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Full text of "Scope of Soviet activity in the United States. Hearing before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-fourth Congress, second session[-Eighty-fifth Congress, first session] .."

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Given By 

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DECEMBER 5 AND 6, 1956 

PART 41 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 


UNITED STATES ^ ^^ t) ^ 



Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 



JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 


OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGBR, Nortli Dakota 






Subcommittee To Investigate the Administkation of the Internal Security 
Act AND Other Internal Security Laws 
JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 




Robert Morris, Chief Counsel 
J. G. SouRWiNB, Associate Counsel 
William A. Rusher, Administrative Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 


Witnesses: Pa^e 

Davis, Frank Marshall 2518 

Dillingham, Benjamin Franklin 2464 

Hall, Mrs. Yoshiko 2502 

Sawyer, Mrs. Harriet Bouslog 2504 

Sproat, Gustave K 2490 

Stephenson, William B 2522 

Symonds, Myer, C 2485 

Index I 




United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration or the Internal Security Act 
AND Other Internal Security Laws 

OF the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Honolulu, T. H. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 9 : 30 a. m., 
in the senate chamber, lolani Palace, Senator Olin D. Jolmston 

Present: Senators Johnston, Watkins, Welker, and Butler. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, re- 
search directors. 

Senator Johnston. The committee will come to order. We will 
begin our hearing. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, before beginning the regular session, I would 
like to report for the public record — one of the ways we have of 
getting into the record here some of the developments that take 
place out of the formal hearing — we had issued a subpena within the 
last few days to a person who has been identified as a Communist. 
Now, he called this morning to ask if we would see him outside the 
lolani Palace because he was afraid to come to the hearing at the 
palace grounds. 

He acknowledged that he had been a Communist, he told us he 
had left the party ; when he had left the party ; gave us some interest- 
ing information that we plan to develop ; stated that he will testify 
fully before the committee in executive session. And then we asked 
him if he would cooperate with the Territorial commission. He 
acknowledged that he would. And he is standing by, in the event 
that the subcommittee may want to see him again. 

Senator Watkins. May I inquire, Is this an additional witness to 
the one mentioned yesterday ? 

Mr. Morris. That's right. Senator. 

The first witness this morning is Mr. Dillingham. Will you sit 
at the witness table, Mr. Dillingham, please ? 

Senator Johnston. Raise your right hand and be sworn. 

Do you solemnly swear that the evidence you give before this sub- 
committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Dillingham. I do. 

Senator Johnston. Have a seat. 



Mr. Morris. Will you give your name and address to the shorthand 
reporter, Mr. Dillingham, please ? 

Mr. Dillingham. My name is Benjamin Franklin Dillingham. 

Mr. Morris. And where do you reside ? 

Mr. Dillingham. 322T Diamond Head Eoad, Honolulu, T. H. 

Mr. Morris. Now, were you born in Honolulu, Mr. Dillingham ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. How long have you lived in Honolulu since that time ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Forty years, unfortunately. 

Mr. Morris. Have you held office in the Territory ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir, I have. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you would relate to the committee what 
offices you have held ? 

Mr. Dillingham. In 1946 I was elected to the board of supervisors 
of the city and county of Honolulu, which office I held until elected 
to the senate in the fall of 1948, the Territorial senate, that is, and I 
held that office until — well, my term expires January 1, 1957. 

Mr. Morris. Have you held any other positions in the Territory? 

Mr. Dillingham. In a private capacity, yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. You have been a senator, have you not ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Territorial senator; my term expires as of the 
end of this year. 

Mr. Morris. Now, you have also been active in business here? 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir, I have. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us about that, Mr. Dillingham ? 

Mr. Dillingham. At the present time, sir, I am vice president and 
general manager of the Oahu Railway & Land Co. 

Mr. Morris. And how long have you held that position ? 

Mr. Dillingham. For approximately 8 years. 

Mr. Morris. Who is your father, Mr. Dillingham ? 

Mr. Dillingham. My father is Walter F. Dillingham. 

Mr. Morris. And he has been active in the community here for many 
years, has he not ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir, he has. 

Mr. Morris. Has he been active in business ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Still active. He serves as president of the com- 
pany in which I serve as manager. 

Mr. Morris. I see. He is well and favorably known on this island ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Well known, yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Now, have you had an opportunity, Mr. Dillingham, 
of observing the influence of the International Longshoremen's & 
Warehousemen's Union and the United Public Workers on the com- 
munity of Hawaii ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir, I have. 

Mr. Morris. Have you, with particularity, had an opportunity to 
notice its influence on management and business generally ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes, I have. 

Mr. Morris. Are there any observations that you can tell this com- 
mittee, based on your own experience, about the relationship between 
business generally and management generally and the leaders of the 


Mr. Dillingham. Well, sir, the record has been fairly obvious, par- 
ticularly since the end of World War II. It has been a record marked 
by ups and downs, a good deal of turbulence, particularly in the early 
years after the war. There has been a great deal more stability re- 
cently than there was in the opening phases of these labor relation- 
ships, but I will say that the situation is, at the moment, on a reason- 
ably favorable basis — explosive but favorable. 

Senator Welker. What is that? "Explosive but favorable"? 

Mr. Dillingham. It is subject to change. Inflammable. 

Senator Welker. You used the word 'Explosive" ? 

Mr. Dillingham. It is an explosive proposition, yes. 

