with them. You pro- 
moted them ; did you not ? 

Mr. Myers. Yes ; I guess so. 

Chairman Eastland. All right. Now, why did you do that ? 

Mr. Myers. Because I very strongly believed that it was the desir- 
able thing that the American Newspaper Guild should be organized 
and become effective 

Chairman Eastland. And you did not think it could become effec- 
tive under the control of anti-Communists; is that what you say? 

Mr. Myers. At the minute, the Newspaper Guild was under the 
leadership of the people whom I found there. 

I might say, I had a very strong affection for and an intense admira- 
tion for HeyATOod Broun, and I 

Chairman Easti^\nd. But you did not think the guild could become 
more effective if led by anti-Communists, and therefore you affiliated 
with the Connnimist group ; is that the meaning of what you say ? 

IMr. Myers. But not because it was Communist and not with prime 
relevance to whether it was Communist, Senator. My point was that 
they were active and effective organizers 

Cliairman Eastland. All right. 

There were two factions, you said. The facts are that one of them 
was a Communist faction, and you say Avith strong Communist influ- 
ences. Now, we will accept what you say. And you affiliated Avith 
them. 

]V[r. INIyers. Senator 

Chairman Eastland. Do you not think it could have been more 
effective with non-Communists at its head ? 

Mr. Myers. Not at that moment. I believe that the Newspaper 
Guild as of now is much more effective without Communist influence 
than it would be had that influence continued. 

Chairman Eastland. Don't you know that the Communist ruin 
any organization that they take over? 

Mr. Myers. Senator, you will have to allow me, please, to go back 
to 1935. I had never in my life had the slightest experience with 
a trade union or with a Communist or with a Socialist or with any- 



478 SCOPE OF sovip:t activity in the united states 

thing political of any type. I was a newspaperman and had been for 
a good many vears. 

Chairman Eastland. You think that the Communist Party is just 

a political party? 

Mr. Myers. At this point ? No : by no means, no. But in 1930 

Chairman Eastland. Then why did you affiliate with them? 
Mr. Ah'TiRS. I didn't affiliate with the Communist Party. 
Chairman Eastland. Well, you affiliated with a group that they 
controlled and was pure commimism that was trying to take over 
an organization to make it an instrumentality of communism. 

Mr. Myers. No, Senator. There were a good many people active 
in the work in the guild who were not Communists and who were 
strong people. 

Chairman Eastland. T know. Put you deliberately affiliated with 
the Communist side of tliat ora-anization. 

Mr. Myers. Not with the Communist side. T am sorry. I don't 
mean to be disputatious. I am trying to explain what motivated me 
at that time. I was not affiliating with noi- su])porting nor in any 
other way promoting conunnnism. 

Chairman Eastland. How '^•ould you affiliate Avith them and pro- 
mote the Communist side and not promote communism? 

Mr. Myers. My objective was to use the tools tliat were at hand 
lo or-ganize the guild. 

Chairman Eastland. Yes. Put you had a very powerful anti- 
Comnnmist side of it that finally won, did you not? 

Mr. Myers. Certainly not iii 1935. In" fact, I don't believe there 
was anv election contest at the 1935 convention. 

Mr. "Morris. The fact remains that they prevailed many years 
thereafter, does it not, Mr. Myers? 
Mr. Myers. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. And you were a supporter of that gronp? 
Mr. Myers. That is correct. 

Mr. ^vIoRRis. Then, Mr, ]\fyers, fnrthermore, you became an editor 
of their publication, did you not ? 

Mr. Myers. I did, but not with the connotation that you are 

Chairman Eastland. And you aided the Communist group to stay 
in control, did you not? 

Mr. Myers. Not a Communist group. 
Chairman Easti.and. Sir? 
ISIr. ^Iyers. I did not aid a Communist group. 

Chairman Eastland. All right. A group that had strong Com- 
munist influences. You aided that group in staying in control for 
many years, did you not ? 

Mr. Myers. I wonld state it myself that I thought it was unwise 
for the guild to change leadership in the middle of a battle. 

Chairman Eastland. Put you aided that group to stay in control. 
Now, answer my question yes or no. 
Mr. ]Myers, Yes. 

Chairman Eastland. You did. And even though you say you never 
belonged to the Connnunist Party, you were a fellow traveler, you 
say? 

Mr, M^-ERS. No; T don't say that. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 479 

Chairman Eastland. "Wliat ? 

Mr. Myers. No ; I don't say that. 

Chairman Eastland. That means it. You cooperated with, and 
you aided and promoted the Connnunist faction in the g-uild. 

Mr. Myers. No, sir; I did not, and I was not a feUow ti-aveler. 

Chairman Eastland. Proceed. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Myers, the Guild Reporter that the committee has 
on file here indicates that you were its editor as late as 1941. You 
testified here that you were the editor for a short time in 1940. 

Mr. Myers. I accept the correction. I was not sure of the year. 

Mr. Morris. Now, I notice, Mr. Myers, that during the period that 
you were editor, there was an item on February 1, 1941, that supported 
the American Peace Mobilization. That was at the time during the 
Hitler-Stalin Pact. 

Mr. Myers. I don't recall any such article. 

Mr. Morris. You do not recall that. The Guild Reporter on May 
1, 1941, carried an attack on a gentleman named Nathaniel Honig for 
testimony against Harry Bridges. 

Mr. Myers. You are asking me if I recall it? No, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Would you say that during the period that you were 
the editor of that particular "'neAvspaper, that it followed the Com- 
munist Party line ? 

Mr. Myers. I certainly would say not. 

Mr. Morris. You say it did not ? 

Mr. Myers. No. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what did you do after you left the Guild Re- 
porter ? What was your next employment '{ 

Mr. Myers. I was employed as public relations director of the 
American Society for Russian Relief, which was a unit of the National 
War Fund. 

Mr. Morris. Now, will you tell us about that ? 

Mr. Myers. AVell, it was like all other war relief organizations of 
that period. It raised money to buy medical supplies, clothing, cer- 
tain food supplies. It operated under the supervision of the Presi- 
dent's War Relief Control Board. It was closely supervised by sev- 
eral other Government aoencies because of the necessity of obtainino- 
purchase priority and shipping priority for the shii)ment of supplies! 

During the period that I was connected with the organization 
AAe ' ' 

Mr. Morris. You have not told us the exact date, have vou Mr 
Myers? j ? • 

Mr. Myers. 1941 to August 1946. 

Mr. Morris. Noav, will you tell us exactlv in what month in 1941 
you left the Guild Reporter ? 

Mr. Myers. No, sir ; I cannot. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may these articles that we referred to 
m the Guild Reporter which were published at the time in the paper 
and bore the masthead of Fred Myers, editor, go into the record at 
this time ? 

Chairman Eastland. They will be admitted. 



480 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

(The articles referred to were marked "Exhibit No. 176 and 176-A." 

and are as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 176 

[The Guild Reporter, May 1, 1941] 

Ex-Red Gulldsman Strikes at Bridges 

San Francisco (FP). — The first witness in 3 weeks of testimony to make an 
unequivocal charge of Communist Party membership against President Harry 
Bridges of the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union (CIO) 
was Nat Honig, a Seattle Hearst newspaperman and former Communist. 

Honig testified before Examiner Charles B. Sears in the deportation hearing 
that he had seen Bridges at "top fraction" meetings in San Francisco. 

Cross examination brought out two interesting facts about Honig, who was 
editor of the Timber Worker until former president Harold Pritchett of the 
International Woodworkers (CIO) fired him. 

First, Honig was picked up by detectives in March, w^hen he walked out of a 
Seattle department store with books under his arm, but was released when he 
agreed to pay for them. After this incident Honig, who since November had 
refused the FBI's request that he testify against Bridges, changed his mind 
and decided to talk. 

