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Full text of "Scope of Soviet activity in the United States. Hearing before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-fourth Congress, second session[-Eighty-fifth Congress, first session] .."

POSITORT 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 
UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FOURTH CONGRESS 

SECOND SESSION 

ON 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE 
UNITED STATES 



JUNE 12 AND 14, 1956 



PART 27 

(With Sketch of the Career of J. Peters) 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
72723 WASHINGTON : 1956 



vsoTieo 



Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Document* 

JAN 2 8 1957- 



COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

JAMES 0. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

ESTDS KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

PRICE DANIEL, Texas EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois 

JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming HERMAN WELKER, Idaho 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri HERMAN WELKER, Idaho 

PRICE DANIEL, Texas JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

Robert Morris, Chief Counsel 

William A. Rosher, Administrative Counsel 

Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 

n 



CONTENTS 

Witnesses : Page 

Dodd, Bella V 1467 

Munsell, Alexander E. O 1463 

APPENDIX 
The career of J. Peters 1483 

in 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



TUESDAY, JUNE 12, 1956 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 
of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal 

Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 2 p. m., in room P-63, 
United States Capitol Building, Senator Arthur V. Watkins pre- 
siding. 

Present : Senator Watkins. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; William A. Rusher, 
administrative counsel ; and Benjamin Mandel, research director. 

Senator Watkins. The committee will be in session. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Munsell, would you come forward please ? 

Senator Watkins. Raise your right hand and be sworn. 

Do you solemnly swear the testimony you give in the matter now 
pending before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Munsell. I do. 

Senator Watkins. Proceed. 

Mr. Morris. Will you be seated ? 

Mr. Donner, will you identify yourself for the record, please ? 

Mr. Donner. Yes. I am Mr. Munsell's counsel. My name is Frank 
J. Donner, and my address is 342 Madison Avenue, New York City. 

TESTIMONY OP ALEXANDER E. 0. MUNSELL, NEW YORK, N. Y., 
ACCOMPANIED BY FRANK J. DONNER, HIS ATTORNEY 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Munsell, will you give your name and address to 
the reporter ? 

Mr. Munsell. Certainly. Alexander E. O. Munsell, 324 West 20th 
Street, New York City 11, N. Y. 

Mr. Morris. And what is your business or occupation, Mr. Munsell ? 

Mr. Munsell. I am a retired businessman, sir. 

Mr. Morris. You are a retired businessman ? 

Mr. Munsell. Correct. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you attend a meeting of the Religious Free- 
dom Committee on April 11, 1956, in New York City ? 

Mr. Munsell. April 11 

Mr. Morris. It was held at the gallery, National Arts Club, 15 
Gramercy Park South, New York City. 

Mr. Munsell. To the best of my knowledge, I was at that meeting. 



Mr. Morris. You were at that meeting ? 



1463 



1464 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Munsell. As far as I know. 

Mr. Morris. Were you there as an individual or were you there 
representing someone else ? 

Mr. Munsell. I was there as an individual. 

Mr. Morris. As an individual. Now, you are the treasurer for the 
Reverend Dr. Melish, are you not ? 

Mr. Munsell. This question that you are asking seems to me to 
come under the first amendment on the question of free exercise of 
religion, and therefore I decline to answer on the grounds that this 
comes under the first amendment also. 

Mr. Donner. Mr. Morris, may the question be repeated ? 

Mr. Morris. You are the treasurer, are you not, for the Reverend 
Dr. Melish? That is a committee of Dr. Melish's. You act as the 
treasurer to collect money for him, do you not ? 

Mr. Munsell. My understanding of the Constitution, the first 
amendment, refers to the field of religion, the free exercise of religion, 
as one of the things guaranteed under the first amendment. And on 
that ground I decline to answer this question. 

Senator Watkins. The Chair takes a contrary view, and you are 
directed to answer the question. 

Mr. Munsell. Mr. Chairman, I can only repeat that I feel this is an 
invasion of my right of religious freedom, and I can only decline. 

Senator Watkins. Do you realize that, in declining, you possibly 
may be in the situation of a proceeding for contempt of the Congress ? 

Mr. Munsell. Mr. Chairman 

Senator Watkins. It is my duty to warn you. 

Mr. Munsell. I understand. If it is a matter of my conscience, I 
feel that I have no choice but to take this stand, sir. 

Senator Watkins. With what I have just said in mind, I again 
direct you to answer the question. 

Air. Munsell. And I again make the same reply, sir, that under the 
free exercise of religion clause of the first amendment, I am not willing 
to answer the question. 1 

Senator Watkins. I shall not argue the matter with you. I have 
merely for the record made this record, and I will let it stand at that. 
You may proceed. 

Mr. Morris. You are a member of the Communist Party, are you 
not, Mr. Munsell ? 

Mr. Munsell. I decline to answer that question on the grounds that 
under the fifth amendment no one may compel me to be a witness 
against myself. 

Senator Watkins. You are claiming the protection of the fifth 
amendment ? 

Mr. Munsell. I do, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Now, were you present at this meeting of April 11 at 
which the plans were set forth whereby the Religious Freedom Com- 



1 Subsequently, the subcommittee received from Mr. Munsell the following affidavit, 
dated at New York and sworn to on June 16, 1956, before Ethel Supnick, a notary public 
of Kings County, N. Y. : 

"Alexander O. Munsell, being duly sworn, deposes and says : 

"1. On Tuesday, June 12, 1956, I appeared under a subpena before the Internal Security 
Subcommittee of the Senate Judiciary Committee. 

*'2. I was asked the following question : 'Are you treasurer of the "Melish Committee"?' 
In response to this question, I invoked the first amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States. On advice of counsel, I now waive my previous reply, and answer that 
I am treasurer of the Parishoners Committee for Holy Trinity." 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1465 

mittee, in association with the Methodist Federation for Social Action, 
would take action to prevent the publishing of a handbook of this 
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee ? 

Mr. Munsell. If my memory serves me right, I arrived at that 
meeting somewhat late, and I am not too sure just what took place at 
that meeting. I am trying to recall as best I can what was being said 
when I came in, but I am unable to remember. 

Mr. Morris. Don't you remember that Dr. Harry F. Ward said, 
before all these people present, that steps, drastic steps, would have 
to be taken to prevent the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee 
from publishing its handbook called Handbook for Americans, ex- 
plaining the role and function of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Munsell. I do not recall whether I heard Dr. Ward speak at 
that meeting or not, as I did get there quite late. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Munsell, what was your business before you 
retired ? 

Mr. Munsell. It was the publishing of color charts. 

Mr. Morris. Was it your own business or did you work for someone ? 

Mr. Munsell. Well, it is a business — it is called the Munsell Color 
Co. 

Mr. Morris. Did you ever live in Baltimore ? 

Mr. Munsell. I did. 

Mr. Morris. Did you ever run for office in Baltimore ? 

Mr. Munsell. I did not catch that. 

Mr. Morris. Did you ever run for office in Baltimore ? 

Mr. Munsell. No ; not that I recall. 

Mr. Morris. There was an Alex Munsell who was a candidate for 
the city council in Baltimore in 1939. Was that you ? 

Mr. Munsell. I refuse to answer that question on the grounds that 
imder the fifth amendment I may not be compelled to be a witness 
against myself. 

Mr. Morris. The Daily Worker of New York, of Friday, January 27, 
1939, lists you as a candidate on the Communist Party ticket, or lists 
Alex Munsell, spelled the same way as you spell your name, as candi- 
date for the city council, fourth councilmanic district, together with 
a man named Bernard J. Weinkrantz. Do you know a man named 
Weinkrantz ? 

Mr. Munsell. I rely on my answer previously given. 

Mr. Donner. May the record show that that is the fifth amendment ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes. 

Now, can you recall that the Reverend Lee H. Ball spoke at this 
meeting of April the 11th? 

Mr. Munsell. I really can't remember who spoke at the meeting, 
sir. I came in late and things were going on at that time, and I know 
nothing more than that I was at the meeting, but I have very little 
recollection of what was said or anything else. I think it was within 
half an hour or 20 minutes of the end of the meeting that I got there. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, subject to the approval of the chairman 
and the full committee, I have here a report as to what happened at 
that meeting, and I was wondering how we can have some of these 
facts to get into the record. This witness today says he cannot recall 
what happened at that meeting. 

Senator Watkins. What is the record or this statement that you 
have? 



1466 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Senator, it is an outline of a plan that the Religious 
Freedom Committee, working in concert with the Methodist Council 
for Social Action, would take in an effort to prevent the Senate com- 
mittee from publishing its handbook. One of the things they men- 
tion here in April is that they had hoped to get a judge to sign an 
injunction, and that they had taken it up with their counsel, who was 
named in here, who would make an effort to get an injunction. 

Senator Watkins. What is the background of this statement? 
How did you get it? Who vouches for it? 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I would rather not go into that in public 
session. 

Senator Watkins. I see. 

Mr. Morris. With respect to Miss Roberts, Senator Watkins has 
to go over to the Judiciary Committee now. I was wondering if we 
could have a conference after he leaves about when we could take her 
testimony. 

Mr. Donner. Very well. 

Senator Watkins. I am sorry I cannot stay to continue the hear- 
ing. But the Judiciary Committee set a meeting for 2 o'clock this 
afternoon, and I have one of the major measures to be considered, and 
they cannot proceed very well without me. 

So this meeting will be recessed subject to the call of the chairman. 

(Whereupon, at 2:10 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned, subject 
to the call of the Chair.) 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



THUBSDAY, JUNE 14, 1956 

United States Senate, Subcommittee 
To Investigate the Administration of the 

Internal Security Act and Other Internal 
Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. G. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10 : 45 a. m., in room 
318, Senate Office Building, Senator William E. Jenner presiding. 

Present : Senator Jenner. 

Also present: Senator McCarthy; Robert Morris, chief counsel; 
Benjamin Mandel, research director; William A. Rusher, adminis- 
trative counsel; and Robert C. McManus, investigations analyst. 

Senator Jenner. The committee will come to order. 

The witness will be sworn. 

Mr. Morris. Dr. Dodd, will you stand, please ? 

Senator Jenner. Do you swear that the testimony you give in 
this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God? 

Dr. Dodd. I do. 

Senator Jenner. Proceed, Mr. Morris. 

TESTIMONY OF BELLA V. DODD, NEW YORK, N. Y. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, the subject of today's hearing will 
be the Communist penetration of political parties and Communist 
activities within the industrial scene. 

This meeting has been preceded by an executive session at which 
sworn testimony was taken from the present witness. 

Dr. Dodd, I wonder if you would tell us for the record roughly 
what position you occupied in the Communist Party, the top posi- 
tion that you had. 

Dr. Dodd. I was a member of the national committee. I was a 
member of the [New York] State committee, and I was legislative 
representative and functioned for it on the State secretariat. I was 
a member of various committees of the party, like the women's com- 
mittee, labor Committee, and education committee, and numerous 
others. 

Mr. Morris. And you were expelled from the Communist Party in 
1949, were you not? 

Dr. Dodd. I was. 

Mr. Morris. And you were, prior to that time, a member of the 
national committee? 

Dr. Dodd. I was. 

72723—56 — pt. 27 2 1467 



1468 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. And you also were in charge of political affairs for the 
Communist Party in New York City ; were you not ? 

Dr. Dodd. I was for a period. 

Mr. Morris. What was the period, Dr. Dodd? 

Dr. Dodd. Roughly in 1944-45^6. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

Would you generally describe for the committee what your role was 
at that time ? 

Dr. Dodd. On the political scene, it was my obligation to study and 
analyze the State of New York from the point of view of getting as 
much Communist advance in public office as possible. This meant 
analyzing the possibilities of capturing congressional seats, senatorial, 
State senator, State assembly, and citywide and statewide offices. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

Now, in that position, Dr. Dodd, you had to know the identities and 
the nature of the activities of certain persons who were Communists 
and subordinate to you ; is that right, Dr. Dodd ? 

Dr. Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. I notice that you mentioned in your book, Dr. Dodd, on 
page 192 : 

Now the die was cast and we followed the election decisions made previously. 
With O'Dwyer's election the Communists placed one of their ablest men in city 
hall as confidential secretary to the new mayor. 

Now, I wonder if you would tell us here for the record the circum- 
stances which supported the statement in your book : School of Dark- 
ness ? 

Dr. Dodd. Bill O'Dwyer appointed Paul Ross, who was an attorney 
and former member of the Communist Party, known to me as a member 
of the Communist Party, as confidential secretary. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a party to that behind the scenes? 

Dr. Dodd. I had known Paul Ross for a good number of years. 

Mr. Morris. You had known him as a Communist ? 

Dr. Dodd. And by this time, we knew that Mayor O'Dwyer, who 
had received the support of the Communist Party in the election 
campaign 

Mr. Morris. Now, what election campaign was that, Dr. Dodd ? 

Dr. Dodd. 1945. We knew that he would make certain appoint- 
ments. Now, ordinarily the appointments are not necessarily of Com- 
munist Party members or known Communist Party members, but 
those who were friendly or those who were close to the party. But in 
the case of Paul Ross, it was a question of having someone who was a 
key person at city hall, through whom party requests and party prob- 
lems could be channeled. 

Mr. Morris. And did you thereafter work with Paul Ross in con- 
nection with your official capacity as the head of the Communist Party 
election activity in New York State? 

Dr. Dodd. I worked with Paul Ross and so did many other people 
in the party work with Paul Ross. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you would tell us some general examples, 
Dr. Dodd, as to how you carried on this activity. 

Dr. Dodd. Well, we generally prepared for elections at least a year 
or 2 years in advance, setting down the line and the strategy of the 
election campaign. For instance, for the 1946 election, we worked 



,*• SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1469 

beginning with the end of the 1945 election and on through the election 
campaign of 1946. We would cover the various districts and decide 
which districts could bt taken over from the conservatives, from the 
people who were antinarty, who were opposed to the program of the 
party, and decide where the key effort should be placed. 

For instance, in 1944, back to 1944, the decision was made in the 
State committee of the Communist Party that the 29th Congressional 
District was to be takei.' away from the man who then held it and was 
to be captured by a liberal, progressive candidate. That was Hamil- 
ton Fish's district. By 1946, we were making decisions as to what the 
statewide ticket should be like as a whole. And in that respect, we 
would be working with — since the Communist Party controlled the 
American Labor Party, and since the Communist Party controlled a 
section of the labor movement itself, which was important in political 
action, since the Communist Party had some very strong support 
within certain of the mass organizations of the minority groups, it was 
very important for the political program of the party to cover all of 
these groups — and therefore we worked with someone who was within 
the Democratic Party, someone who was within the Republican Party, 
someone who was in the Labor Party, and worked with people in the 
trade unions and the mass organizations and mapped out our strategy. 

But the final strategy as to who should run from which districts 
and who should receive the Labor Party support, the Communist 
Party support, and the support of all those groups that the Communist 
Party controlled, the decision was finally made, of course, by the State 
committee of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Morris- Now, was Clifford T. McAvoy active at this time ? 

Dr. Dodd. Clifford McAvoy had been appointed during the La- 
Guardia administration as his welfare commissioner. Clifford Mc- 
Avoy had come from City College where he had taught French, and 
he had been chairman of an organization that achieved a great deal 
of popularity, called the Anti-Fascist Organization. Clifford had 
become a party member, and when the mayor selected him for the 
welfare position, he was a party member, and thereafter, of course, 
Clifford was an important person used by the party in various 
positions. 

McAvoy was a pleasant person, an able person, and made a very 
good candidate. He was used for different offices. 

Mr. Morris. The New York City Welfare Commissioner at this 
time was an important position ; was it not ? 

Dr. Dodd. Extremely important, because of the political problems 
which surrounded the giving of relief. Now, unfortunately, that 
question had not been resolved. At present, I do think we have elim- 
inated the question of political considerations on the granting of relief. 
But at that time the granting of relief was still instinct with politics. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Dr. Dodd, was there, let us say, within the Re- 
publican Party, a certain group) — did you have a certain group work- 
ing within the Republican Party ? 

Dr- Dodd. I worked with a certain number of people. They 
weren't the most important people ; they were rather tangential people, 
but I worked with certain Republican people, and there were those 
who were my superiors who worked with others who were superior 
to me. 



1470 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you would tell us something about an opera- 
tion that you had within the Kepublican Party. Let us begin with 
that particular party. 

Dr. Dodd. Well, we had a member — we had a member of the Young 
Eepublican Party within our committee, who reported back to us what 
was going on. 

Mr. Morris. The Young Eepublican Club, you mean ? 

Dr. Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. That is the New York Young Eepublican Club. You 
had a Communist Party member in the New York Young Eepublican 
Club 

Dr. Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. Morris (continuing) . Who reported back to you on what hap- 
pened ? 

Dr. Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know a man named Jules Justin ? 

Dr. Dodd. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Morris. Who was Jules Justin ? 

Dr. Dodd. He was a person in the Eepublican Party who was also a 
member of the Communist Party, and he ran for various political 
offices in the Eepublican Party. 

Mr. Morris. He was the man who ran for Congress, was he not, on 
the West Side in New York City ? 

Dr. Dodd. I don't remember the offices he ran for, but he did run for 
Congress, I suppose, if you say so. I don't remember that. 

Mr. Morris. Dr. Dodd, can you tell us the identity of the Com- 
munist person who was in the New York Young Eepublican Club who 
reported back to you ? 

Dr. Dodd. To tell you the truth, at this point I have been trying to 
search my mind for his name and I can't remember his name. I remem- 
ber his features, but I don't remember his name. You know, in the 
party we made a great fetish of not remembering names, trying to 
maintain anonymity and trying to call people by their first names. I 
can't even remember his first name, though. 

Mr. Morris. Now, is there anything more you can tell us ? 

Mr. Chairman, as you know, because you were there, there is a 
certain section of this testimony of Dr. Dodd that we have taken only 
in executive session until we can get some further corroboration to look 
into it further. 

Senator Jenner. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. I was wondering if there is anything outside of that 
limitation which we asked you to observe — is there anything else you 
can tell us about a particular operation within the Eepublican Party ? 

Dr. Dodd. Well, the Communist Party doesn't care where it operates, 
whether it operates in the Democratic or Eepublican Party or the Labor 
Party or the Liberal Party, as long as they can make some headway. 
Now, you take for instance the Marcantonio district, which was the 
district in which Marc would run in the Democratic, Eepublican, and 
Labor Party primaries from time to time. There the line between 
Democrat and Eepublican had been completely obliterated and the 
label of the Eepublican or Labor or Democratic just didn]t mean 
anything. It was a question of the personality who was running. 

For that reason, it was possible to gain control of the party appa- 
ratus and party machinery in that area. The Communist Party had 



scopp: of soviet activity in the united states 1471 

very close relationship with some of the people who were in the Re- 
publican Party in that area through Marcantonio's own contact with 
national politics. 

This happens more and more in those districts where political edu- 
cation — where we have had, for instance, a shifting population, a new 
type of population coming in, and where the economic difficulties are 
so great that it is the individual that makes the party rather than the 
principles that make the party. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know a man named Hyman Forstenzer? 

Dr. Dodd. I did. 

Mr. Morris. Who was Hyman Forstenzer, Dr. Dodd? 

Dr. Dodd. Mr. Forstenzer was a member of the teachers union and 
also the brother of one of the Republican leaders on the West Side of 
New York, the Washington Heights area of New York. 

Mr. Morris. Is he now the deputy health commissioner of New 
York State ; do you know ? 

Dr. Dodd. I heard that he was deputy commissioner of mental 
hygiene in the State of New York. 

Mr. Morris. Now, was he known to you to be a Communist Party 
member ? 

Dr. Dodd. He was. 

Mr. Morris. Was he associated with you in activities within the 
Communist Party? 

Dr. Dodd. Mr. Forstenzer was an assistant to myself in the work of 
the legislative committee of the teachers union. As a matter of fact, 
he substituted for me when I was away in Albany or in Washington in 
my work as legislative representative. 

Mr. Morris. He was your subordinate, then ? 

Dr. Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Was he also your subordinate in the Communist Party ? 

Dr. Dodd. Well, no ; because there wasn't that kind of relationship. 
Mr. Forstenzer had been a member of the Communist Party, of the 
branches in the Bronx, and I was on a city and statewide level. But 
I worked with Mr. Forstenzer within the teachers union and knew that 
he was a Communist within the teachers union. 

Mr. Morris. We have had some testimony recently from a gentleman 
named Barney Conal. Apparently, Mr. Barney Conal has been doing 
surveys, study surveys and statistical surveys for apparently the three 
political parties. In 1952 he was working for the Republicans; in 
1946 he was working for the Democrats ; in 1948 he worked for Henry 
Wallace. 

I wonder if you encountered Barney Conal at any time during the 
course of your experience in the Communist Party. 

Dr. Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. It is spelled C-o-n-a-1. 

Dr. Dodd. Yes, I knew Mr. Conal for many years. I knew him be- 
cause his wife was a secretary in the furriers' union and the secretary 
to Ben Gold of the furriers' union. 

Mr. Morris. Was that Greta Spiro ? 

Dr. Dodd. Yes. 

And I knew him also because he was very busy in the CIO-PAC 
organization and then NC-PAC, which developed in the period of 
1944. 



1472 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Conal testified that he was head 
of war activities for the CIO political action committee during the 
war. 

Dr. Dodd. He was very active in the 1944 election campaign and 
continued active in the development of community groups. 

The purpose of the NC-PAC was to develop a new type political 
organization within the communities, substituting for the old type of 
district clubs and district groups, and the community groups were to 
be based upon representation from various organizations. 

For instance, if I were organizing a community group for Elmhurst, 
that is, if Mr. Conal or anybody else was, during this period of 1944, 
1945, and 1946, if they were organizing a community group, they 
would have a representative there of the teachers' organizations, a rep- 
resentative of the parents' organizations, a representative of the 
students' organizations, a representative of whatever unions were 
within that community. 

In other words, this was an attempt to organize political action 
based upon group representation of unions and social and other 
types of organizations, and these were supposed to assist the trade 
unions in conducting the National and State elections. 

This is a new type of political organization, unlike the old district 
clubs which are made up of individuals who are residents of a com- 
munity. It is local organization on a group basis, with the decisions 
already made by these groups in their own National and State or- 
ganizations. 

For instance, in a community organization which is being thus 
organized in Elmhurst — I am using Elmhurst as a fictitious com- 
munity — but in a community organization like Elmhurst, you would 
have a representative of the Parent-Teachers Association. Well, their 
decisions on where they stand on various questions have already been 
made through the National Congress of Parents and Teachers or the 
State Congress of Parents and Teachers. 

The representatives of the teachers' union, well, their decisions have 
already been made in their own organizations. 

In other words, there was a meeting together of already organized 
groups which already had programs, already had made decisions, and 
it was not really representative, perhaps, of the feeling of the individ- 
ual citizens in the community, but rather representative of the or- 
ganized forces within the community. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Conal's organization was called Community 
Inventory. Can you tell us anything about — I do not mean that par- 
ticular organization— but can you tell us anything about how a re- 
search organization like that operates, drawing on your knowledge and 
the experience you have had, Dr. Dodd ? 

Dr. Dodd. I don't know Mr. Conal's organization, but I know there 
are numerous political analyses organizations busy at this time, this 
presidential year. What they do, of course, is prepare questionnaires, 
have interviews with various people at home on the question of which 
candidates they would support, and by preparing a loaded question- 
naire they very often fix, within the minds of the people whom they 
circularize, what they really want them to believe in. 

It is part of a propaganda — there is a great deal of propaganda 
work done in these supposedly scientific analyses which are being 
made. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1473 

I am not saying that this is true of Mr. Conal's organization, because 
I have no knowledge of it. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

Now, associated with him was a man named Palmer Weber, who also 
worked as his assistant, and whom he testified he brought into his 
organization, and who also did research and also worked for many of 
the Senators and Congressmen here on Capitol Hill. Did you ever 
encounter Palmer Weber? 

Dr. Dodd. Yes, I knew Mr. Weber. 

Mr. Morris. Was Palmer Weber a Communist ? 

Dr. Dodd. Yes, he was. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know anything about his work in these re- 
search organizations that he did for the political parties? 

Dr. Dodd. Well, I have known Mr. Weber for many years, and he 
was very active here on Capitol Hill, holding various positions in vari- 
ous Senators' offices, on questions relating to the work of the Senators. 

Mr. Weber was particularly interested in the Southern Conference 
for Human Rights, and I did know, of course, that Mr. Weber held 
some very important posts with some Republican organizations in 
Connecticut, where they made an analysis of what the best political 
theme should be for a Republican campaign. 

In other words, Mr. Weber was advising some important Republican 
organization up in Connecticut in the period of 1948-49. 

Mr. Morris. And at that time he was a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Dr. Dodd. Well, I knew Mr. Weber was a member of the Communist 
Party up through 1947. I can't say beyond that. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Dr. Dodd, generally with respect to all these 
individuals that we have been talking about, and those that we have 
gone into only in executive session, do you find that the political 
strength of the Communist Party is abating or do you think it is in- 
creasing, from your own observations? 

Dr. Dodd. Well, I would say that because of the facile change in 
lines being presented by the Communist International, the life of the 
Communists in this country is becoming a lot easier, and I notice that 
there is a great deal more arrogance, a great deal more agressiveness, 
in coming forth and in accepting positions of importance with the 
assurance that they will not be challenged. 

I would say, Mr. Chairman, that the danger in this country of a 
Communist penetration is much greater today when the line is being 
peddled which says communism is never a threat to the country. 

Senator Jenner. Communism is what? 

Dr. Dodd. Communism is never a threat to this country. That is a 
line that is being peddled. It is an insignificant, unimportant thing. 
It would never threaten this country. 

And that is a line which is being peddled all over the country, both 
on the political front and on the academic front. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Dr. Dodd, you experienced, did you not, the 
reorganization of the Communist Party — I notice you have mentioned 
it in your book — that took place in the late 1940's ? 

Dr. Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Would you tell us what you know about that reorgani- 
zation ? 

Dr. Dodd. You mean, 1945, 1946, and 1947 ? 



1474 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. I believe that is when it was, Dr. Dodd. 

Dr. Dodd. As you remember, in 1945, after the Yalta Conference, 
immediately, almost, shortly after the Yalta Conference — the Yalta 
Conference was in February, but by May of 1945 the Communist Party 
of America was thrown into a turmoil because of the publication 
of the so-called Jacques Duclos letter, and Jacques Duclos, as you 
know, was a member of the Third International and was a person who 
was giving directions to the American Communist Party. He was 
also, of course, the leader of the Communist Party in France. 

Jacques Duclos wrote a letter which was published in a magazine 
called Cahiers du Communisme, and that letter criticized the Ameri- 
can Communist Party for being too soft, too democratic, for believing 
in cooperation with other democratic forces. And the Communist 
Party had, during the period of 10 years previous to that, cooperated 
with practically every force that was willing to work with it in 
America. 

Now suddenly the line was that the party should get back to its 
revolutionary tenet, and that we ought to reestablish the classic as a 
method of teaching our Communist Party members, that we ought to 
begin to define the hard core of the Communists, and the direction was 
given that, after all, the time had come when we Communists, we who 
were members of the Communist Party in America, must get ready 
for the final takeover, and that in the final takeover, you must estab- 
lish a degree of sturdiness and firmness on the part of the membership 
of the party so that they would be firm in doing two things : 

One, if the time came when we had to betray the United States, we 
would be ready to do so without any question ; then the question was 
also raised during that purge period that if the labor movement in 
America attempted to come to the defense of this country, the Ameri- 
can Communist must be ready to defeat and to betray the American 
labor movement, also. 

That was one of the great features of the 1945 Duclos letter which 
has been muted in all of our reports, and very little has been done 
with it. 

The Communist was sworn and was pledged and was instructed 
that he not only must be ready to betray his country, his nationalism, 
but he must also, even if he were a class-conscious person, he must be 
ready to betray his own labor movement, his own labor class in this 
country for the purpose of taking over power. 

Of course, as you know, after the 1945 purge, the party did get 
frightened by the attacks which were made upon it and an attempt was 
made by the party to go underground. It did go underground in 
1947. I was present at the national committee meeting in June of 
1947 at which Bill Foster, who had been in Europe and come back, 
after seeing Dmitrov and the various other leaders of the Communist 
Party movement in Europe — Bill Foster made an analysis of how 
the party should go underground. He actually drew the pictures 
on the blackboard, and the techniques. 

Just how it was done, I do not know, because I myself stopped going 
to meetings at this period and made the break at this time, so that 
I don't know just what happened or how it was done except by reading 
your own reports. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1475 

Mr. Morris. Now, Dr. Dodd, I think you mention in your book 
Congressman Hugh De Lucy. I think he was a Democratic Con- 
gressman from the west coast. 

Dr. Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Did you ever encounter Hugh De Lacy at all ? 

Dr. Dodd. Yes, I knew Hugh De Lacy. I knew Hugh De Lacy as 
a member of the Teachers' Union, as a member of the National Execu- 
tive Committee of the Federation of Teachers, and as a member of the 
Communist fraction within the Federation of Teachers. 

Mr. Morris. Now, this was a Congressman, a man who was a Con- 
gressman from Washington? 

Dr. Dodd. Hugh De Lacy had also been a member of the State 
legislature out there. 

Air. Morris. Now, Dr. Dodd, we have asked you about how you 
worked within the Republican Party. I wonder if you would tell us 
about some of your activities with the Democratic Party. 

Dr. Dodd. Of course, the Communist Party was obviously in in- 
dustrial and in large city areas working with the Democratic Party, 
to a much larger degree than it would in the Republican Party. 

The work within the Democratic Party proceeded largely — the 
unity was established largely on an opportunistic basis. The Com- 
munists knew what they wanted. They wanted to get men who would 
support them. And very often they would support a man who was 
a weak person, for election to office, because they could get him to do 
what they wanted him to do. 

For instance, I have seen them support a candidate, a man who had 
been in Congress as a Democrat, who had been absent from Congress 
a good deal, who had not attended to his business very often, but 
because they felt they could control him, they would proceed to do 
that. 

Now, in addition to that, once they had pushed a man, then there 
was a question — in a district which was largely becoming radicalized, 
what they would do was to push the man who was in office by getting 
more and more concessions from him until they had practically pushed 
him to the point where he could make no more concessions and then 
they would drop him overboard and stop supporting him, in other 
words, a process of eliminating certain people from public office. 

Then there were certain districts, for instance, m the rural areas 
and in States other than New York, where they decided they would 
like to take a particular district, since very little money would have 
to be spent to take a district, and they would send the money into 
that particular area to defeat that particular candidate. 

As far as the Democratic Party is concerned, in a city like New 
York, those who operated within the Labor Party and those who 
operated within the Communist Party, of course, were neighbors and 
friends and relatives of those who were in the Democratic Party, and 
the contacts were continuous. 

I would say that during the LaGuardia campaign, LaGuardia knew 
how to utilize the Communists, and he did utilize them. I have seen 
the day when Mr. LaGuardia would meet with representatives of 
the Communist Party and get their promise to withdraw their can- 
didate for the office lie was running for, and then he would go to the 
Liberal Party or to the people uptown who represented the Social 

72723—56 — pt. 27 3 



1476 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Democrats, and he would fulminate against the Communists, even 
though he had already accepted support from them. But he was a 
master strategist in his own right. 

But with successive mayors, there has been, of course, some dealing 
on the part of the Communists with the Democratic Party. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you know of any instance you could tell us — 
I know this is in the area of the executive session, Dr. Dodd — with 
respect to Paul Ross, who was confidential assistant, or I think you 
described him as an executive assistant, to Mayor O'Dwyer, with 
Communists working with you. I wonder if you would tell us in 
open session, where we have not barred it from the areas staked out 
in executive session. 

Dr. Dodd. I will tell you, Mr. Morris, I am very reluctant to go 
into much of this thing, not because I want to cover up anyone, but 
because this whole question of practical politics is such an avenue 
where, let us say, the people operated on an opportunistic basis. Men 
wanted to get into office. If the Communists controlled a certain 
number of votes, they were willing to make deals with the Com- 
munists, and because the word "Communist''' had such connotations, 
I am very reluctant to extend that kind of malice. 

Mr. Morris. Dr. Dodd, you mention in your book individuals, and 
you even name them, who worked with the Communist Party, even 
though to your knowledge they were not necessarily Communist Party 
members. Have you been following the activities of these people of 
late, Dr. Dodd? Do you observe their activities on the political scene 
now ? 

Dr. Dodd. Well, I see them 

Mr. Morris. Without going into their names ? 

Dr. Dodd. I have been interested in them, in part. 

Mr. Morris. Do you find that these people are on the ascendancy 
generally ? 

Dr. Dodd. I would say that by and large those who were being 
supported and assisted during the period of the thirties, the early 
forties, and the middle forties are going ahead at great speed and 
are achieving positions of great importance in policymaking divisions 
of our Government. 

Mr. Morris. Dr. Dodd, I wonder if you would tell us about the 
Communist penetration of the industrial levels. What can you tell 
us about that, Dr. Dodd? 

Dr. Dodd. Since this was not my specialty in the party, I can only 
give you very tangential material. 

I became aware of the fact, during the war, that the party had cer- 
tain business ventures from which it derived profit, that it had, for 
instance, associated with its New York County Committee and with 
its New York Waterfront Committee, certain fund-raising groups 
whose total activity was given to raising funds. 

Now, they were raising funds not only for the actual work of the 
party, because the work of the party was financed largely by dues and 
by contributions from its membership, but I discovered that these 
funds were then used for the purpose of going into business and 
maintaining businesses from which other profits were derived. 

There is no question in my mind that the nightclubs which are 
run by the party, which were run by corporations who were financed 
by the party — I refer to the Cafe Society, both uptown and downtown, 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN TI1K UNITED STATES 1477 

and to a number of oilier nightclubs which the party had an interest 
in. 

In addition to that, because the party, during the war, did main- 
tain, through some of its operators, certain machine shops — as I 
understood, they had contracts even with the Government making 
(tarts for the Government war apparatus. I remember one particular 
incident. The plants were located in various sections of New York, 
and how the profits were distributed I do not know, but the fact that 
the party put confidential and long-trusted Communists in charge of 
them makes me believe that the funds were given to the party. 

Xow, I do know that, in the New York County apparatus, which 
Bill Laurence was in charge of for a while, and people like Sam 
Brown and others of this group, that the New York County [appara- 
tus] had a particular group of associated businessmen for the purpose 
of helping to extend finance to various types of business and that the 
party got a cut in the business that w T as so established. 

Included in that group, to my knowledge, were certain manufac- 
turers of paints and varnishes and things of that kind. There were 
certain real-estate operators who were in that group. There were 
several manufacturers of different items as varied as manufacture of 
dolls, the manufacture of shoulder pads. 

Later on, when the Young People's Records were established, the 
party was interested in helping to finance that particular group. 

Now, I cannot name you chapter and verse. All of these organiza- 
tions were organized under corporate charters, and therefore it would 
be very difficult to put your finger on them. 

Now, I did know, for instance, that there were a number of pools 
established, through which finances — through wdiich the personal for- 
tunes of wealthier members of the party were pooled for investment 
purposes. That came to my knowledge because I was involved in a 
business transaction. What happened was, we took the wealthy people 
like Louise Bransten and a couple of other people, and then you had 
a group of accountants who handled their investments, and the party 
got its funds from that particular type of group, that they invested 
in things such as building machines and building apparatuses and a 
variety of things. It became apparent to me. 

But as I say, since I was not actually involved in supervising any- 
thing of that' kind. I can't pin it down for you. But I did become 
aware of the fact that in 1946-47, the party's operation on the business 
front was a tremendous one. 

There is one other thing which I think I ought to put in the record 
and that was that during the period in the early forties there was on 
the Hill, in the Senate, a committee investigating the small-business 
men, or trying to develop a legislative program for small-business men. 
I was told that there were a number of party people who were active 
in that senatorial committee, and that much of the material which was 
developed was made available to the party people, particularly in their 
analysis of the business structure, and that it was used by the party 
people both to go into businesses and to penetrate those businesses 
that were having difficulties. 

You will remember that the National Association of Small-Business 
Men— I have forgotten what the exact title, was— but it was established 
and played a great part in the election campaigns in both 1944 and 
then later in 1948. 



1478 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Dr. Dodd, I wonder if you will notice that Henry Col- 
lins, who was one of the witnesses before this committee who has been 
identified as a Communist and was not able to deny it, but instead in- 
voked his privilege under the fifth amendment, that he had an im- 
portant position on the staff of that particular Small Business Com- 
mittee. 

Dr. Dodd. I don't know him. 

Mr. Morris. Dr. Dodd, you mentioned 

Senator Jenner. She was in the middle of an answer. 

Mr. Morris. I am sorry. Continue, please. 

Dr. Dodd. This association of small-business men was an extremely 
important tool in the election campaigns of 1944 and 1948. It was used 
as a method of organizing and penetrating the middle class, both from 
the point of view of getting money and also penetrating it from the 
point of view of political organization. 

Some very important businesses, including the linen business, and, 
as I said, the paint and varnish business, the garage business, perfume 
manufacturing — the variety is infinite. 

Mr. Morris. Dr. Dodd, there is a special subcommittee of the In- 
ternal Security Subcommittee of which Senator Olin Johnston is the 
chairman and Senator Jenner at present is a member, and it is gen- 
erally looking into the general area of moneys coming into the United 
States and to what extent it is Communist moneys. 

Now, can you relate any of this testimony that you are giving now 
to that general procedure ? 

Dr. Dodd. I think this is probably one of the most important, serious 
investigations the Senate could do, because the whole question of who 
controls the finances for investment purposes in this country is some- 
thing we should be aware of as we look toward an answer to, [the ques- 
tion of] will there be another depression, because the people who con- 
trol the finances that are being thrown into the market and withdrawn 
from the market will be able to have a very important influence upon 
either a continued equilibrium in business or a possible fall in business. 

I do believe that that investigation will develop material which the 
American people will stress soberly, and it is extremely important 
for their very survival. 

Mr. Morris. And, Dr. Dodd, you did notice in the closing days of 
your Communist Party activity that here was a great emphasis on 
the part of the party to enter into financial and fiscal arrangements ? 

Dr. Dodd. As a matter of fact, the party seems to be going that 
way much more than it was in any other line. That was the thing which 
they were most interested in, to explore new avenues for investment 
purposes and for moneymaking purposes. 

It was one of the things that finally made me realize that this party, 
which I had thought was an idealistic party, for the interest of the 
workers, was really interested in other things besides the workers, and 
they were just using the workers for their own end. 

Mr. Morris. Dr. Dodd, you mentioned the name of Louise Bransten 
in connection with your testimony. Did you know that Louise Bran- 
sten was a Communist ? 

Dr. Dodd. I never saw her party card. All I can say is that it was 
reported to me by those who knew her and those who used her money 
for some of these ventures, that she was a party member. 

Mr. Morris. And she is a woman of some means 2 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1479 

Dr. Dodd. A woman of considerable means. 

Mr. Morris. Now, you mentioned a person named Bill Laurence, 
Dr. Dodd. Who was Bill Laurence ? 

Dr. Dodd. Bill Laurence was secretary of the Communist Party of 
New York State before 1945. He was one of the Lincoln Brigade 
leaders, and he was also in charge of this New York County business- 
mens' apparatus for the purpose of analyzing which businesses to go 
into, which ones to finance, which ones to lend money to, and which 
ones to take a cut from. 

Mr. Morris. He is a well-known Communist Party functionary ? 

Dr. Dodd. He is a well-known Communist Party functionary. 

Senator Jenner. Dr. Dodd, in view of the Supreme Court's decision 
against the State sedition laws, would you say that the Communist 
Party activities are directed against the State governments from time 
to time ? 

Dr. Dodd. The Communist Party has no interest in maintaining the 
sovereignty of the States of the United States. The Communist Party 
is interested in breaking down as much as possible of the established 
legal apparatus which might maintain sovereignty. However, the 
Communist Party will use every legality either for or against its 
propositions, depending upon how they can promote them. If it 
served their convenience, they would rely upon States' rights, but, in 

§eneral, their whole attitude is to break down the sovereignty of the 
tates and, of course, the sovereignty of the United States. 

Senator Jenner. All right. 

Mr. Morris. Dr. Dodd, did you ever in your experience in the Com- 
munist Party encounter Harry Bridges ? 

Dr. Dodd. Yes ; on two occasions. 

Mr. Morris. Was Harry Bridges known to you to be a Communist? 

Dr. Dodd. That is a question which I had not expected, and it is a 
question which I certainly have no knowledge of. I have never seen his 
card. I have never seen that he is a party member. I have never 
attended a Communist Party meeting at which he was a member. 

But I can only tell you this, that in 1945, when there was a longshore 
strike in New York City, and the party had assigned a number of 
people, including people like Bob Thompson and the then secretary 
of the Communist Party — I have forgotten his name — to work on the 
waterfront, to control, to get control over the longshore people, they 
were holding a great many nightly meetings for the purpose of making 
strategy decisions and meeting with some of the waterfront characters 
and, on one occasion, the party asked whether they could not use my 
office for the purpose of holding a night meeting. 

And to that night meeting, people like Robert Thompson, Hal 
Simon, who was then the labor secretary for the party on a statewide 
basis, and Harry Bridges came. But that is all I can say to you about 
that. 

Mr. Morris. Now, we had a witness here recently named Saul Mills. 
Did you ever encounter Saul Mills? 

Dr. Dodd. Yes ; I did. 

Mr. Morris. Was Saul Mills a Communist ? 

Dr. Dodd. As far as I know, he was a member of the Communist 
Party, because he sat in the meetings. He sat in meetings which were 
for the purpose of discussing Communist Party strategy on the politi- 
cal front. 



1480 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Now, he was the head of the Greater New York In- 
dustrial Union Council, was he not ? 

Dr. Dodd. He was. 

Mr. Morris. That is the CIO ? 

Dr. Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And that organization roughly controlled membership 
of approximately 500,000 organized CIO workers at the time, did they 
not, Dr. Dodd? 

1 )r. Dodd. Yes, they did. 

Mr. Morris. And as such, he was a powerful personality on the 
political scene in New York? 

Dr. Dodd. He was a key person. Whenever the party wanted to do 
anything through the CIO — you see, the party operated through 
these mass organizations, the CIO, one or two of the A. F. of L. people 
whom he had in various unions, and through a number of organiza- 
tions. "Whenever the people of the center decided they were going 
to accomplish something, they made 5 telephone calls, and they called 
the CIO, their contact on the Greater New York Council ; they would 
call their contact at the State labor party headquarters: they would 
call their contact with the teachers^ union; they would call their con- 
tact with some of the foreign-born organizations, and after they made 
4 or 5 or telephone calls, they had mobilized support on a citywide or 
a statewide level for the things they wanted to do. 

Mr. Morris. By making 4 or 5 telephone calls ? 

Dr. Dodd. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. They could draw into play a whole powerful organ- 
ization ? 

Dr. Dodd. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. And in the Saul Mills case, it was a labor organiza- 
tion made up of 500,000 union members who would, at least in their 
political activity, be supporting the Communist Party? 

Dr. Dodd. That is right. 

The person who was at the receiving end of those telephone calls 
sometimes could not deliver everything the party wanted them to 
deliver, because he had his own organization to worry about, as to 
how far he could go with his own organization, but he was under 
the obligation to deliver as much as he possibly could. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Dr. Dodd, is there anything more about the 
penetration of American industry that you can tell the committee 
about at this time? Again, Dr. Dodd, since we have explored this 
particular aspect of it in executive session, without mentioning the 
names of the individuals involved. 

Dr. Dodd. I do not think I would like to extend it. I wasn't too 
prepared when you asked me that question. I am just giving it to 
you as I remember, and I don't think I had better extend it any 
further. 

Mr. Morris. And there is just one other person I would like to ask 
you about. Si Gerson was an important person for the penetration 
of political parties, was he not, in the Communist Party ? 

Dr. Dodd. Si Gerson was a legislative representative of the Com- 
munist Party before he went into the Army. I took his position 
when he went into the Army. After he came out of the Army, he 
was sent to the Daily TVorker as a reporter, and since he was not 
very happy there, and I was not very happy in staying in the Com- 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1481 

munist Party, he took my position when I vacated the position of 
legislative representative. So he would be doing the same thing 
which I had been doing in the period of 194-'), 1944, 1945, and 194(3. 
He was doing the work of making the analyses on the strength that 
(he party would like to have in an election campaign, which candi- 
dates to support in the Labor Party and (he Democratic Party and the 
Republican Party, what deals to make, what associations to make. 

Of course. Si Gerson's most obvious association was with a member 
of the Republican Party of the city of New York as confidential 
clerk or confidential secretary to Staidey Isaacs of the city of New 
York. Si Gerson gained a great deal of prestige and a great deal of 
importance because as confidential clerk to a borough president you 
have your fingers on a great many organiaztions and a good deal 
of the life of the city itself. 

Senator Jenner. Dr. Dodd, in view of your intimate knowledge of 
the workings of the Communist apparatus in this country, their ob- 
jectives and their aims, I would like to bring this testimony down 
to date. 

What is your honest opinion as to whether or not the Communist 
Party is gaining, standing still, or losing ground in America? We 
know where it is in the world. But in America. 

Dr. Dodd. I think the Communist Party is gaining at an alarming 
rate. I think the Communist Party is not gaining that under the 
label of Communist, but by having its operators operate under many 
different labels, under many different titles. But the people who 
were known to me as either party members or associates of the party 
are mounting to important positions in policymaking, both on the 
industrial level, on the communications level, and on the govern- 
mental level. 

It is the most terrifying thing to watch, and perhaps if I have never 
suffered anything else, just watching this thing growing and knowing 
the significance is something by which perhaps I am being castigated 
for the evil that I have done myself. 

I think that every American needs to understand this thing, needs 
to understand that it is not just communism, it is not just the word 
"communism," because that has become very obnoxious. We have 
made it unpopular. But they are selling us the whole program in little 
bits. Someone has very well said : 

"If I send you a machinegun and tell you it is a baby carriage, and 
I send it to you wheel by wheel and nut by nut and you do not know 
until you have assembled the thing that it is a machinegun and not a 
baby carriage," that is exactly what has happened to this country. 
We are being sold machineguns without knowing it is machineguns. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, in connection with the testimony of Dr. Dodd 
which we have taken in executive session, and in a limited way because 
Dr. Dodd's plane came in late this morning, Senator, I find it at the 
staff level very difficult to deal with many of the personalities that 
she knows about. 

Her testimony concerns itself with people who work closely with and 
who seem to her to be closely associated with the Communists. 

Now, she could not say authoritatively that they actually were 
members of the Communist Party, but she did know they worked 
wholeheartedly with the Communist Party. 



1482 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

So our difficulty is that if we deal with these personalities, we are 
at a great disadvantage. For that reason, Senator, much of this 
testimony that she can give, much of the important information she 
can give us, has to be in executive session, because the line of demarca- 
tion is not very clear. 

Senator Jenner. We understand that situation, and we, too, as a 
committee, are in a precarious position. 

However, Dr. Dodd, again I want to thank you publicly on behalf 
of this committee for your forthrightness in coming forth and alert- 
ing this committee and the people of this Nation to the precarious 
position that we are placed in at this juncture of our history. We 
know what a tremendous price you have paid for this kind of testi- 
mony, but we thank God that you are willing to pay that price. 

If there is nothing more, the committee will stand adjourned. 

Senator McCarthy. Mr. Chairman, could I impose on the hos- 
pitality of the chairman ? I want to say that I very greatly appre- 
ciate the opportunity of sitting in on this hearing, and I would like to 
make the comment that this committee is doing, I think, a greater 
service to American than any other committee on the Hill, either 
House or Senate, and I think the chief counsel, Judge Morris, should 
be complimented for the painstaking work he has done, and then if I 
may impose on you further, I would like to say that I would like to 
compliment Dr. Dodd for the courage which she has in coming for- 
ward. She would not have to do that. She is going to subject herself 
to a great deal of abuse, and I think it is a wonderful thing that this 
committee can get witnesses who will subject themselves to the type 
of abuse they are subjected to when they come forward and testify. 

Senator Jenner. We certainly thank you, Senator McCarthy. 

Mr. Morris. Thank you. 

Senator Jenner. I have only one regret about it. I am only sorry 
that it is impossible for every Member of the United States Senate 
to have been here and to have heard the testimony of Dr. Dodd. 

(Whereupon, at 11:35 a. m., the subcommittee adjourned.) 



Appendix I 

(The following material was compiled by the research staff of the 
Senate Internal Security subcommittee on the basis of sworn testi- 
mony and other records in the subcommittee files :) 

The Career of J. Peters 

(Also known as Shandor Goldberger, Alexander Goldberger, J. Peter, J. V. 
Peters, Roberts, Steve Lapin, Pete Stevens, Steve Miller, Isador Boorstein, 
Blake, Steve Lapur, Alexander Stevens) 

BOSS OF THE COMMUNIST UNDERGROUND IN THE UNITED STATES 

Recalling a conversation with a man he knew in the Communist Party, U. S. A., 
as J. V. Peters, Roberts, Steve and other aliases, Mr. Louis Francis Budenz, 
former managing editor of the (Communist) Daily Worker, gave the latter's 
description of the Communist underground apparatus of which Peters was the 
head, as follows: "He told me that the Communist Party is like a submerged 
submarine; the part that you see above water is the periscope, but the part 
underneath is the real Communist organization ; that is, the conspiratorial 
apparatus." 

The career of this influential individual is as mysterious as the apparatus of 
which he was a potent part. His name and exploits were not publicized in the 
Communist press. The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee has pieced to- 
gether from varied sources and testimony biographical details which will give 
an informative picture of the background of this individual who undoubtedly 
played an important but little known part in shaping American history. At the 
same time the life story of J. Peters will give an illuminating outline of the 
operations of the Communist conspiratorial apparatus. 

According to Witness, the autobiographical work of Whittaker Chambers, 
confessedly the "secret contact man between a succession of Soviet apparatuses 
and the Communist Party," those included in the net under the supervision of 
J. Peters included individuals in various departments of the Government, some 
of them in policymaking positions. The list of individuals with the positions 
they have held, follows : 

John Abt, attorney in the Department of Agriculture, Works Progress Adminis- 
tration, Justice Department and chief counsel of the Senate Committee on Labor 
and Education (LaFollette committee). 

Solomon Adler, Treasury Department representative in China ; American repre- 
sentative on the American-British-Chinese Stabilization Fund. 

Virginius Frank Coe, Assistant Director, and later Director, Division of Mone- 
tary Research, Treasury Department ; financial adviser or consultant to the 
Federal Security Administrator ; Executive Secretary of the Joint War Produc- 
tion Committee of the United States and Canada and assistant to the Executive 
Director of the Board of Economic Warfare ; Assistant Administrator, Foreign 
Economic Administration ; Secretary, National Advisory Council on International 
and Monetary Problems ; Technical Secretary-General, Bretton Woods Monetary 
Conference ; special assistant to United States Ambassador in London. 

Henry H. Collins, Jr., National Recovery Administration ; Department of 
Agriculture ; executive secretary, Senate Subcommittee of the Military Affairs 
Committee on Technological Mobilization. 

Lauchlin Currie, Administrative Assistant to the President; Deputy Adminis- 
trator, Foreign Economics Administration. 

Laurence Duggan, chief, Latin American Division, State Department. 

Harold Glasser, Treasury Department ; adviser, loaned to Government of 
Ecuador; adviser, loaned to War Production Board; adviser on North African 
Affairs in Algiers, North Africa ; adviser to Secretary of State at Moscow Con- 

72723— 56— pt. 27 1 1483 



1484 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

ference in March 1946; member of the United States delegation to the first and 
second UNRRA council meetings. 

Alger Hiss, attorney, Department of Agriculture ; Senate Special Committee 
Investigating the Munitions Industry ; Justice Department ; State Department, 
Director, Office of Special Political Affairs; Secretary General, United Nations. 

Donald Hiss, attorney, Labor Department ; State Department. 

Irving Kaplan, Associate Director, National Research Project, Works Prog- 
ress Administration ; Special Assistant to the Attorney General, Department of 
Justice ; principal research economist, Office of the Administrator, Federal Works 
Agency ; head economic analyst, Statistics Division, Industrial and Commodity 
Research Branch, War Production Board ; head program progress analyst, Ex- 
ecutive Office of the Chairman, Office of Progress Reports, War Production 
Board ; Director, Psograms and Reports Staff, Office of the Administrator, For- 
eign Economic Administration ; economic adviser, Foreign Funds Control Sec- 
tion, United States Control Council, American Military Government in Germany. 

Charles Kramer, National Labor Relations Board ; Office of Price Administra- 
tion ; Senate Committee on War Mobilization ; Senate Committee on Wartime 
Health and Education ; Senate Committee on Education and Labor. 

Eleanor Nelson, Labor Department ; treasurer, United Federal Workers, a 
union of Government employees. 

Victor Perlo, head of branch in Research Section, Office of Price Administra- 
tion ; War Production Board ; Monetary Research, Treasury Department. 

Lee Pressman, attorney, Department of Agriculture ; Works Progress Admin- 
istration. 

Philip Reno, analyst, economist, Social Security Board ; Farm Credit Admin- 
istration ; Office of Emergency Management. 

Vincent Reno, Aberdeen Proving Grounds ; mathematical assistant to Colonel 
Zornig. 

Abraham George Silverman, Director, Bureau of Research and Information 
Services, Railroad Retirement Board ; Economic Adviser and Chief of Analysis 
and Plans, Assistant Chief of Air Staff, Materiel and Services, Air Force. 

Julian Wadleigh, Economist, State Department. 

Harry Dexter White, Assistant Secretary, Treasury Department; Executive 
Director, International Monetary Fund ; Treasury representative with the Inter- 
departmental Lend-Lease Committee, Canadian-American Joint Economic Com- 
mittee, Executive Committee on Commercial Policy, Executive Committee and 
Board of Trustees of the Export-Import Bank, Interdepartmental Committee on 
Inter-American Affairs, National Resources Committee, Price Administration 
Committee, Committee on Foreign Commerce Regulations, Interdepartmental 
Committee on Postwar Economic Problems, Committee on Trade Agreements, 
National Munitions Control Board, Committee on International Relief, Board 
of Economic Warfare, Executive Committee on Economic Foreign Policy, Lib- 
erated Areas Committee, Office of Strategic Services Advisory Committee, United 
States Commercial Corporation, Interdepartmental Committee on Planning for 
Coordinating the Economic Activities of United States Civilian Agencies in 
Liberated Areas. 

Nathan Witt, attorney, Department of Agriculture ; secretary, National Labor 
Relations Board. 

In his comment on the operation of this group in the 1930's Mr. Chambers 
declares in Witness : 

•'* * * the Ware Group had developed into a tightly organized underground, 
managed by a directorate of seven men. In time it included a number of secret 
subcells whose total membership I can only estimate — probably about 75 Com- 
munists. Sometimes they were visited officially by J. Peters who lectured to 
them on Commimist organization and Leninist theory and advised them on gen- 
eral policy and specific problems. For several of them were so placed in the 
New Deal agencies (notably Alger Hiss, Nathan Witt, John Abt and Lee Press- 
man) that thev were in a position to influence policy at several levels." (p. 
335). 

We will begin with the testimony of John Lautner before the Senate Internal 
Security Subcommittee on June 21, 1956: 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN LAUTNEB 

Mr. Manuel. Have you ever been a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Lautnee. Yes. 

Mr. Mandel. What important positions have you held in the party? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1485 

air. Uaitner. Well, in 1930. I was sent to a National Training School of the 
Communist Party organized by the Hungarian National Bureau of the Com- 
munist Party. After graduation, I was sent to Detroit, Mich., where I was 
district secretary of the Hungarian bureau In addition to being the secretary- 
treasurer of the control commission of the Communist Party, district 7. 

In 1931, I was sent to Canada. I was the national secretary of the Hungarian 
National Bureau in Canada, editor of a weekly Communist paper. In 1932 I 
was district secretary of the Hungarian National Bureau in Cleveland, Ohio. 
In 1933, for a while I was on the district language department of the Communist 
Party, district 2, New York. In the fall of 1933, I became a section organizer 
of the Communist Party, New York City. I functioned in that capacity up to 
April of 1!>30. 

In 1930, April, I was reassigned as district organizer of the Communist Party 
in the State of West Virginia. I functioned in that capacity from 1930, April, 
to the end of 1940. At the beginning of 1941, I was sent to the national train- 
ing school. After graduation, I was assigned to the nationality groups com- 
mission of the Communist Party. 

In addition to that, I became secretary of the Hungarian National Bureau of 
the Communist Party, USA. I functioned in those two capacities up until No- 
vember 1942. In addition to these functions, for about months, I was also 
national secretary of the Hungarian section of the international workers order. 

In 1942, November, I was inducted into the Army. I served 31 months in the 
United States Army, 25 months overseas. I am a graduate of the War Depart- 
ment Military Intelligence Training School. Cambridge, Md., and overseas I was 
assigned to Psychological Warfare Branch of the Allied Force Headquarters. 

Upon returning from the Army. I was again assigned in 194.*), June, to the 
nationality groups commission of the Communist Party, national secretary of the 
Hungarian National Bureau and one of the editors of the Hungarian Communist 
Party in New York. I functioned in those capacities until the end of 1945. I was 
sick for awhile in the beginning of 1946. Later on, I was called into the party 
headquarters and was assigned to organize the Communist Party members in 
the New York Metropolitan area for the building trades into an industrial 
organization. 

I functioned in that capacity until about February of 1947, and then I was 
assigned to the New York waterfront as section organizer of the Chelsea organ- 
ization of the Communist Party to develop a regional organization, concentrating 
on transport. 

I functioned in the preliminary work of this organization up to May of 1947. 
At that time, I was appointed head of the New York State Review Commission of 
the Communist Party. I functioned in that capacity up until the time I left 
the Communist Party on the 17th of January 1950. In addition to that, in 1948, 
September, I was also appointed to the national review commission as one of its 
members and functioned also in that capacity until the time I left the Com- 
munist Party. 

In addition to these functions, I attended national committee meetings or 
central committee plenums of the Communist Party in the years of 1930, 1937, 
1938, 1939, 1940, and 1941. I attended the following conventions as delegate 
or head of a delegation or member of the presiding committee of the convention : 
the 1930 convention, 193S. two conventions in 1940, the 1942 convention, the 1945, 
and the 1948 convention. 

ALIASES 

Mr. Mandel. In the course of our investigations, we have run across the 
activities of an individual who has been variously known as J. Peters. J. Peter. 
J. V. Peters. Alexander Goldberger, Roberts, Steve Lapin, Pete Stevens, Steve 
Miller. Isidor Boorstein, Steven Lapur, Alexander Stevens, and I would like to 
ask you if you know an individual with one or more of these names? 

Mr. Laitnek. Yes. 

Mr. Mandel. Tell what names you knew him under and how you came to first 
know him? 

Mr. Lautneb. Well, I knew J. Peters since 1929 and from time to time I was 
associated with his work or associated in the Communist Party work under him 
up until about 1949. I knew him under the name of Joe Peter, and I knew him' 
under the name of J. Peters. I knew his real name, which was Sandor Gold- 
berger. Also, as Alex Goldberger. I knew him as Steve Miller; I knew him 
as Steve. I knew at least three persons under the name of Blake. 

Mr. Mandel. Well, was Blake the same person? 



1486 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Lautnee. The name Blake was used at least by three persons, one was 
J. Peters, and the other was Max Kitzes, and the third person was William 
Werner, but all three of them used the name of Blake. 

I know at least two persons who used the name of Lapin. Steve Miller, or 
J. Peters, and Charlie Dirba. 

Mr. Mandel. Why did Peters, we will call him Peters, why did Peters use so 
many different names? 

Mr. Lautnek. Well, I have no answer to that, but being in a sense that he 
worked in the party, a lot of party leaders used other names besides their right 
names in order to cover up their activities. 

(Mr. Louis Budenz, former managing editor of the Daily Worker, testified 
before a congressional committee on August 24, 1948, with reference to the 
activities of J. Peters, as follows : ) 

"Mr. Stripling. Now, early in your testimony you mentioned that you knew 
J. Peters as the head of the underground movement. Could you elaborate for 
the committee your knoweldge of that activity of J. Peters as a Communist Party 
functionary? 

"Mr. Budenz. Yes, sir. You will note in my book, 'This is My Story' that Mr. 
Peters appears there, and that I refer to him as the man of many names. 

"In fact, I also speak, I think, about his reminding me of the Cheshire cat, or 
something, because he always had an artificial smile. But what I particularly 
noted there was his many other names, Steve Miller, Jack Roberts, and many 
other names within a short period of time. 

"Mr. Nixon. Will you name as many of those names as you can remember. 

"Mr. Budenz. Yes, sir. The thing is, of course, I learned some later, but 
the names that I recall immediately there in 1936 and 1937 were brought to my 
attention by the fact that Mr. Peters himself very bureaucratically told me about 
them ; that is, I had to see him frequently on the ninth floor. He was then, I 
think, supposedly the organization secretary of the party, although nobody 
knew him to any great degree. When I say 'nobody' most of the rank and file 
members did not know him. 

"I would have to go up there on business, and I would say, 'Comrade Peter' — 
and he said, 'Now, my name is Steve,' and he would be very abrupt about it, 
'Steve Miller.' Then, later on, he told me his name was Jack Roberts. I came 
home and told my wife, 'I am getting dizzy trying to keep Peters' names before 
me.' But either then or on other occasions, I learned his name to be Alexander 
Stevens. I think Alexander Goldberg, and 

"Mr. Stripling. Did you know him under the name Isidore Boorstein? 

"Mr. Budenz. I knew that was his organization name. I learned that from 
some source in the party, or other. Those are all of the names I can think of 
for the moment. But there were a number of names during the course of time. 

(Manning Johnson, a former official of the Communist Party, U. S. A., in New 
York City, testified before a congressional committee on July 8, 1953, with regard 
to the activities of J. Peters : ) 

"Mr. Kunzig. Did you know J. Peters under any other name? 

"Mr. Johnson. Yes ; I knew him under the name of Blake and also under the 
name of Stevens, Alexander Stevens" (p. 2176, Communist Activities in the New 
York City area, pt. 7, HUAC). 

(Continuing with the testimony of Mr. Lautner:) 

Mr. Mandel. Will you describe the appearance of J. Peters? 

Mr. Lautner. J. Peters was a short man, about 5 feet, 4 inches tall. He had 
dark bushy hair. A round fat face, and for his height a fat little body. He also 
had a pair of nice little fat hands. He loved good food. Did take a drink occa- 
sionally and did not smoke. He also loved mystery and detective stories. He 
said it was a relaxing habit. 

EARLY LIFE IN HUNGARY 

Mr. Mandel. Did you know anything about the early life of Peters? 

Mr. Lautner. He comes from Hungary. His father was a railway official, and 
they lived in Czop in the northern part of Hungary, and later on in Debrencen. 
And he took some law courses in Budapest and during the war he was a lieutenant 
in the Austro-Hungarian Army. And prior to his coming to the United States, 
for a number of years he was the regional secretary of the Communist Party in 
Czechoslovakia. The region under his jurisdiction was what is known as Pod 
Karpatska Russ, which was at one time part of Hungary, and later on became 
part of Czechoslovakia. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1487 

Mr. Mandel. At this point I wish to place in the record the testimony of David 
Whittaker Chambers, on August 3, 1948, before a congressional committee: 

"Peters told me at one time that he had been a petty officer in the Austrian 
Army during World War I. After the Relakun revolution in Hungary he was 
a member of the Soviet Government of Hungary, I think, in the Agricultural 
Commissariat." 

Mr. Chambers testified again on August 30, 1948, before a congressional com- 
mittee as follows: 

"Mr. Nixon. Did Mr. Peters ever tell you of any of his experiences — I am 
attempting to establish by this question 

"Mr. Chambers. Yes ; occasionally he reminisced and I remember he told me 
of his experiences in the First World War when he was probably a noncommis- 
sioned officer on the Serbian front and later on the Russian front and then on 
the Italian front. 

"I remember one incident especially of the Italian campaign. At zero hour 
they were supposed to advance against very strong Italian lines in the moun- 
tains, and the lines were considered so strong that it was feared that the soldiers, 
the Austrian soldiers, wouldn't advance. 

"However, they did, and as they came into the Italian line they found line 
after line of men dead, the reason being that the Germans who had come up 
in support of the Austrians had shelled the Italians from beyond the hills, and 
due to some structure of the terrain the Austrians had not heard the barrage. 

"He also told me that he was believed by the soldiers to bear a charmed life, 
so that during a heavy fire they would cluster around him, endangering themselves 
and him. 

"I remember him telling me that toward the end of the war, when the Austrian 
armies were crumbling, the first soldiers of the Soviets were appearing, he was 
called up for some kind of insubordination, I believe, and took his medals and 
either handed them or tossed them at his superior officer." 

AFFIDAVIT CONCERNING ASSOCIATION WITH ALEXANDER GOLDBERGER, ALIAS JOSEPH 

PETERS 

"I, Louis Rethy Reed, being duly sworn, depose and say the following facts 
submitted to the Internal Security Subcommittee are true and correct : 

"Alexander Goldberger was born at Munkacs in north Hungary in the year 
of 1897. He attended grammar school there. He finished high school at the 
Calvinist high school in the town of Sarospatak and entered the Calvinist College 
in the city of Debrecen, where he studied law. After less than a year of college 
he was drafted to the army, but by the time he came out of officers school with 
the rank of ensign, the war was over. 

"He had no part whatsoever in the 1919 Communist uprising. He only began 
to give vague hints about his activities in Hungary after the actual participants 
like myself were gone. In fact Szanto and Lustig related to me some very tall 
stories he told to the gullible American Communists and wanted me to call his 
bluff, but by then even such bait was not sweet enough for me to have any more 
contact with Earl Browder and his central committee. 

"Peters arrived in the United States in 1925 and almost at once appeared 
at the meeting of the Yorkville branch of the Hungarian Workers Federation, 
where he was admitted to membership. He claimed membership in the Czech- 
slovak Communist Party. This was never checked, but most likely it was true. 
He learned fast. And since there was a shortage of intellectuals, he rose fast. 
It was on my own recommendation that he was employed as a journalist at the 
Uj Elore Hungarian Communist daily. Nevertheless he never made any mark as 
a writer. 

"Scheming was his specialty even in those early days. It was he and James 
Lustig who convinced me that I have to accept the general secretaryship of the 
Hungarian Federation in 1926. He knew quite well that with my aflliction (TB) 
I would not last very long. And when in 1927 I broke down and was advised 
to take a rest in Arizona, he was elected to be my deputy and act with full powers 
of my office in my absence. 

"And act he did. The general secretary was also in charge of a dummy cor- 
poration which controlled the assets of the Uj Elore. With his signature and 
the signature of a dummy president (who was always controlled by the secre- 
tary) all the assets of the paper could be sold. 

"Early in 1928 I had a long-distance conversation with Peters. He told me 
that the Daily Worker went bankrupt in Chicago and unless we take them in 



1488 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

and print them for cost they will be unable to publish. I protested, knowing 
well that we were unable to pay our own printers for weeks at a time and owed 
them large sums of money. My suggestion was that the Jewish Freiheit 
take them in, they were on a more solvent basis than we were. True, the 
Jewish paper had no English type, but I also suggested that we lend the two 
linotypes for the purpose. 

"Peters twisted my suggestion around and reported to the Hungarian Bureau 
that I favor the merger of the Freiheit and the Elore printing .shops. Since it 
was supposed to be my suggestion it was adopted and before I got wind of the 
scheme, the Elore building was sold at a loss and the building on Union Square 
was purchased with a fantastic mortgage the weak Hungarian paper could 
never pay off. All the assets of the Hungarian paper were signed over in my 
absence by my worthy deputy to a new dummy corporation conrrolled by the 
central committee of the Communist Party. Lovestone, who was secretary of 
the central Committee, washed his hands and told me it was a voluntary action 
by the "generous" Hungarian comrades. And he also reminded me that Peters 
had full authority to act in my absence. And Lovestone, the innocent, began to 
pay off. When in the fall of 1928 I returned to New York — hopping mad — there 
was little I could do to undo the damage. I resigned the secretaryship and at 
the suggestion of Lovestone, Peters was elected in my place. Soon Peters also 
managed the merged printshop and even with his very poor English began to get 
important American assignments. 

"Then came the open letter of Stalin early in r.>2<). With the rest of the 
Lovestonites I also left the party and went west to nurse my TB. Peters, the 
opportunist, doublecrossed his mentor Lovestone and stayed on with the Foster 
group. And Earl Browder was also grateful and began to pay off. 

"In 1032 I took my last look at Moscow. The idea came from Browder, who 
thought that with a little bait he can get me back into the party. My idea was 
quite different. I was sure it will cure me for good. I had to report to Clar- 
ence Hathaway, who at that time was the American representative at the Comin- 
tern. To my great surprise it was my high-riding former deputy Joe Peters 
who acted as representative in Hatha way's absence, who was called back to 
the States for some hurried conference. 

"He was very generous with me. He told me that the reason he did not hit 
back when I slapped him for the printshop swindle was because he always loved 
me. He lived in the Hotel Lux on Twerskaya ; in the same room I occupied 
when Russia got me out of the Hungarian prison in 1922. His roommate was 
Manya, an ugly talkative female I used to know 7 in Los Angeles. Both of them 
attended the Marx-Lenin Institute, but Manya told me it was only a cover for 
the espionage school they were really attending. 

"Both of them worked on me to become a good boy again. But, after my 
return, I resigned the editorship of the U.i Elore. 1 organized an illegal con- 
vention of the Hungarians in Cleveland, Ohio, and exposed the theft of the 
assets of the Hungarian paper. Szanto, Dr. Gyetvai, Lustig, Weinstock, and 
others stood with me and were disciplined by Browder but later were lured 
back and given union assignments where they did their most damage to the 
tolerant country to which I have been loyal ever since. 

"Had no other contact with Peters-Goldberger after the 1932 Moscow meeting. 

"Louis Rethy Reed. 

"Subscribed and sworn to before me this 18th day of July 1956. 

"Herman C. Wolfe, 
"Notary Public, Los Angeles County, Calif." 

MARRIED LIFE 

Mr. Mandel. Now, was Peters married and will you tell us about his married 
life insofar as it is of interest in connection with his Communist Party 
activities. 

Mr. Lautner. At the time I got acquainted with him, his wife was a person 
by the name — known to me in the party as Lilly Zirtes. She was in the same 
unit to which I was assigned when I joined the Communist Party and so was 
Peters. By the time I came back in 1934, Lilly Zirtes left J. Peters and became 
the wife of Rudy Baker. Rudy Baker, in 1932, was a district organizer of the 
Communist Party in Detroit, Mich., and Zirtes worked with Baker in the 
Michigan district" of the Communist Party and Lilly Zirtes also went with Rudy 
Baker to Canada, when Rudy Baker was the C. I. representative in Canada. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1489 

By 1935 or 1936, the wife of .7. Peters was a person known to me as Ann Rollins, 

and also known to me as Ann Silver. Ann Silver was a party functionary, 
later on became a section organizer of a very Important section of the Communist 
Party in the New York party organization. 

Mr. Mandel. Was she also active in the United Electrical Radio and Machine 
Workers? 

Mr. Lautner. No. Ann Rollins, or Ann Silver, was the sectional organizer 
of the party membership in UOPWA, Union Office and Public, or United Office 
and Professional Workers of America. 

POSTS IN THE COMMUNIST PARTY, tSA 

Mr. Mandel. Now, what was the first position that Peters held when you first 
came to know him? 

Mr. Lautner. Well, when I came to New York in 1927 and I began to patronize 
a Hungarian restaurant in New York, Yorkville, located at 350 East Slst Street, I 
knew Joseph Peters at that time as the national secretary of the Hungarian 
Bureau of the Communist Party, Central Committee. 

Then, when I joined the Communist Party in 1929. I was assigned to a unit 
at the same address, in which Joe Peters was a member. He belonged to that 
same unit where I joined. 

In 1930 when I went to the national training school organized by the Hungarian 
National Bureau 

Mr. Mandel. Now, Mr. Lautner, will you go on the next posts that J. Peters 
held in the party? 

Mr. Lautner. Well, in 1930 when I was sent to the National Training School 
of the Hungarian National Bureau of the Communist Party, J. Peters 

Mr. Mandel. Where was it located ? 

Mr. Lautner. Which was held at the party building at Union Square. 

Mr. Mandel. 32 Union Square? 

Mr. Lautner. Where the Daily Worker is and Freiheit, and also the Hungarian 
Communist daily paper, and J. Peters at that time was plant manager of the 
Daily Worker, or production worker, manager of the Daily Worker, and he 
taught us in this national training school. His subject matter then was political 
economy. 

Mr. Mandel. The records available to the Senate Internal Security Subcom- 
mittee show that J. Peters was an instructor at the Krumbein Training School 
of the Communist Party organized in 1930 in honor of Charles Krumbein, a 
Communist leader now deceased (Daily Worker June 8, 1936, p. 5). 

(Testifying before a congressional committee on July 8, 1953, Manning John- 
son, a former official of the Communist Party, related his experience with 
J. Peters as an instructor of the party's national training school : ) 

"Mr. Johnson. * * * I was in the national training school of the Communist 
Party, one of my instructors was J. Peters, who was head of the Communist 
Party underground and the Communist Party espionage apparatus, and he in- 
formed us that all publications of all Communist-front organizations are sent 
to the Soviet Union for study and evaluation ; two, that contacts made by the 
Communist Party, whether directly or through front organizations are to be 
used to supply information of value to the Communist Party. This information 
given by these individual workers from these plants is sent in turn to the Soviet 
Union. The individual locally is contacted. He is eventually recruited into 
the Communist Party or in the Soviet espionage apparatus. * * *" 

Mr. Lautner. I was assigned to Detroit and later on to Canada, but at this 
time, 1931 and parts of 1932, J. Peters was assigned, reassigned to the New 
York district organization of the Communist Party where he functioned as 
the organizational secretary under Rudy Baker and Clarence Hathaway, organi- 
zational secretary under these two district organizers. 

Mr. Mandel. Mr. Lautner, are you acquainted with a publication called the 
Party Organizer? 

Mr. Lautner. Yes. 

Mr. Mandel. What was the Party Organizer? 

Mr. Lautner. The Party Organizer was an intraparty magazine which was 
published by the Communist Party itself and it dealt with organizational and 
political problems that the Communist Party functionaries faced throughout 
the country, and this Party Organizer reflected, in the way of articles and prob- 
lems posed in this magazine, all these problems to the party membership. 



1490 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Mandel. Now, according to the committee records, J. Peters contributed 
articles to the Party Organizer in its issues of June 1931, page 1; July 1934, 
page 28 ; February 1937, page 7 ; and September of 1933. 

Was the Communist an important publication of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Lautnek. It was. It was the official theoretical organ of the Communist 
Party published once a month. 

Mr. Mandel. According to committee records, J. Peters contributed to the 
Communist in its issues of September 1932, page 948; and October 1935, page 
1005. 

What is the next position that you recall held by J. Peters? 

Mr. Lautnek. At the time I became a section organizer in 1933, J. Peters — 
toward the end of 1933 or beginning of 1934 — J. Peters was already an organi- 
zational specialist for the Central Committee of the Communist Party. He 
functioned out of 35 East 12th Street from the 9th floor, which was the national 
headquarters of the Communist Party. At that time I knew that J. Peters was 
away for a short while, or a year or so, and he was in the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Mandel. Now, going back a bit, what was Peters' role at conventions 
of the party? 

Mr. Lautner. Peters' role at conventions was — at all times that I recall, he 
was in charge of security, not only at conventions but also at all the plenums, 
he selected the locations where the plenums should be held, and he selected the 
personnel who would help him in setting up security apparatus around the central 
committee plenums of the Communist Party and national conventions. 

(Whittaker Chambers amplified J. Peters' (Stevens') record in his testimony 
before a congressional committee on August 30, 1948 : ) 

"Mr. Nixon. When did you first meet him? 

"Mr. Chambers. I believe during the year 1928 ; possibly a little before that. 

"Mr. Nixon. What was your occupation at that time? 

"Mr. Chambers. I was at that time working on the Daily Worker, New York 
City. 

"Mr. Nixon. Were you a member of the Communist Party at that time? 

"Mr. Chambers. I was. 

"Mr. Nixon. What was Mr. Peters' occupation at that time? 

"Mr. Chambers. Mr. Peters was connected with a Hungarian Communist news- 
paper, the Uj Elore. 

"Mr. Nixon. To your knowledge was Mr. Peters a member of the Communist 
Party at that time? 

"Mr. Chambers. He was." 

IN THE SOVIET UNION 

Mr. Mandel. From a book entitled "I Was a Soviet Worker" I place in the 
record a credential in English and in Russian. It reads : 

"March 7, 1932. 

"Dear Comrades: Comrade Andrew Smith has been a member of the CPUSA 
since 1931 and was transferred to the Soviet Union with a very high recommenda- 
tion from the party. Comrade Smith before receiving his transfer gave all his 
savings to the party. Comrade Smith is an expert machinist and we recommend 
that he should be given all possible assistance so that he could give all his abilities 
to Socialist construction. 
Comradely yours, 

"J. Peters, 
Acting Representative, CPUSA, ECCI." 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1491 
(The letter and its Russian translation is as follows : ) 

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m,r<& nit, 1§M» 



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1492 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Mandel. Now, Mr. Lautner, what does that mean to you? 

Mr. Lautner. ECCI is an abbreviation for the Executive Committee of the 
Communist International. That is what it means. 

Mr. Mandel. It says here that he was transferred to the Soviet Union. Will 
you explain that? 

Mr. Lautner. Well, in those days, in the early 1930's, there were quite a number 
of members of the American Communist Party who went to the Soviet Union. In 
order to maintain the continuity of their membership they were transferred from 
the CPUSA to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and evidently this 
person had such a transfer, from one party to the other. 

Mr. Mandel. Now, I wish to place into the record from the same book, I Was 
a Soviet Worker, by Andrew Smith, another credential dated March 17, 1932, 
which reads as follows : 

"Andrew Smith. 

"Dear Comrade : This is to inform you that you have been granted a transfer 
by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the United States of 
America to the CPSU. Your transfer has been referred to the Central Committee 
of the CPSU. 

"Fraternally, 

"J. Peters, 
Acting Representative, CPUSA, ECCI" 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1493 

(The letter with the Russian translation follows :) 

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Russian Translation 



1494 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Mandel. Will you explain that? 

Mr. Lautner. Well, the explanation is that the transfer of this person was 
granted from the CPUS A and it was up for approval to the Communist Party 
of the Soviet Union for acceptance of this party member from the United States 
into the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Mandel. Does this disclose the organic connection between the Communist 
Party of the United States and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union? 

Mr. Lautner. In a sense it does. But the organic connection was much firmer. 

Mr. Mandel. When he signed this as "J. Peters, acting representative, CPUSA, 
ECCI," what does that mean? 

Mr. Lautner. That means the executive committee of the Communist Inter- 
national. 

Mr. Mandel. What was Peters doing at that time? 

Mr. Lautner. Peters was the active representative of the American Party to 
the Communist International. 

Mr. Mandel. In Moscow? 

Mr. Lautner. Yes. We had quite a number of them from time to time and 
at one time he was it. 

Mr. Mandel. At this point I would like to place into the record the testimony 
of Andrew Smith given on October 25, 1939, before a congressional committee. 

(The testimony referred to is as follows : ) 

"Mr. Whitley. Now, Mr. Smith, who was the American representative of the 
Communist Party of the United States on the Comintern to whom you turned 
over your American credentials? 

"Mr. Smith. At that time it was John Peter. 

"Mr. Whitley. John Peter? 

"Mr. Smith. The men's representative, and Caroline Drew, the women's. 

"Mr. Whitley. I show you a document dated March 7, 1932, signed 'J. Peters, 
acting representative, Communist Party, U. S. A., ECCI' — meaning the executive 
committee, Communist International. Is that your credential? 

"Mr. Smith. Yes. 

"Mr. Whitley. Which Peters gave to you? 

"Mr. Smith. That is a credential he gave to me after I returned my credentials. 

"Mr. Whitley. And attached to that is a document under the same date written 
in Russian ; is that the same? 

"Mr. Smith. That is the same. 

"Mr. Whitley. They gave you the one document in Russian and also in 
English? 

"Mr. Smith. Yes. 

"Mr. Whitley. The English document, Mr. Chairman, is dated March 7, 1932, 
and reads as follows : 

" 'Dear Comrade : Comrade Andrew Smith has been a member of the Com- 
munist Party of the United States of America since 1922 and was transferred 
to the Soviet Union with a very high recommendation from the party. Comrade 
Smith, before receiving his transfer, gave all his savings to the party. 