Mr. Morris. Has the conviction of Jack Hall and the other six de- 
fendants in the Smith Act trial of 1953, as well as the litigation in 
which, or the trial, I think, in which Harry Bridges, the international 
president of the ILWU, was a party, made an impression at all on 
management ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Well, I think it has made an impression, Mr. 
Morris, but the fact that the conviction has been followed up by long 
delays in any decisive action being taken, has tended to minimize the 
impact of that conviction. And I think that has left its mark not only 
npon management, but also upon the community at large. 

Senator Johnston. You mean to say by that, that the delay in the 
case has brought a bad effect upon the public here ? 

Mr. Dillingham. A very, very unfortunate effect, yes. Senator. 

Mr. Morris. Mv. Dillingham, have you noticed in recent days, this 
month I should say, there has been a series of testimonial dinners for 
Mr. Jack Hall? 

Mr. Dillingham. That is correct. I have noticed that. 

Mr. Morris. Have representatives of management, according to 
Avhat you may have learned from press reports and other sources, at- 
tended these testimonial dinners ? 

Mr. Dillingham. I have seen the names of one or two mentioned 
in the press, yes, sir. How many were actually in attendance, I don't 

Mr. Morris. Now, based on your experience as a businessman, on 
the ])art of business management, do you feel that management of re- 
sponsible business should attend a testimonial dinner for ]Mr. Jack 
Hall, under the circumstances? 

Mr. DiLLiNGHAiM, Under the circumstances, I do not, Mv. Morris. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us why you say that, Mr. Dillingham? 

Mr. Dillingham. Mr. Morris, Mr. Hall has been convicted of an act 
that is, from my point of view, tantamount to treason. Now, regard- 
less of what one may feel personally about Mr. Hall, what he repre- 
sents and the job that he is doing, the fact remains that under the 
judicial system of our country, he has been duly tried and convicted. 
Now, I don't think that that fact can be minimized or overlooked, and 
T don't see how any person in a responsible business or otherwise, who 
claims to be loyal to the United States and therefore to all its prin- 
ciples and institutions, can overlook that very important fact by going 
to a dinner in testimony or in honor of that individual. 

As I understood, it wasn't a question of paying tribute to the ILWU 
as an organization, to its membership, or to its accomplishments, but 
it was paying tribute to the individual. And under the circumstances, 
I think it is incredible that anyone could, who claims to be loyal to 


this country, pay tribute to him in the way of attending a testimonial 

Senator Watkins. May I ask you : How extensive was the attend- 
ance at that testimonial, at least from the point of view of business 
or management ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Sir, I am unable to say how extensive it was. I 
know, from what I have been told, that a good many business leaders 
were invited to attend the dinner. And out of that, I saw the names 
of only one or two that I was able to recognize as businessmen who 
actually did attend, not necessarily the dinner that was given here 
but at one of two of the other dinners on the outside islands. How 
many actually attended, sir, I could not say. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I have some press clippings here, which indi- 
cate that in one case a manager of a sugar company and in another 
case the general manager of a biscuit and bread company did attend 
this public dinner for Mr. Hall. 

I wonder if they might go into the record at this time. I know it 
is a newspaper report, and it is conceivable that the people weren't 
there, but it would be hard to see that the newspaper would report 
their presence, and particularly if they quote them. In one case the 
]3aper reports that, "In a brief talk" one man "expressed his pleasure 
at being with the workers outside of working hours." 

Senator Johnston. These shall go into the record. 

(The clipping above referred to reads as follows :) 

[Labor, September 4, 1956] 
ILWU Feels Secure Now, Jack Hall Says 

HiLO, T. H., September 4. — In contract negotiations a year ago the ILWU was 
fighting for survival, according to its regional director. Jack W. Hall, but today 
he feels it is secure. 

He made the comment while addressing a testimonial dinner held for him 
Sunday at the Hotel Honokaa Club. 

Plantation and public officials were among the estimated 230 persons who 

Generally speaking, the union is enjoying good relations with industry, accord- 
ing to Hall. 

He added that the union will keep trying to consider the public in all its nego- 


The ILWU will look into problems affecting the Territory, such as employment 
and schools, because the union is looking not only for what it can get from the 
Territory, but what it can contribute, Hall said. 

County Chairman James Kealoha, one of the guest speakers, commented on 
union gains, and expressed the hope that union and management will continue 
to "get along." 

The union is ready to go on record as prepared to give moral, physical, and 
financial support to Jack Hall, said Saburo Fupisaki, union defense and member- 
ship service director. 

Antonio Rania, president of local 142, said he is sure the Honokaa imit will be 
working with management for peaceful solutions of problems, and gave examples 
of how this has been accomplished. 


In a brief talk, Manager Richard M. Frazier of the Honokaa Sugar Co. expressed 
his pleasure at being with the workers outside working hours. 

The speakers also included George Martin, Hawaii division director of the 
ILWU ; Yoshito Takamine, master of ceremonies ; and Feloniino Fuerte, chair- 
man of the dinner program. 


Senator Welker. Mr. Chairman, may I have only one question? 

Senator Johnston. Yes. Proceed. 

Senator Welker. Were you invited to attend any of the testimonial 
dinners for Jack Hall ? 

Mr. Dillingham. I was extended an invitation, Senator, on an in- 
formal basis; that is, that I did not receive any formal invitation, but 
1 was "sounded out,'' you might say. 

Senator Welker. Who "sounded" you out ? 

Mr. Dillingham. A member of the ILWU, Senator. 

Senator Welker. And you didn't see fit to be "sounded"? 

Mr. Dillingham. That is correct. 