He insisted that no threats had been made. The reason, he explained, was that 
he had been reading the back files of the Seattle Post-Intelligencer and found 
that the FBI was "not antilabor" as he once suspected. Honig is employed by 
the Post-Intelligencer as a part-time copyreader. 

Second, it was shown that in 1933 Honig was a witness in the case of the 
Chatham Shoe Co. against the Shoeworkers Industrial Union. He testified then 
that the Trade Union Unity League was not affiliated with the Red Interna- 
tional of Labor Unions, but in the current hearing he has sworn to just the 
opposite. 

Although Honig was able to remember and name many CIO officials whom he 
believes to be Communists, he was vague when asked where the so-called top 
fraction meetings were held. In no case could he give an address. "It was 
a party rule that immediately we reached the meeting place, we forgot the 
address," he explained. 

Honig also testified that Victor Pasche, secretary-treasurer of the ANG, is a 
Communist. 

Mention of Pasche arose in connection with testimony by Honig, in response 
to a question, that he had no proof that George Wilson, an ANG vice president 
and chairman of the Bridges Defense committee, is a Communist. 

Defense counsel asked Honig whether he had ever sought to induce Pasche 
to give him fraudulent job references to help him obtain employment in Seattle. 
The question referred to a letter Honig wrote to Pasche some time ago, asking 
Pasche to give to or obtain for him, such a letter. Honig denied that he had 
done so. 

Then Chief Prosecutor Albert der Guercio asked : 

"The name of Victor Pasche has been brought out here. Who is he?" 

"He is secretary of the American Newspaper Guild," Honig replied. 

"Is he also a member of the Communist Party?" 

"To my knowledge he is." 

Comment of Pasche on the testimony was : 

"Obviously he is willing to bear false witness against me as readily as he has 
been doing against Harry Bridges and almost everybody in the west coast and 
Pacific Northwest labor movement who stands for strong trade unionism. The 
reason for the attack on me appears in the record of the hearing. Calling the 
secretary of the ANG a Communist is Honig's convenient way of meeting the 
simple fact that some time before landing on the P-I, when he was still trying 
to get his first regular newspaper job on a Seattle daily, he wrote and asked 
the same secretary to procure him faked references crediting him with experi- 
ence on New York dailies. That is a very pertinent fact bearing on his credi- 
bility in the Bridges' hearing." 

Honig has a long history of red-baiting of oflScers of many unions. In 1940 
he led an attack in the Seattle Guild upon delegates to the Memphis convention, 
including Robert Camozzi, former ANG vice president, and Cliff Erickson, former 
P-I striker, accusing them of being Communists. 

At approximately the same time he declared in a Guild meeting that almost 
the entire leadership of the northwest labor movement was Communist, includ- 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 481 

ing A. E. Harding, president of tlie Maritime Federation of the Pacific : J. F 
Jurich, president, and George Lane, seeretary-treasui-er of the Fishermen's 
International union, and Harold Pritchett, then IWA president. 

Honig also apepared in hearings during a fight in the IWA in January 1941 
testifying that O. M. Orton, president, and Bertil McCartv, secretary-treasurer' 
were Communists. ' 

He ran for secretary of the Seattle Guild with a "united Guild" slate, but lost 
to Marie Pearl while all others on his slate won. 



Exhibit No. 176-A 
[The Guild Reporter, February 1, 1941] 
Peace Meet Asks Help of Ghild 

Washington.— Enlistment of volunteers from the American Newspaper Guild 
to aid in publicizing the antiwar campaign of the American Peace Mobilization 
was suggested at the working conference for peace, attended by representatives 
of 64 CIO and 13 AFL unions, here last weekend. 

The press and r.ulio committee of the conference, in its report to the general 
session, urged that the conference formally request the Guild to bring the pro- 
posal before its member writers. The committee ursred an enlarged publicity 
department of volunteers built around one full-time paid employee. 

■•Nobody will question the proposition that vast publicitv for our opposition 
to H. R. 1776 will be needed to offset the vast publicity which those in favor of 
the bill have at their command and are already using on a coUossal scale " the 
report said. 

A conference meeting of 1,000 voiced the demand that House and Senate com- 
mittees continue public hearings on the lend-lease bill until representatives of 
organized labor and other people's groups are given the opportunity to testify. 

Mr Morris. How many peoj^le were active in the preparation of the 
(Tiuld Reporter at that time^ 

Mr. Myers. Just I, except that, of course, there was consultation 
\vith other people among tlie Guild officers. 

Mr. Morris. And you tlien were responsible for the articles that 
appeared m the paper, were you not? 

Mr. Myers. Yes. 

But I want it to be understood that I was an employee. 

Mr. Morris. 1 understand. Rut it is your testimony that you do 
not know the exact month that you became active in this other oro-an- 
iation? ^ 

?i^' ¥7^^^- ^^^ ^hich? The American Society for Eussian Relief >» 
Mr. Morris. Yes. 

Mr. Myers. No, I don't know the 

Mr. Morris. It must have been after June 22, 1041; is that right « 

Mr. Myers. I believe so, but I don't know so. 

Mr. Morris. I mean, the organization was not in being during the 

'!^1^'^''' ^'^''*.' ^<^^^'^"se at that time tlie Soviet Union was allied 
with the Germans ? 

Mr. Myers. Oh, it certainly came into being after the Soviet Union 
was involved m war. 

Mr. Morris. And it is your testimony that you left tlie Guild Re- 
porter and went directly to this other organization? 

Mr. Myers. Xo. I was unemployed for perhaps GO days. 

Mr. Morris. Sixty days? 

Mr. MiTCRs. I don't know exactly, biit approximately 

that?* ^^^^' ^" '■'^^'^- ^^^''""^ '^'^-^ y^^'^' i^ext employment after 



482 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr MvFRS After the American Society for Russian Relief, I be- 
came executive director of the American-Russian Institute m New 

York City. . . , , • ,, ^  ^ £ ^^  

Mr. Morris. And that is the organization that is the subject ot this 

hearino- to(hiy, Mr. Myers. . , .1 • 

Mr. Myers. Is it permissible for me to intervene a statement at this 

point? , . 

>rr Morris. He wants to submit a statement. 

Mr. Myt<:rs. No. I don't mean an extensive statement. 

Mr. Morris. By all means. 

(Iiairman Eastland. Oh, surely. 

Mr ^NIyers. Just as a matter of fact, the testimony or documentary 
evidence which was read into the record, or the statement which was 
made at the beginning of this hearing, as I understood it, would seem 
to indicate that the American-Russian Institute m New York City has 
some connection with organizations of similar name elsewhere m the 

country. ^. ^1 , t 1 i 

I merely Avant to state that there was no connection, that 1 liacl, as 
executive director of the organization in New York, not only no au- 
thority but no contact with and no knowledge of any organization of 
similar name anywhere else in the country. 

^Ir. IkloRRis. Now, what were the duties of the executive director i 
iiv Myers. Well, I was engaged for this job before I left the Ameri- 
can Society for Russian Relief, by W. W. Lancaster, who is a senior 
iiartner of the rather eminent New York law hriii of Sherman, Ster- 
ling, and Wright, and by Ellsworth Bunker, who was then chairman of 
several large "sugar companies, and subsequently has been American 
Embassador to at least one South American country, and who I be- 
lieve is now chairman of the American Red Cross, or president, and 
their concern, as they expressed it to me in the conversations which led 
me to accept the job, was that there should be, following the demise ot 
the American Societv for Russian Relief, the dissolution of which 
was already planned, a continuation of what we thought was a hopeful 
possibility of maintaining what we then thought were good relations 
between the Soviet Union and the United States. 