" 'Comrade Smith is an expert machinist and we recommend that he should be 
given all possible assistance so that he could give all his abilities to Socialist 
construction. 

" "Comradely yours.' 

"That is signed 'J. Peters, acting representative, CPUSA, ECCI.' * * * 

"I show you another document, Mr. Smith, dated March 17, 1932, 10 days 
after the preceding." 

(Mr. Peters' subservience to the Communist International is disclosed by 
statements which appeared in the Daily Worker of May 27, 1929, pp. 1 and 5, as 
follows : ) 

"Unreserved acceptance of the decisions contained in the Comintern letter is 
pledged in the resolution adopted by the Hungarian Bureau of the Communist 
Party at its meeting, Thursday, May 23, and sent to the central committee of 
the party through J. Peter, secretary. 

"Tne Daily Worker of May 21, 1929, page 1, carried the following statement 
of J. Peter : 

" 'From Hungarian Bureau Secretary. 

" 'I fully and unreservedly endorse and accept the Comintern letter and the 
Polcom's unanimous decisions. I pledge my full support to the Central Com- 
mittee fighting against all factionalism, for building the mass Communist Party 
in the United States. I will do all in my power to mobilize members to support 
the Comintern letter and the unanimous decisions of the Central Committee. 
'J. Peter, Hungarian Bureau, Communist Party.' " 



(< i 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1495 

ORGANIZATIONAL SPECIALIST IN THE U. 8. A. 

Mr. Mandel. Approximately when did Peters return to the United States from 

Moscow? . 

Mr Lautner. Well, when I became a section organizer, my recollection is that 
shortly after that, possibly toward the end of 1933, or beginning of 1934, he was 
back in the United States and functioning as an organizer for the Central 
Committee of the Communist Party working under leadership of Jack Stachel. 

Mr. Manuel. What was he concentrating on? 

Mr. Lautner. At that time, from my point of view, where I was functioning, 
he was a high functionary of the Central Committee. He specialized in organi- 
zational problems. He came to my section from time to time to teach with 
others, new-member classes, and the composition of my section membership was 
mostly professional people, like schoolteachers, lawyers, doctors, and so forth, 
and lie was mingling with these people to make connections with them, and 
teaching new-member classes. 

In this period of time he also wrote a Manual on Party Organization for the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Mandel. Was this an important book? 

Mr. Lautner. This was an extremely important book at that particular time. 
In 1934, 1935, there was a terrific influx into the ranks of the Communist Party 
and there was a great need for lower functionaries such as the unit organizers 
and unit functionaries and section functionaries in the Communist Party, and 
this manual served as a guide for capable party members to become functionaries 
in the lower organizations of the Communist Party. 

The importance of this manual was pinpointed by the executive secretary of 
the Communist Party, Jack Stachel, who wrote the foreword. He was second in 
command. 

Mr. Mandel. Do you think that, according to party procedure, this book was 
approved by the Central Committee of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Lautner. Of course it was. Not only was it approved, but it was highly 
recommended for every party member to have that book, to study it, and to 
strive in order to become a party functionary, either in a unit or in a section 
of the Communist Party in New York. 

Mr. Mandel. Was that the only book of its kind? 

Mr. Lautner. It was the only book of its kind at that time dealing with organi- 
zational problems and basic principles of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Mandel. Do you think that it is extremely likely that that book was 
approved in Moscow? 

Mr. Lautner. At that time, the Communist Party of the United States was a 
section of the Communist International. There was no occasion at any time that 
there was any criticism or adverse comment on that particular book by the Com- 
munist International. In fact, it was highly recommended in the leadership 
meetings of the Communist Party which I attended at that time. 

Mr. Mandel. Well, it couldn't have been written without approval by the 
Communist Party or approval by the Communist International? 

Mr. Lautner. At that time, the Communist Party, United States of America, 
was part of the Communist International and it must have had the approval 
of the Communist International. 

Mr. Mandel. Would you call Peters a professional revolutionist? 

Mr. Lautner. Yes ; I would call him so, and I heard others call him so, also, 
a professional revolutionist of the highest type. 

Mr. Mandel. I want to place in the record at this point a section from the 
Manual on Organization by J. Peters, entitled : "Who Are the Professional Revo- 
lutionists," and this is a quote from the manual : 

"The party has full claim to the life of a Communist Party member : A pro- 
fessional revolutionist is a highly trained comrade, trained in revolutionary 
theory and practice, tested in struggles, who gives his whole life to the fight for 
the revolution and the interest of his own class. A professional revolutionist 
is ready to go whenever and wherever the party sends him. Today he may be 
working in a mine, organizing the party, the trade unions, leading struggles ; 
tomorrow, if the party so decides, he may be in a steel mill ; the day after to- 
morrow, he may be a leader and organizer of the unemployed. Naturally, these 
professional revolutionists are supported by the party organization if their assign- 
ment doesn't send them to work in shops or in mines. From these comrades 
the party demands everything. They accept party assignments — the matter of 
family associations and other personal problems are considered, but are not 



1496 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

decisive. If the class struggle demands it, he will leave his family for months, 
even years. The professional revolutionist cannot he demoralized; he is steeled, 
stable. Nothing can shake him. Our task is to make every party member a 
professional revolutionist in this sense." 

PENETRATING THE BASIC INDUSTRIES 

Mr. Mandel. Did you know of Peters' activities in connection with the estab- 
lishment of the CIO and the preliminary activities to the building of the CIO? 

Mr. Lautner. Well, the only thing that I can recollect is that Peters, at all 
times in this period and, later on, was always concerned with developing, in the 
Communist Party, groups of young party members who could uproot themselves 
and, at the service of the party, be assigned into basic industries where they 
could become workers and build a party inside of these big industrial plants, 
such as in steel, in mining, in auto, in electrical appliance, factories, in trans- 
port, and he always undertook to indoctrinate young party members in how to 
function in these factories, how to carry on party activities. He was one of the 
most effective colonizers of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Mandel. Is it true that later, when the CIO came into being, the Com- 
munists, who had been colonized into industries, constituted an active and 
leading force? 

Mr. Lautner. Within the organization? 

Mr. Mandel. Yes. 

Mr. Lautner. Yes, up until the time the CIO leadership began to clean the 
Communists and Communist influence and infiltration out of the CIO, but that 
came about in 1947, or thereabouts, 1946 or 1947. 

ARCH CONSPIRATOR 

Mr. Mandel. Now, what was your next post in the party, Mr. Lautner? 

Mr. Lautner. My next post was that of a district organizer of the Communist 
Party in the State of West Virginia. I was appointed to that post in April of 
1936. 

Mr. Mandel. Now, in connection with that post, what experience did you have 
with Mr. Peters? 

Mr. Lautner. Well, along with other leading functionaries I was also in- 
structed to have a meeting with J. Peters. J. Peters gave me instructions in 
the use of codes, and also gave me a number of addresses as I recollect now, in 
the Bronx and in Brooklyn, where I should send my reports, instead of directly 
to the party headquarters. 

(Testimony given before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee discussed 
the activities of Irving Charles Velson in connection with the waterfront. Testi- 
fying on May 6, 1953, before a congressional committee, Robert Gladnick had 
this to say in regard to the activities of Peters and Velson :) 

"Mr. Kunzig. Would it be correct to say that Shavey Velson, or Shavey, was 
in charge of the entire military apparatus for the Young Communist League? 

"Mr. Gladnick. For the Young Communist League, I would say to the best 
of my knowledge, he was in charge under Peters. 

"Mr. Kunzig. Is that J. Peters? 

"Mr. Gladnick. J. Peters. 

"Mr. Kunzig. Would you tell the committee what you know of J. Peters? 

"Mr. Gladnick. Well, after the fleet left in June of 1934 (U. S. Navy), I, this 
young sailor, this second-class fireman, who took his furlough and was in 
civilian clothes, and another chap by the name of Gene Morse took a special 
course on work within the Armed Forces. We attended this course during the 
daytime at 50 East 13th Street in the Workers' School, and the course was taught 
to the three of us by Mendel, or Mindel — Professor Mindel — Professor Markoff — 
anyway, they called him professor, and also J. Peters personally took over teach- 
ing us how to do ciper work and communications. 

"Mr. Doyle. How to do what? 

"Mr. Gladnick. Cipher work — how to write letters without anybody knowing 
what you were writing. 

"Mr. Dotle. How were you going to use that knowledge? 

"Mr. Gladnick. Well, that was in case one of us was sent to San Pedro or 
Norfolk, or any Army base, and we wanted to send reports back. We were to 
send the reports back in cipher, rather than in the same language." 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1497 

(Paul Crouch, a former district organizer of the Communist Party, testified 
before a congressional committee on May 6, 1949, in regard to the activities of 
J. Peters as follows : ) 

"Mr. CROUCH. As district organizer in the Carolinas from 1!)34 to 1937, and 
later in Tennessee, Peters gave me specific instructions regarding communica- 
tions; the use of the codes under which confidential messages were to be sent; 
private addresses ; details as to receipts ; instructions as to the selection of 
parallel underground apparatus, ready at all times to take over : alternate party 
organizers ; the selection of a place in the country where the district organizer 
could hide out until contact was established with him, if he was not picked up; 
instructions as to the storing of both large mimeographs and a small collapsible 
affair which could be carried in a briefcase; instructions as to how to make 
gelatin duplicating devices in case of emergency ; and similar measures ; also 
plans for the division of the party into groups of five, the groups being prepared 
to act as branches if the party was outlawed." 

(Mr. Budenz relates Peters' detailed instructions on the ways and means of 
Communist conspiracy:) 

"There is indeed one rule which the trained rank-and-file Communist must 
learn, as I once heard J. V. Peters tell a group of comrades. That is to keep 
a lock on one's lips, to never ask questions of one's party superior, and to say 
'Yes' to order no matter how unrelated to any plan they may seem. 

•• 'There is an American game, isn't there, called follow the leader?' asked 
Peters. 'Well, this is follow the leader, too. But it is not a game. It is in dead 
earnest. Each comrade anywhere in the party apparatus is wholly responsible 
to the comrade immediately superior to him. That is the first commandment of 
Communist discipline' " (p. 133, Men Without Faces, by Louis Budenz). 

FALSE PASSPORTS 

(Whittaker Chambers testified before a congressional committee on August 
3, 1949, as to the activities of J. Peters as follows : ) 

"Mr. Chambers. He was known to me for years simply as Peters. 

"Mr. Stripling. His name, Mr. Rankin, is well known in Communist Party 
circles. He has gone under the name of J. Peters, also under the name of Alex- 
ander Stevens, and has traveled on false passports under the name of Isidore 
Boorstein. 

"Mr. Chambers. Peters told me at one time that he had been a petty officer in 
the Austrian Army during World War I. After the Bela Kun revolution in 
Hungary, he was a member of the Soviet Government of Hungary, I think, in 
the Agricultural Commissariat. 

"Mr. Stripling. We have in our possession a passport issued October 7, 1931, 
which was used by Peters to travel to the Soviet Union. The name on the pass- 
port is that of Isidore Boorstein." 

"Mr. Mundt. I wish you would go into that in some detail because there have 
been many instances, and it has become a veritable racket where these Commu- 
nists get passports to visit Soviet Russia. 

"Mr. Chambers. He told me with great amusement because of the simplicity 
of the scheme. He had sent up to the genealogical division of the New York 
Public Library a group of young Communists, I presume, who collated the birth 
and death records ; that is, they found that a child had been born, let us say, in 
1900 and died a month or so later or several months later. 

"The party, through some members, then wrote to the proper authorities in 
New York for issuing birth certificates and asked for a birth certificate in the 
name of that dead child. The certificate was forthcoming, and a passport was 
then applied for under the name by someone using that birth certificate." 

(An interesting sidelight on Peters' activities in securing false identification 
papers is found in the autobiographical work of David Whittaker Chambers 
entitled "Witness":) 

"For my use in the English operation, Peters procured a birth certificate for 
one David Breen whose birth coincided roughly with mine. It was not until the 
second Hiss trial that I learned that David Breen was not the name of a dead 
child, but that of a living man from whom permission to use his birth certificate 
had been bought in another of Peters' operations. The birth certificate and the 
passport I procured on it, I turned over to the FBI before the first Hiss trial 
(p. 356). 



1498 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

"For my wife, Peters procured still another birth certificate, which was never 
used. But a certificate for my daughter was also necessary. It was a much 
more difficult problem to solve, since it must also be in the name of Breen. 
Peters had a little arrangement for just such contingencies. In the city hall 
at Atlantic City, he had a contact. For a fee, the amount of which I have for- 
gotten, that useful man agreed to enter the name of Ursula Breen (my daughter) 
in the official register of births, and to issue a birth certificate in that name. One 
day Peters proudly handed me the birth certificate, now also in the custody of 
the FBI (pp. 356 and 357). 

******* 

"As usual, the birth certificate was the simplest part of the problem. J. 
Peters quickly provided one in the name of Charles F. Chase. On this paper 
Don procured a passport (p. 365). 

******* 

<<* * * Again, I procured him a birth certificate from Peters, and Don secured 
a second passport in his new name. Then he left for Russia. He was to proceed 
to London where the Soviet Embassy was alerted to give him a special visa for 
the Soviet Union. It would not show on his passport because, unlike the visas of 
other governments, it was not stamped there. It was stamped on a separate 
piece of paper (p. 388). 

******* 

"Bill had not been gone long when Peters brought me word that Richard wanted 
to see me. Richard was the head of a Soviet passport apparatus with which 
Peters did a prosperous business. Peters brought Richard and me together at 
the Rockefeller Plaza, just below what would later be my office at Time magazine" 
(p. 398). 

COMMUNIST BIOGRAPHIES 

Mr. Mandel. Now, did Peters ever ask you for a biographical information 
sheet? 

Mr. Lautneb. Yes. From 1936 — no ; as a matter of fact, from 1934 up until 
the time I left the Communist Party, I, myself, filled out five biographies about 
myself based on extensive questionnaires that were given to me from time to 
time by J. Peters. 

Usually, at national plenums or conventions — the last one in 1947, when I 
became head of the New York State Review Commission, and succeeded him in 
that position — he told me to collect all of the outstanding questionnaires with 
biographies and gave me a list to do so. He handled, to my knowledge, at least 
from 1934 to 1946, the evaluation of the leading cadres of the Communist Parti 7 
based on these biographies. 

Mr. Mandel. Now, Mr. Lautner, you have an opinion as to the usefulness of 
these biographies to the party and also what was done with them. Now, what 
was your opinion about that? 

Mr. Lautner. My opinion was, first of all, it gave an opportunity for the party 
here to get an intimate knowledge of the leading cadres of the Communist Party 
as to their background, as to their formal education, as to their loyalty to the 
party, as to their party schooling, as to what activities they carried out in the 
course of the years. These biographies served the purpose to acquaint the party 
leadership in placing cadres in the position that the party deemed they would 
be the most useful for the purposes of the Communist Party. 

As I said before, Peters was in charge of these biographies from year to year. 
In the final analysis, what happened to these biographies I don't know. Beyond 
Peters, I don't know. 

(With reference to Communist Party records, Whittaker Chambers testified 
as follows before a congressional committee on August 7, 1948 : ) 

"Mr. Chambers. I was told by Peters that party registration was kept in 
Moscow and in some secret file in the United States." 

(Louis F. Budenz, former managing editor of the Daily Worker, has described 
Peters' precautionary measures in the preparation of plenary session of the 
national committee of the Communist Party, U. S. A., in his book, Men Without 
Faces, p. 102 : ) 

"Each man and woman attending the plenums [plenums of the national com- 
mittee of the CPUSA] received a card of admission which had to be checked at 
the entrance. * * * A committee of chosen comrades, always under the super- 
vision of J. V. Peters, examined each entrance card and identified each comrade 
as the person whose named appeared on it." 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1499 

HIDEOUTS 

Mr. Mandel. Now, did Peters finally get into trouble with the Immigration and 
Naturalization Service? 

Mr. Lautner. Yes. In 1947, during the summer, he asked me if I could make 
my apartment available to him because he was harassed by authorities at that 
time. I had a summer cottage out on Long Island with my family, so I turned 
the key over to Peters and his wife and they stayed in my apartment for a 
month or so. Early in September or the latter part of August, I was back in town. 
I heard that J. Peters was picked up near Poughkeepsie or near Peekskill, upstate 
New York, while he was driving his car, by the immigration authorities. 

Mr. Mandel. Did Peters make a mistake at that time in his conspiratorial 
precautions? 

Mr. Lautner. Yes. I talked to him at that time and he said he made a blunder. 
On that particular day, he went out to Brooklyn to pick up his car and he and his 
wife, Ann Rollins, or Silver, went upstate and the mistake he made was by 
traveling in his own car. And he made a remark that "this should be an object 
lesson not to be careless." 

Mr. Mandel. Will you tell us about Peters' underground way of life? 

Mr. Lautner. Well, I stated before that in 1947 when he asked me for my 
apartment, whether he could stay there during the summer months, he was com- 
plaining that he was being harassed by the authorities. Later on, he was 
arrested by the INS [Immigration and Naturalization Service] and shortly after 
that he went underground. 

In 1948, around April. John Williamson told me to hide out 

Mr. Mandel. John Williamson? 

Mr. Lautner. John Williamson, the member of the national board of the 
Communist Party and labor secretary of the Communist Party, told me to hide 
out J. Teters. The first place I took him to was a place owned by Kalman Marki. 
Kalman Marki lived at either 70th Street or 69th Street between Broadway and 
Amsterdam Avenue on the north side of the street. J. Peters spent in that apart- 
ment almost 2 months. He sent word to me that I should shift him to some 
other place because he was getting very uncomfortable in that nlace. 

The next place I took him to was out in the Bronx, in East Bronx, to an apart- 
ment owned by a person named Paula Hirsch. He was there up until the national 
convention of the Communist Party in 1948. The convention began somewhere 
around the last day of July and the beginning of August. In the convention, John 
Williamson told me to move Peters again. 

At that time I assigned the bodyguard of Henry Winston, who was a fellow 
by the name of Harold, to take him out to Brooklyn and Harold kept J. Peters for 
about a number of weeks out in Brooklyn. 

One day, Ann Rollins, Peters' wife, came to me and said that she had gotten 
word Peters would like to go some other place. At that time, I told Harold to 
produce Peters and I met Peters in Newark, N. J., right under the Pennsylvania 
Railroad Station viaduct, where we took a bus, Peters and myself, and took 
Peters out to Riegelsville, Pa., on a farm south of Easton, Pa., a farm belonging 
to one Joe Herman. I kept Peters there for a while. 

Mr. Mandel. What was Peters' reaction when the testimony of Whittaker 
Chambers was made public? 

Mr. Lautner. When the testimony of Whittaker Chambers was made public I 
was out on the farm with him one afternoon and he told me that "this is one of 
the most serious things that could happen to the party, this testimony." He also 
stated that "we are really in trouble at this time." He was very much alarmed 
and very much concerned with the testimony of Whittaker Chambers. However, 
at this time, the "pumpkin papers" were not produced yet. 

Nevertheless, shortly after that meeting out there with him, I was again 
instructed by the party to bring J. Peters in. 

Mr. Mandel. Do you remember who instructed you? 

Mr. Lautner. John Williamson, again. I went out to get J. Peters to brins; 
him into New York with the instructions that he should report the next morning 
to the offices of Nathan Witt, on East 40th Street. I did go out and I brought 
J. Peters in. I heard that J. Peters was called in by the Immigration and 
Naturalization Service and was under bond and they asked for his production. 

Shortly after that he was served a subpena and he had to go into the grand 
jury hearings — the same grand jury that heard the testimony of Whittaker 
Chambers. 



1500 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

(The following are excerpts from the book Men Without Faces by Louis F. 
Budenz, former managing editor of the Daily Worker, with reference to J. Peters' 
clandestine operations : ) 

"The order to carry Stalin's message to the party had come directly from the 
Comintern and its representatives here. From his hiding place, the overactive 
J. V. Peters, then disguised as Alexander Stevens, sent repeated and heated 
instructions to the 'legal comrades' to push the History of the Communist Party 
of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), by Stalin, even more vigorously (p. 25). 
* * ***** 

"However, up to the recent past, the most thorough search of the so-called 
capitalist press will fail to turn up any photograph of Stachel, Eisler, Bittelman, 
Peters, Golos, or of any of the inner circles — the real rulers of the party. No 
newspaperman was ever permitted inside a party convention, except the repre- 
sentatives of the Red press ; (p. 38) . 

******* 

"Under the direction of the Soviet espionage agent, J. V. Peters (who sent in 
voluminous notes from the underground through the intellectual V. J. Jerome), it 
was decided to run two articles on the matter [the provisions of the Voorhis Act] 
in the November 1940, and January 1941, issues of the Communist. 

" 'The path Lenin and of Stalin leads to victory' was the theme of the first 
article on the 'increasing turning (of the people) with yearning and hope toward 
the Soviet Union.' It was intended to inflame the comrades with an even greater 
loyalty to the Kremlin's master, with a deeper sense of his invincibility, so that 
they might then inflame others with the same spirit" (pp. 45, 46). 

HOLLYWOOD FINANCES 

(The records of a congressional committee submitted October 30, 1947, shows 
that J. Peters was active in Hollywood in raising money for the defense of Earl 
Browder : ) 

"On May 3, 1942, Alexander Stevens, also known as J. Peters, and whose real 
name is Goldberger, visited Los Angeles, Calif. When he arrived in Los Angeles 
he was met by Herbert Biberman at the Union Station. During that day, a 
meeting was held by Alexander Stevens, Waldo Salt, and Herbert Biberman. 

"* * * Also on that same date a third meeting was held by Alexander Stevens, 
J. Peters, R. Goldberger, as he is [variously] known, Morton Grant, John Howard 
Lawson, and Vera Harris, the wife of Lou Harris, a screen writer. 

"During the evening of May 2, 1942, another meeting was held in Herbert 
Biberman's home between Stevens or Peters, John Howard Lawson, Lester Cole, 
Madeline Ruthven, and Herta Uerkvitz. Lester Cole is a screen writer while 
Ruthven, Uerkvitz are Communist Party functionaries in Los Angeles, Calif. 
Ruthven, Lawson, Stevens, and Salt also held a meeting on the same date, late 
at night, in the home of Waldo Salt. During this visit, among other things, 
Stevens was working on the Communist inspired movement to secure the re- 
lease of Earl Browder, Communist Party president at that time, from a Federal 
penitentiary, where he had been incarcerated on a charge of using a false pass- 
port to travel to the Soviet Union. 

"Stevens also had a very successful financial trip, since he collected $1,500 or 
furnished this sum to Communist Party functionaries in California, which he 
had received from Louise Bransten. He also received the sum of $2,200 from a 
Ruth Wilson, whom I can identify in executive session * * *. 

"However, it is known that Bransten or that Stevens, or Peters, as he is 
known, visited a bank with Herbert Biberman and that Biberman entered a 
safety deposit box in the bank." 

SUBVERSION IN THE ARMED FORCES 

Mr. Mandel. Now, do you recall a secret meeting of New York section organ- 
izers in June of 1935, at Camp Unity, which was addressed by Peters on the ques- 
tion of activity in the American Armed Forces? 

Mr. Lautner. Yes. 

Mr. Mandel. Will you tell us about that? 

Mr. Lautner. Well, at that time, Max Steinberg, the executive secretary, in- 
formed a number of section organizers that they should be available for the 
weekend because we were going of town. Max Steinberg informed me to get a 
car. We were invited to a meeting out to Camp Unity and, to the best of my 
recollection, the following people were there : First, there was J. Peters, there 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1501 

was Edwards, later known to be as Gerhard! Eisler, from the district leadership, 
there was Rose Wortis, and aboul <> or 7 section organizers. 

At this meeting, the report was given by .!. Peters himself, and the gist of 
the report was that we must make a sharp turn in extending our activities and to 
begin to-pay attention to party at work, party activities in the Armed Forces. 
In his report, he stated there was a survey made of how many young Communist 
League members and how many party members the party has in the National 
Guard in New York City; how many armories there are in New York City and 
where these members drill and train as members of the National Guard. Also, 
that these members of the National Guard, party members, will be organized 
into groups and we will have to pay attention to them to assist them with an 
outside organization, with party members organized outside of the armories, who 
would, on drill nights, fraternize with the National Guard members and dis- 
tribute literature to them and associate with them, become acquainted with 
them and bring them closer to the party. 

He also said that this work will be very closely checked and it will be followed 
up. It was done so. The person who was in charge of this meeting, of this 
phase of the party activity in New York, was known to me as Jim Forrest, who 
later became the district organizer of the Communist Party in St. Louis. 

At this meeting, Gerhardt Eisler, in order to impress the necessity and the 
need for this type of activity, pointed out one of the grave errors the German 
party committed when in the early Weimar Party days; the Communist Party 
completely neglected activities in the German and military organization known 
at that time as the Stahlheimers, which was controlled by Hugenberger, one 
of the industrialists. Because of the neglect of this work on the part of the party, 
this military formation was the main strength later on the Hitler organization, 
military organization. 

Mr. Mandel. In other words, the remarks of Peters were endorsed and sup- 
ported by Gerhardt Eisler, the representative of the Communist International? 

Mr. Lautner. Yes, that is correct. 

UNDERGROUND WITHIN THE GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Mandel. Now, to your knowledge, did Peters have anything to do with 
the underground organization of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Lautner. All I knew at this particular time, while I was in West Virginia, 
and also in 1941, 1942, was that J. Peters was still functioning out of the ninth 
floor of 35 East 12th Street, at the national headquarters of the Communist 
Party, and that he was in charge of the party organization in Washington that 
was in Government. Beyond that, I don't know anything else. 

Mr. Mandel. How did you know he was in charge of a party organization in 
Government? 

Mr. Lautner. He made frequent trips to Washington and these things just 
get around among leading party functionaries, that J. Peters was in charge of 
that segment of the Washington organization which is in the Government. 
There were two organizations in Washington, one was the open party which 
was headed by one Martin Chaneey, but he was head of the open organization, 
and J. Peters, out of New York, functioning out of New York, gave direction 
and guidance of the other party organization that was in Government. 

Mr. Mandel. Now, going back a moment, when the Chambers story broke, 
was there any occasion that the Communist Party was trying to use any physical 
pressure against him? 

Mr. Lautner. Yes. I was told by Peters, a day or two before the pumpkin 
story broke, to see Nathan Witt. I went up to Nathan Witt's office and was 
introduced to Lee Pressman, another lawyer there, and then I and Nathan Witt 
went downstairs. Near the building was a bar and there he told me 

Mr. Mandel. Who told you? 

Mr. Lautner. Nathan Witt. That we must find some means by which we could 
intimidate Whittaker Chambers. He expressed his views that Whittaker Cham- 
bers is easily intimidated. 

He suggested finding where he worked at Radio City in the Time offices and 
if he would only send him a bouquet of flowers or lilies, like that, he would know 
the party is keeping an eye on him and he may stop talking. When I left Nathan 
Witt I got $100 from him and I assigned a party organizer in transit from Brook- 
lyn to follow up this suggestion of Nathan Witt. The party organizer came 
back to me the next day saying that Whittaker Chambers was not around the 
Time offices. He was somewhere down in Maryland. 



1502 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

The next day the pumpkin story broke. Nathan Witt called me up at my resi- 
dence and told me to drop everything, not to do anything in relation to the project 
that we were discussing. The next Saturday morning, I think it was a day later, 
he came down and I gave him back the money. I met him on 22d Street on 7th 
Avenue and gave the money back to Nathan. 

(In his testimony before a congressional committee on August 3, 1948, Mr. 
Chambers gave the following testimony regarding the operations of J. Peters 
within the Communist underground organization in Washington:) 

"Mr. Chambers. The actual head of the group — well, the elected head of the 
group, was either Witt at one time or Abt, and the organizer of the group had 
been Harold Ware. The head of the whole business was J. Peters." 

******* 

"One of them clearly was Alger Hiss, and it was believed that Henry Collins 
also might go further. Another was Lee Pressman. So it was decided by Peters, 
or by Peters in conference with people whom I don't know, that we would take 
these people out of that apparatus and separate them from it physically — that 
is, they would have no further intercourse with the people there — but they would 
be connected still with that apparatus and with Peters through me. 

"It was also decided to add to this group certain other people who had not 
originally been in that apparatus. One of these people was Harry White." 

(Again, on August 7, 1948, Mr. Chambers testified as follows:) 

"Mr. Chambers. Mr. Hiss was a member of the Communist Party. 

"Mr. Nixon. How do you know that? 

"Mr. Chambers. I was told by Mr. Peters. 

"Mr. Nixon. You were told that by Mr. Peters? 

"Mr. Chambers. Yes. 

"Mr. Nixon. On what facts did Mr. Peters give you? 

"Mr. Chambers. Mr. Peters was the head of the entire underground, as far 
as I know. 

"Mr. Nixon. Did you obtain his party dues from him? 

"Mr. Chambers. Yes, I did. 

"Mr. .Nixon. Over what period of time? 

"Mr. Chambers. Two or 3 years, as long as I knew him. 

"Mr. Nixon. Party dues from him and his wife? 

"Mr. Chambers. I assume his wife's dues were there; I understood it to be. 

"Mr. Nixon. You understood it to be? 

"Mr. Chambers. Mr. Hiss would simply give me an envelope containing party 
dues which I transferred to Peters. I didn't handle the money. 

"Mr. Nixon. In other words, people who are in the Communist underground 
are in fact instructed to deny the fact that they are members of the Communist 
Party? 

******* 

"Mr. Mandel. What did he do with the old car? 

"Mr. Chambers. The Communist Party had in Washington a service station — 
that is, the man in charge or owner of this station was a Communist — or it may 
have been a car lot. 

"Mr. Nixon. But the owner was a Communist? 

"Mr. Chambers. The owner was a Communist. I never knew who this was or 
where it was. It was against all the rules of underground organization for Hiss 
to do anything with his old car but trade it in, and I think this investigation 
has proved how right the Communists are in such matters, but Hiss insisted 
that he wanted that car turned over to the open party so it could be of use to 
some poor organizer in the West or somewhere. 

"Much against my better judgment and much against Peters' better judgment, 
he finally got us to permit him to do this thing. Peters knew where this lot was 
and he either took Hiss there, or he gave Hiss the address and Hiss went there, 
and to the best of my recollection of his description of that happening, he left 
the car there and simply went away and the man in charge of the station took 
care of the rest of it for him. I should think the records of that transfer would 
be traceable." 

(Further testimony by Mr. Whittaker Chambers occurred on August 25, 1948, 
as follows : ) 

"Mr. Stripling. Would you now give to the committee a chronological resume of 
your meeting with Mr. Hiss, and how long you knew Mr. Hiss and the circum- 
stances under which you met him? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1503 

"Mr. Chambers. I believe that I was first introduced to Mr. Hiss by Harold 
Ware and J. Peters, who was the head of the underground of the American 
Communist Party. 

"The meeting took place in Washington, and I believe in a restaurant. I 
then continued to know Mr. Hiss until I broke with the Communist Party in 
early 1938, and I saw him once again toward the end of 1938. 

"Mr. Harold Ware, who is the son of Ella Reeve Bloor, a well-known Com- 
munist, had gone down to Washington, to the best of my knowledge, about 193.3. 
He was chiefly interested in farm activities of some kind, but he discovered, 
after he got there, that he could recruit a large number of people in the Govern- 
ment for the Communist Party. It is possible that some of the people were 
Communists already, and he simply came in touch with them ; others, I am sure, 
he recruited himself. 

"He set up, perhaps with the help of J. Peters, an apparatus consisting of a 
number of organizations, a number of cells, each cell being led by a man who 
formed part of a committee and an underground committee which met regularly 
at the home of Henry Collins in St. Matthews Court. 

"Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I have here a picture which was taken off a 
passport of the person we think to be J. Peters, who traveled for the Soviet Union 
on and under the name of Isidore Boorstein. 

"I show you this picture, Mr. Chambers, and ask you if you can identify it as 
being J. Peters [showing photograph to Mr. Chambers]." 

(Mr. Whittaker Chambers resumed testifying on August 30, 1948, as follows :) 

"Mr. Nixon. Mr. Chambers, do you know the man, Alexander Stevens, who was 
just on the witness stand? 

"Mr. Chambers. Yes ; I do. 

"Mr. Chambers. While I was editing New Masses, I received a telephone call 
from Mr. Max Bedacht, who was, at that time, I believe, a member of the 
central committee of the Communist Party. Mr. Bedacht was also head of 
the rWO, the International Workers Order. 

"Mr. Nixon. Mr. Bedacht, will you spell that name? 

"Mr. Chambers. B-e-d-a-c-h-t. 

"Mr. Nixon. I see. Then you later met Mr. Peters or Alexander Stevens? 

"Mr. Chambers. That is true. 

"Mr. Nixon. In what conection did you meet him? 

"Mr. Chambers. Mr. Bedacht went away on a vacation or a trip or used 
this as a pretext to turn me over to Mr. Peters and my superior in the 
underground. 

"Mr. Nixon. Where did this meeting with Mr. Peters take place? 

"Mr. Chambers. I believe it took place in an automat. Where, I am not 
quite sure. 

"Mr. Nixon. You didn't meet him in Communist Party headquarters? 

"Mr. Chambers. No ; I did not. 

"Mr. Nixon. Did you ever meet Peters in Communist Party headquarters while 
he was in the underground? 

"Mr. Chambers. I never did ; at no time. 

"Mr. Nixon. What was the reason for that? 

"Mr. Chambers. The reason is that Mr. Peters was supposed to avoid the 
open Communist Party and so was I. 

"Mr. Nixon. You both were to avoid it. Now, when you met Mr. Peters, what 
capacity would you say he occupied in the underground? 

"Mr. Chambers. It was my understanding that Mr. Peters was the head of 
the whole underground of the American Communist Party whose activities in- 
cluded the entire country. 

"Mr. Nixon. And you know, of your own knowledge, at least that he was your 
immediate superior? 

"Mr. Chambers. He was. 

"Mr. Nixon. Do you know of your own knowledge whether he had other 
people at the same level that you were in the underground ? 

"Mr. Chambers. It is my belief that he had many such people. I could name 
one in fact, Harold Ware. 

"Mr. Nixon. Harold Ware? 

"Mr. Chambers. Yes. 

"Mr. Nixon. In the same capacity that you were? 

"Mr. Chambers. In the same general capacity. 

"Mr. Nixon. I see. Did you ever have any dealings with Mr. Peters in Wash- 
ington, D. C? 



1504 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

"Mr. Chambers. Yes; I did. 

"Mr. Nixon. Will you describe to the committee chronologically, as well as you 
can recollect, what those dealings were? 

"Mr. Chambers. Some time in 1934, I believe. Mr. Peters introduced me to 
Mr. Harold Ware. Do you want me to identify Ware again? 
"Mr. Nixon. If you will, please. 

"Mr. Chambers. Harold Ware was one of the sons of Ella Reeve Bloor, who 
is a member of the Communist Party and still active, I believe, and his interest 
was primarily in the field of agriculture. He had gone to Washington, I be- 
lieve, for the purpose of seeing what kind of Communist penetration be could 
carry on in the agricultural field. 

"When he got there he discovered that the possibilities for organizing the 
Communist underground transcends the agricultural field, and either he or he 
and Peters then organized an apparatus, at last one apparatus of which I have 
knowledge, possibly others, which I can describe more in detail, if you wish. 

"Mr. Nixon. Well, now, you have already described that for the record, but 
will you tell the committee whether Mr. Peters actively worked with you, with 
the Washington representatives of this underground movement? I mean, was 
he ever in Washington at the same time that you were? 

"Mr. Chambers. Yes ; Mr. Peters was in Washington when I was, on many 
occasions. 

"Mr. Nixon. Did Mr. Peters introduce you to any of the members of this 
underground? 

"Mr. Chambers. Mr. Peters, eventually, I think, introduced me to all the 
members of the committee, either individually or as a group. 

"Mr. Nixon. Individually and as a group both. Is that your testimony? Do 
you know whether or not Mr. Peters knew Mr. Alger Hiss? 

"Mr. Chambers. Mr. Peters not only knew Mr. Alger Hiss but to the best of — I 
hate to use this phrase, to the best of my recollection, he introduced me, himself, 
to Mr. Hiss, I think in the presence of Harold Ware. 

"Mr. Nixon. Have you ever seen Mr. Peters in the presence of Mr. Hiss? Can 
you say that? 

"Mr. Chambers. Yes : definitely. 

"Mr. Nixon. You can say that without qualifying to the best of your recol- 
lection ? 

"Mr. Chambers. Without any qualification. 

"Mr. Nixon. Now by what name was Peters known in Washington to this group? 

"Mr. Chambers. Peter. 

"Mr. Nixon. The name 'Peter'? 

"Mr. Chambers. Yes. I suppose it's sometimes Peters. 

"Mr. Nixon. And did I understand you to say in previous testimony that it was 
Peters who arranged the transfer of a 1929 Ford automobile which Mr. Hiss 
owned ? 

"Mr. Chambers. That is true. 

"Mr. Nixon. You know that by reason of what fact? 

"Mr. Chambers. I know that from Peters. 

"Mr. Nixon. From Peters and from who else? 

"Mr. Chambers. Perhaps Mr. Hiss. I am reasonably sure that Mr. Hiss told 
me. I don't want to say absolutely, but I am reasonably sure. 

"Mr. Nixon. Now how long did you know Mr. Peters during this period? 

"Mr. Chambers. From about 1932 or 1933 until 1938. 

"Mr. Nixon. Did you travel to and from New York and Washington with him 
on any occasion? 

"Mr. Chambers. Yes ; I did. Both by train and by car. 

"Mr. Nixon. With Mr. Peters? 

"Mr. Chambers. Yes, sir. The car might make an interesting aside. 

"Mr. Nixon. The what? 

"Mr. Chambers. The car might make an interesting aside. 

"Mr. Nixon. Yes? 

"Mr. Chambers. There was, at that time, working in the Bureau of Indian 
Affairs, a Hungarian girl Communist who was living either as the wife or other- 
wise of Roy Hudson, a member of the Politburo, I believe, a maritime organizer 
of some kind, and it was in her car that we traveled down there together. What 
year that would be I am not quite certain, but I should think it might be 1936 
or something like that. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1505 

"CONTACTS with soviet agents 

"Mr. Nixon. Was it just you and Mr. Peters alone in the ear? 

"Mr. Chambers. No. The girl was driving. I don't remember her name. 

"Mr. Nixon. Mr. Chambers, you have testified that Mr. Peters was your imme- 
diate superior in the underground and, to the best of your knowledge, was the 
head of the entire underground movement in the United States. Can you tell 
the committee whether or not Mr. Peters was, during the time that you knew him, 
in contact with any agents of the Russian Government or the Russian Com- 
munist Party V 

"Mi-. Chambers. It is my impression that he was, in a number of cases in which 
I do not know the details, and I can specify certain others. 

"Mr. Nixon. This impression was gathered from what Peters told you? 

"Mr. Cham bers. In part, and in part from introductions which he made. 

"Mr. Nixon. In part from introductions? 

"Mr. Chambers. In other words, he introduced me to some of these people 
whom I will now describe, if you wish. 

"Mr. Nixon. I see. Well, now, can you tell the committee any specific example 
of Mr. Peters' contact with agents of the Russian Government or the Russian 
Communist Party? 

"Mr. Chambers. Yes. Mr. Peters, around 1!)37, I believe, introduced me to a 
man under the name of Ewald, which I presume is E-v-o-r or E-w-a-1-d. It is a 
fairly common European name. Mister, or just Ewald, seemed to be a Russian, 
hut I understood from Peters that he was a Lett, from Latvia. This Ewald later 
became internationally famous as the result of his disappearance. 

"Mr. Nixon. Well, the line that you were proceeding on. 

"Mr. Chambers. All right. About 1937, I believe, two Americans traveling to 
Europe under the name of Robinson dropped out of sight in Italy. They were 
then, I believe, traced on their way to Russia, traveling under another set of 
passports in the name of Rubins. 

"Mrs. Rubins said that she was happy in prison and did not wish to return to 
the United States, did not wish to have any help from Americans. Mr. Robinson- 
Rubins was Ewald. 

"Mr. Nixon. He was Ewald. Now, do you know from any of your conversations 
with Peters whether he had any connection with this Robinson-Rubins-Ewald 
case that you have spoken about? 

"Mr. Chambers. Yes. I understood not only that he had connection with that 
case but I gather that, prior to that, Peters and this man Ewald had been working 
together securing false passports for birth certificates or naturalization papers 
on which American passports could be secured. 

"Mr. Nixon. How were the passports on the Robinson-Rubins case obtained? 

"Mr. Chambers. They were obtained in a rather unusual way. Instead of going 
through the usual channels, the Robinson-Rubins or their representatives went 
to one of the New York councilmen and the passports were issued through his 
office. Later, I believe it was established that clerks in his office were Com- 
munists or suspected Communists, and I understood from Mr. Peters that he had 
arranged the passport deal for Ewald-Robinson-Rubins. 

"Mr. Nixon. Mr. Peters arranged the passport deal. That is what he told you ? 

"Mr. Chambers. Yes. 

"Mr. Nixon. Now, during the time that Peters was head of the underground, 
would you say that, during that time, he was working in the interests of the Gov- 
ernment of the Soviet Union rather than in the interests of the United States? 

"Mr. Chambers. He was certainly not working in the interests of the United 
States. He was working against the interests of the United States. How directly 
he was working for the Government of the Soviet Union I don't think I can say 
absolutely, but it is implied that every Communist, by the fact of being a Com- 
munist, is working for the Government of the Soviet Union." 

(Whittaker Chambers wrote a book entitled "Witness" dealing with his experi- 
ences in the Communist Party. In this volume he deals extensively with the 
ca reer of J. Peters. The book is quoted in part : ) 

"The Soviet espionage apparatus in Washington also maintained constant 
contact with the national underground of the American Communist Party in the 
person of its chief. He was a Hungarian Communist who had been a minor 
official in the Hungarian Soviet Government of Bela Kun. He was in the United 
States illegally and was known variously as J. Peters, Alexander Stevens, Isidore 
Boorstein, Mr. Silver, etc. His real name was Alexander Goldberger and he had 
studied law at the University of Debrecen in Hungary * * *" (pp. 32 and 33). 



1506 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

"The first time I met Peters in Washington we walked from the Union Station 
to a downtown restaurant. In New York Peters' manner had always been that 
of a minor commissar — a little more human that the breed, for he had a sense 
of humor — but reserved, innately distrustful, secretive. In Washington he was 
like a king returned to his kingdom — suddenly gay and expansive. He enlarged 
on the party's organizational and human resources in Washington, mentioning, 
among others, the man whose name he always pronounced 'Awl-jur' — with a kind 
of drawling pleasure, for he took an almost parental pride in Alger Hiss. Then, 
with a little inclusive wave of his pudgy hand, he summed up. 'Even in Germany 
under the Weimar Republic,' said Peters, 'the party did not have what we have 
here' (p. 32 and 33). 

******* 

"The party moved at once to find out what had become of me. The day after 
my disappearance Colonel Bykov, the head of the Soviet apparatus, and J. Peters, 
the head of the underground Communist Party, U. S. A., paid a somewhat awe- 
some visit to 'Paul.' The mood of both chiefs was glum and that of Bykov rather 
desperate. This information, and what follows, was given me by Paul himself 
on a later occasion. 

" 'Paul' was the pseudonym of a secret Communist who had been turned over 
to the Soviet apparatus by the American Communist Party for the specific pur- 
pose of using his business to provide legal 'cover' for a Soviet underground 
apparatus to be set up in England. For various reasons, that apparatus was 
never set up. Instead, Paul provided legal 'cover' for a Soviet apparatus op- 
erating in Japan. 

"The world knew Paul better as Maxim Lieber, an authors' agent, who 
handled, among others, the profitable marketing problems of Erskine Caldwell, 
author of Tobacco Road, God's Little Acre and other best-selling fiction. Paul 
also handled Tobacco Road when it was made into a play which, lacing social 
consciousness with a dash of pornography, ran so long on Broadway that it closed 
at last chiefly because there was scarcely a literate American of playgoing age 
who had not seen it. This enabled Paul to buy a farm in Bucks County, Pa., 
which also played its small part in the underground. In 1938 Paul's office was 
on Fifth Avenue in New York City. 

"Paul knew J. Peters from earlier days in the American Communist 
Party * * *" (p. 44). 

******* 

"* * * Still later, J. Peters was to introduce me to a Soviet agent, who under 
the pseudonyms of Robinson and Rubens, was the center of a celebrated inter- 
national mystery. (He was also the subject of one of the little memos in Alger 
Hiss' acknowledged handwriting which figured in the Hill trials) (p. 245). 
******* 

"Deals were freely made to win away key figures to the new regime. Some 
years later, J. Peters was to boast to me that, for a price, he had brought over 
the Hungarian section of the Communist Party to the Stalinists. The price, he 
explained complacently, had been his appointment as chief of the whole under- 
ground section of the American Communist Party" (p. 250 and 251). 

* * * * * * * 

"* * * I wrote through one night and by morning had completed a rather 
long story. It was about a farmers' rising in the West and the part played in 
it by an intelligent Communist * * *. In Washington, one day, J. Peters sur- 
prised me by mentioning that he had been in Moscow when the stories appeared. 
He had fought fiercely to keep the State Publishing House from translating and 
publishing them. I asked him why. 'They are against the party,' he said, and 
we both dropped the touchy subject. At the time, I thought that Comrade 
Peters' views were somewhat narrow. 

"I think now that anyone who has the patience to read those four stories will 
agree that I was wrong, and that Comrade Peters was right. For, in retrospect, 
it is easy to see that the stories are scarcely about communism at all. Commu- 
nism is the context in which they are told. What they are really about is the 
spirit of man in four basic commitments — in suffering, under discipline, in defeat, 
in death. In each it is not the political situation, but the spirit of man which 
is triumphant. The success of the stories was due to the fact that, for the first 
time, that spirit spoke to American Communists in a context and a language 
which it was permissible for them to hear. For the same reason, Peters feared 
the stories. For he rightly sensed that communism may never make truce with 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EN THE UNITED STATES 1507 

the spirit of man. If it does, sooner or later it is the spirit of man that will 
always triumph, for it draws its strength from a deeper fountain" (pp. 261, 
203, and 264). 

"Vacations for party members were not well thought of among Communists. 
But Max Bedacht announced one day that he felt need of a rest and change of 
scene. He would introduce me to a substitute who would act as contact with 
the apparatus during Max's vacation. His replacement turned out to be my old 
acquaintance of Daily Worker days, J. Peters. Comrade Peters was no longer 
with the Hungarian Communist weekly. He had become head of the entire 
underground section of the American Communist Party. As such, he was one 
of the two or three most powerful men in the party. He was also a lurking 
figure of fate in the lives of millions of Americans who did not dream that he 
existed. 

"Peters, of course, never sat down and disclosed to me the exact dimensions 
or the complex detail of his invisible empire. But I could gain some idea of its 
scope from the practical questions that from time to time he raised with me. 
They ranged from personnel problems, involving men who were highly placed in 
the State and Treasury Departments, to a problem of spontaneous sabotage by 
the Communist secret cell in the airplane-propeller-casting room of an aluminum 
company. 1 He was in touch with Communists in the Narragansett Torpedo Base, 
in the Electric Boat Co. (submarines for the U. S. Navy), in the Department of 
Justice, and in Hollywood, whose thriving underground made him ecstatic. He 
was also in direct touch with a number of separate Soviet underground appa- 
ratuses. For he operated a special apparatus of his own for the wholesale pro- 
curement of birth certificates and naturalization papers and for tampering with 
official records — all a part of the important business of securing fraudulent 
passports. 

"Unlike Bedacht, Peters was eager to cooperate with Ulrich's underground. 
For a time, I continued to deal separately with both men. Tactically, this was 
advantageous, for it tended to develop a 'Socialist competition' between them. 
Organizationally, it was undesirable because it doubled the risks of meeting, 
and all other risks. At last I gave Ulrich my opinion of Bedacht and Peters 
and asked him which I should retain as the contact. 'There is a Turish proverb,' 
said Ulrich. 'It says : If you must choose between two wolves, a wolf that has 
eaten and a wolf that is hungry, choose the wolf that has eaten.' Bedacht was 
the wolf that had eaten. But he had eaten too well. In the end, I retained 
Peters. Bedacht was never officially dropped. I simply ceased to see him. 
Peters became the exclusive contact with the Soviet underground (pp. 309 and 
310). 

******* 

"* * * Somewhat breathlessly, Harold Ware reported to J. Peters, the head of 
the underground section of the American Communist Party, with whom Hall was 
in close touch, that the possibilities for Communist organization in Washington 
went far beyond farming. 

"I do not know how many of those young men and women were already Com- 
munists when Ware met them and how many joined the Communist Party because 
of him. His influence over them was personal and powerful. But about the time 
that Ulrich and Charlie were initiating me into the Gallery and invisible ink, 
Harold Ware and J. Peters were organizing the Washington prospects into the 
secret Communist group now known by Ware's name — the Ware group. 

"Under oath, before the House Commmittee on Un-American Activities, Lee 
Pressman, in 1951, testified that he, Witt, Abt, and Kramer had been Communists 
and members of this group. He also gave an account of its organization which 
may well bear a sketchy resemblance to its first formative stage. But, by 1934, 
the Ware group had developed into a tightly organized underground, managed 
by a directory of seven men. In time it included a number of secret subcells 
whose total membership I can only estimate — probably about 75 Communists. 
Sometimes they were visited officially by J. Peters who lectured them on Com- 



1 "According to Peters, the aluminum company had been plagued by microscopic flaws 
In its propellers, the cause of which a careful check failed to reveal. The flaws were 
caused by members of the cell making tiny spitballs from the cellophane wrapping of their 
cisrarette packs, and spitting them into the molten flux. Peters' problem was whether to 
order this pointless sabotage to be stopped, and thereby risk dulling the revolutionary 
temper of the comrades, on whether to wink at It and thereby risk eventual detection. 
I have forgotten what he decided" (p. 310). 



1508 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

munist organization and Leninist theory and advised them on general policy and 
specific problems. For several of them were so placed in the New Deal agencies 
(notably Alger Hiss, Nathan Witt, John AM, and Lee Pressman) that they were 
in a position to influence policy at several levels. 

"They were so well-placed that the thought had occurred to Comrade Peters, 
and no doubt to others, that such human material could be used more effectively, 
and moreover, that it was poor organization to leave so many promising Com- 
munists in one large group where everybody knew everybody else. Peters pro- 
posed to separate the most likely ones (an almost invariable underground prac- 
tice) and place them in another distinct underground — a parallel apparatus — 
much more rigorously segregated and subdivided. When advisable, other Com- 
munists would be added to this special apparatus from other undergrounds in 
Washington. For the Ware group was not the only Communist underground in 
the capital. This task Peters assigned to me (p. 335) . 

******* 

"I knew of Miss Smedley as the author of Daughter of Earth, a novel about 
her Western girlhood, and as a persistent spokesman for the Chinese Communists. 
I asked Peters to arrange a meeting for me with her so that I could introduce a 
friend (Don) to her. I said that it would be unnecessary for Peters to go along 
(I did not want him to see Don) since I would easily recognize Miss Smedley from 
her pictures. I met her in an Automat on 72d Street in New York. Peters had 
not told her whom she was going to meet and she was extremely surprised and 
distrustful at meeting a stranger (p. 36G) . 

******* 

"J. Peters, whom I was seeing regularly, gave the Washington activity a sud- 
den new turn. I have already mentioned his plans for financing the American 
Communist underground with the help of the Russians. One day, by way of 
broaching this idea, he observed that, until the first 5-year plan began in the 
Soviet Union (circa 1929), the Communist International had subsidized the 
American Communist Party. During the rigors of the 5-year plan, that subsidy 
had been stopped, and the American Communist Party had been ordered to sup- 
port itself. 'The beggars of the Machavaya,' as Comrade Stalin sometimes graci- 
ously called the representatives of the foreign Communist Parties (after the Mos- 
cow address of the Communist International), would now have to beg elsewhere. 
This, said Peters, had worked great hardships. Therefore, he had contrived a 
plan whereby the Russian Communists might continue to finance the American 
Communist Party — for services rendered. Through the Ware group and others, 
Peters had access to Government documents. He proposed to connect me with 
the right people who would turn such documents over to me. Peters would pro- 
vide me with a Leica camera. I would copy the documents, return them to whom- 
ever gave them to me and turn the copies over to Bill. If he were interested, 
Bill would pay for them. Peters appealed to me, as an American Communist, to 
cooperate (pp. 369 and 370). 



PROBLEMS OF THE UNDERGROUND 

"I had reference to an episode that occurred while Alger was living at P Street. 
His position with the munitions investigation had become so strong that he him- 
self proposed to me that he could use the authority of the Senate committee to 
secure confidential documents from the State Department, which I could then 
photograph and turn over to the Communist Party. 

"I discussed the problem with Peters. He was again excited by the possi- 
bility of selling material to Bill. I told Alger to go ahead. In the name of the 
Senate Munitions Investigating Committee, he requested certain documents from 
the State Department. The State Department was reluctant, but, in view of the 
popular excitement about the committee's investigation, no doubt thought it 
advisable to release a few documents. These Alger brought home. I photo- 
graphed them in his P Street house (p. 375). 

******* 

"* * * p e ters came down especially from New York for an election meeting of 
the leading committee of the group. There was a long discussion in the living 
room of Henry Collins' apartment. I was in the apartment at the time, but I 
took no part in the discussion. I sat alone in the dining room, reading. 

"At last Peters joined me. He was worried. A crisis, he said, had developed 
in the group. Victor Perlo believed that he should succeed Ware as group leader. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1509 

He was being stubborn and surly about it. All the other members of the lead- 
ership believed tbat Nathan Witt was Ware's natural heir. A deadlock had re- 
sulted, for, though the rest might easily have outvoted I'erlo, they did not wish 
to risk trouble in the group by alienating him. Peters was also for Witt. So was 
1. But Peters did not wish to use his authority to act against any member of 
the group in favor of another member. Peters asked me if I would come in and, 
since my personal authority was high with the group, give my reasons why I was 
for Witt (p. 379). 

******* 

"In 1937, Colonel P.oris Bykov decided that we should again make an attempt 
to recruit Duggan. From Peters I had learned that Frederick Vanderbilt Field 
(recently in and out of court and jail in New York in connection with bail for some 
of the convicted Communist leaders) was also a great friend of Duggan. For 
the express purpose of recruiting Duggan, J. Peters introduced me to Fred Field 
in New York. The great-grandson of Commodore Vanderbilt took me to lunch, 
appropriately at the Vanderbilt Hotel, and I watclled with some amusement the 
casual way in which my millionaire comrade signed the chit (p. 382). 

******* 

"I met Richard once or twice afterwards, simply because Peters had business 
with him and I was seeing a good deal of Peters. Richard, Peters explained to 
me, was not a happy man. The chief of his international apparatus was known 
as 'Starik' (Russian for old man). Starik was also a Lett and Richard's pro- 
tector. Starik had just been removed and Richard was afraid that he had been 
liquidated (the purge was on). I did not know that Starik was really General 
Berzin, and that he was not only Richard's international chief, but mine. Nor did 
I guess that Starik's removal might have had something to do with the strange, 
delayed history of the English apparatus. Least of all did I realize that Starik's 
removal was a stride in Stalin's consolidation of power and that it meant that 
the GPU had moved in on the military intelligence, most of whose chiefs were 
about to be secretly shot, together with much of its personnel, including 
Richard (p. 398). 

* * * * * * * 

"One day, Peters reported that Richard was much cheered up. The rumors 
were false. Starik had not been removed. Richard had received a friendly 
message from him, pointing out that Richard had been away from 'home' a long 
time, that he deserved a rest and inviting him back for the celebration (Russians 
are epicures of a grim irony) of the October Revolution. The letter was gen- 
uine, for Richard had recognized Starik's signature. With Peters' help, Richard 
began to prepare to return to Moscow. 

.. * * * Xi.ieha.i-cl applied for both passports through the county clerk's office 
where three contacts of J. Peters' underground apparatus were employed. 
After Richard received the passport in the Robinson name, he had the Robinson 
pictures replaced by pictures of himself and his wife. But the application tiled 
in the State Department still bore the Robinson pictures * * * (p. 399). 

* * * * * * * 

"It came at the end of a weeping autumn day. J. Peters had walked me up 
Fifth Avenue. It was early evening. The rush-hour traffic was jamming Fifth 
Avenue and the rush-hour crowds were jamming the intersections. At 49th 
Street we were held up by the traffic and the crowd. Peters peered across in 
front of St. Patrick's Cathedral and said : 'There's our man.' Neither of us then 
knew any name for him. Peters, who had already been connected with him in 
ways I never asked about, was there to connect me with him (p. 405, 406). 

* * * * * * * 

•That was the beginning of my acquaintance with Col. Boris Bykov, whose 
behavior baffled me beyond anything I had met with, even in a Russian. It was 
only very slowly, as we continued to rush down streets and on and off conveyances, 
that I realized that Bykov was frightened. 

"At that time, I did not know that his real name was Boris Bykov or that 
he was a pathological coward — that under certain unexpected pressures, or in 
special situations, like his arrival in a strange country whose language he 
could not speak, his nerves came apart in rage, fear, and suspicion. Those facts, 
and Bykovs name, I was to learn 2 years later from Gen. Walter Krivitsky. 
Bykov had once been sent to assist Krivitsky in a Soviet espionage group in 
Fascist Italy. After a fortnight of the same kind of panic that I witnessed in 
New York, Bykov had to be sent back to Moscow because his flagrant terror 
endangered the whole apparatus (p. 407). 

******* 



1510 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

"I went to J. Peters, who was in Washington constantly in 1937, and whom I 
also saw regularly in New York. I explained the problem to him and asked 
for a Communist in the Treasury Department who could 'control' White. Peters 
suggested Dr. Harold Glasser, who certainly seemed an ideal man for the 
purpose, since he was White's assistant, one of several Communists whom White 
himself had guided into the Treasury Department. 

"Peters released Dr. Glasser from the American Communist underground and 
lent him to the Soviet underground * * * (pp. 429, 430). 

******* 

"A few days later I introduced Lee Pressman to Dr. Rosenbliett. The meet- 
ing took the form of a late breakfast at Sacher's restaurant on Madison 
Avenue near 42d Street in New York. I soon left Pressman and the doctor 
together. I met Lee at least once afterward. He told me that Dr. Rosenbliett 
had connected him with a Russian named 'Mark.' Later on, J. Peters told me 
that Pressman and Mark in the course of an airplane flight to Mexico City, in 
connection with arms purchases for Republican Spain, had been forced down 
near Brownsville, Tex. Mark had been worried that newsmen or security agents 
might pry into the passenger list" (p. 435). 

(On August 24, 1948, Mr. Louis P. Budenz, former managing editor of the 
Daily Worker, amplified this testimony : ) 

"Mr. Stripling. As head of the underground, would it be the duties of Peters 
to come to Washington and contact persons who were employed in the Govern- 
ment? 

"Mr. Budenz. In 1936 and 1937, to be specific, Peters was one of the busiest 
men on the ninth floor of the party. There were all sorts of mysterious people 
there to see him. When I say ' mysterious,' they were not accounted for, 
they waited for him, and he had a certain air of secrecy about him. That may 
seem strange, to put it that way, but the thing is, for example, there were many 
precautions to get to see him, and, in addition to that, you always had to indicate 
what name, even below, within the apparatus, what name you knew him by. 
That is why he was so abrupt with me when I addressed him personally by the 
wrong name, because I was supposed to ask on the telephone for the new name. 

"Now, the thing is, it was Peters — to give the background of it just a moment, 
and it may seem to little wide of the question, but it was Peters who advised me 
that the conspiratorial apparatus of the party was the most important apparatus. 
He asked me when I came up there one day, did I know the Communist Party 
well, and I said that I did, I thought. Then, he told me that I did not know it 
at all, that the part I saw was only a very small part of the party. The most 
important part was the conspiratorial apparatus. That was preparatory to my 
being introduced to the NKVD, the Soviet secret police here in the United States, 
by Golos. 

"But Peters was known within the official apparatus and advised me himself 
that he was engaged in conspiratorial work. He had to advise me so that I 
would understand how to approach him, how to deal with him, and how not to 
approach him when it was necessary in his work. 

******* 

"* * * For example, I know that J. Peters was in charge of conspiratorial work 
for the party. I know that Mr. Golos was not only chairman of the control 
commission of the party, secretly, and directing the disciplining of the party 
members, but that he was engaged in this secret work. 

"I know, likewise, that Washington was a matter of great interest to the Com- 
munist Party, and I do know that Mr. Peters was deeply interested in Washing- 
ton. I could not follow all his contacts here, but I know that a great part of his 
conspiratorial work had to do with Washington, because of observations he made 
to me, safeguards that he threw on our conversations, and the like." 

(Louis F. Budenz testified further on January 15, 1952, with regard to the 
activities of J. Peters as follows : ) 

"Mr. Tavenner. Who was J. Peters? 

"Mr. Budenz. J. Peters, as I testified in his deportation proceedings, con- 
fronting him as a witness, was the liaison officer between the Communist Inter- 
national apparatus in this country and the Soviet secret police operating here. 
He stated that to me himself, and I knew enough of his activities to know that 
that was correct. 

"Mr. Tavenner. Was he deported as a result of the hearings before the Immi- 
gration and Naturalization Service? 

"Mr. Budenz. He agreed to leave the country, although the deportation was 
clearly to be ordered. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1511 

"Mr. Budenz (continuing) * * * in the fall of 1935, immediately after I joined 
the Communist Party, I had to make many reports to J. Peters in regard to the 
Trotzkyite organization. At his request, I had established contacts within that 
organization, and they were reporting to me, giving to me the proceedings of 
the national committee of the Trotzkyites, their various important meetings, 
and like. 

"These I relayed to Peters, but had to deliver them personally" (p. 2209, Com- 
munist Press in the Communist Conspiracy, 1952, HUAC, Jan. 15, 1952). 

PETERS (STEVENS) TESTIFIES 

(Alexander Stevens (J. Peters) testified before a congressional committee on 
August 30, 194S, as follows:) 

"Mr. Stripling. Will you please state your full name and your present address 
for the record. 

"Mr. Stevens. Alexander Stevens, 8346 118th Street, Kew Gardens, Long 
Island. 

"Mr. Stripling. Where were you born, Mr. Stevens? 

"Mr. Stevens. Cop, formerly Hungary. 

"Mr. Stripling. When did you first enter the United States? 

"Mr. Stevens. 1924. 

"Mr. Stripling. At what port of entry? 

"Mr. Stevens. New York. 

"Mr. Stripling. New York. Are you a citizen of the United States? 

"Mr. Stevens. No. 

"Mr. Stripling. Have you ever applied for citizenship? 

"Mr. Stevens. I did. 

"Mr. Stripling. When? 

"Mr. Stevens. I don't remember the exact date. Five, 6 years or so after I 
arrived here. 

"Mr. Stripling. What is the status of your papers at the present time? 

"Mr. Stevens. I never get a satisfactory answer for my application, I think 
I applied once or twice after that. 

"Mr. Stripling. Mr. Stevens, are you a member of the Communist Party? 

"Mr. Stevens. I decline to answer that question under the first and fifth 
amendment to the Constitution, on the ground that my answer might tend to 
incriminate or degrade me. 

"Mr. Stripling. Have you ever held any positions in the Communist Party of 
the United States? 

"Mr. Stevens. I decline to answer that question under the first and fifth 
amendment to the Constitution, on the ground that my answer might tend to 
incriminate or degrade me. 

"Mr. Stripling. Have you ever been known under the name of J. Peters? 

"Mr. Stevens. I decline to answer that question under the first amendment and 
fifth amendment of the Constitution, on the ground that my answer might tend 
to incriminate me. 

"Mr. Stripling. Did you ever serve in the United States as the representa- 
tive of the Communist International of the Communist Party? 

"Mr. Stevens. I decline to answer that question under the fifth amendment and 
first amendment to the Constitution, on the ground that my answer might tend 
to incriminate me. 

"Mr. Stripling. You refuse to answer whether or not you ever acted as a 
representative of the Communist International? 

"Mr. Stevens. I decline to answer that question on the ground that it will 
incriminate me, under the fifth amendment to the Constitution. 

"Mr. Stripling. Is your signature, the name J. Peters, Mr. Stevens? 

"Mr. Stevens. I decline to answer that question under the fifth amendment 
of the Constitution, on the ground that it might tend to incriminate me or degrade 
me. 

"Mr. Stripling. Did you ever travel on a passport to the Soviet Union under 
the name of Isidore Boorstein? 

"Mr. Stevens. I decline to answer that question under the fifth amendment of 
the Constitution. It might tend to incriminate me. 

"Mr. Stripling. Have you ever been known by any other name other than 
Alexander Stevens? 

"Mr. Stevens. I decline to answer that question under the fifth amendment 
of the Constitution, because it might tend to incriminate me. 



1512 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

"Mr. Stripling. Mr. Stevens, the charge has been made before the committee 
by Whittaker Chambers that you directed an underground apparatus which 
operated in the Federal Government beginning in 1934. Did you ever participate 
or direct the operation of any apparatus which was under the control of the 
Communist Party for the purpose of Infiltrating the Federal Government? 

"Mr. Stevens. I decline to answer that question under the first and fifth 
amendments to the Constitution, on the ground that my answer might tend to 
incriminate or degrade me. 

"Mr. Stripling. Do you know Whittaker Chambers? 

"Mr. Stevens. I decline to that question under the fifth amendment of the 
Constitution, on the ground that my answer might degrade and incriminate me. 
"Mr. Stripling. Will you stand up, please? 

"Mr. Stevens, this individual is Whittaker Chambers. Have you ever seen this 
individual before in your life? 

"Mr. Stevens. I decline to answer. 

"Mr. Stripling. Did you know him under the name of Whittaker Chambers 
in 1934? 

"Mr. Stevens. I decline to answer that question, on the ground that it would 
incriminate me under the fifth amendment of the Constitution. 
"Mr. Stripling. Did you know him in 1935? 

"Mr. Stevens. I decline to answer that question under the fifth amendment of 
the Constitution, as it may incriminate me. 

"Mr. Stripling. Mr. Stevens, do you know an individual by the name of Alger 
Hiss? 

"Mr. Stevens. I decline to answer that question under the fifth amendment to 
the Constitution, on the ground that my answer might tend to incriminate me. 

"Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, in order to expedite the hearing, if it is agree- 
able with counsel, I am going to ask this witness if he knows of 20 or 30 indi- 
viduals, and if the same answer is agreeable with counsel, will it be agreeable 
with the committee, to avoid the repetition? 

"Mr. McDowell. That we assume that his refusal to answer is on the grounds 
that it may tend to incriminate him? 

"Mr. Stripling. Under the fifth amendment. Is that correct? 
"Mr. McDowell. Is that agreeable to counsel? 
"Miss King. It is agreeable. 

"Mr. Stripling. If special reasons arise, you may add them, but if not, you 
are claiming only this particular ground and so state. 

"Mr. McDowell. Proceed. I want you to pay particular attention to the names 
he mentions to be sure you know what your answer is going to be. Proceed. 
"Mr. Stripling. Donald Hiss. 
"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 
"Mr. Stripling. Henry Collins. 
"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 
"Mr. Stripling. John Abt. 
"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 
"Mr. Stripling. Lee Pressman. 
"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 
"Mr. Stripling. Victor Perlo. 
"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 
"Mr. Stripling. Abraham George Silverman. 
"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 
"Mr. Stripling. Mrs. Alger Hiss. 
"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 

"Mr. Stripling. Did you ever know an individual by the name of Harold Ware? 
"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 

"Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I am going to ask Mr. Russell to read the list. 
"Mr. Russell. Nathan Gregory Silvermaster. 
"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 
"Mr. Russell. Solomon Adler. 
"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 
"Mr. Russell. Norman Bursler. 
"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 
"Mr. Russell. Frank Coe. 
•'Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 
"Mr. Russell. Lauchlin Currie. 
"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 
"Mr. Russell. Bela Gold. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1513 



"Mr 
"Mr 
"Mr 
"Mr 
"Mr 
"Mr 
"Mr 



"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 
"Mr. Russell. Sonia Gold. 
"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 
"Mr. Russell. William Gold. 
"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 
"Mr. Russell. Abraham George Silverman. 
Stevens. Same answer. 

William Taylor. 

Same answer. 

William Ludwig Ullmann. 

Same answer. 

Victor Perlo. 

Same answer. 

Edward J. Fitzgerald. 

Same answer. 

Harold Glasser. 

Same answer. 

Charles Kramer. 

Same answer. 

Charles Krivitsky. 

Same answer. 

Solomon Lischinsky. 

Same answer. 

Harry Magdoff. 

Same answer. 
"Mr. Russell. Allan Rosenberg. 
"Mr. Stevens. Same answer. 

Donald Niven Wheeler. 

Same answer. 

Michael Greeenberg. 

Same answer. 

Joseph Gregg. 

Same answer. 

Maurice Halperin. 

Same answer. 

J. Julius Joseph. 

Same answer. 

Duncan Chaplin Lee. 

Same answer. 

Robert T. Miller. 

Same answer. 

Willard or William Z. Park. 

Same answer. 

Bernard Redmont. 

Same answer. 

Helen Tenney. 

Same answer. 

William Walter Remington. 

Same answer. 
Nathan Witt. 



Russell. 

Stevens. 

Russell. 

Stevens. 

Russell. 

Stevens. 
"Mr. Russell. 
"Mr. Stevens. 
"Mr. Russell. 
"Mr. Stevens. 
"Mr. Russell. 
"Mr. Stevens. 

Russell. 

Stevens. 

Russell. 

Stevens. 

Russell. 

Stevens. 



"Mr. 
"Mr. 
"Mr. 
"Mr. 
"Mr. 
"Mr. 



"Mr. Russell. 
"Mr. Stevens. 
"Mr. Russell. 

Stevens. 

Russell. 

Stevens. 

Russell. 

Stevens. 

Russell. 

Stevens. 
"Mr. Russell. 
"Mr. Stevens. 
"Mr. Russell. 
"Mr. Stevens. 

Russell. 

Stevens. 

Russell. 

Stevens. 

Russell. 

Stevens. 

Russell. 

Stevens. 

Stripling. 



"Mr. 
"Mr. 
"Mr. 
"Mr. 
"Mr. 
"Mr. 
"Mr. 



"Mr. 
"Mr. 
"Mr. 
"Mr. 
"Mr. 
"Mr. 
"Mr. 
"Mr. 



"Mr. 

"Mr. Stevens. Same answer." 

(The above-named individuals were named as members of an underground 
ring of the Communist Party operating within the Government by Elizabeth 
Bentley and Whittaker Chambers.) 



IMMIGRATION STATUS OF ALEXANDER STEVENS OR ALEXANDER GOLDBERGER OR J. PETERS 
OR ISIDORE BOORSTEIN OR BOORSTEIN, OR STEVE MILLER 

J. Peters first entered the United States on February 10, 1924, at New York, 
for permanent residence. His last reentry into the United States was on Sep- 
tember 5, 1928, with a reentry permit However, although this last reentry is 
verified from official records, it is known that he departed and reentered the 
United States a number of times subsequent to 1928, since it has been established 
that he was present at the Lenin School in Moscow during the years 1931 and 
1932. J. Peters was a Comintern agent from Moscow, although his official 
positions within the Communist Party apparatus were known to be district 
organizer of the New York district of the Communist Party and organizational 






1514 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

secretary for the same district. It is also known and it has been established 
that J. Peters was head of the Communist espionage apparatus in the United 
States. 

He was arrested for deportation proceedings on October 8, 1947, and released 
on that date on $5,000 bond. Warrant hearings were held during August and 
September 1948. 

A warrant for Peters' deportation was issued on April 12, 1949. On May 3, 
1949, an order was entered granting the subject voluntary departure from the 
United States under the outstanding warrant of deportation. On May G, 1949, 
he departed from the United States by plane from New York on KLM plane to 
Hungary via Holland. 

Mr. Mandel. Is Peters now in this country ? 

Mr. Lautneb. No. 

Mr. Mandel. Well, how did it happen that he is no longer in this country? 

Mr. Latjtner. Well, he was under bail to the Immigration and Naturalization 
Service and in 1949 there came a time where there was some understanding 
made between the Service and the attorneys of J. Peters that the bail would 
be lifted if he would voluntarily depart from the United States. This happened 
some time in the early summer of 1949. My recollection is that on Friday, on 
this very same day, when his bail was lifted, by the Immigrational and Naturali- 
zation Service, we had a very intimate little dinner somewhere around Fourth 
Street and Second Avenue in a little restaurant, and the people that I recall 
being there were Gus Hall, John Williamson, myself, May Miller, possibly Jack 
Stachel, but I am not certain, Stretch Johnson, and Ann Rollins, and others —  
altogether about 12 to 15 people. John Williamson spoke — Henry Winston was 
also there — where John Williamson praised the activities of J. Peters. And 
John Williamson, in substance, said that if he had to search and seek in his 
mind any single individual who made a more significant contribution to the 
growth and development of the Communist Party in the United States he could 
not find such other person in his mind. That was a terrific recognition for Peters' 
services for the Communist Party in the United States. 

The next morning, Saturday morning, he went out to Idlewild Airport, took 
a KLM plane and left the United States. The day before, Ann Rollins, his wife, 
I spoke to her, and he had told me she was going downtown to the Hungarian 
Consulate to pick up a Hungarian passport for him, J. Peters. So, J. Peters 
became a Hungarian citizen before he left the United States. 

Mr. Mandel. Now, have you heard anything about the career of Peters since 
he left this country? 

Mr. Lautneb. Yes ; I got a letter from him at one time in which he asked me 
to clip all the newspapers relating to the Whittaker Chambers' testimony and 
the trial of Hiss, in 1949. 

I did that and these clippings were mailed to him by Zoltan Deak, editor of 
the Hungarian Communist paper in New York. 

At that time, in his letter, when Peters asked for these clippings he also said 
that his assignment in Hungary by the party was to be in charge of all publi- 
cations that go to Hungarian Communist Party members and sympathizers 
throughout the world. So, Peters was building again a worldwide network of 
contacts through these publications, through the publication project for the 
Hungarian Communist Party. 

Mr. Mandel. Thank you, Mr. Lautner. 

X 



INDEX 



Xote. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance to 
the mere fact of the appearance of the names of an individual or an organization 
in this index. 

A 

Page 

Abt, John 1484, 1502, 1507, 1508, 1512 

Attorney in Department of Agriculture, Works Progress Administra- 
tion, Justice Department, and chief counsel of Senate Committee 

on Labor and Education (La Follette committee) 1483 

Adler, Solomon 1512 

Treasury Department representative in China ; American representa- 
tive on the American-British-Chinese Stabilization Fund 1483 

Albany 1471 

America 1471,1481 

American 1478, 1481, 1482 

American Armed Forces 1500, 1501 

A. F. of L 1480 

American Labor Party 1469 

Controlled by Communist Party 1469 

Anti-Fascist Organization 1469 

Army 1480 

Article entitled "Who Are the Professional Revolutionists" by J. Peters 

(placed in record) 1495 

Articles in Daily Worker dated May 27, 1929 and May 21, 1929 re J. Peters' 
subservience to Communist International 1494 



Baker, Rudy 1488, 1489 

Ball, Rev. Lee H 1465 

Baltimore 1465 

Bedacht, Max 1503, 1507 

Bentley, Elizabeth 1513 

Biberman, Herbert 1500 

Bittelman 1500 

Blake (alias of J. Peters) 1483, 1485, 1486 

Bloor, Ella Reeve (mother of Harold Ware) 1503, 1504 

Boorstein, Isidore (alias of J. Peters) 1483, 1495, 1486, 1497, 1503, 1505, 1513 

Bransten, Louise 1477, 1478, 1500 

Breen, David (birth certificate used by W. Chambers) 1497 

Breen, Ursula (birth certificate used by daughter of W. Chambers) 1498 

Bridges, Harry 1479 

Bronx 1471 

Browder, Earl " ~ I_~1487, 1500 

Brown, Sam 1477 

Budenz, Louis Francis 1497, 1498, 1500 

Former managing editor of Daily Worker (testimony 

of) 14 S3( i 4s6) i5i 0i 1511 

Bureau of Indian Affairs 1504 

Bursler, Norman " 1512 

Bykov, Colonel I_IIZZZ_I__ZI__I"l506, 1509 



n INDEX 

o 

Page 
Cafe Society 1476 

Cahiers du Comniunisine (magazine) 1474 

Caldwell, Erskine (author of Tobacco Road, God's Little Acre) 1506 

Camp Unity, N. Y 1500 

Capitol Hill 1473 

Central Committee of Communist Party 1489, 1490, 1492, 1494, 1495 

Chambers, Whittaker 1483, 1484, 1487, 1497-1499, 1501, 1502, 1512-1514 

Chancey, Martin 1501 

Chase, Charles F. (birth certificate) 1498 

CIO 1480, 1496 

CIO-PAC 1471, 1472 

City College 1469 

City council in Baltimore 1465 

Coe, Virginius Frank 1512 

Assistant Director, and later Director, Division of Monetary Research, 
Treasury Department ; financial adviser or consultant to the Fed- 
eral Security Administrator ; Executive Secretary of the Joint War 
Production Committee of the United States and Canada and assistant 
to the Executive Director of the Board of Economic Warfare ; As- 
sistant Administrator, Foreign Economic Administration ; Secretary, 
National Advisory Council on International and Monetary Problems ; 
Technical Secretary-General, Bretton Woods Monetary Conference; 

special assistant to United States Ambassador in London 1483 

Cole, Lester, screen writer 1500 

Collins, Henry 1502, 1503, 1508, 1512 

Identified as Communist 1478 

Invoked fifth amendment 1478 

Important position on staff of Small Business Committee 1478 

National Recovery Administration ; Department of Agriculture ; ex- 
ecutive secretary, Senate Subcommittee of the Military Affairs Com- 
mittee on Technological Mobilization 1483 

Comintern 1494, 1500, 1513 

Communist, (publication) 1490, 1500 

Communists 1467, 1468, 1471, 1473, 1475-1481, 1483, 1484, 1489, 1502, 1507 

Communists International 1473, 1492, 1494, 1495, 1501, 1508, 1510, 1511 

Communist moneys 1478 

Communist Party 1464-1471, 

1473, 1475, 1476, 1478-1481, 1483, 1484, 1486, 1488-1490, 1492, 1494- 
1504, 1506-1508, 1510-1514. 