Senator Welker. And you did not attend the meeting ? 

Mr. Dillingham. I did not, no, sir. 

Senator Welker. Thank you. 

Senator Johnston. Do you know whether or not they sent out an}' 
formal invitations or just invited people? 

Mr. Dillingham. No, sir, I don't know whether they sent out any 
formal invitations. This gentleman, I might say, is a friend of mine, 
and I have no reason to suspect his own loyalty whatsoever. And he 
came to me as a friend and asked me, and I explained to him, as I ex- 
plained to you this morning, the reasons why I could not see my way 
clear to attend that dinner. 

Senator Johnston. So you believe it was wrong for them to have 
attended this dinner, and especiall}^ attend a dinner and give no rea- 
sons for attending. It could be possible that someone could attend 
a dinner and give their reasons, unless the public knows they were 
there in order to find out some facts. That would not be a harm, 
would it? 

Mr. Dillingham. I don't see that any harm would come of that, 
Senator. But I think it does add to the general confusion surromiding 
this issue. People have not seen it clearly and they have not thought 
it all the way through. 

Senator Johnston. Especially when the case had been tried and 
the conviction was pending and was on its way to the appellate court. 

Mr. Dillingham. That is correct. In a sense, it stands for a con- 
tempt of our judicial process, in my opinion. 

Mr. Morris. Do you think that has an adverse effect on the com- 
munity in general? 

Mr.' Dillingham. Adversely, in this way, Mr. Morris. That it 
tends to becloud the issue and to make it fuzzy. "What's wrong with 
attending a dinner to a certain individual?" And then, "Well, so 
and so went, and so and so went. Well, if they went, what's wrong? 
Wasn't any harm to be done." 

But the issue wasn't pointed up clearly. And that's the problem 
we really face in this whole Communist issue, not only in this Territory 
but throughout the United States. The issue isn't clearly defined. 

Senator Watkins. It may be construed as an approval of the con- 
duct of the person who was being honored. 

Mr. Dillingham. That is true. Senator, and in some instances you 
can approve the conduct of the individual concerned. As a union 
leader, there are many things that individual has done that is worthy 
of approval. You can't condemn him for his union conduct. But, 
as I clearly found out to my own satisfaction, that testimonial dinner 


was not given in honor of the individual as a union leader, it was given 
for him personally. 

Well, he is a convicted man, a man convicted of treason to his coun- 
try. And that's the issue. Not the fact that he was a good fellow or 
that he keeps his word, or that he is an able union leader, that he has 
got an interest in the welfare of a number of men who are depending 
upon him to negotiate their contractual relations, and so forth. 

Senator Watkins. The very fact that he was convicted of the crime 
charged, would certainly not make him a good leader. Because if 
he were able to accomplish what has been charged — that is, the over- 
throw of the Government by force and violence — that would have 
been completely contrary to the interest of every laboring man in the 
United States. 

Mr. Dillingham. I quite agree with you. Senator. But on the 
other hand, he remains free, his case is on appeal, he is allowed all the 
freedom that you and I are allowed, practically, with the exception 
that he has to ask the court occasionally, when he wants to take a trip 
to San Francisco. And years go by and absolutely nothing has hap- 
pened. And in the meantime his chief, Mr. Bridges, gives out the 
impression that nothing is going to happen, any more than anything 
has happened to him since the days when he first took over as a union 
leader. He can defy the courts and defy the President of the United 
States, he can defy the United States Congress, and the people gen- 
erally, and continue to breeze along unscathed. That is the factual 

Senator Johnston. So in effect, just giving a dinner and having a 
dinner for him, and even though it was only the union members that 
attended, it really is not the proper thing to do under the circum- 

Mr. Dillingham. In my opinion, sir, very definitely improper. 

Senator Johnston. We know from this investigation that a great 
many, and I am glad to say a large majority, of the union members 
are true and loyal Americans. 

Mr. Dillingham. That is correct. 

Senator Johnston. But when they participate in things of this na- 
ture, like this dinner given for Jack Hall, it is a blot upon the whole 
union, when they attend mass meetings such as this. Isn't that true ? 

Mr. Dillingham. I say not upon upon the union, Senator, but upon 
all who would pay tribute to him. 

Senator Johnston. Pay tribute, yes. 

Senator Butler. And is but a part of a general pattern, is it not, 
to run down the courts and recognized authority ? 

Mr. Dillingham. That is correct. 

Senator Watkins. I would like to observe, Mr. Dillingham, that I 
think the members of this committee, and I know I do personally, 
deplore very much the long delay in the courts with respect to the final 
settlement of the appeal or appeals which have been pending. 

The courts may have some explanation, I don't know. There are 
matters occurring frequently in connection with cases that have taken 
many months to try and involve a large number of documents and a 
great deal of testimony. They take quite a while to get those cases 
properly prepared for argument before the appellate courts. But it 
seems to me that within the period of time — as I understand it has 
been over three years — it would seem that more than ample time has 


been allowed for any ordinary delays that are caused by reason of the 
circumstances of the particular litigation. 

Mr. Dillingham. No question. 

Senator Watkins. I have heretofore expressed my feeling in con- 
nection with that situation. I do hope the courts are going to move 
now in the direction of getting this matter disposed of. I can under- 
stand full well how the people w^ould feel, how the business people 
and others would feel, "Well, maybe there isn't anything w^rong." It 
seems to give an impression that "Whatever was done there doesn't 
amount to very much or else the United States Government, its judicial 
department, would move along like anyone else and have it determined 
one way or the other, whether they were guilty or not guilty, whether 
they had a fair trial, and if they hadn't had a fair trial, send it back 
for a new trial." 