The American-Russian Institute had been, up till that time, a very 
small thiiia-. It owned a small building in New York City and a rather 
\ alual)le, although small, library. But although I had known nothing 
about it prior to that time, my impression was that it had been vir- 
tually inactive and had been pretty meanhigless. 

Mi- Bunker and Mr. Lancaster were on the board of directors of the 
institute, and they thought that I would be capable of building the 
membei-ship of the institute and its tinancial support and of making 
it useful as a bridge between scholars and students of the two 
countries. 

Mr. Morris. Now, may I break in there, Mr. Myers i 

Mr. Myers. Yes. . . 

Mr. Morris. AVas Harriet Moore active in the organization at tliat 

time? 

Mr. Myers. Who? 

Mr. Morris. Harriet Moore. 

Mr. IVIyers. I believe that she was a director. 

Mr. Morris. She was also the editor, was she not, of its publi(?ation? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 483 

Mr. Myees. I am not sure of that, and I don't believe that the in- 
stitute had a reguhir jDublication. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Myers, do you know that Harriet Moore pre- 
ceded you as executive secretary of that organization? 

Mr. Myers. I knew she had that title, yes. But she was an unpaid 
and purely part-time volunteer. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know that she bore the title of executive sec- 
retary ? 

Mv. jNIyers. That is right. The institute, up to the time that I went 
to it, had no full-time executive. 

Mr. Morris. I have a letterhead of that organization here, Mr. 
Myers, dated July 14, 1938, which indicates that Harriet Moore at that 
time was the editor of the American-Russian Institute. 

Mr. Myers. I know nothing about that. 

Mr. Morris. And she was also a member of the board of directors, 
was she not ? 

Mr. Myers. She was. 

Mr. Morris. When did you first meet Harriet Moore? 

Mr. Myers. She was also a director of the American Society for 
Russian Relief, and I met her for the first time in about 1942, I guess. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, we have had three witnesses identify 
Harriet Moore as a person who was at that time a member of the Com- 
munist Party. In addition, we have subpenaed Harriet Moore, who 
is now known as Harriet Moore Gelf an, and asked her about this testi- 
mony, and she invoked her privilege under the fifth amendment 
rather than enter a denial on the record. 

Now, a successor of yours as executive director of the American- 
Russian Institute was Henry H. Collins, Jr., was he not, Mr. Myers? 

Mr. Myers. I believe that is the name. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know Henry Collins ? 

Mr. Myers. I met him, but only casually after I left the institute. 
I was introduced to him, but I don't really know him at all. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, Henry H. Collins, Jr., was, according to 
the testimony given by witnesses before this committee, a member of 
the original Harold Ware cell of the Communist Party and was active 
in the Communist Party for many years, and when we asked him about 
this evidence he took refuge under the fifth amendment rather than 
testify. 

Mr. Myers. I would like, if I may, to bring out that I was connected 
"with the American-Russian Institute only about 2 or 3 months. Again 
I am not sure of the time, but it was a very short period. 

Mr. Morris. You received for your work, did you not, the Order of 
the Red Banner from President Kalinin of the Supreme Soviet, did 
you not, Mr. Myers ? 

Mr. Myers. Yes; I did. But it was stated in the citation that it 
was in recognition of the work of several million Americans. 

Mr. Morris. You received that citation August 29, 1945, did you 
not? 

Mr. Myers. I don't know the exact date, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like to put into the record 
a news item from the New York Times of Weclnesday, August 29, 
1945, page 8. 

Mr. Mandel, will you read that into the record, please? 

Mr. Mandel. I read a portion of the article : 

72723—56 — pt. 10 3 



484 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Russian Aiu Chief Gets Soviet Honor 
carter in moscow after trip of inspection says american relief need continues 

(By Brooks Atkinson) 

Moscow, August 28, 1945. — Edward C. Carter, of New York, president of the 
American Society for Russian Relief here, received the award of the Order of the 
Red Banner of Labor from President Mikhail I. Kalinin in the council room of 
the Supreme Soviet today as a symbol of "friendship between our two countries 
and acknowledgment of material aid from private citizens of the United States 
to the workers and peasants of the U. S. S. R." 

An identical order will be given to Fred Myers, executive director of the 
Russian Relief, who is in the United States * * * 

Mr. Carter concluded his visit of three weeks in Russia * * * He is taking off 
tomorrow for London, where he will attend to affairs of the Institute of Pacific 
Relations of which he is permanent secretary general. 

Tlie full article is here. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit Xo. 177" and is as 
follows:) 

Exhibit No. 177 

[New York Times, August 29, 1945, i>. S] 
Russian Aid Chief Gets SoiiETS Honor 

CARTER IN MOSCOW AFTER TRIP ON INSPECTION SAYS AMERICAN RELIEF NEED CONTINUES 

(By Brooks Atkinson) 
By Wireless to the New York Times 

Moscow, August 28.— Edward C. Carter, of New York, president of the American 
Society for Russian Relief here, received the award of the Order of the Red Ban- 
ner of Labor from President Mikhail I. Kalinin in the council room of the 
Supreme Soviet today as a symbol of "friendship between our two countries and 
acknowledgement of material aid from private citizens of the United States to 
the workers and peasants of the U. S. S. R." 

An identical order will be given to Fred Myers, executive director of the Rus- 
sian Relief, who is in the United States. David Weingard, supply officer for the 
Russian Relief, and Leo Gruliow, Moscow representative of the society, received 
the Soviet Union's Labor Distinction Medal. 

Mr. Carter concluded his visit of 3 weeks in Russia with an inspection trip to 
the Donbas region. He is taking off tomorrow for London, where he will attend 
to affairs of the Institute of Pacific Relations of which he is permanent secretary 
general. 

As a result of his survey of the current needs of Russia, Mr. Carter announced 
that the American Society for Russian Relief would continue its work for a year 
from the coming October, when the situation will again be examined. Before he 
left the United States local committees throughout the country voted overwhelm- 
ingly in favor of continuing relief if there was unequivocal evidence that it was 
needed. Mr. Carter reports that he found ample evidence that the need wo old 
exist for a long time. 

"I do not think one 5-year plan is going to restore Russia to the condition as 
it was in 1941," he said. "Great sections of the U. S. S. 11. are going to have short 
pickings for a long time." 

Apart from that Mr. Carter added. "One of the byproducts of our aid is a little 
better feeling between the citizens of the 2 countries : the contribution of $54 
million worth of material is small in comparison with the good done." 

Ho hopes to persuade American hospitals, children's homes, trade unions and 
comnuuiity organizaticms to adopt opposite numbers in Russia to stimulate per- 
sonal interest in particular Russian projects, in contract to the mass relief that 
was the only kind possible under war conditions. In addition, the Russians have 
asked for certain cultural aid — school classroom material, books in English, 
scientific books and the like. 

From its receipts in money and supplies of a total value of .$54 million the Amer- 
ican Society for Russian Relief has already delivered about $47 million, worth cf 
materials to Russia. The rest is either en route now or in warehouses in the 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 485 

United States awaiting transjwrt in Russian ships tliat will call at Atlantic porta. 
Mr. Carter visited Stalino, Voroshilovsk and other cities in the Donbas region 
that had been almost destroyed by the Germans. The peojile there, he said, 
seemed aware that this material was not lend-lease, but voluntary contributions 
from private sources. In the Voroshilovsk area 517,000 persons had received 
Russian Relief material. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. INIyers, is it your testimony that even though you 
were the executive director of this organization, you were not its 
principal officer, or principal working officer? 

Mr. Myers. Of the American Society for Russian Relief? 

Mr. Morris. No; American-Russian Institute. 

Mr. Myers. During the time I was there, I was its principal working 
officer, but I was definitely not in control. 

Mr. IMorris. I see. You were not in control. In other words, you 
just performed the work given to you by the board ; is that it ? 