State committee of (New York) 1469 

Communist Party of America 1474 

Communist Party of New York State 1479 

Communist Party in France 1474 

Community Inventory 1472 

Conal, Barney 1471 

1952 worked for Republicans 1471 

1946 worked for Democrats 1471 

1948 worked for Henry Wallace 1471 

Wife, Greta Spiro, secretary in farmers' union and secretary to Ben 

Gold of furriers' union 1471 

Head of war activities for CIO political action committee during war 1472 

Congress 1464, 1470, 1475 

Congressman 1473 

Connecticut 1473 

Constitution 1464 

CPSU 1492, 1494 

CPUSA 1490-1494,1498 

Crouch, Paul 1497 

Currie, Lauchlin 3512 

Administrative Assistant to the President; Deputy Administrator, 

Foreign Economics Administration 1483 



index in 

D 

Page 

Daily Worker, The 14(55, 1480, 1483, 1481), 1490, 1494, 1498, 1500, 1507, 1510 

De Lacy, Congressman Hugh 3475 

Democratic Congressman from west coast 14(5 

Member of teachers' union 1475 

Member, National Executive Committee of the Federation of 

Teachers l 47 ^ 

Member, Communist fraction within Federation of Teachers 1475 

Deak Zoltan, editor of Hungarian Communist paper in New York 1514 

Democratic Party 1469, 1470, 1475, 1476, 1481 

l >emocrat/s 1471 > 147; > 

Dirba, Charlie 14 ^J 

Dmitrov 14 ' 4 

Dodd, Bella V. (testimony of) 1467-1482 

Member, New York State Committee of Communist Party, and legisla- 
tive representative and functioned for it on the State secretariat 1467 

Expelled from Communist Party in 1949 1467 

Prior to that time member national committee 1467 

19_y_4fi charge of political affairs for Communist Party in New York 

City_ 1 4 68 

Author, School of Darkness 1468 

Don 1498,1508 

Donner, Frank J., 342 Madison Avenue, New York City 1463 

Attorney for Alexander E. <). Munsell 1463 

Drew, Caroline I 494 

Duclos, Jacques I 474 

Member of Third International, giving directions to American Com- 
munist Party 1 4 74 

Leader of Communist Party in France 1474 

Duggan, Laurence 1509 

Chief, Latin American Division, State Department 1483 

E 

ECCI, Executive Committee of Communist International 1491, 1492, 1494 

Fisler, Gerhardt 1500, 1501 

Electric Boat Co. (submarines for U. S. Navy) 1507 

Elmhurst 1472 

Europe 1474 

Ewald (alias Robinson and Rubins) 1505 

F 

FBI 1497, 1498 

Federation of Teachers 1475 

Field, Frederick Vanderbilt 1509 

Fifth amendment 1464, 1465, 1478, 1511, 1512 

First amendment 1464, 1511, 1512 

Fish, Hamilton 1469 

Fitzgerald, Edward J 1513 

Forrest, Jim 1501 

Forstenzer, Hyman 1471 

Deputy commissioner of mental hygiene, New York 1471 

Brother of one of Republican leaders on west side, New York 1471 

Member of teachers union 1471 

Communist within teachers union 1471 

Foster, Bill 1474 

Foster group 1488 

Freiheit paper 1489 

French 1469 

Furrier's Union 1471 



IV INDEX 



Page 

Gerson, Si 1480 

Legislative representative of the Communist Party 1480 

Went into Army 1480 

Confidential secretary to Stanley Isaacs, of city of New York 1481 

Gladnick, Robert 1496 

Glasser, Harold 1510, 1513 

Treasury Department ; adviser, loaned to Government of Ecuador ", 
adviser, loaned to War Production Board ; adviser on north African 
affairs in Algiers, north Africa ; adviser to Secretary of State at 
Moscow Conference in March 1946 ; member of the United States 

delegation to the first and second UNRRA council meetings 1483-1484 

Gold, Ben 1471 

Gold, Bela 1512 

Gold, Sonia 1513 

Gold, William 1513 

Goldberger, Alexander (alias of J. Peters) 1483,1485-1487,1505,1513 

Goldberger, Sandor (alias of J. Peters) 1483,1485 

Golos 1510 

Government 1476,1477 

GPU 1509 

Grant, Morton 1500 

Greater New York Industrial Union Council 1480 

Greenberg, Michael 1513 

Gregg, Joseph 1513 

Gyetvai, Dr 1488 



Hall, Gus 1507, 1514 

Halperin, Maurice 1513 

Handbook for Americans 1465, 1466 

Harold (bodyguard of Henry Winston and J. Peters) 1499 

Harris, Lou (screen writer) 1500 

Harris, Vera 1500 

Hataway, Clarence 1488, 1489 

Herman, Joe 1499 

Hill 1482 

Hirsch, Paula 1499 

Hiss, Alger 1502-1504, 1506, 1508, 1512, 1514 

Attorney, Department of Agriculture; Senate Special Committee In- 
vestigating the Munitions Industry ; Justice Department ; State De- 
partment, Director, Office of Special Political Affairs ; Secretary 

General, United Nations 1484 

Hiss, Donald 1512 

Attorney, Labor Department ; State Department 1484 

History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) by 

Stalin 1500 

Hitler 1501 

Hollywood 1507 

House 1482 

House Committee on Un-American Activities 1507 

Hudson, Roy 1504 

Hugenberger 1501 

Hungarian Consulate 1514 

Hungarian National Bureau of the Communist Party 1485, 1489, 1494 

Hungarian Soviet Government 1505 

I 
"I Was a Soviet Worker" : 

Excerpt — letter of introduction for Andrew Smith by J. Peters dated 

March 7, 1932 1490, 1491 

Excerpt — letter to Smith from Peters transferring Smith from CPUSA 

to CPSU dated March 17, 1932 (placed in record) 1491, 1492 

Immigration and Naturalization Service 1499, 1510, 1514 

Isaacs, Stanley 1481 

IWO, International Workers Order 1503 



INDEX V 

J 

Page 

Jacques Duclos letter 1474 

.Tenner, Senator 1467 

Jerome, V. J 1500 

Jewish Freiheit 1488 

Johnson, Manning 1486, 1489 

Johnson, Stretch 1514 

Johnston, Senator Olin 1478 

Joseph, J. Julius 1513 

Judiciary Committee 1466 

Justice Department 1507 

Justin, Jules 1470 



Kaplan, Irving, Associate Director, National Research Project, Works 
Progress Administration ; Special Assistant to the Attorney General, 
Department of Justice: principal research economist, Office of the Ad- 
ministrator, Federal Works Agency ; head economic analyst, Statistics 
Division, Industrial and Commodity Research Branch, War Production 
Board ; head program progress analyst, Executive Office of the Chairman, 
Office of Progress Reports, War Production Board ; Director, Programs 
and Reports Staff, Office of the Administrator, Foreign Economic Ad- 
ministration ; economic adviser, Foreign Funds Control Section, United 

States Control Council, American Military Government in Germany 1484 

Kitzes, Max 1486 

Kramer, Charles 1507, 1513 

National Labor Relations Board ; Office of Price Administration ; Sen- 
ate Committee on War Mobilization ; Senate Committee on Wartime 

Health and Education ; Senate Committee on Education and Labor 1484 

Kremlin 1500 

Krivitsky, Gen. Walter 1509, 1513 

Krumbein, Charles 1489 

Krumbein Training School of Communist Party 1489 

Kun, Bela 1505 



Labor Party 1469, 1470, 1475, 1481 

LaGuardia 1475 

LaGuardia administration 1469 

Lapin, Steve (alias of J. Peters) 1483,1485 

Lapur, Steve (alias of J. Peters) 1483,1485 

Laurence, Bill 1477, 1479 

Secretary of Communist Party of New York State 1479 

Lincoln Brigade leader 1479 

Lautner, John (testimony of) 1484—1514 

Was member of Communist Party 1484 

In 1930 sent to national training school of Communist Party 1485 

In Detroit, Mich., was district secretary of Hungarian National Bu- 
reau of Communist Party 1485 

Secretary-treasurer of control commission of Communist Party 1485 

In 1931 national secretary of Hungarian National Bureau in Canada 1485 

In 1932 district secretary of Hungarian National Bureau in Cleveland, 

Ohio 1485 

In 1933-36 on district language department of Communist Party, 

district 2, New York 14S5 

In 1936-40 district organizer of Communist Party in West Vir- 
ginia _ 1485, 1496 

In 1941-42 with nationality groups commission of Communist Party 
and secretary of Hungarian National Bureau of Communist Partv 

USA _ 1485 

In 1942 was inducted into Army 1485 

Graduate of War Department Military Intelligence Training School, 

Cambridge, Md 1485 

Overseas assigned to Psychological Warfare Branch of Allied 
Force Headquarters 1485 



VI INDEX 

Lautner, John (testimony of) — Continued Page 

In 1945 with nationality groups commission of Communist Party, 
national secretary of Hungarian National Bureau and one of the 

editors of Hungarian Communist Party in New York 1485 

In 1946 organized Communist Party members in New York metro- 
politan area 1485 

In 1947 waterfront section organizer in New York 14S5 

In 1947-50 head of New York State Review Commission of Commu- 
nist Party 1485 

Left Communist Party in January 1950 1485 

Lawson, John Howard 1500 

Lee, Duncan Chaplin 1513 

Lenin 1500 

Lenin School in Moscow 1513 

Letter of introduction for Andrew Smith by J. Peters dated March 7, 

1932 1491,1494 

Letter transferring Andrew Smith from Communist Party USA to Com- 
munist Party SU signed by J. Peters dated March 17, 1932 1492, 1494 

Liberal Party 1470, 1475 

Lieber, Maxim (Paul Bykov) 1506 

Lischinsky, Solomon 1513 

Los Angeles, Calif 1500 

Lovestone 1488 

Lustig 1487,1488 

M 

McAvoy, Clifford T 1469 

Welfare commissioner * 1469 

Taught French at City College 1469 

Chairman, Anti-Fascist Organization 1469 

McCarthy, Senator 1467, 1482 

McManus, Robert C 1467 

Magdoff, Harry 1513 

Mandel, Benjamin 1463, 1467 

Manual on Party Organization for Communist Party, by J. Peters 1495 

Manya 1488 

Marcantonio 1470, 1471 

Mark 1510 

Marki, Kalman 1499 

Markoff, Prof 1496 

Marx-Lenin Institute 1488 

Melish, Reverend Dr 1464 

Men Without Faces, by Louis Budenz 1497, 1498, 1500 

Methodist Council for Social Action 1466 

Methodist Federation for Social Action 1465 

Miller, May 1514 

Miller, Robert T 1513 

Miller, Steve (alias of J. Peters) 1483,1485,1486,1513 

Mills, Saul 1479, 1480 

Attended Communist Party meetings 1479 

Head of Greater New York Industrial Union Council 1480 

Mindel, Professor 1496 

Moneys 1478 

Morris, Judge 1482 

Morris, Robert 1463, 1467 

Morse, Gene 1496 

Moscow 1488, 1494, 1498, 1506, 1508, 1509, 1513 

Munsell, Alex 1465 

Munsell, Alexander E. O. (testimony of) 1463-1466 

324 West 20th Street, New York City 11 1463 

Retired businessman 1463 

Attended meeting of Religious Freedom Committee April 11, 1946 

in New York 1463 

Treasurer for Reverend Dr. Melish 1464 

Fifth amendment re Communist Party . 1464 

Owned Munsell Color Co 1465 

Lived in Baltimore 1465 

Fifth amendment re candidate for city council in Baltimore in 1939 — 1465 
Munsell Color Co 1465 



index vn 

N Page 

Narragansett Torpedo Base 1507 

National 1472 

National Arts Club 1463 

National Association of Small-Business Men 1477 

National Congress of Parents and Teachers 1472 

National Executive Committee of Federation of Teachers 1475 

National Guard in New York City 1501 

National Training School of Hungarian National Bureau of Communist 

Party, 32 Union Square, N. Y 1485, 14S!> 

NC-PAC 1471, 1472 

Nelson, Eleanor, Labor Department; treasurer, United Federal Workers, 

a union of Government employees 1484 

New Deal agencies 1484,1508 

New Masses 1503 

New York City 1463, 

1467, 1468, 1470, 1477, 1501, 1504, 1506, 1508, 1510, 1513, 1514 

New York City Welfare Commissioner 1469 

New York County 1477, 1479 

New York County Committee 1476 

New York State 1468, 1471, 1475, 1479, 1480 

New York State Review Commission 1498 

New York Waterfront Committee 1476 

New York Young Republican Club 1470 

NKVD 1510 

O 

October Revolution 1509 

O'Dwyer, Bill 1468 

O'Dwyer, Mayor 1468, 1476 

O'Dwyer's election 1468 



Parent-Teachers Association 1472 

Parishoners Committee for Holy Trinity 1464 

Park, William Z 1513 

Party Organizer, publication 1489, 1490 

Passport issued October 7, 1931, in name of Isidore Boorstein 1497 

Perlo, Victor 1508, 1512 

Head of branch in Research Section, Office of Price Administration; 

War Production Board ; Monetary Research, Treasury Department- 1484 

Peter, J. (alias of J. Peters) 1483, 1485 

Peters, J. (the career of) 1483-1514 

(Alias Sandor Goldberger, Alexander Goldberger, J. Peter, J. V. 
Peters, Roberts, Steve Lapin, Steve Stevens, Steve Miller, Isidore 

Boorstein, Blake, Steve Lapur, Alexander Stevens) 1483 

Born in Hungary 1486 

Regional secretary of Communist Party in Czechoslovakia 1486 

Arrived in United States in 1925 1487 

Deputy general secretary of Hungarian Federation in 1927 1487 

Petty officer in Austrian Army during World War I 1487 

Member of Soviet Government of Hungary 1487 

Lilly Zirtes, ex-wife 1488 

Ann Rollins alias Ann Silver, wife 1489 

National secretary of Hungarian Bureau of Communist Party 1489 

Plant manager of Daily Worker 1489 

Instructor at Krumbein Training School of Communist Party 1489 

Communist Party organizational secretary to New York district 1489 

Contributed articles to party organizer and Communist 1490 

Active representative of American Communist Party to Communist 

International in Moscow 1494 

Wrote Manual on Party Organization for Communist Party 1495 

District organizer of Communist Party in the Carolinas and Tennes- 
see from 1934 to 1937 1497 

Studied law at University of Debrecen in Hungary 1505 

Deported from United States, May 6, 1949, to Hungary 1514 



BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY 



3 9999 05445 4374 



INDEX 



Page 

Peters, J. V. (J. Peters) 1483, 1485 

Politboro 1504 

Political parties 1467 

Pressman, Lee 1501, 1502, 1507, 1508, 1510, 1512 

Attorney, Department of Agriculture ; Works Progress Administra- 
tion 1484 

Radio City 1501 

Redmont, Bernard 1513 

Reed, Louis Retny (affidavit of) 1487, 1488 

Religious Freedom Committee meeting on April 11, 1956 1463, 1464, 1466 

Remington, Wm. Walter 1513 

Reno, Philip, analyst, economist, Social Security Board ; Farm Credit 

Administration ; Office of Emergency Management 1484 

Reno, Vincent, Aberdeen Proving Grounds ; mathematical assistant to 

Colonel Zornig 14S4 

Republican/s 1471 

Republican Party 1469-1471, 1475, 14S1 

Richard (head of Soviet passport apparatus) 1498, 1509 

Riegelsville, Pa 1499 

Roberts (alias of J. Peters) 1483, 1485, I486 

Roberts, Miss 1466 

Robinson (two Americans) 1505, 1506, 1509 

Rollins, Ann (alias of wife of J. Peters) 1489, 1499, 1514 

Rosenberg, Allan 1513 

Rosenbliett, Dr 1510 

Ross, Paul, attorney and former member of Communist Party, confidential 

secretary to O'Dwyer 1468, 1476 

Rubins (two Americans) 1505, 1506 

Rusher, William A 1463, 1467 

Ruthven, Madeline 1500 

S 

Salt, Waldo 1500 

School of Darkness 1468 

Sedition laws 1479 

Senate 1477, 1478, 1482 

Senate Internal Security Subcommittee 1483, 1484, 1487, 1489 

Senate Munitions Investigating Committee 1508 

Senators 1473 

Silver, Ann (alias of wife of J. Peters) 1489, 1499 

Silverman, Abraham Geo 1512 

Director, Bureau of Research and Information Services, Railroad Re- 
tirement Board ; Economic Adviser and Chief of Analysis and Plans, 

Assistant Chief of Air Staff, Materiel and Services, Air Force 1484 

Silvermaster, Nathan Gregory 1512 

Simon, Hal 1479 

Small Business Committee 1477, 1478 

Smedley, Miss (author of Daughter of Earth) 1508 

Smith, Andrew 1490-1494 

Social Democrats 1475, 1476 

Southern Conference for Human Rights 1473 

Soviet Union 1490, 1492, 1497, 1498, 1500, 1503, 1505, 1508 

Spiro, Greta, wife of Hyman Forstenzer 1471 

Stachel, Jack 1495, 1500, 1514 

Stahlheimers 1501 

Stalin 1488, 1500, 1508, 1509 

Starik (General Berzin) 1509 

State Congress of Parents and Teachers 1472 

State Department 1507, 1508, 1509 

Steinberg, Max 1500 

Stevens, Alexander (alias of J. Peters) (testimony of) 1483, 

1485, 1486, 1497, 1500, 1503, 1505, 1511-1513 

8346 118th St., Kew Gardens, Long Island 1511 

Not citizen of United States 1511 

Fifth if member of Communist Party 1511 



INDEX IX 

Stevens, Alexander (alias of J. Peters)— Continued Pa e« 

Fifth if known as J. Peters 1511 

Fifth if used passport under name of Isidore Boorstein 1511 

Fifth if known hy other aliases 1511 

Fifth if knew W. Chambers 1512 

Fifth if knew Alger Hiss 1512 

Fifth if knew approximately 36 members of Communist Party under- 
ground ring named bv Bentlev and Chambers 1512-1513 

Stevens, Pete (alias of J. Peters) __1 1483, 1485 

Supnick, Ethel 1464 

Notary public, Kings County, N. Y 1464 

Supreme Court's decision against State sedition laws 1479 

Szanto 14S7, 1488 

T 

Taylor, William 1513 

Teachers Union 1471 

Teachers' Union 1475 

Tenney, Helen 1513 

Third International 1474 

Thompson, Bob 1479 

Thompson. Robert 1479 

Treasury Department 1507, 1510 

Trotzkyite organization 1511 

Twenty-ninth Congressional District 1469 

U 

Uerkvitz, Herta 1500 

Uj Elore Hungarian Communist Daily 1487, 1488, 1490 

Ullmann, Win. Ludwig 1513 

Ulrich 1507 

United States 1474, 1478, 1479, 1494, 1495, 1498, 1505, 1513, 1514 

United States Senate 1482 

UPOWA, Union Office and Public, or United Office and Professional Work- 
ers of America 1489 



Velson, Irving Charles 1496 

Voorhis Act 1500 

W 

Wadleigh, Julian, Economist, State Department 1484 

Wallace, Henry 1471 

Ward, Dr. Harry F 1465 

Ware, Harold 1502-1504, 1507, 1512 

Ware Group 1484, 1507, 1508 

Washington 1471, 1475, 1501-1508, 1510 

Washington Heights area of New York 1471 

Watkins, Senator 1463 

Weber, Palmer 1473 

Weimar Party 1501, 1506 

Weiner, Wm 1486 

Weinkrantz, Bernard J 1465 

Weinstock 1488 

West Side of New York 1470, 1471 

Wheeler, Donald Niven 1513 

White, Harry Dexter 1502, 1510 

Assistant Secretary, Treasury Department : Executive Director, Inter- 
national Monetary Fund ; Treasury representative with the Inter- 
departmental Lend-Lease Committee, Canadian-American Joint Eco- 
nomic Committee. Executive Committee on Commercial Policy, Ex- 
ecutive Committee and Board of Trustees of the Export-Import 
Bank, Interdepartmental Committee on Inter-American Affairs, 
National Resources Committee, Price Administration Committee, 



X INDEX 

Page 
White, Harry Dexter — Continued 

Assistant Secretary, Treasury Department — Continued 
Committee on Foreign Commerce Regulations, Interdepartmental 
Committee on Postwar Economic Problems, Committee on Trade 
Agreements, National Munitions Control Board, Committee on In- 
ternational Relief, Board of Economic Warfare, Executive Commit- 
tee on Economic Foreign Policy, Liberated Areas Commit- 
tee, Office of Strategic Services Advisory Committee, United States 
Commercial Corporation, Interdepartmental Committee on Planning 
for Coordinating the Economic Activities of United States Civilian 

Agencies in Liberated Areas 1484 

"Who Are the Professional Revolutionists", article by J. Peters 1495 

Williamson, John 1499, 1514 

Wilson, Ruth 1500 

Winston, Henry 1499, 1514 

Witness, book by W. Chambers 1505 

Witt, Nathan 1499, 1501, 1502, 1507-1509, 1513 

Attorney, Department of Agriculture; secretary, National Labor Re- 
lations Board 1484 

Worker's School, 50 East 13th Street 1496 

Wortis, Rose 1501 



Yalta Conference 1474 

Young Communist League 1496, 1501 

Young People's Records 1477 

Z 
Zirtes, Lilly, ex-wife of J. Peters ; wife of Rudy Baker 1488 

o 



u 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FOURTH CONGRESS 

SECOND SESSION 

ON 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE 
UNITED STATES 



JUNE 6 AND 7, 1956 



PART 28 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
72723 WASHINGTON : 1956 




lent of Docv.meriis 



- FEB" 2 6 IS57 



COM J. 

JAMES Or 
ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina 
THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri 
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas 
PRICE DANIEL, Texas 
JOSEPH C. OMAHOXEY, Wyoming 
MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia 



ANDJ Mississippi, Chairji'w-u .--- . 

ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois 

HERMAN WELKER, Idaho 

JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal 
Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri HERMAN WELKER, Idaho 

PRICE DANIEL, Texas JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

Robert Morris, Chief Counsel +— 
William A. Rusher, Administrative Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 
II 



I 



CONTENTS 



Pag* 
Witnesses : 

Draskovich, Slowodin 1524, 1530 

Levine, Isaac Don 1515 

Raditsa, Bogdan 1535 

in 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



WEDNESDAY, JUNE 6, 1956 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 
of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal. 
Security Laws, of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 11 : 25 a. m., in 
room 155, Senate Office Building, Senator Olin D. Johnston presiding. 

Present : Senator Johnston. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; William A. Eusher, 
administrative counsel; Benjamin Mandel, research director; and 
Robert McManus, research analyst. 

Senator Johnston. The subcommittee will come to order. 

Mr. Morris. Will Mr. Levine come forward, please ? 

Senator Johnston. Do you solemnly swear the testimony you will 
give in this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but 
the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Levine. I do. 

Senator Johnston. Have a seat. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, there are three items on the agenda this morn- 
ing. One is, we would like to put some information into the record 
on the inquiry that we are engaged in in the Judith Coplon case. I 
can put some information into the record on the Burgess-MacLean 
case. Mr. Levine has some background testimony in connection with a 
matter that will be of importance to the hearing. 

Then, we have a witness who is going to testify today, who came from 
Chicago last night, on the meaning in connection with internal secu- 
rity, of the recent rapprochement between Tito and the leaders in 
Moscow. 

Naturally, we don't know the full consequences of that, but what we 
have to do is make a survey as to what is at stake if there should be a 
full-scale alliance between Tito and the Soviet Union. We have some 
information on Yugoslav nationals affiliated with the Embassy, dele- 
gates to the United Nations, how many Yugoslav newspapers there are 
in the country, and other such considerations. 

Mr. Levine will be the first witness. 

Mr. Levine, will you give your full name and address to the repoter ? 

TESTIMONY OF ISAAC DON LEVINE, WALDORF, MD. 

Mr. Levine. Isaac Don Levine, Waldorf, Md. 

Mr. Morris. What is your business or profession, Mr. Levine ? 

Mr. Levine. I am a writer and editor. 

1515 



1516 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. And you have had considerable experience in the field 
of intelligence ; have you not ? 

Mr. Levine. Well, 1 have had considerable experience in the field 
of Soviet former intelligence agents. 

Mr. Morris. It was you, was it not, Mr. Levine, who first brought 
Mr. Chambers to Adolf Berle in 1939 ? 

Mr. Levine. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. And it was your testimony of the notes of the conversa- 
tion between Adolf Berle and Mr. Chambers that appeared in the 
hearing at that time ? 

Mr. Levine. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. You also knew Walter Krivitsky ? 

Mr. Levine. Very well. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you would tell the committee a little bit in 
the way of background and historicity as to your personal experiences 
with Krivitsky, so we can have those in connection with Burgess- 
MacLean. 

Mr. Levine. General Walter Krivitsky, who was found shot at the 
Bellevue Hotel in Washington on February 10, 1941, told me, during 
my collaboration with him on a series of articles published in the Satur- 
day Evening Post in 1939, that while he was in the Soviet service 
abroad, as chief of the Soviet intelligence in Western Europe, he had 
knowledge of 2 Soviet agents who had been introduced into the British 
service, 1 into the code room of the Imperial Council, the other into 
that of the Foreign Office. 

Krivitsky told me that in the greatest confidence, and he also 
had informed me that at least $200,000 had been expended over a period 
of 2 or 3 years by Stalin's intelligence agents abroad to bring about 
the infiltration of these 2 men in key positions in Great Britain. He 
knew the name of one of these men. His name was King, K-i-n-g. 

Mr. Morris. Was there a first name that he knew ? 

Mr. Levine. He did not know the first name. He did not know 
his alias. 

He knew something about the second man, his characteristics, but 
he did not know his name nor his alias. The characteristics were that 
of a young Scotsman who had been imbued with communism in the 
early thirties, and who subsequently was induced to enter the service of 
the British diplomacy, the service of the British Government. 

After my seeing Mr. Berle and Marvin Mclntyre at the White 
House, in connection with the Chambers revelations, I felt, upon the 
outbreak of the war, that two such agents working for Stalin in London 
would of necessity convey all important information to Hitler be- 
cause at that time Stalin and Hitler were partners and had signed a 
pact in August 1939 which had ushered in World War II. 

Whereupon, I told Mr. Berle about it, although it was a violation of 
a confidence conveyed to me by Krivitsky several months before the 
outbreak of the war, but I felt the presence of force majeure. There- 
upon, Mr. Berle thought that I should bring the matter to the atten- 
tion of the British Ambassador here, who at that time was Lord 
Lothian, L-o-t-h-i-a-n, formerly Kerr, formerly secretary to Lloyd 
George. 

I did not know Lord Lothian. I was a resident of Connecticut at 
the time. Arrangements were made for me to meet Lord Lothian. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1517 

Lord Lothian listened to my story, and there was a very obvious 
smile on his face, a smile of incredulity. However, since I did give 
him the name, he thought, in view of the introduction from the State 
Department, that the matter should be looked into. 

Two to three weeks later, sometime in October 1939, 1 received a tele- 
phone call from the British Embassy, and I was asked when I would 
be back in Washington. 

When I returned to "Washington in a few days, Lord Lothian had 
with him in his office Mr. Victor Mallett, who later became British 
Ambassador to Sweden, Italy, Spain, and other countries and who, at 
that time, held a rank next to that of the British Ambassador in the 
United States. 

Mr. Morris. Will you spell Mr. Mallett's name for us? 

Mr. Levine. M-a-1-l-e-t-t; Victor; a 6-foot-6 individual, a very out- 
standing and unforgettable human being. 

It appeared there was no longer any smile on Lord Lothian's face. 
They found that King was in the code room of the Foreign Office, and 
apparently they had put him under surveillance; the information 
was confirmed. The man was arrested, and now they wanted to know 
about the second man, the Scotsman whom I described even to the 
point of his clothes — at least, he used to affect a cape, according to 
Krivitsky's description of the man to me. 

Mr. Morris. Before going on to that part, Mr. Levine, will you tell 
us what ultimately happened to King ? 

Mr. Levine. What happened to King was that 2 months later, he 
was reported as having been executed in the Tower of London. That 
information did not come to me until several months after the event. 

Mr. Morris. Was that publicized at the time? 

Mr. Levine. Never. 

The only time it was mentioned, Judge Morris, was in a syndicated 
article by Randolph Churchill, published in the press, a somewhat 
garbled account of the whole affair, around 1946 or early 1947. That 
should be easily available in the Library of Congress, or from the 
British Information Office or from the British Embassy. 

Mr. Morris. Did you say that it was a garbled account, that you told 
us about just now? 

Mr. Levine. Yes. He apparently had no access to the documents 
to the case, but he had picked up enough information, because of his 
father's connections, to know the bones were there; the exact facts 
were not available to him. 

Senator Johnston. W T hat position were you holding at the time you 
were finding out this information ? 

Mr. Levine. Senator, I was a private American citizen, a taxpayer, 
exactly the way I am now, and I never got, sir, even a nickel for a 
telephone call for all my efforts. 

Senator Johnston. How did you make these connections with these 
Commies ? 

Mr. Levine. Well, the connections came when, as a writer, General 
Krivitsky, upon his arrival in the United States, had sought me out 
because he wanted to present his story in a leading American maga- 
zine. After he told me the story I went down to Philadelphia and 
sold it to the Saturday Evening Post. 



1518 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

That, sir, led, in turn, to the connection with Chambers and to many 
other connections with people who either had stories to sell or who 
thought they had stories to sell. 

Senator Johnston. Do you know how lie found out about you and 
how he managed to get in touch with you ? 

Mr. Levine. Oh, very easily. 

Senator Johnston. I think that ought to go into the record. 

Mr. Levine. Well, he had been brought to the United States with 
the help of Ambassador Bullitt and of Colonel Offie in Ambassador 
Bullitt's office in Paris ; of 2 or 3 other people. For example, Alex- 
ander Barmine knew him in Paris. A good many of these people 
knew about me. 

So, on his arrival in the United States, with the only baggage he had, 
his story, he had me down as one of the persons to contact. I had 
known Mr. Bullitt since 1918, sir. 

Senator Johnston. When the Communists started their work at 
that time, we hadn't become so aware of it, either. Is that so ? 

Mr. Levine. It is quite so, sir, but I am not sure we are fully aware 
of it now. 

Senator Johnston. I think you are right. 

So it made it easier for you to get information then than even now ? 

Mr. Levine. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. I would like to say for the record at this point in May 
of 1951 we took the executive session testimony of Mr. Barmine. Sub- 
sequently he testified publicly. 

One of the things he testified about publicly was the conversations 
with the said General Krivitsky prior to the time Barmine came to the 
United States. At that time Krivitsky warned Barmine of Commu- 
nist agents in the United States. 

We have put some of those names in the record. But the other 
names I haven't put into the public record because they weren't rela- 
tive to the inquiry we were conducting at that time. They may at 
any time you think appropriate go into the record. 

Mr. Levine, would you resume and tell us about that ? This is now 
your second visit to the British Embassy, or your third ? 

Mr. Levine. Second. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us what happened at the time of the second 
visit to the British Embassy ? This was October 

Mr. Levine. October 1939. 

The gentlemen present with the Ambassador asked me how they 
could bring Krivitsky to Great Britain and whether it was a question 
of money. I told them that it was primarily a question of prestige 
and any monetary considerations would militate against bringing 
Krivitsky over there because he wanted to be of service. I suggested 
to them that the best way to go about it was not through me, because 
I had violated my word to him, but through his attorney, Mr. Louis 
Waldman, a well-known labor lawyer in New York and a former 
candidate on the Socialist ticket for the governorship of New York 
State, three times, I believe. 

Mr. Waldman was thereupon called in by the British Embassy and 
arrangements were made for General Krivitsky to go, via Canada, 
under special precautions to Great Britain. Krivitsky, however, 
wanted to have certain guaranties that the Labor Government rep- 
resentatives in the British Cabinet would protect him. Mr. Waldman 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1519 

was a friend of Herbert Morrison. Mr. Morrison was at that time 
the Home Secretary. In fact, I had met Herbert Morrison at Mr. 
Waldmairs home several years before. 

Mi\ Waldman had communicated then witli Herbert Morrison, in 
whose department this whole inquiry rested, and arrangements were 
completed to the satisfaction of Krivitsky to go to Great Britain. 

He spent several months over there. I had reason to believe in the 
spring of 1940, when a very odd little dispatch appeared in the press 
from Moscow, that Krivitsky's presence in Great Britain was suspected 
by Moscow, because of the elimination, shall we say, the liquidation, 
of one of the top agents. They could not fail to know in Moscow that 
something disastrous had happened to them when Mr. King was sud- 
denly yanked out of his office and arrested and within weeks had 
disappeared in the Tower of London. 

As I established afterward, General Krivitsky was not able to put 
his fingers, beyond the information he had given me, or to identify 
from any pictures, the second man. 

When the MacLean story broke upon us — the Burgess- MacLean 
story, several years ago — I naturally took a great interest in it. First 
and primarily, because I knew that the British Government had been 
warned by me and Krivitsky in the fall of 1939 that in addition to 
King another young ex-Communist was operating in London in a key 
position for Stalin's secret service. 

Mr. Morris. You say ex-Communist. What do you mean by that? 

Mr. Levine. Well, I mean MacLean was a young Communist when 
he was recruited into the secret service. As you probably know, and 
maybe it will stand repetition here, he had decided in 1933 to go to 
Russia. He had, in a book which he left behind, A History of Russia, 
by the famous Russian historian Pokrovski, P-o-k-r-o-v-s-k-i, with 
an introduction by Lenin, MacLean had underlined on Christinas Day 
of 1933 a passage, which I can quote in part : 

"A small number of most sincere and devoted revolutionaries of the 
intelligentsia" could bring about the Communist revolution by making 
great sacrifices. 

In 1933, he had determined to go to Russia. Suddenly, and for 
no reason that has yet been given, his decision was revoked, and, in 
1935, MacLean took examinations and entered the service of the Dip- 
lomatic Corps, the Foreign Office. 

Mr. Morris. That is, after he had been to Cambridge. Had he 
been to Cambridge? 

Mr. Levine. Oh, yes ; he had graduated from Cambridge before. 

Later, he showed up in Paris. From here on, it is all deductive on 
my part. I have no even secondhand testimony, but I do know that 
Krivitsky was in touch with all kinds of underground Soviet opera- 
tives in France. Hence it was not surprising to me that from them 
he had learned of the 2 men, 1 of whom was identified and eliminated. 

Senator Johnston. How did you learn about his connections with 
the men in France ? 

Mr. Levine. Well, in the course of his story, he had any number 
of other incidents, you know, which involved other Soviet operatives. 
For instance, the story of the murder of Ignace Reiss, R-e-i-s-s, in 
Switzerland came to him via information obtained from operatives 
in Paris. This whole clique of Soviet agents had considerable mutual 

72723— 56— pt. 28 2 



1520 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

relations, partly because they had come from the same headquarters 
in Moscow; they knew each other, although officially they were not 
supposed to identify themselves to their comrades. 

Mr. Morris. What were the individual notes, now, that Krivitsky 
told you about, secondhand ? I wonder if you could cite them all. 

Mr. Levine. Well, all that I could cite is, first, that he was a Scots- 
man, and Donald MacLean belongs to a Scottish family. Second, that 
he played around in the artistic world. He met his wife, Melinda, on 
the Left Bank and in a cafe. I am talking about MacLean. 

Mr. Morris. Krivitsky said that he played in the artistic world? 

Mr. Levine. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. That was a description by Krivitsky ? 

Mr. Levine. That was his description, without knowing his name, 
all the time. 

Mr. Morris. Any other characteristics? 

Mr. Levine. That he had been a young intellectual Communist; 
that $200,000 had been spent over a period of 2 or more years, to make 
"contacts" — that is the word they used, sir — contacts from one to the 
other, until they were able to guide and infiltrate these men into their 
underground service. Another significant fact was that MacLean had 
decided late in 1933 to go to Russia, and then, as I learned subse- 
quently, gave up his decision, and 2 years later appeared in the 
Foreign Service. Naturally, it made me think that a lot of manipula- 
tion went on during those 2 years to convince him that his duty as a 
revolutionist was not to go to Russia, where there are plenty of Com- 
munists, but to serve the revolution in London, in a strategic spot, 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like the record to show at this 
point that we have received an affidavit from Vladimir Petrov, in 
Australia, in which Petrov swore that he knew, from official MVD 
intelligence information, that Burgess and MacLean had been Soviet 
spies from their Cambridge days, and that at the present time, now, 
both of them are advising the Soviet Foreign Ministry of Anglo- 
American affairs today. 

I would like that fact to be in the record in connection with the 
testimony of Mr. Levine, and the other things we are going to put 
into the record today. 

Senator Johnston. It is so placed in the record. 

(The affidavit was numbered "Exhibit No. 285" and reads as 

follows :) 

Exhibit No. 285 

Enclosure No. 2 To Despatch No. 418, April 26, 1956, From American Embassy, 

Canberra, Australia 

LS. 1352 

I, Richard Rowland Quarniby, External Affairs Officer in the City of Sydney 
in the State of New South Wales of Australia, do hereby certify that the signa- 
ture "K. J. Young" appearing on the attached Statutory Declaration by Vladimir 
Mikhailovich Petrov dated the twenty-ninth day of March one thousand nine 
hundred and fifty-six is the true signature of Kenneth James Young, a Justice 
of the Peace in the State of New South Wales of Australia. 

Dated this nineteenth day of April one thousand nine hundred and fifty-six. 

( Signed ) R. R. Quabmby. 

I, Alfred Herbert Body, Assistant Legal Adviser of the Department of External 
Affairs, Canberra, Australia, having been didy authorised by the Secretary of 
the said Department, do hereby certify that the signature "R. R. Quarmby" 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1521 

appearing above is the true signature of Richard Rowland Quarmby, External 
Affairs Officer in the City of Sydney in the State of New South Wales of 
Australia. 

Given under my hand and the Seal of the Department of External Affairs 
this twenty-fourth day of April one thousand nine hundred and fifty-six. 

( Signed ) A. H. Body 
(For Secretary, Department of External Affairs) . 

Commonwealth of Australia, 

Australian Capital Territory, 

City of Canberra, 

Embassy of the United States of America, ss: 

I, Herbert F. Propps, Second Secretary of Embassy of the United States of 
America at Canberra, Australia, duly commissioned and qualified, do hereby 
certify that Alfred Herbert Body, whose true signature is subscribed to the 
foregoing certificate, was, on the twenty-fourth day of April, 1956, Assistant 
Legal Adviser, Department of External Affairs, Commonwealth of Australia, 
to whose official acts faith and credit are due. I further certify that the seal 
affixed to the foregoing certificate is the official seal of the Department of 
External Affairs of the Commonwealth of Australia. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and affixed the seal of 
the Embassy of the United States of America at Canberra, Australia, this twenty- 
fourth day of April, 1956. 

( Signed ) Herbert F. Propps, 

Second Secretary of Embassy. 

Tariff No. 38, Service No. 19 ; No Fee. 

Statutory Declaration 

I, Vladimir Mikhailovich Petrov, of Sydney in the State of New South Wales, 
do hereby solemnly and sincerely declare as follows : 

1. Prior to the third day of April, One thousand nine hundred and fifty-four, 
I was a member of the Diplomatic Staff attached to the Soviet Embassy Canberra 
where my position was that of Third Secretary and MVD Resident. On the third 
day of April, One thousand nine hundred and fifty-four, I left the Soviet Service 
and voluntarily sought and was granted political asylum in Australia. 

2. My MVD Assistant in the Embassy was Filipp Vasilievich Kislitsyn whose 
diplomatic rank was Second Secretary. 

3. In the middle of September One thousand nine hundred and fifty-three Kis- 
litsyn came into the MVD Office in Canberra with a smile of pride and satisfac- 
tion on his face. At the time he was carrying a newspaper which contained a 
report on the disappearance of Mrs. Maclean and her children from Lausanne 
on the eleventh day of September, One thousand nine hundred and fifty-three. 

4. Kislitsyn said, "So it has come off at last. I knew about this business. It has 
happened just as we planned it. I must cable Moscow to ask if they want the 
Australian press reports about it." 

5. My wife Doosia as MVD cipher clerk sent off the cable and presently re- 
ceived Moscow's reply asking for all important press references. 

6. When my wife and I arrived in Australia in February One thousand nine 
hundred and fifty-one we had never heard the name of either Burgess and 
Maclean, nor were we aware of their existence. When the Australian Press 
on the eighth day of June, One thousand nine hundred and fifty-one, published 
reports of their disappearance on the twenty-fifth day of May of that year we 
knew nothing about the matter which had no bearing on our own special sphere 
of duties. 

7. However, as I was Kislitsyn's MVD Chief in Australia, I insisted on know- 
ing the background to his cables about Mrs. Maclean, and he gave me the follow- 
ing account of what he knew about Burgess and Maclean : 

(a) "Burgess and Maclean were long-term agents who had each been in- 
dependently recruited to work for Soviet Intelligence in their student days 
at Cambridge University. 

(ft) "Their flight was planned and directed from Moscow, and Kislitsyn 
was present during the planning of the escape operation. The reason for 
their flight was that they had discovered that they were under investigation 
by the British Security Service. 

(c) "Kislitsyn had been in personal touch with the work of these two 
agents over a period of years. At the end of the war he had been posted to 



1522 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

the Soviet Embassy in London as MVD cipher clerk, and himself handled the 
material supplied by Burgess. At this time Burgess was bringing out brief- 
cases full of Foreign Office documents, which were photographed in the 
Soviet Embassy and quickly returned to him. 

(d) "Kislitsyn used to encipher the more urgent information and cable it 
to Moscow ; the rest he prepared for despatch by courier in the Diplomatic 
bag. 

(e) "While he was in England Kislitsyn never saw either Burgess or 
Maclean. However, he knew the Soviet official who was in contact with 
Burgess and who used to return to the Embassy with muddy clothes after his 
meetings, which evidently took place at some obscure country rendezvous. 

(/) "Kislitsyn was in London from 1945 until 1948 when he was recalled 
to Moscow. There after a year on an Intelligence training course in which 
he specialized in English, he was appointed to the First Directorate of the 
Committee of Information, where he was put in charge of a special one-man 
section of the top secret archives. 

(g) "This section was devoted solely to the great quantity of material sup- 
plied by Maclean and Burgess. Much of it had not even been translated 
or distributed to the Ministries concerned, but Kislitsyn used to show par- 
ticular files and documents to high-ranking officials who visited his section 
for the purpose. 

(h) "When Burgess and Maclean discovered that they were under in- 
vestigation by British Security, they reported it to their Soviet contact in 
the utmost alarm. 

(i) "Kislitsyn was then in Moscow and attended the conference of senior 
MVD officers called to discuss the possibility of getting these agents out of 
danger to the safety of Soviet territory. 

(;') "Among those present were Colonel Raina, Chief of the First Direc- 
torate (dealing with Anglo-American territories) in the Committee of In- 
formation, and Gorsky, who succeeded Raina in that post. 

(fc) "At this conference, the perils of the proposed operation caused much 
misgiving and many plans were put forward and rejected. Kislitsyn men- 
tioned that the route finally chosen included an air passage over the border 
into Czechoslovakia. 

(Z) "Kislitsyn met them for the first time on their arrival in Moscow 
from London. He often visited them at the comfortable house on the 
outskirts of Moscow where they were accommodated, and he was the 
officer responsible for their maintenance and welfare. 

(m) "He signed the requisitions for their material needs and prepared 
plans for the best exploitation of their services. He told us that when 
he last saw them, they were supplied with the best of everything, were in 
good health, but were missing their families. 

(n) "At that time they were acting as advisers to the Soviet Ministry 
of Foreign Affairs on Anglo-American matters. 

(o) "Kislitsyn was aware of the second plan, to get Mrs. Maclean to Mos- 
cow, and recognised some of the details when he read in the Australian news- 
papers of its successful execution. 

(p) "Kislitsyn said that it had been intended that Soviet officials in 
London should get in touch with Mrs. Maclean on the matter, but that they 
became too apprehensive about British Security measures to risk making 
contact. Later, after she went with her mother and her three children 
to live in Geneva, she was in touch with an MVD representative. 

(q) "When Kislitsyn left Moscow for Australia at the end of One 

thousand nine hundred and fifty-two he handed over his special section 

to Sadovnikov who had previously been the MVD Resident in Canberra." 

And I make this solemn declaration conscientiously and sincerely believing 

the same to be true under and by virtue of the provisions of the Oaths Act 1900- 

1951. 

Made and declared by the said Vladimir Mikhailovich Petrov at Sydney this 
29th day of March 1956. 
In the presence of : 

(Signed) V. M. Petrov. 
(Signed) K. J. Young, 
Justice of the Peace for the State of New South Wales. 

Mr. Morris. Is there anything else about that incident that we 
should know about ? Have you checked with Mrs. Krivitsky recently ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1523 

Mr. Levine. I talked to her a few months ago. She knew the story, 
of course, and she was wondering if MacLean was the same fellow 
that her husband had attempted to identify, you know. 

Mr. Morris. We have been making inquiries, Mr. Levine, about 
people who had dealings with MacLean and Burgess, here in Wash- 
ington. 1 

I noticed from Alger Hiss' calendar— he kept a calendar in Wash- 
ington — I notice on September 14, 1946, he had an appointment with 
MacLean at the British Embassy. Whether that was official business 
or not, I don't profess to know. The only fact is there was that entry 
in his calendar. 

I wonder if that fact, that there is this entry in the calendar diary, 
may go into the record. I don't know if it would be desirable to put 
the whole diary into the record, because he was a State Department 
oflicial at that time. If it is widely read, it might be subject to dif- 
ferent interpretations. 

You might wish to take it up with the committee. 

Senator Johnston. I think we should. This could have an effect 
that I would hate to assume the responsibility for. 

Mr. Morris. There is an entry on September 14 : 

MacLean at the British Embassy. 

Senator Johnston. I think it would be perfectly all right, where 
his name appears, to have it in the record. I don't think anyone would 
raise any question as to that procedure. 

Mr. Levine. May I make an observation in connection with this 
matter ? 

Mr. Morris. Certainly. 

Mr. Levine. There is a curious parallel between the background 
of Alger Hiss and that of MacLean. Those good Americans who still 
are wondering why Hiss did what he did should study the MacLean 
case. Both came from good families which had fallen on bad times. 
Both were taken in at the same identical hour, so to speak, at a time 
of a worldwide depression and the rise of Hitler in 1933. Both read 
books on communism by Communist leaders and were convinced that 
the wave of the future was a Soviet America, and a Soviet Britain, 
and a Soviet world, you know. Both were brilliant in their studies, 
and both were completely amoral and unscrupulous in their methods, 
in their technique. 

Both had sworn, when they entered the services of their govern- 
ments, to uphold the Constitutions of their governments, and both 
subordinated them, these oaths, to what they believed was their higher 
credo, or creed ; that is, Leninism. 

At this particular time, if I may — and I'll conclude shortly — when 
Moscow is wheeling out Leninism as a new worldwide creed with which 
to conquer and infiltrate and entice the still free world, whatever is 
left of it, I think the danger in the next few years of new Hisses and 
new MacLeans coming out of the better colleges — because MacLean, 
after all, had gone to Cambridge, you know, and we have their coun- 
terparts — is a danger to which some of our responsible leaders should 
be alerted in connection with the headlines that are pouring in upon 
us, because in 1935, when MacLean entered the Soviet service, we had 
a similar situation as today. 



i See p. 1527. 



1524 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

The popular front, the united front, came into being in 1935. To- 
day, without the benefit of the Comintern and even the Cominform, 
Moscow is actually building a bigger popular front than ever before, 
because it includes neutralist nations and heads of governments, in 
addition to ex-Communists and Communists and Socialists and ex- 
Socialists. It is a front designed to isolate, in the end, the United 
States ; to encircle the United States. 

On the other hand, as I tried to point out in my book, which is just 
out, which has to do with Stalin's past — on the other hand, the Tito 
thing, upon which Dr. Draskovich, I know, will speak with far greater 
authority than I can, is part, in my opinion, of a strategic move by 
Moscow to bottle up the satellite nations, together with Germany, in 
a vise extending from Stettin on the Baltic to Trieste on the 
Mediterranean. 

To Khrushchev and Bulganin, Tito, with his American-equipped 
army is the man who licked Stalin — the only man on record who licked 
Stalin — and he is the best ally of the Kremlin for an enveloping opera- 
tion which would condemn Germany to perpetual division and con- 
demn Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and other satellites to domi- 
nation by Tito, Moscow's ally. 

I thank you, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Thank you, Mr. Levine. YVe appreciate the testimony 
you have given us this morning. 

Senator Johnston. You think, I judge from your statement, that 
a change in the form of the Russian Government at the present time 
is designed only to fit the times and conditions of Russia and the 
world ? 

Mr. Levine. Yes, sir. 

Senator Johnston. In other words, they are changing their tactics, 
which were brutal under Stalin and involved a great many crimes — 
they are condemning that now in order to get the sympathy of the 
world, and let the people then come into their way of thinking in 
communism ? 

Mr. Levine. Yes, sir; and to raise an entire generation of new 
Hisses and new MacLeans, so that they can continue the subversion 
and the espionage work which Moscow considers as a necessary weapon 
in its fight to beat us. 

Senator Johnston. Thank you for coming before us with this in- 
formation. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Draskovich, will you step forward ? 

Senator, Mr. Draskovich has come from Chicago to be with us 
today. 

Senator Johnston. Do you swear the testimony you will give be- 
fore this subcommittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing 
but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Draskovich. I do. 

Senator Johnston. Have a seat, and give your full name and ad- 
dress to the reporter. 

TESTIMONY OF SLOWODIN DRASKOVICH, CHICAGO, ILL. 

Mr. Draskovich. Slowodin Draskovich, S-1-o-w-o-d-i-n D-r-a-s- 
k-o-v-i-c-h. 

I am an author and lecturer. I live in Chicago, 111. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1525 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Draskovich lias been called today 
to testify in connection with the developments in Moscow and the 
internal security consequences that we might have to face if there is 
a full-scale alliance resulting between Tito and Moscow. This wit- 
ness will testify from his own experience about that particular thing. 

We have found here in the United Slates the following facts: We 
have a Yugoslav Embassy in Washington which has 12 officials with 
diplomatic status, and 18 Yugoslav nationals who are acting as 
employees. 

The Yugoslav U. X. delegation in Xew York consists of 6 officials 
with diplomatic status and 6 employees. 

In San Francisco, the Yugoslav consul has two Yugoslav officials. 

The Chicago consulate has four Yugoslav officials. 

The Xew York City consulate has three Yugoslav officials. 

The Pittsburgh consulate has one honorary official, who may or may 
not be an American citizen. 

In addition, there are four newspapers in various degrees of Com- 
munist control. Two are in Pittsburgh, one in Detroit, and one in 
Cleveland. 

There is a Yugoslav- American home in Xew York City, and that is 
at 405 West 41st Street, Xew York. 

There are, in addition, other people in the United States whose 
loyalty to the United States would vary in accordance with the amount 
of loyalty Mr. Tito now has to the Communist organization. That is 
the purpose of our calling Mr. Draskovich, to learn something about 
that. 

Senator Johnston. These newspapers — are they controlled by the 
Communists ? 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Draskovich can testify to that. 

Mr. Draskovich, where were you born? 

Mr. Draskovich. I was born in Belgrade, then Serbia, in 1910. 

Mr. Morris. Give us a brief sketch of your experience in Yugo- 
slavia. 

Mr. Draskovich. During the First World War my father was a 
member of the Cabinet of the Kingdom of Serbia. We spent 4 years 
in France, a few months in Switzerland and France. 

In 1919 we returned. The Communist movement was strong in 
Yugoslavia at that time, for various reasons. The main reason was 
the turmoil in Yugoslavia after the war and the revolution. There 
was a strong Communist movement in Yugoslavia. They succeeded, 
after their 1920 elections, to be the third strongest party. 

At that time the Government believed in the free elections, and the 
elections were carried completely freely. However, at the same time, 
the Government realized the party was not a traditional political 
party, but part of the conspiracy of the Comintern, the Communist 
International, to spread communism over the world. 

While Communists were infiltrating the Government, the army, and 
so on, the Government was, on the other hand, infiltrating the Com- 
munist Party. It Mas a double infiltration; at that time the Govern- 
ment won. They found out all the preparations the Communists 
were making for the revolution, and the revolution was stopped. 

The Communist Party was forbidden; their papers were stopped; 
their organizations, and so on. My father has to pay with his life 
for that action. 



1526 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Speaking 27 years later- 



Mr. Morris. Before we get into that, Mr. Draskovich, why not just 
give us a brief sketch of what positions you held in Yugoslavia. 

Mr. Draskovich. I was professor of economics at the University 
of Belgrade in 1941. I was a member of the Institute of National De- 
fense of the Ministry of War. I was a lieutenant in the Yugoslav 
Army. 

Mr. Morris. What do you do now ? 

Mr. Draskovich. I am an author and editor, editor of a weekly 
Serbian newspaper, the Serbian Struggle, in Chicago. It is a world- 
wide circulation, all over the world. 

Mr. Morris. Senator Johnston was asking if you know the nature 
of those four newspapers we made reference to. 

Mr. Draskovich. I studied very carefully 4 years ago the main 2 
newspapers, 1 a neAvspaper in Croatian, Narodni Glasnik, the People's 
Herald. The other is in Serbian, Slobodna Rec, the Free Voice. 

Both newspapers were, until the break with Tito, at the same time, 
of course, pro-Moscow and pro-Tito. 

Mr. Morris. That was before the break in 1948 ? 

Mr. Draskovich. June 20, 1948. 

At that time, however, after the split, only after a few days, they 
were following exactly the line of the Daily Worker. When the Daily 
Worker was stigmatizing Tito as a traitor, they followed. In those 
two newspapers, they were 100 percent against Tito as a Fascist and a 
traitor. That situation lasted until a few years ago — until, in fact, 
the visit of Khrushchev and Bulganin last year, in May and June, 
1955, to Tito. Then they changed the tune. 

Since then, it is just about a year, this last year, they have been at 
the same time pro-Tito and pro-Moscow. 

Mr. Morris. Do you mean all four papers ? 

Mr. Draskovich. I am speaking mainly now of Narodni Glasnik, 
which was the leader, and Slobodna Rec, the other one. 

The third paper, Narodna Volyna, has a special hue, communistic 
and separatist. I think it follows a special Moscow line of making a 
separate country of Macedonia, Yugoslavian, and Bulgarian and Greek 
Macedonia, into one unit, which was an age-old dream of imperialistic 
policy, and would best serve Soviet imperialistic interests now. 

The fourth newspaper is Enakopravnost, a Slavonian paper, Equal- 
ity of Rights, which is communistic. It has a good many articles 
against Slavonian Communists, which are quite numerous. But the 
most militant is the Croatian newspaper being published in Pitts- 
burgh. 

Mr. Morris. You say that paper was completely following the Com- 
munist line until 1948, and in 1948 it then followed the position Tito 
took? 

Mr. Draskovich. Oh, no, on the contrary, they followed exactly, 
all the time through, Moscow line, so they were pro-Tito until 1948, 
because he was with Stalin. In 1948, when he broke with Stalin, 
they turned against him. 

One small detail : They are often publishing cartoons from the Daily 
Worker. They follow in the most close manner the line of the Daily 
Worker. They have been using all the language and abuses and in- 
vectives, and so on, of the Daily Work against Tito : exactly the way 
they carry their offensive, they follow. When that offensive subsided, 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1527 

and when they stated that Yugoslav Communists were acceptable, 
they followed that line, too. So, there is the closest possible identity 
of that newspaper with the Communist line of Tito by Moscow. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Draskovich, the Senator 

Senator Johnston. Is it possible for you to be here tomorrow, Mr. 
Draskovich ? 

Mr. Draskovich. Yes, sir. 

Senator Johnston. The Senate is in session now, and I am going to 
have to run over. That is what I am up against. 

Off the record, just a minute. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. Morris. Senator, we are having Mr. Kaditsa, who was form- 
erly a member of Tito's Cabinet, to testify tomorrow. Mr. Drasko- 
vich's testimony will coincide with his. 

Senator Johnston. That would be in line, so if it is possible for 
you to stay over 

Mr. Draskovich. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Draskovich came all the way from Chicago to 
testify before this subcommittee. 

Senator Johnston. At the present time, in the Senate they are 
having a great many things happen, and it makes us work in double 
time. 

Mr. Draskovich. Certainly, sir. 

Senator Johnston. It makes it very difficult. Several committees 
are meeting at the same time. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, may I just put into the record, before you 
leave, that Guy Burgess was in Washington in 1942, and then he was 
in Washington as the Second Secretary early in August 1950, until 
apparently early May 1951. 

Donald'MacLean was in Washington as the Acting First Secretary 
from May 2, 1944, until October 1946. Then, on May 11, 1950, and 
lasting until June 1, 1951, he was head of the American Section of 
the British Foreign Office in Washington. 

Senator Johnston. That will be made part of the record. 

Mr. Morris. Thank you, Senator. 

Senator Johnston. We will adjourn until tomorrow at 10 : 30 a. m. 
(Whereupon, at 12 : 10 p. m., the subcommittee recessed, to reconvene 
at 10 : 30 a. m., Thursday, June 7, 1956.) 

72723— 56— pt. 28 3 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



THURSDAY, JUNE 7, 1956 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 

of the Internal Security Act and Other 
Internal Security Laws, of the 
Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 11 : 10 a. m., 
in the caucus room, Senate Office Building, Senator James O. East- 
land (chairman) presiding. 

Present : Senator Eastland. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; William A. Rusher, 
administrative counsel ; and F. W. Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Chairman Eastland. The committee will come to order. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Draskovich is the first witness. 
Mr. Draskovich has been sworn, but Mr. Raditsa has not. 

Chairman Eastland. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony 
you will give before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee will 
be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you 
God? 

Mr. Raditsa. I do. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, this hearing this morning is a consideration 
of the consequences on internal security which would result if the 
present visit of Tito to the Soviet Union results in a full-scale aliance 
between those two countries. 

At stake in these hearings, as far as security is concerned, are the 
following considerations : 

The Yugoslav Embassy in Washington has 12 officials with diplo- 
matic status and 18 Yugoslav employees; 

The Yugoslav U. N. delegation in New York consists of G officials 
with diplomatic status, and 6 employees; the San Francisco consul 
has 2 Yugoslav officials; the Chicago consulate has 4 Yugoslav of- 
ficials ; the New York City consulate has 3 Yugoslav officials ; the Pitts- 
burgh consulate has 1 honorary official, who may or may not be an 
American citizen. 

In addition, there are 4 Yugoslav publications in the United States, 
2 in Pittsburgh, 1 in Detroit, and 1 in Cleveland. 

There is a Yugoslav-American home in New York City. 

In addition, we have training with our Armed Forces 2 Yugoslav 
officers at Fort Penning, 3 at Fort Monmouth Signal Corps, and 2 at 
Fort Knox Mobile Arms School. 

In addition to that, many other situations exist in this country that 
would be affected if this alliance should result. 

Chairman Eastland. Proceed. 

1529 



1530 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

TESTIMONY OF SLOWODIN DRASK0VICH— Resumed 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Draskovich has given certain testimony yesterday. 

I wonder, Mr. Draskovich, if you could briefly tell us what position 
you had in the Yugloslav Government ? 

Mr. Draskovich. I was, before the war, professor of economics at 
the University of Belgrade. I was also a member of the Institute 
of National Defense of the Ministry of War, and secretary general 
of the Serbian Cultural Club of Yugoslav. 

Mr. Morris. And what do you do now ? 

Mr. Draskovich. I am author and chief editor of a weekly news- 
paper in Serbian. 

Mr. Morris. You spoke of 4 publications — you are familiar with 
4 publications in Yugoslavian in America. 

Mr. Draskovich. Yes ; I am. 

Mr. Morris. You are familiar with these papers, named Narodni 
Glasnik, Slobodna Rec, Narodna Volyna, and Enakopravnost ? 

Mr. Draskovich. I am. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you could briefly tell us about those publi- 
cations and what they involve? 

Mr. Draskovich. The first is in Croatian, which is Narodni Glasnik, 
the People's Herald. 

The second is in Serbian ; the third is in Macedonian ; the fourth in 
Slavonian. They are all four communistic publications. 

The one which is following most closely the Moscow line is the 
first one, Narodni Glasnik. 

Mr. Morris. That is the largest ? 

Mr. Draskovich. Yes. 

Until 1948, until the break, true or alleged, between Moscow and 
Tito, the paper was for Tito, because he was for Moscow. After the 
break, the paper took the Moscow line. Up until the time Khrushchev 
and Bulganin went to visit Tito, they had an antagonistic attitude 
toward Tito. Since that time, they are rather friendly to Tito. 

Now they are again in the same manner as Tito is hailed in Moscow 
as a friend of the Kremlin, the Soviet Union, and the promoter of 
world communism. The same attitude is taken by Narodni Glasnik, 
which is the paper of the people of Yugoslavian origin in America. 

Mr. Morris. Are there other considerations that you know of that 
the Internal Security Subcommittee must give attention to in con- 
nection with these recent developments ? 

Mr. Draskovich. Well, I am in constant contact with people 
throughout America, and especially in the area of Chicago. Most 
of the Serbian DP's work in factories, so that I have a close contact 
and means to know what is going on and to ascertain the consequences 
of the Titoist policy of the West as far as they are reflected among 
Serbian DP's and also American workers. 

The main thing regarding this visit of Tito to Moscow is to know 
first — and I am speaking of the experience with the people who are 
there every day, in everyday contact with American workers — is 
regarding what Titoism is. 

A young man who came to this country recently and whom I met 
a few weeks ago — he is studying at an American university — I asked 
him how he liked America. He said, "I like everything in America 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1531 

People are very hospitable; I like their way of life, their political 
system, but there is one thing I don't like — American Titoism." 

He said, "We don't have Titoism in Yugoslavia, but there is Titoism 
in America. Often, unfortunately, at private meetings or public meet- 
ings, when I say I am from Yugoslavia, people say, 'How wonderful. 
How is our friend Tito?' " 

When he tries to explain that Tito is not a friend of America, but 
a friend of the Kremlin, people say "How interesting." 

Then they turn their backs on him. 

I am mentioning this because it is definitely a consequence of 
the pro-Titoism of the West, a tremendous demoralization going on 
among the Serbian DP's and also among the other people as a con- 
sequence of the policy of weakness which is practiced by the West 
toward Tito and Titoism. 

The main point is that, by practicing Titoism, the message of the 
West to people behind the Iron Curtain is that there is no hope for 
liberalization ; and very many people tell you openly, "What is the use 
of fighting if we stand no chance of achieving our freedom?" 

The practical consequence is that many people who are Communists 
or Communist-inclined come easily to this country, and spread Com- 
munist propaganda around. I know of a case of a young man, about 
32 or 33 years of age. 

He came to this country and is speaking openly that Americans 
are capitalistic imperialists, they have no business in Korea, they 
have no business in China, they have no business elsewhere, and should 
remain in America. 

When friends of mine told him, "You must be a Communist," he 
said, "No; the proof that I am not a Communist is the American 
Embassy let me come here. They gave me a visa, consequently I am 
not a Communist." 

There are quite a few cases where people can come to this country 
and spread communism. On the other hand, people who were before 
stanchly anticommunistic have lost hope and are desisting from any 
further struggle because they believe the cause is lost. 

Mr. Morris. These, you say, are consequences of the United States 
policy toward Tito ? 

Mr. Draskovich. Right. 

Mr. Morris. By creating an atmosphere in which he is generally 
considered to be a friend. 

Mr. Draskovich. Right. 

Mr. Morris. You say these people who have emigrated to the United 
States from Yugoslavia and who know what the conditions are in 
Yugoslavia are being demoralized as a result ? 

Mr. Draskovich. Right. 

There are many people who come temporarily. Among them are 
good people, but there are also people who, I believe, are sent delib- 
erately by Tito to spread demoralization. 

They say, "What is the use; you cannot fight alone. You do not 
have America on your side." 

The main thing is, in my opinion of what will be the consequences, 
depends mainly on this country, namely, the possibilities of fighting 
communism are tremendous, in my opinion. 

What is too often forgotten is that there are 800 million people 
behind the Iron Curtain, allies of America. We speak too often of 



1532 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Communists among our own ranks. We speak too often of the infiltra- 
tion of Communists in our own ranks, but I think our possibilities 
cannot be applied properly if we forget that we have 800 million 
people behind the Iron Curtain who are on our side, in our corner. 

I mention this concretely in connection with the visit of Tito to 
Moscow, because how that visit will be reflected in the minds of the 
people depends mostly on what we do with the visit. 

The split in 1948 could have been used to destroy communism; I 
mean first in Yugoslavia and the consequences of wresting Yugoslavia 
away from communism would have been worthwhile. Unfortunately, 
that has not been done. 

Instead of destroying communism, it has been helped and built up. 
Now, the visit of Tito to Moscow is the problem of what we do of it. 
It can be used against Moscow ; it can be used against communism. 

I am thinking of some friends of mine — American-born people 
here — the view they will take depends very much on the attitude which 
the West, and especially this country, will take toward Tito. It has 
been said he has shown completely his colors. 

If we destroy that, people will lose their hope and be completely 
demoralized. 

Mr. Morris. How many Yugoslav immigrants are there in the 
United States? 

Mr. Draskovich. All together, I think there are about 400,000, if 
not more. I think maybe 500,000. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know anything about the circulation of these 
newspapers ? 

Mr. Draskovich. The Slobodna Eec has practically folded up. The 
paper is now 

Mr. Morris. How about the Narodni Glasnik? 

Mr. Draskovich. It is somewhere between 30,000 and 40,000. 

Mr. Morris. You say there are about 400,000 Yugoslav refugees? 
Croatians and Serbs together? 

Mr. Draskovich. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know anything about the Yugoslav military 
missions ? 

Mr. Draskovich. Military missions ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes. 

Mr. Draskovich. I know Vladimir Popovic, who came to this coun- 
try in 1951. He is an old-time Communist. He is a schoolmate of 
mine, and he has been a Communist, although he comes from a very 
rich family, ever since he was 15 or 16. 

He said to the Czech Ambassador to Yugoslavia, Corbell in 1948, 
in Belgrade, when Corbell asked him why isn't he so friendly with 
him as with other ambassadors — he said, "Look here; I have to be 
more friendly toward people who represent Communist countries, 
because they are Communists. I know you are not a Communist; 
I know what you think. I cannot open my heart before you." 

That man is now 46 or 48. That man, when he came to America, 
he definitely didn't come only for an official mission, but he also con- 
tacted people who in this country are spreading communism. 

One year later came the chief of staff of the Yugoslav Army, Peko 
Dapcevic. He followed Popovic, who is now Foreign Minister. He 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1533 

came 1 year later, and was accompanied by some other people who, 
even with himself, have been under suspicion that he is Cominform. 

There are other people — three members of the delegation who 
were known for their pro-Cominform sympathies. 

I understand nothing was done to prevent them from inspecting 
whatever they wanted to see. I also know of some individual cases 
of people who were known to be stanch Communists who came for 
some military or other training; who contacted here in America, 
Communists. It is the military delegations, the economic delegations, 
the students. All those people, even in the period of, let's say, 1948 
to 1953, when Tito was considered to be an ally of this country, and 
they were allegedly banned by Moscow. They would come to this 
country and contact people who were 100 percent for Moscow. 

If they were against Moscow, they wouldn't be associated in this 
country with people following the Daily Worker line. 

Mr. Morris. You say in the delegations who have come here from 
Yugoslavia even during the period from 1948 to 1953, when there was 
a presumed break, that the members of the delegations associated 
freely here with people who were Communists? 

Mr. Draskovich. Definitely. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know that from your own experience ? 

Mr. Draskovich. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Do you interpret that as an indication that there was 
no real break in the first place? 

Mr. Draskovich. Definitely. 

I would like to add this: from an exchange of correspondence be- 
tween Moscow and Tito in 1948 which has been published, one thing 
can be plainly seen, that it was not Tito who was rebelling, that it 
was Moscow who wanted to oust him. 

Why I don't know. I think only Stalin knows that, and he took his 
secret to the grave with him. 

Tito was trying to pacify, to appease. He was saying, "Let's get to- 
gether and discuss it; let's see what can be done." 

The second main point is that the accusations of Stalin against Tito 
have been later on used by Western Titoists for their propaganda; 
No. 1, that Tito was allegedly against Moscow, which he was not. 

No. 2, that he was for the West, which he never was. No. 3, that he 
was ideologically veering away from Marxism and Leninism. No. 4, 
that he was creating a different kind of communism, so-called national 
communism. 

Here I am only guessing. I have presented facts. Here I am only 
guessing. Maybe Stalin gave a hint to Communists throughout the 
world what to do and how to build up Tito into a different Communist. 
The main merit of Tito for world communism has been to prove that 
communism can be different. That was the main idea of Titoism, be- 
cause if one Communist can be different, then any Communist can be 
different. 

Communism can change to the point where it doesn't any longer pose 
a threat to the free world. 

I think the main merit of Tito to communism is that he opened the 
gates of Asia to Moscow. Tito sent a Yugoslavian delegation to India. 
The main message they had to carry there was the message of different 
communism. After visiting a number of Indian and Burmese officials, 



1534 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

those people achieved tremendous success. I remember the name of 
one of the men, the governor of the State of Madras, Mr. Prakasha, 
who said to Djilas, then delegate of Tito, "You have the great merit 
of proving to us Asians that communism need not be imperialistic." 

So, the basis of the triumphal visit of Khrushchev and Bulganin 
in November of 1955 in India was laid by Tito's delegate in 1953, and 
by the subsequent visit of Tito to those countries and Egypt in 1955. 

If Khrushchev and Bulganin went to pay their respects to Tito, it 
was because he had achieved what Stalin could not do, to convince 
India that communism is not imperialistic. 

He has proved to people who have not been for communism, one, 
communism is harmless; two, he has demoralized anti-Communists 
and killed the hopes for freedom in the world. 

Many Western Titoists have promoted the idea that there is no 
alternative to Titoism, but it is either Titoism or Stalinism. If you 
put it that way, it means that there is no hope for freedom. Titoism 
has the greater merit for Moscow that it has killed, with many people, 
the determination to fight communism. 

Mr. Morris. There never has been any relaxation in Yugoslavia of 
the Communist regimen, has there ? 

Mr. Draskovich. There has been some relaxation as in other coun- 
tries, the Soviet Union and Poland, because they feel completely sure 
of their victory. 

What they have done in Yugoslavia is they have not won to their 
side anyone, but they have killed the belief with many people that 
communism can be destroyed. 

If you once accept, not that communism is good, but that the advent 
of communism is imminent, communism will win. 

What Tito has succeeded in is to destroy the faith that freedom will 
finally prevail. Many people have withdrawn into their private lives 
instead of fighting communism. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know anything about this Yugoslav Home in 
New York City? 

Mr. Draskovich. Yes, sir. It was during the war and after the 
war, and it is still today, one of the main centers of Communist propa- 
ganda and Communist action in the United States. 

Mr. Morris. What is the Yugoslav- American Home ? 

Mr. Draskovich. Well, a distinction must be drawn between that 
home and the newspapers. While the newspapers were very strictly 
following the Moscow line — you could see when the break came they 
denounced very strongly Tito, because Moscow was anti-Tito. Now 
they are pro-Tito, because Moscow is pro-Tito. 

In the Yugoslav Home, the situation was very different, because 
there was never a very clear break between the Titoists and the Stalin- 
ists. There were some disputes, even some brawls, some fights, but 
all of them, Titoists or Stalinists, visited the center. 

I think that is one of the proofs that the split among them was put 
up for the West, but it never reached the rank and file of the Commu- 
nist Party anywhere. 

Mr. Morris. I have no more questions of this witness. 

Chairman Eastland. I have no questions. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Eaditsa. 

Mr. Raditsa, where do you reside? Will you give your full name 
and address to the reporter? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1535 

TESTIMONY OF BOGDAN RADITSA, NEW YORK, N. Y. 

Mr. Raditsa. Bogdan Raditsa, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Where do you reside ? 

Mr. Raditsa. In New York City. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Raditsa, will you tell us what position you 
held in Tito's government? 

Mr. Raditsa. I was chief of the foreign press department up to the 
end of 1945. 

Mr. Morris. Then you broke away from the Tito government? 

Mr. Raditsa. Then I broke away from Tito at the end of 1945 and 
came back to the West. 

In 1946 I was in this country, and I published a series of articles on 
how Tito has communized Yugoslavia. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

You wrote an aricle, did you not, in 1954 in which you forecast that 
there was forthcoming a dose alliance between Moscow and Tito ? 

Mr. Raditsa. Yes, sir. I wrote an article in the magazine, Free- 
man, which came out on January 11, 1954, which produced the facts 
that immediately after Stalin's death, the initiative for the reestab- 
lishment of friendly relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet 
Union started. 

In June of 1953, Tito sent emissaries to Moscow, and at that time 
they agreed that they are going to reorganize. The relations between 
Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, and not only between the states of 
Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, but even between the two Commu- 
nist Parties, which Tito denied at that time. 

When my article appeared in the Freeman, Tito came out— — 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Raditsa, you say that in 1953, Tito sent emissaries 
to Moscow ? 

Mr. Raditsa. Yes: where he already inaugurated, introduced, the 
parleys with the new leadership. At that time, Malenkov was the 
Prime Minister, but Khrushchev and Mikoyan were very important. 

That proved that while Tito was fighting Stalinism, it was only 
the inner relations of this group which is ruling Russia right now. 
It doesn't astonish me, because it was Malenkov who introduced Tito 
as the secretary general of the Communist Party before World War II. 

He introduced Tito to Stalin. Stalin had made at that time a great 
purge of the leaders of the Communist Party in the world, among 
whom were some of Tito's predecessors. So Tito took the Stalin line 
and brought that line to Yugoslavia among the Communists. 

Now, Tito, in going back to our main subject, after Stalin's death, 
started already to work out his new line with the Communists. That 
is to say, what was Tito's main and basic idea? Stalin, through his 
declining age, has brought Communism into a deadlock. There was 
a great danger to disrupt the Communist forces all over the world. 

So Tito said the only thing to improve the Communist cause would 
be that we get rid of the Cominform, which, in fact, was dissolved 
before Tito went to Moscow 2 months ago, and that we reorganize 
the Communist organization on a new basis, where the Communist 
state in which the Communists already are now in power are going to 
be administered by their own native Communists so that we will give 
the impression to the West, particularly to America, that communism 
has been accepted already in Czechoslovakia, in Hungary, in Bulgaria, 



1536 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

in Rumania, and in Poland, and so the West and the Americans will 
lose any possibility to try to liberate these countries from their Com- 
munist henchmen. 

Tito at that time denied me, but he denied me in a very strange way, 
very evasively. He didn't say that he was not going to establish the 
relations with Russia. He said, "All this has not yet been achieved." 

Tito's denial convinced me more than the information I got at that 
time in Europe from some of the people who came to see me, from 
Yugoslavia to see me and ask me to tell to the American public opinion, 
that the whole business of prearrangement between Tito and the Mos- 
cowite leadership has been in process to be elaborated. 

Yugoslav peoples have been very much afraid of Tito going again 
back completely into the Moscow fort. They have been afraid as they 
are afraid and scared now. 

You have to take into consideration that the Soviet fleet is in 
Dalmatia, on our seashores, in the same time while Tito is in Russia. 
Why? Because Tito and the Russians are afraid that the Yugoslav 
peoples could express more of their dissatisfaction against what is 
going on. 

In any rate, it is my profound conviction that Tito, from June 1953 
up to now, has closely worked together with the Russians for the 
reorganization of the whole Communist work. 

Now we are entering into one of the most dangerous, Senator East- 
land, in the most dangerous phase of the whole strata of communism 
for world conquest. Tito has opened the gates of the world com- 
munism into Asia. His recent visit to Egypt has been in agreement 
with Moscow. 

I can tell you as a fact that the arms from Czechoslovakia to Egypt 
have been delivered from the Adriatic shores, the ports of Rieka, 
R-i-e-k-a, and Ploche, P-1-o-c-h-e. 

They have been delivered all the time. Everybody could see. Even 
the American observers who are in Yugoslavia know that these arms 
have been delivered not from Russia. 

Czechoslovakia has no ports and harbors to deliver. They go from 
Czechoslovakia to Hungary, down the Danube, right into Rieka. 
From Rieka they are shipped into Egypt. People who delivered them 
in Ploche and Rieka speak to the natives in Russian. They are not 
even Czechs. They speak in Russian. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Raditsa, to be sure I understand that, you say 
that the arms that Czechoslovakia is supplying to Egypt are being 
shipped through Hungary down the Danube 

Mr. Raditsa. From Czechoslovakia down the Danube to Yugoslav- 
ian ports. 

Mr. Morris. And being shipped by Russians; you say? 

Mr. Raditsa. People who have seen some of the seamen, Dalmatian 
seamen who came to New York harbor, said to some of my friends 
that the people who delivered those arms to the Egyptian ships and 
to the Yugoslav ships speak only Russian, so they must be Russian. 
That was going on all the last fall and all the last summer. 

Mr. Morris. What do you believe is the consequence of the Tito 
visit to Moscow ? 

Mr. Raditsa. To me that is not an astonishment. I always believe 
that Tito was a Communist. I knew him. I was in his government. 
They were always Communists, and they were always believing that 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1537 

they are going to improve communism. I never believed that Tito is 
going to change or is going to become a Liberal Communist or a 
Democratic Communist, as many Liberals have built up a myth of 
liberalization of communism through Tito. 

On that matter, we must agree with Tito. He has never said he 
wasn't a Communist. He has constantly stated that he was a Com- 
munist. Even when the last fall, Secretary Dulles went to Brioni 
to visit him and gave the famous statement in which he stated that 
Tito has promised to liberate the people from the Communist yoke, 
Tito denied that statement immediately after and said that was not 
in agreement. 

What Tito meant, when he was emphasizing the principle of inde- 
pendence and self-determination, was that the West doesn't interfere 
into the countries which are conquered by the Communists. 

The principle of self-determination, of noninterference to Com- 
munist countries, meant to Tito that the West doesn't interfere into 
those countries which have been conquered, and enslaved, by the Com- 
munist in 1945, because they are afraid if the West would be success- 
ful in the United Nations, imposed upon them the free election, con- 
trolled by the United Nations, they would lose the elections, because 
in all those countries, including Yugoslavia, the Communist Party has 
no more than 5 percent of the people. 

So, he said, this is an ideological misunderstanding of the relations 
between the West and Tito. While Tito was talking about the self- 
determination, America thought it was the self-defense of Yugoslavia. 

Tito was mainly interested in preserving the self-determination of 
the Communist Parties and other Communist Parties which had taken 
power behind the Iron Curtain. 

What we were doing at that time, even the Radio Free Europe in 
1952, in emphasizing Titoism to the countries under the Communists, 
had this to say as to America. That was a typical broadcast beamed 
to Czechoslovakia on April 27, 1952 : 

As to America, she supports Tito. Even though Tito accepts America's bounti- 
ful assistance with open hands, the United States Government has not demanded 
the denationalization of a single Yugoslav territory. 

Yes ; Tito never ceased to be a Communist. America says, "Let everyone do 
as he pleases." America says "Go ahead and be a Communist, if that is what 
you want. All we ask is that you stop supporting Russian imperialism." 

America has no intention to force anyone, including Yugoslavia, to return to 
communism. 

This has demoralized the anti- Communists not only in Yugoslavia, 
but all over the Iron Curtain. We know the basic principle of free- 
dom is economic freedom. Now, how do people behind the Iron Cur- 
tain who are in the majority anti-Communist — how can they believe 
that America is supporting a better Communist from a worse Com- 
munist ? There is no such things. 

I must tell you that that has confused very much the Americans of 
Serbian, Croatian, Slavonian, and Macedonian descent. 

Before 1950 — not in 1948, because the break occurred in 1949 — they 
believed that Tito was an enemy to America and an enemy to their 
own country. After 1950, after all this propaganda about Tito being 
a nice Communist, an honest Communist, it has confused them very 
much. 

They knew the situation in the country, because that country has 
in the last 10 years survived, thanks to the goodness of the American 



1538 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

heart, to the millions and millions of dollars sent in food to the people 
of Yugoslavia, to the hundreds of thousands of parcels which every 
Yugoslav in this country sends to their natives, because they know the 
situation there. 

The situation in Yugoslavia has not improved. Cardinal Stepinac 
is still under home arrest. Priests, when they receive money from 
their American relatives to pray Masses in the Catholic part of Yugo- 
slavia — that is to say, Croatia — those moneys are taken by the Gov- 
ernment through the severe tax imposition, so that there is not even 
the possibility to pray Masses with the money which comes by private 
from America, from their spiritual understanding, because the Gov- 
ernment takes it. 

Mr. Morris. Do you think it has been a mistake to spend more than 
a billion dollars, as the United States has ? 

Mr. Raditsa. That is what the official figures have told us. 

Now, Mr. Senator, if I can draw your attention to prove to you 
what was going on from 1950 on, there were, as you know, many dele- 
gations which were coming practically every while from Yugoslavia 
over here, as you know. 

But it is very strange to observe — I have observed that in the last 6 
years among the delegates in the United Nations, or with official busi- 
ness coming over here in America, there was Mr. Srgjan Prica. Mr. 
Prica is today Deputy Foreign Minister in Charge of the United 
States Affairs. 

He has been, before the war and during the Second World War, in 
this country as one of the major Communist agents, as an editor of 
the Slobodna Rec, which just was mentioned here. 

Mr. Morris. That is the Serbian paper published in Pittsburgh? 

Mr. Raditsa. Yes ; and he has been in charge of the whole Commu- 
nist underground movement in this country before the war, the last 
war, and during the war. He knows America very well. 

He knows all the Yugoslav-American Communists in this country, 
because he was working with them. This man had the doors carte 
blanche open to him to travel all over America to see anyone, because 
he was a respected Communist. 

Mr. Morris. That is after 1948 ? 

Mr. Raditsa. And he has been well known as the man who has 
tried badly to reestablish good relations between Moscow and Bel- 
grade. 

Mr. Morris. During that period of 1948-53, what has been that lirfl 
of that particular publication, the Slobodna Rec ? 

Mr. Raditsa. It was at that time attacking Tito. Tito at that time 
had his own paper in New York City, Novilist, published by the 
Yugoslav Home you have just mentioned. 