Mr. Dillingham. It loses all its punch and all its impact, all its 
sense of urgency and importance. 

Senator Watkins. It is very deplorable that it has gone that length 
of time. The courts may have some reasonable explanation for it — I 
don't know — but they're entitled at least to have their day in court, 
to explain why this long delay has happened. And they may have a 
logical reason. But as the record now stands, it seems to me that it has 
been entirely too long. 

Mr. Dillingham. If I may suggest, sir, it seems to me in a matter 
of this kind that some special judicial process could be provided to dis- 
patch these cases which in effect involve a question of loyalty or 
treason, or what-have-you. In the military they have courts-martial 
and the thing is dispensed with very quickly. It seems to me we face a 
similar situation in civil circumstances and provision should be made, 
other tlian through the routine processes, to handle cases of this kind. 

Senator Watkins. There may be a suggestion that, at this time, it 
should be studied with respect to future legislation. But we can move 
with more dispatch than we're moving. It may be necessary to con- 
sider the enactment of new legislation or amending of old legislation. 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir. 

Senator Watkins. It may be necessary sometime to amend the 
Constitution itself to meet the modern situation that we are facing, 
that was not even thought of at the time our present Constituion was 
adopted. Of course, that is one reason why machinery w^as set up to 
amend the Constitution — to meet new and changing conditions. 

Mr. Dillingham. Eight. 

Senator Butler. Do you have any idea that, if the situation was 
reversed and Mr. Hall was in jail, this thing would take 31/^ years to be 
disposed of ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Sir, I don't quite understand your question. 

Senator Butler. The question is this. When a person is unable to 
obtain speedy justice, there's always a way found to get him a trial, 
isn't there ? 

Mr, Dillingham. Yes. 

Senator Butler. Well now, if this situation was reversed and the 
person convicted was not at liberty, don't you think it would have been 
disposed of much quicker ? 

Mr. Dillingham. I think it would help a great deal. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Dillingham, has the fact that Harry Bridges, him- 
self, president of the ILWU, was convicted of fraud on the United 


States Government, in that he denied Communist Party membership — 
As the Chair knows, that conviction was subsequently set aside be- 
cause the Supreme Court held that the statute of limitations — not that 
there was anything substantively wrong with the conviction, but the 
statute of limitations had run. And as you know, there was another 
court action involving Mr. Bridges. 

Has the fact that Mr. Bridges and Mr. Hall are the bargaining agents 
for the workers before the National Labor Relations Board, has the 
fact of their Communist associations, such as I have stated them, been 
resented or opposed by management and business generally ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Well, I would say, Mr. Morris, it has been re- 
sented privately but their resentment has not been set forth or put 
forth or expressed effectively, publicly, so that the impression gained 
abroad is that even business is obliged, whether by preference or by 
law, or what-have-you, to deal w^ith these people. And there again it 
has had the watering-clown effect of the seriousness of the charge. 

Senator Johnston, So it is your belief, then, that they are afraid to 
express themselves freely, for fear it might hurt their business ? 

Mr. Dillingham. In effect ; yes. 

Mr. Morris. Do you think that is the proper attitude to be taken by 
business and management with respect to this particular Communist 
problem ? 

Mr. Dillingham. No, sir. I think it is a very unfortunate attitude 
to take. But on the other hand, business people have felt, I am sure, 
that they are up against a realistic situation and that they are in the 
position of being ruined financially if they do come to terms. That 
there was no one else could come to their rescue. They had to bail 
themselves out of the boat themselves. 

Mr. Morris. Do you recall when Secretary of Labor Mitchell visited 
Honolulu ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir, I do. 

Mr. Morris. Wliat took place at that time, Mr. Dillingham ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Well, at that time, from the standpoint of labor- 
management relationship, labor and management w^ere in negotiations 
for sugar and pineapple contracts renewals. And Mr. Mitchell made 
a statement in San Francisco that offended Mr. Bridges' sensibilities, 
and as a result, when Mr. Mitchell arrived here, Mr. Bridges an- 
nounced that all negotiations would be broken off with management 
until Mr. Mitchell's departure. 

Mr. Morris. That w^as not a proper reason for the breaking off of 
negotiations, was it, Mr. Dillingham ? 

Mr. Dillingham. It had absolutely nothing to do with manage- 
ment, any more than your investigations here should have caused work 
stoppages or threatened strikes that were threatened in anticipation 
of your arrival. But the other was even more farfetched. There was 
absolutely nothing in connection w^ith Mr. Mitchell's visit having to do 
with management-labor relations or negotiations, or what-have-you. 
But simply because Mr. Mitchell made a remark in San Francisco that 
didn't please Mr. Bridges, why, he simply in protest wanted to show 
his authority by breaking off negotiations at the time. 

Mr. Morris. Now, dicl management insist that negotiations be con- 
tinued ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Management took a very unfortunate, weak- 
kneed position, and in effect said, "Well, whenever the boys are ready 


to come back and talk to lis, we will wait and bide our time, and we 
will talk to them when they're good and ready to talk to us." 

It didn't have a very salutary effect anywhere, either. Frankly, it 
showed a very "gutless" position on the part of management leaders 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you feel if the management leaders would take 
a stronger stand with respect to these things that the effect on the com- 
munity would be an improvement ? 