Mr. Myers. Yes; and the board's chief assignment to me was to 
raise some money, which I didn't succeed in doing, 

Mr. ]\IoRRis. Now, to your knowledge, then, who was the principal 
officer who gave direction to the workers of the American-Russian 
Institute ? 

Mr. Myers. Well, I believe that it was Mr. Lancaster, because at 
that time, I believe, he was chairman of the board. 

Mr. Morris. Are you aware that the Attorney General has cited the 
American-Russian Institute as a Communist organization? 

Mr. Myers. Yes. Of course, that was long after I left it. 

Mr. Morris. I mean, it may have been cited long after, but it Avas 
cited on the basis of its activity, which included the activity of the 
American-Russian Institute while you were the executive director, 
was it not, Mr. Myers ? 

Mr. Myers. Well, I have not any knowledge that it was on the basis 
of anything that happened while I was its executive director, and I 
would certainly doubt that. 

Mr. INIoRRis. You know, Mr. Myers, that the Attorney General cited 
it at a later time. It must have been on the basis of its performance 
through the years. 

Mr. Myers. No. 

Mr. Morris. And the mere date of the citation would be only im- 
portant to show what date the Attorney General got around to 
putting it on that particular list. Don't you think that is the sig- 
nificance of it ? 

Mr. jMyers. I think not, Judge Morris, although it is presumptuous 
of me to dispute with you what legal significance is. But you have 
yourself brought out here this morning a statement that after I left 
the American- Russian Institute, among my successors was a man who 
has been testified to be or to have been a Communist. Is it not equally 
to be assumed that the Attorney General acted on the basis of such a 
thing as that ? 

Mr. JMoRRis. Yes, I say, on the basis of all of its activity, not 
activity only that was going on at the time of the citation. 

Mr. JNIyers. It is just that you asked me to agree to a statement 
that the Attorney General cited the institute because of something 
that happened while I was there, and that I couldn't agree to. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Myers, you also did public-relations work for the 
Institute of Pacific Relations ; did you not ? 

Mr. Myers. No, 



486 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Then you acted as public-relations counselor on indi- 
vidual occasions for Mr, Carter of that organization, did you not? 

Mr. Myers. I was a friend of Mr. Carter's, and he talked to me 
occasionally, but I certainly was no public-relations consultant for 
the Institute of Pacific Eelations. 

Mr. Morris. Do you remember when Alfred Kohlberg brought 
charges against the Institute of Pacific Relations ? 

Mr. Myers. Yes, I do. 

Mr. Morris. Didn't you have an assignment in connection with Mr. 
Kohlberg's charges at that time? 

Mr, MiTERS, No, 

Mr. ]MoRRis. Didn't you do some public relations work for Mr. 
Carter at that time ? 

Mr. Myers. No. 

Mr, Morris, To state Mr, Carter's position with regard to his fight 
with Mr, Kohlberg? 

Mr. Myers. I don't recall every conversation that I ever had with 
Mr. Carter, but if you could state more precisely what you mean by 
"public relations work" I will answer "Yes" or "No," but nothing 
that I would call public relations work. 

Mr. Morris. Did you go to the Soviet Union at all in connection 
with this work? 

Mr. Myers. I did. 

Mr. Morris. When did you go ? 

Mr. Myers. In 1946, the summer of 1946. 

Mr. Morris. And in what capacity did you go there at that time? 

Mr. Myers. I was still executive director of the society, although 
I had informed the board that I would resign effective September 11. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, do we have any newspaper clippings 
reporting the activities of Mr. Myers in the Soviet Union at that 
time ? 

Mr. Mandel. We have here a clipping from the New York Times 
of August 16, 1946, page 2, which described a committee of delegates 
of Russian War Relief, Inc., who returned from a tour of the Soviet 
Union: "In an interview yesterday at the organization's headquar- 
ters, 5 Cedar Street, at which members testified to the need of the 
Russians for housing, clothing, medical supplies and equipment, Fred 
Myers, executive director of the organization, said Russian housing 
was in a state of disrepair, and told of a marked shortage of clothing," 
et cetera. 

"The delegation visited Leningrad, Moscow, Minsk, Stalingrad, 
and Tbilisi, capital of the Georgian Republic." 

]\Ir. Morris. To your knowledge are they accurate reports, Mr. 
Myers ? 

Mr. Myers. That is accurate. 

(The article above referred to was marked "Exhibit 178" and is as 
follows :) 

Exhibit No. 178 

[New York Times, August 16, 1946, p. 2] 

American Relief Workers Tell op Conditions in Russia 

A committee of delegates of Russian War Relief, Inc., who have returned from 
a tour of the Soviet Union, gave an interview yesterday at the organization's 
headquarters, 5 Cedar Street, at which members testified to the need of the 
Russians for housing, clothing, medical supplies and equipment. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 487 

Fred Myers, executive director of llie organization, said Kussian housing was 
iu a state of disrepair and told of a marked shortage of clothing. Dr. Edward L. 
Young, of Boston, stressed the need for artificial limbs for Russians incapaci- 
tated in the war as well as for special equipment required to adjust such aids. 
Dr. Young said Russian hospitals had adequate staffs but were equipped iuade- 
quatel.v or had obsolete working material. 

The delegation visited Leningrad, Moscow, Minsk, Stalingrad, and Tbilisi, 
capital of the Georgian Republic. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what was your next employment after you left 
the American-Russian Institute? 

Mr. Myers. I believe that I was unemployed for some time. The 
period of time eludes me. I did some writing, magazine writing. 

Mr. Morris. For what magazine ? 

Mr. Myers. Chiefly for Readers Scope. 

Mr. ^roRRis. "What was Readers Scope? 

]Mi*. 3,Iyers. It was a digest-size magazine of general content. 

Mr. Morris. How much writing did yoti do for that publication? 

Mr. Myers. Oh, over a period of perhaps a year, perhaps 15 articles. 

Mr. ^Morris. I see. Was tliat publication a publication that was 
orientated along Communist lines ? 

Mr. Myers. Xot at all, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, do we have any citations whatever with 
respect to the Readers Scope ? 

Mr. Mandel. The California Committee on Un-American Activi- 
ties in its report of 1948 on page 225 refers to Readers Scope as among 
publications which the committee found to be Communist initiated 
«ind controlled or so strongl}- influenced as to be in the Stalin solar 
S3'stem. 

Mr. Morris. You would disagree with that characterization, would 
you not? 

jMr. Myers. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. "\A^iat was j'our next employment, Mr. Myers? 

Mr. INIyers. I did vanous small free-lance things to make a lixing. 
My next regidar emplojmnent was with the American Humane Asso- 
ciation, in Albau}', X. Y. 

Mr. Morris. Didn't you work for the New York Central for a short 
time? 

Mr. Myers. Oh, yes. I am sorry. It w«s such a brief time that 



It 

Mr. Morris. Yes, I understand, Mr. Myers. It was of short 
duration. 

Mr. Myers. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And we have every reason to believe that when the 
New York Central discovered that you had been associated with the 
American-Russian Institute and had not told them about that par- 
ticular employment, that they asked for your resignation. 

Mr. Myers. I had told them about such employment, and it was not 
the discovery which led to the severance of my relations. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell iis about that particular episode, jNIr. 
Myers ? 

Mr. Myers. Yes. 

Will you permit me. Judge Morris, to cover that a bit fully, 
because 

Mr. Morris. By all means. 

Senator Jenner (presiding). Yes. 



488 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Myers. The best statement available of the circumstances of 
the incident to which you refer has been provided by Eaymond F. 
Blosser, who at that time was publicity director of the New York 
Central Ivailroad, which was the post second in authority in the public 
relations department of the New York Central Railroad. Mr. Blosser 
subsequently became the public relations director of the New York 

Central. 