Novilist stopped to be published immediately after the Stalin death. 
The last article which that paper brought as an editorial said : 

Now, since the relations between the Socialist Republics of the world and the 
people's democracies have been established, we don't need to have a separate 
paper ; other newspapers of the same kind are going to do the work for us. 

That meant Narodni Glasnik and Slobodna Rec, and this Mr. 
Prica was coming over here, of course, for a special purpose. 

But another very interesting fact is that the former Tito Ambas- 
sador in this country, Vladimir Popovic, when he has been moved 
from Washington to Belgrade, he became the Ambassador of Tito to 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1539 

Mao Tse Tung, in Peiping, which means at that time, already to 
Peiping very important Communist affairs have been dealt, and they 
have been dealt by a man who knew America, since he was in this 
country several years and he was visiting all the Yugoslav colonies 
from the east to the west coasts, speaking to them what was going on 
in Yugoslavia, which intentions were Tito intentions. 

Like all other Tito diplomats in this country, he has been free to do 
what he wanted. 

Chairman Eastland. I would like to ask you this question. 

Mr. Raditsa. Yes; certainly. 

Chairman Eastland. We have sent approximately a billion and 
a quarter dollars in military and economic aid to Yugoslavia. What 
good has this done this country ? 
' Mr. Raditsa. Military, I am sorry to say, is wasted. 

Chairman Eastland. What good has economic aid done this 
country ? 

Mr. Raditsa. Economically, the country is still in the same poverty- 
stricken situation as it was before the money was poured into it, be- 
cause Tito was not interested in improving the welfare of the people, 
in improving the national economy, because Tito was only interested in 
improving the Communist economy. 

Chairman Eastland. I am not asking what good that economic aid 
has done Yugoslavia. What good has it done the United States % 

Mr. Raditsa. That is up to you to answer, Mr. Senator. 

Chairman Eastland. What is your judgment, sir? 

Mr. Raditsa. I am not here as an American citizen, and I would 
not like to answer that question. 

I think in this country there are intelligent people ; this is a great 
country which has an intelligent people, and they have to judge by 
themselves what they have done, I still believe 

Chairman Eastland. Now, you have got $30 million in military aid 
set up at the present time for Yugoslavia. What good will that $30 
million do for the United States ? 

Mr. Raditsa. I think to the Yugoslavians it will do no good, be- 
cause Marshal Tito yesterday in Moscow said in front of the press, 
when an American asked him, "You are not going, apparently, to get 
this $30 million." 

He said : "We don't care." 

So already, Mr. Tito has received $300 million— I think it is $300 
million — of credit offered by the Soviet Union to Tito. So this means 
that Tito is not even interested in taking this money. I think, in fact, 
that after the way Tito has dismissed this $30 million, I would not 
even try to impose it upon him. 

In the papers this morning, he absolutely has ridiculed this offer 
and said to all those Senators in the United States Senate who are op- 
posing that that he doesn't need that money. If he doesn't need it, 
it shouldn't be furnished to him. 

Chairman Eastland. Mr. Draskovich, what is your judgment on 
those questions I have asked ? 

Mr. Draskovich. Sir, I must say that, in my opinion, the effects 
have been disastrous for this country, because this country has been 
building up an enemy, a man who has done the greater service to 
world communism, much better and more efficiently than Stalin could 
have done. 



1540 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

In 1948, when the break came, the final words of Tito's message, of 
his last letter to Stalin, were : 

We shall continue to build socialism in our country, and we shall remain faith- 
ful to the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin. In that manner, we shall 
prove that the accusations against us were wrong. 

Well, all that Tito has done so far — he kept his word. He worked 
for world communism much more efficiently than Stalin. 

Unfortunately, this country — you must know the figures better than 
I do, but I think with the UNRRA aid, it is over $2 billion. That has 
been, if I may use the language of the Communist manifesto, "digging 
our own grave," because we have been building the country and the 
forces to whom the main obstruction for world communism is this 
country. 

To quote now one interesting example, in 1953, it was revealed by a 
United States general — the name slips my mind right now — but he 
said that while the war was going on, some vital jets which were in- 
dispensable for the training of United States fliers in Korea were not 
there in sufficient numbers. At that time Tito was receiving them. 

Mr. Morrts. You mean Tito was getting jet planes when we were 
in short supply? 

Mr. Draskovich. Right. 

I think the name was General Anderson. 

Chairman Eastland. Are there any further questions? 

Mr. Morris. No, Senator. 

Chairman Eastland. We thank you, gentlemen. Your testimony 
has been very important. 

The hearing is adjourned. 

(Whereupon, at 12 noon, the subcommittee adjourned.) 

The following letter from Mikola Lebed, secretary general for 
foreign affairs of the Supreme Ukrainian Liberation Council, to 
Chairman Eastland, was ordered into the record at a meeting of the 
subcommittee on November 21, 1956 : 

Supreme Ukrainian Liberation Council, 
Secretariate-General for Foreign Affairs, 

New York, N. Y., July 30, 1956. 
Hon. James O. Eastland, 
United States Senator, 

Senate Offiee Building, Washington, D. C. 
Dear Senator Eastland: Your chief counsel, Robert Morris, Esq., has been 
most kind in sending me a copy of your letter of July 26, 1956, to Ambassador 
Henry Cabot Lodge. Jr., chief United States delegate to the United Nations 
in the matter of petitions received from Ukrainian political prisoners in Soviet 
concentration camps. 

I wish to express my deeply felt gratitude for your very generous and prompt 
support given this matter as evidenced by your penetrating letter to Ambassador 
Lodge. 

Your keen and ready understanding of the cause and plight of those political 
prisoners is very heartening, inasmuch as it proves that their sacrifices, long 
wait, and undying hope have not been in vain. 

It is only a pity that the free world at large does not as yet fully grasp the 
sign ificn nee of the uneonquered spirit of such groups of persecuted political 
prisoners as the Ukr;iini;ins of Mordovian camps in this instance — hence I feel 
that it is indispensable that the matter be given moral support on the part of 
political leaders of the Western World — like you are doing at the present, and 
that it be given the widest possible publicity in the press of the free world. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1541 

Would it be possible, witbout imposing on your time, to suggest that your 
viewpoint, as expressed in your letter to Ambassador Lodge, be given tbe widest 
possible circulation? 
Very sincerely, 

/s/ M. Lehed. 

The following transcript of a parolee hearing by the Immigration 
and Naturalization Service with four Russian seamen was ordered 
into the record at a meeting of the subcommittee on November 21, 
1956: 

Interview Accoeded Alien Parolees by the Immigration and Naturalization 

Service 

Place: Central Office, Immigration and Naturalization Service, 119 D Street 
NE., Washington, D. C. 

Date : April 27, 11)56. Time : 3 p. m. 

Alien parolees: Nikolov Michail Ivankov, Benedict Eremenko, Victor Tatarni- 
kov, Victor Solovyev. 

Present at interview: Mr. Marques (presiding) ; Mr. Crawford, representative, 
State Department; Mr. Van Hoogstraten, representative, Church World Service 
{sponsor) ; Georgi Nicolai Zaroubin, Russian Ambassador to the United States; 
Piotr Salamatin, Chief, Consular Division, Russian Embassy (also present was 
an unidentified person who took notes and who was traveling with the Russian 
Ambassador) ; Mr. Rudnick, Immigration and Naturalization Service; Mr. Alex- 
ander Logofet (iS'tate Department), interpreter. 

Mr. Logofet acted as interpreter throughout the interview. 

Mr. Marques. Gentlemen, the first person who will come in is Mr. Nikolov 
Michail Ivankov. At the beginning I would like to say that this is a parolee 
interview. These interviews are granted periodically to determine certain ques- 
tions, only questions that have to do with their status in the United States: 
if they are happy here, the state of their health, and their wishes as to whether 
they desire to remain in the United States or to depart. Do you understand? 

Mr. Zaroudin. Yes, I understand. 

Mr. Marques. Gentlemen, in view of the fact that we have the language situa- 
tion, I would like to state that we would appreciate it very much if we would 
direct our questions in such a manner that our interpreter would have an 
opportunity to translate the questions from Russian to English and from English 
to Russian in order that we all know what we are talking about before proceed- 
ing further. I feel that if we proceed along these lines we will get along much 
faster and each time that one of the parolees, one of the gentlemen coming in, we 
will go through the same procedure so that each person will understand what 
the procedure is going to be. 

(Mr. Ivankov is brought into the room and he seats himself.) 

Mr. Marques. Mr. Ivankov, I would like to ask you some questions regarding 
your parole status in the United States. I would like to know how you are and 
the state of your health. Would you please tell me? 

Mr. Ivankov. I feel quite normally and I am happy. I do not want for any- 
thing better. 

Mr. Marques. What is the state of your health? 

Mr. Ivankov (through interpreter). (I was unable to hear, necessitating a 
move and lost what was said.) 

Mr. Marques. You have stated that you are satisfied here? 

Mr. Ivankov. Yes, I am very satisfied. 

Mr. Marques. You have stated that you wish to remain in the United States? 

Mr. Ivankov. I want to stay here. 

Mr. Marques. I understand from the parole documentation, Mr. Ivankov, 
that you came to the United States to procure asylum. 

Mr. Ivankov. Yes, that is so. 

Mr. Marques. I understand that is the only reason why you came to the 
United States. 

Mr. Ivankov. This is one of the basic reasons. The other reason is in order to 
lead a normal human existence. 

Mr. Marques. Then, you are happy here in the United States? 

Mr. Ivankov. Yes, I am very happy. 

Mr. Marques. Since your arrival in the United States, Mr. Ivankov, has any- 
one intimidated you or any one of your fellow sailors to remain in the United 
States? 



1542 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Ivankov. No, that never happened. 

Mr. Marques. While you have been in the United States has anyone coerced 
you to leave the United States? 

Mr. Ivankov. My decision was not influenced by anyone. This is my old 
desire and I am very happy that it came about this way. 

Mr. Makques. Then you wish to remain in the United States of your own free 

will? 

Mr. Ivankov. Yes, and of my own free will. 

Mr. Marques. Then, Mr. Ivankov, you will be permitted to remain in the United 
States under this parole agreement. Then you should know that as long as you 
remain in the United States you have the protection of the Government of the 
United States. You should further understand that as long as you are in this 
country should anyone in any manner intimidate you or take any action against 
your desires, you should feel free at the earliest possible time to seek the assist- 
ance of the Immigration and Naturalization Service or the group to which — who 
is sponsoring your parole, the Church World Service? 

Mr. Ivankov. I understand that. 

Mr. Marques. Now, Mr. Ivankov, the Ambassador from the Soviet Republic is 
here and the head of the Consular Division is here and they wish to talk with 
you. 

(Mr. Ivankov nods his head.) 

Mr. Marques. I am referring to Ambassador Zaroubin and Mr. Salamatin, I 
think it is pronounced. 

Mr. Zaroubin. I am the Ambassador and I have instructions from my Govern- 
ment to inform you that the Soviet Government is aware of all the conditions 
under which you find yourself here and takes into account your conditions which 
forcing you to be here. And the Soviet Government instructs me, of course, if 
you desire so, to offer you to return to your relatives and of which, in my capacity 
and under the instructions of the Soviet Government, I assure you that you will 
be given full guaranty that no administrative measures will be taken against 
you, knowing under what conditions you were — under what conditions you find 
yourself here. 

And I want to assure you that all talks and rumors as to that any administra- 
tive measures have been taken against your relatives are — has been lies. And 
the steamship company where you were employed continues to help your rela- 
tives, and if you want to have any contact with your relatives you will be given 
full opportunity to do that and, as we understand, you have some children. 

Nobody is going to exert any pressure on you. Question is your own affair. 
Of course, you are an adult man and you have to decide your own. If you need 
any assistance whatsoever from the Soviet Embassy, the Soviet Embassy will be 
prepared to help you return to your relatives at any time. And the Embassy is 
prepared to inform your relatives and your children of whatever you want to 
tell them. 

And, therefore, I repeat again that I have received instructions from my 
Government that the Soviet Government understands under what conditions 
you were and under which conditions forced you to arrive here and I assure you 
that you will be given every assistance at any time. Therefore, you have to 
decide this question by yourself. Nobody is going to try to exert any pres- 
sures on you. This is your own personal affair. At any rate, if you decide your 
decision, the Soviet Embassy will be prepared at any time to help you in any 
possible way, to help you to return to your family. Your children are waiting 

for you there 

Mr. Ivankov (interrupting). I do not [interpreter inaudible] I want to stay 
here forever. 

Mr. Zaroubin (continues speaking while Mr. Ivankov is speaking) And also, to 
go back to your comrades. It was rumored that when they came to the Soviet 
Union that they were put in prison. It was not true. 

Mr. Marques. Mr. Zaroubin, I feel that when we started this interview, that 
which is a matter of public record in the newspapers, with regard to whatever 
reference to the others, I feel he has had opportunity to read it. 

Mr. Zaroubin (interrupting). I object, as the Ambassador of the Soviet 
Union. And if I am going to be put into some frames, I think we might dis- 
continue this conversation. I received information from the State Department 
that I would be given an opportunity to talk to the former sailors and I was not 
informed that I shall follow a certain set of questions, and besides, I have fin- 
ished what I intended to say ; I told him what I wanted to say. Only I want to 
add that today in American papers was printed the complete statement of the five 
sailors , 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1543 

(Ambassador Zaroubin continues talking while Mr. Marques attempts to get 
his attention and answer him. I was unable to hear interpreter.) 

Mr. Marques. May I answer you? 

(Ambassador Zaroubin continues talking but interpreter speaking Russian and 
apparently translating Mr. Marques' question.) 

Mr. Makques (continuing). Would you please let me answer you? We are not 
trying to delimit any question that you want to ask your national. I do not feel, 
this being a parole interview, that it would be proper for us to discuss what is 
in the newspapers; he can read about what has happened to everybody else. 

Mr. Zaroubin. I do not discuss; I only state that this is lying information. 

Mr. Marques. Do you have any other questions? 

Mr. Zaroubin. I said what I wanted to say and what I was instructed to 
say. 

Mr. Marques. W T e have already said that. 

(Interruptions again and unable to hear.) 

Mr. Marques. Mr. Van Hoogstraten is sponsor of this man and he can render 

any 

Mr. Zaroubin (interrupting). I ask that the Church World Service [inter- 
preter inaudible]. The Ambassador wants to talk with him some more. I ask 
that there be nobody except the sailors and the representatives of the American 
Government and the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Marques. That is all we have here. 

Mr. Zaroubin. As you decided to have the Government of the United States 
and you represent a private organization ; I do not want to talk to the repre- 
sentatives of organizations ; I am the representative of the Soviet Government. 

Mr. Marques. Mr. Zaroubin, please. We have to be reasonable. This Church 
World group is the sponsor and the sponsors are permitted to be present at 
every one of these parole interviews. 

Mr. Zaroubin. I repeat this group does not interest me. I came 

Mr. Marques. The Government has to have present the sponsor. 

Mr. Zaroubin. I was not informed about that ; I can assure you that if I knew 
it I would refuse to be present here. Therefore, if the conversations are going 
to be conducted in this manner. I will discontinue. I would like to be shown a 
courtesy as the Ambassador of the Soviet Union. I have the right to expect 
that. 

Mr. Marques. Would the Ambassador tell me where we have been remiss in 
being courteous? 

Mr. Zaroubin. I came here to discuss this situation, not for the presentation 
of American private organization, but to declare to this Soviet citizen what 1 
was instructed to state by the Soviet Government in the presence of the Gov- 
ernment officials — nothing to do with any private organizations. If going to be 
private American organizations, I am ready to discontinue this. 

Mr. Marques. If he were paroled by the Government and sponsored by a 
private organization, that sponsor is responsible to the Government. Would he 
find it objectionable if it were a Mr. John Smith who were a private citizen and 
it were necessary to be present at this hearing? 

Mr. Zaroubin. I was told that I would be given an opportunity to state the 
instructions received by me from the Soviet Government ; to state the instruc- 
tions to the sailors from the Soviet Union. If this opportunity is not going to 
be given to me, I am ready to leave this building immediately. I have the right 
to insist this respect to the Ambassador of the Soviet Union. I do not consider 
it proper and I am ready to discontinue all conversations. I do not want to 
have anything to do with any private organizations and I am not going to. 

(At about this time Mr. Van Hoogstratem, accompanied, I think, by Mr. 
Rudnick, left the room temporarily.) 

Mr. Marques. Will you please permit me to answer you? You put me in a posi- 
tion where you make a statement and you do not permit me to answer you. 

Mr. Zaroubin ( answering in English ) . I am sorry. 

Mr. Marques. We do want to give you every opportunity to let you talk 
with the sailors. It is our desire to grant to you as representative of the Soviet 
Government every courtesy possible. 

Mr. Zaroubin. I see the sincere courtesy and I thank you for this. 

Mr. Marques. We do not like to make you feel that we are encroaching upon 
your privilege as Soviet Ambassador. 

Mr. Zaroubin. Do not only create a semblance of that but you do that. There- 
fore, I categorically object to that. 



1544 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Marques. I think we have had Mr. Van Hoogstraten leave temporarily and 
in our desire to be as pleasant and as cooperative with your Government and to 
maintain the pleasant relations that we should have in a simple hearing like 
this, we 

Mr. Zaroubin (interrupting). This is my opinion 

Mr. Marques. Just a moment. 

Mr. Zaroubin. All right. 

Mi*. Marques. We try to be as pleasant and cooperative as possible and that Is 
why Mr. Van Hoogstraten left the room. Whether he will come back, frankly, I 
do not know. Therefore, let me continue. The provisions provide that the 
sponsor be present in these interviews. However, it is entirely up to the sponsor 
if he wishes to withdraw and if you will be patient we will see whether the 
sponsor is desirous of returning. 

Mr. Zaroubin. I am nut interested ; that is the business of the American 
authorities. I am not interested in this interview. And once again I repeat that 
if you — and I explain to the Government of the United States I do not want to 
be interrogated by any representative of any private organization. I consider it 
necessary to say what my Government instructed me to say ; I do not — you cannot 
object to my treatment because I was courteous. I speak here not only on behalf 
of my Government but also on behalf of any government. 

Mr. Marques. We realize that. 

Mr. Zaroubin (continuing). I do not permit myself anything out of the way. 
We are trying officially here to make this hearing as pleasant as possible to make 
it possible. Nobody threatens him ; nobody exerts any pressures 

Mr. Marques. Inasmuch as the Ambassador is through with him and we are 
discussing nothing of any moment to him, I don't want this to get out of order. 

Mr. Ivankov. That is right. 

Mr. Marques. Are you through with him? Can we remove him now? 

Mr. Ivankov. I would like to answer. I don't think there will be any neces- 
sity of the second meeting ; to what I said, I have nothing to add. I decided to 
meet here. This information about my family is mistaken ; that is all I have 
to say. Under no conditions I am going to have any second meeting ; I am not 
going to have this unpleasantness ; the Ambassador has said that he has nothing 
more to say. 

Mr. Marques. We are going to dismiss Mr. Ivankov. 

(About this time. Mr. Van Hoogstraten reenters room.) 

Mr. Zaroubin. Mr. Marques, I understand that I must get up and leave; that 
my request is not being granted. 

Mr. Marques. We want to make this hearing available so that you can meet 
the needs of your citizens and your Government. I told you that under these 
hearings the sponsor must be present as that is the sponsor's 

Mr. Zaroubin (interrupting). I must leave. 

Mr. Marques. Would you please let me finish? I want to tell Mr. Van 
Hoogstraten that the Soviet Ambassador objects to his presence and whether he 
wishes to leave is of his own volition. 

Mr. Zaroubin. I have nothing against this gentleman ; it is a question of 
principles. 

Mr. Marques (to Mr. Rudiiick) : Would you please take him [Mr. Ivankov] 
back? 

Mr. Marques (continuing). Now, this has nothing to do with these fellows, 
so now that he is out of the room we can agree that it has no affect upon his think- 
ing. Now, so far as Mr. Van Hoogstraten is concerned — how do you feel about 
this? You do not have to leave unless you want to. The rules 

Mr. Van Hoogstraten. For the purpose of this meeting I fully realize that I 
have the right to remain here. I will voluntarily decide to withdraw from this 
meeting, at the same time requesting you, Mr. Chairman, to give me the pos- 
sibility, if you so see fit, to be able to be in contact with the fellows who have been 
entrusted to us by our organization. 

Mr. Marques. Yes. I would like to tell you that you are on the parole papers ; 
the organization is still the sponsor; and we not only will make it possible 
for you to do so but we expect you to do so because you are the sponsor. 

Mr. Zaroubin. This is an internal arrangement. 

Mr. Marques (to Mr. Van Hoogstraten). We appreciate your cooperation and 
we certainly want the Ambassador to be able to discuss this with his people 
and we thank you for making it possible. 

(Mr. Van Hoogstraten leaves room and second alien, Mr. Eremenko, is 
brought in. ) 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1545 

Mr. Marques. This young man here, Benedict Eremenko, he is also on parole 
and he has also sought asylum in the United States. 

Mr. Zaroubin. What exactly do yon mean "on parole"? 

Mr. Marques. A person who seeks asylum in the United States but who other- 
wise does not have an immigration status is released on parole of his own word 
and to a sponsor. 

Mr. Zaroubin. Yes; I understand. 

Mr. Marques. It has no legal implications ; it is simply that he is released 
to someone who is responsible 

Mr. Zaroubin (interrupting). I thank you for the explanation. 

Mr. Marques. As we stated before, we will start each one of these interviews 
in the same manner. So that the person interviewed knows exactly what we 
are about, Mr. Eremenko, this 

Mr. Zaroubin. Perhaps I would begin at first. 

Mr. Marques. Fine ; do that ; you are welcome. 

Mr. Zaroubin. I am the Ambassador. I have special instructions from the 
Soviet Government to apply to the American Government for the request of 
meeting you and to inform you of the following in the name of the Soviet 
Government. I regret very much that this opportunity has been given to me 
after I first asked it. But that is not at question. My Government has asked 
me to tell you that the Soviet Government knows very well the conditions at 
which you found yourself in Taiwan, and have known all the provocations that 
have been applied to you and the situation in which you find yourself now. 
As Soviet Ambassador, I tell you to take into account all the conditions under 
which you were. I was instructed to guarantee and tell you that no admin- 
istrative measures, knowing what conditions have been before, no administrative 
measures will be applied to you and, therefore, I am offering — I was instructed 
to offer you this as Ambassador. Your five comrades came to Moscow. Reading 
the papers of their statements — if you wish, I can give you their statements — 
according to the foreign correspondents of Moscow, of the information that when 
your five comrades came to the Soviet Union they were not persecuted in any 
way. No information that was taken in the Soviet Union that does not corre- 
spond to the reality. 

To your parents the steamship company where you worked is continuing to 
give aid. Therefore, the Soviet Union and the Embassy leave that question for 
decision to you. If you wish to return, every kind of assistance will be given to 
you. Nobody is going to coerce you and any information to that effect simply 
does not coincide with reality. You are a grownup man and you must decide 
yourself. To return to your country, any kind of help will be extended at any 
time and we give full guaranty that you will have an opportunity to continue 
your honest work, as you worked before until that unfortunate happenings in 
which you found yourself. That is what I wanted to say ; that is what I as Am- 
bassador was instructed to tell you, and to deliver to you the address of your 
relatives — that they expect you back and then you have to decide yourself. 

Mr. Eremenko. I do not want to return. 

Mr. Zaroubin. That is your business ; the Ambassador says you have to decide 
yourself. 

Mr. Eremenko. Inform my relatives that I do not want to return. 

Mr. Zaroubin. I have no other questions. 

Mr. Marques. Mr. Eremenko, this interview is a normal interview that is 
granted people in your status. The Immigration Service, as you know from 
experience, has from time to time so that we can determine how you are, so that 
we can find out if you are healthy, so that we can find out if you still desire to 
stay in the United States, and if you desire to leave. Now, normally I start the 
conversation in order to tell you what the hearing is about. The Soviet Ambas- 
sador requested permission to talk to you first and I was very happy that he did. 
That will make my questions comparatively less than had I started at the begin- 
ning. I gather, then, that you are happy in the United States? 

Mr. Eremenko. Yes. 

Mr. Marques. And that you wish to remain in the United States of your own 
free will? 

Mr. Eremenko. Yes. 

Mr. Marques. And that you came — did you come to the United States to seek 
asylum, and was that the only reason? 

Mr. Eremenko. Yes. 



1546 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Marques. Since your arrival in the United States has anyone intimidated 
you or has anyone intimidated any of your fellow sailors to remain in the United 
States? 

Mr. Eremenko. No. 

Mr. Marques. Then I wish to tell you that you should understand and keep 
in mind that as long as you are in the United States should anyone in any manner 
intimidate or take any action against you, against your desires to remain here, 
you should feel free at the earliest possible time to seek the assistance of this 
agency, and that is the Immigration and Naturalization Service, which is re- 
sponsible for you while you are in the United States, and that under the provi- 
sions you are sponsored by the Church World Service organization and that you 
can also go to them for assistance. Now, do you have anything that you wish to 
say? 

Mr. Eremenko. No ; I have nothing to say. 

Mr. Marques. Mr. Ambassador? 

Mr. Zaroubin. No ; I have nothing else to say. I said what I was instructed 
to say and now it is his own decision. I want to repeat once more that if you 
need the Embassy's help in any way at any time, it will be rendered to you. That 
is all that I want to tell you. 

Mr. Marques (to Mr. Eremenko). Now you will leave. 

(Mr. Eremenko leaves.) 

Mr. Marques. I will have Mr. Tatarnikov come in. 

(About 10-minute intermission.) 

(Mr. Tatarnikov enters the room.) 

Mr. Marques. Would you sit here, Mr. Tatarnikov? 

Mr. Tatarnikov, this is the normal interview that we have with aliens seeking 
asylum in the United States and during this hearing or interview it is a little 
bit different from those others. That is, we have with us the Ambassador of the 
Soviet Government who wishes to talk with you. 

This is Mr. Zaroubin who is Ambassador and he wishes to talk with you at 
this time and when he is through I will talk with you. 

Mr. Zaroubin. I am the Ambassador. The instructions of the Soviet Govern- 
ment were to request the American Government to give me an opportunity to 
talk with you. Unfortunately, this opportunity was granted to me only now. I 
want to tell you that the Soviet Government knows the conditions under which 
you were. I know very well the conditions under which you found yourself 
before ; the Soviet Government knows the conditions which prompted you to 
come here ; therefore, the Soviet Government does not have any complaints 
against you and instructs me in behalf of the Government of the Soviet Union 
to tell you that the Soviet Government, as well as your relatives, invites you to 
return back to your native country and also I have been instructed to guarantee 
to you that no disciplinary measures will be concerned against you because the 
Soviet Government and myself we know under what conditions you found your- 
self. The steamship company where you worked is still helping your parents. 
Therefore, now the decision depends upon you personally. Nobody intends to 
influence you to change your opinion. Nobody is going to do that. No un- 
pleasantness expects you if you return. All this talk has no foundation whatso- 
ever. The others have returned to Moscow and are reunited with their families. 
They have the opportunity to join any steamship company that they desire.. 
Therefore, I have to tell you once more that if you decide to return to your 
native country the Embassy will help you in any way and assist you. After 
that, you have to decide yourself. You seem to be a grownup man ; you per- 
fectly well understand we do not intend to exert on you any kind of pressure. 
Only once more I can tell you that you are being invited to return by the Govern- 
ment and by your relatives and also by the comrades who returned already which 
stated the day before yesterday at the press conference in Moscow and you can 
read this statement today in the papers. This is the object of my conversation 
here. That is what I 

Mr. Tatarnikov (interrupting and rising to leave). I thank you but I cannot 
return ; I have no other questions. 

Mr. Zaroubin. Will you tell him that I have no other questions? I was telling 
him what I was instructed to say. I don't think I was offending him or saying 
anything to offend him. 

Mr. Marques. Mr. Tatarnikov, I want to ask you some questions. I under- 
stand that you came to the United States to procure asylum, and that is the only 
purpose for which you came here. Is that true? 

Mr. Tatarnikov. Yes. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1547 

Mr. Marques. Are you happy in the United States? 
Mr. Tatarnikov. Yes. 

Mr. Marques. Have you been — since your arrival in the United States have you 
been intimidated by anyone or have any of your fellow companions been intimi- 
dated by anyone while in the United States? 
Mr. Tatarnikov. No, nobody. 

Mr. Marques. Then you wish to remain in the United States of your own free 
will? 

Mr. Tatarnikov. Yes, nobody exerted any pressure on me. 
Mr. Zaroubin. I have one question. 

Mr. Marques. Then you wish to stay here of your own free will? 
Mr. Tatarnikov. Yes. 

Mr. Marques. Then I wish to tell you that as long as you remain in the United 
States you have the protection of this Government. You should further under- 
stand that as long as you are in the United States, should anyone in any manner 
intimidate or take any action against your desire, you should feel free at the 
earliest possible moment to seek assistance from the Immigration and Natural- 
ization Service. You should also, of course, feel free to seek assistance from 
the sponsor, the Church World Service organization. Do you undertand that? 
Mr. Tatarnikov (nodding). Yes. 

Mr. Marques. The Ambassador has stated that he wishes to ask you one 
question. 

Mr. Zaroubin. (I was unable to hear what interpreter was saying at first.) 

* * * in order to force them to come back to the Soviet Union. I want to ask if 

really anybody tried to intimidate or exert any pressure on you in that respect. 

Mr. Tatarnikov. I reply truly that nobody ever tried to exert any pressure. 

Mr. Zaroubin. That is all. 

Mr. Tatarnikov. I can talk for myself; nobody ever exerted any pressure 
on me. 

Mr. Zarboubin. What do you want to transmit to your parents? 
Mr. Tatarnikov. Nothing at all. 
Mr. Zarboubin. That is all my questions. 
Mr. Marques. That is the purpose of this interview. 
Mr. Tatarnikov. May I go now? 

(Mr. Tatarnikov is permitted to leave the room, and Mr. Victor Solovyev is 
brought into the room.) 

Mr. Marques. Mr. Solovyev, this is the interview that the Immigration Service 
grants to persons who seek asylum in the United States, and these are held to 
determine how you are and to determine your wishes as to whether you wish 
to remain in the United States or whether you wish to leave the United States. 
That is the sole purpose of these interviews. 

During this interview we are — we have with us representatives of the Soviet 
Government, and Ambassador Zaroubin wishes to speak with you, and this 
[pointing to Ambassador Zaroubin] is Mr. Zaroubin. 

Mr. Zaroubin. My object is to carry out instructions of the Soviet Govern- 
ment, to meet you and to tell you what I was instructed to tell you. To meet 
you the Embassy tried to arrange several months ago, but, unfortunately, until 
now this opportunity was not presented. 
I am instructed to tell you the following : 

The Soviet Government knows very well the conditions in which you found 
yourself, your first days at which you found yourself after the provocations of 
the Tn apse and we know what compelled you to come here and, therefore, my 
Government instructed me to tell you and to give you a guaranty that they have 
taken into consideration the conditions under which you have found yourself 
and understanding that you had no other solution but to seek the opportunity 
to come here we know what sentiments prompted you when you took this deci- 
sion. Therefore, the Soviet Government and your mother offer you to return, 
and I, as Ambassador, was instructed to tell you that the Soviet Government 
guarantees to you complete safety if you return to the Soviet Union. The de- 
cision whether you want to return will depend only on you; your comrades 
where you were and with whom you worked have now returned to Moscow. 
The Black Sea Steamship Co., where you worked, continues to help your mother. 
Nobody intends to exert on you any pressure and the decision depends on you 
only. No pressure is going to be exerted but I want to tell you that if you decide 
to return then the Embassy will render to you any kind of assistance at any 
time. And one question I would like to ask: 



1548 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

I beard you answer in the Commission, and according to the press you stated 
that your mother stated that there is some persecution against her. I immedi- 
ately communicated * * * and was informed that your mother did not write 
this to you 

(At this point Mr. Solovyev started talking while Ambassador Zaroubin was 
still talking and, of course, interpreter talking simultaneously, so I was unable 
to hear what interpreter was saying.) 

Mr. Zaroubin. You said that she was persecuted. Now I am going to finish. 
The decision of the Soviet Government is entirely different and nobody is per- 
mitted to oppress the relatives. Now, if you, or — I have a letter from your mo- 
ther. If you want to get it, I will give it to you. This is the object of my visit 
and I want to assure you that I do not want to exert any pressures. If you 
decide to return back to your mother, then we can guaiantee you complete 
safety. 

Mr. Solovyev. I want te answer first about the letter. It is quite correct the 
handwriting looked mother's, but the address was written by somebody else. 
My mother didn't know until now where I am. 

Mr. Zaroubin. How could she know? America is great. If you want me to 
help you send your letter — 

Mr. Solovyev. Yes, I will write — I want to say about the letter; it is very 
strange that my mother didn't know where I was while all the papers showed 
it. 

Mr. Marques. And as I stated before, these interviews have one purpose, and 
that is to determine the welfare of the person who has sought asylum in the 
United States and to determine whether that person wants to leave the United 
States or remain in the United States. Now this interview has an additional 
reason, which is unusual ; but at the request of the Ambassador, who desired to 
speak with you, we are pleased to have him here to talk with you and to meet 
the needs of his Government. 

Mr. Zaroubin. It would be very well if that were done 6 months ago and not 
today. 

Mr. Marques. Mr. Ambassador, we have no control of that. 

Mr. Zaroubin. I understand. 

Mr. Marques. Now, let me ask the questions. I do not wish to go into a dis- 
cussion with you over your correspondence or any of those factors. I simply 
want to know if you are happy in the United States. 

Mr. Solovyev. Yes. 

Mr. Marques. I want to know if you came to the United States to procure 
asylum. 

Mr. Solovyev. Yes. 

Mr. Marques. And is that the only reason for which you came? 

Mr. Solovyev. Yes ; that was the only object. 

Mr. Marques. I want to ask you if you want to remain in the United States of 
your own free will? 

Mr. Solovyev. Yes. 

Mr. Marques. I wish to ask you if you have been coerced by anyone to leave 
the United States. 

Mr. Solovyev. No. 

Mr. Marques. I wish to ask you if anyone in the United States, since you have 
been here, has intimidated you or any of your fellow seamen to remain in the 
United States. 

Mr. Solovyev. I do not know about comrades ; I can speak only for myself ; I 
can say "No." 

Mr. Marques. Then you desire to remain in the United States of your own free 
will? 

Mr. Solovyev. Yes. I want to add, if there is any free communication and 
transportation between Russia and the United States I would be one of the first 
to go home. 

Mr. Marques. The question is, Do you wish to go home ? 

Mr. Solovyev. I do want to stay in the United States ; I do not want to go 
home. 

Mr. Marques. Then I want to advise you — I want to tell you that as long as 
you remain in the United States you have the protection of the Government of 
the United States and you should further understand that as long as you are 
in the United States should any person in any manner intimidate or take any 
action against your desire to remain here, you should always feel free at the 
earliest possible time to seek assistance from the Immigration and Naturalization 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1549 

Service and you should also feel free to go for assistance to your sponsor, the 
Church World organization. 

(Mr. Solovyev nods.) 

Mr. Marques. Mr. Ambassador, do you have any question? 

Mr. Zaroubin. I want to repeat to you that if you want any assistance in going 
home always apply to the Embassy and the Embassy will take you under their 
care and protection and provide for you to go home. We are not going to exert 
any pressure and you have to decide yourself. You can still write to your 
mother : write to her because she does not know where you are. 

Mr. Marques. You have an address where you can always be reached at the 
Church World Service. 

Mr. Zaroubin (handing a white piece of paper about .°> by 5 inches to Mr. 
Solovyev with typing on it) . You may be — this is to tell you the name and address 
of my Government. 

(Mr. Solovyev started to say something but was interrupted by the Am- 
bassador.) 

Mr. Marques (to Mr. Solovyev). You were going to say something ? 

Mr. Solovyev. I want to return to that question of letter. My mother has 
always wrote to me ; I know that she is not literate at all and she writes to me 
as if she were from the university. 

Mr. Zaroubin. You better write to her because she does not know where you 
are. Why do you feel this way? Why don't you write? 

Mr. Solovyev. Mother knows that I am in the United States. 

Mr. Zaroubin. Yes, your mother does know. 

Mr. Marques. I am sure that if Mr. Solovyev wishes to write to his mother 
that is his concern and that issue is not material at this hearing. 

Mr. Zaroubin. I wanted to tell him what I considered it was necessary. 

Mr. Solovyev ( in English ) . Good. 

Mr. Marques. That is all. 

(Mr. Solovyev leaves the room.) 

Mr. Zaroubin. I must now thank you and apologize for the — at any rate, I 
thank you for the consideration. 

Mr. Marques. Well, Mr. Ambassador, we are pleased to have you and we are 
always at your service and we are as near to you as your telephone. 

Mr. Zaroubin. I shall remember that. 

Mr. Marques. So you call us, if you have need of us. 

Mr. Zaroubin. I am very, very grateful to you. 

Mr. Marques. I suppose, Mr. Ambassador, that the few minute instances of the 
discussion we had were just a part of a slight misunderstanding and we are very 
pleased that Mr. Van Hoogstraten decided to leave and we would not wish to 
cause you any inconveniences. 

Mr. Zaroubin. I must say that I would not consent to come here if I knew that 
representatives of the Church World Service were here. I do not want to tell 
you anything that it was evident that there was a misunderstanding. 

Mr. Marques. It was evident that it was. 

Mr. Zaroubin. Let's consider that this question is finished, but the question 
that you furnish your cooperation and assistance, I shall remember. 

Mr. Marques. I hope that you will remember it. 



INDEX 



Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance to 
the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organization 
in this index. 

A 

Page 

Adriatic shores 1536 

Affidavit from Vladimir Petrov 1520-1522 

Ambassador of Tito 1538 

America 1530-1533, 1535, 1537, 1538, 1548 

American/s 1517, 1523-1525, 1529, 1530, 1536-1539 

American Embassy 1531 

American Titoism 1531 

Anderson, General 1540 

Anglo-American 1520 

Anti-Tito 1534 

Armed Forces 1529 

Asia 1533 

Australia 1520 



Baltic 1524 

Barmine, Alexander 1518 

Belgrade 1525, 1532, 1538 

Bellevue Hotel, Washington 1516 

Berle, Adolf 1516 

Body, Alfred Herbert 1520, 1521 

Brioni 1537 

British Ambassador 1516, 1517 

British Cabinet 1518 

British Embassy 1517, 1518, 1523 

British Foreign Office, Washington 1527 

British Information Office 1517 

Bulganin 1524, 1526, 1530, 1534 

Bulgaria/n 1535, 1536 

Bullitt, Ambassador 1518 

Burgess 1520-1523, 1527 

Burgess, Guy 1527 

1942 in Washington 1527 

August 1950-May 1951 in Washington as Second Secretary 1527 

Burgess-MacLean 1515, 1516, 1519 

Burmese 1533 

C 

Cambridge 1519, 1520, 1523 

Canada 1518 

Catholic 1538 

Chambers, Mr 1516, 1518 

Chicago, 111 1524, 1525, 1527, 1529, 1530 

China 1531 

Christmas Day 1519 

Churchill, Randolph 1517 

Church World Service 1541-1543, 1546, 1547, 1549 

Cleveland 1525, 1529 

Cominform 1524, 1533, 1535 

Comintern 1524, 1525 



II INDEX 

Page 

Commission 1548 

Communist/s 1517, 1518-1520, 1523-1525, 1527, 1531-1540 

Communist International 1525 

Communist Party 1525, 1534, 1535, 1537 

Connecticut 1516 

Constitutions 1523 

Coplon, Judith 1515 

Corbell 1532 

Crawford, Mr. (representative, State Department) 1541 

Croatia 1538 

Croatian/s 1530, 1532, 1537 

Czech Ambassador 1532 

Czechoslovakia 1524, 1535-1537 

Czechs 1536 

D 

Daily Worker 1526, 1533 

Dalmatia/n 1536 

Danube 1536 

Dapcevic, Peko 1532 

Chief of Staff of Yugoslav Army 1532 

Democratic Communist 1537 

Detroit 1525, 1529 

Diplomatic Corps 1519 

Djilas 1534 

Draskovich, Dr. Slowodin 1524-1534 

Testimonv of 1524-1534 

Chicago, 111 1524 

Author and lecturer 1524 

Born Belgrade 1910 1524 

Father, member Cabinet of Kingdom of Serbia 1525 

Spent 4 years in France 1525 

Professor of economics, University of Belgrade, in 1941 1526, 1530 

Member of National Defense of Ministry of War 1526, 1530 

Lieutenant in Yugoslav Army 1526 

Editor, Serbian Struggle, Chicago weekly newspaper 1526, 1530 

Dulles, Secretary 1537 

E 

Eastland, Hon. James O 1529,1540 

Egypt/Egyptian 1534, 1536 

Embassy 1515, 1545-1547, 1549 

Enakopravnost — Equality of Rights (a Slavonian paper) 1526,1530 

Engels 1540 

English 1541 

Equality of Rights. ( See Enakopravnost. ) 

Eremenko, Benedict 1541, 1544-1546 

Exhibit No. 285 — Affidavit from Vladimir Petrov, re MVD intelligence 
information that Burgess and MacLean had been Soviet spies since their 

Cambridge days 1520-1522 

Ex-Communist 1519, 1524 

Ex-Socialists 1524 

Europe - 1536 

F 

Fascist 1526 

First World War 1525 

Foreign Minister 1532 

Foreign Office 1516, 1517, 1519, 1527 

Foreign Service 1520 

Fort Benning 1529 

Fort Knox Mobile Arms School 1529 

Fort Monmouth Signal Corps 1529 

France 1519, 1525 

Freeman (magazine) 1535 

Free Voice. (See Slobodna Rec.) 



INDEX III 

G 

Page 

George, Lloyd 1516 

Germany 1524 

Government, British 1516, 1519 

Government, Russian 1524 

Government, United States 1537, 1538, 1543-1548 

Government, Yugoslav 1530 

Great Britain 1516, 1518, 1519 

Greek Macedonia 1526 

H 

Hiss, Alger 1523 

Hisses 1524 

History of Russia, A , 1519 

Hitler 1516, 1523 

Home Secretary 1519 

Hungary 1524, 1535, 1536 

I 

Immigration and Naturalization Service 1541-1549 

Imperial Council . 1516 

India/Indian 1533, 1534 

Institute of National Defense, Ministry of War 1526, 1530 

Interview Accorded Alien Parolees by Immigration and Naturalization 

Service, April 27, 1956 1541-1549 

Iron Curtain 1531, 1532, 1537 

Ivankov, Nikolov Michail 1541, 1542 

J 

Jet planes 1540 

Johnston, Senator Olin D 1515 

K 

Kerr 1516 

Khrushchev 1524, 1526, 1530, 1534, 1535 

King 1516, 1517, 1519 

Kingdom of Serbia 1525 

Kislitsyn, Filipp Vasilievich 1521, 1522 

Korea 1531,1540 

Kremlin 1524, 1530, 1531 

Krivitsky, Gen. Walter 1516-1520 

Krivitsky, Mrs 1522 

L 

Labor government 1518 

Lebed, Mikola 1540, 1541 

Left Bank 1520 

Lenin 1519,1540 

Leninism 1523, 1533 

Letter from Mikola Lebed, Secretary General for Foreign Affairs of the 
Supreme Ukrainian Liberation Council to Chairman Eastland, dated 

" July 30, 1956 1540-1541 

Levine, Isaac Don 1515-1524 

Testimony of 1515-1524 

Waldorf, Md 1515 

Writer and editor 1515 

Liberal Communist 1537 

Liberals 1537 

Library of Congress 1517 

Lodge, Ambassador Henry Cabot 1540, 1541 

Logofet, Alexander (interpreter, State Department) 1541-1549 

London 1516, 1517, 1519, 1520 

Lothian, Lord 1516, 1517 



IV INDEX 

M 

Page 

Macedonia /Macedonian 1526, 1530, 1537 

MacLean/s 1521-1524 

"MacLean at the British Embassy" entry on Alger Hiss' calendar Septem- 
ber 14, 1946 1523 

MacLean, Donald 1520, 1527 

Belongs to Scottish family 1520 

Wife, Melinda 1520 

In Washington as Acting First Secretary May 2, 1944 to October 1946_ 1527 
May 11, 1950 to June 1, 1951, head of American Section of British 

Foreign Office in Washington 1527 

MacLean, Melinda (Mrs.) 1520-1522 

MacLean story 1519 

Malenkov, Prime Minister 1535 

Mallett, Victor 1517 

(British Ambassador to Sweden, Italy, Spain) 1517 

Mandel, Benjamin 1515 

Mao Tse Tung 1539 

Marques, Mr 1541-1549 

Marx 1540 

Marxism 1533 

Masses, Catholic 1538 

Mclntyre, Marvin 1516 

McManus, Robert 1515 

Mediterranean 1524 

Mikovan 1535 

Ministry of War 1526, 1530 

Morris, Robert 1515, 1529, 1540 

Morrison, Herbert (Home Secretary) 1519 

Moscow 1515, 1519, 1520, 1523-1527, 1530, 1532-1538, 1545-1547 

Moseowite 1536 

MVD 1520 

N 

Narodna Volyna (newspaper) 1526, 1530 

Narodni Glasnik — The People's Herald (Croatian newspaper) 1526, 

1530 1532 1538 

New York 1518, 1525, 1529, 1534-1536! 1538 

Novilist (newspaper) 1538 

O 
Offie, Colonel 1518 

P 

Paris 1518, 1519 

Peiping 1539 

People's Herald (see Narodni Glasnik) 

Petrov, Vladimir Mikhailovich 1520-1522 

Philadelphia 1517 

Pittsburgh, Pa 1525, 1526, 1529, 153S 

Ploche, port 1536 

Pokrovski 1519 

Poland 1524, 1534, 1536 

Popovic, Vladimir 1532, 1538 

Foreign Minister 1532 

Ambassador of Tito 1538 

Prakasha, Mr 1534 

Prica, Srgjan 1538 

Deputy Foreign Minister in Charge of United States Affairs 1538 

Pro-Moscow 1526 

Pro-Tito /Titoism 1526, 1531, 1534 

Propps, Herbert F 1521 

Q 
Quarmby, Richard Rowland 1520, 1521 



INDEX V 

R 

Page 
Radio Free Europe 1537 

Ritdista, Bogdan 1527, 1529, 1535-1540 

Testimony of 1535-1540 

Former member of Tito's cabinet 1527 

New York City 1535 

Chief of Foreign Press Department in Tito's government 1535 

Wrote article for Freeman, January 11, 1954 1535 

Raina, Colonel 1522 

Reiss, Ignace 1519 

Rieka, port 1536 

Rudnick, Mr 1541-1543 

< Immigration and Naturalization Service) 

Rumania /Rumanian 1536 

Rusher, William A 1519, 1529 

Russia/Russians 1519, 1520, 1524, 1536, 1541, 1548 

Russian Ambassador to the United States 1541-1549 

Russian seamen 1541 

S 

Salamatin, Piotr 1541, 1542 

Chief, Consular Division, Russian Embassy 1541, 1542 

San Francisco 1525, 1529 

Saturday Evening Post 1516, 1517 

Schroeder, F. W 1529 

Scotsman 1517, 1520 

Senate 1527 

Senntors 1539 

Serbia/Serbian 1525, 1530, 1537, 153S 

Serbian Cultural Club of Yugoslav 1530 

Serbian DP's 1530, 1531 

Serbean Struggle (newspaper) 1526 

Serbs 1532 

Slavonian 1530, 1537 

Slavonian Communists 1526 

Slavonian paper 1526 

Slohodna Rec— the Free Voice (Serbian newspaper) 1526, 1530, 1532, 1538 

Smith, Mr. John 1543 

Socialist/s 1518, 1524 

Socialist Republics 1538 

Solovyev, Victor 1541, 1547-1549 

Soviet 1516, 1519, 1520, 1523, 1526, 1536 

Soviet America 1523 

Soviet Britain 1523 

Soviet citizen 1542, 1543 

Soviet concentration camps 1540 

Soviet Embassy 1542 

Soviet Foreign Ministry 1520 

Soviet Government 1542-1548 

Soviet Union 1515, 1529, 1530, 1534, 1535, 1539, 1542-1545, 1547 

Soviet world 1523 

Stalin 1516, 1519, 1524, 1526, 1533-1535, 1538-1540 

Stalinism 1534, 1535 

Stalinists 1534 

State Department 1517, 1523, 1541, 1542 

State of Madras 1534 

Stepinac, Cardinal 1538 

Stettin 1524 

Supreme Ukrainian Liberation Council 1540 

Switzerland 1519, 1525 

T 
Taiwan 1545 

Tatarnikov, Victor 1541, 1547 

Tito 1515, 1524-1527, 1529-1540 



BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY 




3 9999 05445 4473 



INDEX 

Page 

Tito, Marshal 1539 

Tito's Cabinet 1527 

Titoisin 1530, 1531, 1534, 1537 

Titoist/s 1530, 1534 

Tower of London i 1517, 1519 

Trieste 1524 

Tuapse 1547 

U 

Ukrainians of Mordovian camps 1540 

Ukrainian political prisoners 1540 

United Nations _ 1515, 1525, 1537, 1538, 1540 

United States ■- 1517, 

15J8, 1524, 1525, 1529, 1531, 1532, 1534, 1538, 1540-1542, 1545-1549 

United States Senate 1539 

University of Belgrade 1526, 1530 

V 
Van Hoogstraten, Mr. (representative, Church World Service) 1541-1544, 1549 

W 

Waldmun, Louis 1518, 1519 

Washington 1516, 1517, 1523, 1525, 1527, 1529, 1538, 1541 

West 1530-1432, 1534-1537 

Western Europe 1516 

Western Titoists 1533, 1534 

Western World - 1540 

White House 1516 

World War I 1525 

World War II 1516, 1535, 1538 



Young, Kenneth James 1520, 1522 

Yugoslav-American home, New York 1525, 1529, 1534, 1538 

Yugoslav 1536-1539 

Yugoslav Army 1526, 1532 

Yugoslav Communists . 1527 

Yugoslav Embassy 1525, 1529 

Yugoslavia/n 1526, 1531-1539 

Yugoslav military mission 1532 

Yugoslav nationals 1515 

Yugoslav publications in United States: Croatian — Narodni Glasnik (Peo- 
ple's Herald) ; Serbian — Slobodna Rec (Free Voice) ; Macedonian — 
Narodna Volyna : Slovenian — Enakopravnost (Equality of Rights) (all 

Communistic publications) 1526, 1529, 1530 

Yugoslav refugees 1532 

Yugoslav U. N. delegation, New York 1525, 1529 

Z 

Zaroubin, Georgi Nicolai, Russian Ambassador to the United States— 1541-1519 

o 



/ S 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



• HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 
UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FOUKTH CONGKESS 

SECOND SESSION 

ON 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE 
UNITED STATES 



JUNE 8, 11, AND 29, 1956 



PART 29 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
72723 WASHINGTON : 1957 



Super of Documents 

FEB 2 6 1S57 



COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

PRICE DANIEL, Texas EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois 

JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming HERMAN WELKER, Idaho 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal 
Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jb., Missouri HERMAN WELKER, Idaho 

PRICE DANIEL, Texas JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

Robert Mobbis, Chief Counsel 

William A. Rdsher, Administrative Counsel 

Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 

II 



CONTENTS 



Witness : Pa s e 

Seweryn, Bialer 1551 



in 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



FRIDAY, JUNE 8, 1956 

United States Senate, 
sucommittee to investigate the administration 
of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal 
Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. G. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 10 : 30 a. m., in room 
457, Senate Office Building, Senator John Marshall Butler presiding. 

Present : Senator Butler. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; William A. Rusher, 
administrative counsel; Benjamin Mandel, research director; and F. 
W. Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Senator Butler. The hearing will come to order. 

Mr. Morris. Will Mr. Bialer and Mr. Jan Karski come forward, 
please ? 

Mr. Karski, will you stand first, please ? 

Senator Butler. Will you raise your right hand ? 

Do you solemnly swear that you will interpret to the witness the 
questions directed to him and you will truly interpret the answers given 
by the witness to the best of your ability, so help you God ? 

Mr. Karski. I do. 

Mr. Morris. Will you give your full name and address to the 
reporter ? 

Mr. Karski. My name is Jan Karski, professor, Georgetown 
University. 

Mr. Morris. That is in Washington, D. C. ? 

Mr. Jan Karski. Washington, D. C. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Bialer, will you stand, please ? 

Senator Butler. Do you solemnly swear in the presence of Almighty 
God that the evidence you are about to give to this subcommittee of 
the Senate Judiciary Committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth ? 

(The oath was interpreted to the witness.) 

(The witness spoke in Polish.) 

The Interpreter. I do. 

Senator Butler. The witness is sworn. Counsel will proceed. 

TESTIMONY OF SEWERYN BIALER, WASHINGTON, D. C, AS 
INTERPRETED BY JAN KARSKI 

Mr. Morris. Will you give your full name and address to the 
reporter ? 

The Interpreter. Seweryn Bialer. 

1551 



1552 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. And you reside now in Washington, D. C, do you not? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. When did you come to the United States ? 

The Interpreter. May the 4th, 1956. 

Mr. Morris. Were you an official of the Polish Communist Govern- 
ment? 

The Interpreter. Until 1951, 1 was employed by the Polish Govern- 
ment, in Poland. After 1951, 1 was assigned to the Polish Communist 
Party. 

Mr. Morris. And when did you leave the Polish Communist Party ? 

The Interpreter. The 31st of January 1956. 

Mr. Morris. What happened on that occasion ? 

The Interpreter. I passed from East Berlin to West Berlin on that 
day. 

Mr. Morris. Did you at that time defect from the Polish Communist 
Government ? 

The Interpreter. I left Poland in the middle of January. I went 
to East Berlin and then I left East Berlin for the West. And I was a 
member of the official Polish delegation to East Berlin. 

Senator Butler. Will you ask him what his duties were with the 
Polish Government? 

The Interpreter. Until 1951 I had leading political positions in 
the Polish militia. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us what they were ? 

The Interpreter. My last position was the Chief of the Political 
Division of the Headquarters of the Polish Militia. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us why you made your decision to defect 
on January 31, 1956? 

The Interpreter. I came to a firm conclusion that all this that I 
was doing for the long 15 years was unjust, bad, and I wanted to 
break relations with all this. 

Mr. Morris. You say it was unjust and bad? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Was there anything more you would like to tell us about 
y our decision to defect ? 

The Interpreter. I would tell you there are four main reasons for 
my decision. The first one is the political reason. I came to a conclu- 
sion, on the basis as an eyewitness, that the Communist system is con- 
trary to all rules of democracy. The second reason was an economic 
reason. From the economic point of view, I could see that the system 
is contrary to economic justice. 

There was also a moral reason. Communist morality is contrary to 
human nature, and I came to that conclusion. 

And then came also ideological reasons. I saw that the Communist 
theory and Communist practice do not go together, that the practice 
defies the theory, and I saw it. 

It means that the theory does not agree with the facts. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you could tell us, Mr. Bialer, whether those 
are the four elements that prompted you to defect. 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you would tell us what positions you had 
in the Polish Communist Party dating down to January 31, 1956. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1553 

The Interpreter. I was employed by the Central Committee of the 
Polish Communist Party in the propaganda division. 

In that propaganda division I was one of the chiefs of the anti- 
Western and anti-American propaganda. 

I was also a lecturer for the Central Committee. 

I was the first secretary in the party organization to the two most 
important Communist schools in Poland. 

I was also an ideological adviser to the official leading Communist 
paper in Poland, the People's Tribune. 

I also contributed to other papers in Poland. 

I was also a professor of the Institute of Social Sciences at the 
Central Committee of the Communist Party, and also I worked as 
a research worker in the Institute of Economic Sciences of the Polish 
Academy of Science. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you would tell us briefly how you carried 
on the campaign of propaganda against the West, and particularly 
against the United States. 

The Interpreter. There were many ways. The first one: I wrote 
articles on different subjects. Secondly, I delivered very, very many 
lectures in Poland. Thousands of people were listening to me. 

Then I was the author of instructions to the party workers, how 
should they carry on anti- American and anti-Western propaganda in 
Poland. 

From time to time I had meetings with the Communists from other 
countries behind the Iron Curtain. We exchanged views, and also I 
would give them advice as to how carry on this type of propaganda. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Bialer, have you prepared a summary of your 
experiences in Poland for the purposes of giving advice on the psycho- 
logical warfare campaign for the Free Europe Committee ? 

The Interpreter. You have in mind, sir, this document you have in 
your hand ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes ; The Declaration of a Former Communist. 

The Interpreter. I wrote it in Polish. 

Mr. Morris. You wrote it in Polish ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. And it has been translated into English ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. And you prepared this particularly on psychological 
warfare ; is that right ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Did you do that on behalf of the Free Europe 
Committee? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

May I smoke ? 

Mr. Morris. Pardon? 

The Interpreter. May I smoke? 

Mr. Morris. Yes, by all means. 

And this was prepared, then, during the month of May, was it 
not? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Since you arrived in the United States ? 

Now, are all the statements in there truthful statements ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 



1554 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like to put in the record of 
this subcommittee this paper entitled "The Declaration of a Former 
Communist," with the identification made by the witness, written for 
the purpose he has described here this morning. 

I would like that to go into our record in its entirety, Senator. 

Senator Butler. It will be made a part of the record. 

Mr. Morris. And there is, Senator, as you will notice a biographical 
sketch which composes the first page of this declaration. 

Senator Butler. That will be made a part of the record. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 286," and 

reads as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 286 

Biographical Data of Seweryn Bialer 

Born : November 3, 1926. 

1942: .joined the underground anti-Nazi Communist organization in Lodz. 
July 1944-May 1945 : inmate of Auschwitz and Friedland concentration camps. 
May 1945- June 1951 : 

Chief of the Political Department of the training center of the Citizens' 
Militia at Slupsk. 

Chief of the Political Department of the Central Command of the Citizens' 
Militia in Warsaw. 

Other executive political positions in the Citizens' Militia. 
June 1951-January 31, 1956: 

A Party activist of the Central Committee of the PZPR. 

Worked in the propaganda department of the Central Committee of the 
PZPR. 

Lecturer of the Central Committee of the PZPR. 

Secretary of the Party Committee in the Institute of Social Sciences and the 
Higher School of Marxism-Leninism affiliated with the Central Committee 
of the PZPR. 

Ideological advisor to Trybuna Ludu, the Ceneral Party organ. 

Editor of Zeszyty Teoretyczno-Polityczne. 

Contributor to Nowe Drogi, Trybuna, Ludu, Ekonomista, and other Party 
and professional publications. 

Research scholar for the School of Economic Sciences, affiliated with the 
Polish Academy of Sciences. 

Coauthor of Party training textbook and other Party publications. 

Member of the delegation of the Central Committee of the PZPR to 
Moscow, Leningrad, East Berlin, and other cities. 

Delegate from Poland to the Youth Congress in Bucharest. 

Holder of a number of high Polish decorations and orders of merit. 



The Declaration of a Former Communist 

At the end of January last when I was breaking with Communism once and 
for all, and crossing the border into West Berlin, I knew that I was wiping out 
my past life. I took this step with my eyes open, however, after carefully 
deliberating for several months. 

I was 15 in 1942 when I enrolled in the Communist underground organization 
in Lodz. I was trained by the Party and trained others to be loyal to it. Sev- 
eral thousand PZPR activists in Warsaw, Lodz, Wroclaw, Bydgoszcz, Kielce, 
and other cities know me from the lectures and briefings I held as a lecturer 
appointed by the Central Committee of the Party. Readers of Party publi- 
cations also know me well from my articles. My colleagues at the Social Science 
Institute and the Central Committee's school of Marxism-Leninism — where I was 
Secretary of the Party authorities — also know me well. I am known to Party 
members from various other institutions and scholarly positions, as well as 
propaganda posts with which I was associated. I owe all of these people an 
explanation: Why did I break with the Party? Why did I stop believing in 
Communism? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1555 

The Communist System Is Antidemocratic 

They know perfectly well that I did not escape to the West to secure a job or 
to make a career because all this was secured for me by the Party, and open to 
me in Poland. 

Shortly after the war, at the age of 19, I became head of the Political Depart- 
ment at the Citizens' Militia Training Center and after that I advanced swiftly. 
When I was leaving Poland, I belonged to the Central Committee Party aktiv 
and the Party leadership had complete trust in me. As a result of the duties 
I was charged with and the posts I occupied, I had access to materials, facts, 
and documents which are often inaccessible to the majority of Party activists, 
not to speak of the rank and file and the general public. As a result, I could 
gradually acquaint myself with the truth and more and more discover the 
fraudulence and the evil. For a very long time I thought that poverty, waste, 
terror, and falsehood were the inevitable price every revolution has to pay for 
progress. Having been for many years active in the Party I was thoroughly 
familiar with its working methods, its system of government, and I arrived at 
the conclusion that it was an antidemocratic system which could not exist with- 
out poverty, waste, and falsehood. 

The Dictator Died but the Dictatorship Remains 

Why did this change of attitude toward Communism take place in me during 
the last, post-Stalin period? Because I saw them with a particular intensity 
and became convinced that the evil connected with Communism does not arise 
from individual mistakes, but from the Communist system itself. The dictator's 
death had to bring about certain changes in the shape of the dictatorship, both 
in Russia and in the captive countries. However, as I learned from the experi- 
ence of the past three years in Poland, that did not mean the disappearance of 
the dictatorship itself. The Membership of the Politburo has changed, and per- 
haps will continue to change, but its omnipotence has remained, as has the 
symbol of its power and dictatorship, the First Secretary of the Central Com- 
mittee, Edward Ochab, who took Bierut's place after his death, and is notorious 
for the brutal Stalinist methods he uses. 

I was particularly struck by the fact that the same people who blamed Stalin 
and Beria for everything bad simultaneously practiced the use of the same 
Stalinist and Beria-like methods as much as they could. What is more, when 
it is deemed necessary, they restore these methods, fighting openly and secretly 
against any pronounced attempts at the democratization of Party and national 
life. 

I shall give you at least one example. At the end of 1952, at the Politburo 
office, I was shown a letter which the Presidium of the Communist Party of 
the Soviet Union had written to Soviet Party activists explaining the way Beria 
had been liquidated. One of the reasons for the Beria purge was his alleged 
attempt to get into contact with Tito and the Yugoslav Party. A year later, 
the same Khrushchev who had signed the above-mentioned letter to the Party 
activists, went to Belgrade to win Marshal Tito over and to ask his forgiveness, 
making Beria responsible then for Tito's excommunication. It told me that 
Khrushchev and company were fighting for power against their antagonists by 
the same methods Stalin had used, though externally their methods might seem 
different. I also ascertained irrefutably that the Party leadership continued to 
disclose and condemn only those crimes and dark pages of Communist history 
which could not be kept secret, or which had to be disclosed because it was 
necessary for the leadership. They continued to treat the rank and file of the 
Party, not to mention the people at large, as an object of their rule, and to 
suppress the truth about the many internal events in the Party, and most of the 
problems discussed by its leaders. How can one explain otherwise the 
paradoxical fact that the resolutions of the III Plenum were not published, 
though the Plenum was allegedly an epoch-making event aimed at the 
democratization and gradual revelation of Party activities in Poland? 

The Party Leadership Fears the Progress of the Thaw 

As an activist and employee of the Central Committee, I took part in the 
debates in the Central Party aktiv. I had access to many documents and I know 
the way comrades from the Politburo tried to smother and suppress the so-called 
"thaw" because they were panic-stricken by its results. I also know what a 
farce Rokzanski and his comrades' trial was. I know how passionately Berman, 
Bierut, Ochab, and others shielded, as long as they could, Beria 's successors in 

72723— 57— pt. 29 2 



1556 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Poland — Radkiewicz, for example — and how they tried to make them suffer as 
little as possible. 

For several years I was particularly closely connected with the ideological work 
of the Party. In this work I was in touch with the leading Marxists in Russia 
and the Soviet bloc countries. I devoted many years to the study of Marxist- 
Leninist ideology and finally concluded that in the Communist version of it, real 
freedom of scientific research is impossible. The repudiation of some of the 
theoretical theses formulated by Stalin by the present Russian Communist leaders 
does not change anything because the head of the Party continues to be the 
highest and virtually infallible scientific oracle in all matters of economics, 
philosophy, history, agronomy, and many other branches of knowledge. ( Stalin's 
place has now been taken by that noteworthy personality, from the intellectual 
and scholarly point of view, Nikita Sergeyevitch Khrushchev, called Nikita 
Kukuruznik by the Party activists themselves.) 

The fact that in 1955, long after the old tyrant's death, during the rule of the 
new and allegedly democratic party authorities in Russia, a ban was placed on 
discussion of the main problem of economic policy, I mean the problem of the 
relation between development of heavy industrial production and consumer 
goods production, in Russia and all the captive countries. Fearing that we might 
discuss these problems, we, the workers of the Party's ideological front and 
intellectual activists, were instructed to limit ourselves to writing essays which 
would merely explain the official Party line on the priority development of 
heavy industry. 

Facts Are Against Communism 

One of my Party assignments was to prepare guidances for the propaganda 
policy aimed at the West. I had, therefore, access to materials, facts, and statis- 
tics which are carefully kept secret from the Party and the general public. On 
the basis of those materials I became convinced that both Communist theory 
and practice are false because they are contradicted by the facts. They are 
contradicted by the improvement of the situation of the working classes in the 
West, and by the poverty in the Communist countries. Taking part in the work 
of various institutions and in various scholarly posts, I was able to acquaint 
myself with the methods of falsification, embellishment, and suppression of data 
and statistics concerning the standard of living in Poland, and with the methods 
of garbling Western statistics for Communist propaganda purposes. 

Step by step I learned the truth and lost faith in Communism. I had to lie, 
pretend, and play a double game. Finally, I arrived at the conclusion that I 
was unable to live that way any longer, that it was better to erase 15 years of 
wasted life than to continue to live without faith that what I was doing was 
right. 

These are the reasons I broke with Communism. That is why I gave up bril- 
liant prospects in the Party and took the decisive step which was so difficult 
for personal reasons. That is why I crossed the Western border, so that I 
could freely and openly tell what I know about the facts the Communist leader- 
ship tries to suppress, so that I can tell what I know about Communist theory 
and practice. 



Bekia's Case 

In March 1953, greatly impressed by Stalin's death, I listened together with 
other Party members to the speeches that Beria, Malenkov, and Molotov gave in 
Moscow's Red Square. They all spoke of the inflexible unity of the Party leader- 
ship and promised to guard that leadership unity constantly. I believed them 
then and listened to their speeches with great emotion. 

However, before four months had elapsed, I was taken aback by the com- 
munique about Beria's arrest and next about his purge. The official explanation 
in the press filled me with serious doubts. 

In the autumn of 1953, at the office of the PZPR Politburo, I was given a secret 
letter from the Soviet Party Presidium to the Party aktiv in Russia. The letter 
explained the reasons that made Beria's purge necessary. Besides myself, some 
other chosen members of the Central Party aktiv were allowed to read the 
letter. Afterwards, it was probably return to the PZPR Politburo's safe where 
it probably still lies under Ochab's vigilant eye. 

I read this letter with great interest. I had no illusions whatsoever as to 
Beria's role as Security Police chief. On the other hand, I realized that many 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1557 

official reasons for his liquidation had been invented and did not apply exclu- 
sively to him. That's why I was curious about whether in a letter reserved for 
a small group of the most trusted comrades I would find some explanation for 
my doubts. However, the contents of the letter, instead of dispelling my doubts, 
increased them even further. The letter repeated many of the charges I knew 
from the communique in the newspapers. Thus, Beria was accused of having 
transformed the security apparatus into an organ independent of the Party. 
There was also the same charge about Beria's mistakes in his nationalities policy, 
especially with respect to the small nations in the Soviet Union. Even the absurd 
charge about Beria's having been a spy and an imperialist agent, recruited in 
1918, was repeated. 

Beria Surrounds Other Politburo Members with Spies 

In addition to those well-known charges, there were other accusations. Thus, 
Beria was accused of using the security apparatus in the struggle for power 
within the Soviet Politburo. I remember that this charge was corroborated, 
among other things, by the fact that Beria had seized control of the Kremlin 
guards and with their help had organized surveillance and wiretapping of the 
conversations of the other Politburo members. The second fact quoted in the let- 
ter was even more typical. It was maintained that when one of the Politburo 
members was leaving for Lwow, Beria summoned the head of the NKVD in Lwow 
and ordered him to put the member under surveillance in Lwow. When the head 
of the Lwow NKVD expressed his surprise that such an order could be issued 
about a Politburo member, Beria reminded him what refusal to execute his order 
would entail, and said — I remember the phrase very clearly : "If you don't carry 
out my orders, I shall crush you into labor camp dust." In spite of that, the 
NKVD agent from Lwow was so shocked that he immediately called upon other 
Politburo members to tell them about Beria's order. 

Other charges in the letter referred to economic matters. They were very 
numerous and I want to mention them here only briefly. Among other things, 
Beria was accused of having hampered the development of agriculture by his 
influence in the Politburo. Besides, Beria was also accused of having consistently 
hindered the policy of raising the standard of living of the working classes by 
opposing any lowering of prices. 

The Amoral Profile of Beria 

The Soviet Politburo letter also said that Beria was a moral degenerate in his 
private life. As proof, the following facts were listed. It was maintained that 
Beria had a special apartment in Moscow where he organized erotic orgies in 
selected company. On his orders, specially chosen women were brought from 
the Moscow prisons. According to the letter, these women were later liquidated 
in labor camps. Beria also forced other women he liked to take part in those 
orgies. When he grew bored with them, they were arrested and sent to special 
labor camps. 

The letter also said that Beria had appropriated authorship of the book called 
The History of the Bolshevik Organization in Transcaucasia, whose authors he 
had shot. According to the letter, the book contained many historical falsehoods 
which exaggerated Beria's role. This charge was particularly interesting to me 
because Beria's book was one of the official manuals of the history of the Bolshe- 
vik Party used in the Party training which I myself had organized in Poland. 

Nor did the list of charges end there. The letter maintained that Beria had 
persecuted the family of the dead Party leader Ordjonikidze because he had been 
one of the first to suspect Beria and to mistrust him. After Ordjonikidze's death, 
Beria transferred his hatred to his family, persecuting and destroying it. 

Who Performed the Murders in Leningrad? 

From the letter on Beria I also learned for the first time officially about the so- 
called Leningrad Affair. The Politburo accused Beria of having conducted a 
policy of liquidation of people devoted and loyal to the Communist Party simply 
because they were devoted and loyal. The "Leningrad Affair" was an example 
where in a series of secret trials, the flower of the political aktiv of Leningrad was 
liquidated. According to the letter, the material evidence in those trials had been 
fabricated by Beria. 

It is very possible that Beria was actually one of the men who organized the 
Leningrad trials. But I understood the perfidy of this accusation only later, in 
February 1955, when I read another Politburo letter explaining Malenkov's dis- 
missal. In that letter, I found, among other things, a charge that Malenkov was 



1558 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

also responsible for the organization of the Leningrad trials. I then came to the 
conclusion that Khrushchev, aiming at seizure of power in the Party, had adopted 
the tactics of removing his rivals one by one. As long as it was necessary, he, 
together with Malenkov, accused Beria of staging the Leningrad trials. Eighteen 
months later, when Malenkov's turn came, Khrushchev made him coresponsible. 

Beria Wanted, but Khrushchev Went . . . 

The most perfidious charges in the letter, against the background of the present 
Party line, were the charges that the proof of Beria's work as an imperialist 
agent was in his attempts after Stalin's death to get in touch with Tito and the 
Yugoslav Party. According to the Politburo letter, the Yugoslav Party was a 
fascist and anti-Soviet Party. I even remember a certain detail in connection 
with that charge. Beria was accused of having tried to make direct telephone 
contact with Belgrade for private talks with the Yugoslav leaders. The question 
was about reopening a direct telephone line which had been cut off between the 
Kremlin and Belgrade after Yugoslavia's expulsion from the Cominform. 

The perfidy of this charge appeared to me only much later. When Khrushchev 
went to Belgrade and when the new Politburo policy toward Yugoslavia was an- 
nounced, I remembered that part of the letter which had accused Beria of trying 
to establish relations with a fascist and anti-Soviet Yugoslav Party. On one 
hand, Khrushchev blamed Beria for havinfi broken off relations with Tito and 
Yugoslavia and, on the other, he accused him and indicted him for having at- 
tempted to reestablish those relations. 

At the end of the letter, the Soviet Politburo asked the question : "Why was 
Beria so rapidly unmasked after Stalin's death?" The letter gave the following 
answer: the Soviet Politburo could unmask him so soon because Beria became 
domineering and reckless after Stalin's death. He made careless moves and thus 
enabled the Politburo to unmask him as an imperialist agent. In this way the 
Soviet Politburo gave one to understand that before Stalin's death it had not 
known of Beria's criminal activities, but it had discovered them only in the 
past two or three months and therefore was not responsible for Beria's past 
activities. 

Further the letter explained that in investigating Beria's hostile activities 
and in its fight against him, the Politburo had to be very careful since any rash 
step would have aroused his suspicions. While being aware of Beria's criminal 
activities, the Politburo had to pretend that it did not suspect him of anything. 
Because of this, it had to accept certain of Beria's moves though it did not agree 
with them. The letter gives as an example the question of the policy line pre- 
ceding the Berlin riots in June 1953. In it, the Soviet Politburo declared that 
the policy imposed by Beria on the Soviet authorities in East Germany, and on 
the political leadership of the German Democratic Republic, which resulted in 
the June riots, was false. The Soviet Politburo was aware of the fact that the 
policy being conducted in East Germany was in error, but could not oppose it 
because it did not want Beria to guess that he was suspected of being a spy. 

Khrushchev Uses Stalin's and Beria's Methods 

Such were the contents of the secret letter of the Presidium of the CPSU to the 
political aktiv in Russia. This letter was one of the documents which helped 
to evaluate the situation properly. Not immediately, of course, but later, when 
I compared other Khrushchev moves with the letter's charges about Beria, I 
became profoundly convinced that both the secret trial and the fabrication of 
certain of the charges in Beria's purge were typical of the methods both Stalin 
and Beria had applied. And the responsibility for those methods could not be 
fixed only on Beria or Stalin. After the lett°r about Malenkov, after Khrush- 
chev's visit to Belgrade, and after the July Plenum last year, it became clear to 
me that in large measure Khrushchev was fighting for power with the same 
methods as Beria and Stalin had used. I also came to the conclusion that there 
was no difference between the trials organized by Stalin and Beria, and Beria's 
trial, insofar as trumping up charges or in the methods of conducting the trial 
itself. 



Malenkov Forced To Resign : Khrushchev Degrades Malenkov 

After Beria's purge the next step in the power struggle inside the Soviet Polit- 
buro was Malenkov's forced resignation. Before it happened we had a period 
of awakened hopes. After the Beria affair, some changes were introduced into 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1559 

the Party leadership system. The question of the improvement of the standard of 
living teas considered the most important task. I must state that in 1954 I 
myself and a considerable number of the Party activists really believed that the 
power struggle in the Soviet Politburo was over. We believed that after Beria's 
removal, the highest Soviet leadership was united. 

Yet, in February 1955, the news of Malenkov's removal came like a thunder- 
clap. It shocked the entire Party aktiv : we knew immediately that the struggle 
in the Politburo continued. We were indignant at the way in which Malenkov 
had been removed, rather like a schoolboy, and not like the Premier of a great 
country which was considered as a model democracy. Finally, we thought that 
the official reasons for Malenkov's dimissal in which we were asked to believe, 
and which we were asked to tell others, were ridiculous. 

Bierut and Ochah Said Only One Thing: Obey the Moscow Politburo 

We turned for an answer to our doubt to the PZPR leadership, to Bierut, Ber- 
man, and Ochab. They had only one answer for us, however : we must trust the 
Soviet Party Presidium completely. Moreover, they attempted to cut short all 
discussion of the subject. I remember, for example, that in February 1955, at 
one of the Party meetings at the Institute of Social Sciences of the Central Party 
Committee, I was sitting next to Berman and expressed my doubts about Malen- 
kov's resignation. Berman answered with phrases about full confidence, and 
greatly agitated cut off further discussion. 

When, shortly thereafter, at the Politburo office, I was given a Soviet Commu- 
nist Party Presidium letter to the Soviet Party aktiv, concerning Malenkov this 
time, I wondered whether I would find an answer there to the questions that 
haunted me — and I found it. 

Because up to today, the reasons for Malenkov's removal have not been given 
to the Russian people, or to the Party, or to the Polish people, I would like to 
tell about the contents of that letter. These are the reasons mentioned in the 
confidential letter, not those given in the press, which were so absurd that no 
one could believe them. I shall enumerate them one by one. 

The Main Emphasis Was Not Farming and the Farmer's Life, but Power 

The first charge concerned Malenkov's responsibility for serious errors in his 
farm policy. This accusation was already known to me from Malenkov's state- 
ment explaining his resignation. In the Soviet Politburo letter the charge was 
amplified. It was said that Malenkov was in charge of farm policy. The state 
of farming in the Soviet Union was alarming, and Malenkov was chiefly respon- 
sible for this state of affairs. 

When I read those charges, the following questions came to my mind. First, 
if Malenkov were responsible for the farm crisis, what could we say about 
Khrushchev who had for many years been Party Secretary in the Ukraine, 
the granary of the Soviet Union? Secondly, if Malenkov knew so little about 
agriculture, what could be said about his successor, Bulganin, who, as I learned 
from his biography, had never had anything to do with farming? Thirdly, if 
Malenkov were little acquainted with agriculture, he knew even less about electric 
power stations, and yet in spite of it, he had been appointed minister of electric 
power stations. Finally, the first steps which, in the opinion of Khrushchev 
and the entire Politburo, were to change the farm situation completely had already 
been taken under Malenkov. Therefore, it was not Malenkov who was preventing 
implementation of agrarian reforms. Consequently, the question of farming 
was not involved. My suspicion was subsequently confirmed when, in spite of 
Malenkov's resignation, no really new resolutions on farm questions were 
announced. 

What also struck me was that Beria was also accused of being responsible 
for the farm crisis. This coincidence of charges being brought against Beria 
and Malenkov became even more striking when I read the rest of the letter. I 
shall write of it later in connection with the coresponsibility for the "Leningrad 
Affair." 

high t In dustry — No I 

Before coming to that matter, I should like to mention other charges brought 
against Malenkov in the Soviet Politburo's confidential letter. Attention was 
drawn to the danger caused by Malenkov's policy to the regular development 
of the People's Democracies. This charge was formulated cautiously, and like 
the entire letter, briefly. Such a policy, as conducted by Malenkov, could bring 
about a decrease of economic effort in the People's Democracies. I understood 



1560 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

then immediately what it was all about. At that time, there was great interest 
in the Polish Party in the developments in Hungary after Imre Nagy had come 
to power. During that period, Hungary abandoned the principle of stressing 
heavy industry at any price and by auy means. Not only I, but many other 
people, saw in it a great relief for the Hungarian people. During this period, 
pressure was brought to bear on the Party leadership in Poland by the aktiv 
to follow the Hungarian example more resolutely in establishing the relation 
between heavy industry and consumer goods production so that the standard of 
living could be raised. 

This pressure was firmly resisted by the Party leadership. They were at 
that time greatly displeased by the Hungarian comrades who were making the 
situation in Poland more difficult. I remember especially well that Szyr was 
furious when some of the activists maintained that Hungarian economic policy 
was more sensible than Polish. 

Shortly after Malenkov's removal, even before I had occasion to read the 
Soviet Politburo's letter, I learned about Imre Nagy's dismissal and that is why, 
when I read in the letter than Malenkov had been accused of endangering the 
orderly development of the People's Democracies, I understood how this charge 
was justified from the Soviet Politburo viewpoint. Malenkov had, in fact, con- 
ducted a policy which might have brought some measure of relief in the economic 
situations of the captive countries. In the long run, however, this would mean an 
increase in the independence of those countries and with such a policy, Khrush- 
chev and the rest of the Politburo could not agree. Besides, during Khrushchev's 
stay in Poland in the spring of 1955, 1 could personally ascertain it from listening 
to his very aggressive and unpublished speeches. 