Mr.'^DiLLiNGiiAM. It would certainly help, Mr. Morris. There is no 
question about it. 

Senator Welker, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator Johnston. The Senator from Idaho. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Dillingham, your testimony has been very 
enlightening and you made one statement that I would like to have in 
the record and have you broaden your opinions on it. And that is: 
How could management, how could the islands be ruined financially by 
the activities of Mr. Bridges or Mr. Hall ? I want you to go into the 
whole thing and tell us, so this committee will understand, just what 
would haDpen to the economy of the islands and the mainland and 
what would happen to this defense bastion, should they decide to call 
their walkout strike arbitrarily, such as they did in the Mitchell case, 
such as they did when we arrived here. I wish you would feel free 
and go right into that and tell us just what would happen. 

Mr. Dillingham. Senator "Welker, we, as you know, are primarily 
an agricultural community and, outside of the basic industries of sugar 
and pineapple, we are dependent upon service industries to service in 
effect those two basic industries. Now that is outside of any businesses 
that are affected by the presence here of our armed services. Because 
we are an agi'.icultural community, we're particularly vulnerable to 
plantlife, you might say, so that, when pineapples get ripe, they don't 
wait because there's a strike going on, they have to picked when they're 
ripe. The plantings have to go forward in order to meet the cycles, 
to assure a constant rate of production. They have to be weeded, they 
have to be fertilized, they have to be sprayed against blight. And, 
when a strike is called, all of that stops. 

In the sugar industry, in addition to those factors, sugar must be 
watered, and when you don't water the cane it dies, and it died in 1946, 
I believe it was, when there was a very serious sugar strike here, island- 
wide. Not a drop of water was put on the cane. It dried up and 
looked like grass. Acres of it. Gone forever. Two years of effort 
thrown out the window for that fact. 

Now, a strike in the pineapple industry can wipe out a crop, wipe 
out several crops. It can wipe out the harvest. The same ap])lies in 
the sugar industry. And then, once you have — assuming you have got 
the sugar harvested and in the raw condition, and pineapple in the 
cans, it is important to get that sugar and pineapple to market, because 
you don't get paid for that crop unless it is marketed, shipped. 

And because of the hold which the ILWTJ has over the shipping 
industry, a stoppage there can block you again from getting any of 
those products out of the Territory and to market. 

Likewise, we depend upon shipping for virtually all our basic 
needs of life here. Outside of airmail and a few commodities that 
can be brought in by air, we have no trucking service, we have no 


railroad service to fall back on, to relate us, to tie us to other communi- 
ties of the United States ; we are dependent upon ships. So when the 
shipping is cut off, we're not only denied access to the mainland for the 
sale of our products we produce here and depend upon for a livelihood, 
but we are denied an opportunity to receive our food, our clothing, 
our necessary supplies. 

And when you realize — and as I say, except for the military, which 
is very substantial to be sure, but it is not by any means our staff of 
life, you might say, when you realize that the shipping and the pine- 
apple and the sugar industries are subject to the whim, regardless of 
contract or any kind of obligation, subject to the whim of one man, you 
will understand the position this community is in every day, every 
week, every month of every year. 

And his behavior, as you have had an opportunity to witness, is 
purely a matter of whim. He has contracts with these men, these in- 
dustries, sugar, pineapple, and shipping, today, binding contracts. 
And yet because your committee wished to come here to the islands to 
find out what the score was on communism, he just paid absolutely no 
attention to the contractual commitments whatsoever; as, I say, a 
matter of whim, he was going to shut us down. 

What does that mean ? Well, there isn't any dictator anywhere in 
the whole world that has any more power than that, Senator — none. 

Senator Johnston. Under their contract, it doesn't give them a 
right to strike just because we come here to hold a hearing, does it? 

Mr. Dillingham. No, sir. 

Senator Johnston. That being so, isn't it true that one of your 
planters, or a man that is damaged by that, under our laws could sue 
the union as a whole and collect for the damages done? 

Mr. Dillingham. That is correct. Senator. But that takes another 
10 years of legal procedure. 

Frankly, it is terribly involved, terribly complicated. Drags on and 
on and on. And in the end they make a settlement. 

They had a situation like that, Senator, very recently, which was 
settled with these fellows. 

Senator Johnston. As I see it, you're going to have to have some 
planters willing to sacrifice themselves in order to get justice. Isn't 
that about true ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir. And I feel that they will be willing to 
make that sacrifice if they have the feeling they are going to be prop- 
erly backed up in due time. It is one thing to give your life or your 
fortune in the belief that it is going to accomplish something. But 
when you are merely put on the altar of sacrifice as a good fellow and 
somebody else is going to move in and reaj^ the reward, that's hardly 
an inducement to make the kind of sacrifice or take the kind of cour- 
ageous position that is very desperately needed at this time. 

But I think that calls for very definite help from the Government 
itself. As you know, not having representatives in Congress, we do 
feel somewhat helpless out here in that regard. In other words, our 
real position is not adequately appreciated in Washington. And we 
are dependent upon the Federal Government for support. Moral sup- 
port, if nothing else, but certainly support, because there are many 
things that we can't, as a Territory, accomplish as the States are able 
to do. We don't have that position. And that support has not been 


forthcoming. We have not had adequate understanding and apprecia- 
tion to back up what's been tried to be done here. 