The statement from Mr. Blosser which I would like to read to you 
was not solicited by me but by another person not particularly a friend 
of mine who liad "heard rumors of this kind of thing, and who w^as 
seeking the facts about my background. And Mr. Blosser wrote to 
this person, quite unknown to me, this letter : 

I am very sorry to hear that Fred Myers is being attacked on that old 
New York Central story as you describe it in your letter and that it is being 
used against him. In view of the tact that I was manager of the Central's press 
bureau from 1947 to 1051, and the railroad's manager of public relations from 
1951 to 1954, I feel I have an obligation to explain the circumstances of Mr. 
Myers' connection with the Central. 

Mr. Myers, who was not previously known to us personally, worked for the 
Central for about G weeks around June 1948. He was employed to fill the position 
of public relations representative at Cleveland after an orientation period at 
New York headquarters. His work proved highly satisfactory, and he was well 
liked by those with whom he came in contact at New York Central. 

Before employing Mr. Myers we made what we felt was a thorough check, 
having in mind that his background had been controversial. In disputes between 
rival groups for control of the American Newspaper Guild and its general policies, 
he had been called a fellow traveler because of his identification with one group, 
and during World War II he had held executive positions with the American 
Society for Russian War Eelief. Although I write from memory, I believe this 
is the organization's title. Its two top ofiicers had been the late Allen Wardwell, 
of the eminent and conservative law firm of Davis, Pope, Reid & Wardwell, and 
Henry Alexander, then a vice president and now president of J. P. Morgan, Inc. 

At the time of Mr. Myers' connection with the society, it had been noncontro- 
versial because it was assisting one of our most active war allies. By 1948, 
when Mr. Myers came to us on the recommendation of a respected mutual friend 
who happened to be a neighbor of Mr. Myers, the temper of the country had 
changed so that anything which had been connected with Russia seemed to have 
become controversial. 

I asked Wardwell, one of several persons I checked before we employed Mr. 
Myers, "Is Myers a Communist?" 

"No," declared Wardwell. "He is no more a Communist than I am, and Henry 
Alexander will tell you the same thing." 

When Mr. Myers had completed his orientation period and was about to go 
to Cleveland, the Central issued the customary press release, which I had 
arranged, and which I edited before leaving on a vacation trip to the Far West. 
The announcement included frank references to Mr. Myers' previous connections 
with the Newspaper Guild and the war relief organization and caused no excite- 
ment among newspapers generally or within the Central. 

But Mr. Myers apparently had an enemy on a weekly newspaper published in 
your area. This enemy apparently called the press release to the attention of 
someone on the New York World-Telegram, which then published a front-page 
story headlined something like "Fellow Traveler Takes a Ride on the New York 
Central." 

Another Scripps-Howard newspaper, the Cleveland Press, subsequently printed 
a portion of the World-Telegram story. No other New York or Cleveland news- 
paper wrote anything on the subject and to the best of my knowledge there was 
no other newspaper story except for one in the Westchester County weekly. 

The World-Telegram article concerned itself with Mr. Myers' employment 
background, which was no secret, and which he himself had supplied when 
requesting a job. By its tone and words, the story implied that the Central had 
been duped by a man who at the least was a fellow traveler, whereas the facts 
were that the Central, before hiring Mr. Myers, had satisfied itself, if not 
the World-Telegram, which we had not considered consulting, that Mr. Myers 
was controversial but clean. The Central was not called for comment before 
publication. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 489 

When the story appeared, I was ou vacatiou in Portland, Oreg. When I re- 
turned, my superior, C. R. Dugan, who had, with me, been responsible for the 
employment of Mr. Myers, told me he had decided immediately that publica- 
tion of the story automatically ended Mr. Myers' usefulness to the Central, since 
he felt that the railroad should not be involved in needless controversy, par- 
ticularly with a newspaper whose good will the Central valued. 

There was an additional point that, had Mr. Myers remained with the 
Central, his work might have been judged by company executives, human nature 
being what it is, on the basis of suspicions engendered by the World-Telegram's 
story, rather than on his abilities. 

Mr. Morris. Just a minute, Mr. Myers. It is not your contention 
that the World-Telegram story was not an accurate story, is it? 
Mr. Myers. No. But may I finish ? There is one more paragraph. 
Mr. Morris. Go ahead. 
Mr. Myers (continuing) : 

Without inviting or permitting any explanation from Mr. Myers, Mr. Dugan 
told Mr. INIyers he had no knowledge or concern with the truth or falsity of the 
World-Telegram's story, but that he felt publication of the article and head- 
line had ended Mr. Myers' usefulness to the Central and accordingly was re- 
questing Mr. Myers' immediate resignation, which he received. The story was 
published about 3 o'clock one afternoon, and this took place the following 
morning. 

In brief, Mr. Myers was discharged by New York Central after about 6 weeks 
with the railroad, because publication of the New York World-Telegram story 
involved the Central in a controversy, and not because anyone at the Central 
believed Mr. Myers was a Communist. Subsequently, at Mr. Dugan's request, 
the Central's police department checked with the FBI on the matter and led us 
to believe the FBI had no evidence justifying doubts as to ^Ir. Myers' loyalty. 

I wanted to make the point perfectly clear that I have not at any 
time in any employment concealed anything about my career or my 
personal activities. I have nothing I am ashamed of. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Myers, you do not deny the factual report that 
appeared in those two stories, do you ? 

Mr. Myers. The chronological facts are correct. The implication 
is what is erroneous. 

Mr. Morris. It is the interpretation? 

Mr. Myers. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you deny at this time that the American- 
Russian Institute, of which you were an executive director, was a 
Communist-controlled organization ? 

Mr. ]SIyers. At the time I was there, it certainly was not. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may these two articles referred to by 
Mr. Myers in the New York World-Telegram, dated July 21, 1948, and 
July 19, 1948, go into the record. 

Senator Jenner. They may go into the record. 

(The articles referred to were marked "Exhibit No. 179 and No. 
179-A" and are as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 179 

[New York World-Telegram, July 19, 1948] 

Fellow Traveler Takes the New York Central 

A fellow traveler turned up today as an employee of that great travel organi- 
zation — the New York Central Railroad. 

The Central, in a sedate announcement to financial departments, said it had 
hired Fred Meyers as head of its public relations department with headquarters 
In Cleveland. 

Investigation by the World-Telegram revealed that Mr. Myers is a left-wing 
newspaperman and editor who 2 years ago was elected executive director of the 



490 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

American Russian Institute, listed by Attorney General Tom Clark as a sub- 
versive organization. 

Mr. Myers, who will replace James R. Brugger, was formerly editor of the 
American Newspaper Guild's publication, the Guild Reporter, at the time the 
guild was under leftwing control. 

It was while he was editor that a minority report to the 1941. guild con- 
vention asserted that the paper no longer represented the guild but "is con- 
cerned definitely with the promulgation of the Communist Party line." 

Mr. IMyers served as publicity chief for the Russian War Relief during the 
war and in its concluding stages was executive director. He was honored by 
the Russian Government with a medal, the order of the Red Banner. 

Immediately prior to his appointment to the New York Central post, Mr. 
Myers was connected with the left-wing magazine Readers Scope. The maga- 
zine is operated by Leverett Gleason, well-known supporter of Communist causes. 



Exhibit No. 179-A 
[New York World-Telegram, July 21, 1948] 

Pro-Commie Resigns New York Central Post 

Fred Myers, disclosed by the World-Telegram to be a fellow traveler, has 
resigned as chief of the public relations department of the Cleveland office of 
the New York Central Railroad, a railroad spokesman announced today. 

Mr. Myers' tenure with the railroad was short-lived. It was only last Monday 
that the line announced his appointment to the Cleveland post. 