The next charge in the letter concerned Malenkov's incorrect attitude toward 
developing heavy industry, which was closely connected with what I have said 
before. When I read the Soviet Politburo's letter, I was struck by the fact that 
Malenkov was actually accused of deviation from Stalinism, for one of Stalin's 
fundamental economic principles was priority of heavy industry and maintenance 
of a steady difference of tempo between heavy industrial and consumer goods 
industry development. The simple conclusion occurred to me that whatever is 
convenient in Stalinism to the present Party leadership will, without fail, be 
maintained. I also remember that during that time there were numerous dis- 
cussions of economic policy, of the ratio between heavy industry and consumer 
goods industry, in the Party, and after Malenkov's dismissal, these discussions 
were severely forbidden. 

And so Malenkov's Turn Came. Who Next? 

Finally, there was yet another charge which gave me much to think about in 
that confidential letter. The Soviet Politburo accused Malenkov of a concilia- 
tory attitude toward Beria and of coresponsibility for the "Leningrad trials." 
The charge was formulated as follows : during the period of struggle against 
Beria, Malenkov adopted a conciliatory attitude toward him and was, moreover, 
coresponsible for the "Leningrad Affair." I noted immediately that this charge 
was identical with one of the charges made against Beria, though formulated in 
a less emphatic way, the charges on which the purge of Beria had been based. 
Yet, I thought, Malenkov had been Khrushchev's aide when Beria was purged. 
Still another question occurred to me. Why wasn't Malenkov accused of it in 
those days. The answer was clear enough. Malenkov was indispensable in the 
fight against Beria, and his turn had not yet come. 

In this way the "Leningrad Affair" and the crisis in agriculture were exploited 
by Khrushchev twice in order to rid himself of his two most important rivals. 
This tested method of removal was applied by Khrushchev, as I was to learn 
later, with great success. When Molotov was removed in July, I remembered 
that at the same session of the Supreme Soviet at which Malenkov had been 
forced to resign, Molotov had given a speech on foreign policy. In that speech, 
he had expressed the same views on the Yugoslav problem as those for which 
he was later severely criticized at the July Plenum. He had also then formulated 
the same thesis with respect to the stage of development of communism in Russia 
which he was publicly asked to withdraw. 

But Molotov's mistakes were tolerated by Khrushchev at that time. The reason 
was obvious : Molotov's help was necessary to force Malenkov's resignation. In 
February, Molotov was still indispensable to Khrushchev, as Malenkov had been 
indispensable during the purge of Beria in July 1953. Molotov's turn came at 
the July Plenum last year. . . . 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1561 

How KnRusncHEv Carried Out Molotov's Political Demotion 

The third step in Khrushchev's showdown with his Politburo rival was to 
remove Molotov from all influence on political affairs in the Party leadership. 
This took place last July at the Plenum. How did it come about V 

In July 1955 the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU was held. 
The materials connected with the Plenum filled the Soviet and Polish press 
for several days ; they were the subject of discussions and official training in 
the PZPK. The subject discussed at the Plenum, at least what one could judge 
from the materials, was the question of introducing new technical methods into 
Soviet industry. Bulganin made a speech. I remember I considered a positive 
thing that all the speeches of the participants had been published, a rare thing 
at Russian plena and even at Polish ones. The discussion was not secret and 
in many cases was very lively. 

True, I found it odd that in view of such important events in the international 
arena as Khrushchev's and Bulganin's visit to Belgrade, the Austrian problem, 
and the Geneva Conference, no foreign policy problems were discussed at the 
Plenum. However, I did not attach great importance to it. It did not occur 
to me that so early after Malenkov's removal, new personal showdowns were in 
the making. Besides, it was a period of intensification of the "thaw" in Poland, 
and these problems occupied my attention completely. 

Three months passed and the questions connected with the July Plenum were 
slowly forgotten. The problems of the Plenum ceased to be discussed at train- 
ing centers. But in October Bierut suddenly called a meeting of the members 
of the Central Committee, and a part of the Central Party aktiv. When we 
gathered on the 6th floor of the building of the Central Committee, Bierut got 
up and told us that the July Plenum besides its public part had had a secret 
and unpublished part. In a short talk Bierut informed us of some of the matters 
which had been discussed in the secret part of the July Plenum. Our meeting 
was strictly confidential. I remember Bierut told us that we could not make 
notes. 

Bierut's brief information was later passed on, even more briefly, to certain 
groups of the Party aktiv in Warsaw, and Jerzy Morawski reported on the 
secret part of the Plenum to the lecturers of the Central Committee. For my 
part, I made a report on those matters to Party schools and again it was under- 
stood that no notes could be taken. Also, attendance at the meeting was closely 
checked on the basis of a list and Party identity cards. No questions or dis- 
cussion were permitted ; in short, the material was treated as strictly confi- 
dential. But it all became clear to me when I read a stenographic record of the 
secret part of the Plenum. 

A few days after the meeting with Bierut in the Politburo office, they gave me 
the full stenographic record of the July Plenum to read. It was the only copy 
sent to Poland for the use of the Polish Politburo. Only a very small number 
of the members of the Party aktiv were permitted to read it. The record was 
very long. The Plenum had lasted 8 days and some of the speeches several 
hours, so I shall only deal with some of the problems discussed at the Plenum. 

The Third Step in the Career of the Collective Leadership: Khrvshchev 

What was the chief subject of the secret part of the July Plenum? After 
reading the record carefully I saw that it concerned itself chiefly with the show- 
down between Khrushchev and the rest of the Soviet Politburo on one hand, 
and Molotov on the other. The secret part of the July Plenum was, therefore, 
the third step in clearing the way for the so-called collective leadership, therefore, 
for Khrushchev. 

What was the platform of this showdown? The Yugoslav issue. The prob- 
lem of the attitude of the Soviet Communist Party toward Marshal Tito and the 
Yugoslav Party. But it would not be fair to restrict the discussion to Tito's 
case. The fact is that the question of Yugoslav relations was only a point of 
departure for a long discussion of political and economic problems. I shall 
enumerate only the most important ones. 

A good deal of space was given to a discussion of coexistence with the 
capitalist countries, to the problem of political relations between the Russian 
Party and the Parties of the People's Democracies, to the problem of diplomatic 
relations with the People's Democracies. The question of the underdeveloped 
countries was also discussed, and the attitude toward Socialist Parties in the 
West, and the attitude toward Stalinism. However, the most important subject, 
and the basis for the showdown with Molotov, was the Yugoslav problem. 



1562 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

What follows is based on the shorthand minutes of the secret part of the Plenum 
about the showdown itself. 

In February, at the Supreme Soviet meeting, Molotov's attitude had already 
been different from the line taken toward the Yugoslav problem by Khrushcbev 
and most of the other Politburo members, and this became clear to me, and to 
the majority of the Political aktiv when we heard of the Khrushchev-Bulganin 
visit to Belgrade. In February, however, Khrushchev did not attack Molotov 
because he needed him in the showdown with Malenkov. This is proved by 
the fact that the Soviet Politburo permitted his official address to the Supreme 
Soviet to express views which opposed those of the majority of the Politburo. 
Yet there is no doubt that the texts of such speeches are scrupulously ap- 
proved by the Politburo, and primarily by the First Party Secretary before 
they are made. 

From the stenographic record of the secret part of the Plenum, it seemed 
that preparations for Molotov's removal began immediately after Malenkov's 
resignation. In the spring of last year, the Politburo held a meeting at which 
Molotov was criticized as Minister of Foreign Affairs for his attitude toward 
the Yugoslav problem and several other international problems. Molotov was 
accused of having hampered the reestablishing of Soviet-Yugoslav relations by 
all means. 

Khrushchev and Molotov Battle Over Tito 

Before the Khrushchev and Bulganin departure for Belgrade, the Politburo 
held another meeting at which Molotov opposed the visit. Molotov was for 
reestablishing international relations with Yugoslavia but, for ideological 
reasons, resisted reestablishment of Party relations with the Yugoslav Com- 
munist Party. What he had in mind was not only Khrushchev and Bul- 
ganin's visit to Belgrade but also the character of their visit. 

These facts were given by Khrushchev in his opening speech to the secret 
part of the July Plenum. As a result of Politburo discussions, Khrushchev 
continued, Molotov still had not changed his attitude. The disagreement found 
its expression in the adoption of two Politburo resolutions. In one, the ma- 
jority of the Politburo recognizes the necessity of the Belgrade visit and the 
necessity of attempting to reconstitute inter-Party relations with Yugoslavia. 
In the second resolution, Molotov's attitude was described, appraised by Khrush- 
chev and the rest of the Politburo, and a decision was taken to put it up for 
discussion at the earliest Plenum of the CC of the CPSU. 

At the July Plenum, Khrushchev once again charged Molotov with having 
prevented the reestablishment of international relations with Yugoslavia, and 
denounced his attitude on this issue as both erroneous and against the Party 
line. 

Molotov Battles And .... 

The stenographic record showed that Molotov addressed the meeting after 
Khrushchev's speech and explained his viewpoint. However, in the discussion 
which followed and lasted for several days, the Plenum of the CC declared itself 
against Molotov's position. In addition to Khrushchev, Bulganin, Mikoyan, 
Kaganovich, Susslov, and Shepilov criticized Molotov severely. The discussion 
was accompanied by a series of personal skirmishes, abusive remarks flowed 
freely, and time and again speeches were interrupted. This was particularly 
true of Molotov's speech. 

I shall give an example. When Molotov was explaining his viewpoint that 
Party problems should not be discussed with Tito because Tito was anti-Soviet 
and his views far removed from Communism and rather close to those of anti- 
Communists, Khrushchev interrupted him, shouting: "But in 1939 pou could talk 
to Ribbcntrop!" Incidentally, it occurred to me while I was reading the 
minutes that the comparison to Ribbentrop was not very flattering for Tito. 

* * * and Capitulates 

As a result of the violent discussion, Molotov made a short declaration toward 
the end of the secret meeting, occupying not more than one page of the shorthand 
minutes, in which in an extremely formal manner, he listed Khrushchev's charges 
and admitted that they were well founded. He also said that he yielded to the 
Central Committee's view of the Yugoslav problem. His declaration was so 
formal that I had no doubt when I read it that it was only Molotov's attempt 
to save what still could be saved. It was an attempt to take away from 
Khrushchev all the arguments which could be used for Molotov's dismissal. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1563 

An Allegedly "Impersonal" Encounter 

The shorthand minutes showed that the discussion was full of Khrushchev's 
personal remarks about Molotov. Khrushchev therefore devoted a great deal 
of space in his closing speech to assurances that there was no question of a 
personal misunderstanding between him and Molotov. Personally, he said he 
had nothing against Molotov : his sole concern was Party matters. These 
assurances were so numerous that I understood them to mean their opposite. 
Besides, even in his closing comments, Khrushchev could not resist making a 
personal remark leveled at Molotov. He said, and I remember that passage 
extremely well, "Vyacheslav Mikhailoviteh, all this is your wife's fault. It 
would be much better for you if you didn't listen to her. She pushes you and 
makes you ambitious. She is your evil spirit." 

Such was the general outline of the showdown with Molotov at the secret 
session of the Plenum last July. 



The Soviet Ambassador to Poland Is Not a Diplomat but a Proconsul 

The stenographic of the secret part of the Plenum of the CC of the CPSU 
also contained many matters which pertained to Poland and Polish-Soviet rela- 
tions. The question of the real role of the Soviet Ambassadors to Poland, 
particularly Popov and Lebediev, confirmed a state of affairs I had suspected 
for a long time. The Soviet ambassador in Poland was more a proconsul inter- 
fering in the internal affairs of the country than the diplomatic representative 
of a friendly nation. He does not take into account either the feelings of the 
people, or the Party leaders' ambitions. There is, of course, nothing new in this. 
What is new is that it was described in this manner at a Central Committee 
meeting in Moscow with Khrushchev and Kaganovitch there. 

How was it that the question of the behavior of the Soviet Ambassadors to 
Poland was discussed at the secret meeting of the July Plenum? It so happened 
that Molotov's activity as Minister of Foreign Affairs had already been exam- 
ined, and in order to substantiate their criticism of him, Khrushchev, Kagano- 
vitch, and others cited facts which either directly or indirectly discredited him. 
Among other things, the activities of the Soviet ambassadors to Poland emerged. 

Long before I read the shorthand minutes of the July Plenum, I heard rumors 
and sometimes even full details which threw light on the real role of the Soviet 
ambassadors to Poland. Besides, I was in personal contact with other Soviet 
inspectors in Poland. Thus, I often met Professor Alexandrov, ideological tutor 
of some of the Polish training schools, Comrade Nietchkina, guardian of the 
Polish philosophers, Professor Kuzminov, who occasionally came from Moscow 
to inspect the Polish economists and their work, Comrade Pankratova, member 
of the Central Committee in Moscow and patron of Polish historians, and many 
others. On the basis of these contacts and seeing their condescending attitude 
toward Poles, I could easily imagine how the Soviet ambassador, whose rank 
was much higher, behaved. But it is quite a different thing to imagine things 
and to find a confirmation of one's suspicions in Khrushchev's or Kaganovitch's 
speeches, and the stepnographic minutes of the July Plenum secret session 
confirmed them amply. 

Kaganovitch Admits that Popov Liked to Give Orders 

At the Plenum Kaganovitch criticized Molotov's activities as Foreign Minister 
and, among other things, appraised the Soviet ambassador's work in Poland. 
Kaganovitch maintained that Popov's behavior was simply inexcusable. What 
was this inexcusable behavior? According to the report, Popov thought he icas 
fully entitled to issue orders to the Comrades in the leadership of the Polish 
Party. He grossly interfered in Polish internal affairs. Kaganovitch said that 
Popov was intriguing among the Polish Party leaders and inciting them one 
against the other. Moreover, Popov spoke disparagingly, in the presence of 
Polish comrades, of the Polish Party leadership. Such behavior on the part of a 
Soviet Ambassador to Poland, Kaganovitch said, was inadmissible. 

While I read the above criticisms of the Soviet Ambassador's hehavior by 
Kaganovitch, I involuntarily asked myself the following questions : First, Popov 
became ambassador to Poland in June 1953 and remained at his post until March 
1954. He was, therefore, Ambassador after Stalin's death, after Beria's purge, 
and when Khrushchev was made First Party Secretary, and came to Warsaw on 



72723— 57— pt. 29- 



1564 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

several occasions. It is hard to believe that the Soviet leadership was unaware 
of Popov's behavior, yet in spite of this his activities in Warsaw were tolerated. 

Second, I wondered how meek the PZPR Politburo was if it had tolerated 
Popov's actions for so long. This same Popov was not even a member of the 
Central Committee of the CPSU. They even tolerated him when they were no 
longer obliged to listen to Stalin's orders. 

But the criticism of the Soviet ambassadors to Poland made at the July Plenum 
was not limited to Popov only. In his closing speech at the secret session of the 
Plenum, Khrushchev violently attacked another Soviet ambassador to Poland, 
Lebiediev. 

Khrushchev Admits That Lebiediev and Popov Are Like Twins 

Commenting on Lebiediev's activities, Khrushchev used the same expressions 
as Kaganovitch did about Popov. Among other things, Khrushchev maintained 
that Lebiediev took it upon himself to be a leader of political life in Poland, and 
used to summon tbe highest Polish Party dignitaries to the Soviet Embassy and 
tell them what to do. In addition, Khrushchev accused Liebiediev of having 
written a book on Poland which had already been sent to be printed, but its publi- 
cation was stopped at the last moment. Had it been published it would have done 
irreparable damage to Polish-Soviet relations. Lebiediev had stated in his book, 
among other things, that the bulk of the Polish intelligentsia was fascist. 

Nor was that all, for Khrushchev also said that Lebiediev formulated a funda- 
mentally erroneous thesis that the Polish Workers Party had been set up as a 
result of the Soviet offensive on the eastern front, and as a result of the great 
Russian victories. And yet, Khrushchev said, the roots of this Party were in 
the Polish people's independent struggle. 

In the light of the stenographic record of the CC's secret session in Moscow, 
it is easy to understand why Khrushchev considered the appearance of Lebiediev's 
book a disaster. The theses contained in it would have discredited the Soviets in 
the Polish readers' eyes. 

After criticizing the book, Khrushchev returned to Lebiediev's activities in 
Poland, emphasizing that Lebiediev's constant interference in Polish domestic 
matters was revolting and inexcusable. Khrushchev several times pointed out 
that such behavior was inconsistent with the instructions of the Soviet Party 
leadership. Khrushchev supported this statement with a quotation from the 
Russian Party's CO resolution which forbade ambassadors to interfere in the 
domestic matters of tbe People's Democracies. What struck me was the fact that 
Lebiediev had been Soviet Ambassador to Poland for seven years and therefore 
had not been complying with CC decisions for some time. In addition, Khru- 
shchev also hinted that this type of harmful activity was connected with the past 
and with Beria's times. 

For Breaking Party Resolutions: the Order of Lenin 

This violent Khrushchev criticism of Lebiediev was made at the Plenum in 
July of last year. The minutes of the speech reached Poland in October, but 
almost simultaneously a Moscow Pravda communique reached Warsaw about 
Lebiediev having been awarded the Order of Lenin. It so happened that I read 
that issue of Pravda and the minutes of the Khrushchev speech during the same 
week. Which was I to believe? The Khrushchev who had criticized Lebiediev's 
conduct as Soviet Ambassador to Poland so violently, or the Khrushchev who had 
awarded him the highest Soviet decoration for meritorious achievements and 
services rendered to the Soviet fatherland? Who was I to believe the Khrush- 
chev who accused Lebiediev of violating the Central Committee resolutions or the 
Khrushchev who considered Lebiediev to be a suitable man for the post of Soviet 
Ambassador to Finland? 



MlKOYAN ON THE "BROTHERLY SOVIET AlD" 

One of the most interesting problems discussed at the secret session of the 
July Plenum in Moscow was the problem of economic relations between the 
Soviet Union and the People's Democracies. Mikoyan devoted a good deal of 
space to that problem in his speech. I read those passages with a good deal of 
interest because I had written a series of articles on those relations for Party 
and economic publications. One of my articles, published in Trybuna Ludu, was 
reprinted in the Cominform paper, For A Lasting Peace, for a People's Democ- 
racy. Why do I speak of that now? Because I had closely followed the Party 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1565 

line in my articles, yet when I read Mikoyan's speech I saw that everything 
I had written in those articles voas simply a lie. Of course I knew many facts 
which proved that the Soviet Union was taking advantage of many privileges in 
its economic relations with Poland, but only after reading Mikoyan's speech did 
I realize that economic discrimination was applied to all of (he captive countries. 
Mikoyan denounced these discriminatory measures and plainly implied that 
it was not exceptional but the general rule. What was this general economic 
discrimination with regard to the captive countries? I shall mention some of 
the examples I found in the stenographic record of the secret session of the 
July Plenum. 

Joint Stock Companies for Exploitation, Not For Help 

The problem Mikoyan discussed particularly extensively was that of the 
so-called mixed companies' activities. Mixed companies were commercial or 
industrial enterprises set up by the Soviets in almost all the captive countries. 
In such a company there are two partners : the Soviet Union and the People's 
Democracy in which the company operates. According to the statutes of these 
companies, there is complete equality between the two partners. 

In all the variety of forms of so-called Soviet brotherly help extended to the 
People's Democracies, the mixed companies always set up as an example of the 
Soviet Union's sacrifices for its younger brothers. The Romanian Premier 
Gheorghiu-Dej once said that mixed companies were the most efficacious and 
profitable form of Soviet brotherly aid offered to the countries building socialism. 
The mixed companies were given in ideological training as an example of pro- 
letarian internationalism. This was the official Party and ideological line. How- 
ever, at the secret session of the July Plenum, Mikoyan said that the mixed 
companies were the most conspicuous form of Russian interference in the domes- 
tic economic affairs of the People's Democracies. They were, in Mikoyan's 
opinion, a sign of Soviet nationalism, a form of exploitation of weaker countries 
by the U. S. S. R., and they had become an example of economic exploitation of 
the People's Democracies which is why they had to be dissolved. 

Chinese Communists Slap Moscow's Face 

But the mixed companies were dissolved not only because they were incon- 
sistent with the principle of proletarian internationalism. And Mikoyan him- 
self admitted it. Here is a passage of the shorthand minutes which I remember 
particularly well: "Did we need those mixed companies?" Mikoyan asked. 
"Were we very happy when our Comrade Mao Tse-tung put our nose out of joint 
by refusing to allow similar companies to be established in China? Shouldn't 
we draw a lesson from past mistakes and dissolve those companies?" 

Mikoyan then explained in detail how the Soviet nose had been put out of 
joint by Mao Tse-tung. This even took place after Stalin's death when the 
Soviet Union proposed founding such mixed companies to China, for the product- 
ion of tropical fruits in China which would then export a certain quantity of 
them to Russia. Mao Tse-tung did not agree to the offer and proposed instead 
that China export tropical fruits on a normal commercial basis. Thus, Mao 
gave a very eloquent appraisal of the mixed companies' activities from the point 
of view of Chinese interests. 

The Negro Did the Jot) and Was Sent Away With Praise 

In my opinion, these experiences explain why it was decided to wind up the 
mixed companies. However, while Mao was putting the Soviet nose out of 
joint about mixed companies in China, mixed companies in the European People's 
Democracies continued to be a symbol of Soviet brotherly aid. In December 
1954 I was in Moscow and heard a certain Meinshikov read his paper on Mixed 
Companies, Symbol of Soviet Brotherly Aid Offered to the People's Democracies, 
to a Conference of Social Sciences at the Soviet Central Party Committee. As 
we know, most of the mixed companies have been dissolved, but some of them 
still exist. Secondly, what struck me particularly when I read the minutes of 
the secret session was that the dissolution of the companies was not in the least 
explained by the arguments given by Mikoyan to the secret session of the July 
Plenum. 

On the contrary, in the communique announcing their dissolution, I read that 
they had played a very important role in the development of the People's Democ- 
racies, that they had been a symbol of the brotherly Soviet aid offered to these 
countries, that they had been dissolved merely because their task had been 
completed. The Soviet dictators of the mixed companies received the highest 
decorations from the countries in which they had operated. That is why I was 



1566 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

amazed at the fantastic hypocrisy of the Soviet Party leaders, and their unwill- 
ingness to tell the truth, when I saw the minutes of Mikoyan's speech. In prac- 
tice, I saw one of the aspects of the alleged open sincerity of the political life 
in the new post-Stalin era. 

Soviet Experts Are Arrogant and Overpaid 

In another passage of the record of the secret session, Mikoyan also gave a 
fair assessment of the behavior of the Soviet experts and delegates in the People's 
Democracies. The work of our experts abroad, Mikoyan said, necessitates a 
good deal of tact and modesty. In no case can we hurt the feelings of the local 
population. But in practice, Mikoyan said, our experts have constantly violated 
this rule. They have been patronizing and arrogant. They thought that every- 
body could learn from them, and that they had nothing to learn. In this way 
they often did a disservice to the cause of friendship between the Soviet Union 
and the People's Democracies. Mikoyan also admitted that the excessively 
high salaries of Soviet specialists were a source of discontent among local workers 
and employees. 

Mikoyan devoted a great deal of space to Soviet- Yugoslav economic relations. 
He admitted that the breaking of the trade agreement with Yugoslavia in 1949 
was a violation of international law, and there were many other instances, on a 
larger and smaller scale, of breaking trade agreements. Indeed, they were 
imperialistic moves, Mikoyan said. 

Principles Are Principles : But Business Is Business 

When I read this exceptionally frank statement of Mikoyan's I remembered 
several cases of unilateral breaking of trade agreements with Poland by the 
Soviet Union. I know, for example, that in the past few years, the Soviets broke 
the agreement on supplying wheat and cotton for Poland, and besides, the Soviet 
Union never paid any indemnity. Poland, on the other hand, was forced hastily 
to look for new sources of grain and cotton supplies on the Western markets. 

From the minutes of the secret session, it emerged clearly that Mikoyan had 
violently condemned all discriminatory practices concerning the People's Democ- 
racies. Last January I could ascertain how sincere this condemnation of past 
mistakes was. I was told that Mikoyan had delivered an address at the Con- 
ference of Mutual Economic Aid which had been held last December in Budapest. 
There, the Polish delegation proposed, quite justifiably after all, that the export 
of Polish coal and farm products to the Soviet Union and the other People's 
Democracies, should be decreased. The Polish delegation also called attention 
to the necessity of increasing exports of machines because this was the only way 
to improve Poland's difficult economic situation. 

In a long speech, Mikoyan said, among other things, that Poland's traditional 
exports were coal and farm produce and that she should continue to export them. 
I wonder how Mikoyan would have described this sort of economic aid last July? 

What Is Poland to the Soviet Politburo? 

As I have mentioned several times, the secret session of the July Plenum was 
primarily a scene for the battle between Molotov and the rest of the Politburo. 
As usual in such battles, there was plenty of violent discussion and mutual 
recrimination, and we know that in the heat of argument, matters about which 
one normally remains silent reveal themselves. That is precisely what hap- 
pened in the course of those discussions. 

It began with Khrushchev attacking Molotov because the latter did not fully 
appreciate the damages that had arisen from the break with Marshal Tito and 
from the subsequent history of Soviet-Yugoslav relations. This accusation 
seemed to have hurt Molotov a great deal. He violently defended his policies 
and in his reply to Khrushchev's attacks, Polish affairs were brought suddenly 
to the surface. In his comments on Poland, Molotov revealed the truth about 
Soviet leaders' attitudes toward the People's Democracies. 

I quote here briefly some of the arguments Molotov used as I remember them 
from reading the stenographic report of that secret session. 

Molotov began with an appraisal of the situation which preceded the break 
with Yugoslavia. Indeed, he said, we made a grave error here. Why? Be- 
cause without having exhausted all the possibilities for conciliation, we brought 
about a break with Yugoslavia so sharply. I admit, he went on, that this error 
in our policy caused many disadvantageous complications. Can the blame for 
this, however, be put on Beria and Beriaism? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1567 

I must admit that I read this last sentence with great emotion. Was it Molo- 
tov's intention, I thought, to blame the break with Tito on Beria, and also on 
Stalin and his other collaborators? But Molotov had something quite different 
in mind. No, he said, to blame Beria and only Beria for breaking with Yugo- 
slavia would have been a great error and untrue for an equal share of guilt 
belongs to Yugoslavia and Marshal Tito. At that time, Tito's behavior was 
provocative and anti-Soviet. If we had not then adopted the strong and definite 
stand we took, he continued, we would have been confronted with grave compli- 
cations in the other People's Democracies. 

And that is how Polish affairs came to the surface. I read and did not believe 
my own eyes. 

Poland is So Many and So Many Divisions . . '. 

Let us take Poland as an example, Molotov continued. Which is more impor- 
tant to use, Poland or Yugoslavia? Poland has 10 million people more than 
Yugoslavia and Poland can mobilize 10 divisions more than Yugoslavia. And 
we know only too well that not everything was right with the Polish Army at 
the time of our conflict with Tito. There was, as we remember, Gomulka in 
Poland. If we had not taken a strong stand in Yugoslavia's case, Molotov 
explained, who knows what would have happened in Poland? Poland would 
have wavered and gone Yugoslavia's way. That is why, Molotov stated, our 
sharp and definite reaction in the Yugoslav affair was perfectly justified, for 
it prevented a still greater disaster. 

However, we must admit, Molotov said, that our tactics were not always 
proper. The best proof of that is the fact that we failed to repair our position 
in Yugoslavia ; hence, the conclusion that the policy we followed was false. 

I must say that I read this part of Molotov's speech with great irritation. 
Molotov was altogether cynical. Is that, I thought, the way a Soviet Foreign 
Minister and Moscow Politburo member treats the friendly People's Democracies? 
Is Poland for him merely the equivalent of so many people and so much cannon 
fodder? For only in this sense was Poland more valuable to him than Yugo- 
slavia. What should we think of our own Party line with respect to Soviet 
policy, I thought, a policy which allegedly treats large and small nations 
equally? Wasn't this cynical statement of Molotov's, the acting chief of Soviet 
foreign policy, a proof that the Soviet Union was quite ready to sell out a smaller 
ally for the price of gaining a stronger one, one who has at its disposal a larger 
number of divisions? * 

While reading Molotov's statement I was further struck by the fact that — 
as he put it — Soviet policy with respect to Y'ugoslavia was wrong because it 
failed to bring the anticipated results. Is it true, I thought, that even in deal- 
ings with the People's Democracies, Molotov considers all methods, including 
provocations, permissible provided they bring the expected results? 

All Wolves Howl the Same 

I was particularly indignant about the fact that Molotov was justifying this 
policy of threat and blackmail even after Stalin's death. Even in the post- 
Stalinist period, Moscow's policy of table pounding with respect to Poland and 
the other People's Democracies was still justihed. 

I have already written that Molotov's speech made me indignant. I had 
naively supposed that in the other Politburo members' speeches, particularly in 
that of First Party Secretary Khrushchev, I would find unequivocal condemna- 
tion of Molotov's stand. When I finished the stenographic record, I saw that my 
illusions were naive. 

Certainly Khrushchev and other Politburo members attacked Molotov sharply, 
but their views were merely the other side of the same coin. Their attitudes 
toward the People's Democracies were similar to Molotov's ; they differed from 
him only in their estimate of the situation. As an example, let us take Khru- 
shchev's final speech. He argued against Molotov's thesis that in the 
Yugoslav case the policy was basically justified even if errors in it had taken 
place, for it prevented Titoist outbreaks in the other People's Democracies. 
Thus, Khrushchev said exactly the same thing as Molotov, except perhaps that 
he saw a different danger in the Yugoslav example. 

What was the difference between them? Molotov saw the danger in the 
absence of harsh policies toward Tito : he maintained that without such policies, 
other countries would follow in Yugoslavia's footsteps. On the other hand, 
Khrushchev maintained that the danger lay in making policy too harsh and 
this would result in pushing other People's Democracies on the Yugoslav road, 



1568 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

and this might have happened particularly after Stalin's death. Not with so 
much as a single word did he object to Molotov's contemptuous treatment of the 
People's Democracies. 

I understood then that Molotov, Khrushchev, and Mikoyan were in perfect 
agreement as to the basic role of the People's Democracies. The difference lay 
only in the degree of advantage that a policy would bring to the Soviet Union. 
Was it to be a line of compromise and ignoring of ideological deviations, as 
Khrushchev and Mikoyan wanted, or was it to be the older policy advocated by 
Molotov? But all of them — Khrushchev, Mikoyan, and Molotov treated the 
People's Democracies with equal contempt. The only difference was that the 
estimate by the first two was more realistic. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Bialer, did you have a mission at any time 
to go to Moscow ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

In November and December, 1954, 1 was the Assistant Chief of the 
official delegation of the Central Committee of the Polish Communist 
Party to the party authorities in Moscow. 

Mr. Morris. Now, while you were in Moscow, were you able to meet 
any of the top leaders of the Soviet Union? 

The Interpreter. My most important task was rather to get in 
touch with the propaganda agencies in Moscow and Leningrad con- 
nected with the Russian Communist Party. 

Naturally, in this capacity I met different, what you would call 
important people, both in the Soviet Union as well as in Poland. 

But as far as the relations and the state of affairs in the Russian 
Communist Party are concerned, among the leadership of the Russian 
Communist Party, I know this from the official secret instructions 
which were sent from Moscow to Warsaw, and thus I got acquainted 
with most of them. 

Mr. Morris. Do you recall a visit that Mr. Khrushchev made to 
Warsaw in April of 1955 ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir ; I recall this very well, indeed. 

Mr. Morris. Did Khrushchev address the Communist Party work- 
ers in Warsaw in 1955 ? 

The Interpreter. Khrushchev, after his arrival in Poland, first 
had a meeting with a large body of the workers in Novahuta. His 
second meeting in Poland was in Warsaw with the Central Committee 
and the active of the Polish Communist Party in Warsaw. I was 
present at both meetings. 

Mr. Morris. Now, will you describe the makeup of the audience 
that attended this second meeting at which Khrushchev spoke? 

The Interpreter. We called it the active of the Central Committee 
of the Communist Party in Poland. This means the most active, im- 
portant members of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Morris. What was the number ? 

The Interpreter. No more than 200 people, rather much less. 

Mr. Morris. Much less than 200 people. 

Now, will you tell us what Khrushchev said to that particular group 
of Polish Communists ? 

This is now April 1955, is it not? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

First, both of his speeches were very aggressive. 

I drew a conclusion that the aim of his speech was to maintain an 
offensive spirit among the party workers. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1569 

First, he started his speech by saying that the heavy industry and 
the armaments must be maintained at all cost. 

Mr. Morris. Heavy industry and armaments must be maintained 
at all cost? 

The Interpreter. At all cost. 

For instance, I remember such a detail. He said : 

It is true that you do not have good ladies' hats. It is true that there is 
probably not enough food in Poland. But you must remember, we must have, 
first of all, heavy industry. The more steel we produce for the Soviet bloc, the 
more sleepless nights Mr. Dulles will have in Washington. 

Mr. Morris. "Mr. Dulles will have in Washington"? 

The Interpreter. In Washington. Literally, he said, "He turns in 
his bed when he learns about it." 

Again, the most provocative incident in his speech against the 
Western World was the following, and again I quote almost his words 
since I remember them so well : 

"We are discussing coexistence, but, of course, we must realize that 
we cannot coexist eternally, for a long time. One of us must go to 
his grave." 

Mr. Morris. Meaning the free w r orld and the United States on the 
one hand, and the Polish nation on the other? 

The Interpreter. On the one hand the United States, the Western 
World; on the other hand, the Soviet bloc. One of us must go one 
day to his grave. 

[Continuing :] "We do not want to go to the grave. 

"They," meaning Americans and the westerners, "they do not want 
to go to their grave, either. 

"So what can be done ? 

"We must push them to their grave." 

This was the general tone of his speech. 

Certainly we could recognize immediately the difference between 
his tone when he was speaking for the newspapers or conferences 
and when he was speaking to us at that meeting. 

Mr. Morris. There was a difference in his tone? 

The Interpreter. There was a difference, a basic difference, in his 
tone. And, of course, the text, too. 

Mr. Morris. Now, when you described that conversation to us, 
did Khrushchev use precisely the same emphasis that you have given 
us, or is that your estimate of Khrushchev's speech ? 

The Interpreter. Of course, there is a possibility that I misquoted 
1 or 2 words. Basically I quoted him, since they were so important and 
I remembered them, and they were fixed in my memory. 

In addition, of course, his speech was put on a tape and then I had 
the opportunity to listen to the tape again ; so I remember this very 
well. 

I heard it after the Geneva Conference. 

Mr. Morris. Now, as an active propagandist, did you deal with the 
concept of coexistence ? 

The Interpreter. This was one of the most important matters to 
which I attended. 

For instance, after the first Geneva Conference, I was sent to many 
provincial towns where I met the active of the local Communist 
Party, discussing the situation. 



1570 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

I authored several instructions, several papers, for the party workers 
in this matter. 

And, of course, there were organized for me several discussions in 
which I would pass, orally, my advices and instructions. 

Mr. Morris. What is the concept of coexistence? Is it used as a 
weapon in Communist warfare ? 

The Interpreter. I would summarize this in such a way : Our most 
important task with regard to the coexistence business was to con- 
vince and to show to the people that the concept of coexistence is not a 
withdrawal on the part of the Soviet bloc, but an offensive. 

Mr. Morris. You say it is not a withdrawal ? 

The Interpreter. Withdrawal 

Mr. Morris. But an offensive ? 

The Interpreter. But an offensive of the Soviet bloc. 

This was necessary, because in the first period of the so-called 
coexistence, even the high membership of the Communist Party some- 
times misunderstood the meaning of the Soviet policy. 

This is why we were forced to organize a very large campaign all 
over Poland in order to straighten them out and to explain to them the 
real meaning of the coexistence campaign. 

Senator Butler. In other words, this is just another twist in the 
devious road of the Communist Party to world domination ? 

The Interpreter. Basically, yes, sir, with this difference, that this 
is so important in the Communist strategy that I would call it, rather, 
basic strategy. 

I would place it in a category of basic strategy, since one of the main 
purposes is to isolate the United States from the political, economic, 
and ideological point of view, in the world, and this, of course, is very 
important. 

Senator Butler. In your opinion, is it equally important as the dis- 
solution of the Comintern ? 

The Interpreter. I would say that the dissolution of the Com- 
intern 

Mr. Bialer. Cominform. 

The Interpreter. Cominform — is one of the expressions of this iso- 
lation campaign against the United States. 

Senator Butler. In other words, it is part of the general policy ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir; part of a very large political program. 

Mr. Morris. And would you say, Mr. Bialer, it was your purpose 
as an active propagandist to instruct the workers as to the meaning of 
this new strategy, particularly with respect to that aspect of it which 
indicated that it was not a withdrawal, but rather an offensive measure? 

The Interpreter. Yes. This was one of my most important tasks. 

We considered it as the most important job at that time. There was, 
for instance, a saying, a joke, circulated among the party members: 
"It is true that we do not want any more revolution because the West- 
erners will settle it themselves." 

Mr. Morris. Now, how did the Geneva Conference of 1955 fit into 
this framework ? 

The Interpreter. As far as I conceived, on the basis of my observa- 
tions as a propagandist in Poland, that Conference indeed was a point 
of issue for our propaganda, for all this coexistence campaign which 
I described for. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1571 

Not only in Poland, but also in the Russian Communist Party, in 
the Soviet Union, everywhere, this Conference was presented as a 
great Soviet victory. And may I tell you that my conviction is that 
the masses believed it. 

Mr. Morris. The Polish masses and the people in the Communist 
countries believed it? 

The Interpreter. This is my opinion. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you know anything about Khrushchev's ma- 
nipulations of Beria, Malenkov, and Molotov ? 

The Interpreter. Yes; I can speak about these matters on the basis 
of three secret documents which I knew and which deal with this 
matter. 

The first document was a letter, a secret letter of the Central Com- 
mittee of the Russian Communist Party, dealing w^ith the matter of 
the Beria incident. 

The second document was a letter of the leadership of the Russian 
Communist Party dealing with the dismissal of Malenkov. _ 

And the third document is a secret official stenogram, minutes, of 
the plenum of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party, 
which took place in July 1955. 

Mr. Morris. Now, you went into these three episodes in this declara- 
tion that you prepared, did you not ? 

The Interpreter. Partly. 

Mr. Morris. Now, will you succinctly, as briefly as possible, tell us 
about those three documents with respect to the question ? 

The Interpreter. First, these 3 documents describe the 3 basic stages 
in the personnel changes in the Soviet leadership. 

The first will be liquidation of Beria, the second, dismissal of Malen- 
kov, and the third, the alienation from the leadership of Molotov. 

In the first letter, the reasons for the liquidation of Beria were given. 

In addition to those accusations which were made public in the press, 
there were also other accusations unknown to the party. 

For instance — and this comes to my mind in view of the present 
visit of Marshal Tito in Moscow — one of the important accusations 
against Beria, secret accusations, was the following : 

The accusation was such: The best proof that Beria was engaged 
in espionage activities directed against the Soviet Union was his 
suggestion, after the death of Stalin, to reestablish relations with 
Tito. 

Mr. Morris. You mean that accusations were made against Beria 
because he sought to reestablish contact with Tito? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

For instance, I remember there was a very particular accusation 
that Beria wanted to establish a special telephone line between Moscow 
and Belgrade in order to be in touch with Tito. 

In addition to those accusations which I enumerated in the docu- 
ment you mentioned, there was given also the method by which Beria 
was liquidated. 

For instance, there was a paragraph I remember that a political 
bureau of the party could not reveal for some time its suspicions con- 
cerning Beria. So they had to approve even erroneous decisions of 
Beria for a certain period of time. 

And one of the examples was the German affair. 



72723— 57— pt. 29- 



1572 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

For instance, the Soviet policy toward Eastern Germany in 1953 
which resulted in the Berlin revolt of June 1953, was initiated by 
Beria. The political bureau of the Russian Communist Party real- 
ized it. They didn't want to stop Beria's policy, so that he would 
not realize that they suspected him. 

There is also, I remember now, another paragraph in that document 
which will probably interest you in view of the present de-Staliniza- 
tion campaign. 

And this paragraph consisted : There was a question : 

How was it possible that we, the leadership of the Russian Communist Party, 
were able to liquidate Beria in such a short time after Stalin died, in only 
3 months? 

The whole idea of this argument was to prove that as long as Stalin 
lived, the leadership of the party did not know the true activities of 
Beria. 

The final phase of this argument was that Beria became careless, 
and because he became so careless and also impudent, convinced of 
his power, we could discover his activities against the people. 

I want to remind you that at that time Beria was liquidated with 
the help of Malenkov, who was against him. 

In February 1955, Malenkov's turn came. 

The most characteristic aspect of the second document dealing with 
Malenkov's affair is that very many accusations directed against Beria 
had been repeated now with regard to Malenkov. 

Of course, this is one of the aspects of the Soviet tactics. Those 
accusations were not revealed at the time of the liquidation of Beria, 
but the leadership waited for Malenkov's help to liquiate Beria, and 
then they liquidated Malenkov with the same accusations. 

For instance, an accusation concerning the agricultural crises was 
repeated with regard to Beria and then also with regard to Malenkov. 

The main accusation against Malenkov was that he underestimated 
the importance of building the heavy industry. 

It was maintained that such a policy of underestimating heavy in- 
dustry was to become dangerous for the people's democracies. 

This was in connection with Imre Nagy, the Prime Minister of 
Hungary, who was following the same Malenkov line in Hungary. 

Malenkov was also indicted for coresponsibility in the Leningrad 
trials. 

The Leningrad trials lasted several years, and in those trials several 
thousands of very active Communists were liquidated. 

It was on that occasion of the dismissal of Malenkov that Shepilov, 
the present Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, appeared. 

At that time, it was Shepilov who was directing the whole anti- 
Malenkov campaign. 

I think that one could say that probably the present appointment 
of Shepilov is a kind of reward for his services in the dismissal of 
Malenkov. 

During the same session which decided the dismissal of Malenkov, 
the Molotov affair started. 

Again, the same method was applied as with regard to Malenkov. 
Molotov was accused of a nonconformist speech which he delivered 
at the time of Malenkov's dismissal. He was not accussed at the time 
of the Malenkov dismissal because he was helpful at the time. He was 
accused of this several months later. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1573 

Around 6 weeks after the dismissal of Malenkov, Molotov's incident 
took place. 

At that time, the secret meeting of the Presidium of the Russian 
Communist Party took place, and the discussion concerned the rela- 
tions with Yugoslavia. 

At that meeting Molotov announced himself against the reestablish- 
ment of relations with Yugoslavia, relations government-to-govern- 
ment. 

He was criticized at that meeting and then at the time when Khrush- 
chev and Bulganin left for Belgrade to visit Tito, he agreed, of course, 
with their policy, meaning to reestablish the official relations between 
the two governments. 

However, although Molotov agreed to a reestablishment of the offi- 
cial international relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, 
he did not approve of Khrushchev's and Bulganin's visit, and he did 
not approve of a reestablishment of party relationship between the 
Russian Communist Party and Tito's Communist Party. 

However, he was outvoted. The decision was taken that Khru- 
shchev and Bulganin should go to Yugoslavia, and the decision was 
taken that Molotov's disapproval should be discussed in July of the 
same year at the next meeting of the Presidium of the Communist 
Party. 

And indeed, in July 1955, the meeting took place and the central 
committee of the Communist Party officially condemned Molotov's 
position. 

In addition to this matter, several other important matters were 
discussed at that meeting. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you cover those in this declaration? 

The Interpreter. The minutes of the July meeting of the central 
committee took more than 100 pages, and, of course, I couldn't cover 
them in this document. 

Mr. Morris. Does it cover the general area? 

The Interpreter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Now, are there any more points that you want to make 
with respect to my general question at this time? 

Mr. Bialer, I realize it is a vast subject. There are some aspects of 
intelligence which directly relate to the work of the Internal Security 
Subcommittee. If you think that you have made a fairly represent- 
ative statement in response to the question, we might go to these other 
subjects. 

The Interpreter. I hope that perhaps at another occasion I will 
have an opportunity to speak about this document, which is very in- 
teresting. So probably at the present moment I shall not continue. 

Mr. Morris. Do you want to make some statements about it now, by 
way of concluding that last aspect of your testimony ? 

The Interpreter. I would like to add that there was also a very long 
and important discussion concerning Austria at that meeting. 

Molotov proposed the Soviet withdrawal from Austria. 

Now, the argument against his position, the argument taken by 
Khrushchev, was that the Soviet withdrawal from Austria will not 
cost the Soviet Union anything; it will be without any importance, 
anyway. 

This kind of withdrawal would not weaken the Soviet Union from 
any point of view, from any practical point of view. 



1574 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

It would not weaken the Soviet Union. 

That is all for the moment as far as this matter is concerned. 

Mr. Morris. Now, in your work in the Communist Party of Poland, 
did you come to know anything about espionage or military intelli- 
gence that was carried out by the Polish Communist leaders? 

The Interpreter. You mean, against the United States? 

Mr. Morris. Against the United States. 

The Interpreter. Yes, I know certain facts. Are you interested? 

Mr. Morris. Do you know any Polish military intelligence agents 
who came to the United States ? 

The Interpreter. I know two such cases. 

The first case concerned Colonel Melchior. 

Mr. Morris. Who was Colonel Melchior? 

The Interpreter. He is one of the most outstanding and respected 
employees of the Polish military intelligence. 

I have known him personally for the last 10 years. 

In 1949, we were working together and then at that time in 1949 he 
passed to the strictly military intelligence activities. 

He was appointed as the Polish vice consul in New York City. 

Mr. Morris. Now, was that a cover for his activities, or was that his 
real role? 

The Interpreter. Well, sir, I will answer this way : Colonel Mel- 
chior is on such a level and he is considered as such an outstanding 
member of the military intelligence in Poland, and so well known in 
Poland, that if he were appointed as the Ambassador to the United 
States, it would not be too much of a distinction. 

So since he was only vice consul, which is not such a high position, 
it was evident that this was only a cover for his other activities. 

Senator Butler. That was not the question. The question was 
whether he was using his position as a cover for his real activities. 

The Interpreter. Yes, I am sure of it, that this was only a cover 
for his activities concerning military intelligence. 

Senator Butler. And espionage? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

I see as, for instance, one of the indications, that after his return to 
Poland, he went directly to military intelligence and is working in 
the same department he was working in at the moment he left Poland. 

I saw him in December 1955, exactly in that capacity. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did he use the name of Melchior, or did he go 
by any other name? 

The Interpreter. No, sir. His true name was Melon, but the name 
which he is using for years is Melchior, the first one. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what was the other example of espionage in the 
United States? 

The Interpreter. The second case, well known to me, was sending 
to the United States an officer of the Polish military intelligence, 
Samuel Ehrlich. 

I have known him also for very many years. 

In 1950-51, there were rumors spread on purpose that he was leav- 
ing for Moscow for a special school in the field of intelligence. 

So he disappeared from Poland. 

In reality, as I learned later, he did not go to Moscow at that time. 
He was sent to the United States and he was assigned to look for a job, 
and he received a position at one of the American universities. . 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1575 

He went to one of the American universities. 

Mr. Morris. And do you know that he had an espionage assignment 
at the time? 

The Interpreter. I am certain of it. He was and he is presently 
a captain in the Polish military intelligence. I saw him before I left 
Poland, in Poland. 

Mr. Morris. Now, you do know what that man looks like; do you 
not? 

The Interpreter. Very, very exactly, I know. 

Mr. Morris. And if we show you some pictures, you might be able 
to tell us who he is ? 

The Interpreter. Surely. 

Mr. Morris. You do not know whether he used the name of Samuel 
Ehrlich when he was teaching at one of the American universities. 

The Interpreter. He was not a professor at that university. He 
was at the university, and, of course, I would recognize him. 

When I said that he was at the university, I did not mean that he 
was a professor. He was a student at the university, in order to have 
an official coverage for his activities in this country. He is not an old 
man. 

Mr. Morris. Now, how is the Polish intelligence organized? 

The Interpreter. I couldn't give you exact information on this 
subject. This is a very specialized subject. 

Mr. Morris. And your field is propaganda and not intelligence? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir; mostly political propaganda. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you know any of the American Communists 
who left the United States and returned to Poland, their native 
Poland? 

The Interpreter. Yes; several cases. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know a man named Arski ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir; I know him. 

Mr. Morris. Is that Stefan Arski ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, Stefan Arski used to be one of the 
people on the Polish desk of the Office of War Information in the 
United States. 

What was Stefan Arski doing? 

The Interpreter. Mr. Stefan Arski is presently in Poland. He 
is a journalist, and one of the most violently antiwestern and anti- 
American journalists. He specializes in American affairs, and he 
contributes mostly to the People's Tribune, an official organ of the 
Communist Party in Poland. 

He wrote several books which we used as a kind of basis for our 
anti-American propaganda. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Mandel here has the testimony 
before the Kersten committee, the House committee that investigated 
the Katyn Forest massacre, and Mr. Arski of the Office of War Infor- 
mation figured in that inquiry. 

I wonder if we might put that testimony before that committee 
about Mr. Arski into the record. 

Senator Butler. It will be so ordered. 



1576 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 287" and reads 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 287 

Excerpt from the Katyn Forest massacre, hearings before the Select Committee 
To Conduct an Investigation of the Facts, Evidence, and Circumstances of the 
Katyn Forest Massacre, S2d Congress, 2d session on investigation of the mur- 
der of thousands of Polish officers in the Katyn Forest near Smolensk, Russia, 
part 7. November 11, 1952 (p. 1993) 

Mr. Machrowicz (Representative Thaddeus M. Machrowicz of Michigan). 
Did you know a Stefan Arski, alias Arthur Salman? 

Mr. Davis (Elmer Davis, wartime director of the Office of War Information). 
No. 

Mr. Machrowicz. For your information, he was also employed by the Office of 
War Information in 1945. He is now in Warsaw, Poland, and is editor in chief 
of the Communist paper Robotnik, which means the Worker, the most outspoken 
anti-American organ in Warsaw. He at that time was also an employee of the 
Office of War Information. You have no recollection of him? 

Mr. Davis. No. 

Mr. MachrowiTz. You have no recollection of either Ambassador Ciechanowski 
or Congressman Lesinski warning you about the fact that these three persons 
were known Communists, and were in the employ of the Office of War Informa- 
tion? 

Mr. Davis. I don't remember that Mr. Lesinski ever warned me about any- 
thing. Mr. Ciechanowski, perhaps by his excessive number of warnings, made 
me forget which particular ones he especially spoke about. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Would it refresh your recollection if I told you that you 
told Ambassador Ciechanowski to keep away from that matter? 

Mr. Davis. I don't know, * * * 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you know Irving Potash? 

Mr. Chairman, Irving Potash was convicted under the Smith Act 
and ordered deported to Poland in 1955. 

What is Mr. Potash doing in Poland ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, I know him. I spent with Irving Potash, 
formerly a member of the political bureau of the Polish Communist 
Party, of the American Communist Party — I spent with him 2 weeks 
at the International Communist House, Holiday House, in Zakopane, 
in Poland. This was March 1955. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what is Potash's job in Poland? 

The Interpreter. The most characteristic factor concerning this 
man is that he was not used in Poland for the propaganda work, and 
he disappeared in Poland altogether. 

He disappeared. He is no more. 

I remember those 2 weeks I spent with him. At that time he was 
very much emotionally broken, affected. He suffered very much 
seeing the reality in Poland. 

He had no idea before how bad things are in Poland. 

Particularly he was impressed by the unfriendly attitude of the 
Polish people, the Polish masses, toward the Polish Communist Party. 

In any case, the fact that a man of this caliber was not used in 
Poland in a propaganda way, this is a very exceptional case, and rather 
indicates that unpleasant things happened to him. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know Henrik Podolski? 

Mr. Chairman, Henrik Podolski was the former editor-in-chief of 
Glos Ludowy, a Polish Communist paper in Detroit. 

The Interpreter. Yes, I know Henrik Podolski. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1577 

Henrik Podolski has two main assignments presently in Poland. 
The first one is to work in the campaign of repatriation of the Polish 
emigres, postwar emigres in the West, and the second, to instruct the 
American paper, People's Voice, in Detroit. 

Mr. Morris. You mean, he is still running the Detroit newspaper? 

The Interpreter. This paper receives strict instructions from 
Poland, and he is the man who is sending them. 

I met him several times in connection with his work in the propa- 
ganda division and foreign affairs division of the central committee 
of the Polish Communist Party. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I have many other such instances, at 
least some other instances such as that, together with a great deal of 
other material, and if you say, Senator, we do have to stop now, I 
think we w T ill have to resume again on Monday. 

Senator Butler. Yes. We will adjourn now and recess until 
Monday. 

I would like to say this for the record, that the testimony of Mr. 
Bialer this morning, with its importance to the work of the Internal 
Security Subcommittee and the understanding of recent world events, 
indicates the great usefulness of defectors. This testimony shows very 
convincingly that there are important people behind the Iron Curtain 
who want to join the free world. When these people come over to us, 
they bring important intelligence information. 

In this way, we can learn the real meaning of the Communist 
strategy of world conquest. 

But more important, their defection impresses on the world the 
great vulnerability of the Communist world — the fact that these people 
are kept in bondage. All our agencies as well as the Congress should 
do everything possible to encourage more defections. 

I want to thank you, Mr. Bialer, for coming here. We will stand 
in recess until Monday morning. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, the Judiciary Committee meets Monday 
morning. Suppose we make it 2 o'clock in the afternoon on Monday ? 

Senator Butler. We will stand in recess until 2 o'clock Monday 
afternoon, at which time we will ask you to return, Mr. Bialer. 

Mr. Morris. Will you return at 2 o'clock, Mr. Bialer? 

The Interpreter. I want to thank you, sir, for the opportunity 
which you gave me to come to this committee and to give this 
testimony. 

Mr. Morris. And we are grateful to you, Mr. Bialer. 

Senator Butler. Thank you, sir. 

(Whereupon, at 11 : 55 a. m., the subcommittee recessed, to reconvene 
at 2 p. m., Monday, June 11, 1956.) 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



MONDAY, JUNE 11, 1956 

United States Senate, Subcommittee To Investigate 

the Administration of the Internal Security and 
Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on thb 

Judiciary, 
Washington, D. C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 10 a. m., in room 318, 
Senate Office Building, Senator James O. Eastland (chairman) pre- 
siding. 

Present : Senator Eastland. 

Also present : Robert Morris, chief counsel ; William Rusher, admin- 
istrative counsel ; and Benjamin Mandel, research director. 

Chairman Eastland. The committee will come to order. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, both the witness, Mr. Bialer, and the 
interpreter have been sworn. It is a continued hearing. 

Chairman Eastland. Proceed. 

TESTIMONY OF SEWERYN BIALER, AS INTERPRETED BY 

JAN KARSKI— Resumed 

Mr. Morris. Senator, in connection with the aspects of the testimony 
of Mr. Bialer on internal security, we had at the last session men- 
tioned the case of Samuel Ehrlich, who was an important intelli- 
gense espionage personality in Poland, who was sent to the United 
States with the knowledge of the witness. He came here under the 
cover of a student at an American university. 

We also had the case of Colonel Melchior, who was the Polish vice 
consul in New York, and Mr. Bialer has testified that, even though 
he was appearing as a vice consul in New York, he was actually one of 
the top military espionage people in Poland. 

We had discussed the case of Irving Potash, who is now in Poland. 
We had the case of Stefan Arski, who was one of the officials of our 
own Office of War Information, who is one of the people in Poland 
directing anti-American propaganda against the United States. 

We had the case of Mr. Podolski, who is now, according to the tes- 
timony of Mr. Bialer, directing a Detroit newspaper from Warsaw. 

Now, we have some more cases like that, Senator. I would like 
to go into those at the beginning of this hearing. 

Chairman Eastland. Proceed. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know a Mr. Kalescki ? 

The Interpreter. Michael Kalescki. 

1579 

72723— 57— pt. 29 5 



1580 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Michael Kalescki. What is Michael Kalescki doing 
now? 

The Interpreter. He arrived in Poland in the summer of 1955. 

Mr. Morris. From the United States ? 

The Interpreter. From the United States. Yes. He was working 
in the United States, in the United Nations Organization, and he 
arrived in Poland in the summer of 1955. 

Presently he occupies a position of personal economic ambassador to 
the virtual economic dictator of Poland, Mine. 

Mr. Morris. What is he doing ? You say he is an economic adviser ? 

The Interpreter. A personal economic adviser. 

Mr. Morris. To the 

The Interpreter. To the virtual economic dictator in Poland, 
named Mine. In addition, he is also charged with studies concerning 
the economic situation in the United States and in other parts of the 
world. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what is George Siskind doing ? 

George Siskind, Senator, was an American Communist who was 
prosecuted under the Smith Act and has been deported to Poland. 

The Interpreter. Presently, he is working in the Institute of Inter- 
national Affairs, which is attached to the Polish Foreign Ministry. 

And again in this institute, he is charged with American affairs. 

I would like to stress here that Siskind is particularly active pres- 
ently in Poland in the field of anti- American propaganda. 

The second question which I would like to stress here is this : As you 
know, recently there were discussions in Poland concerning relaxation 
of the propaganda and also a tendency to disclose more truth about 
the Western World to the Polish people. Siskind was one of those 
men who did not want it. 

Kecently, for instance, he published an article in this year, the cur- 
rent year, an article in a Communist paper, New Roads, in which he 
attacked America with fantastic lies. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, do we have anything in the record to show 
what position Mr. George Siskind had with the American Commu- 
nist Party? 

Mr. Mandel. He was a member of the Central Committee of the 
Communist Party and a teacher at its national training school. 

Mr. Morris. In the United States ? 

Mr. Mandel. In the United States. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you know Mr. Katz-Suchy? 

The Interpreter. I have known him very well indeed. I worked 
with him for a while. 

Mr. Morris. And you say you have known him very well ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us what he has been doing in Poland ? 

The Interpreter. First, he is director of that Institute of Interna- 
tional Affairs which I mentioned before, where Siskind is working; 
and, as you know, he is also a Polish delegate to the United Nations, to 
different conferences of the United Nations. 

At the return of Katz-Suchy to Poland from the United States, 
where he was a guest of the United States, it was exploited by him 
and by the party for violent anti-American propaganda. 

I must say that he was doing it in a very primitive, obvious way. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1581 

I would like to add here, lately I could observe some changes in him. 

For instance, in December 1955 I took part in a certain discussion in 
the party where Katz-Suchy was also present. 

The discussion concerned peaceful coexistence, and there Katz- 
Suchy made an observation that he doubted personally if the United 
States really wanted a war. 

For this he was criticized very much by other participants in the 
discussion. 

Mr. Morris. What was that last answer? I am sorry, sir. 

The Interpreter. For this he was criticized by other participants 
in the discussion. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

Is there anything more he wants to say about Mr. Katz-Suchy ? 

The Interpreter. At the present, I would prefer not to say more. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know anything about the Soviet truce team 
in Korea, the Polish truce team making up the neutral commission 
in Korea ? 

The Interpreter. Yes; I have certain information from the high- 
est sources. 

The first one, for instance: The Chairman of the Polish Truce 
Commission in Korea, General Morsky, was my subordinate in the 
party before he left for Korea. 

For instance, the Polish commissions for Korea and for Vietnam 
received a special fund in order to get collaborators from other nations, 
for instance, Swiss people, or Canadians, or others. 

In this respect, I would like to say, for instance, how well it was 
organized. In the summer of 1955, a special officer of the Polish 
military intelligence, Major Chylinski, left for Vietnam in order to 
check, or supervise, this kind of activity. 

He left in order to check how the work of getting agents from 
among the Swiss, Canadian, or French commissions was going on. 

Mr. Morris. Let me see if I understand that, now. You say that 
Mr. Bialer says that special funds were allocated by the Polish Com- 
munist Government so that these funds could be used to recruit and 
to get agents in other delegations who would help the Polish team? 

The Interpreter. Yes. 

Chairman Eastland. Now, wait a minute. He said he had that 
information from the highest sources. Who are those sources? 

The Interpreter. As I told you, Senator, the first source of infor- 
mation was General Morsky, the chairman of the Polish team in 
Korea, who was my subordinate in the party. The second source of 
information was General Krzenien, his predecessor in Korea. The 
third source of information was General Grosz, the chairman of 
the Polish team in the neutral commission in Cambodia. 

But the most reliable information certainly was that from Major 
Chylinski, who was sent to Vietnam to supervise this action of recruit- 
ing agents. 

I had also other sources of information which I would prefer to 
give you at some other occasion. 

Mr. Morris. Now, was this an intelligence 

The Interpreter. I have in mind closed-door. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Was this an intelligence operation ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Have you other 



1582 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

The Interpreter. He was formerly adjutant of the chief of the 
Polish military intelligence, General Komar. 

Mr. Morris. Now, I wonder if you would give us same more ex- 
amples as to how this operation was conducted. 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

There was one other means. There is a special instruction and 
funds for the Polish member of the Polish team to give loans, even to 
impose financial loans to the members of other commissions to have 
them in hand. 

Mr. Morris. Let me see if I understand that. You mean there was a 
money grant made so that people on the Polish team could make money 
loans to people on the other neutral teams ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. And one other instance : Usually Polish 
members have vodka, a certain amount of vodka which they distribute 
in order to get social relations with them and to have occasion to speak 
to them and to get them as agents, to have social relations as often as 
possible with them. 

What is probably more important is this : Any derogatory informa- 
tion about anyone from any other commission is very meticulously col- 
lected and immediately sent to Warsaw and eventually used in the 
future. 

Another factor, for instance : The Polish teams in South as well as 
North Korea are in closest touch with the central committee of the 
Communist Party in North Korea. 

In this respect, numerous meetings of the central committee of the 
North Korean Communist Party were held. Members of the Polish 
teams would be there, and they would receive advice from the central 
committee of the North Korean Communist Party. 

Mr. Morris. You mean the North Korean Communists would be ad- 
vising the members of the so-called Polish neutral team? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Are there any other such instances, Mr. Bialer? Do 
you know of any other such instances ? 

The Interpreter. I know this problem well. So I think probably it 
would be better, sir, if you would ask me specific questions. I don't 
know what you have in mind. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, a news dispatch in today's Washington 
Daily News, for instance, says that : 

Allied forces in South Korea are gradually being disarmed by tbe creeping obso- 
lescence of their weapons compared with the illegally modernized Communist 
forces in North Korea, high American officials charged today. 

If the United States, the Republic of Korea, and other allies continue to abide 
by the 1953 truce restrictions much longer, their forces in Korea will be com- 
pletely outdone by the Communists, these sources warn. 

Now, do you know that the Communists in North Korea are building 
up their forces against the American forces and the U. N. forces in 
South Korea ? 

The Interpreter. Of course, I couldn't tell you to what degree the 
armaments in North Korea could be dangerous to South Korea or our 
allies. But I can only say that there is a strict collaboration between 
the Polish teams in the truce commission and the North Korean Com- 
munist Party. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1583 

And these armaments are taking place and the Polish teams are 
doing everything in their power to cover those armaments before 
the world public opinion. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you know what currency makes up these 
special funds? Is it American currency or what currency? 

The Interpreter. Not in Polish currency, but in different western 
currencies. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Bialer, do you know what Oscar Lange is doing 
now? 

Oscar Lange, Mr. Chairman, was formerly an American citizen, 
who sometime late in the war and shortly after the war went over 
to Soviet Poland. 

The Interpreter. I know him very well. Oscar Lange holds a very 
high position in the present Poland. 

Mr. Morris. Now, I believe he passes as a Socialist. Is he a 
Socialist? 

The Interpreter. He is a member of the central committee of the 
Polish Communist Party. 

He is a member of the state council in Poland and altogether he 
is a very high official in Poland. Presently he is out of Poland. 
Presently he is in India performing a task of an economic adviser 
to the Indian Government. He spent a certain time in India also last 
year, and there he was helping the Indian Government form their 
economic plan. 

Naturally, he represents the interests not only of the Polish Com- 
munists but of all the Soviet bloc in India. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Bialer, we have been taking testimony in 
the Internal Security Subcommittee for the last 6 or 8 weeks on 
the repatriation campaign. 

Have you had any experience with the Polish repatriation 
campaign ? 

The Interpreter. Yes; I have certain information in this repect. 
First, as far as the aim of repatriation is concerned, it is in the main 
an economic one. Repatriation has an aim, particularly political 
goals. They charge that repatriation is important from the internal 
and from the international point of view. 

The party in Poland wants first of all the repatriation of the Polish 
intellectuals. 

So far they consider in Warsaw that no great achievements took 
place as far as the return of intellectuals is concerned. 

They are interested particularly in repatriation of those who left 
Poland after the war and went to the West. They wanted them to 
come back. For instance, the Polish sailors. There were several 
Polish sailors on the ship Labor, and they asked for asylum in the 
United States. 

Some of them returned to Poland and then they were used in Poland 
for a very serious propaganda campaign. 

Particularly I would like to stress that they want back those who 
left Poland after the war, in order to use them for propaganda. 
They do not care so much for the so-called old emigrees. 

As far as the methods are concerned, there is a special radio station 
called Kraj, The Country. There are also leaflets which are being 
sent out. This concerned the so-called old emigration, those people 
who left Poland before the Second World War. 



1584 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

This kind of propaganda from Kraj, from leaflets, from the old 
emigration, exaggerates so much that even they go further than the 
official Communist propaganda, because they believe that the old 
emigrees would believe it. 

As far as the new emigration is concerned, meaning the emigration 
of the Second World War and after the Second World War, there were 
mainly four methods used. 

Mr. Morris. These are the four steps in their repatriation campaign ? 

The Interpreter. Yes ; in working on them. 

First of all, as far as the new emigration is concerned, the personal 
contacts play a very important role. So first they received individual 
letters from their families. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you personally engage in this repatriation 
campaign ? 

The Interpreter. These activities were carried on by the foreign 
section of the Central Committee of the Polish Communist Party. I 
collaborated closely with that section. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

And you say the first means of getting people to repatriate is by 
personal contact, letters, and personal discussions ? 

The Interpreter. Yes. Altogether, personal contacts, they stress 
them very much. 

So the first step, the first method, is those letters from their families. 
Here I want to say that those letters are genuine letters. They are 
really written by the families. Of course, they were enforced by the 
party. 

Mr. Morris. They were enforced ? 

The Interpreter. They were enforced. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, the people had to write them? 

The Interpreter. Yes. They were not written of their own initia- 
tive. They were ordered to write them. 

It was organized ; the whole campaign. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what is the second point ? 

The Interpreter. The second method is promises : 

If you return to Poland, you will have a better job and you will make more 
money and you will have more opportunities than you have in the country in 
which you are living presently. 

The third method is an appeal to ambition, to vanity, to a desire of 
a personal glory : 

If you return to Poland, you will be famous ; you will have opportunities to 
speak to the people. 

The fourth method is simply blackmail, sheer blackmail. 

Mr. Morris. Will you explain that ? 

The Interpreter. So here in this respect I would like to draw your 
attention to one thing. Before, the blackmail was a direct blackmail. 
A man would come to a prospective returnee and tell him, "If you do 
not return, we will say about you this and this." Now, this direct 
blackmail is not carried on anymore. More subtle methods are being 
used. 

So now they learned not to speak so directly. So a man from the 
Embassy, for instance, would approach such a Polish emigrant and 
he will tell him, "We advise you to come back, Comrade. Remember, 
you have a family over there. You want them to be happy." They 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1585 

do not finish their threat ; this in order that it cannot be proved that 
they blackmailed the man. 

Naturally, a man who is from Poland, even if the conversation is not 
finished, understands very well what the other man wants to tell him. 

But legally, naturally, he cannot prove that he was blackmailed. 

Mr. Morris. Were you in Poland when the Polish seamen returned 
last October? 

The Interpreter. Who? 

Mr. Morris. The Polish seamen who redef ected, returned ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. I was in Poland. 

Mr. Morris. Would you tell us something about that ? 

The Interpreter. So far as those sailors, or seamen, were concerned, 
exactly these kinds of methods were used with regard to them. 

Mr. Morris. And was that much of a propaganda victory for the 
Communists in Warsaw ? 

The Interpreter. I think that they are very successful in this kind 
of propaganda activities. 

Mr. Morris. Was that particular one a success ? 

The Interpreter. Yes. It was a very great success and I doubt if 
all of you realize it in this country. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you know, a few years ago two Russian flyers, 
a man named Barsov and a man named Pirogov, both defected. In 
the course of time, one of them, Barsov, redefected. Now, we have 
heard from Mr. Petrov, in Australia, that Mr. Barsov was executed in 
the Soviet Union after he redefected. Do you know anything about 
that? 

The Interpreter. No ; I don't know anything about this fact. But 
I know something about another fact of the same nature. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us what that was ? 

The Interpreter. This concerns a certain Polish private who tried 
to go abroad who was caught and who was killed in Poland. 

Mr. Morris. He was killed when his escape failed ? 

The Interpreter. Yes ; after he tried to escape. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, we have not been able to get any verifi- 
cation of the information which Mr. Petrov has given, namely, that he 
had heard that Barsov had been executed after he went back to Russia. 
If so, it is an important fact for us to establish, Senator. 

Would you tell us about the propaganda that was being made in 
Poland from sources in the United States such as the labor-research 
group and the output of the United Electrical and Radio Machine 
Workers in the United States ? 

The Interpreter. These two organizations which you mentioned, 
sir, they are fundamental, they are basic sources of anti-American 
propaganda, not onlyin Poland but all over the Soviet bloc. 

If you are interested, I could give you countless instances in which 
statistics, for instance, of these two organizaitons are being used over 
there in an anti-American propaganda campaign. 

For instance, materials prepared by the United Electrical Workers 
are mimeographed. They were sent to Poland ; they were discussed 
at the Central Committee of the Polish Communist Party, and they 
were recommended then to different agencies for use in order to falsify 
life in America. 



1586 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

I would like to indicate why the material of these two organizations 
is so important in Poland. 

The party in Poland realized that many people in Poland do not 
believe them any more. 

Then the party distributes the material prepared by these two 
organizations, saying, "You know, this is American material, pre- 
pared in America, written by Americans. We have nothing to do 
with it in this case." Of course, people believe it. 

For instance, I remember there were discussions with Soviet officers, 
party workers, and others, and in these discussions very often, when 
the factual material given by the Soviet propaganda was challenged, 
the Soviets would say again, "Here we have material which is coming 
from the United States. You cannot put this in doubt," We quote 
it. And naturally, they close the mouth of anybody who does not 
believe their propaganda. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, will you identify for the record the Labor 
Research Association? 

Mr. Mandel. It has been cited by Attorney General Tom Clark 
on December 4, 1947. It is known as a direct auxiliary of the Com- 
munist Party. It publishes labor fact books and economic releases 
for the Communist press, and it is headed by two leading Communists, 
Grace Hutchins and Robert Dunn. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, you describe it as a direct auxiliary of 
the Communist Party. They do not bill themselves as such, though, 
do they? 

Mr. Mandel. No ; they do not. 

Mr. Morris. They do not acknowledge that they are a Communist 
source; do they? 

Mr. Mandel. They do not. 

Mr. Morris. Has he finished? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. I explained to him what you were 
saying. 

Mr. Morris. Now, I wondered, were you in Poland when Swiatlow's 
defection and subsequent broadcasts were beamed to Poland ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir ; I was in Poland at this time. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know Swiatlow at all before he defected? 

The Interpreter. No ; I never met him. 

Mr. Morris. What was the effect of his defection in Poland ? 

The Intrepeter. In this respect, first, it is very obvious to me that 
one could not say that Swiatlow's defection was a cause for all personal 
changes which are taking place in Poland now. 

But naturally, his defection contributed to these changes very lately. 

The first importance of Swiatlow's defection was that the party and 
the Government had been forced to reveal very many details concern- 
ing those men they liquidated later which otherwise they would not 
be forced to reveal. 

In addition, all this which American radios, different stations from 
abroad, all this information supplied on Swiatlow's material, of course, 
they opened the eyes of many people in Poland concerning the real 
nature of the Communist Government in Poland. 

In this respect, for instance, I remember such an interesting detail : 
The foreign radio is beamed generally in Warsaw. But you can 
listen to it in the suburbs of Warsaw. At the time of Swiatlow's 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1587 

broadcasts to Poland, there were literally huge crowds of people who 
were trying to get to the suburban houses evidently to listen on the 
radio to what Swiatlow was saying. 

Swiatlow's defection and the broadcasts he was giving here caused 
great nervousness among the governmental and party officials. 

Could I assure you that if Bierut were ill and had heart trouble at 
that time, no doubt one of the causes of his heart trouble was Swiatlow. 

Mr. Morris. Do you recall the visit of Boris Polevoj to the United 
States? He had a group of political writers. I think it was the 
summer of 1955. 

The Interpreter. There were several things which are interesting 
in respect to Polevoj and Bierazkow — there are several things which 
I would like to mention. They gave interviews here in the United 
States. The nature of those interviews was such that they were not 
published in Poland. They were not allowed to be published in 
Poland. 

Mr. Morris. You mean, what they said over here 

The Interpreter. Was not allowed to be published in Poland. 

Mr. Morris. Why was that? Was it so obviously false? 

The Interpreter. The reason why those interviews could not be 
published in Poland was this : Polevoj gave so many lies concerning 
the life behind the Iron Curtain that if his lies would be reprinted in 
Poland, evidently not only would nobody believe in it, but this would 
result in a contrary opinion. The public opinion would learn how 
the Polish and the Soviet regimes are misguiding the Western World. 

For instance, I remember such a case : Polevoj 's interview was mime- 
ographed and distributed among the members of the central com- 
mittee of the Communist Party in the district of Cracow, and this 
was distributed only among the party workers. When the party 
authorities in Warsaw learned about it, they criticized very much the 
decision of the party organization in Cracow. They criticized the 
activities of the director of propaganda of the Communist Party in 
Cracow. 

It was the first case in which an interview of a Communist given 
abroad, outside of the Soviet bloc, was banned within the Soviet bloc. 

Chairman Eastland. We will take the rest of it in executive session. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Bialer, Senator Eastland has to terminate the hear- 
ing at this particular time. He has asked if we would continue on to 
take the testimony in executive session later on this afternoon, and 
then put that executive session testimony in the public record at some 
date later in the week. 

Chairman Eastland. Mr. Bialer, we will take the rest of your testi- 
mony in executive session. It will later be released. 

I want to thank you, sir. I think your testimony points up the 
importance of defectors and how helpful they are to our Government. 
They are something that we should certainly encourage. 

(Whereupon, at 2 : 55 p. m., the subcommittee recessed to reconvene 
in room 319 at 3 : 05 p. m.) 

Mr. Morris. This is a continuation. 

Mr. Bialer, do you know anything about schools of international 
communism? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 



1588 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Would you tell us about it? 

The Interpreter. I will tell you you about those schools I know 
personally. 

There is a school in the suburbs of East Berlin where they train 
Communist workers for Western Germany. 

This is a very secret school, guarded by the police. Nobody has 
any access to it. 

The school had been organized in the woods, and it is completely 
unavailable to any kind of public. 

I lectured at that school in 1955 ; in June 1955. 

The subject of the education in that school is, first, how to carry 
on Communist activities in the West ; then also other things like mili- 
tary training included. 

In respect to the military training, I remember, for instance, in 
1955 that there were special courses on how to get into the Army in 
Western Germany. There were classes, lectures, on how to get into 
and work with the Western German Army. 

Those who lecture in that school are both Communists from the 
Western part of Germany, and of course, Communists from East 
Germany. 

The second school 

Mr. Morris. What was the name of that first school ? 

The Interpreter. This was a secret school without any name. 

This was a school just for the party apparatus in Eastern Germany, 
for the party members from West Germany trained in that school. 

The second school I was acquainted with personally was a higher 
school, a party school in Moscow. 

The school is housed in the same building where, before, the 
Comintern was operating, the schools of the Comintern. 

At that school, which is mainly for the Soviet Communists, there 
are also special groups consisting of Western Communists, of the 
Communists outside of the Soviet bloc. 

There are classes where there are German, East and West German, 
Communists, French, and others, Polish, Czechoslovak, German, East 
and West. 

As far as Western Communists are concerned, there are not as many 
of them, and they form special classes for them, and also, from the 
conspirational point of view, probably it would not be good to have 
large clases for them. 

This is why this kind of Communists in the West, they are dis- 
tributed under false names among other groups in the groups of the 
Russian Communists. 

Mr. Morris. And where was this second group held ? 

The Interpreter. In Moscow. 

Mr. Morris. In what building ? 

The Interpreter. I don't remember the street ; in the building where 
formerly the Comintern schools were operating. 

The fact that in that building there is this particular school is public 
knowledge. Of course, people do not know what happens there. 

The fact of the existence of the school is publicly known. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you know about the case of Herman Field? 

The Interpreter. Well, I would like to give you some information 
about what the party people were saying after Herman Field was 
released. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1589 

So first, the second man in importance at that time in the Communist 
Party, Berman, was saying that Herman Field was a naive, innocent 
man, that he was arrested unjustly. 

Mr. Morris. Unjustly from the Communist point of view? 

The Interpreter. Yes; that he was not guilty; that he was naive, 
and not guilty. 

Mr. Morris. "Guilt" in this case being spying for the Americans? 

The Interpreter. Yes. 

The second version concerning Herman Field was being spread in 
more narrow party circles, and it was spread by Ochab, the present 
first secretary of the Polish Communist Party. 

And his version was such that the crimes committed by the previous 
administration were of such magnitude that not only innocent people 
could have been arrested but also that people who were guilty, their 
affairs were so mixed up, so confused, that they had to be released. 

Mr. Morris. Did you ever see Herman Field ? 

The Interpreter. No, sir ; only pictures. 

But I met his wife at some friends' before he was arrested. 

Mr. Morris. What year was that ? 

The Interpreter. Most probably — it is difficult to remember — it 
was 1948. 

I saw her in the house of a certain George Durac and his wife. It 
was in the suburbs of Warsaw, called Zoliborz. 

By the way, the wife of that Durac was later arrested and spent sev- 
eral years in jail because of her connections with Herman Field. 

She was a secretary to Berman, and she contacted Field and Berman. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know anything about the Katyn Forest 
massacre ? 

The Interpreter. Yes. 

There were very few people, actives of the Polish Communist Party, 
who wouldn't believe that the Russians did it. 

Their opinion, nevertheless, was divided, of those who believed the 
Russians did it, and it was divided following two lines : Some of them 
were say that the Russians were right doing it ; others were saying that 
the Russians were wrong having done it. 

Mr. Morris. But they all agreed that the Russians did it? 

The Interpreter. But all agreed that the Russians did it. 

But I must stress until I left Poland, no efforts were seen to reveal 
it or to declare that the Russians did it. On the contrary, if anyone 
would make such statements openly, the party would immediately 
suppress the statement. 

Mr. Morris. Where were you at that time? That was in 1940, was 
it not ? 

The Interpreter. Katyn, 1940. I was in Poland at that time. 

Mr. Morris. And you know nothing about it personally ? 

Mr. Bialer. No. 

Mr. Morris. Could you tell us something about the fall of Molotov 
and the rise of Shepilov ? 

The Interpreter. First, Molotov fell, not in June 1956, but rather 
in July 1955. 

In July 1955 there was a plenum of the central committee, and at 
that plenum practically Molotov was separated from any important 
work of the party. 



1590 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. How do you know that ? 

The Interpreter. I know it from the minutes of that particular 
plenum, which was sent to the party in Poland, to the political bureau 
of the Polish Communist Party. 

As it was indicated by the party at that time, the main reason for 
Molotov's downfall was his disagreement with the Soviet policy with 
regard to Yugoslavia. 

There were also other reasons as given by the party why Molotov 
had to go. Of course, the most important reason was, among others, 
the personal struggle for power within the party. 

Mr. Morris. When you say that Molotov's position with respect to 
Yugoslavia was the reason, what was his position with respect to 
Yugoslavia ? 

The Interpreter. I mean that Molotov did not approve of estab- 
lishing party relations with Yugoslavia. 

He was saying that the Yugoslavian Party was not a Communist 
Party and consequently there was no sense to establishing relations. 

Khrushchev did not agree with Molotov. He agreed with him as 
to the nature of the Yugoslavian Communist Party, but his argument 
was that if we do not establish relations with them, we will be unable 
to get them into the Soviet bloc. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you know to what extent the absorption of 
Yugoslavia back into the Soviet bloc, to what extent that has taken 
place? 

The Interpreter. Throughout the last year there were efforts being 
made for establishing relations between different countries of the 
Soviet bloc and Yugoslavia. 

In order to get this rapprochement, for instance, orders were given 
in the Polish Communist Party against any criticism of Tito. 

Mr. Morris. You mean the Polish Communist Party was forbidden 
to criticize Tito ? 