And it has been cleverly confused, the whole issue has been cleverly 
confused with unionism as such. Nobody here wants to be antilabor 
or antiunion. They don't even want to risk being charged with that. 
But we're 5,000 miles from Washington, and it is very easy, with the 
kind of publicity we have gotten here over the years, to write us off 
as a kind of feudal society under a Big Five domination and leave it at 
that. And if they can get the Big Five, why maybe that's all to 
the good, too. 

Senator Johnston. I want you to know that I'm speaking person- 
ally when I say this. I think you need a union. I think unions 
are good things in their places, and when properly handled and with 
proper officials at the head. But when any union becomes so dominated 
by the Communists that the CIO throws that union out, then I think 
it is time for a nation to wake up and do something about it. 

Mr. Dillingham. Well, sir, the only thing we want to know is what 
to do. 

Senator Watkins. Mr. Chairman, what is your opinion with re- 
spect to why the labor union has taken the position it has ? Is it be- 
cause the rank and file favor such a program of frustration and follow- 
ing whims or is it because of some other reason, some other motivation ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Senator, to answer your question intelligent:ly, 
I have to review with you the history of our industry here, which 
would be quite lengthy. 

Senator Watkins. Can you do it briefly ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Well, sir, let me put it this way. There was a 
time when the whip hand was in the hands of management here. 
There was domination by the Big Five; there was arrogance; it be- 
came arrogant; there was a reason for it being built up the way it was. 
And when they found themselves in the position of having everything, 
as is customary I think with human beings, they took advantage of it. 
And the time arrived where the little fellow, the laboring man, and 
others, were given a pretty thin end of things around here. 

Senator Watkins. Do you think that situation has been corrected ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes ; I think to a great extent. Senator. And of 
course, to a great extent, too, it has been forced on them through the 
advent of the union. But the union has tended to play up many of 
the things — the ILWU, let me put it that way — has tended to over- 
emphasize a lot of things, perhaps in their own interest in order to 
have a good story to tell, or something of that kind. But whatever 
the reason, this adherence to the union has come about through a feel- 
ing of frustration and resentment against the existing order of things. 

Senator Watkins. It is usual in a situation of that kind. The 
general public, which probably has no direct financial interest in 
management and industry, and those who are not also members of the 
union are caught in between. 

Mr. Dillingham. That is correct. 

Senator Watkins. And they are the real sufferers under a situation 
of that kind. 

Mr. Dillingham. That is correct. 

Senator Watkins. It has been charged that the union is dominated 
by those who are under the discipline of the Communist Party, and in 


fact are Communists or have been Communists recently. Have you 
people noted anything that would indicate that is the case? Do you 
have any evidence you could submit to the committee that would ex- 
plain that situation? So far as we are concerned, we want to get 
the facts. 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir. 

Senator Watkins. If there is nothing to those charges, we want to 
clear that up. And if the charges are true that the unions, at least 
two of them here, are Communist dominated, we want to find that 
out, because that is one of the danger signals to the country. A 
situation of that kind must not be allowed to go on, because in a 
time of crisis, of war, our very liberty might be jeopardized and the 
tide of battle might be turned against us by reason of some situation 
of that sort. 

Mr. Dillingham. Eight. 

Senator Watkins. And that is the responsibility of this committee. 
Now, we don't know, when we come here, what all the facts are. We 
had an investigator go out and make some preliminary investigation. 
But obviously, in a situation we find here, it is almost impossible 
to get the evidence. Charges are made with respect to certain news- 
papers. We try to find out about the newspaper by calling those 
who appear on the surface, on the records, to be the manager and 
others connected with that newspaper, and yet they won't talk, they 
won't say anything; they rely on the fifth amendment. 

It seems to me the local people here could greatly aid the Federal 
Government, and particularly Congress, wdien it uses its powers to 
investigate these matters, by helping to get the information and the 
evidence. We can't proceed without evidence. We can't even deter- 
mine what kind of laws we ought to pass, or w^hether we ought to 
have amendments to existing laws, or repeal of existing laws, adopt 
new laws, or even propose amendments to the Constitution, unless 
we can get the information on which such action can be based. 

And some people — of course many people probably — have co- 
operated, I don't know the extent. But it is difficult to find out, get 
evidence as to just what a certain newspaper is doing. Someway, it 
seems to me, the business people, the advertisers, or somebody, should 
come forth and say, "Well, if you can't get these people to testify 
themselves, we know wdio the managers are, we laiow who conducts 
this newspaper," and they should come in here and give us that 
evidence, so we can clear it up whether it is or is not Communist 

The mere fact that a person takes the fifth amendment is not con- 
sidered under the law as evidence that he is guilty. That is a right 
he has under the Constitution. No court is going to consider the mere 
fact he took that course as evidence he is guilty of anything. That is 
his riglit under the Constitution, as the courts have construed it. So 
we need aid. The Federal agencies may have been lax. You may not 
have had the support you think you ought to have out here. On the 
other hand, we find a strong group that is willing to stand 
together in a fight for the maintenance of the American way of life, 
of our liberties ; it is much easier to work with a grou]) of that kind 
to get the evidence needed. 


I haven't talked to the staff about this, I don't know how many busi- 
ness people volunteered to come forth and give what evidence they 
have in the situation we find here. 

I would like your comments on this matter of what, if any, evidence 
there is. 

Mr, Dillingham. Senator, I am not as fair perhaps as the Consti- 

Senator Watkins. In fact of the matter 

Mr. Dillingham. When a man acts like a Communist and talks 
like one and associates with others who talk and act the same way, 
and isn't particularly interested in safeguarding the rights of others, 
as I interpret that term, then to me he is not — well, to me he is a Com- 
munist. I don't know how else to gather evidence. And I appreciate 
that much of the evidence I would probably gather under those cir- 
cumstances would not be admissible in a court of law. 