However, the World-Telegram disclosed that he had been connected with the 
American Russian Institute as executive director. The organization has been 
listed by Attorney General Tom Clark as subversive. 

Mr. Myers formerly was editor of the CIO American Newspaper Guild's 
publication, the Guild Reporter, wlien the guild was under leftwing control, 
and, during the war, was an official of the Russian War Relief. 

Mr. Morris. What was your next employment, then, Mr. Myers ? 

Mr. Myers. I believe that the next employment was the American 
Humane Association. 

Mr. Morris. Now, will you tell us about that ? 

Mr. Myers. It is a national federation of humane societies, about 
80 years old, and endowed. It participates in work of various kinds 
to prevent cruelty, to protect animals and children, and the aged, from 
mistreatment. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what was your job with the American Humane 
Society ? 

Mr. Myers. I was editor of the National Humane Review. 

Mr. Morris. Did you disclose to the officials of the American Hu- 
mane Association the fact that you had been active in the American- 
Russian Institute? 

Mr. Myers. Yes ; in fact, I even showed them the clipping from the 
World-Telegram. 

Mr. Morris. Will you describe your duties with the publication of 
the American Humane Society? 

Mr. Myers. It was just an ordinary editorial job. It was a monthly 
magazine devoted entirely to the work of the association and the 
subjects in which it was interested. 

Mr. Morris. What is the membership of that organization ? 

Mr. Myers. I believe about 3,000 persons and about 200 societies. 

Mr. Morris. Two hundred societies. And the membersliip of those 
member societies is what swells the total to a very large number, is 
it not? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 491 

Mr. ]Myers. Well, they are no( members of a very large association. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you, after you became the editor of their 
publication, engage in an effort to take over control of that organi- 
zation ? 

Mr. Myers. I beg your pardon ? 

Mr. Morris. After you became the editor of the publication of the 
American Humane Society, did you engage in an effort to talve over 
control of that organization ? 

Mr. Myers. No. 

Mr. Morris. Did you do anything to support a list of candidates 
who were in opposition to the controlling force in the organization ? 

Mr. Myers. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us about that ? 

Mr. Myers. Well, it was my opinion that the activities of the Ameri- 
can Humane Association were pretty poorly conducted, that the poli- 
cies being pursued were not those which were the wishes of the con- 
tributors and members and those who had left endowments to the 
organization, and that they were not, in short, very principled, and 
when a slate of three directors to run against a slate nominated bv 

• • • -I t 

the board of directors was nominated m 1953, I certainly supported 
the candidates who were competing with those nominated by the board 
of directors. 

Mr. Morris. The board of directors at that time, however, the 
opposition slate to whom you were supporting, were your superiors, 
were they not ? 

JMr. Myers. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. And then you elected to oppose them ? 

Mr. Myers. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. Now, will you tell us what efforts you engaged in in 
support of this opposition slate? 

Mr. Myers. Well, it was limited solely to correspondence with a 
limited number of people. For obvious reasons, I couldn't engage 
very actively. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Myers, did you have access to the subscrip- 
tion list of the organization? 

Mr. Myers. To the what? 

Mr. Morris. Subscription list, or the membership list? 

Mr. Myers. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Did you make use of those lists in carrying out the 
support of this rival organization, or this rival slate ? 

Mr. Myers. No. Lest I leave a misunderstanding, I think I know 
personally perhaps a thousand people in this movement. I wrote to 
many people whom I know. 

Mr. Morris. And where did you have their addresses? 

Mr. Myers. I guess I have visited at least 500 of them, and all of 
my life I have made a practice of keeping an address book of people 
with whom I correspond. 

Mr. Morris. So that it is your statement that you have the ad- 
dresses of 1,000 members of the American Plumane Society in your 
address book ? 

Mr. Myers. No; I didn't sav a thousand. I don't Imow exactly. 
But 

Mr. Morris. I thought you said a thousand. 

Mr. Myers. I said that I knew a thousand. 



492 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. But you liiive not cori-eppouded with tlint number? 

Mr. Myers. I understand the import and the direction of your 
questions. Perhaps I can shorten it. 

Mr. Morris. Thank you. . ^ 

Mr. Myers. It has been charged before by certain officers of the 
American Humane Association that their lists were misused by some- 
one. I don't have any knowledge of any misuse of their lists, and 
certainly I had no part in any such misuse of their lists. The people 
who were active and who consulted with each other in support of the 
slate which opposed the candidates of the board of directors, and which 
slate, incidentally, was elected, included people who have been eminent 
for many years in the work of humane societies all over the country. 
It included people who are officers of humane societies all over the 
country, and a list was compiled by consultation of many people. 

Lists were supplied from all parts of the country. And it was 
not at all necessary to misuse the lists available in the headquarters 
of the American Humane Association, and I know of no such misuse. 

:Mr. Morris. Now, as a result of this activity, was your employment 
with the American Humane Association terminated? 

lilr. Myers. It is a nice point. Substantially, yes. I resigned, but 
liad I not resigned, they would have beat me to it. 

Mr. Morris. And then did you endeavor to form your own organi- 
zation, Mr. Myers ? 

Mr. Myers. There again, I must clarify. I did not endeavor to 
organize my own organization, no. There was quite a group of peo- 
ple who participated in organizing the National Humane Society, 
and I certainly was no more than one of a group. 

INIr. Morris. You were the leader of the group, were you^not? 

Mr. Myers. No ; I think not. 

Mr. Morris. TNHiat is your position now ? 

Mr. Myers. I am executive director. 

Mr. Morris. Isn't that the principal office of the new organization? 

Mr, Myers. No. I am very much subservient to my board of direc- 
tors, and the chief officer is the chairman of the board. 

Mr. Morris. Wlien was this new organization formed? 

]Mr. Myers. November 1954. 

Mr. Morris. And what work do you do with that organization? 

Mr. Myers. I am in charge of rtr.ff work, which is devoted to work- 
ing on cruelties of national scope, as distinguished from those which 
are commonly handled by local societies. 

Mr. Morris. Is it your testimony, Mr. Myers, that you have never 
been a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Myers. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. You have never attended closed meetings of the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. Myers. No. 

Senator Jenxer. And Mr. Clayton Knowles falsified when he said 
that, reading from our record : 

Mr. Kxowi.es. No: he was not the first person. He was the person at St. 
Louis who said, "Would you like to come around and hear a summary of what 
went on here, an analysis of the effectiveness of this convention?" 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And you knew him to he a Communist? 

Mr. KxowLES. I (lid not then, hut he later — it was he who disclosed when 
we got there that this was a Communist meeting. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 493 

In other words, Mr. Clayton Knowles, of the New York Times, 
falsified when he stated that? 

Mr, Myers. Mr. Knowles was in error. 

Mr. Morris. Thank you, Mr. Myers. 

Senator Jenner. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. Morris. We have one more witness, Mr. Eogers. 

Mr. Myers. Judge Morris, it doesn't matter to me whether it is on 
the record or not, but I don't know whether you have taken note of 
the fact that, according to the newspaper reports, Mr. Knowles didn't 
even know my name correctly. 

Mr. Morris. I think we have read very carefully. The name used 
was "Myer" at the time. 

Mr. Myers. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. But Mr. Knowles went on to say that you were then 
the chairman of the chapter of the New York Mirror Guild, the News- 
paper Guild. 

Mr. Myers. I am only 

Mr. Morris. And you acknowledged that at that time you did have 
that position. 

Mr. Myers. That is correct. But I am only making the point that 
Mr. Knowles' memory as to my identity had some weak spots. And I 
have wondered repeatedly, since I read in the newspaper that he had 
stated that I was a Communist and since it was revealed to me in my 
earlier appearance before this committee that he had said that I 
invited him to such a meeting, how in the world he could remember 
the detail of such contacts in such a meeting as that convention was, 
because I for the life of me could not recall with whom I talked, at 
what meetings, about what, and I don't remember Mr. Knowles, even 
though I have tried to remember Mr. Knowles. I wouldn't know him 
if I saw him. And I just don't see how he can remember such a thing 
when I can't. 