The Interpreter. To criticize Tito. 

Mr. Morris. In what year was this, now? 

The Interpreter. In 1955. 

I have in mind public criticism of Tito. 

As far as the actual state of affairs was concerned, it was different. 

I ran across 2 members of the Polish delegation, 2 chairmen of the 
Polish delegations to Yugoslavia. The name of one was Wolynsky, 
and the second one was Wolpe. 

After their return to Poland, openly they restrained themselves 
from any criticism of Tito and Yugoslavia. 

At the same time, there was a meeting of the active of the Polish 
Central Committee, and at that meeting the same two men were criti- 
cizing very sharply Yugoslavia and Tito. 

The same applies to the economic state of affairs in Yugoslavia. In 
general, I would say the policy was such : 

"Tito is a friend ; Tito is an enemy." 

Mr. Morris. In other words, Tito no longer represents Titoism? 

The Interpreter. No. This means that Tito, as the chief of state, 
and Yugoslavia, as a country, the Soviet Union wants to get them 
into collaboration, but the system which is prevailing in Yugoslavia, 
they do not want to have this system in other satellite countries. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1591 

Until I left Poland, this border separating the Soviet communism 
and Yugoslavian type communism was still not passed. And as far 
as I remember, this border is the limit of the so-called political thaw 
in Poland. 

Mr. Morris. I did not understand that last. 

The Interpreter. This distinction between the Communist Party 
in the Communist bloc and the system prevailing now in Yugoslavia, 
the distinction between these two, this is the limit of the so-called 
thaw. 

Mr. Morris. That is, the limit of the thaw? 

The Interpreter. The limit of the thaw. 

Mi-. Morris. Now, what then is your interpretation of Tito's recent 
visit to Moscow, currently? 

The Interpreter. Before I answer your question, sir, I would like 
to say this: 

At that meeting in July 1955 I remember Mikoyan at a certain mo- 
ment told Molotov : 

At the present not only do we hope to bring Tito to our Soviet bloc; we are 
sure we will get him. 

I think that this was not achieved yet. 

So the last visit of Tito in Moscow in a way is a payment for the 
Soviet benevolence, for the downgrading of Stalin, for the last stage 
of the Soviet policy. 

But as far as I know, still Yugoslavia did not become a Soviet sat- 
ellite. It is still independent. 

Mr. ]\ [orris. That will be all at this time. 

(Whereupon, at 3: 50 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned.) 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



FRIDAY, JUNE 29, 1956 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 

of the Internal Security Act and Other 

Internal Security Laws, of the 
Committee on the Judiciary, 
Washington, D. 0. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 2 : 05 p. m., in room 
P-63, United States Capitol, Senator Herman Welker presiding. 

Present : Senator Welker. 

Also present: Kobert Morris, chief counsel, Benjamin Manclel, re- 
search director; William A. Kusher, administrative counsel. 

Senator Welker. The hearing will come to order. The first witness 
will be sworn. 

Mr. Morris. Will you swear, Dr. Karski, please, before swearing the 
witness. 

Senator Welker. You will be sworn as the interpreter. 

Do you solemnly swear that you will take the questions propounded 
to you by the committee in English and correctly translate them into 
the Polish language to the witness and his answers in the Polish 
language to you will then be interpreted by you truthfully and hon- 
estly in the English language to the subcommittee, so help you God ? 

Mr. Karski. I do. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Bialer, do you solemnly swear that the testi- 
mony you will give before this subcommittee will be the truth, the 
whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Bialer. I do. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Bialer has testified previously before the Senate 
Internal Security Subcommittee. He has been recalled today because 
of the revolt that took place at Poznan yesterday. He is trying to 
determine for this public record whether there are any implications or 
aspects of the uprising in Poznan may have a bearing on our internal 
security in the United States. 

I wonder if you would repeat for the record, very briefly, Mr. Bialer, 
the 2 or 3 top positions you held in the Polish Communist Party in 
the Polish Government before defecting to the United States on Janu- 
ary 31 of this year? 

TESTIMONY OF SEWERYN BIALER, AS INTERPRETED BY 

DR. JAN KARSKI 

The Interpreter. I was a functionary of the Central Committee of 
the Polish Communist Party. I was one of the leaders of the anti- 

1593 



1594 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

"Western propaganda in Poland. I was the first secretary of the party 
organization in the highest ideological party schools in Poland. I was 
an ideological adviser to the party central organ, People's Tribune; 
and I held several other positions m the ideological sector of political 
life. 

Mr. Morris. I think you told us once before, Mr. Bialer, that you 
were one of a group of three top propagandists in charge of anti- 
American and anti-Western propaganda. 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Are you acquainted with, are you conversant with the 
revolt that took place in Poznan in the last few days? 

The Interpreter, Yes; I know what was given by the press. 

Mr. Morris. How much of the situation in and about Poznan and 
Warsaw generally are you conversant with, with respect to this par- 
ticular uprising? 

The Interpreter. Could you give me, sir, a few minutes so I could 
give my evaluation of the recent happenings in Poland? 

Mr. Morris. Yes; that is what we would very much like to have. 

The Interpreter. The last 3 years were being called all over in 
Poland as the period of the thaw. In that period, really, certain 
liberalization of the Communist terror was taking place. 

Mr. Morris. You say there was a liberalization of the Polish Com- 
munist terror taking place? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir; it was a liberalization of the life in 
Poland and liberalization of the Communist mass terror in Poland. 

Mr. Morris. This is as of what time? 

The Interpreter. That period after the death of Stalin, the begin- 
ning was after the liquidation of Beria. The first period, from 1953 
until the end of 1954, I would call it a period of the thaw in baby 
clothes. 

Mr. Morris. I didn't understand that. 

The Interpreter. Period of the thaw in those baby clothes. 

Senator Wei.ker. Let's do a retake on that one. 

Mr. Morris. The Senator didn't understand it either, sir. 

The Interpreter. It was the period of the liberalization of the life 
in Poland in its primitive first original stage. 

The second period was from the end of 1954 until the time I left 
Poland — and I would call that period the medium stage, when the 
thaw was spreading all over Poland. 

Mr. Morris. What was spreading over? 

The Interpreter. The thaw. The liberalization of Poland. 

Mr. Morris. Thaw. That is an expression Mr. Bialer has used pre- 
viously in which he refers to the relaxation of the terror on the part 
of the Polish Communists. 

You have referred that from the period, from 1954 until the time 
you left Poland, which was on January 31, 1956, that this was the 
in f ermediate stage, this was where the thaw was beginning to show? 

The Interpreter. Spreading; yes. The present stage of that re- 
laxation period I would call it a stage of a stormy period. 

Mr. Morris. This is the third period of relaxation. 

The Interpreter. The present one. 

Mr. Morris. You describe that as a stormy period. 

The Interpreter. Stormy period ; yes. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1595 

I was asking myself a question and I am sure that others in Poland 
were asking themselves that question, "What is the origin of that so- 
called relaxation in Poland?'' There is only one answer, which I 
could prove by hundreds of facts. Some of those facts concern the 
highest party authorities. 

The short answer is such, the essence of the present period of the 
so-called liberalization is unprecedented in this history of commu- 
nism, pressure exercised by the Communists themselves on the party 
leadership for more relaxation, and secondly the pressure 

Mr. Morris. See if we understand the first one? 

The essence of this relaxation is the unprecedented demand for 
liberalization, on the part of the Communists themselves against the 
Party leaders? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. That is the first one. The second as- 
pect is the pressure of the nation, of the people, on the government 
for the same purpose. 

Mr. Morris. And the second aspect of it is the people themselves, 
as opposed to the Communists, are also exerting pressure on the 
Polish leaders for a liberalization? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

I would like to give you some facts concerning such a matter, how 
the leadership of the party was opposing the pressure for liberaliza- 
tion, and how the leadership of the party was forced to cede step by 
step to liberalize the life. 

Mr. Morris. This now, if I may understand your testimony, is fact- 
ual. This is from your own personal experience with the Polish 
Communists? 

The Interpreter. It is; I said, on the basis of my personal ex- 
periences, experiences particularly in the last 3 years. I was taking 
part in these activities. 

Mr. Morris. You say that, on the basis of this experience, there was 
opposition, on the part of the party leaders, to pressure for liberaliza- 
tion? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. And you are going to tell us about this opposition on 
the part of the party leaders to the liberalization? 

The Interpreter. Naturally, this problem is a very complex one, 
and I tried to write and elaborate on it and several pages took place. 
I will try to be as concise as possible. 

I will give you the first example. The Minister of Security and 
the main oppressor in Poland, Radkiewicz, R-a-d-k-i-e-w-i-c-z. 

Mr. Morris. That is R-a-d-k-i-e-w-i-c-z? 

The Interpreter. That's right. 

Mr. Morris. He was the Minister of 

The Interpreter. Of Security. 

As at the beginning of 1954, after the crimes committed by the 
Security Became known, an enormous pressure by the party member- 
ships, as well as by the people as a whole, was being exercised. The 
pressure was that Radkiewicz had to go. 

Mr. Morris. He was eliminated? 

The Interpreter. The pressure was to eliminate him. 

Mr. Morris. Yes. 

The Interpreter. Until the end of 1954, at all party meetings, and 
I know since I participated in those meetings, the party leadership 



1596 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

was opposing such demands ; was opposing even a discussion on this 
problem. 

At the very end of 1954, under the pressure even of the activists of 
the Communist Party, the leadership was forced to dismiss Radkie- 
wicz as a Minister of Security and to demote him to a post of a 
Minister of Agriculture. 

Mr. Morris. May I repeat that again. 

As a result of the pressure exerted on the party leaders, including 
the pressure on the part of the leading activists of the party, the party 
leaders were forced to depose Radkiewicz and give him the assignment 
of the Minister of Agriculture ? 

The Interpreter. That's right. 

Mr. Morris. When was he deposed ? 

The Interpreter. The very end of 1954. 

However, even after that dismissal from the position of Minister of 
Security to the position of Minister of Agriculture, still he retained 
his position as a member of the Politburo of the Polish Communist 
Party. 

Mr. Morris. And even in his position as Minister of Agriculture, 
he retained his position as a member of the Politburo? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

After that event, the pressure within the party to eliminate Rad- 
kiewicz from the Politburo was continuing. I participated in several 
party meetings where the party membership was demanding openly a 
final elimination of Radkiewicz from any post. 

Mr. Morris. Now you participated in Communist Party meetings 
where the rank and file of the party continued their pressure to have 
Radkiewicz — his membership in the Politburo taken away from him ? 

The Interpreter. That is correct. 

Again, I want to stress at that period the leadership of the party, 
Bierut, B-i-e-r-u-t; Berman, B-e-r-m-a-n; and Ochab, O-c-h-a-b, were 
doing their best to preserve Radkiewicz and to preserve his influence. 

Nevertheless, the summer of 1955 came, and at the secret meeting of 
the Central Committee of the Polish Communist Party, Radkiewicz, 
supposedly on his own initiative, resigned from his post. 

Mr. Morris. May I recapitulate. In spite of the pressure on the 
part of the three top leaders of the Polish party, Bierut, Berman, and 
Ochab, despite the fact that they wanted him to remain on in the 
summer of 1955, at a secret meeting, a secret Communist meeting, 
Radkiewicz offered his resignation ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Senator Welker. I am going to get to a little more current events. 
You are aware, are you, of the revolt going on in Poland as of this 
moment at Poznan ? 

The Interpreter. I was giving you certain facts in order to make 
a background for the present happenings. 

Senator Welker. I understand that. 

Will you answer my question ? You are aware of that revolt going 
on now ? 

The Interpreter. Naturally, I possess only information which I 
received from the American press. I do not have any other direct 
information. 

Senator Welker. I think we are all working from what we have 
read in the press. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1597 

Now, based upon your experience in the Communist Party, did you 
expect the Polish people to arise and have a revolution as early as of 
this date? 

The Interpreter. Yes ; I was expecting them to a great extent, and 
in addition, too, I consider that they are a logical outcome of the pre- 
vious development of the situation in Poland. 

Senator Welker. There is no question in your mind but what the 
people in Poland are God-fearing, freedom-loving people and want 
their freedom restored to them ? 

The Interpreter. I have no doubt, sir, of any kind to this question. 

Senator Welker. What significance do you attach to the press re- 
lease that the Polish people in their uprising were crying, "We want 
bread ; bread." Does that mean that they were hungry, that the Com- 
munist Party was not feeding them ? 

The Interpreter. Yes; they were claiming the amelioration of the 
economic situation in Poland, their standard of living which is pres- 
ently extremely low in Poland, tragically low. 

Senator Welker. Tragically low ? 

The Interpreter. Tragically low. 

Senator Welker. And the Communists work the Poles very hard, 
do they ? 

The Interpreter. The workers in Poland work extremely hard un- 
der orders of the party, I was making certain statistics while in Poland. 
The standard of living of the Polish workers, according to my re- 
search, is 3^2 times lower than the standard of living of the workers 
in Germany — Western Germany. 

Mr. Morris. The standard of living is oi/ 2 times lower than the 
standard of living of workers in Western Germany ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

However, I would like to draw your attention, sir, that what is 
happening in Poznan should not be considered only as an economic 
activity. The background is economic. However, every activity of 
this kind in a Communist-controlled state has political aspirations in 
view, and are being suppressed as political opposition. 

Senator Welker. Now, they are seeking freedom. Isn't that 
correct ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Senator Welker. I notice in the afternoon edition of a prominent 
Washington newspaper that the Warsaw radio announced that 38 
people were killed and 270 wounded in this well-organized revolt at 
Poznan. 

Do you assume for a moment, sir, that this uprising has ended as 
of now, or do you think that it will still be brewing and last for years 
to come until they get their freedom ? 

The Interpreter. I believe that it is very possible that riots of this 
kind, although on a smaller scale, will be repeated in other localities. 
However, I believe that riots to such an extent will not be repeated in 
the immediate future. 

Senator Welker. That last answer was — I didn't get that. 

The Interpreter. That riots so serious as those in Poznan, on a 
mass scale, will not be repeated elsewhere. 

Mr. Morris. You say there will be some other riots, but not of the 
extent of this one. 

The Interpreter. Yes. 



1598 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Welker. And that is because the people of Poland have 
nothing but their fists to fight with in the form of arms. Is that it ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir; first of all because the Polish nation 
from the times of the end of the war, had no possibilities to express 
their will in any way. They couldn't vote, and they have no other 
technical way to express their will. 

Senator Welker. And of course they have little to look forward 
to when they, with their hands, have to combat tanks of the size you 
see here in the picture of the newspaper I am showing you, huge 
tanks which are shooting down those people which are uprising. 

The Interpreter. Yes, this is the reason. 

Senator Welker. Now, directing your attention to the newspaper 
which I am sending you, Mr. Witness, the second picture after the 
picture of the tanks and the people, I am asking you whether or not 
there is any significance to the flag that is flying over the people, 
which would appear to the Senator from Idaho to be of rather serious 
concern. Is there any significance to that flag flying there? 

Mr. Karski. May I read the caption to him? 

Senator Welker. Go right ahead, Doctor. 

The Interpreter. The Polish flag has two colors, white and red, 
the national Polish flag. It looks to me that this flag has also some 
two colors, and it looks like white and some blood stain which prob- 
ably symbolizes to them the national flag. 

Mr. Morris. When you say the Polish national flag, do you mean 
the national flag of the current government of Poland or the previous 
government ? 

The Interpreter. The previous government has the same flag, ex- 
cept the same flag as the flag before the war. But nevertheless, for 
the Polish nation, the white and the red color symbolizes the Polish 
national color and symbolizes the freedom of Poland. 

Senator Welker. Now, based upon your experience as a former 
Communist agent in Poland, based upon the knowledge you have 
learned from the press, is it a safe assumption that what is going on 
in Poland yesterday and today — and we hope forever, without the 
loss of life and injury to those patriots — would it be safe to say that 
other freedom-loving satellite countries have the same unrest and 
same freedom urge that the Poles are evidencing now? 

The Interpreter. Before I left Poland, I was in touch with other 
nations behind the Iron Curtain, and I came to the conclusion that the 
desire for freedom is the same, although that campaign for achieving 
more liberalization was carried on in Poland on a larger scale than 
in other satellite countries. 

Mr. Morris. You say the desire for liberalization and the willing- 
ness to express pressure to bring about liberalization was stronger in 
Poland than it was in the other satellite countries, even though based 
on your travels in the other satellite countries, you did recognize 
there was this desire for liberalization and this unrest? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir. 

Senator Welker. I have one concluding question, Doctor, that you 
might interpret to the witness. 

I will ask you if it isn't a fact that the Polish freedom-loving people 
who have suffered, some killed, some wounded and some very unhappy, 
and those who have been in this revolt as they call it — had they had 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1599 

the arms or the armaments or the tools to work with — I will ask you 
if it isn't a fact that they would have turned against the Communist 
and shot him dead wherever they saw him in Poland? 

The Interpreter. Well, I couldn't tell you, of course, if they were 
armed or not in this particular riot in Poznan, since I have no way 
to know, but I can tell you, on the basis of my personal experience, 
that Polish Communist police do not hesitate to kill people in this 
kind of riot anywhere. 

Senator Welker. I think we have misunderstood each other. I am 
referring now to this fact, would the Polish people who have been 
revolting against this tyranny — would they have any reluctance to 
shoot down the Communists and the secret police had they had the 
arms to do it with ? 

The Interpreter. In the present situation, where there is no democ- 
racy and no rights, and where the governmental control over the 
people is extended to all walks of life — first of all, there is no possi- 
bility that the people would get arms. It is physically impossible. 

Senator Welker. I understand that, but mine was a hypothetical 
question based upon the fact if they could get arms, would they use 
them? 

The Interpreter. If they had arms, I firmly believe that the great 
part of the Polish nation, most of the Polish nation, would fight 
against the regime. 

Mr. Morris. You believe that if they did have arms, a great part 
of the Polish people, in fact most of the Polish people, would take 
up arms against the Polish Communist leaders ? 

The Interpreter. Yes. I mean the part greater than that those 
who support communism. 

Mr. Morris. It is the majority. 

The Interpreter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Bialer, I wonder if you could tell us what hap- 
pened after the secret meeting in 1955 when the pressure became so 
great that Mr. Radkiewicz had to resign from the membership in the 
Politburo in the Polish Communist Party? 

The Interpreter. May I draw your attention, sir, that Radkiewicz 
resigned from his position in the middle of 1955, but the party leader- 
ship withheld that information from the people and from the party 
membership. I am sure that even today, the people in Poland and 
the party membership do not know that he was dismissed as early 
as in the middle of 1955. 

Senator Welker. I think that would be a rather wholesome thing 
to broadcast to the people of Poland, don't you, that he was forced 
to resign in the middle of the summer of 1955 ? 

The Interpreter. I tried my best, sir, exactly to do this. 

Mr. Morris. Then, does that complete the background or do you 
have more aspects of this background leading up to the interpretation 
of the present situation ? 

The Interpreter. From those examples which I gave you, and I 
have hundreds of other examples, the main point is that the Polish 
nation and the party membership are continuously exercising a pres- 
sure for more liberalization. The party leadership is and was opposing 
that pressure and only being forced to accept the principle that more 
liberalization should be introduced. 



1600 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

The Poznan riot was one of many efforts on the part of the Polish 
workers to attain, to force the party to bring more liberalization and 
higher standards of living, and a change in the national position in 
Poland. 

Mr. Morris. Your interpretations, Mr. Bialer, that the ever-extend- 
ing pressure for liberalization, which you have described in great 
detail through the years, has been the direct cause or contributing 
cause to the present uprising ? 

The Interpreter. Yes, I am deeply convinced that it was so. 

Mr. Morris. Does the fact that the Polish national flag was un- 
furled during the course of this demonstration indicate to you that 
the uprising was political in content rather than the demand for food ? 

The Interpreter. Those riots basically were political, although, I 
repeat, under a Communist regime, economic demands and economic 
situation is a result of the political Communist rule. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if I might ask this question — is there any 
possibility that this revolt may have been falsely stimulated by the 
Communist leaders in order to bring out any underground resistance 
that may exist in the Communist regime ? 

The Interpreter. I don't believe, sir, in this. The price which the 
regime is paying for these riots, and the price is the loss of authority 
in Poland and the revelation before the whole world how terrible the 
situation is in Poland — the price is so great that they wouldn't be 
willing to pay it. 

Mr. Morris. The answer is the price is so great — in other words, a 
revelation to the whole world how bad the situation is in Communist 
Poland and the fact that there is so much resentment against the 
regime — that the price would not be worth the effort. You do not 
believe in that ? 

The Interpreter. Absolutely, I do not believe it. 

Mr. Morris. Do you believe the Warsaw radio would announce that 
the revolt was of such proportions — 38 killed and 270 wounded — if 
the revolt were not serious ? 

The Interpreter. The fact that Warsaw admits that 38 people 
were killed and 270 wounded indicates to me, on the basis of my knowl- 
edge of the Communist methods, that even the expression "serious" 
is too mild ; too delicate. It means that this was a bloody battle which 
was waged in Poznan. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know anything of a revolt that took place be- 
tween the Polish people and the Soviet occupation forces in a town 
Szczecin in 1951 ? I believe that is the Polish for Stettin, is it not? 

The Interpreter. Yes, sir; I have knowledge about it. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us briefly what happened at that time ? 

The Interpreter. In 1951, a Soviet officer shot a Polish lady. This 
provoked an outstanding part of the Polish population in Stettin, an 
outrage and outbreak, which was being hidden by the Communist 
regime for many years. As a result, there were outbreaks in Stettin ; 
there were public demonstrations, and naturally, as a consequence, 
reprisals on the part of the regime. All of them were being concealed 
from the Polish people. However, I would like to stress here that at 
that time, it was much easier for the regime to curb those riots because 
the security organs were much stronger than they are today. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1601 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Bialer, could you tell us what you feel the United 
States policies should be now, with respect to this expressed desire on 
the part of the Polish people to gain the liberation of control. 

The Interpreter. First of all, sir, I believe that the most important 
thing in this field is this : Let the American people convince the Polish 
people that they first sympathize with them, and secondly, that the 
Americans will never reconcile themselves with the loss of freedom 
in Poland. 

Mr. Morris. Let the American people know that they sympathize 
with the Polish people and that they will never reconcile themselves 
to the loss of freedom on the part of the polish people. 

The Interpreter. Let the Polish people know it. 

Mr. Morris. Let the Polish people know that the Americans sym- 
pathize with their feeling that they will never reconcile themselves to 
the loss of their freedom ? 

The Interpreter. I want to stress very, very strongly this fact. The 
Polish Communist Party and the Polish Communist regime are doing 
everything possible to silence the Western World and the Americans 
not to let them — to stop them — saying the truth about the situation 
in Poland. 

Mr. Morris. The Communist leaders are doing everything possible 
in order to cause the leaders of the West and the people of the West not 
to express themselves on these subjects. 

The Interpreter. Yes, to such a degree that I would put it in such 
a slogan it amounts to this : The Communist leaders in Poland are say- 
ing to the Western World, very smartly, very cleverly, "Don't you 
criticize us in your radios and w r e will not jam your broadcasts." 

Mr. Morris. Should we continue to criticize them ? 

The Interpreter. Naturally, if we stop the campaign of criticizing 
them and revealing the truth, this would mean a great help to them 
in their oppression of the Polish people. 

Mr. Morris. And therefore, a policy which would cause us to 
soften our criticism of the Polish overlords would be a bad policy for 
us to pursue? 

The Interpreter. I think that such a policy would be a very terrible 
policy as far as the Polish people are concerned, and in consequence 
would be a bad policy for the United States. 

Senator Welker. Now, Mr. Witness, and Doctor, we thank you 
very much for your testimony here today. We are now going to con- 
clude this phase of the hearing. It may be necessary that we reopen a 
hearing at a later date. 

The acting chairman wants to recognize the fact that the Internal 
Security Subcommittee of the Judiciary Committee of the United 
States Senate is honored indeed to have today as its guest, Arthur Bliss 
Lane, former Ambassador to Poland and his lovely wife. As all of us 
know, Arthus Bliss Lane wrote the famous book, I Saw Poland Be- 
trayed. There has come to my attention a press release this great man 
gave when he heard of the activities on the part of the oppressed 
people of Poland. I am going to read that into the record, if it is 
all right with you, Mr. Lane. 

Mr. Lane. Yes, sir. 



1602 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Welker. I quote Arthur Bliss Lane in a statement he made 
yesterday : 

The reports which have come over the radio today regarding the riots in 
Poznan, the largest city in what used to be German Poland, are highly significant. 
The fact that the Polish official radio confirms these reports emphasizes the 
seriousness of the situation. This courageous action in Poznan may quite prob- 
ably be followed by other acts of patriotic violence against Communist despotism 
not only in Poland but in other captive nations as well. 

Probably the Poles have taken advantage of the recent dramatic changes in 
the Soviet Union and the criticism of Khrushchev by foreign Communist parties 
which surely have been communicated to the various captive states, including 
Poland. The spirit of liberty of the Poles, which never in history has been 
completely quenched, has finally burst forth in a brave, although perhaps for the 
moment futile, attempt at liberation from their Communist masters who have 
been under the heel of Moscow since the puppet Lublin government was formed 
in Poland under Stalin's direction on July 21, 1944. Rokossovsky, the Minister 
of Defense, formerly a marshal in the Soviet Army, who was appointed to his 
present position by Stalin, will undoubtedly put down the insurrection with 
customary Communist cruelty. 

But regardless of the inevitable loss of life, the attempt is all to the good. 
We did not gain our independence without Washington having been willing to 
risk his life as well as those of his men. 

I do not place any credence in the relationship of this uprising to the recent 
visit of Tito to Moscow. I am not as naive as some persons in this country 
who hold to the fallacious theory that Tito represents a different type of com- 
munism of the Trotskyist or Bukharin school. Ail forms of communism are the 
same. They are aimed at the destruction of all we hold dear: democracy, 
religion, and liberty, and specifically the overthrow of the United States. 

Therefore, all Americans should hail this bold revolution. It is in the interest 
of the liberation of Eastern Europe and of the security of the United States. 

God bless the Polish people. 

Arthur Bliss Lane, that was a profound statement made by you yes- 
terday. On behalf of Chairman Eastland and the entire subcommittee 
and its staff, we want to thank you for permitting us to use that as 
part of the record in this hearing, which is a hearing following one 
of the crucial things in the history of the modern world. 

Mr. Morris. We may have a staff session with Mr. Bialer and if we 
learn anything at that staff session, we can put it in the public record. 

Mr. Bialer ( through the interpreter) . May I add j ust one sentence, 
sir? 

Senator Welker. Yes. 

The Interpreter. Could I tell you, I would symbolize what is hap- 
pening now in Poland in such a way : There is a legend in Poland 
about a witch w 7 ho liberated certain forces and then was unable to 
control them any more. This is what is happening in Poland. The 
Communist regime liberated certain forces in Poland to speak, and 
now it looks they can't control them any more. 

Senator Welker. Thank you very much. 

The committee now stands adjourned. 

(Whereupon, at 2 : 55 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned.) 

(The following letters from Chairman Eastland to Attorney Gen- 
eral Herbert Brownell, Jr., were ordered into the record at a meeting 
of the subcommittee on June 21 :) 

June 8, 1956. 
Hon. Herbert Brownell, Jr., 

Attorney General of the United States, Department of Justice, 
Washington 25, D. C. 

Dear Mr. Attorney General: On June 8 the Senate Internal Security Sub- 
committee heard the testimony of Seweryn Bialer, who was until recently a 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1603 

leading activist and propagandist for the Central Committee of the Communist 
Party of Poland. He testified with regard to a wide range of subjects, including 
the activities of one Henry l'odolski. His testimony concerning Podolski follows : 

"Mr. Mokris. Do you know Henry Podolski? 

"Mr. Mokris (turning to the chairman). Mr. Chairman, Henry Podolski was 
the former editor in chief of Glos Ludowy, a Polish-Communist paper published 
in Detroit. 

Witness (through interpreter). Yes; I know Henry Podolski. Henry 
Podolski has two main assignments presently in Poland. The first one is to 
work in the campaign of repatriation of the Polish emigres, postwar emigres, 
in the West, and the second, to instruct the American paper People's Voice in 
Detroit. 

"Mr. Morris. You mean he is still running the Detroit newspaper? 

"Witness (through interpreter). This paper receives strict instructions from 
Poland, and he is the man who is sending them." 

According to our records Glos Ludowy (People's Voice) is a Polish language 
newspaper, published weekly at 5S58 Chene Street, Detroit, Mich. It is the 
official organ of the Polonia Society of the International Workers Order, which 
has been cited by the Attorney General as "one of the strongest Communist 
organizations." Henry Podolski was formerly its editor in chief. Throughout 
its existence Glos Ludowy has never failed to follow the line of the Communist 
Party, as a study of its issues will show. 

In the light of this testimony, the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee 
feels that a new problem has been posed which we present to you for such action 
as may in your judgment be warranted : namely, the existence in this country 
of a publication conducted under the proven direction of an agent of the Com- 
munist Government of Poland. 
Sincerely, 

(Signed) James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, Internal Security Subcommitee. 



June 18, 1956. 
Hon. Herbert Brownell, Jr., 

Attorney General of the United States, Department of Justice, 
Washington, D. C. 

Dear Mr. Attorney General : I write this letter to ask your assistance in a 
matter that constitutes a serious present threat to the internal security of the 
United States. 

Seweryn Bialer, who was a leading Polish Communist until his defection a 
few months ago, recently told the Internal Security Subcommittee that propa- 
ganda prepared by the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers Union 
in the United States is the most effective propaganda device being used today 
by the Polish Communist leaders against their people. This propaganda is 
directed against America, and is further being used to keep the Polish people in 
bondage. 

Two of the leaders of this union have been James Matles and James Lustig. 
Both have been demonstrated to be Communists and both are the subject of 
denaturalization proceedings I believe that your office filed denaturalization 
suits against them on February 13, 1952, and on December 16, 1952, respectively. 
Since that time apparently nothing has been done to enable the immigration 
authorities to follow up on their deportation proceedings. 

There is also the case of Constantine Radzi, who our record shows has been 
a member of the control or disciplinary committee of the Communist Party. 
Radzi was observed watching one of our hearings in New York in 1952, and 
was subpenaed to testify. In that case, both the Immigration Service and the 
Department of Justice acted expeditiously and filed a denaturalization proceed- 
ing on December 17, 1952, against Radzi. Since that time apparently nothing 
has been done on this case. Radzi is not even on bail, and is pursuing his work 
of undermining our Government without molestation. 

I further call your attention to the case of Louis Weinstock, against whom 
suit was filed on January 22, 1953, and to the cases of almost a score of other 
Communists who are still engaged in trying to destroy our way of life. 



1604 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

May we have your assurance that the Department of Justice is taking all 
possible steps to expedite the denaturalization and deportation of the named 
individuals, and of others in the same position? 
With kindest regards, I am, 
Sincerely yours, 

(Signed) James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee. 

(An exchange of letters between Chairman Eastland and Secretary 
of State John Foster Dulles, together with a letter to Senator Walter 
F. George, and a cable message to which reference is made were ordered 
into the record at a subcommittee meeting on July 18, 1956. The text 
of these documents follows :) 

July 5, 1956. 
Hon. John Foster Dulles, 

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. 
Dear Mr. Secretary : Enclosed herewith, for your information, is a copy of a 
cable which Robert Morris, chief counsel of the Senate Internal Security Subcom- 
mittee, has received from Hon. William C. Wentworth, member of the Australian 
Parliament and member of the Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee. I am 
also enclosing a copy of my letter of today's date to Hon. Walter F. George as 
chairman of the Foreign Relation's Committee, transmitting a copy of this cable 
to him with the request that it be brought to the attention of his commitee. 
Sincerely yours, 

(Signed) James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee. 



July 5, 1956. 
Hon. Walter F. George, 

Chairman, Foreign Relations Committee, 
United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Mr. Chairman : The Honorable William C. Wentworth, Member of the 
Australian Parliament and member of the Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Com- 
mittee, has transmitted the enclosed cable to Robert Morris, chief counsel of 
the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. Inasmuch as it bears on matters 
related to our foreign policy, I am transmitting herewith a copy of this cable, 
with the request that you place it before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. 
The Australian Parliamentary Affairs Committee is made up of 13 members. 
The fact that 12 of these members have signed the within cable would indicate 
that their sentiments represent committee thinking. 
Very sincerely yours, 

[s] James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee. 



[Telegram] 

July 3, 1956. 

Robert Morris, 

Chief Counsel, Committee on the Judiciary, 

United States Senate, Washington: 

Twelve members of Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee, including my- 
self, have signed the following statement for press statement begins the massacres 
and mass arrest in Poznan show that Poland is still a police state whose people 
are kept in subjection to totalitarian terror. 

Public comment from Communist leaders in other Soviet satellites to the 
effect that the Polish uprising proved the need for greater party vigilance is 
at least an indication that this is still the normal method of government through- 
out the Communist world. 

The new leaders in the Kremlin now profess penitence for the misdeeds of 
the criminal Stalin. It should be remembered that Stalin's greatest crimes 
were committed not against the Russian people but against neighboring free 
people, particularly Poland, who were enslaved by force of Russian arms and 
have been kept in subjection by violence and electoral fraud. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1605 



The Kremlin confessions regarding Stalin's activities constitute new evidence 
justifying the reopening of the Polish case of 1945. 

Surely there is some international organization which will support the prin- 
ciple of free and properly supervised elections in Poland. 

The Poznan uprising proves — if any further proof were needed — that there 
are still Poles who are willing to sacrifice their lives for their nation. 

The free world should not sit on the sideline while the unctuously penitent men 
in the Kremlin proceed to repeat Stalin's crimes of 1945 and apply the jackboot 
to Poland once again. 

We must protest against Communist methods and develop our protest into an 
effective demand for free elections in Poland. 

Meanwhile the press and radio of the world should not relax its efforts to 
expose the administrative and judicial terror being employed against the Polish 
people. 

We should demand the fullest and most factual account of the happening, 
and if press correspondents are denied freedom of movement in Poland and 
freedom of access to the accused, the world should know about it and protest 
accordingly. 

The methods adopted by the Communist authorities in Poznan throw a lurid 
light on the insincerity of the Kremlin much advertised change of heart. 

Went worth sy. 

Department of State, 
Washington, July 12, 1956. 
Hon. James O. Eastland, 

United States Senate. 

Dear Senator Eastland: Thank you very much for your letter of July 5, 
enclosing a copy of a cable sent by 12 members of the Australian Parliamentary 
Affairs Committee, as well as a copy of your letter to Senator George. 

Both of these enclosures will be called to the attention of appropriate officers 
in the Department. 

Sincerely yours, 

/S/ Robert C. Hill, 

Assistant Secretary 
(For the Secretary of State). 

(The following letter from Chairman Eastland to Secretary of 
State John Foster Dulles and a reply from Theodore C. Streibert, 
Director of the United States Information Agency, were ordered into 
the record at the subcommittee meeting on July 18, 1956 :) 

July 2, 1956. 
Hon. John Foster Dulles, 

Secretary of State, Department of State, 

Washington, D. 0. 

Dear Mr. Secretary : On June 29, 1956, Seweryn Bialer testified before the 
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee in connection with the recent riots in 
Poznan, Poland. As you know, Mr. Bialer was, until January 31 of this year, 
a member of the Central Committee of the Polish Communist Party, specializing 
in anti-Western and anti-American propaganda. 

Enclosed herewith, for your information, is a copy of the transcript of Mr. 
Bialer's testimony, setting forth important evidence concerning recent events 
in Poland. As his testimony shows, the Polish Communist leaders have been 
forced to permit a certain liberalization of conditions ; and it is this, he states, 
which unleashed the forces that caused the Poznan uprising. 

I particularly call your atttention to the following colloquy near the close 
of Mr. Bialer's testimony (pp. 3413-3415) : 

"Mr. Morris. Mr. Bialer, could you tell us what you feel the United States 
policies would be now with respect to this expressed desire on the part of the 
Polish people to gain their liberation from control? 

"Mr. Bialer. First of all, sir, I believe that the most important thing in 
this field is this : Let the American people convince the Polish people first that 
they sympathize with them ; and secondly, that the Americans will never 
reconcile themselves with the loss of freedom in Poland. 

"Mr. Morris. Let the American people know that they sympathize with the 
Polish people and that they will never reconcile themselves to the loss of freedom 
on the part of the Polish people V 



1606 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

"Mr. Bialer. Let the Polish people know it. 

"Mr. Morris. Let the Polish people know that the Americans sympathize 
with their feeling that they will never reconcile themselves to the loss of their 
freedom ? 

"Mr. Bialer. I want to stress very, very strongly this fact. The Polish 
Communist Party and the Polish Communist regime are doing everything pos- 
sible to silence the Western world and the Americans, not to let them — to 
stop them — saying the truth about the situation in Poland. 

"Mr. Morris. The Communist leaders are doing everything possible in order 
to cause the leaders of the West and the people of the West not to express 
themselves on these subjects? 

"Mr. Bialer. Yes ; to such a degree that I would put it in such a slogan — it 
amounts to this : The Communist leaders in Poland are saying to the Western 
world, very smartly, very cleverly, 'Don't you criticize us in your radios and 
we will not jam your broadcasts.' 

"Mr. Morris. Should we continue to criticize them? 

"Mr. Bialer. Naturally, if we stop the campaign of criticizing them and 
revealing the truth, this would mean a great help to them in their oppression 
of the Polish people. 

"Mr. Morris. And therefore, that is — a policy which would cause us to soften 
cur criticism of the Polish overlords would be a bad policy for us to pursue? 

"Mr. Bialer. I think that such a policy would be a very terrible policy as far 
as the Polish people are concerned, and in consequence would be a bad policy 
for the United States." 

I have taken the liberty of setting forth this particular portion of Mr. Bialer's 
testimony, because I believe it sheds important light upon an issue of policy 
concerning which there has been a great deal of debate in recent months. 

On all sides we hear it said nowadays, that America should take the lead in 
relaxing international tensions, as a means of promoting the goal of world peace. 
To this end, it has been suggested that the United States should modify the 
tone of its broadcasts to the captive nations of Eastern Europe, to avoid giving 
any possible offense to the Communist overlords of those areas. Mr. Bialer's 
testimony serves to emphasize how ill-advised such a course would be, and what 
dreadful consequences it might have, both for the Polish people and for the 
United States. 

I therefore express the hope, Mr. Secretary, that nothing will deter this coun- 
try from speaking with fearless candor to the oppressed populations behind the 
Iron Curtain. Only from us can they hear the truth, and only the truth can 
make them free. 

Sincerely yours, 

James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee. 



July 11, 1956. 

Dear Senator Eastland : Thank you for sending me a copy of the letter which 
you sent to the Secretary of State on July 2, 1956, concerning part of Seweryn 
Bialer's testimony before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. As you 
may know, the United States Information Agency has made extensive use of 
interviews with Mr. Bialer. 

With regard to the colloquy in which Mr. Bialer advised the American people 
to convince the Polish people that Americans sympathize with them and will 
never reconcile themselves to loss of freedom in Poland, I can assure you that 
the Agency endeavors to exploit all suitable opportunities to emphasize these 
points. The following are typical of the numerous applicable statements that 
are being broadcast to Iron Curtain countries : 

"* * * May 3 is the day on which this country and the people of Poland renew 
a mutual faith in freedom, and in the strong bonds of friendship and common 
purpose which unite us across all the barriers the Iron Curtain imposes" — 
Department of State statement on Polish Constitution Day. 

«* * * The peaceful liberation of the captive peoples has been, is and, until 
success is achieved, will continue to be a major goal of United States foreign 
policy" — White House statement. 

"* * * We believe that all free peoples will be watching the situation closely to 
see whether or not the Polish people will be allowed a government which will 
remedy the grievances which have brought them to a breaking point" — Depart- 
ment of State statement on the Poznan demonstrations. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1607 

Since your letter to the Secretary of State also mentions the Poznan uprising, 
I think you would be interested in knowing that the Agency's treatment of this 
subject highlights sympathetic reaction from the United States and elsewhere. 

Our treatment has also been drawing upon the heavy flow of eyewitness 
accounts, news reports, and commentaries that (1) show the uprising as a 
manifestation of legitimate grievances arising from conditions that are typical 
of East European regimes, (2) interpret the uprising as an act of desperation 
stemming from privations while the U. S. S. R. and the satellites are making 
grandiose offers of aid to nonbloc countries, (3) offer more evidence that the 
satellite regimes constitute dictatorial minority rule, and (4) again underline 
the importance of permitting all people to enjoy the right to live under govern- 
ments of their own choosing. 

I believe these lines, which are being applied to a familiar current develop- 
ment, accord fully with the points brought out in the aforementioned colloquy. 

I can also assure you that the policy of the Agency calls for a consistent, 
vigorous presentation of the truth to the captive peoples of Eastern Europe. 
This policy will continue. The determinant factors in the tone and content of 
the Agency's output to these peoples are the attainment of national policy 
objectives of the United States and the means considered most likely to be pro- 
ductive for this purpose. 
Sincerely yours, 

Theodore C. Streibert, Director. 

(The following article by Jay Lovestone, published in the AFL-CIO 
American Federationist of August 1956, was ordered into the public 
record :) 

Can Communist Parties Be "Independent From Moscow"? 

(By Jay Lovestone, 1 executive secretary, free trade union committee, AFL-CIO) 

There is very little that is spontaneous or genuine about the June 24, 1956, 
statement by Communist Party of the United States declaring its "independence 
from Moscow." This is a synthetic declaration ordered by Moscow. Under 
instructions of Moscow, the British, Italian, and French Communist Parties and 
Europe's No. 1 fellow traveler, Pietro Nenni, have also made such declarations. 
Other Communist Parties have since then done likewise. 

Quite naturally, one is tempted to ask : How can Moscow order supposedly 
independent parties functioning in other countries what to do? And why should 
Moscow resort to such a weird way of doing things? 

These questions appear baffling to many in the free world because they tend 
to apply to Communist Parties the yardsticks and standards they employ in 
judging organizations which are political parties in the democratic sense of the 
word. 

No Communist Party is a political party in this sense. It is, therefore, neces- 
sary, first of all, to examine the particular nature, the specific character, the 
peculiar features that distinguish the Communist Parties from other political 
parties in the free world. 

The overriding and overwhelming preeminence of the Russian section of the 
international Communist movement has always been accepted by all other Com- 
munist Parties and their fellow travelers. This is understandable. After all. 
the Russian Communists, led by Lenin, were the first to triumph in their revolu- 
tion. This victory, the progress achieved in Soviet consolidation, and the Krem- 
lin's increasingly important role in the international area have given the Russian 
Communists immeasurable authority and prestige among Communists and their 
followers throughout the world. 

For these reasons it has become almost second nature for Communists outside 
of the Soviet Union to echo and copy everything which the clique that happens 
to be dominant in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union says or does. For 
years, Communist parties everywhere have oriented themselves and behaved 
as auxiliaries of the already victorious Communist Party of the Soviet Union. 

Secondly, the dominant leader, or the ruling clique, of the Soviet Communist 
Party, at any particular moment, has always insisted on, and exploited, such 



1 Jay Lovestone was formerly secretary of the Communist Party in the United States. 
In 1929 he was expelled for fighting against Stalinism and has since then become one of 
the leading fighters against communism of every hue and stripe. 



1608 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

behavior of the Communist parties outside the Soviet borders for its own fac- 
tional advantage and interests. As Russian Communist factional struggles 
became more violent and destructive, as inner party groups were defeated and 
annihilated, as the base of leadership in the Soviet Communist Party narrowed, 
this exploitation of the Communist parties outside the Soviet Union for enhanc- 
ing the Kremlin's ruling clique interests became established Comintern practice 
and policy. 

Thus, in 1929, the leadership of the American Communist Party, which had 
the overwhelming support of the organization in the United States, was purged 
by Stalin himself. This Russian purge of the organization in the United States 
came primarily because these leaders were suspected of being sympathetic to 
Bukharin, then the principal ideological opponent of Stalin. 

After Stalin thus drove thousands of members out of the Communist Party 
of the United States, he went on to foist upon it a general secretary and other 
leaders who were his supine henchmen. The latter hastened to hail all the 
programs Stalin subsequently launched against his opponents in the Soviet 
Communist Party and throughout the Comintern. The other sections of the 
Comintern lost no time in imitating and copying the hooliganism of Stalin by 
mass party expulsions and drastic purges. 

After years of devastating faction struggles inside the Soviet Communist 
Party, it became a party of robots — a party of total political automation. Only 
Stalin and the small clique of yes-men around him counted. Stalin fully under- 
stood what this robotization meant for the functioning, future behavior, and 
inner life of the Soviet Communist Party. That is why he had the 17th Party 
Congress (March 1939) abolish the mass purge. Once ideological differences, 
discussions, and groups were no longer possible inside the Soviet Communist 
Party, the mass purge of hundreds of thousands of Communist Party members 
and millions of so-called kulaks was entirely unnecessary. 

Thus had the mass purge "outlived its historical usefulness." It had even 
begun to engulf Stalin's closest collaborators and to threaten the very physical 
existence of the Communist Party. 

Under conditions in which narrow cliques or power-mad individuals replaced 
ideological groups, the rulers of the Bolshevik Party found it necessary to have a 
different sort of purge — the purge of picked and strategically placed followers of 
a particularly ambitious individual leader whom Stalin or his immediate en- 
tourage feared. This is the difference between the Khrushchev purge of Beria 
and his henchmen and Stalin's mass purges of numerous ideological supporters of 
Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Bukharin in the Bolshevik ranks. 

Between Bukharin and Stalin and between Trotsky and Stalin there were very 
important political and ideogolical differences. But between Khrushchev and 
Malenkov or Molotov and between Khrushchev and Beria there were no serious 
ideological differences. Theirs was primarily a clash over the amassing of 
power — actually a stage in the conflict over who is to succeed Stalin as the 
omnipotent and omniscient party dictator. 

This is the inevitable logic of internal organization development in all totali- 
tarian parties. This is especially true for a Communist Party which directs an 
ironclad dictatorship over the people in every walk of life and human endeavor. 

In this connection, it is necessary to note that, under the very cover of paying 
continuous and loud lipservice to the principle of collective party leadership, 
Stalin grabbed total power for himself. While proclaiming loyalty to this "prin- 
ciple," Stalin eliminated physically every potential political opponent of his, 
everyone who might conceivably be able to have an idea of his own or demonstrate 
sufficient courage to work and fight for his convictions. 

Today Khrushchev is following faithfully this Stalin pattern of elimination of 
leaders and gradual concentration of power in his own hands. Here we have the 
key to the political demotion and humiliation of Malenkov and Molotov and the 
most recent "retirement" of Kaganovich from active life in the Soviet Party and 
Government. Here we have the why and wherefore of Khrushchev's ordering 
the execution of Beria and his closest colleagues. 

While this transformation of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was 
going on, the other Communist parties were also being changed in their composi- 
tion and character, in their anatomy and physiology, in their structure and func- 
tioning. They also became parties of blind and mechanical followers. They also 
hardly attracted any critical-minded individuals. 

They became primarily paramilitary outfits organized to execute Kremlin 
commands and to make shifts of Communist Party line quickly and with least 
loss of members, regardless of how sharp the turn was. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1609 

Only Communist Parties thus molded could weather as they did the shift 
brought into painful relief by the Stalin-Hitler pact and the present anti-Stalin 
campaign. Only organizations hammered into such shape and malleability could 
hail the Stalin-Hitler pact which led to World War II as a great service to 
world peace. This explains why and how the Communist Parties throughout 
the world — which had for years boasted about their militant antifascism — could 
commend Nazi Germany as a force for peace and condemn the allied democracies 
as warmongers and aggressors. 

In the same spirit and for the same reason, the Communists in the United 
States and other democracies tried to sabotage armament production. They 
sought to help the Berlin-Rome-Tokyo Axis with which their Soviet "paradise" 
was then pact-bound. This is what the Communists did — until Hitler forced 
Stalin to change his line by attacking him. 

This process of political automation which has been going on for years inside 
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was mechanically and rigidly carried 
over by Stalin into all other Communist Parties. The Communist Party of 
every country was transformed completely into a puppet outfit slavishly and 
mechanically supporting all Soviet foreign and domestic policies. 

Thus were the internal cliques, intrigues, and conflicts afflicting the Soviet 
Communist Party mechanically transplanted into and automatically reflected 
inside every other Communist Party. Every non-Russian party leadership was 
soon turned into a rubberstamp of the dominant ruler of the Communist Party 
outside the Soviet Union, of the international Communist movement as a whole. 

When Stalin decided during World War II to liquidate the Comintern, the 
very ones who were its top functionaries and titular leaders did not know about 
the Kremlin ukase ordering the end of their organization. They learned about 
the "demise" only after they had read its "death" notice in Pravda. 

In view of this total political automation, it was not so difficult for the very 
ones whom Stalin had put into the "leadership" of the various Communist parties 
to denounce him as a murderer, sex pervert, and arsonist— once the clique con- 
trolling the Soviet Communist Party turned on Stalin. The "leaderships" of 
the other Communist parties almost automatically and with very few exceptions 
followed the same course of denouncing Stalin, whom they had for many years 
sycophantically hailed as a supergod. 

This fantastic turnabout and repudiation of themselves was not very difficult 
for those with years of experience in echoing, aping, and supporting the policies 
and maneuvers of whoever happened to rule the Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union at any moment. 

It is very instructive to note that all the Communist parties outside of the 
Soviet Union not only fell in line with the denunciations of Stalin as a demon. 
They fell in line with equal precision in supporting the entire international 
strategical and tactical line laid down for world communism by the 20th Congress 
(co-existence, united and popular fronts, different roads to "socialism," etc.). 
This habit of automatic reflection of Soviet Communist Party life and regimen 
has become a cardinal characteristic, sort of second nature, for Communist or- 
ganizations throughout the world. 

It is this inherent feature of Communist (Leninist-Stalinist) organizational 
structure and functioning that accounts for the speed, skill, and shamelessness 
with which the Communist parties outside the U. S. S. R. — the puppets and 
dependents of the present Kremlin regime — are now carrying out the instructions 
from Moscow to proclaim their "independence" from Moscow. 

The very manner, the very timing, the whole international sequence and chorus 
of this proclamation of "independence" only demonstrate anew the brazennes 
and cynicism of the real rulers of world communism. The very occasion for and 
manner of these Communist parties proclaiming their "independence from 
Moscow" provide crushing confirmation of how hopelessly dependent these or- 
ganizations are on whatever clique happens to be dominant in the Communist 
Party of the Soviet Union. 

Obviously, their dependence has taken on a sort of "new look." However 
different the countenance of this dependence may appear, its contents are essen- 
tially unchanged. 

The "declaration of independence" is not so new. After all, once the 
Comintern was declared dissolved, every Communist Party was "on its own" 
and, therefore, "independent.'' The relations between every Communist party 
and Moscow — under such circumstances — could be only bilateral. This is ex- 
actly the relationship that the latest Communist Party of the United States 
declaration proposes to have with the Soviet Communist Party and other Com- 



1610 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

munist parties. Other Communist parties have already followed with the same 
proposal. 

Here we must note that several Comintern officers, who have since broken with 
Moscow, have disclosed that, in spite of the formal dissolution of the Comin- 
tern, an international Communist organization did continue to function under 
the direction of the Kremlin. So history will repeat itself after the more re- 
cent dissolution of the Coniinform, which covered only a limited area. 

Contradictory? Confusing? Weird? Well, let Lenin himself explain this 
"mystery," this flexibility and duplicity of Communist tactics, this readiness on 
the part of Communists to turn somersault, to lie, to resort to all sorts of frauds, 
to wallow in the mud in order to build their most cherished instrument — the party 
which is their engine of subversion and destruction of democracy. 

Said Lenin : 

"It is necessary to be able to * * * agree to any and every sacrifice, and even — 
if need be — to resort to all sorts of stratagems, maneuvers, and illegal methods, 
to evasion and subterfuge in order to penetrate the trade unions, to remain in 
them and to carry on Communist work in them at all costs. * * * Of course, in 
Western Europe, which is particularly saturated with inveterate legalist, consti- 
tutionalist, bourgeois-democratic prejudices, it is more difficult to carry on such 
work. But it can and must be carried on, and carried on systematically." (Left 
Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder, pp. 95-96.) 

Soviet imperialist interests and the interests of the present dominant clique 
in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union demand that the peoples of the 
Soviet Empire should believe that tbere is something really new and better about 
the post-Stalin regime. These interests demand that the outside world, the non- 
Soviet world, particularly the Western democracies and the labor movements 
of the free world, should believe that the Soviet "new look" is something genu- 
inely different, something truly new and better. 

Why is this so? Stalin's domestic and foreign policies had already exhausted 
their usefulness even before the 19th Soviet Communist Party Congress, held 
in October 1952. Stalin himself had begun to recognize that his political and 
his organization technique had run their course both at home and abroad. Such 
recognition by Stalin was reflected in the decisions of the 19th Party Congress. 

The roots of the present Khrushchev strategy and tactics and the basis of 
the current Soviet domestic and foreign policies are to be found in the line laid 
down by Stalin himself at and for the 19th Soviet Communist Party Congress. 
What is really new in the U. S. S. R. since this congress is that the Khrushchev 
leadership — which was created by Stalin — is now trying to avoid all blame and 
condemnation by the Soviet peoples and the outside world for the disastrous 
moral, political, and economic consequences of Stalinism. 

The Khrushchev leadership continues to be loyal to the fundamental political 
and organization principles of Leninism-Stalinism — that is, to totalitarian com- 
munism and its goal of world domination. But the Krushchev leadership is 
realistic enough to know that it must rely on new methods and different tactics 
in order to revitalize and improve the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, 
which is its engine of total power over the economic, military, political, and 
cultural life of the Soviet Empire. 

No one should seek to deny or even belittle the significance of the changes 
which they are making inside the U. S. S. R. and throughout the international 
Communist movement. But these changes are being made by Khrushchev and 
his clique solely to strengthen their grip on the Soviet Communist Party, to 
bolster the position of the Soviet Union in the current critical international 
situation. 

These changes aim to modernize and streamline the machinery of the world 
Communist movement so as to enable it to carry out all the more effectively the 
new line of the 20th Communist Congress — the line of greater infiltration and 
penetration, more extensive subversion and the conquest of the free trade unions, 
social democratic parties, and other labor organizations in the free world. 

Significant as these changes are, they do not prove that Khrushchev and his 
collected leadership are moving toward liberalism and taking steps which will 
lead even slowly yet surely to the replacement of aggressive Communist total- 
itarian dictatorship with a democratic system of government dedicated to living 
in peace with all other nations. 

Khrushchev and his aids realize that the new times call for a new approach. 
They realize that the new tasks demand that Communist parties drop their old 
methods of work, break with their former practically open avowal of loyal sub- 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1611 

servience to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and to the Soviet Gov- 
ernment which it controls. Here we have one of the principal reasons for the 
maneuver of pretended and pretentious "independence from Moscow" now being 
made by all Communist parties. 

But it would be a mistake to consider this formal and noisy disavowal of 
dependence on and subservience to Moscow as only a maneuver — as merelv formal 
compliance with orders from Moscow. It is all that, but it is also much more. 
Even more important than the Moscow-dictated maneuver itself is the reason 
for the Kremlin making it at this time. In this instance, the why of the action 
is even more important than the significant action itself. 

The Khrushchev leadership is compelled to make this sweeping maneuver in 
the ranks of world communism for basically the same reason which impelled 
it to resort to the denigration of Stalin. The Kremlin ruling clique is trying 
to preserve the essence and substance of Stalinism within the U. S. S. R. and 
throughout world communism, while seeking to blur or disown its crudest and 
most obviously repulsive features. 

Decades of bestiality, political depravity, moral degradation and human 
enslavement have revealed the hideous nature of Soviet and world communism, 
its degrading organization and its reprehensible methods of functioning. These 
dark decades have produced a soil fertile for the seeds of disintegration of inter- 
national communism as an ideology, as a universal philosophy, as a Weltan- 
schauung. 

Khrushchev and his aids are fully aware of this. They are trying to check 
this trend toward the disintegration of communism as an ideology of enchant- 
ment or an avenue of escape by making certain superficial and surface changes 
in their methods of rule and leadership, in thpir strategy and tactics, in their 
control of the Communist parties outside the U. S. S. R. They are doing this 
in order to preserve and promote the overriding aim of communism which, under 
Khrushchev no less than under Lenin or Stalin, remains the conquest of the 
world and its transformation along the lines of the Soviet pattern. 

We cannot warn too strongly against confusing the moral and political cor- 
rosion of communism as an ideology with the corrosion of the Communist dic- 
tatorship as a political power system. The two are related. But they are not 
identical. There are elements of serious disintegration in communism as an 
ideology. But, at this moment, there are no important signs of disintegration 
of communism as a political power system within the Soviet Union or in any of 
its satellites. 

The ruthlessness and dispatch with which the Warsaw puppet regime recently 
crushed the revolt of the Poznan workers for bread and freedom show that Mos- 
cow continues to control the machinery of the world Communist conspiracy. 
Moscow continues to inspire, direct, and finance this worldwide subversive con- 
spiracy and fifth-column apparatus. 

But in this control Moscow is bound to face new and serious complications 
and difficulties. We must never forget that, though all Communists and Com- 
munist parties continue to owe their first loyalty to the Soviet dictatorship, they 
are, especially in the Western democracies, also subjected to the influence of other 
forces. 

The effects of Communist ideological disintegration cannot be helpful to the 
Communist political power system. However, the Communist power system can 
be used effectively to counteract the manifestations of ideological disintegration. 
Khrushchev is now using very effectively his giant political power system for 
this purpose. In this the top boss of Soviet and world communism has been great- 
ly helped by two factors: (1) the failure of the free world to exploit the moral 
and political bankruptcy of communism as an ideology, and (2) the readiness of 
too many in the free world to swallow the Soviet "new look," hook, line and sinker. 

The move to have each Communist party publicly proclaim its "independence" 
from Moscow is calculated to eradicate, or at least to halt, the trend toward 
the disintegration of communism as an ideology. It is easier for a robotized 
Communist outfit which proclaims its being "free from Russian control" to serve 
the interests of Soviet foreign policy and enhance the prestige of the Kremlin 
rulers than for an outfit that can be easily labeled "made in Moscow." 

To prove their "independence," all Communist parties will, henceforth, be 
permitted, upon specific instructions from their masters in Moscow, to "differ" 
from and "criticize" certain particular Soviet actions. This move seeks also to 
allay the discontent and the dismay which undoubtedly existed in the various 
Communist parties, especially after the Khrushchev revelations about Stalin. 



1612 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

However, as long as their parties are Leninist, Communist, they will never 
disavow the basic aims of communism. They will never oppose or even question 
the fundamental interests and basic line of the totalitarian Soviet Government. 
They will never dilute their essential primacy of loyalty to the Soviet ruling 
party and its dominant clique. 

Moscow is taking a calculated risk in this audacious maneuver. Some "com- 
rades" in the free world will fall by the wayside. The recruiting of new members 
will certainly be slowed clown in this area. For a while recruitment may even 
be brought to a grinding halt. But since the Communist Party is essentially 
a paramilitary cadre organization, it can afford such a halt for a period of 
time. 

Through this new "independence from Moscow" line, the Kremlin aims to facil- 
itate the Communist development of united and popular front strategy and tac- 
tics. Through these tactics Moscow's Communists hope to gain new and fresh 
recruits from Socialist, labor, and liberal ranks. 

Moscow is sure that the winning of such recruits and the success of the popular 
front policy will soon again bring Communists into the cabinets of western 
governments. Moscow is confident that the "independent" Communist parties 
will find it easier at least to lead these governments toward much less suspicion 
or even to far greater faith in the Khrushchev regime. 

The naive attitude of French Foreign Minister Pineau toward the Khrushchev 
regime now at the helm of Soviet imperialism, the loose talk in Washington and 
London about Moscow's readiness to remove the sources and causes of world 
tension, the deliberate weakening of NATO and their own military forces by 
some western powers all confirm the marked success which the Kremlin has 
already had in hoodwinking western statesmanship. The latter has, unfortu- 
nately, shown a terrific capacity for wishful thinking. 

To permit the various foreign appendages of the Communist Party of the 
Soviet Union to tak about or, in a limited sense, even to act their "independence" 
from Moscow is a very small price for the Kremlin to pay — if, in return, it should 
be able to plant its fifth columnists and dupes in important posts in western 
democratic and neutralist governments. 

Indeed, this is a very small price to pay for making it easier for the Com- 
munist parties and their followers to soften and undermine the will and the 
determination of the free world to reject and resist the basic aims of Soviet 
communism — the fundamental, aggressive, totalitarian aims which have not 
been dropped or even modified in the least. 

In this light, it is not hard to understand the sudden "moral" awakening of 
Nenni — leader of the pro-Soviet Italian Socialist Party — about political degrada- 
tion in the Soviet Union. In this light, it is easy to understand Nenni's dissatis- 
faction with the way the Kremlin has of late been mauling Stalin, who had been 
his guide, guardian, and benefactor for years. But the world has still to hear 
a single word from Nenni as to when he will break his pact of common action 
with Khrushchev's agency in Italy — the Communist Party headed by Togliatti. 

We have yet to hear from Nenni, from Foster (titular head of the Communist 
Party in the United States), from Togliatti, from the French Communist boss 
Thorez and from the Chinese Mao Tse-tung a demand that the Kremlin should 
correct and atone for the crimes it perpetrated under Stalin's guidance against 
the captive peoples of Europe and Asia. 

We have yet to hear from these servants of the Kremlin a single word of re- 
pudiation and condemnation of the germ warfare charges leveled by the Moscow- 
Peiping Axis against the United States. 

Of course, if and when Khrushchev should press a button and give the Com- 
munist Party automatons in the United States the order to do so, his fifth column 
in our country will surely respond. Only then will the Daily Worker have enough 
"independence" to denounce as a Stalinist fraud the Moscow-Peiping germ war- 
fare charges against our country. 

As long as this world Communist regime and relationships continue, all talk 
about the Communist Party in the United States or any other Communist Party 
being independent from Moscow is just plain nonsense. As long as these parties 
remain Communist in aim and character, they will continue to function as de- 
pendents, as auxiliaries, as agencies of their parent body, the Communist Party 
of "Holy Mother Russia." 

Only when such organizations or individuals disown and break with the princi- 
ples and practices of totalitarian communism, only when they are no longer 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1613 

Communists, only when they fight actively against the pernicious Communist evil 
can they stop being instruments of Moscow in intent or content, in aim or 
action. 

It might be said that the Tito experience proves that there can lie going Com- 
munist concerns which are independent of Moscow. It is rather significant that, 
today, Moscow is especially interested in promoting this illusion. Why? Because 
Tito has a very important role to perform for Moscow in advancing the Soviet's 
new line of penetration and subversion of the Social Democrats, neutralists, and 
even some bona fide free trade-union organizations. 

Let us look into this Tito myth a bit farther. It took nearly a billion dollars 
worth of American military aid — plus untold other western aid, comfort, and 
confidence — to keep the Tito Communist regime alive. Tito's Communist dic- 
tatorship could never have survived without this unstinting "capitalist" generos- 
ity. Moreover, as soon as Moscow began to change its tactics — not its principles 
and aims — Tito began a sweeping rapprochement with the Soviet Government in 
the arena of international diplomacy and also with the Communist Party and the 
Soviet political police apparatus. 

Obviously, Yugoslavia cannot dominate or direct the Soviet Union's foreign 
or domestic course. Khrushchev may have formally apologized to Tito for 
"Stalin's crimes :" but, in return, Tito has actually and actively alined himself 
with the Khrushchev regime in support of all its important foreign policies and 
in hailing the Soviet "new look." 

These foreign policies aim to preserve the loot seized — under Stalin's leader- 
ship — for Soviet imperialism. These Soviet foreign policies seek to promote 
the drive for Communist world domination. The hub of a Communist world 
empire would be Moscow, not Belgrade. Its hero, or its fuehrer, would be a 
Khrushchev, not a Tito. 

In view of all these changes and bewildering maneuvers by the Soviet rulers 
of world communism, it is very important to keep in mind that neither Lenin, 
nor Stalin, nor Khrushchev is individually or collectively solely to blame for 
the inhuman savagery, the moral degradation, and the physical and intellectual 
enslavement suffered by countless millions behind the Iron Curtain. 

Of course, no one should seek to absolve these criminals and paranoids of any 
guilt for their bestial crimes. But as criminals they are the products, the most 
powerful specimens and most noxious weeds, of communism as a totalitarian 
system and ideology. Stalin and the present Khrushchev leadership which he 
created and trained are certainly criminal desperadoes. But the Communist 
system which breeds and rears such criminal types as the rulers and leaders of 
its society is even more horribly criminal. 

Lenins and Stalins may come and go. Khrushchevs may rise and fall. But 
as long as the Communist system continues, new and perhaps more dangerous 
and even more depraved criminals are bound to take their place in perpetrating 
the blackest crimes against the Soviet peoples and all humanity. 

Those in the United States or anywhere else who continue to have faith in 
dictatorship, in totalitarianism, in the Soviet Union as an historically progres- 
sive and humanely beneficial system, in the fundamental aims of communism, can 
never be truly independent of Moscow — either as individuals or as organized 
bodies and parties. 

As long as these people or parties remain loyal to the basic aims of Soviet 
communism or continue to place their faith in the principles of totalitarian 
communism, they cannot be anything else but apostles, agents, and agencies of 
totalitarian dictatorship — instruments of deceit, brutality, and aggression. 

No matter how loudly or how often such individuals or organizations may 
shout about their "independence from Moscow," they will remain prisoners of a 
horrible power and a morally degrading faith whose seat and center, whose head 
and heart are in Moscow. 



INDEX 



Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to the mere fact of the appearance of the names of an individual or an organiza- 
tion in this index. 

A 

Page 
AFL CIO American Federationist (article published in August 1956 issue 
by Jay Lovestone, entitled "Can Communist Parties Be 'Independent 

From Moscow'?") 1607 

America 15S0, 15S5, 1586, 1603 

American/s 1569, 15S2, 1583, 1586, 15S9, 1601, 1605, 1606 

American affairs in Institute of International Affairs in Poland 15S0 

American military aid to Tito 1613 

American press on Poznan revolt 1596 

Anti-American propaganda 1553, 1580, 1594, 1605 

Polish direction of 1579 

United E'ectrical and Radio Machine Workers source of 1585 

Anti-Nazi Communist organization 1554 

Anti-Western propaganda 1553, 1605 

In Poland 1593, 1594 

American University (Samuel Ehrlich student at) 1579 

Arski, Stefan (official of U. S. Office of War Information) 1575,1576 

Directing anti-American propaganda in Poland 1579 

Auschwitz concentration camp 1554 

Australia 1585 

Australian Parliament 1604 

Australian Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee 1604, 1605 

Austria 1573 



Barsov (Russian flyer defected and redefected, executed in Soviet Union). 1585 

Belgrade 1571, 1573, 1613 

Beria 1571, 1572, 1594, 160S 

Beria's case, excerpts of The Declaration of a Former Communist 1554 

Berlin 1572 

East and West Berlin 1552 

Fast Berlin 1588 

Berlin-Rome-Tokyo Axis 1609 

Berman (second man in importance in Communist Party) 1589 

Leader of Communist Party in Polaml 1596 

Bialer, Seweryn 1593, 1594, 1602, 1603, 1605, 1606 

Testimony of 1551-1602 

Resides in Washington, D. C 1552 

Came to United States May 4, 1956 1552 

With Polish Government in Poland until 1951 1552 

Left Polish Communist Party January 31, 1956 1552 

Chief of Political Division of Headquarters of Polish Militia 1552 

Defected from Communist Party because of — 

(1) Communism contrary to democracy 1552 

(2) Contrary to economic justice 1552 

(3) Morality contrary to human nature 1552 

(4) Communist practice defies the theory 1552 

Biographical data of 1554 

Biera7kow (interviews in United States not allowed to be published in 

Poland) 1587 



II INDEX 

Page 
Bierut 1587 

Leader of Communist Party in Poland 1596 

Bolshevik 1608 

Brownell, Herbert, Jr., Attorney General : 

Letters from Senator Eastland 1602-1604 

Bukharin 1602, 1608 

Butler, Senator John Marshall 1551 

O 

Cambodia, neutral commission in 1581 

Can Communist Parties Be "Independent From Moscow"? (article pub- 
lished in AFL-CIO American Federationist of August 1956 by Jay 

Lovestone) 1607-1613 

Canadian Truce Commission in Vietnam 1581 

Chylinski, Major (special officer of the Polish military intelligence; sent 

to Vietnam to supervise recruiting agents) 1581 

Citizens' Militia 1554 

Clark, Tom, Attorney General (cited Labor Research Association on De- 
cember 4, 1947) 1586 

Cominform 1570, 1610 

Comintern 1570, 1588, 1608-1610 

Communism, Yugoslavian 1591 

Communist/s 1553, 1570-1572, 

1575, 1577, 1586, 1589, 1597-1602, 1604, 1606, 1609, 1611-1613 

American Communist 1580 

Communist forces in North Korea 1582 

Communist propaganda 1584 

Communist propaganda victory 1585 

First interview of Communist given outside Soviet bloc 1587 

Polish Communists 1594, 1595, 1603 

Politburo of Polish Communists 1596 

Soviet Communists 1591, 1607, 1608 

Soviet and Western Communists 1588 

Communist Party 1568-1570, 1591, 1597 

American 1576, 1607, 1608, 1612 

British 1607 

Central Committee of 1587 

Central Committee of American 1580 

Central Committee of North Korean 1582 

Central Committee of Polish 1553, 1583, 1590, 1605 

Repatriation campaign 1584 

Resignation of Radkiewicz from 1596 

United Electrical Workers' material used by 1585 

Central Committee of Russian 1571 

French 1607 

"Independent" 1612 

Italian 1607, 1612 

Poland 1574-1577, 1589, 1590, 1593, 1606 

Effort to silence Western World 1601 

In North Korea 15S2 

Positions held by S. Bialer 1554 

Resignation of Radkiewicz from Politburo of 1599 

Russian/Soviet 1568, 1571, 1573, 1608-1611 

17th Soviet Communist Party Congress (March 1939) 1608 

19th Soviet Communist Party Congress (October 1952) 1610 

Presidium of 1573 

Tito/Yugoslavian 1573, 1590 

Communist system 1552 

Congress 1577 

Cracow 1587 

Czechoslovakia 1588 

D 

Daily Worker 1612 

Davis, Elmer 1576 

Declaration of a Former Communist, The, by Seweryn Bailer 1554-1568 

De-Stalinization campaign 1572 



INDEX III 

Detroit : Page 

Direction of a Detroit newspaper from Warsaw 1579 

Glos Ludowy, a Polish-Communist paper published in Detroit 1603 

Dulles, John Foster 1569 

Letters to Dulles from Senator Eastland 1604-1G06 

Dunn, Robert (head of Labor Research Association) 1586 

Durac, George 1589 

E 

Eastland, Senator James () 1579 

Letters to Attorney General Brownell 1602-1604 

Letters to Secretary of State Dulles 1604-1606 

Letter to Senator Eastland from Robert C. Hill, Assistant Secretary of 
State 1605 

Ehrlich, Samuel (captain in Polish military intelligence) 1574 

Student at American University 1579 

Embassy (how Polish emigrant is approached by) 1584 

English language .1553, 1593 

Europe : 

Eastern 1602, 1606, 1607 

Western 1610 

Exhibit No. 286 — The Declaration of a Former Communist, by S. Bailer 1554- 

1568 

Exhibit No. 287 — Excerpts from Katyn Forest massacre hearings re Stefan 
Arski 1576 

F 

Fellow travelers 1607 

Field, Herman 1588, 1589 

Foster (titular head of Communist Party in the United States) 1612 

Free Europe Committee 1553 

French 1588 

French Truce Commission in Vietnam 1581 

Friedland concentration camp 1554 

G 

Geneva Conference of 1955 1569-1571 

George, Senator Walter F. (letter from Senator Eastland to Senator 
George) 1604, 1605 

Germ warfare (Moscow-Peiping charges against United States) 1612 

Germany : 

Eastern 1572, 158S 

German Poland 1602 

Western (standard of living) 1597 

Glos Ludowy (People's Voice), Polish-Communist paper published in 

Detroit, Mich 1576, 1603 

Editor, Henry Podolski 1603 

Address, 5858 Chene Street, Detroit, Mich 1603 

Grosz, General (chairman of Polish truce team in the neutral commission 

in Cambodia) 1581 

Source of information for S. Dialer 1581 



Hill, Robert C. (assistant Secretary of State), letter to Senator Eastland 

from Hill 1605 

Hitler (Stalin-Hitler pact) 1609 

"Holy Mother Russia" 1612 

How Khrushchev Carried Out Molotov's Political Demotion, excerpt of The 

Declaration of a Former Communist 1561 

Hungary 1572 

Hutchins, Grace (head of Labor Research Association) 1586 



IV INDEX 

I 

Paw 

I Saw Poland Betrayed, by Arthur Bliss Lane 1001 

Immigration Service 1603 

India l« r )S3 

Indian Government 1583 

Institute of Economic Sciences of Polish Academy of Science 1553 

Institute of International Affairs (attached to Polish Foreign Ministry) 1580 

Institute of Social Sciences in Poland 1553 

International Communist House, Holiday House, Zakopane, Poland 1576 

Iron Curtain 1553, 1577, 1598, 1006 

Polevoj's lies about life behind 15S7 

Italian Socialist Party 1612 

J 
Justice, Department of 1603,1604 



Kaganovich 1608 

Kalescki, Michael (personal economic ambassador to economic dictator of 

Poland, Mine) 1579, 1580 

Karski, Dr. Jan 1551, 1579, 1593 

Professor, Geogetown University 1551 

Interpreter for Seweryn Bialer 1551 

Katvn Forest massacre 1575, 1589 

Katz-Suchy, Mr 1580, 1581 

Director of Institute of International Affairs 1580 

Polish delegate to conferences of the United Nations 15S0 

Kersten committee 1575 

Khrushchev 1568, 1589, 1571, 1573, 1608, 1610-1613 

Did not agree with Molotov 1590 

Foreign Communist Parties' criticism of 1602 

Komar, General (chief of the Polish military intelligence) 1582 

Korea : 

Neutral commission in Korea 1581 

North and South Korea 1582 

Kraj (The Country) (special radio station in Poland) 15S3, 1584 

Kremlin 1604, 1605, 1607-1612 

Krzenien, General (former chairman of the Polish truce team in Korea) 1581 

Source of information for S. Bialer 15S1 

Kulaks 160S 



Labor (Polish sailors on ship asked for asylum iu United States) 1583 

Labor Research Association (cited by Attorney General Tom Clark on 

December 4, 1947) 1586 

Lane, Arthur Bliss (former Ambassador to Poland) 1601 

Author of / Satv Poland Betrayed 1601 

Statement re Poznan riot 1602 

Lange, Oscar 1583 

Formerly American citizen 1583 

Member of Central Committee of the Polish Communist Party 1583 

Adviser to the Indian Government on economic matters 1583 

Left Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder, by Lenin (quote from) 1610 

Lenin 1607, 1611-1613 

Leninist-Stalinist 1609, 1610 

Quote from Left Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder 1610 

Leningrad 1568, 1572 

Lodz 1554 

Lovestone, Jay , 1607 

Article by Lovestone published in AFL-CIO American Federationist of 
August 1956 entitled "Can Communist Parties be 'Independent 

From Moscow'?" 1607-1613 

Lubin government (puppet government in Poland, formed under Stalin's 

• direction July 21, 1944) 1602 

Lustig, James (leader of United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers 
Union) 1603 



INDEX V 

M 

Page 

Malenkov 1571-1573, 1608 

Malenkov Forced to Resign : Khrushchev Degrades Malenkov, excerpt of 

The Declaration of a Former Communist 1558 

Mandel, Benjamin 1551, 1570, 1580, 15S6, 1593 

Mao Tse-tung 1612 

Matles, James (leader of United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers 

Union) 1603 

Melchior, Colonel (former Polish vice consul in New York City) 1574 

One of top military espionage people in Poland 1579 

Melon (Col. Melchior) 1574 

Mikoyan 1501 

Mikoyan on the "Brotherly Soviet Aid," excerpt from The Declaration of 

a Former Communist 1564 

Mine (economic dictator of Poland) 1580 

Minister of Defense in Poland (Rokossovsky) 1602 

Minister of Security in Poland (Radkiewicz) 1595, 1596 

Molotov 1571-1573, 1591, 1608 

Fall 1589 

Reason for fall was disagreement with Soviet policy regarding 

Yugoslavia 1590 

Morris, Robert 1551, 1579,1593 

Letter to Robert Morris from Wentworth, member of Australian 

Parliament 1604,1605 

Morsky, General (chairman of the Polish Truce Commission in Korea)— 1581 

Moscow 1568, 1571, 1574, 15SS, 1602, 1607, 1609-1611, 1613 

Moscow-Peiping Axis and germ warfare charges against United 

States 1612 

Visit of Tito 1591 

N 

Nagv, Inire 1572 

NATO 1612 

Nazi Germany__ 1609 

Nenni, Pietro 1607, 1612 

Europe's No. 1 fellow traveler 1607 

Leader of pro-Soviet Italian Socialist Party 1612 

New Roads (Communist paper) 1580 

New York 1579 

Novahuta 1568 



Ochab (leader of Communist Party in Poland) 15S9, 1596 

Office of War Information : 

Polish desk 1575 

S. Arski former official of 1579 



Peaceful coexistence 1581 

Peiping (Moscow-Peiping germ warfare charges against United States) — 1612 

People's Tribune (official organ of Communist Party in Poland) 1575,1594 

People's Voice (Glos Ludowy) (Polish-Communist paper published in 

Detroit) 1577, 1603 

Editor, Henry Podolski 1603 

Address, 5858 Chene Street, Detroit, Mich 1603 

Petrov, Mr „ 1585 

Pineau. French Foreign Minister 1612 

Pirogon (Russian flyer who defected) 1585 

Plenum (of central committee separated from important work of party 

in July 19.")) 15S9 

Podolski, Henrik (Henry), editor in chief of Glos Ludowy, a Polish-Com- 
munist paper in Detroit 1576, 1577, 1579, 1603 

Poland 1552, 

1553, 1568-1571, 1575-1577, 1579, 1580, 1583-1587, 1589-1591, 
1594-1599, 1601, 1602, 1604-1606. 



bus I ON PUBLIC LIBRARY 




3 9999 05445 4085 



INDEX 

Page 
Polevoj, Boris (interviews in United States not allowed to be published 

in Poland) 1587 

Polish 1588, 1595, 1597, 1602, 1604, 1605 

Communist Government 1552, 1581, 1586, 1603 

Efforts to silence Western World 1601 

Communist police 1599 

Constitution Day (May 3) statement by Department of State 1606 

Currency 1583 

Delegate to the United Nations 1580 

Delegation to Yugoslavia 1590 

Emigrant approached by Embassy 1584 

Foreign Ministry 1580 

Government 1593 

Intellectuals, repatriation of 1583 

Lady shot by Soviet officer in 1951 1600 

Language 1553 

Military intelligence 1581, 1582 

National flag 1598, 1600 

Private escaped, caught and killed in Poland 1585 

Repatriation campaign 1583 

bailors/seamen 1583, 1585 

Truce Commission for Vietnam 1581 

Truce team in Korea 1581, 1582 

Polonia Society of International Workers Order (cited by Attorney General 

as "one of the strongest Communist organizations") 1603 

Politburo, of the Polish Communist Party 1596 

Resignation of Radkiewicz from 1599 

Potash, Irving 1576, 1579 

Poznan 1593, 1594, 1596, 1597, 1599, 1600, 1602, 1604-1607, 1611 

Pravda 1609 

PZPR, Central Committee of the 1554 

R 

Radio Machine Workers 1603 

Importance of 1586 

Source of anti-American propaganda in Soviet bloc 1585 

Radkiewicz (Minister of Security in Poland) 1595 

Demotion to Minister of Agriculture 1596 

Resignation from Politburo in the Polish Communist Party 1599 

Raszi, Constantine (member, control committee of Communist Party) 1603 

Subpenaed to testify before Senate Internal Security Subcommittee 1603 

Immigration Service and Department of Justice filed denaturalization 

proceedings on December 17, 1952, against Radzi 1603 

Rokossovsky (Minister of Defense in Poland, former marshal in Soviet 

Army) 1602 

Rusher, William A 1551, 1570, 1593 

Russian/s 1604, 1607, 1608, 1611 

Flyers 1585 

Responsible for Katyn Forest massacre 1589 

S 

Schools of international communism 1587, 1588 

Schroeder, F. W 1551 

Senate Foreign Relations Committee 1604 

Senate Internal Security Subcommittee 1583, 1593, 1601-1605 

Senate Judiciary Committee 1601 

Shepilov, Foreign Minister of Soviet Union 1572, 1589 

Siskind, George 1580 

American Communist 1580 

Prosecuted under Smith Act and deported to Poland 1580 

Working in Institute of International Affairs attached to Polish For- 
eign Ministry 1580 

Active in anti-American propaganda 1580 

Published article in New Roads 1580 



INDEX VII 

Page 

Slupsk 1554 

Smith Act 1576, 1580 

Social Democrats 1613 

Socialist 1583 

Soviet 1569-1572, 1583, 15S5, 1587, 1588, 1591, 1600, 1604, 1609, 1610 

Army 1610 

Government 1608,1611-1613 

Party 1608 

Policy regarding Yugoslavia 1590 

Propaganda 1586 

Truce team in Korea 1581 

Soviet Ambassador to Poland Is Not a Diplomat but a Proconsul, The, ex- 
cerpt of The Declaration of a Former Communist 1563 

Soviet Union 1568, 1571, 1573, 1574, 1585, 1590, 1602, 1607-1611, 1613 

Stalin 1571, 1591, 1594, 1604, 1605, 1608 

Anti-Stalin campaign 1572, 1609 

Direction to form puppet Lublin government in Poland on July 21, 

1944 1 1 1602 

Khrushchev apologized to Tito for "Stalin's crimes" 1613 

Leninism-Stalinism 1609, 1610 

Post-Stalin regime 1610 

Stalin-Hitler pact 1609 

State, Department of 1606 

Stettin (Szczecin) (revolt between Soviet occupation forces and people 

of Stettin) 1600 

Streibert, Theodore C. (Director of USIA) 1605 

Letter to Senator Eastland from 1606, 1607 

Swiatlow 1587 

Defection and effect of in Poland 1586 

Swiss Truce Commission in Vietnam 1581 

Szczecin (Stettin) (revolt between Soviet occupation forces and people 
of Szczecin) 1600 

T 

Thorez (French Communist boss) 1612 

Tito, Marshal 1571, 1573, 1613 

Orders to Polish Communist Party against any criticism of Tito 1590 

Visit to Moscow 1591, 1602 

Titoism 1590 

Togliatti (leader of Communist Party in Italy) 1612 

Trotsky 1608 

Trotskyist 1602 

U 

United Electrical Workers 1603 

Source of anti-American propaganda in Soviet bloc 1585 

Importance of 1586 

United Nations Organization 1580, 1582 

United States 1552, 

1553, 1569, 1570, 1574, 1575, 1579-1583, 1585-1587, 1593, 1601-1603, 
1605-1609, 1612, 1613. 