But as I say, when a fellow talks and he acts and he associates and 
he conducts himself in a manner that Communists conduct themselves, 
and when he says the same kind of things that Mr. Khrushchev and 
Mr. Tito and some of these other fellows talk about, and one thing and 
another, and they talk the same as those who have been convicted of 
being Communists, then I'm satisfied, myself, that that fellow or that 
organization or that association is either Communist-dominated or 
takes the Communist line. 

Senator Watkins, Using your own basis, now, your own measuring 

Mr, Dillingham. I can't use any other. Senator, because, until a 
man is convicted, he is not a Communist, 

Senator Watkins. Using that, what is your opinion with respect 
to the unions, the two unions that are under fire here or at least have 
been investigated, in the domination or control of them ? 

Mr. Dillingham. It has been my feeling for some time. Senator, 
that these two unions, and particularly the ILWU, have been led by 
Communists and are Communist-dominated, that is, influenced by the 
Communist thought and training and attitude of mind. 

Senator Watkins. Is that with respect to the leadership only? 

Mr. Dillingham. That is with respect to the leadership only. 

Senator Watkins. What about the membership at large ? 

Mr. Dillingham, I have never myself been in contact with any 
member that I thought was, himself, disloyal to the United States in 
the terms I mean. Now, it doesn't mean that they don't have to go 
along. But I am talking about the people that I know personally and 
have talked to in the rank and file. They are as loyal to this country 
as I am. 

Senator Watkins, Is there any sugestion you have in that respect, 
in respect to an education program that might be inaugurated with 
the rank and file to help them see the necessity of throwing out of the 
management of the union those who are not loyal to this country? 

Mr. Dillingham, I don't know anything 

Senator Watkins, That have ulterior motives in leadership in these 

Mr, Dillingham. I don't know any way of doing it, Senator, ex- 
cept by persuasion and by setting an example. And to my way of 
thinking, I think that the business community here could have done 

72723— 57— pt. 41 2 


a far more effective job than they have done in persuading the rank 
and file that they have been following the wrong leadership. But 
unfortunately they have not exerted that kind of leadership and the 
rank and file has nowhere else to turn. 

Senator Watkins. I am very glad that you have made the remarks 
that you have just made. That corroborates the statement made by 
Dr. Phillips here several days ago. There is a community responsi- 
bility. It can't all be placed on the Federal Government. After all, 
the evidence of these things happens out here, where you people see 
and observe them. 

Mr. Dillingham. That's correct. 

Senator Watkins. And Congress and the Federal Government and 
the law enforcement agencies and all of those have to depend to a cer- 
tain extent upon the cooperation of the average citizen. We can't have 
a large secret service, a large group of agents all over the country, try- 
ing to ferret out these matters. We have to have rather a limited 
number of men to do this job. 

Mr. Dillingham. I quite agree with you. 

Senator Watkins. They are spread all over the world at the present 
time. We have our CIA intelligence agents, we have our CIC in the 
Army, we have other agencies w^hich attempt to get this information. 
But after all is said and done, they are powerless unless they do get 
the cooperation of the good loyal Americans. 

Mr. Dillingham. Well, Senator, I will put it this way. I agree 
with you that lots can be done at the local level. But here's where 
you're up against a tough situation. When you have a labor leader 
who is also a convicted Communist, there's nothing under the law that 
says you don't have to deal with a labor leader who is a convicted Com- 
munist. Now, in accordance with our labor laws, as long as that in- 
dividual is a duly authorized representative of his union you have got 
to deal with him, as I understand it. 

Now, suppose industry says, "This fellow has been convicted of be- 
ing a Communist and we won't deal with him." Then what? Who pro- 
tects industry in that position ? The fact remains that that individual, 
just because he has been convicted, hasn't been deprived of his status 
as agent for the union which he represents. 

Senator Watkins. While the matter is on appeal, of course there is 
a stay of execution on the verdict rendered and the judgment and sen- 
tence imposed is stayed so that nothing can be done any further with 
respect to that part of it, but it doesn't alter the status which the 
man is in. 

Mr. Dillingham. Even so. Senator, I feel that when there is any 
question, certainly if a man were under question for treason in the 
Armed Services, he wouldn't be left in the line to carry on, while he 
was under questioning. And I feel that a situation like that has got 
to be dealt with by proper legal and — proper laws being established. 
If there's a question about a man's loyalty, he should be suspended 
until that matter is cleared up. 

Senator Johnston. All these questions about communism have come 
up within recent years. From your statement, then, you think it would 
probably be beneficial in a case like here, when a man has been con- 
victed by a competent court, even though the case is on appeal, that he 
could not take any part in any labor organization nor anything deal- 


ing with the general public even while his case is on appeal. Do you 
think that would be a good law ? 

Mr, Dillingham. Sir, I don't know; I can't answer you whether 
I think it would be good law or not, but it would certainly clarify a lot 
of issues and it would certainly speed up justice being done one way or 
the other, and you are certainly removing a lot of the opportunities 
for confusion and doubt about one thing and another that exists today. 

Senator Johnston. Should the legislation make it a criminal offense 
for that man to take any part in any labor organization after his con- 
viction until he has been cleared by a court of competent jurisdiction? 

Mr. Dillingham. I think that would help clarify matters. 