Mr. Morris, Thank you, Mr. Myers. 

Mr. Gerald Rogers, 

Mr. Rogers. Yes, sir. 

Senator Jenner. Do you swear the testim.ony you give in this hear- 
ing will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so 
help you God ? 

Mr. Rogers, Yes, sir. 

TESTIMONY OF GERALD W. ROGEES, FINANCE SECRETARY, AMERI- 
CAN HUMANE ASSOCIATION, DENVER, COLO. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Rogers, will you give your full name and address 
to the reporter. 

Mr. Rogers. Gerald W. Rogers, and I am the finance secretary of 
the American Humane Association of Denver. 

Mr. Morris. ^Yhfit is the American Humane Association? 

Mr. Rogers. It is a national federation of humane societies con- 
cerned with the prevention of cruelty to children and animals. 

Mr. Morris. What is the membership and constituency of that or- 
ganization ? 

Mr. Rogers. As of yesterday morning, we had 312 member soci- 
eties—those were organizations— and 2,653 individual members. 



494 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTWITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

]Mr. Morris. Have yon made any effort to determine what the 
collective membership of the constitnent organizations is? 

Mr, KoGERS. Jndge Morris, it is a matter abont which I hardly 
think anybodj^ conld be accurate. But to the best of our knowledge, 
the 312 societies in the United States would have in the memberships 
of their own, several hundred thousand. 

Mr. Morris. Collectively? 

Mr. Rogers. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you have a treasury? 

Mr. Rogers. Yes, we do. 

Mr. Morris. Approximately what is the amount of money in your 
treasury ? 

Mr. Rogers. As of January 1, 1956, we had an endowment fund of 
approximately tliree million and a half. 

Mr. Morris, Dollars? 

Mr, Rogers, That is right. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you know Fred Myers, the witness here, who 
appeared here this morning? 

Mr, Rogers, Yes, I do, 

Mr, jNIorris. Did you have a positioii with the American Humane 
Association at the time that he was retained as the editor of its 
publication ? 

Mr. Rogers. No, sir, I did not. That was prior to my time. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what position did Mr. Myers hold with your 
organization ? 

Mr. Rogers, He was the editor of the National Humane Review. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know Mr. Myers ? 

Mr. Rogers. Yes, very well. 

Mr, Morris. Did you know of this effort that he has testified to this 
morning, to support a slate in opposition to the controlling group in 
the organization? 

Mr. Rogers. Of my own knowledge, I learned it for the first time 
this morning, although we, of course, were fairly sure that such was 
the case. 

^Ir. Morris. Do you know of anyone, Mr. Rogers, who can testify 
to Mr. Myers' efforts on behalf of the American Humane Association? 

Mr. Rogers. WpII, I know quite a few people who say they can, but 
again, whether they know it of tlieir actual knowledge or merely sus- 
pect it, as I did personally, I couldn't say. 

Mr. Morris. But you are not com]:»etent to testify to that? 

Mr, Rogers, Not on that point, no, sir. 

Mr. Morris. I do not think we should take testimony from this wit- 
ness, Mr. Chairman, 

Senator Jkxner. Thank you very much. 

The connnittee will stand in i*ecess. 

(Wlierenpon, at 11 : 50 n. m., the subconunittee adjourned.) 

At a public hearing of the subcommittee on March 16. 1056, at which 
Senator Artinu- V. Watkins pi-esided. the following rc(;ord was made: 

Senator Watktns. The connnittee will be in session. 

Mr. Morris, Mr. Chairman, there are no witnesses at this session. 
We have some documents to ]:)ut in the record and an inaccuracy that 
was made yesterday to be rectified. 

Yesterday, iii the course of Fred Myers' testimony, the subcom- 
mittee h"ni(1 Hint witness read from a letter which he states was pro- 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 495 



vidod by Rayniond F. Blosser, piil.licUy director of the New York 
Central. The paragraph of tlie Blosser letter quoted by Mr. Myers 
read: 

In brief, Mr. Myers was discharged by tlie New York Central after about 6 
weeks witli the railroad because imblicatiou of the New York World-Telegram 
story involved the Central in a controversy and not because anyone at the Central 
believed Mr. Myers was a Communist. Subsequently at Mr. Dugan's request the 
Central's police department checked with the FBI on the matter and led us to 
believe that the FBI had no evidence justifying doubts as to Mr. Myers' loyalty. 

That is the end of the quote. 

Now, just in order to keep the record straight, Senator, this morn- 
ing the committee staff checked with the Federal Bureau of Investi- 
gation, and we were informed by that organization that their records 
show that on July 20, 1948, an attorney representing the New York 
Central did ask the FBI whether or not it possessed anv derogatory 
information about Fred Myers. We have learned from the FBI that 
that attorney was informed that longstanding regulations prohibited 
the FBI from giving any information in its files to an agency outside 
the Federal Government concerning Mr. Myers or any of the organ- 
izations with which he was affiliated, and his request was denied. ' 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to put several letterheads of the Ameri- 
can-Kussian Institute into the record. 

Mr. Mandel, will you identify them, please? 

Mr. Mandel. The letterhead *of the American-Eussian Institute for 
Cultural Relations With the Soviet Union, 56 West 45th Street New 
York, dated July 14, 1938. 

(The letterhead referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 180" and 
reads as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 180 

The American-Russian Institute for Cultural 

Relations With the Soviet Union, Inc 
Fifty-six West Forty-fifth Street, New York, July IJ,, 1938. 

Telephone : Murray Hill 2-0312 Cable address : Amruscul 



board of directors 

Mrs. Kathleen Barnes 
Aaron Bodansky 
Edward C. Carter 
Mrs. Ethel Clyde 
Louis Connick 
George S. Counts 
Wm. O. Field, Jr. 
Lewis Gannett 
Mortimer Graves 
Wm. S. Graves 
Alcan Hirsch 
John A. Kingsbury 
Mary van Kleeck 
Wm. W. Lancaster 
William Lescaze 
William Allan Neilson 
Mrs. George F. Porter 
Raymond Robins 



board of directors — con. 

Ceroid T. Robinson 

John Rothschild 

Mrs. Richard B. Scandrett, Jr. 

Whitney Seymour 

Henry E. Sigerist 

Lee Simonson 

Vilhjalmur Stefansson 

Graham R. Taylor 

Allen Wardweil 

Maurice Wartheim 

Mrs. Efrem Zimbalist 

executive secretary 
Virginia Burdick 

editor 
Harriet Moore 



Many subscribers to the publications of The American-Russian Institute have 
requested information as to how they might investigate more fully the cultural 
developments in the Soviet Union that are regularly summarized in the Bulletin 
and Quarterly. 

For their benefit and for other serious students of social, economic, and inter- 
national affairs, we have made available to members of the Institute our unique 



496 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

library of some 70 periodicals relating to the Soviet Union. Of those published 
in English there are 10 monthlies, 4 semimonthlies, 10 weeklies, and 2 dailies. 
Those published in Russian include 20 monthlies, 8 semimonthlies, 10 weeklies, 
and 6 dailies. The fields of specialization, which are covered in detail by this 
collection of current information, include the following : 

Agriculture Foreign Relations Public Health 

Arctic Government Religion 

Art Housing Recreation 

Aviation Industry Science 

Cinema Labor Theater 

Cooperatives Literature Trade 

Defense Music Women 

Economics Nationalities Youth 

Education Philosophy 

Finance Planning 

If your major interests lie within one or more of these fields, you will no 
doubt wish to become a member of the Institute. The fee is only $5 a year 
($3 for those living outside the New York Metropolitan Area). Membership 
will include not only subscription to the two Institute publications, but also 
the privilege of consulting all the periodicals on file in our library. Arrange- 
ments can be made for borrowing them by mail. Translation, abstracting, and 
bibliographical service are also available. 