United States Government 1587 

United States Information Agency 1605-1607 

U. S. S. R 1607, 1609-1611 

W 

Warsaw 1554, 

1568, 1579, 1582, 1583, 1585-1587, 1589, 1594, 1597, 1600, 1611 

Washington Daily News (news dispatch quoted) 1582 

Washington, D. C 1551, 1552, 1569 

Weinstock, Louis (Attornev General Brownell tiled suit against Wein- 

stock on January 22, 1953) 1603 

Welker, Senator Herman 1593 

Weltanschauung 1611 



VIII INDEX 

Page 

Wentworth, William C 1604 

Member of the Australian Parliament and member of the Parliamen- 
tary Foreign Affairs Committee 1604 

Telegram to Robert Morris from Wentworth 1605 

West 1583, 1588 

Western democracies 1610, 1611 

Western World 1569, 1587, 1606 

Effort of Polish Communist Party to silence 1601 

Poland relaxation of propaganda and disclose more truth about 15S0 

What Is Poland to the Soviet Politburo? excerpt from The Declaration 

of a Former Communist 1566 

White House 1606 

Witch, Polish legend about 1602 

Wolpe (one chairman of Polish delegation to Yugoslavia) 1590 

Wolynsky (one chairman of Polish delegation to Yugoslavia) 1590 

World War II 1609 

Polish emigration before 15S3 

Polish emigration during and after. . 1 1584 



Yugoslavia 1573, 1591, 1613 

Soviet policy toward 1590 

Yugoslavian Party 1590 

Z 

Zinoviev 1608 

Zoliborz (suburb of Warsaw) 1589 



o 



Y /way/ 
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Communism on the Waterfront 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FOURTH CONGRESS 

SECOND SESSION 

ON 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE 
UNITED STATES 



JUNE 21 AND JULY 12, 1956 



PART 30 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
72723 WASHINGTON : 1956 



- 

• nt of Documents 

FEB 2 6 1S57 



COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

JAMBS O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. MCCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. W ATKINS, Utah 

PRICE DANIEL, Texas EVERETT MCKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois 

JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming HERMAN WELKER, Idaho 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. W ATKINS, Utah 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jb., Missouri HERMAN WELKER, Idaho 

PRICE DANIEL, Texas JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

Robert Morris, Chief Counsel 

Richard Arbns and Alva C. Carpenter, Associate Counsel 

Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 

n 



CONTENTS 



Witness: Page 

Bershad, Abraham J 1645 

Keith, Charles L 1649 

Kibre, Jeff 1618 

Lautner, John 1627 

Madell, Sam 1652 

Velson, Irving Charles 1636 

m 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 
Communism on the Waterfront 



THURSDAY, JUNE 21, 1956 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 

of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal 
Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. 0. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 11 a. m. in room 104B, 
Senate Office Building, Senator William E. Jenner presiding. 

Present : Senators Jenner and James O. Eastland, chairman. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, 
research director; William A. Rusher, administrative counsel. 

Senator Jenner. The subcommittee will come to order. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, we had scheduled for this morning, 
in New York City, the appearance of eight witnesses. Now, when 
the decision was made yesterday that Senate business would make 
it impossible to have the hearing in New York, we directed seven of 
the witnesses to appear here in Washington. 

With respect to Mr. Victor Riesel, we did the following, Senator: 

We had his questions and answers sworn to in New York, and I 
would like to offer this into the record, this transcript into the record 
now. 

Senator Jenner. It may go in the record and become a part of the 
official record, but I think it should be read. 

Mr. Morris. I will read the questions and Mr. Mandel will read Mr. 
Riesel's answers. 

Mr. Morris. Will you please state your name and address? 

Mr. Riesel. Victor Riesel, New York City. 

Mr. Morris. Now you have been a labor reporter for many years; have you 
not, Mr. Riesel? 

Mr. Riesel. Twenty-five years. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you would give us a free sketch of your experience in 
that field. 

Mr. Riesel. In the past 25 years I have covered every conceivable part and 
written considerably of the history of American labor and international labor. 
To do this I have not only covered the United States but in great detail European 
labor, and have gone around the world to cover labor and labor in politics. In 
addition, I have covered the Communist movement, its leaders, its labor chiefs, 
directors, and its activities over the same period of time and over the same 
worldwide area. 

Mr. Morris. And approximately a year ago you made a trip around the world, 
did you not, where you saw many of the labor conditions firsthand? 

Mr. Riesel. That is true. I went completely around the world, stopping in 
Hawaii. 

Mr. Morris. How long did you stay in Hawaii? 

1615 



1616 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Riesel. One week, and also stopped at Tokyo, Hong Kong, and so on across 
the world. 

Mr. Morris. In taking this trip you worked very closely with the labor leaders 
in the various cities you visited. 

Mr. Riesel. In very great detail and complete openness and frankness I worked 
especially closely with a great many, perhaps all, of the labor leaders in Honolulu, 
except, of course, for the pro-Soviet labor organization run by Harry Bridges 
and Jack Hall, who is his Hawaiian lieutenant. 

Mr. Morris. Based on your experience which you have just set forth, Mr. 
Riesel, I wonder if you would tell us how Communist operate on the various 
waterfronts, New York, San Francisco, and Honolulu and throughout the United 
States. 

Mr. Riesel. I was especially interested in Hawaii where with some 1,300 water- 
front workers, the International Longshoremen and Warehouse Workers Union 
is able to shut off all entrance to and egress from the island except, of course, 
by air. 

I was very much interested in the fact that this union, which is essentially 
a waterfront union, was also deep in the agricultural economy of the island. 

Mr. Morris. When you say "this union" do you mean the International 

Mr. Riesel. Harry Bridges' Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, 
ILWU. 

Mr. Morris. By controlling the 1,300 waterfront workers they are able to 
block the port? 

Mr. Riesel. Not only are able, but were able and did this some time ago to 
the point where it would have taken the Army or the Navy to move stuff in 
and out. 

I was told in some instances there was so little feed for cattle or the cattle 
died off or had to be slaughtered, that food supplies ran low, and that the whole 
economy of the islands was shaken. To me this was vital because the Hawaiian 
Islands, in addition to being a strategic outpost, as witnessed in the tragedy 
of Pearl Harbor, are the second most important military, naval, air, and marine 
defense outposts, second only to the Pentagon. 

From the Hawaiian Islands are the commands reaching to the Asian shores 
down in New Zealand, and there you have your Far Eastern central command 
under Admiral Stump. 

Mr. Morris. And you say that port, which is as important as you say it is, is 
now under the control of Harry Bridges? 

Mr. Riesel. It is absolutely so ; there is no doubt. And from the port he has 
developed the considerable political influence and has, of course, his union reach- 
ing into the agricultural part, the sugar and pineapple fields. 

Mr. Morris. What to you mean by that, Mr. Riesel? 

Mr. Riesel. He and his union control the workers on the great plantations, 
which he has aKso shut down from time to time and has thoroughly hurt the 
economy. At any given moment, should he decide to call a strike, the structure 
of the union is such that he has the power, through his lieutenant, Jack Hall, 
that he could not only shut the port, but close down the entire economy by calling 
an agricultural strike on the big plantations of the island. 

Bridges has not been satisfied with just controlling the port and the agricul- 
tural economy of the island, but has begun to take government workers into his 
union of waterfront workers and longshoremen. 

It is now quite probable that he will have the same influence in Government 
offices that he has amongst tho waterfront and plantation rank and file. 

Mr. Morris. Now, does the Bridges lifeline to Honolulu go from San Fran- 
cisco? 

Mr. Riesel. Yes ; the command is in San Francisco and no one should make 
any mistake about that. It is in the hands of Harry Bridges who takes, of course, 
considerable advice from Louis Goldblatt, and is entirely concentrated with in- 
ternational headquarters in San Francisco. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what controls does Bridges exercise over the port of San 
Francisco? 

Mr. Riesel. He could do the same in the port of San Francisco that he could 
do in Honolulu or elsewhere in the Hawaiian Islands. He could shut the port 
down, and, in fact, has proven that, but he is the boss of the waterfront and 
warehouse workers in San Francisco and therefore able, at either end of the life- 
line from Hawaii to California, to immobilize it, so it would take the military 
forces of the United States to actually keep them open and alive should he decide 
to call a strike at any one strategic moment. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1617 

Mr. Morris. And do you consider that this poses a threat to the internal secu- 
rity of this country? 

Mr. Riesel. I certainly do, and I have considered it such for a long time, and 
for a long time have tried to hring out the story. That is one of the reasons 
why I stopped in Hawaii and why I spent practically all my time talking to labor 
leaders in the island. 

Mr. Mohris. Now, could you tell us how this control extends to the east coast 
or toward any of our Southern States? 

Mr. Riesel. He has influence in Lousiana and New Orleans. The Justice 
Department has just indicted the president of one of his warehouse locals there 
on charges of falsely filing a non-Communist affidavit. 

This individual has a record of supporting Communist causes, including an 
effort to keep the atomic spies from being executed for stealing atomic secrets. 

Mr. Morris. The Rosenbergs, for example? 

Mr. Riesel. Of course. He has tried to extend the influence from the west 
coast to the east coast. He has denounced whatever most other American 
citizens have held as one of the most progressive steps toward the fighting of 
crime on the waterfront. He has denounced the Bi-State Commission, which has 
had. by the way, bipartisan support by both the Democrats and Republicans. 

He has denounced a regular AFL effort to dislodge unsavory characters from 
the waterfront. He has denounced the ousting of longshoremen from the AFL. 
His union has sent thousands upon thousands of dollars to certain elements on 
the east coast. He has tried to work his way into the east coast and on the 
docks. 

As a matter of fact, at one time ho came here and personally directed it. 
But mostly he has been working through — and it has been acknowledged he 
worked through — Irving Charles Velson, Jeff Kibre, one of the union's agents 
here, and there are others, I believe. 

Mr. Morris. Now. Mr. Riesel, is it your position then that Bridges controls 
the port of Honolulu and controls the port of San Francisco, but with respect 
to ports such as New Orleans and New York, that he is trying to extend his 
control and, now lacking that, he has only influence here? 

Mr. Riesel. He has tried to extend this control and the reason he has failed 
has been due to the intelligence of the working longshoremen who have many 
times rejected communism, who have helped in the boycott of Soviet imports, 
and who would fight whomever they could against infiltration by pro-Communist 
forces. 

Now, it would be a serious matter if this man, who is a champion of Com- 
munists and Soviet causes, and in his paper has berated and derogated the 
United Nations war against aggression in Korea ; who was one of the first to 
carry a two-page spread which encouraged brainwashing of our GI's in Korea, 
it would be unfortunate if this man were able to extend his influence to the port 
of New York, for example. 

Here we have this terrific naval base at Lernardo ; here we have the Army 
port of embarkation ; here we have the Brooklyn Navy Yard ; here we have 
docks in Manhattan and Jersey which load cargo for the rest of the world. 

My own inquiries, as studied in detail and substantiated and made official by 
Army officials, show that the Brooklyn port of embarkation in Brooklyn, the 
Army base, feeds our entire arc of bases from Thule up near the Arctic Circle, all 
the way dow T n to the hydrogen base being built in Spain, to north Africa. 

I think that if one man could control such a line that runs from Hawaii and 
has some extensions tangentially to Alaska, then on to San Francisco and other 
west coast ports, then into New York where you have this concentration, it 
would be a pretty grim picture. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Riesel, do yon think that if we traced the activities of Harry 
Bridges in the various ports that we would have a good idea of what Communist 
activities on the waterfront are? 

Mr. Riesel. Of course. 

Mr. Morris. Thank you. 

Senator Jenner. I certainly, on behalf of the committee, want to 
thank Air. Riesel for this forthright testimony. As the whole world 
knows, he has paid a terrific price for being so forthright in these 
matters. I notice in his testimony he makes reference to Jack Hall, 
as he described him as Harry Bridges' lieutenant in Honolulu? 

Mr. Morris. Yes. 



1618 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Jenner. I want to state at this time for the record that 
Jack Hall, who is running the port of Honolulu today as Harry- 
Bridges' lieutenant, was convicted under the Smith Act on November 
5, 1952. This man, despite his conviction, almost 4 years ago, is still 
loose and posing a great threat to the internal security of this country. 
This delay on the part of the court to confirm the conviction of Jack 
Hall is to me a shocking thing, and I think the Department of Justice 
should immediately check on this important matter. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like to give you a report now 
on the appearances of the witnesses here this morning. 

Mr. Charles Irving Velson has not been served. Mr. Charles Keith 
and Mr. Hyman Bershad, both of whom were subpenaed to appear 
here today, were instructed to appear here after they were due to ap- 
pear in New York yesterday but have notified the committee through 
their attorney, Leonard Boudin, that they could not be here. They 
stated that the 12 or 15 hours' notice we gave them to shift here to 
Washington was such they could not be here. Mr. Boudin said he 
had great difficulty in reaching his clients. 

Now, Mr. Sam Madell has appeared by Charles Kecht, and has asked 
for adjournment, and Mr. John Steuben, who was also subpenaed, has 
indicated, or his attorney has indicated, he is too sick to be here today. 

We have, however, Mr. Jeff Kibre, who is the Washington repre- 
sentative of the ILWU and he is ready to testify, Senator. 

Senator Jenner. Let the record show that Senator Eastland is 
presiding. 

(The chairman is now presiding.) 

Senator Eastland. You may call the witness. 

Mr. Morris. Senators, Mr. Kibre was mentioned in Mr Riesel's 
testimony as one of the two east coast representatives of Mr. Bridges. 

Senator Eastland. Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are 
about to give the Internal Security Subcommittee shall be the truth, 
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Kibre. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF JEFF KIBRE, WASHINGTON REPRESENTATIVE, IN- 
TERNATIONAL LONGSHOREMEN AND WAREHOUSEMEN'S UNION, 
WASHINGTON, D. C, ACCOMPANIED BY JOSEPH FORER, HIS 
ATTORNEY 

Mr. Morris. Will you give your name and address to the reporter ? 

Mr. Kibre. My name is Jeff Kibre, my address is 1341 G Street NW., 
Washington, D. C. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Kibre, will you tell us what your work is, 
what is your job ? 

Mr. Kibre. Yes ; I am the Washington representative of the Inter- 
national Longshoremen and Warehousemen's Union. In that ca- 
pacity, it is my job to push legislation which is beneficial to our mem- 
bership and which is beneficial to the labor movement as a whole and 
also to represent the union in Washington in connection with various 
executive agencies having to do with the maritime industry. That 
is my job and that is the nature of my job. 

Mr. Morris. And, now, do you, from time to time, have occasion 
to go to New York? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1619 

Mr. Kibre. Yes; I have had occasions to go to New York. 

Mr. Morris. And what do yon do on those trips to New York, Mr. 
Kibre? 

Mr. Kibre. If you can be a little more specific? 

Mr. Morris. Would you tell us, in a general way, what your duties 
are when you visit New York in connection with, or on behalf of the 
union ? 

Mr. Kibre. Some years ago, during the winter of 1953 and 1954, 
when there were a series of strikes in New York involving the Inter- 
national Longshoremen Association, I was asked by the officers to ob- 
serve the development, keep in contact with the development, and 
keep the officers informed what was taking place. 

Mr. Morris. And now is Charles Irving Velson the leading repre- 
sentative of the ILWU from New York? 

Mr. Kibre. Mr. Velson, as far as I know, was hired by Mr. Bridges, 

1 think about a year and a half ago, to undertake certain limited duties 
which were explained by Mr. Bridges in a press conference last No- 
vember in New York. And I can repeat to the committee here ex- 
actly what Mr. Bridges said in the course of that press conference. 

Mr. Morris. I wish you would. 

Mr. Kibre. In the course of that press conference, which was held 
down at the Luckenbach dock, as I recall, Mr. Bridges explained that 
he had hired Mr. Velson for the purpose of keeping track of the 
operations of the waterfront commission and, further, for keeping 
track of certain rating activities on the part of the SIU, Seafarers 
International Union, with respect to improvements of conditions in 
longshore jurisdiction in the maritime industry. Those were, as I 
understand it, the limited purposes for which Mr. Velson was hired. 

Mr. Morris. And I wonder if you could tell the committee exactly 
what you do when you go to New York? Do you confer with Mr. 
Velson? 

Mr. Kibre. Well, I will tell you I have only been to New York about 

2 or 3 times in the last year, or last year and a half. 

Mr. Morris. For instance, you told us that you ran into Mr. Velson 
yesterday ; did you not ? 

Mr. Kibre. Yes, that is right. That is because I told our attorneys 
in New York, that I was going to be in New York in connection with 
this hearing and asked them to try to get in touch with Mr. Velson, 
who, I understood, was on vacation. When I got to the lawyers' 
office yesterday afternoon, Mr. Velson finally showed up there. 

Mr. Morris. The fact of the matter is, Senators, the United States 
marshals have been trying to serve a subpena on Mr. Velson for almost 
2 weeks. 

Mr. Kibre. I might explain that he informed me he would be on 
vacation, and his vacation was to run through the end of this week. 
I suggested to him, as long as the hearing was taking place in New 
York, he should stick around for an extra day and he intended to. 
However, when I discovered later that the hearing had been shifted 
back to Washington, Mr. Velson said he would be back on the job next 
week and would be available then. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you could tell the committee what you do 
as representative of the ILWU here in Washington ? 

72723— 57— pt. 30 2 



1620 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EN" THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Kibre. Yes. In the last 2 years I have been working at great 
length on 2 basic programs, both legislate in nature. The first is a 
program which has been developed by the House Merchant Marine 
Committee or the Bonner committee to bring about stabilization in the 
maritime industry. One of the basic points raised in the course of 
these lengthy hearings, which went on over a period of about a year, 
and that was to bring about common termination dates of all long- 
shore contracts, with a view toward ending certain practices which 
have been prevalent in the industry over a period of years — certain 
practices which brought about unsettled conditions in the maritime 
industry. And the ILWU has strongly supported such a stabiliza- 
tion program. I have been working closely with the House Merchant 
Marine Committee on that program. 

As a matter of fact, the ILWU, in relation to that program, recently 
extended its contract involving longshoremen on the west coast for a 
period of 2 years. The night before, it entered into a 5-year contract 
with a no-strike clause in Honolulu in the islands, and again carrying 
out this program of stabilization, entered into long-term contracts in 
the islands for the sugar industry and for the pineapple industry. 
That was one of my basic jobs, to work with the House Merchant 
Marine Committee in developing the details and practicalities of this 
program. 

Mr. Morris. Was that done on the Bonner committee, did you say ? 

Mr. Kibre. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. You have been working with that committee? 

Mr. Kibre. I have the records of those very, very lengthy hearings 
right here, in case the committee is interested, and I would certainly 
like to offer the transcript of that hearing. It is a bit thick for the 
information of the committee. I think you would learn some very 
interesting facts there which would go a long way toward refuting 
some of the allegations made by Mr. Riesel. And I do want to say 
that I do greatly sympathize with Mr. Riesel even though I may 
differ with him, I greatly sympathize with him, and I certainly hope 
that the persons who are responsible for inflicting the injury upon him, 
will be brought to justice, but I do want to say that those allegations 
are completely unfounded and I can show it by offering, for the com- 
mittee records, some of these lengthy proceedings. 

Mr. Morris. Well, now, Mr. Kibre, I wonder before getting into 
that. Do you know Jack Hall, who was mentioned by Mr. Riesel as 
the person who was a lieutenant of Harry Bridges, who virtually con- 
trols the port of Honolulu ? 

Mr. Kibre. I have had very little contact with Jack Hall. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know that, as Senator Jenner stated, he was 
convicted on November 5, 1952, under the Smith Act in Honolulu ?_ 

Mr. Kibre. Yes, I know that he was so convicted and it is the opinion 
of our attorneys that that conviction will be reversed on appeal. 

Mr. Morris. And, now, do you know, as Mr. Riesel pointed out there, 
that the New Orleans representative of the ILWU has recently been 
indicted ? 

Mr. Kibre. I have read in the newspapers that Mr. Nelson was 
indicted. 

Mr. Morris. What was his name ? 

Mr. Kibre. Andrew Nelson? 

Mr. Morris. He is your organizer in New Orleans? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1621 

Mr. Kibre. He is the business agent elected as the business agent 
or president, elected by the membership of the local in New Orleans. 
May I say that an indictment is not a conviction, and I trust that the 
committee will withhold judgment with respect to Mr. Nelson, and I 
am sure that it will until such time as the courts have tried the matter. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Kibre, I wonder if you could tell us whether 
or not Mr. William Glaizer preceded you as the Washington repre- 
sentative of the ILWU? 

Mr. Kibre. Mr. Glaizer was my predecessor as the Washington 
representative and left Washington to take over a post in the interna- 
tional office in February of 1953, which was the time that I came back. 

Mr. Morris. Where is he now ? 

Mr. Kibre. He is presently working in the international office as an 
administrative assistant to the officers. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Kibre, are you now a member of the Commu- 
nist Party? 

Mr. Kibre. I will decline that question on the basis of my privilege 
under the fifth amendment, not to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Now, have you been a member of the maritime commis- 
sion of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Kibre. I will decline that answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Morris. Have you attended meetings of the Communist Party, 
at which were discussed plans for Communist activity on the water- 
front? 

Mr. Kibre. Same answer. 

Mr. Morris. You decline to testify ? 

Mr. Kibre. Yes ; on the basis of my privilege under the fifth amend- 
ment, and I think I would use the first amendment, too. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you know that there has been testimony before 
other congressional committees that you were a member of the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. Kibre. I have read some of that testimony and it deals, pri- 
marily, with events that took place in Hollywood back in 1936, 1937. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist at that time? 

Mr. Kibre. I would decline to answer that question, but I could go 
on at great length to bring out the facts that existed at that time, 
when one of the biggest gangster conspiracies to take over the union 
in our country was taking place. It was a gangster element I fought 
against, and tried to clean out, and that was the simple nature of that 
situation. 

Senator Eastland. Do you know anything about a Communist con- 
spiracy to take over the union at that time ? 

Mr. Kibre. At that time, I was a member of the union, sir, and I 
may say, respectfull} 7 , that I was leading a rank and file movement to 
oust Willie Bioff along with the Al Capone mobsters who had taken 
over the union. 

Senator Eastland. I would like you to answer my question. Do 
you know anything about a Communist conspiracy to take over the 
union at that time ? 

Mr. Kibre. I don't, not to my knowledge, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you came here to Wash- 
ington to take up your job as a Washington representative of the 
ILWU? 



1622 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Kibre. I decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

Senator Jenner. Do you draw a distinction between gangsters and 
Communists, as far as controlling of the union is concerned ? 

Mr. Kibre. Well, if you would put it to me a little more explicitly, 
Senator. 

Senator Jenner. Is one better than the other ? 

Mr. Kibre. I don't know, but I can tell you I have had a great deal 
of experience with what the gangsters did in Hollywood, between 
1936 and 1937. 

Senator Jenner. Have you had any experience with what the Com- 
munists have done ? 

Mr. Kibre. I will decline to answer that. 

Senator Jenner. Under what basis ? 

Mr. Kibre. Fifth amendment. 

Senator Jenner. Your answer might tend to incriminate you ? 

Mr. Kibre. It is possible. 

Senator Jenner. It is possible. 

Mr. Kibre. I am thinking, particularly, if I might say, sir ; I would 
just like to say a word on that. Back in 1937 and 1938, when Willie 
Bioff and his gang were in the States, the main thing that they did 
was to invent and create a tremendous amount of propaganda de- 
signed to show that the revolt against this gangster bunch was a big 
Communist plot, and I can tell you, sir, that they invented and made 
public more smears in the short space of a year or two than I could 
possibly add up. And it is for that reason, I am sure, that a great 
many people are forced to take advantage of their privilege under the 
Constitution. 

And I would love, sir, to tell you about the situation as it took place 
in those years of 1937-40, when this Al Capone mob had complete 
control of the industry and was taking 2 percent of our wages as a 
tribute, refused to hold any meetings of the union, refused to call any 
meetings, had complete control of the collective bargaining, and, as a 
result, brought about conditions which robbed the workers of millions 
and millions of dollars in a few short years. And I might add that 
the Government finally, I think in 1941 or 1942, confirmed all this 
when they convicted the entire mob. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Kibre, did you use the alias Barry Wood at that 
time? 

Mr. Kibre. I will decline to answer that, sir, under the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Did you ever use any name other than your own at 
any other time ? 

Mr. Kibre. I decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

Mr. Morris. Have you been to San Francisco on the west coast in 
connection with the organization of the fishermen's union there ? 

Mr. Kibre. I was for many years an official of the fishermen's union 
on the west coast. 

Mr. Morris. Approximately what year, Mr. Kibre ? 

Mr. Kibre. Well, I was originally hired as a coordinator for the 
California locals and I think it was the fall of 1940, and then about 
1944 or 1945, 1 can't recollect exactly, I was elected by the convention 
as the international secretary-treasurer. I kept that post until 1950, 
when the fishermen's union merged with the ILWTJ, 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1623 

Mr. Morris. And when did you last see Harry Bridges ? 

Mr. Kibre. Well, to the best of my recollection, Bridges was here 
in Washington and testified before the Bonner committee sometime 
in April. I think that is the last time I saw him, if I recall. 

Mr. Morris. You saw Mr. Velson yesterday ? 

Mr. Kibre. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Senators, I have no more questions. 

Mr. Kibre. May I add one thing, sir, in all due deference to the 
committee, and that is this : I do want to object at the many allegations 
that Mr. Riesel has made and again I say that with all due sympathy 
with Mr. Riesel. I want to object because it is my opinion that these 
unfounded allegations are going to seriously impede and interfere 
with this very worthwhile program which the House Merchant Marine 
Committee is trying to develop and the project which the ILWU 
supports 100 percent. 

Things like this, loose allegations like this, about the ILWU con- 
trolling the lifeline when, as a matter of fact, we just signed a 5-year 
contract in the islands and this is bound to create misinformation 
among the public, and that kind of stuff is bound to react to the detri- 
ment of the merchant marine and the industries, maritime industry. 
And I do hope, for example, this committee would examine carefully 
the record of these hearings by the Bonner committee in order to get 
an accurate picture of exactly what the ILWU program is. The 
ILWU, as it was testified to at great length by Mr. Bridges before 
the Bonner committee 

Senator Jenner. May I ask a question? If a union is dominated 
by a Communist do you think that the contract would mean anything 
to them ? 

Mr. Kibre. The only answer I can give you is that the ILWU is 
dominated only by its membership and that the ILWU has a reputation 
on the west coast of observing its contracts and has a record on the 
west coast of not a single strike since 1948 in the maritime. 

Senator Jenner. I didn't ask you that question. I asked you if a 
union was dominated by Communists, do you think a contract would 
mean anything to the Communists ? 

Mr. Kibre. Well, I am sorry, Senator, I just can't answer that, be- 
cause I have had no experience under a situation like that. That is 
why I say the only situation I have had is when the ILWU and the 
kind of program that has been carried out, the kind of reputation we 
have now, which the employers, themselves, have testified to in many 
congressional hearings, the statements they have made before the 
Bonner committee, in which they have said repeatedly 

Senator Jenner. You are making your answer responsive to your 
union. I asked you a hypothetical question. 

Mr. Forer. He said he didn't know. 

Senator Jenner. If he doesn't know, that is his answer. 

Mr. Kibre. I am sorry, I just don't know. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Kibre, in connection with the Bonner committee, 
was testimony taken under oath before that committee ? 

Mr. Kibre. As I recall, I can't say for certain, but I think it was 
taken under oath. 

Mr. Morris. But Mr. Bridges wasn't asked at any time whether he 
was a Communist ; was he ? 



1624 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Kibre. I don't recall. 

Mr. Morris. You were there, weren't you ? 

Mr. Kibre. I was there, but I don't recall such a question. He did 
testify at one informal session, at which I wasn't present. That is why 
I express some qualification. 

I would say this : That I do have one recollection where Mr. Bridges 
testified under oath that he was not a Communist and has so testified 
repeatedly and has been ultimately cleared of charges of being a 
Communist by a recent court action. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Manclel, do we have any report of any activity of 
the witness here today ? 

Mr. Mandel. We have information from the files of the Committee 
on Un-American Activities, giving the record of Jeff Kibre. 

Mr. Morris. May that go into the record at this time, Senator 
Eastland ? 

Senator Eastland. Yes, it will be admitted in the record. 

(The report was marked "Exhibit No. 288" and reads as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 288 

Information From the Files of the Committee on Un-American Activities, 
United States House of Representatives 

November 18, 1955. 
For : Hon. James O. Eastland. 
Subject : Jeff Kibre. 

Tbe public records, files, and publications of tbis committee contain tbe fol- 
lowing information concerning the subject individual. This report should not 
be construed as representing the results of an investigation by or findings of this 
committee. It should be noted that the individual is not necessarily a Com- 
munist, a Communist sympathizer, or a fellow-traveler unless otherwise 
indicated. 



Organization 



Activity 



Source 



American Jewish Labor Council ' 



American Slav Congress ' 2 . 



Civil Rights Congress, Los An- 
geles. ' 2 

International Longshoremen's and 
Warehousemen's Union. 2 

International Fishermen and Al- 
lied Workers, CIO. 2 

International Fishermen and 
Allied Workers, a division of 
International Longshoremen's 
and Warehousemen's Union. 2 

Petition to President Roosevelt 
for release of Earl Browder. 



Signed appeal to President to lift 
Palestine embargo (identified as 
secretary-treasurer. International 
Fishermen and Allied Workers of 
America. 

Sent greetings 



Signed appeal in behalf of indicted 
Communist leaders. 

Named to represent union in Wash- 
ington. 

National secretary-treasurer; 
indicted. 

Officer of local 33; fined $150 in cases 
growing out of 1949-50 strike set- 
tlement of union fishermen at San 
Pedro. 

Signer. 



Made statement in support of Harry 
Bridges, on latter's conviction. 

Spoke at mass meeting Mar. 2 under 
auspices of a committee for defense 
of Hugh Bryson, indicted under 
Taft-Hartley non-Communist pro- 
vision (spelled Kuyber in article). 

Signer of statement in behalf of 
Seattle Six. 

Protested firing of Communist 
teachers at University of Wash- 
ington. 



Daily Worker, Feb. 18, 1948, 
p. 5. 



The Slavic American, fall, 1947, 

vol. 1, No. 1, p. 78. 
The Independent, Long Beach, 

Calif., Nov. 22, 1948, p. 29 

(advertisement) . 
Daily People's World, Feb. 3, 

1953, p. 8; May 29, 1953, p. 7. 
Daily People's World, Nov. 3, 

1949 p. 2. 
Daily People's World, Julv 12, 

1941, p. 6. 



Daily Worker, Jan. 25, 1942, p. 

5. 
Daily People's World, Apr. 6, 

1950, p. 12. 
Daily Worker, Mar. 4, 1954, 

p. 2. 



Leaflet, Someone's Got to Take 

a Stand, 1949. 
Daily Worker, Feb. 8, 1949, 

p. 6. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1625 

BARRY WOOD 



Organization 


Activity 


Source 


American Youth Congress ' ! 


Editor, AYC publication, Winner 
(identified as Communist Party 
name for Jefl Kibre, "well-known 

party leader of southern Cali- 
fornia"). 


Memorandum of Attorney 
< leneral Biddle on the Amer- 
ican Youth Congress (re- 
printed in Congressional 
Record, Sept. 24, 1942, and 
quoted in committee (luidc 
to Subversive Organizations, 
1951, p. 150.). 



1 Cited by United States Attorney General. 

» Cited by Special Committee and/or Committee on Un-American Activities. 

See also the following references in publications of this committee: 

Hearings on H. R. 1884 and H. R. 2122, bills to curb or outlaw the Communist 
Party of the United States, March 24-28, 1947, pages 250, 261 

Hearings regarding Communist infiltration of the motion-picture industry, Oc- 
tober 20-30, 1947, pages 347-349, 351, 352, 356, 394-397, 544, 545 

Communist infiltration of Hollywood motion-picture industry, part 2, April 17- 
May 18, 1951, pages 478-481, 483-485, 488, 493, 519, 525, 527, 528 

Communist infiltration of Hollywood motion-picture industry, part 4, September 
17-19, 1951, pages 1426, 1446, 1449, 1466, 1467, 1588, 1589 

Communist infiltration of Hollywood motion-picture industry, part 5, September 
20-25, 1951, page 1732 

Communist activities among professional groups in the Los Angeles area, part 
1, January 21-25, 1952, page 2484 

Guide to Subversive Organizations and Publications, May 14, 1951, House Docu- 
ment No. 137, page 156 

Annual Report of the Committee on Un-American Activities for the Year 1952, 
December 28, 1952, House Report 2516, January 3, 1953, pages 61, 67 

Communist Methods of Infiltration (Government-Labor), 1953, pages 1618, 1622 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles Area — Part 6 (1951 and 
1953), pages 2311-2315, 2325, 2328 

Annual Report for 1953, page 39 

Report on the March of Labor ( 1954) , page 16 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles, Calif., Area — Part 3 
(1955), page 1744 

Mr. Morris. And, Mr. Chairman, in connection with the witness' use 
of the word "clearance" of Harry Bridges, I would like to have him 
explain what he means by that. 

Air. Kibre. Clearance ? I don't know 

Mr. Morris. Didn't you use the word "clearance" % 

Mr. Forer. I think he did. What he was referring to was the re- 
cent district court decision. 

Mr. Kirbe. I may have used it in connection with the recent dis- 
trict court decision in San Francisco, which finally threw out the last 
evidence against Mr. Bridges and exonerated him. 

Mr. Forer. After a trial. 

Mr. Kibre. After a trial. And bearing in mind that he has been 
before the Supreme Court twice. There has been 20 years of litiga- 
tion which ended up in a victory for Mr. Bridges, and, as I understand 
it, the Justice Department finally accepted the decision as being final. 

Mr. Morris. I have no more questions of this witness. 

Senator Jenner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Kibre. May I offer this transcript for the record ? 

Senator Eastland. It will be accepted as an exhibit. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 289" and placed 
in the committee files.) 



1626 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. One of the things I am interested in, as I asked Mr. 
Kibre, is whether or not that committee ever asked Mr. Bridges if 
he was a Communist, and I didn't see it in there, and I looked for 
quite some time. 

Senator Jenner. The record will speak for itself. 

Senator Eastland. In this connection, I would like to bring to 
the attention of the committee the following facts which have been 
called to the attention of the Attorney General. 

I believe that the delay in these cases is, likewise, caused by the 
inability of our courts to take the requisite action that is called for in 
view of this grave threat that we have been hearing about in our 
hearings. 

I am going to read from a letter which was sent on June 18 to the 
Attorney General. It is signed by the chairman. 

Two of the leaders of this union have been James Matles and James Lustig. 
Both have been demonstrated to be Communists 

Mr. Morris. Senator, that is in connection with the United Elec- 
trical, Radio, and Machine Workers Union? 
Senator Eastland. Yes. [Reading:] 

Both have been demonstrated to be Communists and both are the subject of 
denaturalization proceedings. I believe that your office filed denaturalization 
suits against them on February 13, 1952, and on December 16, 1952, respectively. 
Since that time, apparently, nothing has been done to enable the immigration 
authorities to follow up on their deportation proceedings. 

There is also the case of Constantine Radzi, who, our record shows, has been 
a member of the control or disciplinary committee of the Communist Party. 
Radzi was observed watching one of our hearings in New York in 1952, and 
was subpenaed to testify. In that case, both the Immigration Service and the 
Department of Justice acted expeditiously and filed a denaturalization pro- 
ceeding on December 17, 1952, against Radzi. Since that time, apparently noth- 
ing has been done on this case. Radzi is not even on bail, and is pursuing his 
work of undermining our Government without molestation. 

I further call your attention to the case of Louis Weinstock, against whom 
suit was filed on January 22, 1953, and to the cases of almost a score of other 
Communists who are still engaged in trying to destroy our way of life. 

May we have your assurance that the Department of Justice is taking all 
possible steps to expedite the denaturalization and deportation of the named 
individuals, and of others in the same position? 

Mr. Morris. Senator, may I state that Senator Jenner has made 
a previous request. 

The facts are, in connection with the ILWU, that Jack Hall, the 
Honolulu representative of the union, was tried on November 5, 1952, 
and, despite that, nothing has been done about him. He is still free 
to carry on his activities, which have been described here today. And, 
in connection with those cases, Senator, there are almost a score of 
them. They were highlighted recently when Mr. Bialer, who testified 
before the committee, said that the most important propaganda that is 
being used by the Polish Communist government is propaganda of the 
United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers Union, of which Mr. 
Matles and Mr. Lustig have been the leaders. And that their cases 
have been on the calendars since 1952, denaturalization cases, and 
others as you see — many of them run 4 years and more. There has 
been no activity, Senator, to the best we can learn, as a result of our 
inquiries. Apparently the delay is in the courts, and nothing is being 
done to follow up these prosecutions. 

Senator Eastland. Who is your next witness? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1627 

Mr. Morris. John Lautner. Mr. Kibre has indicate a desire to leave 
early and, as far as I am concerned, I have no more questions. 

Senator Eastland. The committee will excuse him. 

Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give this hear- 
ing shall be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so 
help you God? 

Mr. Lautner. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN LAUTNER 

Mr. Morris. This witness has testified before this committee before, 
but he is a person who is in a position, by virtue of the fact that he was 
one of the leading members of the Communist Party of New York 
State, to give competent testimony about Communist organization on 
the waterfront. And he has been recalled for that purpose. 

Now, Mr. Lautner, you were a member of the Communist Party 
until 1950; is that correct? 

Mr. Lautner. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. You had a leading position on the State committee at 
that time; did you not? 

Mr. Lautner. No. I was the head of the New York State review 
commission of the Communist Party — disciplines committee. 

Mr. Morris. You were head of the New York State disciplinary 
committee of the Communist Party at that time? 

Mr. Lautner. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And you had been a Communist conversant with Com- 
munist activities in New York for how long up to that time? 

Mr. Lautner. Well, from 1945 to the time I left the Communist 
Party in 1950. I attended organizational committee meetings, where 
all the organizational activities of the party were planned and dis- 
cussed and checked. 

Mr. Morris. I see. And as such, Mr. Lautner, you were able to ob- 
serve the activities that the Communist Party conducted with respect 
to the Communist Party on the waterfront? 

Mr. Lautner. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Would you tell us how Communist activities on the 
waterfront, concerning the waterfront, were carried out up to the time 
that you left the Communist Party in 1950 ? 

Mr. LAurNER. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Would you give us your firsthand experiences ? 

Mr. Lautner. Yes. Right after the reconstruction of the Com- 
munist Party in 1945, a three-prong program was developed. This 
program revolved around the reorganization of the Communist Party 
in New York State, the reindoctrination of the party membership 
away from the policies of Earl Browder. And the three prong was 
the institution of a concentration policy for New York State. The 
major concentration activity was transport ; and I don't mean subway 
riding or riding on the bus, but transportation, the waterfront, the 
railway terminals in New York, and longshore. And there was a 
divisional industrial-concentration activity delegated to the county 
organizations as such, but there were a number of concentration organ- 
izations that were supervised directly by the New York State appa- 
ratus, by the New York State organization of the Communist Party. 
Such was the maritime section of the Communist Party, the teamster 

72723— 57— pt. 30 3 



1628 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

section of the concentration section of the Communist Party, and the 
longshore section of the Communist Party. At the head of the mari- 
time section of the Communist Party they had numerous organizers 
in a short period of time and, finally, George Watt became the party 
leader on the New York waterfront, pertaining to maritime workers 
and shipping. The person who was in charge of longshore concen- 
tration and under the supervision of the New York State labor com- 
mission of the Communist Party, of which I was a member, was a 
person by the name of — I will recall his name later. Later, I was 
sent to Gary, Ind. 

Senator Jenner. Later on, what? 

Mr. Lautner. Later on I was sent to Gary, Ind., as a columnized 
party leader into steel, into Gary, Ind. 

George Powers, that is his name. He was in charge of 1947, 1948, 
and part of 1949, of longshore concentration in New York City. And 
then the third phase of it, the railway concentration, was in charge 
of a person by the name of Robert Woods. All three officers were 
at the New York State Headquarters of the Communist Party on 
the 5th floor at 35 East 12th Street, and they worked under the super- 
vision of the New York State leadership of the Communist Party. 

Now, with the reorganizational party with the first prong — I men- 
tioned the three prongs. Now the concentration activity. The first 
prong was completely reorganized in such a way that all of the com- 
munity organizations of the Communist Party in New York lent 
themselves, in order to aid and help to realize whatever the concen- 
tration tasks were through the industrial sections, concentration 
industrial sections of the Communist Party. 

In 1947 a commission was set up, the commission was composed of 
Jim Tormey, Louis Sass, Leonard Levenson, and myself, to make a 
survey on the party on what are the concentration points in New 
York County. 

We made a survey of all of the teamster sheds beginning from the 
Battery all the way up to the Fifties and on the East Side. We made 
a survey of all the railway terminals. 

Mr. Morris. This is in connection with your work in connection 
with transportation, Communist Party transportation as you 
described it ? 

Mr. Lautner. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. Proceed. 

Mr. Lautner. We made a survey of all the railway terminals, like 
the New York Central on the west side in the lower Bronx, and all 
of the ferrying that is being done by railways through the Erie line 
and the Lackawanna lines into Long Island and into Brooklyn. A 
complete survey was made in order to allocate party organizations, 
neighborhood organizations, community organizations, to give a hand 
to the industrial sections who were doing concentration work, build- 
ing the party in these particular concentration points. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Lautner, in that connection may I break in to ask 
you, as this information comes in as a result of these surveys, where 
does that information go? 

Mr. Lautner. That information went into the hands of party 
specialists, who specialized on that phase of party activity. First, it 
went to the New York State labor commission of the Communist 
Party and then to the national labor commission of the Communist 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 1629 

Party, one headed by the — the national headed by John Williamson 
and the New York State headed by Hal Simon. 1 

Mr. Morris. In other words, Mr. Lautner, all the intimate details 
relating to the transportation and the transportation lines of New 
York City, for instance, in connection with this inquiry, are held 
quite tightly and known by the Communist leaders? 

Mr. Lautner. Yes, it is. It is held first of all and assimilated by 
the labor commissions of the Communist Party and it becomes the 
property of the party leadership, the board, the New York State board 
or the national board in the way of reports by these commissions, and 
then it goes back into the hands of other specialists to check, for in- 
stance, reports on transport and waterfront concentration, and New 
York State labor commission becomes the property of so-called labor 
specialists in the party, like Johnny Steuben. 

Mr. Morris. John Steuben ? 

Mr. Lautner. He was a member of the New York State board of 
the Communist Party. And persons like Norman Koss, who is the 
New York County chairman of the labor commission in New York 
County. It becomes the property of coordinators like Al Lannon, 
who was the head of the subcommittee, a subcommittee of the labor 
commission of the Communist Party, head of the maritime commission. 
It comes into the hands of these people who can weigh the line of the 
party to all the party members concerned to work in these particular 
industries or who try to penetrate further into these industrial setups. 
It is practically a three-way check. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, that testimony would indicate that the 
most intimate details of the organization of our waterfront and or- 
ganization of transportation systems, as described by Mr. Lautner, are 
known by the Communist leaders of the Communist Party in the 
United States. The great deal of testimony has indicated in the past, 
if all those facts are available to the Communist Party, because of the 
relationship with the Communist Party to the Soviet Union, it is 
quite obvious the Soviet Union would know all these details that the 
witness is testifying about today. 

And you knew John Steuben to be a member of the Communist 
Party, did you not ? 

Mr. Lautner. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Steuben was one of the witnesses 
that we have scheduled to appear here today and he said he could not 
appear because of his doctor's certificate. 

Do you know Mr. Charles Keith ? 

Mr. Lautner. I knew him as a Communist in waterfront section 
in 1930. He was expelled from the party in 1946 and at that time 
he organized his own little group within the maritime union on the 
New York waterfront that was called the Fore and Aft. What Mr. 
Keith is doing at the present time I have no knowledge whatsoever. 

Mr. Morris. Do you have any knowledge that he has returned to 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Lautner. That may be so at the present time. He may be one 
of the absorbed or vindicated fellows. It is a fad now in the Com- 
munist Party to bring back some of these people who were expelled. 

Mr. Morris. But you did not know directly ? 

Mr. Lautner. I have no knowledge. 



1 Also known as Al Simon. (See p. 1630.) 



1630 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Do you know Mr. Sam Madell ? 

Mr. Lautner. Sam Madell worked under George Powers in 1947 
and he was on the payroll. He was subsidized by the New York 
State organization of the Communist Party as one of the waterfront 
organizers for the Communist Party. 

Mr. Morris. And now, how about George Watt ? 

Mr. Lautner. George Watt, yes, I know him. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know if he is a member of the Communist 
Party ? 

Mr. Lautner. Yes. In fact, shortly after I left the Communist 
Party he became the national secretary of the national review com- 
mission of the Communist Party, the disciplinary committee. 

Mr. Morris. How about Al Simon ? 

Mr. Lautner. Simon was a member of the New York State board, 
New York State committee of the Communist Party, and head of the 
labor commission. 

Mr. Morris. How about Al Lannon ? 

Mr. Lautner. Lannon was the maritime coordinator for the Com- 
munist Party and a member of the national committee. 

Mr. Morris. How about Babin, Toma Babin ? 

Mr. Lautner. Babin, he was a Yugoslav Communist Party leader 
on the waterfront among Yugoslavs, and longshoremen in New York. 
He was deported from the United States, I think, around 1940 or 
1939. He is in Poland today. 

Mr. Morris. With the exception of Mr. Babin, then, Mr. Lautner, 
if we followed the activities of those other people mentioned we 
would have a fairly good idea of what communist activities on the 
waterfront are ? 

Mr. Lautner. And some other people yet, too. 

Mr. Morris. Who were they, Mr. Lautner ? 

Mr. Lautner. Well, I know 

Mr. Morris. You mentioned Mr. Steuben. 

Mr. Lautner. Yes, Steuben. There is one Mitch Baronson, who 
was the party coordinator of longshore activities in Brooklyn, in Red 
Hook, or the Brooklyn waterfront. There is another person to get 
acquainted with. There were a number of concentration branches 
set up by the Communist Party to cover shapeups on the New York 
waterfront to distribute leaflets and sell Daily Workers. At the mo- 
ment I don't exactly know, but I think I will know some of these mem- 
bers who were members of these concentration branches from the 
Communist Party who were assigned to do waterfront work in New 
York 

Senator Jenner. I would like to ask you a question, since you have 
been a member of the Communist Party, high in the official ranks for 
several years. "What is your opinion, or if you have actual knowledge, 
tell us what a Communist agreement or contract means ? 

Mr. Lautner. It means only so much. 

Senator Jenner. How much? 

Mr. Lautner. If the agreement serves the interest of the party, the 
agreement will be upheld. If it does not, the minute it does not serve 
the interest of the party, that agreement isn't worth the paper it is 
written on. 

Senator Jenner. So, if the Longshoremen's Union, I believe that 
is the title, has a 5-year contract, according to these hearings before 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1631 

us, in Honolulu, and a 2-year contract in San Francisco, with your 
experience in the Communist Party, what would the contracts actually 
mean? 

Mr. Lautner. It means this : At the present time they are follow- 
ing a certain line, and as long as that line is followed and the contract 
jibes or coincides with the thinking of that particular line, it is all 
right. As soon as there is a change in the situation, that contract isn't 
worth anything. 

Senator Jenner. Thank you. 

Mr. Morris. Is there anything else that we covered in our execu- 
tive session, Mr. Lautner, that we haven't covered in this open session 
that you can recall ? 

Mr. Lautner. No. 

Mr. Morris. Well, I want to thank you very much, Mr. Lautner, 
for your testimony here today. 

Senator Jenner. Thank you very much for aiding this committee. 

In conclusion, let me state that when the enemies of decency in the 
union movement threw acid in the eyes of Victor Riesel they merely 
focused national attention on the evil he has done so much to com- 
bat. I want to say again, as I said earlier, I want to commend Mr. 
Riesel not only for his courage in fighting communism and racketeer- 
ing in the unions, but also for the resilience of this courage which 
he has demonstrated after his attack. His fight goes on. We hope 
Mr. Riesel keeps up his fight against communism and racketeering and 
we do appreciate his cooperation with this committee. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I have some letters which Senator Eastland, 
on behalf of the committee, has written in the last week and I would 
like all those to go into the public record of this committee. 

Senator Jenner. They may become a part of the official record. 

(The letters are as follows:) 

Department of Justice, 
Office of the Deputy Attorney General, 

Washington, D. C, June 26, 1956. 
James O. Eastland, 

Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee, 
United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator Eastland : This is in response to your letter dated June 18, 1956, 
wherein you refer to the cases of James Matles, James Lustig, Constantine Rad- 
zie, and Louis Weinstock and ask my assurance that the Department of Justice 
will take all possible steps to expedite their denaturalization and deportation. 

As you know, the Department of Justice has been vigorously pursuing proceed- 
ings designed to denaturalize and deport any naturalized citizen whose presence 
in the United States may constitute a threat to internal security. This is but one 
aspect of the Department's program to protect our national security against the 
criminal conspiracy of communism. 

As indicated in your letter, judicial proceedings to denaturalize the individuals 
referred to have been pending in the United States District Courts for the South- 
ern and Eastern Districts of New York for some time. The delay in the actual 
trial of these cases has been due not only to congested trial calendars but also 
to an important legal issue which was but recently settled by the Supreme Court. 

In United States v. Zucca (125 F. Pupp. 551 (S. D. N. Y., 1954) ), it was held 
that revocation proceedings cannot be maintained unless the affidavit showing 
good cause therefor is filed with the complaint. This decision was affirmed by 
the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit (221 F. 2d 805). Since the filing of 
the affidavit would be disadvantageous to the Government, the Department re- 
quested Supreme Court review. Pending Supreme Court decision, the cases filed 
without affidavits in the district courts within the Second Circuit were removed 
from the trial calendars. On April 30, 1956, the Supreme Court ruled, by a 5-to-4 



1632 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

vote, that the affidavit must be filed, United States v. Zucca (351 U. S. 91). The 
Department has since issued appropriate instructions to the United States attor- 
neys governing the filing of the required affidavits. 

Insofar as bail is concerned, the defendants are all citizens until denaturalized 
and the pending proceedings are civil in nature. The law makes no provision for 
the detention of the defendants in such proceedings and there is thus no authority 
for bail. 

The Maries ease in the Eastern District of New York has already been set for 
trial and efforts are being made to have it placed at the head of the nonjury civil 
calendar for the October term. It will be personally presented by the chief of 
the criminal division of that district. The Lustig, Radzie, and Weinstock cases 
will be restored to the trial calendar of the Southern District of New York as soon 
as possible. You may rest assured that the Department is taking all possible 
steps to expedite the denaturalization and deportation of these individuals and 
of all others in the same position. 
Sincerely, 

Warren Olney III, 
Acting Deputy Attorney General. 



July 2, 1956. 
Hon. John Foster Dulles, 
The Secretary of State, 

Department of State, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Mr. Secretary : On June 29, 1956, Seweryn Bialer testified before the 
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee in connection with the recent riots in 
Poznan, Poland. As you know, Mr. Bialer was, until January 31 of this year, a 
member of the Central Committee of the Polish Communist Party, specializing 
in anti-Western and anti-American propaganda. 

Enclosed herewith, for your information, is a copy of the transcript of Mr. 
Bialer's testimony, setting forth important evidence concerning recent events 
in Poland. As his testimony shows, the Polish Communist leaders have been 
forced to permit a certain liberalization of conditions ; and it is this, he states, 
which unleashed the forces that caused the Poznan uprising. 

I particularly call your attention to the following colloquy near the close 
of Mr. Bialer's testimony (pp. 3413-3415) : 

"Mr. Morris. Mr. Bialer, could you tell us what you feel the United States 
policies would be now with respect to this expressed desire on the part of the 
Polish people to gain their liberation from control? 

"Mr. Bialer. First of all, sir, I believe that the most important thing in this 
field is this: Let the American people convince the Polish people first that they 
sympathize with them ; and secondly, that the Americans will never reconcile 
themselves with the loss of freedom in Poland. 

"Mr. Morris. Let the American people know that they sympathize with the 
Polish people and that they will never reconcile themselves to the loss of freedom 
on the part of the Polish people? 

"Mr. Bialer. Let the Polish people know it. 

"Mr. Morris. Let the Polish people know that the Americans sympathize with 
their feeling that they will never reconcile themselves to the loss of their 
freedom ? 

"Mr. Bialer. I want to stress very, very strongly this rucu The Polish 
Communist Party and the Polish Communist regime are doing everything pos- 
sible to silence the Western world and the Americans, not to let them — to stop 
them — saying the truth about the situation in Poland. 

"Mr. Morris. The Communist leaders are doing everything possible in order 
to cause the leaders of the West and the people of the West not to express 
themselves on these subjects? 

"Mr. Bialer. Yes; to such a degree that I would put it in such a slogan — 
it amounts to this : The Communist leaders in Poland are saying to the Western 
World, very smartly, very cleverly, "Don't you criticize us in your radios and 
we will ; jam your broadcasts." 

"Mr. ^H&tis. Should we continue to criticize them? 

"Mr. Bialer. Naturally, if we stop the campaign of criticizing them and reveal- 
ing the truth, this would mean a great help to them in their oppression of the 
Polish people. 

"Mr. Morris. And therefore, that is — a policy which would cause us to soften 
our criticism of the Polish overlords would be a bad policy for us to pursue? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1633 

"Mr. Bialer. I think that such a policy would be a very terrible policy as far 
as the Polish people are concerned, and in consequence would be a bad policy 
for tbe United States." 

I have taken the liberty of setting forth this particular portion of Mr. Bialer's 
testimony, because I believe it sheds important light upon an issue of policy 
concerning which there has been a great deal of debate in recent months. 

On all sides we hear it said nowadays, that America should take the lead in 
"relaxing international tensions," as a means of promoting the goal of world 
peace. To this end, it has been suggested that the United States should modify 
the tone of its broadcasts to the captive nutions of Eastern Europe, to avoid 
giving any possible offense to the Communist overlords of those areas. Mr. 
Bialer's testimony serves to emphasize how ill-advised such a course would be 
and what dreadful consequences it might have, both for the Polish people and 
for the United States. 

I therefore express the hope, Mr. Secretary, that nothing will deter this 
country from speaking with fearless candor to the oppressed populations behind 
the Iron Curtain. Only from us can they hear the truth, and only the truth 
can make them free. 
Sincerely yours, 

James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee 

Department of State, 
Washington, July 5, 1956. 
lion. James O. Eastland, 

Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee, 

United States Senate. 
Dear Senator Eastland : Thank you for your letter of June 18, 1956, supple- 
mented by your letter of June 20, 1956, addressed to the Secretary. 

The Department was aware of the identity of the two Soviet nationals referred 
to by Michael Shatov during the course of a hearing before the Internal Security 
Subcommittee on June 13, 1956, and had initiated an inquiry into their alleged 
redefection activities. 

The Department is reviewing the Shatov testimony, together with other relevant 
information which it has received . 
Sincerely yours, 

Robert C. Hill, 
Assistant Secretary. 



July 3, 1956. 
Hon. John Foster Dulles, 

Secretary of State, The State Department, 

Washington, D. C. 

Note in Tuesday's Washington Evening Star a report that Assistant Soviet 
Military Attache Col. Ivan Bubchikov was expelled from this country on June 
24 on the ground for espionage. Please furnish particulars of Bubchikov's activ- 
ities for inclusion in the record of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee in 
connection with its investigation into scope of Soviet activity in the United States. 

James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. 



July 5, 1956. 
Hon. Walter F. George, 

Chairman, Foreign Relations Committee, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Mr. Chairman : The Honorable William C. Wentworth, Member of the 
Australian Parliament and member of the Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Com- 
mittee, has transmitted the enclosed cable to Robert Morris, chief counsel of the 
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. Inasmuch as it bears on matters related 
to our foreign policy, I am transmitting herewith a copy of this cable, with the 
request that you place it before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. 

The Australian Parliamentary Affairs Committee is made up Q^t3 members. 
The fact that 12 of these members have signed the within cable wou'-V' 1 *.' idicate that 
their sentiments represent committee thinking. 
Very sincerely yours, 

James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee. 



1634 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

[Telegram] 

Sydney, Australia, July 8, 1956. 
Robert Morris, 

Chief Counsel, Committee on the Judiciary, 
United States Senate, Washington: 

Twelve members of Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee including myself 
have signed the following statement for press. Statement begins "the massacres 
and mass arrest in Poznan show that Poland is still a police state whose people 
are kept in subjection to totalitarian terror. 

"Public comment from Communist leaders in other Soviet satellites to the 
effect that the Polish uprising proved the need for greater party vigilance is at 
least an indication that this is still ;*he normal method of government throughout 
the Communist world. 

"The new leaders in the Kremlin now profess penitence for the misdeeds of the 
criminal Stalin. It should be remembered that Stalin's greatest crimes were 
committed not against the Russian people but against neighboring free people, 
particn' • j Poland, who were enslaved by force of Russian arms and have been 
kept \-i oubjection by violence and electoral fraud. 

"The Kremlin confessions regarding Stalin's activities constitute new evidence 
justifying the reopening of the Polish case of 1945. 

"Surely there is some international organization which will support the 
principle of free and properly supervised elections in Poland. 

"The Poznan uprising proves — if any further proof were needed— that there 
are still Poles who are willing to sacrifice their lives for their nation. 

"The free world should not sit on the sideline while the unctiously penitent men 
in the Kremlin proceed to repeat Stalin's crimes of 1945 and apply the jackboot 
to Poland once again. 

"We must protest against Communist methods and develop our protest into 
an effective demand for free elections in Poland. 

"Meanwhile the press and radio of the world should not relax its efforts to 
expose the administrative and judicial terror being employed against the Polish 
people. 

"We should demand the fullest and most factual account of the happening and 
if press correspondents are denied freedom of movement in Poland and freedom 
of access to the accused the world should know about it and protest accordingly. 

"The methods adopted by the Communist authorities in Poznan throw a lurid 
light on the insincerity of the Kremlin much advertised change of heart." 

Wentworth. 

Mr. Morris. There is one other thing. We have to set a return date 
for the testimony of John Steuben, Charles Keith, Sam Madell, 
Charles Irving Velson, when we are able to effect service on the last 
person. 

Senator Jenner. All right. 

The committee is adjourned. 

(Whereupon at 12 noon the subcommittee adjourned.) 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 
Communism on the Waterfront 



THURSDAY, JULY 12, 1956 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security 

Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

of the Commii.ee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 11 : 40 a. m., in room 
457, Senate Office Building - , Senator William E. Jenner presiding. 

Present : Senator Jenner. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; William A. Rusher, 
administrative counsel; Benjamin Mandel, director of research; 
Frank Schroeder, chief investigator; and Edward Duffy, investigator. 

Senator Jenner. The hearing will come to order. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, the subject of today's hearing will be 
the possible extent of Soviet activity on the New York waterfront. 

Several weeks ago we heard testimony — we had testimony from 
Victor Riesel and John Lautner. Victor Riesel testified that Harry 
Bridges has considerable control of the San Francisco waterfront 
and the Honolulu waterfront, and that he is making efforts to organize 
on the New York City waterfront and in New Orleans. 

John Lautner, having been a former official of the Communist Party, 
gave us extensive evidence about Communists who are active on the 
waterfront. On other things, he testified that Communists were able 
to have access to all the intimate details of shipping, transportation, 
cargo import and export from the port of New York. 

The third witness last week was Jeff Kibre. Jeff Kibre is the Wash- 
ington representative of the ILWU, which is Mr. Bridges' union. 
Mr. Kibre described his assignment with the ILWU here in Wash- 
ington, and when we asked him whether or not he was presently a 
member of the Communist Party he invoked his privilege of the fifth 
amendment. 

Senator, this morning we are prepared to continue these hearings, 
and we have subpenaed five witnesses. One witness, John Steuben, 
has not appeared and has sent a doctor's certificate. 1 John Lautner 
has testified, that John Steuben has been one of the leading Commu- 
nists who are active on the New York waterfront. He will not be able 
to testify here this morning, but the other four persons subpenaed 
are now here and will testify. 



1 The medical report on Mr. Steuben appears at the conclusion of the day's hearing. 

1635 
72723— 57— pt. 30 i 



1636 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Jenner. We will proceed. Call the first witness. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Velson. Is Mr. Velson here? 

Senator Jenner. Mr. Velson, will you take the witness stand at the 
end of this table. Will you be sworn to testify ? 

Mr. Malament. Mr. Chairman, may we have an understanding that 
my client doesn't want his picture taken, and I think he should have 
been consulted about this. I thought it was the understanding that 
we would be consulted before pictures could be taken. 

Senator Jenner. I had no understanding of that kind, and it is 
perfectly all right if the witness does not want his picture taken while 
he is testifying. If you so wish, he will not have his picture taken. 

Will you swear that the testimony given in this hearing will be the 
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Velson. I do. 

Senator Jenner. We are ready to proceed. Proceed, Mr. Morris. 

TESTIMONY OF IRVING CHARLES VELSON, BROOKLYN, N. Y., AC- 
COMPANIED BY EDWARD J. MALAMENT, HIS ATTORNEY 

Mr. Morris. Will you give your full name and address to the re- 
porter. 

Mr. Velson. Irving Charles Velson, 1798 Bedford Avenue, Brook- 
lyn, N. Y. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Velson, what is your occupation ? 

Mr. Velson. I am a representative of the International Longshore- 
men and Warehousemen's Union. 

Mr. Morris. What is your title in the International Longshore- 
men's and Warehousemen's Union? 

Mr. Velson. Representative. 

Mr. Morris. Now, will you describe your duties as representative of 
the ILWU? 

Mr. Velson. My duties as representative of the ILWU are to keep 
the officers of the union informed as to the activities of the Waterfront 
Commission of New York Harbor, as to its interference with collective 
bargaining, its discrimination and refusal of employment of individ- 
ual longshoremen, its interfering with hiring, and to keep our union 
informed on any new technical developments in the way of loading 
practices and new methods of operation 

Mr. Morris. Speak up a bit more. That is not a public address sys- 
tem, by the way. 

Mr. Velson. Yes, sure. 

(Continuing :) And to generally keep our officers advised as to what 
the commission is doing in the way of its relationship to individuals, 
the activities of various steamship companies, and their relationship 
to the waterfront commission, the effect of the waterfront commission 
on loadings and arrivals and loss of cargo to other ports, the effect of 
the tax on particular types of cargo which may have been diverted 
to other places, and matters of that sort. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, you are really more of a reporter than 
anything else, reporting back to the ILWU as to what is going on in 
New York? 

Mr. Velson. I would say that I am an observer for the ILWU on 
things around New York. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1637 

Mr. Morris. And what you observe, you report to Mr. Bridges, do 
you not? 

Mr. Velson. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Now, when did you last see Mr. Bridges? 

Mr. Velson. I last saw Mr. Bridges about 2 or 3 weeks ago. 

Mr. Morris. And where did you meet him on that occasion? 

Mr. Velson. I met him at the headquarters of the ILWU in San 
Francisco. 

Mr. Morris. And what did you report to him at that time? 

Mr. Velson. We discussed one question that our union was very, 
very much concerned with, and that was the new type of spardeck 
tanker which carried loaded trailers. There are about forty-odd 
ships, either committed for or under construction, which will now 
carry cargo in containers, as against individual items in the hold, and 
our union was very much concerned about how this particular method 
of operation worked, how many men were involved, what loss of man- 
power there was as regards previous methods of loading, what the 
method of operation was, what type of machinery was used, and they 
are very, very much interested in this service which is already in eff ect 
between New York and Houston, and when it is introduced, it will 
have a very direct bearing on the work opportunities of the member- 
ship of our union on the Pacific coast and in Hawaii. 

Mr. Morris. Do you deal with the waterfront commissioners or 
members of the staff of the waterfront commission? Do you deal 
with them direct ? 

Mr. Velson. Would you repeat that ? 

Mr. Morris. Do you have any personal dealings with the commis- 
sioners of the New York Waterfront Commission or any members, 
any employees thereof? 

Mr. Velson. No ; I do not. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, your observations of the waterfront 
commission's activities are at a distance ? 

Mr. Velson. Well, I wouldn't say they are at a distance. I would 
say that by talking with individual longshoremen and people in the 
union, they are very close to the heart of the waterfront commission's 
operation. 

Mr. Morris. I see. But you do learn about the waterfront com- 
mission from somebody between yourself and the commission ? 

Mr. Velson. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. You do not deal with them directly ; you do not learn 
firsthand what they do? 

Mr. Velson. I think I learn very firsthand, Judge. I think that 
the people who are affected by the activity of this commission, where 
they interfere with the daily routine of a longshoreman's life, and there 
is always a possibility — there was talk of such a commission being 
set up out on the Pacific coast. That is our concern primarily, how it 
affects the individual workingman. And I think I get it right from 
the horse's mouth. 

Mr. Morris. Now, when were you hired first by the ILWU? 

Mr. Velson. In September of 1954. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Now, who hired you ? Did Bridges personally 
hire you ? 



1638 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Velson. No. I was hired by the organizing committee, which 
consists of — not the organizing commitee. I was hired by the officers 
of the union. 

Mr. Morris. Who, specifically, hired you ? 

Mr. Velson. Mr. Kobertson. 

Mr. Morris. Who is he? Identify him for the record. 

Mr. Velson. He is the first vice president of the ILWU. 

Mr. Morris. And you had personal negotiations with him, which 
terminated with your being retained ? 

Mr. Velson. He asked me if I would work for the ILWU, through 
mail. 

Mr. Morris. How long have you known Harry Bridges ? 

Mr. Velson. Well, I think I first met him in 1942 at a CIO con- 
vention, or 1943. I am not quite certain. 

Mr. Morris. And you have seen him and met with him and conversed 
with him in the intervening time ? 

Mr. Velson. Would you repeat that ? 

Mr. Morris. You have seen him and met with him and conversed 
with him from time to time in the intervening years ? 

Mr. Velson. No. I didn't see him — shortly before — I don't think 
I saw Mr. Bridges until shortly before I went to work for the ILWU. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you know a man named Roy Hudson, who has 
been identified as an important Communist labor leader? 

Mr. Velson. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. You won't tell us when you last saw Mr. Hudson ? 

Mr. Velson. Beg pardon ? 

Mr. Morris. When did you last see Roy Hudson ? 

Mr. Velson. I have already answered that question. 

Mr. Morris. What is your answer ? 

Mr. Velson. My answer is I declined — I had previously declined 
to answer that question. 

Mr. Morris. Now, have you ever done any longshore organizing, 
longshoreman organizing ? Have you organized longshoremen at any 
time ? 

Mr. Velson. I have never organized longshoremen into the ILWU. 

Mr. Morris. Have you done any organizational work other than the 
activity that you have described here on the east coast ? 

Mr. Velson. I have done no organizing for the ILWU. We are 
also — since I was originally appointed, we are very much interested in 
getting passed the Longshoremen's and Harbor Workers' Compensa- 
tion Act, which provides for an increase in compensation pay for dis- 
abled, injured longshoremen, who are injured on the ship itself, which 
comes under the Federal law. We have been very active in that. We 
have been— our position on other matters of maritime interest, we are 
very much interested in the revival of intercoastal trade because we 
have lost thousands of jobs to other forms of transportation because 
there was no agreement as between the two coasts as to how intercoastal 
trade can be used. We have also — — - 

Mr. Morris. Tell me this 

Mr. Velson. We have also been very much concerned in this connec- 
tion with a reduction in Panama Canal tolls, so that the subsidy which 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1639 

the trucking people get as a result of free use of the highways is at 
least in some way comparable to intercoastal shipping. 

There are many matters along that line that we have an interest in. 

From time to time, if the officers ask me to find out about it, I do my 
best to try and advise them. 

Mr. Morris. Have you ever been on the payroll of the International 
Longshoremen's Association, independents 

Mr. Velson. No, sir. Absolute falsehood. 

Mr. Morris. Have you had any dealings with the ILA through 
their officers or officials ? 

Mr. Velson. Yes. I have talked to ILA officers. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know a gentleman named Teddy Gleason ? 

Mr. Velson. I do. 

Mr. Morris. Who is Teddy Gleason ? 

Mr. Velson. Well, Teddy Gleason is the general organizer of the 
ILA. 

Mr. Morris. Do you see him from time to time ; do you know ? 

Mr. Velson. I do. 

Mr. Morris. Do you work in conjunction with him in any organi- 
zational work ? 

Mr. Velson. No. 

I have had occasion to talk to Mr. Gleason many times. I might 
have some information that I feel I am not certain about and I might 
ask — I would ask him if he knows if such-and-such is true. I have 
talked to him about the Longshoremen and Harbor Workers' Compen- 
sation Act, and other matters. 

Mr. Morris. Do you derive any of the information that you report 
back to Mr. Bridges from Mr. Gleason? Is he one of the sources 
that you have told us about ? 

Mr. Velson. No. 

I would say that Mr. Gleason — no, he wouldn't be any source, par- 
ticularly. I might ask him if such-and-such is true. 

Mr. Morris. And then if he tells you 

Mr. Velson. Of course, you hear all sorts of rumors. 

Mr. Morris. If he tells you such-and-such a thing is true, then do 
you report that fact back to Bridges and the other officials ? 

Mr. Velson. I look around and I try not to report anything. 

Mr. Morris. He is one of your sources ? 

Mr. Velson. I talk with him. 

Mr. Morris. And you do see him regularly ; do you not ? 

Mr. Velson. No special regularity. I might see him twice in 1 week 
and might not see him for 2 or 3 weeks. 

Mr. Morris. When did you last see him ? 

Mr. Velson. About a week or 10 days ago. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what was the occasion of your meeting him a 
week or 10 days ago ? 

Mr. Velson. Our union had — I had returned from San Francisco 
and one of the things that our union was undertaking in connection 
with its current negotiations with the Pacific Maritime Association 
was a reduction in the hours of work from 9 to 8 hours, with the same 
take-home pay, and this, of course, especially in view of the fact that 
many of our members are older men, would be a tremendous boon to 
them, and I thought that the fellows in New York, in the ILA, would 



1640 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

be interested, because if that comes about, it means that our hourly rate 
will go up to $2.67 an hour. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Velson, do you have an office ? 

Mr. Velson. No. 

Mr. Morris. Do you use the office of the United Electrical, Radio, 
and Machine Workers at all for your activities? 

Mr. Velson. I go there occasionally, but I don't use it as an office. 
My office is in my home. 

Mr. Morris. How often do you go to the office of the United Elec- 
trical, Radio, and Machine Workers Union? 

Mr. Velson. T don't recall. I haven't been there in 3 or 4 weeks. 

Mr. Morris. Who were the personalities there that you visit, when 
you do go there ? Will you describe where this office is, the UERMW 
office? 

Mr. Velson. 11 East 51st Street, 

Mr. Morris. And whom do you see there when you go there ? 

Mr. Velson. Excuse me. 

Well, I generally go there to use a typewriter, occasionally, if I want 
to get something typed without going home to Brooklyn. 

Mr. Morris. That was not answering the question. Whom do you 
see ? What personalities, individuals ? 

Mr. Velson. I don't go there to talk to anybody, but anybody I 
know who I meet there I talk to them. 

Mr. Morris. Who runs the office at 11 East 51st ? Who is the head ? 

Mr. Velson. Mr. Fitzgerald is. 

Mr. Morris. He is not operationally in charge of that office, is he? 
He is not president ? Does he have an office there ? 

Mr. Velson. Yes ; he has an office. 

Mr. Morris. Do you see him from time to time ? 

Mr. Velson. I have seen him ; talked to him. 

Mr. Morris. Who else have you seen there ? 

Mr. Velson. I say — I have seen — I don't recall everybody I have 
met there, but I have run into the officers there occasionally. They 
haven't been — mostly secretarial people that I see there. Some of 
them — I don't even recall their names. 

Mr. Morris. Well, Mr. Velson, do you come to Washington from 
time to time ? 

Mr. Velson. Very rarely. 

Mr. Morris. For what purpose do you come to Washington ? 

Mr. Velson. Well, generally when there is a hearing on some matter 
of interest to our union I come. 

Mr. Morris. Did you come here in connection with the hearings of 
the Bonner committee ? 

Mr. Velson. Not all of them : some of them. I have attended some 
of them. 

Mr. Morris. Did you take up the affairs of the ILWU with the 
Bonner committee ? 

Mr. Velson. I did not. 

Mr. Morris. You left that 

Mr. Velson. I have never taken up any affairs of the ILWU with 
any committee. I merely am an observer. I am not an official ; I am 
not a policymaker of any kind. The officers handle all that stuff — 
Mr. Bridges. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1641 

Mr. Morris. Do you see Mr. Jeff Kibre, who is your Washington 
representative ? 

Mr. Velson. I generally always do. 

Mr. Morris. You exchange information with him, and he exchanges 
information with you, and you discuss with him the work of ILWU 
as it relates to New York and Washington ? 

Mr. Velson. Well, we talk about matters of mutual interest. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Velson, were you born in New York City on 
June 13, 1913? 

Mr. Velson. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Was Ruth Young your former wife ? 

Mr. Velson. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. And that marriage terminated in divorce, did it not ? 

Mr. Velson. It did. 

Mr. Morris. And your present wife's maiden name is Evelyn 
Minsky ? 

Mr. Velson. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. And now, have you been — are you now a member of 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Velson. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Now, in the 1930's were you the national military di- 
rector of the Young Communist League ? 

Mr. Velson. I decline to answer that question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Morris. That is, privilege under the fifth amendment? 

Mr. Velson. Right. 

Mr. Morris. Were you known on the New York waterfront as 
Charlie Wilson, ever known as Charlie Wilson ? 

Mr. Velson. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Were you ever known as Shavey Wilson ? 

Mr. Velson. I decline to answer that question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Morris. Have you been president of an organization called the 
Apprentice Association ? 

Mr. Velson. I think I was secretary. 

Mr. Morris. You still are secretary ? 

Mr. Velson. No. I haven't been an apprentice for 25 years. 

Mr. Morris. I thought you said "I am." 

Mr. Velson. I think I was secretary. I don't recall being presi- 
dent, but I may have been. That was 25 years ago. 

Mr. Morris. Will you describe what the Apprentice Association 
was ? 

Mr. Velson. The Apprentice Association was all the apprentices 
who worked in the Navy Yard, of which I was one. 

Mr. Morris. You organized them ? 

Mr. Velson. No. It was organized before I ever came to work 
there. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

Have you done any organizing whatever in the Brooklyn Navv 
Yard? 

Mr. Velson. Well, I organized at least 10 local unions of the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor among various crafts there who were unor- 
ganized. 

Mr. Morris. You say in the Brooklyn Navy Yard ? 



1642 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Velson. Various crafts in the Brooklyn Navy Yard who were 
unorganized. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you could tell us briefly how you carried 
on that work, just briefly. Tell us what you did, and how you did 
it. Were you working there at the time ? 

Mr. Velson. I was working there. I served my apprenticeship 
there. 

Mr. Morris. What year was that ? 

Mr. Velson. 1930 or 1931. I don't quite recall the time. I became 
a journeyman. 

Mr. Morris. You did organize AFL unions who were unorganized 
inthel930's? 

Mr. Velson. Well, the union I belonged to, I think had been in 
existence for 40 or 50 years before I ever came there. 

Mr. Morris. You say you did organize 

Mr. Velson. I organized some unions, some crafts that were not 
organized. The wage scale in the Navy Yard at that time was sub- 
stantially below comparable wages paid in private industry. 

As a matter of fact, when I was an apprentice under Mr. Hoover, 
we got a wage cut to $9 a week. 

Mr. Morrts. Under Mr. Hoover ? 

Mr. Velson. Herbert Hoover. Do you remember him ? 

Mr. Morris. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Velson. A long time ago. We got $9 a week. No way to live, 
and we wanted to set a little more money, so we organized. That was 
the apprentices. Then the wage scale for the journeyman was so far 
below comparable wages paid in private industry that we tried to get 
our wages increased to comparable wages paid for similar crafts in 
other fields of work. That was a long drawn-out proposition. The 
organization 

Mr. Morris. How long did you carry on that work in the Brook- 
lyn Navy Yard ? 

Mr. Velson. A couple of years, I guess. 

Mr. Morrts. Didn't your work carry on into the early 1940's, the 
first part of the war ? 

Mr. Velson. Yes, I believe it did. We got — I got in the hair of the 
officials, the navy yard officials down there, because we were pressing 
very, very hard on this thing and we were extremely unpopular. 

Mr. Morris. Well, were you at that time a member of the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. Velson. I think I have already said that I decline to answer 
whether I was a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Morris. You said you decline to answer whether you are pres- 
ently one. The question is: Were you a member of the Communist 
Party when you were organizing workers at the Brooklyn Navy Yard 
during the 1930's and during the early part of the war? 

Mr. Velson. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were holding the 
position which you recall was secretary of the apprentice association, 
which was — — 

Mr. Velson. The answer is the same, Mr. Morris. 

Mr. Morris. You will not tell us ? 

Mr. Velson. No. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1643 

Senator Jenner. Same answer ; fifth amendment ? 

Mr. Velson. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Was there any kind of a security action taken in con- 
junction with the Navy Intelligence about your being denied access 
to the Brooklyn Navy Yard ? 

Mr. Velson. I was fired after we put on this wage campaign. They 
unloaded me fast- 
Mr. Morris. Did that dismissal have anything to do with security? 

Mr. Velson. Let me — I was fired after we put on this wage cam- 
paign. They said I had given them — I forget the exact details, but 
we really got in their hair organizing these locals, and tried to get more 
money, so they unloaded me. 

Mr. Morris. Now, in 1943 you were a member of the executive board 
of the Greater New York Industrial Union Council, were you not? 

Mr. Velson. Not in 1943. 

Mr. Morris. January 8, 1943 ? 

Mr. Velson. Excuse me. I don't recall. I think I was a member 
later on, Mr. Morris, but I don't think I was a member at that time. 
I may have been, but I am not positive. 

Mr. Morris. What union did you represent ? 

Mr. Velson. I represented the Industrial Union of Marine and Ship- 
building Workers. I was president of the port of New York district. 

Mr. Morris. Saul Mills was the person running the Greater New 
York Industrial at that time? 

Mr. Velson. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. Did you frequently meet with Saul Mills ? 

Mr. Velson. Very rarely. I don't think our local union was affili- 
ated until much later. I may be mistaken, but I don't recall. 

Mr. Morris. Daring this period, were you in frequent contact with 
Roy Hudson, the Communist Party functionary I asked you about 
before, this period of 1943-44, when you were on the executive board 
of the Greater New York Industrial Union Council ? 

Mr. Velson. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you have any security clearance to move about, 
to have access to the waterfront, move on the waterfront ? 

Mr. Velson. I don't work on the waterfront. I don't think you 
need any clearance, as far as I know, to go down 

Mr. Morris. You mean, it is unnecessary? 

Mr. Velson. I don't work — go on any piers. 

Mr. Morris. You don't have to have Coast Guard clearance for your 
activity ? 

Mr. Velson. I don't get any closer to the waterfront than maybe 
4 or 5 blocks away. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know anything about this regulation of the 
Coast Guard, security regulations for the Coast Guard, as to who 
would have access to the waterfront? There have been some reports. 
Does that come within the scope of your work? 

Mr. Velson. Repeat that, please. I don't get your question. 

Mr. Morris. Do you have any experience whatever, or know any- 
thing about the Coast Guard requirements for securing people who 
will have access to the waterfront, who will work on the waterfront? 

Mr. Velson. I don't have access to the waterfront. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know anything about it? 



1644 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Velson. I know that there are some regulations, some of which 
I understand have been dumped by the circuit court of appeals. 

Mr. Morris. Have you been working before against these regula- 
tions in any way ? 

Mr. Velson. That isn't part of my activity. I haven't taken any 
part, one way or the other, in it. 

Mr. Morris. We have testimony from Mr. Louis Budenz, who used 
to be one of the editors of the Daily Worker, in executive session testi- 
mony, that you were working in the Communist underground section 
of the Communist Party with Alexander Stevens, who was also known 
as J. Peters. 

Did you ever know J. Peters ? 

Mr. Velson. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Did you ever do any organizational work for Alex- 
ander Stevens, otherwise known as J. Peters ? 

Mr. Velson. You are going too fast. Will you repeat that? 

Mr. Morris. Will the reporter read back the question ? 

(Question read.) 

Mr. Velson. I didn't get it. 

Senator Jenner. Did you ever do any organizational work for 
Alexander Stevens, otherwise known as J. Peters ? 

Mr. Velson. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I think Mr. Budenz' testimony on this point, 
if not in our record at this point, I wonder if I may have permission to 
put it in the record. 

Senator Jenner. It may go in the record. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Connors, staff member of the Internal Security 
Subcommittee, on August 23, 1951, was examining Mr. Budenz, and 
the colloquy is as follows : 

Mr. Connors. Mr. Budenz, is it not correct that Alexander Stevens, otherwise 
known as J. Peters, for a time controlled the underground section of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Budenz. Yes, he decisively did. He described himself to me, and I so 
swore at his trial for deportation, that he was the liaison officer between the 
Communist international apparatus in this country and the Soviet Secret Police. 
In other words, he was the channel of clearance for espionage activities. 

Mr. Connors. Mr. Budenz, within your recollection of Mr. Velson and Mr. 
Stevens, is there any point in common between the two men? 

Did they work closely together? 

Mr. Budenz. To my knowledge, Velson communicated with Peters and was 
under his direction for a period of time. I can't give you the period. I know 
that to be a fact. 

Now, did you ever work under the direction of Mr. Peters? 

Mr. Velson. I have already answered that question. I declined to 
answer that question on the grounds of the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, you will not deny the testimony Mr. 
Budenz has given in the record ? 

Mr. Velson. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of the 
fifth amendment. I don't think that constitutes affirmation or denial. 

Senator Jenner. All right. The witness will be excused. 

Call the next witness. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Bershad. 

Mr. Bershad. Mr. Chairman, before I am sworn, I request that there 
be no pictures taken while I am testifying. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1645 

Senator Jenner. While you are testifying there will be no pictures. 
It is all right for these gentlemen to take pictures prior to your 
testimony. 

Do you want to be sworn now ? 

Mr. Bekshad. Yes. 

Senator Jenner. Will you swear that the testimony given at this 
hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, 
so help you God ? 

Mr. Bershad. I do. 

Senator Jenner. You may be seated. 

Proceed, Mr. Morris, with the questioning of the witness. 

TESTIMONY OF ABRAHAM J. BERSHAD, BROOKLYN, N. Y., ACCOM- 
PANIED BY LEONARD B. BOUDIN, HIS ATTORNEY 

Mr. Morris. Will you give your name and address to the reporter, 
Mr. Bershad? 

Mr. Bershad. My name is Abraham Joseph Bershad. 

Mr. Morris. Will you spell that ? 

Mr. Bershad. B-e-r-s-h-a-d. 

Mr. Morris. And where do you reside ? 

Mr. Bershad. 386 Sixth Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Mr. Morris. And what is your occupation, Mr. Bershad ? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under my constitu- 
tional rights, as guaranteed in the first amendment, and under my 
constitutional privileges, as guaranteed in the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. You mean, you will not even tell this committee what 
your occupation is? 

Mr. Bershad. I have already answered that question. 

Mr. Morris. The question relates to now, sir. 

Senator Jenner. Let the record show that his refusal to answer 
on the first amendment is overruled, that his refusal to answer on the 
fifth amendment is recognized. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Velson has told us in executive session that 
he has met with you and conversed with you from time to time. Do 
you know Mr. Velson? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under the grounds 
previously stated. 

Senator Jenner. Same record, Miss Reporter. 

Mr. Morris. Have you had any organizational activities on the 
New York waterfront? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under the same 
grounds. 

Mr. Morris. Now, I wonder if you could tell us, Mr. Bershad, when 
you were last on the New York waterfront. 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under the grounds 
previously stated. 

Mr. Morris. Have you been organizing Brooklyn longshoremen? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under the grounds 
previously stated. 

Mr. Morris. I would like to offer this witness a photograph wherein 
there are four people. May we show that to the witness? 

Do you appear in that photograph ? 



6 



1646 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Well, your picture is right there; is it not? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Morris. Will you identify the other gentlemen whose pictures 
appear in that photograph ? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under the grounds 
previously stated. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you ever see the man on the left, the extreme 
left, the tall gentleman on the left ? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under the grounds 
previously stated. 

Mr. Morris. Well, he is a Brooklyn longshore organizer ; is he not ? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Morris. Now, may I see that picture ? Irving Velson appears 
in this picture ; does he not ? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under the previous 
grounds. 

Mr. Morris. I would like to call your attention to the fact that this 
is a picture of the last witness, Mr. Irving Velson. Mr. Jeff Kibre 
appears in this picture ; does he not ? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Morris. I would like to submit the picture here of Jeff Kibre, 
who is similar to the Jeff Kibre who appeared here before this com- 
mittee. 

Mr. Bershad, you are in the foreground of this; are you not? 

Mr. Bershad. I have already declined to answer that question. 

Mr. Morris. And you will not tell us what your experience or 
knowledge of the gentleman on the left, who has been described as 
a longshoreman organizer from Brooklyn ? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may that photograph go into the rec- 
ord, just bearing on the answers given to the questions put to this 
particular witness? 

Senator Jenner. It will go into the record, and become a part of 
the official record of this committee. 

(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 290" and 
is reproduced below : ) 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Bershad, where were you born ? 

Mr. Bershad. I was born in Brooklyn, N. Y., 

Mr. Morris. In what year ? 

Mr. Bershad. September 28, 1925. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you will tell us what your educational 
background has been. 

Mr. Bershad. I went to Public School 100 in Brooklyn, and then 
when my family moved to lower Manhattan, I went to Public School 
65 and, I believe, Public School 20. Then I went to the High School 
of Music and Art in New York City. I went 2 years at Brooklyn 
College, and, as to any further educational experience, I decline to 
answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Senator Jenner. You went to the University of Michigan, didn't 
you? 

Mr. Bershad. I refuse to answer. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 1647 

Exhibit No. 290 



Senator Jenner. You were a Communist at the University of Mich- 
igan ; weren't you ? 

Mr. Bershad. I refuse to answer, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Morris. Well, you were 

Senator Jenner. Just a moment. 

For the reason that your answer might tend to incriminate you ? 

Mr. Bershad. I didn't hear that. 

Senator Jenner. For what reason do you refuse ? 

Mr. Bershad. I refuse to answer under the grounds previously 
stated, my constitutional rights under the first amendment, and my 
constitutional privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Jenner. Same record, Miss Reporter. Overruled as to 
the first amendment, recognized as to the fifth. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, our information here indicates that 
the gentleman named Abraham J. Bershad — and that is your name; 
is it not? 

Mr. Bershad. Correct. 

Mr. Morris (continuing). Had been chairman of the Labor Youth 
League at Ann Arbor, Mich., in the 1950's. 

Is that a fact? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Morris. Were you associated with Ralph Neafus, the Ralph 
Neaf us Communist Club in Ann Arbor, Mich., in the year 1948 2 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under the grounds 
previously given. 

Mr. Morris. In 1950, did you attend a State legislative meeting of 
the Labor Youth League, at Detroit, Mich. ? 



1648 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Bershad. I refuse to answer that question under the same 
grounds. 

Mr. Morris. In 1949, were you actively engaged in the affairs of 
the Civil Eights Congress? 

Mr. Bershad. I refuse to answer that question under the same 
grounds. 

Mr. Morris. In 1950, did you aid the Committee for Democratic 
Far Eastern Policy? 

Mr. Bershad. I refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Morris. Have you been organizing longshoremen in Brooklyn ? 

Mr. Bershad. I think I have already declined to answer that 
question. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know a man named Ben Glazier ? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under the grounds 
previously stated. 

Mr. Morris. Is Ben Glazier, to your knowledge, associated with the 
ILWU? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Morris. Have you done any organizational work for a person 
named Tony Anastasia ? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under the grounds 
previously stated. 

Mr. Morris. When did you last see Mr. Anastasia ? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under the same 
grounds. 

Mr. Morris. Have you applied for registration as a longshoreman 
with the Waterfront Commission ? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under the grounds 
previously stated. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know a longshoreman organizer named Joseph 
Banks? 

Mr. Bershad. I refuse to answer that question under the grounds 
previously given. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Bershad, do you have any clearance, Coast Guard 
clearance, to be active on the waterfront, to have access to the various 
waterfront activities ? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under the grounds 
previously stated. 

Mr. Morris. When did you last see Harry Bridges ? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under the grounds 
previously stated. 

Mr. Morris. Are you now a Communist, Mr. Bershad ? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Morris. Have you ever handled any finances or any money for 
Harry Bridges ? 

Mr. Bershad. I decline to answer that question under the same 
grounds. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I have no more questions. 

Senator Jenner. The witness will stand aside, be excused. 

Call the next witness. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Keith is the next witness, Senator. 

Senator Jenner. Are you ready to be sworn ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1649 

Will you swear that the testimony given at this hearing will be the 
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 
Mr. Keith. I do. 
I request no pictures, and that the lights be turned off. 

TESTIMONY OF CHARLES L. KEITH, NEW YORK, N. Y., ACCOM- 
PANIED BY LEONARD B. BOUDIN, HIS ATTORNEY 

Senator Jexner. Proceed with the questioning of the witness. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Keith, I wonder if you will give your full name 
and address to the reporter. 

Mr. Keith. Charles Lawrence Keith, 104 East 17th Street, New 
York City. 

Mr. Morris. And what is your present occupation, Mr. Keith? 

Mr. Keith. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of the 
fourth, fifth, and ninth amendments of the Constitution. 

Senator Jenner. Let the record show that the witness' refusal to 
answer under all the grounds stated with the exception of the fifth 
amendment will be overruled. 

Mr. Morris. When have you last been on the New York waterfront ? 

Mr. Keith. I decline to answer that question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us whether you have had any direct or 
indirect relations with the Soviet Embassy ? _ 

Mr. Keith. I decline to answer that question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Morris. Have you received money, directly or indirectly, from 
the Soviet Embassy ? 

Mr. Keith. I decline to answer that question on the same grounds. 

Senator Jenner. Same record, Miss Reporter. 

Mr. Morris. Have you expended any money in the organizational 
activities on the New York waterfront ? 

Mr. Keith. I decline to answer that question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Chairman, John Lautner who testified here 
2 weeks ago, has sworn that the present witness here today was active 
in the New York waterfront of the Communist Party, to his knowl- 
edge, while Lautner was a Communist in the party. 

I)o you know a man named John Lautner? _ 

Mr. Keith. I decline to answer that question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Keith, you were an active Communist organizer 
in New York all during the war, were you not? 

Mr. Keith. I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Morris. Now, in 1946 

Senator Jenner. For the same reasons ? 

Mr. Keith. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. In 1946, you were formally expelled from the Com- 
munist Party, were you not? 

Mr. Keith. I decline to answer that question for the same reasons. 

Mr. Morris. There has been a notation to that effect in the Daily 
Worker. 

While the subcommittee doesn't want to take any stock in the state- 
ments made therein, in the Daily Worker of April 5, 1948, you are 
listed as a renegade from the waterfront of the Communist Party. 

Were you expelled from the Communist Party, as the Daily Worker 
says, in 1946? 



1650 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Keith. I decline to answer that question, Judge. 

Mr. Morris. Have you since made up with the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Keith. Same declination, sir. 

Mr. Morris. You will not tell us whether you are now actively a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Keith. I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Morris. When did you last see Harry Bridges ? 

Mr. Keith. I decline to answer that question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Morris. I take it you are not going to tell us anything about 
your activity in the New York waterfront ? 

Mr. Keith. I decline to answer. 

Mr. Morris. Where were you born? 

Mr. Keith. Eutland ? Vt. 

Mr. Morris. When did you come to New York ? 

Mr. Keith. About 35 years ago. 

Mr. Morris. Thirty-five years ago ? 

Mr. Keith. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. And what has been your educational experience? 

Mr. Keith. Educated in New York City public schools and high 
school. 

Mr. Morris. And you will not tell us what job you have now? 

Mr. Keith. I decline to answer that question, Judge. 

Senator Jenner. If there are no further questions, the witness will 
be excused. 

Call the next witness. 

Mr. Morris. I made reference to an article in the Daily Worker. 
I would like to put that into the record for whatever evidentiary value 
it might have. 

Senator Jenner. It may go in the record and become part of the 
record. 

(The article appearing in the Daily Worker was marked "Exhibit 
No. 291" and reads as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 291 
[Daily Worker, April 5, 1948] 

List 15 Renegades Feom Watebfeont Communist Pasty 

The New York State board of the Communist Party yesterday released a list 
of dropped and expelled Communist Party members who are operating in the 
National Maritime Union to disrupt, through redbaiting, "all steps toward unity 
of the maritime unions whose contracts expire this June 15." 

Working through a so-called rank-and-file caucus, the small band of renegades 
is aiding the enemies of the working class, said the Communist Party board. 
These individuals tried to cripple the waterfront section with factional fights, 
the board declared. Today they have found the logical end of the trail with 
"Trotzkyites, ACTU'ers, anti-Negro, anti-Semitic elements, FBI agents, and 
company stool pigeons," the Communist Party said. 

The full statement follows : 

The New York State board of the Communist Party feels it necessary at this 
time to bring to the attention of the entire membership of the party and to 
workers everywhere, the wrecking antiunion, antiparty activities of a small 
band of renegades from the Communist Party. 

These renegades are today concentrating their activities among the maritime 
workers who are facing crucial struggles with the shipowners this June 15, and 
who face the combined attacks of the Government, the FBI, the shipowners and 
their agents who are out to destroy the powerful National Maritime Union as a 
progressive, militant rank-and-file union. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 1651 

BEDDAITING CAUCUS 

These renegades are carrying out their disruptive antiunion activities on the 
waterfront through a so-called rank-and-file caucus which has been conducting a 
vicious redbaiting attack upon all progressive maritime workers. The program 
of this caucus is to defeat all steps toward unity of the maritime unions whose 
contracts expire this June 15 ; to undermine the powerful Wallace and third 
party movements among the seamen; to sell to the maritime workers the im- 
perialist war policies of the Truman administration, especially the Marshall 
plan ; and behind a whipped-up anti-Communist hysteria to capture the National 
Maritime Union for the shipowners. 

These renegades are the active leaders of this rank-and-file caucus which 
consists of an alliance of Trotzkyites, ACTU'ers, anti-Negro, anti-Semitic ele- 
ments, FBI agents, and company stool pigeons. These renegades, who a short 
time ago were members of the Communist Party find themselves perfectly at 
home with all these degenerate anti-working-class elements because they have 
become completely fused with them. They have found the logical end of their 
trail. 

Several years ago they started out as a factional grouping within the water- 
front section of the Communist Party. They carried on an unprincipled attack 
upon the party and its leadership. They fought for a policy of capitulating to 
the enemies of the party and the union. 

WEAKENED UNITY 

Through their disruptive actions within the waterfront section of the party 
they weakened the unity of the party in the face of vicious enemy attacks. It 
was merely a short step from this unprincipled factional campaign within the 
party to complete amalgamation with notorious enemies of the working class. 

Today they further attempt to mask their treachery through the publication of 
a newsletter called For n' Aft and they have set up a maritime committee for a 
Communist Party. Some of them try to capitalize on the prestige of your party 
by still calling themselves Communists. They hope by this to deceive the 
workers. 

Some of these elements still attempt to maintain connections with honest 
workers and members of the Communist Party. It is for this reason, and 
especially because of the sharpness of the struggle, because of the increased 
attacks of the imperialist reaction upon the working class and our party using 
every weapon at their disposal that the State board feels it necessary at this 
time to reveal the names of these individuals. 
The list includes : 

M. Hedley Stone, dropped in 1945 

Jack Lawrenson, dropped in 1945 

Thomas Ray, dropped in 1945 

John Robinson, expelled in 1947 

David Drummond, dropped in 1946 

Charles Keith, expelled in 1946 

Joe Keller, expelled in 1947 

Bob Dupont, expelled in 1947 

Mrs. Evelyn Dupont, dropped in 1947, now working as secretary for the 
caucus 

Adrian Duffy, dropped in 1945 

Harry Alexander, dropped in 1946 

Stanley Rose, dropped in 1946 

H. Warner, dropped in 1945 

James Drury, expelled in 1946 (west coast) 

Joseph Sands, expelled, October 1947 

Mr. Morris. The next witness is Sam Madell. 

Mr. Madell and counsel, Mr. Recht, come forward, please. 

Senator Jenner. Will you be sworn to testily ? 

Mr. Recht. He is sworn already. 

Mr. Morris. The Senator would like to have Mr. Madell sworn in 
open testimony. 

Senator Jenner. Will you swear that the testimony given at this 
hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, 
so help you God? 



1652 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

I didn't get your answer. 
Mr. Madell. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF SAM MADELL, NEW YORK, N. Y., ACCOMPANIED 
BY CHARLES RECHT, HIS ATTORNEY 

Mr. Morris. You appear here by attorney today ? You are appear- 
ing here with your attorney today ? 

Mr. Madell. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Recht, inasmuch as you haven't been here now for 
some time, will you identify yourself for the record ? 

Mr. Recht. My name is Charles Recht. My office is at 10 East 40th 
Street, New York City; mailing address, New York Postal Zone 16. 

Mr. Morris. And you are appearing for Mr. Madell here today ? 

Mr. Recht. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. Thank you. 

Mr. Madell, John Lautner, in testifying here several weeks ago, 
identified you as a person who has been active in the New York water- 
front and as a person who has been a Communist. 

I wonder if you would tell us, Mr. Madell, what — can you give your 
address, by the way, to the reporter ? 

Mr. Madell. My address is 222 West 23d Street, New York City. 

Mr. Morris. And what is your present occupation ? 

Mr. Madell. Carpenter. 

Mr. Morris. Now, have you been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Madell. I refuse to answer that question on the grounds of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Are you presently a Communist ? 

Mr. Madell. I refuse to answer on the grounds of the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Mr. Morris. Now, will you tell us the maiden name of your wife, 
Mr. Madell? 

Mr. Madell. Rosa L. Grapp. 

Mr. Morris. The subcommittee has received evidence that you have 
been active on the New York waterfront. Have you been active on 
the New York waterfront? 

Mr. Madell. I refuse to answer, under the privilege of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Have you ever been the editor of Shape-Up, a publica- 
tion of the Communist Party, waterfront section of New York? 

Mr. Madell. I refuse to answer, on the privilege of the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Mr. Morris. As to whether or not you were the editor of that pub- 
lication ? 

(Mr. Madell nods head affirmatively.) 

Mr. Morris. Has your wife been active in distributing films for 
Artkino, a Soviet film distributor? 

Mr. Madell. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you know Harry Bridges ? Have you ever met 
Harry Bridges ? 

Mr. Madell. I refuse to answer that on the grounds of the fifth 
amendment. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1653 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you know a man named Joe Stack, who has 
been described to the committee as a long-time associate of Harry 
Bridges ? 

Mr. Madell. I refuse to answer that question on the grounds of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Now, have you ever had any dealings, directly or in- 
directly, with the Soviet Embassy ? 

Mr. Madell. I refuse to answer that on the grounds of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Have you ever received any money, directly or in- 
directly, from the Soviet Embassy ? 

Mr. Madell. I refuse to answer that on the grounds of the fifth 
amendment ? 

Mr. Morris. Have you specifically ever received any money from 
Charles Keith? 

Mr. Madell. Same answer. 

Mr. Morris. Well, will you tell us anything about your experiences 
on the New York waterfront ? 

Mr. Madell. I refuse to answer on the grounds of the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us anything about your experiences with 
the publication Shape-Up? 

Mr. Madell. Same answer. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I have no further questions. 

Senator Jenner. The witness will be excused. 

Mr. Morris. May we put the following documents into the record ? 

Senator Jenner. They may be incorporated as part of the record. 

(The documents referred to are as follows:) 

New York, N. Y., July 7, 1956. 
Hon. Herman Welker, 
Senator from Idaho, 

Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator Welker: My attention has just been called by my friend, 
Victor Lasky, consultant to the American Committee for Liberation from Bol- 
shevism, Inc., to the printed transcript of a hearing on March 8, 1956, before the 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act 
and Other Internal Security Laws. Since you were the only Senator present at 
this hearing, I write to you to request your assistance in obtaining immediate 
correction of a harmful and inaccurate reference to me. 

On page 408 of the printed transcript, exhibit No. 16S, headed "Government 
Employees Connected With the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy 
and Its Official Organ, Far East Spotlight," the following item appears : 

'Dernstein, David : Former United States adviser to Philippine Government — 
Far East Spotlight, October 1947, page 7." 

In inserting the entire list, Mr. Morris added the "caveat that it purports only 
to be a compilation made by Mr. Mandel, research director of the committee, 
in the course of trying to determine to what extent individuals connected with 
the United States Government have been associated with these publications and 
these organizations." 

The fact is that I was never, in any way, connected or associated with these 
publications and these organizations. To the extent that I knew of their exist- 
ence at all I considered them then and now to be following the Communist Party 
line. 

If there was any reference to me by name on page 7 of the October 1947 issue 
of Far East Spotlight — and I myself was not aware of it at the time — I would 
judge by the date that it was a reference to or quotation from my book, the 
Philippine Story, which was published in September 1947. 



1654 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

This book is available to you at the Library of Congress. It was among the 
first publications to identify the Communist leadership of tbe Huks in the Philip- 
pines. Its conclusions are perhaps best summed up in one sentence on page 259 : 
"Unless the basic economic and social problems of tbe Philippines are solved 
wisely and fairly, with our help, there will always be the danger that the archi- 
pelago will fall within the Soviet orbit — and we will awaken abruptly to our 
weakness in the very place where we have thought ourselves strong." The book 
was not dignified with a review in the Daily Worker, so far as I know, but it was 
bitterly attacked in the Daily People's World. And my magazine writing on 
the Philippines as well as on many other subjects, since long before October 1947, 
make it clear that my understanding of the Communist threat predates that of 
many professional latterday anti-Communists. 

Yet your subcommittee lists me as having been connected or associated with 
the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy and its official organ, Far 
East Spotlight. I suggest that this is hardly the way to protect the security of 
our country- I am sure you will agree that I am entitled to an apology and a 
retraction. And I look to you for advice on how best to obtain them. 

Incidentally, the reference to me as "former United States adviser to Philip- 
pine Government" is also inaccurate. During the years when I was an adviser 
to President Manuel L. Quezon and President Sergio Osmena, I was not in the 
employ of the United States Government but only of the Commonwealth of the 
Philippines. 

I would appreciate a prompt reply to this letter for a serious charge has been 
leveled against me and I like it no more than you would yourself if I were to 
describe you as having been connected or associated with Miss Maud Russell — 
for, after all, your name appears alongside hers many times in the committee 
print. 

Sincerely yours, 

David Bernstein. 



July 10, 1956. 
Mr. David Bernstein, 

Neic York, N. Y. 

Dear Mr. Bernstein : I have received a copy of your letter to Senator Welker, 
dated July 7, 1956. Your statement will be placed into the record at our next 
hearing. We are glad to make this correction of the record which was taken 
from the Far Eastern Survey of October 1947. 
Very truly yours, 

Benjamin Mandel, 
Research Director, Internal Security Subcommittee. 



American Arbitration Association, 

New York, N. Y., July 6, 1956. 
Hon. James O. Eastland, 

Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee, 
United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator Eastland : In accordance with your wire received this morning, 
enclosed is a copy of Mr. Corsi's award in the American Newspaper Guild and 
New York Times case. 

If we can be of any further service, please do not hesitate to advise us. 
Cordially yours, 

J. Noble Braden, 
Executive Vice President. 

American Arbitration Association, Administrator 

voluntary labor arbitration tribunal 

In the matter of the arbitration between American Newspaper Guild, AFL-CIO, 
Local 3, Newspaper Guild of New York and the Neto York Times Co. 

AWARD OF ABRITRATION 

I, the undersigned arbitrator, having been designated in accordance with the 
arbitration agreement entered into by the above-named parties, and dated 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1655 

December 17, 1954, and having been duly sworn and having heard the proofs and 
allegations of the parties, award, as follows: 

The New York Times Co. was justified In dismissing Jack Shafer for just and 
reasonable cause in accordance with the provisions of the collective-bargaining 
agreement. 

Edwabd P. Corsi, Arbitrator. 

June — , 1956. 
State of New York, 

County of New York, ss: 

On this clay of , 19 — , before me personally came and appeared Edward 

P. Corsi, to me known to me to be the individual described in and who executed 
the foregoing instrument and he acknowledged to me that he executed the same. 

Case No. L-16194-NY-L-3S-56. 

American Arbitration Association, Administrator 

voluntary labor arbitration tribunal 

In the Matter of the Arbitration Between American Newspaper Guild, AFL-CIO, 
Local 3, Newspaper Guild of New York and the New York Times Co. 

L-16194-NY-L-3S-56 

OPINION 

This arbitration is between the Newspaper Guild of New York (hereinafter 
referred to as the guild) and the New York Times Co. (hereinafter referred 
to as the Times). 

It concerns the dismissal by the Times of one Shafer, a copyreader on the for- 
eign desk, and the demand of the guild that he be reinstated on the ground that 
the dismissal was in violation of the collective bargaining agreement between the 
Times and the guild. 

A hearing was held by the arbitrator at the offices of the American Arbitration 
Association on March 26, 1956, at which time the facts were reviewed and the 
position of the parties amply explored. 

Also briefs were filed by the parties supplementing the testimony at the hearing. 

The arbitrator finds that there is essential agreement on the facts, which, 
briefly, are as follows : 

The Times first employed Mr. Shafer in early 1949. His performance on the 
job was satisfactory. In addition to performing the duties of a copyreader, he 
acted as assistant night editor and on at least two occasions as night editor in 
charge. 

In describing the nature of his assignment, it was testified by representatives 
of the Times that Mr. Shafer not only read the copy of the foreign news reaching 
his desk but he edited it, often revised it, and wrote headlines for it. 

It was testified also that he was often the last member of the staff to pass upon 
items of foreign news before this news finally appeared in print. 

Acting in this capacity, it is obvious that Mr. Shafer had much influence in 
determining what items of news would be printed, where they would appear, and 
what headlines they would carry. 

It was generally agreed at the hearing before the arbitrator that the tasks 
assigned to Mr. Shafer on the Times involved the exercise of sound judgment and 
discretion in a high degree. 

Mr. Shafer enjoyed the full confidence of his superiors. 

On November 15, 1955, Mr. Turner Catledgv, the managing editor of the Times, 
informed Mr. Shafer that he would be receiving a subpena to appear before the 
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, popularly known as the Eastland com- 
mittee, and Mr. Catledge advised Mr. Shafer that upon receipt of the subpena he 
should relate to the Times wliat he knew to be the basis for his call by the Senate 
committee. 

After receiving the subpena, Mr. Shafer met with his attorney, Mr. Needleman, 
and then contacted Mr. ("atledge who advised him to meet with Mr. Loeb, the 
legal representative of the Times. 

At a meeting of Messrs. Shafer, Needleman, and Loeb, on November 17, Mr. 
Shafer related that he had joined the Communist Party in 1940, had become 
inactive after 1941, reactivated his membership in 1946, and finallv resigned in 
1949 before joining the staff of the Times. 



1656 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Later in the day of the 17th, the Times top level management was apprised of 
Mr. Shafer's earlier disclosures to Mr. Loeb. 

It was decided to dismiss Mr. Shafer, but first to afford him the opportunity of 
resigning. 

As an immediate step pending final action and because at the time Mr. Shafer 
was working on an important report of the Geneva Conference he was suspended. 

Mr. Needleman advised Mr. Loeb that Mr. Shafer would not resign. 

On the 21st, Mr. Shafer was informed that the Times had decided to dismiss 
him effective immediately. 

Pursuant to the collective-bargaining agreement of November 1, 1954, the guild, 
as the bargaining representative of a number of Times employees, including Mr. 
Shafer, called for a grievance session to consider Mr. Shafer's dismissal. 

With Mr. Shafer's permission, the Times disclosed to the guild the grounds 
for the dismissal of Mr. Shafer. 

The grievance session ended without resolution. The guild then submitted 
the matter to arbitration in conformity with the collective agreement between the 
parties providing for arbitration in disputed matters of this sort. 

These, in a nutshell, are the facts. Now, what is the issue for arbitration? 

Aside from such considerations as burden of proof, due notice, etc., raised by 
the guild and which the arbitrator considers important but not decisive, the con- 
trolling question, it seems to him, is whether or not Mr. Shafer was dismissed in 
accordance with the provisions of the agreement between the parties and spe- 
cifically with article XI-2 of that agreement, which reads : 

"There shall be no dismissal except for good and sufficient cause." 

In defense of its action in dismissing Mr. Shafer, the Times insists that Mr. 
Shafer's membership in the Communist Party, his original membership in 1940 
and the reactivation of this membership in 1946, is, in view of his sensitive posi- 
tion on the staff (which involved the handling of news from the Communist 
countries of the world), a justifiable cause for loss of confidence which, in turn, 
is good and sufficient cause for the discharge of an employee in the type of sensi- 
tive job held by Mr. Shafer. 

It comments : 

"The employment clearly should end when there is good reason to believe that 
the employee lacks the requisite judgment and discretion. Nor should the result 
be any different merely because the employee's past job performance has been 
unexceptional. In other words, if despite a satisfactory job performance, there 
nevertheless exist good and sufficient grounds for losing confidence in the em- 
ployee, there is good and sufficient cause for discharge." 

The guild retorts : 

"Shafer's dismissal by the Times was not for 'good and sufficient cause,' since 
the stated cause of 'loss of confidence' related exclusively to anticipated guilt 
rather than actual misconduct and was wholly subjective and unreviewable and 
a total negation of the contract right not to be dismissed summarily." 

Further : 

"The basic vice of the phrase 'loss of confidence' as the Times uses it, is that 
it is put forth as a conclusion which is meant to stand unaided by supporting evi- 
dence. But clearly such an approach is not sufficient to justify a discharge. 
The times must also prove that its conclusions are reasonable ones." 

In other words, "loss of confidence," according to the guild, cannot be a sub- 
jective conclusion beyond evidentiary proof; on the contrary, it must be a con- 
clusion arrived at on the basis of specific instances of misbehavior themselves 
justifying the loss of confidence. 

These and other forceful arguments, ably presented by counsel for the parties, 
have had very serious consideration by the arbitrator, particularly the argument 
of the guild with reference to "loss of confidence" as a mere subjective reaction. 

In any ordinary case of dismissal involving this element of "loss of confidence," 
the arbitrator should have no difficulty in finding for the dismissed employee if 
the loss of confidence were based on nothing more than an unreasonable antici- 
pation of future malperformance or nonperformance. 

Labor has every right to guard itself against the whims of employers whose 
decisions rest on mere subjective fears not grounded in objective reality. 

But this is not the case here. 

The Times' loss of confidence in Mr. Shafer is not a loss of confidence in a 
vacuum. It is not unreasonable and arbitrary. It is not the mere whim of an 
unconscionable employer callous to the rights of his employees. On the con- 
trary, the Times' loss of confidence in Mr. Shafer rests on a "reviewable fact" — 
Mr. Shafer's identification with the Communist cause, his membership in the 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1657 

party and the reactivation of that membership at a critical stage of our national 
life — which is not denied by the testimony of the guild and which bears directly 
and in a most telling manner on the sensitive job held by Mr. Shafer in the 
handling of Communist news. 

The arbitrator has been iniluenced greatly in his decision by the repeated 
affirmations of the Times, at the arbitrator's hearing and in the brief submitted 
to him by counsel for the Times, that Mr. Shafer was not dismissed simply be- 
muse he had been a member of the Communist Party, although the Times made 
much of the repeated membership in the party, but because, having been a Com- 
munist, he was not the proper person to handle the particularly sensitive position 
of dealing with foreign news generally and news from the Communist world 
specifically. 

According to the Times, if I interpret its testimony correctly, Mr. Shafer was 
not the proper person to handle the specific sensitive job on the foreign-news 
desk because he did not inspire the adequate and required confidence that the 
Times expects of the men on that job. 

To the arbitrator's direct question : "Would you have dismissed Mr. Shafer 
had his job been on the sports desk rather than the foreign-news desk," Mr. 
Loeb answered without hesitation, "No." 

Times' counsel has emphasized over and over again that loss of confidence 
in Mr. Shafer was related directly to and indissolubly to the specific job Mr. 
Shafer was doing and not merely to the fact that he had once been a Communist. 

To assume that in the face of Mr. Shafer's own admissions to Mr. Loeb, the 
Times should have continued to employ Mr. Shafer on his sensitive job, regard- 
less of its doubts and lack of confidence in Mr. Shafer's ability to do the kind 
of job the Times wanted done is to deny to the Times' management and those 
responsible for its policies that exercise of reasonable administrative judgment 
which of necessity must be the prerogative of newspaper management. 

For a newspaper of the character of the Times, the success of which rests not 
alone on the objectivity of its world news coverage but on the conviction of its 
readers that the coverage is objective and fair, is in itself as a leading organ of 
public information and opinion a sensitive operation to be handled on the basis 
of a maximum confidence in the men who run it. 

The Times' management has the right to be certain that the men who read, 
edit, and headline the news will do the kind of job expected of them not alone 
by the Times itself but by the public which reads and supports the Times. 

It is unfair to assume that this particular kind of a public enterprise take 
chances on the kind of a job an employee will or will not do in whom it and 
its readers have not the required confidence. 

Mr. Catledge, in the arbitrator's opinion, expressed succinctly and convincingly 
the ingredients of the Times' loss of confidence in Mr. Shafer when he said : 

"Not only must we be sure that the person who handles our (Communist) 
news is not pro-Communist. We must be equally sure that he will not lean 
backward to prove that he is not a Communist or no longer a Communist." 

Mr. Shafer could give the Times no such assurance, his record on the job 
notwithstanding. The Times was justified in dismissing him for "just and 
reasonable cause" in accordance with the provisions of the collective bargaining 
agreement. 

Edward P. Coesi, Arbitrator. 

Dated : June — , 1956. 

(Following is the medical report on John Steuben, referred to on 
p. 1635 :) 

State of New Jersey, 

County of Hunterdon, ss: 

Robert R. Henderson, of full age, being duly sworn according to law, on his 
deposes and says : 

During Mr. John Steuben's revisit to our diagnostic center on March 26, 1956, 
he asked if I would again write with information concerning his present condi- 
tion, and whether he would be in danger if he were to stand trial. Please see 
my previous letter to you dated September 15, 1955, for past details. 

Since that time I have seen him at intervals of approximately 3 weeks and I 
believe that he has had some symptomatic relief during this time. However, 
he is continuing to take the digitalis, serpasil, paritrate, nitroglycerin, and 
evening sedation in the form of barbiturates. Several months following the 
radioactive iodine therapy he noted decreasing anginal pain but continuing 



1658 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

dyspnea with any physical exertion; i. e., with each meal. He told me during 
February 1956 that he felt able to do 1 or 2 hours of work (I believe writing) 
each day. However, he found this was not the case, and he continued to com- 
plain of increasing mental sluggishness, fatigue, and lethargy. From time to 
time he has had other symptoms indicating increasing congestive heart failure 
which require injections of mercurial diuretic. During his visit Monday and on 
the previous visit he complained of increasing pain concomitant with a slight 
decrease in his mental sluggishness. Therefore, we are considering repeating his 
radioactive iodine uptake with the view of evaluating the necessity for further 
radioactive iodine therapy. 

Essentially, then, it appears to me that we have succeeded in making him more 
comfortable if he leads a sedentary life and does not leave the confines of his 
home. However, I do not feel that his prognosis or life expectancy have altered 
nor do I feel that he is medically able to stand trial without endangering his 
life. I do not expect his underlying cardiac status to improve, but rather to 
gradually deteriorate, and therefore, I doubt very much if my medical opinion in 
regard to a trial would alter. On 2 occasions in the past 6 months he has traveled 
to New York City and on both occasions has had considerable difficulty with chest 
pain, etc. 

Robert R. Henderson, M. D. 

Sworn and subscribed to before me a notary public at Flemington, N. J., on 
April 11, 1956. 

[seal] Mildred E. Sinclair. 

My commission expires December 11, 1957. 



Hunterdon Medical Center, 
Flemington, N. J., May 26, 1955. 
To Whom It May Concern: 

Mr. John Steuben, rural delivery 2, box 5SA, Flemington, N. J., was first ad- 
mitted to this hospital in April 1955. He has remained hospitalized since that 
time but for a 2-day interval, May 21 to May 23, 1955. 
His diagnosis is that of — 

Cardiac : hypertensive and arteriosclerotic heart disease ; 
Enlarged heart, coronary sclerosis, myocardial fibrosis, old myocardial 
infarction ; 
RSR; 

II-C to III-D. 

Severe and recurrent angina pectoris. 
Essential hypertension. 
Mr. Steuben has a long history of difficulty with hypertensive and arterio- 
sclerotic cardiovascular disease. He has had recurrent, severe, and disabling 
precordial pain so that he has been completely and totally disabled in the past. 
He was treated for his hypertension with apresoline, with successful control of 
his blood pressure. However, during this therapy he was noted to run a low- 
grade fever which has persisted in spite of cutting the above medication. At 
the present time, we are attempting to discover the etiology of this febrile 
course. His prognosis is quite guarded, and I am certain that he will have to be 
considered completely and totally disabled upon discharge from this hospital. 
He should also have special care at home since he is very limited in his activities 
and notes distress with mild to moderate exertion. 

Robert R. Henderson, M. D. 
Assistant Director of Internal Medicine. 



New York, N. Y., February l l , 1955. 
To Whom It May Concern: 

In regard to the present condition of Mr. John Steuben, reference is made to 
the report and consultation of Dr. Arthur C. DeGraff of July 14, 1954. 

Examination today reveals no great change since July 1954 with the following 
exceptions : The left ventricle which previously was moderately enlarged is now 
markedly enlarged. Right posterior tibial artery which previously was open 
is now no longer palpable. The hypertensive hemorrhagic retinitis has been 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1659 

severely aggravated, particularly in the right eye where many hemorrhages have 
occurred. 

The above findings indicate unfavorable progression of the hypertensive arterio- 
sclerotic cardiovascular disease which is accompanied by severe angina pectoris. 
It is still apparent that it would be both unwise and dangerous for Mr. Steuben 
to undertake a trip to Chicago or to be subjected to giving testimony and being 
cross-examined. 

Yours truly, 

Robert V. Sager, M. D. 



New York, N. Y., July U, 195J f . 
Re Mr. John Steuben, 
40-50 Deninan Street, 
Elmhurst, Long Island. 

Dr. Robert V. Sager, 

New York, N. T. 

Dear Dr. Sager : Mr. Steuben came to my office this morning, as suggested by 
you, for a complete heart examination. He was accompanied by bis wife. You 
were present later for the discussion. The following is my report of this exam- 
ination : 

Family history : Mr. Steuben's father died at the age of 73. His mother died 
of hypertension at the age of 63. He has 1 brother and 3 sisters living and well. 
A half-brother is not in good health, but the exact cause of his illness is not 
known. Mr. Steuben has two children living and well. 

Habits : Coffee — formerly drank a great deal of coffee. He now limits himself 
to 2 or 3 cups of coffee in the morning and 1 cup at night. Alcohol — only an oc- 
casional drink. Tobacco — he was formerly a heavy smoker, smoking up to 3 
packages of cigarettes a day. He now smokes about 1% packages of cigarettes 
a day. He sleeps rather poorly at night. He is awakened by shortness of breath. 
Occupation : is editor of magazine. 

History: Mr. Steuben had his appendix removed in 1949 and an operation on 
the left kidney for removal of stones in 1951. For some time, Mr. Steuben 
has noticed some difficulty in breathing, particularly on walking up hills. When 
he was smoking heavily, he thought this was due to his heavy cigarette smoking. 
He also thought the pains in his chest might be on a muscular basis or might 
also be secondary to his kidney difficulties. On the weekend of June 19, 1953, 
he was particularly short of breath and had a great deal of chest pain on and 
off. On June 20, 1953, during dinner, he got very short of breath and had 
severe pressure across his chest. He was living in Chicago at that time. He 
called in Dr. Quentin Young of 1525 East 53d Street, Chicago, 111. Dr. Young 
called an ambulance immediately and sent Mr. Steuben to the Woodlawn Hos- 
pital, where he remained for about a week. A diagnosis of left ventricular 
failure was made at that time. The blood pressure was considerably elevated, 
220 mm. Hg. Mr. Steuben was advised to rest and to avoid physical effort as 
much as possible. This was rather difficult because he lived in an apartment 
on the third floor of a walkup apartment building. Therefore, he was mostly 
house confined. He was put on digitoxin, 0.1 milligram a day, and also given 
peritrate every 4 hours. Sometime in late October or early November 1953, he 
got very much worse and was put back in the hospital again. At that time, an 
attempt was made to give him hexamethonium for his hypertension, but after 3 
days this drug was stopped because of severe reactions. At the end of No- 
vember 1953, Mr. Steuben moved to Elmhurst. where he is living at the present 
time. He had previously seen you on a visit to New York in June 1953, so he 
put himself under your care. His condition, instead of improving, got gradually 
worse, so in January 1954 you advised him not to travel to and from his office. 
Since January 1954 Mr. Steuben has remained mostly at home. On 3 or 4 oc- 
casions, he tried to go out to a neighborhood restaurant for a meal but had so 
much shortness of breath when he returned home that he has given that up. 
Recently, he has begun to cough quite a bit and vomits after nearly every meal. 
He has many attacks of chest pain of a gnawing type with radiation to the left 
arm, for which he takes nitroglycerin frequently. The pain in his chest radiat- 
ing to the left arm occurs on walking even at a slow pace, after eating, when he 
has company at his home, and also on emotional stress even though the emo- 
tional stress is not very marked. He has been on a low-sodium, almost salt-free 
diet for some months. Over the weekend of July 4, 1954, he woke up one morn- 
ing with a sense of cloudiness in the right eye. He saw Dr. B. Kimmelman, an 



1660 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

ophthalmologist, of 10 Downing Street, New York, N. Y., who found that there 
were hemorrhages in the right eye. The condition has cleared up to some 
extent, but Mr. Steuben is still bothered by cloudiness of vision in the right eye. 
At night, Mr. Steuben has difficulty in sleeping because he gets quite short of 
breath. He sleeps on several pillows and even then finds it necessary at times to 
get up out of bed and sit in a chair. In addition to the medication which was 
prescribed originally by Dr. Young and which he is still taking, you have put 
him on Raudixin and sedatives. On June 16, 1954, his sedimentation rate was 
found to be quite elevated. The hemoglobin is normal. The Wassermann test 
was negative. Urine examinations have shown the presence of albumin from 
time to time. 

Physical examination : Age 47. Weight, 124 pounds. Height, 61 inches. Tem- 
perature by mouth, 98.4° F. His general condition is fair. His face is flushed. 
There is no dyspnea at rest. He is able to lie fairly flat on the examining table 
without discomfort. The retinal examination shows the presence of exudate 
in the right fundus on the temporal side of the disc. The retinal arteries are 
narrow and fragmented. There are no fresh hemorrhages. The pupils are equal 
and react to light and accommodation. There is no exophthalmos. Many teeth 
are missing: the remaining teeth are in poor condition. The pharynx is nega- 
tive. No lymph nodes are palpable in the neck. The thyroid gland is not felt. 
The lungs are clear. The vital capacity is 2,400 cubic centimeters. The liver 
and spleen are not felt. There is no edema of the lower extremities. 

Heart : The apex beat is palpable in the fifth space, 9 centimeters to the left 
of the midline. The rhythm is regular. The rate is 76 per minute. The first 
heart sound at the apex is somewhat valvular in quality. A 2 is louder than P 2 . 
A systolic murmur can be heard over the entire precordial area. This murmur 
is quite loud and is rough in character at the apex. There is no diastolic mur- 
mur. The radial and brachial arteries are palpable and thickened. The blood 
pressure is 212/12R. The fluoroscopic examination shows a moderate enlarge- 
ment of the left ventricle. This is particularly noted when the heart is viewed 
in the left oblique position. The width of the aorta is withiu normal limits. The 
electrocardiogram shows an inverted T wave in Lead I, a diphasic T wave in 
Lead II, some elevation of the S-T segment at VR, an inverted T wave at VL. 
and inverted T waves at V 2 , V 3 , V 4 . Vs. and V.% There is also some depression 
of the S-T segment at V 4 . V-, and Vo. In addition to my own electrocardiogram, 
I reviewed two electrocardiograms which you brought to the office with you. The 
one dated December 4, 1953, shows an inverted T wave in Lead I and inverted T 
waves at all the chest points. There is an isoelectric T wave in Lead II. The 
electrocardiogram taken on June 15, 1954, shows the T wave inversions in various 
leads to be greater and there is now an inverted T wave in Lead II. These 
changes would indicate some progression in the cardiac condition between De- 
cember 4, 1953, and June 15. 1954. 

Discussion : Mr. Steuben has advanced hypertensive and arteriosclerotic heart 
disease with enlargement of the left ventricle and evidence of left ventricular 
strain and also coronary artery insufficiency. The fact that he has had only 
recently hemorrhages in the right eye would indicate that his condition is rather 
precarious. Mr. Steuben complained to me of some numbness in his left thumb 
and also numbness of his lips. This may suggest that he has some vascular 
spasm in the region of the internal capsule and might easily, if subjected to any 
emotional strain which would increase the level of his blood pressure, have a 
cerebral hemorrhage. Mr. Steuben in my opinion should be kept at home spend- 
ing his time resting in a chair or in bed. He is certainly not able to travel to 
Washington nor should he be subjected to any emotional strain at this time. 
In view of the fact that the electrocardiograms have shown progressive changes 
since December, there is a definite possibility that Mr. Steuben will not be able 
to improve sufficiently to increase his activities beyond what I have advised. He 
should, of course, remain on a salt-free diet. I would advise continuance of the 
Raudixin. digitalis, and Peritrate. He should take nitroglycerin whenever he 
has the slightest bit of chest pain. He should also stop smoking. 

In view of the findings in my examination today, I am of the opinion that it 
would not only be unwise but dangerous for Mr. Steuben to be subjected to the 
strain of giving testimony or being cross-examined at this time. 

I appreciate very much your referring Mr. Steuben to me for examination. 
Sincerely yours, 

Arthur C. DeGraff, M. D. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1661 

Two copies of this report: Standard and unipolar loads of electrocardiogram. 
Orthodiagram. 

(The following press release of the Department of State was ordered 
into the record at a meeting of the subcommittee on June 18, 1956:) 

United States Information Agency, Washington, D. C. 

ADVANCE RELEASE: FOR MONDAY MORNING PAPERS, JUNE 18, 1956 

The Soviet Union is aiming a sharply stepped-up propaganda drive at the 
movie audiences of the world, the United States Information Agency said today. 

According to Turner P>. Shelton, Chief of the Information Agency's Motion 
Picture Service, there has been a steep rise in Soviet film production, with the 
emphasis on films of the highest quality, pictures designed to win international 
acclaim for Communist "cultural achievements." 

In a report to Agency Director Theodore C. Streibert, Shelton said that the 
Soviet Union has indicated it will produce 120 feature films a year by 1960, as 
compared with an announced quota of 75 this year, 65 in 1955, and 38 in 1954. 
In addition, he said, the Soviet satellites and Communist China also are expanding 
their film production along the Moscow-dictated lines. Soviet films, he noted, 
currently are being shown in 59 countries. 

"Communist countries are out to win worldwide recognition through the pro- 
duction of box-office hits," Shelton said. "They are sparing no effort — and no 
expense — to turn out lavish color extravaganzas that contain no blatant propa- 
ganda but that are, actually, subtle devices to sell the Soviet Union as the 
cultural center of the world." 

According to his report, the U. S. S. R. is spending millions of dollars a year 
on feature films and documentaries. 

Two distinct types of films are being produced by the Communists, Shelton 
said. One is the "sweetness and light" variety for export to the countries 
that ban the showing of outright propaganda films, and the other is the obvious 
propaganda film for countries where such showings can be obtained. 

Among "sweetness and light" films Shelton listed the Soviet's "Othello," 
"Romeo and Juliet," "The Circus," Communist China's "Loves of Ling Shan 
Pao," and Czechoslovakia's puppet shows and special effects films which display 
unusual artistry. 

The Communist bloc, Shelton said, also is stepping up production of docu- 
mentary films. Communist China, for example, has announced it will produce 
220 newsreels and documentaries this year. 

"Soviet propagandists take advantage of every opportunity to turn out expen- 
sive documentaries that will attract foreign audiences," Shelton said. "One 
prize example is the $750,000, 14-reel color documentary which the Soviets made 
during India's Prime Minister Nehru's visit to the Soviet Union last year. This 
film promptly was shipped to India for countrywide showings." 

According to Shelton, the Communist film campaign is "just beginning." The 
Soviet Union, Communist China, and Soviet satellite countries, he said, are con- 
structing huge film studios with Hollywood-type sets. Communist China, he 
declared, plans to turn out 40 feature films this year, as compared with 20 in 
1955. In addition, the Communist Chinese plan construction of a new film studio 
in 1957. 

"Communist countries," Shelton said, "have little difficulty peddling their 
films, even in free countries. Where distribution presents a problem, they sub- 
sidize box offices, lease theaters, and enlist the help of 'front' organizations, such 
as film societies, 'friendship' groups, and social clubs." 

Senator Jenner. There being no further witnesses, the committee 
will stand adjourned. 

(Whereupon, at 12:30 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned.) 



(The following opinion and award of an arbitration board in the 
case of Daniel Mahoney, discharged employee of the New York Daily 



1662 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mirror, was ordered into the record at a meeting of the subcommittee 
on November 21, 1956 :) 

In the Matter of the Arbitration Between American Newspaper Guild, 
AFL-CIO, and New York Mirror Division — The Hearst Corporation 

( D-16193— NY-L-37-56 ) 

OPINION AND AWARD 

There is here presented for determination and award the question whether 
there was good and sufficient cause for the dismissal of Daniel Mahoney by the 
Daily Mirror as required by the collective bargaining agreement between the par- 
ties which provides: 

"Section 6 — Job Security 

"(a) there shall be no dismissal except for good and sufficient cause." 

THE FACTS 

Daniel Mahoney was employed by the New York Daily Mirror in 1934. Except 
for a period of service in the Armed Forces during World War II, he was con- 
tinuously employed by the Mirror. He was a rewrite man in January 1956. 

On January 5, 1956, he was summoned before the Senate Internal Security 
Subcommittee. He stated, under oath, that he was not then a Communist. Quer- 
ied about past membership, he refused to answer, exercising his constitutional 
privilege against possible self-incrimination. He was summarily discharged by 
the Mirror because, "Your course of conduct has terminated your usefulness to 
the New York Mirror." 

A portion of Mahoney's testimony before said subcommittee follows verbatim : 

"Mr. Sourwine. How long have you worked for the New York Mirror? 

"Mr. Mahoney. I can cover this, if the committee will allow me. I have a 
very brief statement here, sir. 

"Chairman Eastland. No, no, sir. No, sir. No, sir ; we don't — you will have 
to answer questions. You will have to answer questions. We are trying to 
accommodate you. 

"Mr. Mahoney. I will answer the questions, sir. 

"Chairman Eastland. All right ; we are trying to accommodate your lawyer 
and we are trying to get through. 

"Mr. Mahoney. Yes, sir. I say 

"Chairman Eastland. Answer the questions. 

"Mr. Mahoney. Sir? 

"Chairman Eastland. Proceed again. 

"Mr. Mahoney. May I appeal again? I have a brief statement. I would ap- 
preciate it if the committee would allow me to read it. 

"Chairman Eastland. No, sir ; I will not permit the statement. We want 
certain information from you, and counsel will ask the questions. Now proceed. 

"Mr. Mahoney. May I enter the statement into the record? 

"Chairman Eastland. We will receive it." 

(The statement referred to will be found in the files of the subcommitee.) 

"Mr. Sourwine. How long have you been employed by the Mirror? 

"Mr. Mahoney. For almost 22 years. 

"Mr. Sourwine. In what capacity, sir? 

"Mr. Mahoney. Various — currently I am a newswriter. 

"Mr. Sourwine. You mean a reporter? 

"Mr. Mahoney. I have been a reporter ; yes, sir. 

"Mr. Sourwine. You say you are a newswriter now. Are you on the desk? 
are you a rewrite — — 

"Mr. Mahoney. I am a liuotyper and I am a rewrite man. 

"Mr. Sourwine. You are a rewrite? 

"Mr. Mahoney. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Mahoney, are you presently a member of the Communist 
Party? 

"Mr. Mahoney. No, sir ; I am not. 

"Mr. Sourwine. Have you ever been a member of the Communist Party? 

"Mr. Mahoney. Sir, I'd like to answer it this way : Not only am I not a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party, but never in my life have I performed a disloyal or 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1663 

subversive act of treason, sabotage, espionage. I bave broken no laws beyond 
tbe traffic violation. I have never advocated defiance 

"Chairman Eastland. Now, Mr. Mahoney 

"Mr. Mahoney. Of the law of the Supreme Court of the United States. 

"Chairman Eastland. You have not been accused — not been accused of any 
of those acts. Please make your answers responsive to the questions. 

"Mr. Mahoney. I am trying. 

"Chairman Eastland. I think that your counsel will advise you, sir, that that 
is the proper thing to do. 

"Mr. Mahoney. Well, I am trying to do so, sir. 

"Chairman Eastland. All right. Now the question was, Are you now or have 
you ever been a member of the Communist Party? 

"Mr. Mahoney. Well, sir, in view of the other remarks I made and in view of 
the fact that the committee has told me that there are no charges against me, I 
decline to answer the second half of that question. 

"Mr. Souewine. As to whether you ever were a member? 

"Mr. Mahoney. Yes, sir ; as being an invasion of my rights as a citizen, as a 
newspaperman, and I feel it is an abridgement of the freedom of the press. 

"Chairman Eastland. I overrule that and order and direct you to answer. 

"Mr. Mahoney. Well, sir, I am sorry the committee does not choose to recognize 
the first amendment and, in view of that, I am forced to avail myself of the 
privileges of the fifth amendment, also. 

"Chairman Eastland. All right." 

the position of the paeties 

The issue presented is one of "studied simplicity." The one hearing held in 
the matter was as brief as it was pointed. There were no allegations by the 
employer of employee unrest, impaired morale, etc., as a result of Mahoney's 
action. There were no allegations by the employer of loss of circulation, or 
advertisers. There were no allegations that Mahoney's writing had been biased, 
slanted, or influenced in any manner. 

The Mirror asserts that solely because of Mahoney's public testimony, it 
was afforded "good and sufficient" cause for his dismissal. The Mirror but- 
tresses this contention by citing the ruling of the New York State Unemployment 
Insurance Commission that Mahoney's conduct (his public testimony) consti- 
tuted misconduct, "detrimental to the employer's interest." This finding by 
a disinterested agency, the Mirror urges, supported and corroborated the 
Mirror's determination that its action was reasonable and just in dismissing 
Mahoney. 

The guild contends that an employer is subject to a heavy burden of proof 
in any discharge case. That, indeed, the employer must set forth clear and 
convincing, factual, nonspeculative evidence that is capable of objective review. 
That in this particular case, there is but one fact or charge produced against 
Mahoney. The charge? That he exercised a privilege against possible self- 
incrimination ; a right guaranteed to him by the Constitution of the United 
States. The guild states that, absent proof of any other facts relating to 
Mahoney's competency, or of damage to the Mirror, the action of the Mirror 
can only be considered unreasonable and arbitrary. 

The issue presented, accordingly, could not be more simple nor, ironically, more 
complex. 

THE FIFTH AMENDMENT 

Written into the Bill of Rights over 150 years ago, and having roots in the 
law of England centuries ago, the fifth amendment has been especially subject 
to close scrutiny and debate in the last decade. Advanced methods of com- 
munication, such as television, have made the American public vitally conscious 
of the fifth amendment and its utilization by criminals and persons suspect of 
crime. Regrettably, a large segment of the public has concluded that a person, 
availing himself of the fifth amendment, is what he is accused of being, or did 
that which he is accused of doing. Thus was coined the presumptive appella- 
tion "fifth-amendment Communist," sorely troubling to many, and stirring up 
a storm of protest and condemnation in its wake. 

The Supreme Court of the United States, obviously cognizant that a person 
exercising his constitutional privilege under the fifth amendment, raises a grave 
doubt as to his freedom from guilt, and that current popular opinion views the 
invocation of the fifth amendment as a certainty of guilt, met the issue with 
forthright resolution. In clear and ringing language our highest Court, in April 



1664 scope or soviet activity in the united states 

of this year, reaffirmed the legal maxim that the fifth amendment is for the 
protection of the innocent as well as the guilty : 

"The privilege against self-incrimination would be reduced to a hollow mockery 
if its exercise could be taken as equivalent either to a confession of guilt or a 
conclusive presumption of perjury." (Slochower v. Board of Education of New 
York, 100 L. Ed. 451, 454). 

But we are not here concerned with the legal implications of a person's 
refusal to testify. The Constitution is concerned with criminal prosecution : 
"* * * nor shall (anyone) be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness 
against himself * * *" (U. S. C. A. Const. Amend. V, p. 102) and not with all 
the peripheral effects of pleading the fifth amendment. 

The Constitution does not guarantee to a person, exercising the privilege 
against self-incrimination, his job, the respect of his neighbors, or an absence 
in the minds of his fellow workers and employer of a gnawing doubt as to his 
guiltlessness. 

COMMUNISM IN AMERICA 

There can be little doubt in the mind of any reasonable individual of the 
purpose of the Communist conspiracy today. It is ultimate world domination. 

During the thirties, men of good faith, despairing of the economic chaos in our 
country, were easily deluded by the "golden apple" of communism. Fighting in 
the forties side by side with the Communists in an effort to suppress the inter- 
national menace of nazism and fascism, it was easy to be confused as to the 
ultimate purposes of the Communists. But there comes a time where realization 
must arrive — perhaps in the late forties, but certainly no later than the Korean 
conflict. Anyone aiding, abetting, or partaking in the Communist conspiracy 
after that date cannot be a dupe, but rather a danger to the community. 

In the year of Our Lord 1956, communism is a major menace to the free world, 
to our democratic way of life, and to the private enterprise system. We cannot 
ignore these truths ; we cannot romanticize or semanticize them away ; we 
cannot wish them away ; we can but accept them in their nakedness. 

DISCUSSION 

Ironically enough, our democratic way of life extends its protection even to 
those who have neither regard, belief, nor faith in its principles. Under 
collective-bargaining agreements requiring good cause for dismissal, persons in 
this category may have job security. As such, it may not be ignored that if the 
newspaper business cannot he termed "vital" and/or if Mahoney's position on 
the Mirror cannot be termed "sensitive," then the very foundation for "good 
and sufficient" cause, as urged by the Mirror, could crumble. In this age of 
"perpetual peril," the various mediums of mass communication are vital to our 
national security. The titans of the world are locked in a struggle cryptically 
described as a "cold war." It is a war of ideologies, of ideas, or propaganda. 
It is a battle for the approbation of the uncommitted nations of the world. 

A metropolitan newspaper in America today is more than a "mirror" to the 
happenings of the day. It is a molder of public opinion; capable of leading 
crusades ; capable of introducing new ideas ; capable of propagating truth or 
propaganda as it wills. But its very nature, whether it would abdicate or not, a 
newspaper maintains a position of leadership and responsibility in this "cold 
war" that is vital to our national security. Other industries (atomic energy, 
defense, etc.) may be more vital, but this fact does not impair the "vital" role 
of our press. 

Each worker performs his task in life with tools, and these tools run the 
gamut from an axe to a ziiher. The "rewrite" man has his tools, too. They 
ai-e words. Words hut express ideas and so it follows that the "rewrite" man 
works all day with ideas. This is a war of ideas. Can his position be then 
deemed nonsensitive? A "rewrite" man can select the facts he considers im- 
portant as relayed to him by the reporter in the field. His is the choice of the 
topic sentence and lead paragraph. His selection of words sets forth the tone 
of the article and influences, too, the choice of headline. The conclusion is 
irresistible that a "rewrite" man occupies a "sensitive" position on a newspaper. 

The contention that the product of a "rewrite" man is subject to check by 
others before it reaches the public canont impair this conclusion. The "rewrite" 
man's skilled use of words and phrases: the background of constant deadline; 
the fact that his reviewers are at least thrice removed from the actual news event ; 
the lulling effect of daily association coupled with a practical attitude to accept 
the product of an experienced hand without undue scrutiny — all these make 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 1665 

ultimate detection and exposure far from simple, and, in all probability, long 
delayed. What difference does it make that a rewrite man may ultimately 
be caught? The undeniable fact is that lie is in a position where he lias the 
opportunity and capacity to do incalculable harm if he is so inclined. What 
more is needed to define his job as truly "sensitive" ? 

CONCLUSION 

As stated, the issue here presented is simply — Was the public testimony of 
Mahoney "good and sufficient cause for his discharge?" 

The impact of Mahoney's testimony before the Senate committee was to raise a 
grave and gnawing doubt in the mind of his employer as to his association and 
connection with the Communist conspiracy. Was it during the understandable 
and, perhaps, forgiveable, period of the thirties and early forties? Or was it dur- 
ing the subsequent period of necessary universal awakening to and realization of 
the menacing and heinous designs of communism? Did it end when Mahoney 
received his subpena? Did it last until his actual appearance before the com- 
mittee? Must the Mirror accept the travail of "watchfully wondering"? 

Mahoney had no illusion about the impact of his public refuge behind the fifth 
amendment insofar as the Mirror was concerned. Witness the following excerpt 
of his statement: 

"If the committee possesses no such evidence (showing story slant or dis- 
tortion), then it should clearly state so in the interest of being fair so that doubt 
or suspicion of my honesty and objectivity as a newspaperman may be removed 
and that the confidence of my employer in me may not be impaired." 

If Mahoney felt that his mere call to appear before a subcommittee would 
cause doubt in his employer's mind, then a fortiori his attitude and demeanor 
toward the subcommittee, his refusal to answer pertinent questions about his 
relationship with the conspiracy called Communist must shatter his employer's 
confidence irreparably. 

Yet Mahoney remained mute and this adamant attitude continued through 
the hearing of this arbitration when he knew that his very livelihood was "on the 
line." His eloquent silence before the subcommittee poses these unanswerable 
questions for his employer : What were Mahoney's allegiances, a decade, a year, a 
month, a day before January 5, 1956? A newspaper is entitled to know the an- 
swer to these questions with respect to communism in relation to a "rewrite" 
man, especially when publicly posed. It was reasonable for the Mirror to dismiss 
an employee who refused to supply the answers to these questions. 

AWARD 

The dismissal of Daniel Mahoney was for "good and sufficient cause," as re- 
quired by the collective bargaining agreement between the parties hereto. 

Burton B. Turkus, Arbitrator. 

Dated : New York, N. Y., November 6, 1956. 

W. N. Thomson, M. Michael Potoker, 

Arbitrator, Concurring. Arbitrator, Dissenting. 

John J. Green, James Whittaker, 

Arbitrator, Concun'ing. Arbitrator, Dissenting. 



INDEX 



Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance to 
the mere fact of the appearance of the names of an individual or an organization 
in this index. 

A 

Page 

Alaska 1017 

Alexander, Harry 1651 

American Arbitration Association 1054, 1055 

American Federation of Labor (AFL) 1617,1641,1642 

American Jewish Labor Council 1624 

American Newspaper Guild 1654-1656, 1662 

American Slav Congress 1624 

American Youth Congress 1625 

Americans 1632 

Anastasia, Tony 164S 

Ann Arbor, Mich — 1647 

Anti-American 1632 

Anti-Western 1632 

Apprentice Association 1641 

Army (United States) 1616 

Army port of embarkation, New York 1617 

Arctic Circle — 1617 

Artkino (Soviet film distributors) 1652 

Attorney General — 1626 

Australian Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee 1634 

B 

Babin, Toma, Yugoslav Communist Party leader on waterfront in 

New York 1630 

Deported from United States around 1940; in Poland today 1030 

Banks, Joseph 1648 

Baronson, Mitch, party coordinator of longshore activities on Brooklyn 

waterfront 1630 

Bernstein, David — 1654 

Bershad, Abraham J. (testimony of) 1645-1649 

386 Sixth Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y 1645 

Born September 28, 1925, Brooklyn, N. Y 1646 

Education : 

Public Schools No. 20, 65, 100, Brooklyn and Manhattan 1646 

High School of Music and Art, New York City 1646 

2 years at Brooklyn College 1646 

Fifth amendment as to occupation 1645 

Fifth amendment if now Communist 1648 

Bershad, Hyman 1618 

Bialer, Seweryn 1632, 1633 

Bioff, Willie 1621, 1622 

Bi-State Commission 1617 

Bonner committee 1620, 1623, 1640 

Boudin, Leonard, attorney for Velson, Keith, and Bershad 1618, 1645, 1649 

Braden, J. Noble 1054 

Bridges, Harry. 1010-1620, 1623-1625, 1635, 1037, 1038, 1040, 1G4S, 1050, 1652, 1653 

Bronx — 1628 

Brooklyn, N. Y 1628, 1630, 1646, 1648 

Brooklyn College — 1646 



n INDEX 

Pace 
Brooklyn Navy Yard 1617, 1641, 1642, 1643 

Brooklyn port of embarkation 1617 

Browcler, Earl 1624, 1627 

Bryson, Hugh ' 1624 

Bubchikov, Col. Ivan, assistant Soviet military attach^ 1633 

Budenz, Louis 1644 



Capone, Al 1621 

California 1616, 1622 

Catledge, Turner 1655, 1657 

Chicago 1659 

CIO 1638 

Civil Rights Congress, Los Angeles 1624, 1648 

Coast Guard (clearance) 1643, 1648 

Committee for Democratic Far Eastern Policy 1648 

Communist/s 1615-1617, 1621-1624, 1626, 1629, 1633, 1635, 

1638, 1644, 1640, 1648, 1649, 1652, 1656, 1657 

Communist Club, The Balph Neafus 1647 

Communist organizer 1649 

Communist Party 1621, 

1625, 1630, 1635, 1641, 1643, 1644-1649, 1650, 1652, 1653, 1655-1657 

New York State Labor Commission of 1628 

Central Committee of the Polish 1632 

Communist Party headquarters, New York State, fifth floor at 35 East 

12th Street 1628 

Connors, Mr . 1644 

Constitution 1622, 1649 

Corsi, Edward P 1654, 1655, 1657 

D 

Daily People's World 1654 

Daily Worker 1624, 1030, 1644, 1649, 1650, 1654 

Of April 5, 1948 1649 

DeGraff, Dr. Arthur C 1658, 1660 

Democrats 1617 

Detroit, Mich 1647 

Drummond, David 1651 

Drury, James 1651 

Duffy, Adrian 1651 

Duffy, Edward 1635 

Dulles, John Foster 1632, 1633 

Dupont, Bob 1651 

Dupont, Mrs. Evelyn 1651 

E 

Eastland, Senator James O 1615, 1631, 1633, 1654 

Elmhurst, Long Island 1659 

Erie railway 1628 

Europe, Eastern , — 1633 

Exhibit (unnumbered) — Award in the case of Jack Shafer 1654, 1655 

Exhibit (unnumbered) — Correspondence between David Bernstein and 

ISS 1653, 1654 

Exhibit No. 288 — Information from Un-American Activities Committee 

re Jeff Kibre 1624,1625 

Exhibit No. 290— Photograph 1646, 1647 

Exhibit No. 291 — Daily Worker list of 15 renegades from waterfront 

Communist Party 1650, 1651 

F 

Far Eastern Survey of October 1947 1654 

Fifth amendment 1621, 1622, 1635, 1638,, 1641-1644, 1646-1650, 1652, 1653 

First amendment 1647 



INDEX in 

Page 

Fitzgerald, Mr., runs office of United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Work- 
ers at 11 East 51st Street 1640 

Flemlngton, N. J — 1658 

Fore and Aft, maritime union on New York waterfront organized by 

Charles Keith 1629 

Forer, Joseph, attorney for Jeff Kibre 1618 

Fourth amendment 1649 

G 

Gary, Ind 1628 

Geneva Conference 1656 

George, Senator Walter F — 1633 

GI's in Korea 1617 

Glaizer, William, former Washington representative of ILWU 1621 

Glazier, Ben — 1648 

Gleason, Teddy, general organizer of ILA 1639 

Goldblatt, Louis — 1616 

Government : 

United States 1616, 1622 

Polish Communist 1626 

Government Employees Connected With the Committee for a Democratic 

Far Eastern Policy and Its Official Organ, Far East Spotlight 1653, 1654 

Grapp, Rosa L 1652 

Greater New York Industrial Union Council 1643 

Green, John J 1655 



Hall, Jack 1617, 1618, 1620, 1626 

Hawaii 1615-1617,1637 

Hawaiian Islands 1616 

Hearst Corp. ; New York Mirror division 1662 

Henderson, Robert R 1657, 1658 

Hish School of Music and Art, New York City 1646 

Hollywood — 1621, 1622, 1625 

Hong Kong 1616 

Honolulu 1616-1618, 1620, 1631, 1635 

Hoover, Herbert — 1642 

House Merchant Marine Committee 1620, 1623 

Houston, Tex 1637 

Hudson, Roy — 1638, 1643 

Hunterdon, County of 1657 



ILA (International Longshoremen's Association) 1639 

ILWU (International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union) 1616, 

1619-1623, 1626, 1635-163S, 1640, 1641, 1648 

Immigration Service 1626 

Industrial Union of Marine and Shipbuilding Workers 1643 

Internal Security Subcommittee 1 1618 

International Fishermen and Allied Workers, CIO 1624 

International Longshoremen Association 1619, 1639 

International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union 1616, 1624, 1636 



Jenner, Senator William E , 1615, 1635 

Justice Department 1617, 1618, 1626, 1631 

K 

Keith, Charles L 1618, 1629, 1634, 1653 

Testimony of 1649, 1650 

104 East 17th Street, New York City 1649 

Attorney, Leonard B. Boudin 1649 



IV INDEX 

Keith, Charles L. — Continued Pag« 

Born, Rutland, Vt 1650 

Educated, New York City public schools I 1650 

Keller, Joe 1651 

Kibre, Jeff 1617, 1641, 1646 

Testimony of 1618-1627 

1341 G Street NW., Washington, D. C 1618 

Washington representative of the ILWU 1618 

Joseph Forer, attorney 1618 

Fifth amendment if member of Communist Party 1621 

Information on Kibre from Un-American Activities Committee 1624, 1625 

Korea 1617 

Kremlin 1634 

L 

Labor Youth League, Ann Arbor, Mich 1647 

Lackawanna railway 1628 

Lannon, Al, head of subcommittee of labor commission of Communist 

Party 1629, 1630 

Lautner, John 1635, 1649, 1652 

Testimony of 1627-1634 

Leading member of Communist Party of New York State 1627 

Former head of New York State review commission of Communist 

Party 1627 

Sent to Gary, Ind., as a columnized party leader into steel 1628 

Lawrenson, Jack 1651 

Lernardo 1617 

Letter to Attorney General from Eastland dated June 18 re Matles, Lustig, 

Radzi, and Weinstock , 1626 

Letter to Secretary of State from Senator Eastland re Seweryn Bialer_ 1632, 1633 
Letter to Secretary of State from Senator Eastland dated July 3, 1956, 

re assistant Soviet military attache, Col. Ivan Bubchikov 1633 

Letter to Senator Eastland from Deputy Attorney General dated June 26, 

1956, re cases of Matles, Lustig, Radzie, and Weinstock 1631, 1632 

Levenson, Leonard 1628 

Loeb, Mr 1655-1657 

Long Island 1628 

Longshoremen, organizing 1646, 1648 

Longshoremen's and Harbor Workers' Compensation Act 1638, 1639 

Longshoremen's union , 1630 

Luckenbach dock 1619 

Lustig, James, leader of United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers 

Union 1626, 1631, 1632 

Madell, Sam 1618, 1630, 1631 

Testimony of 1652, 1653 

222 West 23d Street, New York City 1652 

Occupation, carpenter 1652 

Fifth amendment 1652 

Attorney, Charles Recht, 10 East 40th Street, New York 1652 

Mahoney, Daniel : 

Award of an arbitration board 1661-1664 

Concurring and dissenting members 1665 

Portion of testimony of 1662,1663,1665 

Mandel, Benjamin 1615, 1635, 1654 

Manhattan 1617,1646 

Matles, James, leader of UERMW Union 1626,1631,1632 

Michigan, University of 1646,1647 

Mills, Saul 1643 

Minsky, Evelyn, present wife of Irving Charles Velson 1641 

Morris, Robert — 1615, 1635 

N 

Navy (United States) 1616 

Navy intelligence 1643 

Neafus, Ralph 1647 



INDEX V 

Page 

Needleman, Mr 1655, 1656 

Nelson, Andrew, New Orleans representative of ILWU 1620, Kl'^l 

New Orleans, La. (port of) 1617, 1620, 1621, 1635 

New Jersey, State of 1657 

New York, State of 1627, 1628, 1630, 1655 

New York, County of 1655 

New York City 1615, 1618, 1619, 1626, 1629, 1649, 1650, 1652, 1654, 1658 

New York Central terminal 1628 

New York Daily Mirror — 1661,1662 

New York Times 1654-1657 

New York waterfront, 1616, 1617, 1628, 1630, 1635, 1636, 1645, 1649, 1650, 1652, 1653 

New York Waterfront Commission 1637 

New Zealand 1616 

Ninth amendment — 1649 

Non-Communist affidavit 1617 

North Africa 1617 

O 

Olney, Warren III, Acting Deputy Attorney General 1632 

Osmena, President Sergio 1654 

P 

Pacific Maritime Association 1639 

Panama Canal 1638 

Pearl Harbor 1616 

Peters, J — 1644 

Philippine Story, The 1653 

Poland 1634 

Polish People 1632-1634 

Potoker, M. Michael 1665 

Powers, George 1628, 1630 

Poznan. Poland 1632, 1634 

Pro-Communist 1617 

Public School 20, Manhattan 1646 

Public School 65, Manhattan 1646 

Public School 100, Brooklyn 1646 

Q 

Quezon, President Manuel L — 1654 

R 

Radzi, Constantine 1626, 1631, 1632 

Ralph Neafus Communist Club 1647 

Ray, Thomas — 1651 

Recht, Charles, attorney for Sam Madell 1618, 1652 

Renegades from waterfront Communist Party, list of — Exhibit No. 291_ 1650, 1651 

Republicans 1617 

Riesel, Victor 1620, 1631, 1635 

Partial testimony of 1615-1018 

Robertson, Mr., first vice president of the ILWU 1638 

Robinson, John — - 1651 

Rose, Stanley 1651 

Rosenbergs 1617 

Ross, Norman, New York County chairman of labor commission in New 

York County 1629 

Rusher, William A 1615, 1635 

Rutland, Vt — 1650 

S 

Sager, Robert V., M. D 1659 

Sands, Joseph — 1651 

San Francisco — 1625, 1631, 1637, 1639 



VI INDEX 

Pag* 

San Francisco waterfront 1616, 1617, 1622, 1635 

Sass, Louis 1628 

Schroeder, Frank 1635 

Seafarers International Union (SIU) 1619 

Senate Foreign Relations Committee 1633 

Shafer, Jack 1655, 1656, 1657 

Shape-Up 1652,1653 

Shatov, Michael 1633 

Simon, Hal (Al), head of New York State Labor Commission of Com- 
munist Party 1629, 1630 

Sinclair, Mildred E 1658 

Slochower V., Board of Education of New York 1664 

Smith Act — 1618, 1620 

Southern States 1617 

Soviet 1652 

Soviet Embassy 1649, 1653 

Soviet imports 1617 

Soviet secret police 1644 

Soviet Union 1629, 1661 

Spain — 1617 

Stack, Joe 1653 

Stalin 1634 

State Department 1633 

Steuben, John, labor specialist of Communist Party 1618, 

1629, 1630, 1634, 1635, 1657, 1658, 1659 

Medical report on 1657, 1658, 1659, 1660 

Stevens, Alexander (alias of J. Peters) 1644 

Stone, M. Hedley 1651 

Stump, Admiral 1616 

Supreme Court 1631 



Telegram to Robert Morris from Wentworth dated July 5, 1956, re Polish 

uprising 1634 

Thomson, W. N 1665 

Thule 1617 

Tokyo 1616 

Tormey, Jim 1628 

Turkus, Burton B , 1665 

U 

Un-American Activities Committee 1624 

United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers Union 1626, 1640 

United Nations 1617 

United States 1615, 1616, 1629, 1631-1633 

United States Information Agency, Washington, D. C. (press release re 

Soviet Union propaganda drive at movie audiences) 1661 



Velson, Irving Charles 1617-1619, 1923, 1634, 1646 

Testimony of 1636-1645 

1798 Bedford Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y 1636 

Representative of International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's 

Union 1636 

Fifth amendment if member of Communist Party 1641 

Fifth amendment if national military director of Young Communist 
League 1641 

Fifth on alias 1641 

Voluntary Labor Arbitration Tribunal 1654, 1655 

W 

Warner, H 1651 

Washington, D. C 1615, 1618, 1619, 1623, 1640, 1641 

Washington Evening Star 1633 

Waterfront Commission of the New York Harbor 1636, 1648 



index vn 

Page 
Watt, George 1628 

Weinstock, Louis 1626, 1631, 1632 

Welker, Hon. Herman 1653 

Wentworth, Hon. William C, member of the Australian Parliament and 

Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee 1633, 1634 

Western World 1632 

Whittaker, James 1665 

Williamson, John, head of national labor commission of Communist 

Party 1628 

Wilson, Charlie and Shavey (aliases of Irving Charles Velson) 1641 

Wood, Barry 1622 

Woods, Robert 1628 

Y 

Young, Ruth, former wife of Irving Charles Velson 1641 

Young Communist League 1641 



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