There are other benefits and advantages of membership in the Institute, as 
you will see from the enclosed leaflet. We shall be very glad to welcome you 
as a member and to arrange a pro rata transfer of your subscription to a mem- 
bership basis. 

Sincerely yours, 

Virginia Burdick. 

VB/cw 



INDEX 



Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to tlie mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organi- 
zation in this index. 

Page 
Albany, N. Y 487 

Alexander, Henry 488 

American Ambassador 482 

American Humane Association 487, 490-492, 494 

American Humane Association of Denver 493, 494 

American Newspaper Guild 476-488 

American Peace Mobilization 479 

American Red Cross 482 

American-Russian Institute 471-473, 482, 483, 485, 489, 490, 495 

American Society for Russian Relief 482,483,485,488 

Atkinson, Brooks 484 

Attorney General 473, 485 



Blosser, Raymond F 488,495 

Bridges, Harry 479, 480 

Broun, Heywood 475, 477 

Bunker, Ellsworth 482 

O 

California Committee on Un-American Activities 487 

Carter 473 

Carter, Edward C 484 

Carter, Mrs 473 

Carter, Mr 486 

Central 498 

Central's Press Bureau 488 

Cleveland 488 

Cleveland Press 488 

Collins, Henry H., Jr 483 

"Comments by Officers of the U. S. S. R. I. P. R. on Present Crisis in the 

Far East" 473 

Communist 471, 475-^78, 485, 487, 489, 492, 493, 495 

Communist caucus 475 

Communist-controlled 489 

Communist faction 479 

Communist Party 474-476, 478, 483, 492 

D 

Davis, Pope, Reid & Wardwell 488 

Dugan, C. B 489 

E 

Exhibit No. 176 (The Guild Reporter, May 1, 1941)— Ex-Red Guildsman 

Strikes at Bridges 480, 481 

Exhibit No. 176-A (The Guild Reporter, February 1, 1941)— Peace Meet 

Asks Help of Guild 481 



II INDEX 

Page 

Kxhibit No. 177 (New York Times, August 29, 1945, p. 8) — Russian Aid 
Cliief Gets Soviets Honor 4S4, ISu 

Exhibit No. 178 (New York Times, August 16, 1948, p- 2) — American 

Relief Workers Tell of Conditions in Russia 486,487 

Exhibit No. 179 (New York World-Telegram, July 19, 3948)— Fellow 
Traveler Takes the New York Central 489,490 

Exhibit No. 179-A (New York World-Telegram, July 21, 1948)— Pro- 
Commie Resigns New York Central Post 490 

Exhibit No. 180 (56 West 45th St., New York, July 14, 1938)— The 
American-Russian Institute for Cultural Relations with the Soviet 
Union, Inc., letterhead 495,496 

F 

FBI 489, 495 

"Fellow Traveler Takes a Ride on the New York Central" 488 

Fifth amendment 483 

G 

Gelfan, Harriet Moore 483 

Georgian Republic 486 

Germans 481 

Government, Federal 495 

Guild Reporter 475, 477-^79 

H 

Hitler-Stalin Pact 479, 481 

Honig, Nathaniel 479 

I 

Institute of Pacific Relations 471,473,484-487 

Internal Security Subcommittee 471,472 

J 

Jenner, Senator William E 471 

K 

Kalinin, President 483 

Kansas City Journal 474 

Kaufman, Milton 475 

Kislova, Miss 473 

Knowles, Clayton 474, 476, 492, 493 

Kohlberg, Alfred 486 

L 

Lancaster, Mr 485 

Lancaster, W. W 482 

Leningrad 486 

London 484 

M 

MVl) 471 

Mandel, Mr 472 

Military Intelligence Service 472 

Minsk 486 

Moore, Harriet 482, 483 

Morgan, J. P., Inc 488 

Morris, Judge 493, 494 

Moscow 473, 486 

Motylev 473 

Myer 493 



INDEX TTT 

Page 

Myers, Fred (testimony of) 473^94 

4328 Brandywine NW., Washington, D. C 473 

Executive director, National Humane Society 473 

1923, reporter for Kansas City Journal 474 

1931, employed with United Press 474 

1934-37, employed with New York Mirror 474 

1935-37, chairman New York Daily Mirror unit of New York News- 
paper Guild 474 

1939-40, editor. The Guild Reporter — I 477 

1941-August 1946, public relations director, American Society for 

Russian Relief of National War Fund 479 

Executive director of American-Russian Institute 482 

Aug. 29, 1945, received Order of the Red Banner from President Kali- 
nin of the Supi'eme Soviet 433 

Summer 1946, went to Soviet Union " 486 

Wrote articles for Readers Scope 437 

American Humane Association. Albany, N. Y 487 

June 1948, employed by New York Central 487 

Editor, National Humane Review ~~~ 49O 

Denied membership in Communist Party 492 

N 

National American Society for Russian Relief 479^ 483 

National Humane Review 490' 494 

National Humane Society 473' 492 

National War Fund .______"_"_ ' 479 

New York ~ ~ 4gg 

New York Central ~~~ 487^89_ 495 

New York Central Railroad ' 433 

New York City ._"______"_ 473 482 

New York Daily Mirror unit of the New York Newspaper Guild.Z 474' 493 

New York Mirror ' 4^^ 

New York Mirror Guild " _~ ~ 2 493 

New York Times 1117474, 4837486, 493 

New York World-Telegram 433 495 

Newspaper Guild "_! 474475" 477' 493 



Order of the Red Banner 4g3 



O 

Order of the Red Banner of Labor IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIZZI 484 

P 

Pasch, Victor ^^r 

Philadelphia ~_ ~_ ~ _ _~ _~~Z~ 473 

Political Intelligence Service I__rZ_I Z~Z~_~ZZZ 472 

Portland, Oreg ~ ~ ~ ~ ~_ 409 

President's War Relief Control Board Z__ZZ ZZZZ_ 479 

B 

Rastvorov, Yuri ^~ 

Readers Scope ZZZZ Z~~ "__ Z Z~ZZ~ 487 

Rogers, Gerald W. (testimony of) ZZZ.ZZ.ZZZZ.ZZZ" J __ JZZ~4~93 494 

Finance secretary of American Humane Association of Denver" ZZ ' 49^ 

Russia ~ .w^ 

Russian Relief *_ _ Z ~ ~ Z ZZ___ Z 484 

Russian War Relief, Inc --2—-~~"lI~_I 2~" ~~Z~ 486 

S 

St. Louis 4-4 .Q2 

St. Louis convention ——-—- *<4, jyj 

San Francisco ~~~~ ~_~ ~~ _ ?io 

Scripps Howard _Z_ 7" ~~ 400 

Sherman """ *°^ 



IV INDEX 

Page 

Socialist 477 

South American 482 

Soviet Intelligence Service 472 

Soviet, Supreme 483 

Soviet Union 472, 481, 482, 486 

Stalin 487 

Stalingrad 486 

Sterling 482 

T 

Tass 472 

Tbilisi 486 

Tokyo 472 

U 

U. S. S. R 473 

United Press 474 

United States 472, 474, 482, 494 

V 

VOKS 471, 472 

VOX 473 

W 

Wardwell, Allen 488 

Ware, Harold, cell of the Communist Pary 483 

Watkins, Senator Arthur V 494 

Westchester County weekly 488 

World-Telegram 489 

World War II 488 

Wright 482 

o 



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