Senator Watktns. Mr. Chairman, at this point, I would like to make 
this obsei'vation. Sometime ago, at the beginning of these proceedings 
here, there Avas some suggestio]i made with respect to what should be 
done by the Attorney General under the Communist Control Act of 

I have had prepared a short memo here and I think it would be well 
worthwhile to include, at this point in the record, the summary, as 
well as a copy of Public Law 637 of the 83d Congress being an act to 
outlaw the Communist Party, to prohibit members of the Communist 
organizations from serving in certain representative capacities and for 
other purposes. 

I note that there is some difficulty in applying that particular act 
in many cases simply because a conviction, while it covers previous 
years, doesn't come within the 3-year period in the act itself. I would 
like to read this particular memo. 

Effective management is the crux of a proceeding against alleged Communist- 
infiltrated unions. That term contemplates proof of Communist membership and 
activity within a 3-year period. In other words, from 1953 to 1956. Policies 
must be shown within the 3-year period, formulated and carried out pursuant to 
the direction of a Communist organization. Proof, of course, means, in all cases, 
probative evidence. Not just a lot of hearsay. Not "publicly known or identi- 
fied," not "so referred to in the congressional committee" but proof by one in a 
position to know, invariably an ex-Communist who had direct firsthand knowl- 
edge. It uuist be shown that the union, within a 3-year period, has been affiliated 
in any way with any such Communist organization. 

Matters relating to Communist funds and fronts are apposite in all cases, of 
course. Personal and direct knowledge of participants and members, not inves- 
tigators relying upon hearsay or researches or compilation of printed matter. 

It is of interest to score the point that in the Communist Control Act of 1954, 
all rights and contracts, wages, and pensions are preserved to the rank and file 
as the NLRB, upon petition of more than 20 percent of the employees of any 
unit, may act in their interest once the Subversive Activities Control Board and 
the courts have determined the union is Communist-dominated. 

It is a long, complicated procedure. You talk about just an ap- 
peal from an ordinary criminal conviction being complicated which 
takes a lot of time, you can imagine how long it will take if they have 
to go to the Subversive Activities Control Board. And by the way, 
the constitutionality of that act has not yet been directly passed upon 
by the Supreme Court; and it has been operating now for a number 
of years. You can see how complicated it would be for the Attorney 
General, in the absence of the kind of evidence he needs, and which 
he can't get because the peo])le who know vrould not testify. You 
can't make them testify because they might incrimin.ate themselves. 
How are you going to prove all these things? So it is an extremely 
difficult situation. 


I have some appreciation of what Senator Johnston has suggested 
here. That we may have to do some more legislating on this point. I 
Jim not satisfied that this act we passed in 1954 is the answer. Maybe 
we can't find an answer short of a constitutional amendment. But we 
certainly must try — that's one reason why we're here, incidentally, to 
find the answer, to get the facts. 

You say we don't pay too much attention to you in Washington. 
We're here with a special investigation. And incidentally, there has 
been a lot of criticism because we came out here, to this beautiful 
place — a nice place to spend a vacation — and that we just came out 
here at Government expense to spend a vacation. And when we get 
here some of you people tell us we have been neglecting you in the past 
and we ought to have been here sooner. 

At any rate, no matter who we are as individuals, what our indi- 
vidual views are, we are here representing the Congress of the United 
States, the Senate of the United States, carrying out its constitutional 
obligations and a duty imposed by an act of Congress. That's why 
we're here. Irrespective of what you may think of us individually, 
our beliefs or our political positions or anything of that sort, we do 
come clothed with the authority of the Senate of the United States 
under the Constitution which we are all supi^osed to u])hold. 

May this act itself be printed in the record at this point? More 
people ought to know what's in that law\ 

Senator Johnston. It is ordered that this be printed in the record 
at this point. 

(The document referred to above was marked "Exhibit No. 398" and 
reads as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 398 

Public Law 6.37 — 83d Congress 

AN ACT To outlaw the Communist Party, to prohibit members of Communist organiza- 
tions from serving in certain representative capacities, and for other purposes 

Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assemhled, That this Act may be cited as the "Com- 
munist Control Act of 1954". 


Sec. 2. The Congress hereby finds and declares that the Communist Party 
of the United States, although purportedly a political party is in fact an instru- 
mentality of a conspiracy to overthrow the Government of the United States. 
It constitutes an authoritarian dictatorship within a republic, demanding for 
itself the rights and privileges accorded to political parties, but denying to all 
others the liberties guaranteed by the Constitution. Unlike political parties, 
which evolve their policies and programs through public means, by the reconcilia- 
tion of a wide variety of individual views, and submit those policies and pro- 
grams to the electorate at large for approval or disappi'oval, the policies and 
programs of the Communist Party are secretly prescribed for it by the foreign 
leaders of the world Communist movement. Its members have no part in 
determining its goals, and are not permitted to voice dissent to party objectives. 
Unlike members of political parties, members of the Communist Party are 
recruited for indoctrination with respect to its objectives and methods, and are 
organized, instructed, and disciplined to carry into action slavishly the assign- 
ments given them by their hierarchical chieftains. Unlike political parties, 
the Communist Party acknowledges no constitutional or statutory limitations 
upon its conduct or upon that of its members. The Communist Party is relatively 
small numerically, and gives scant indication of capacity ever to attain its ends 
by lawful political means. The peril inherent in its operation arises not from 
its numbers, but from its failure to acknowledge any limitation as to the nature 
of its activities, and its dedication to the proposition that the present constitu- 


tional Government of the United States ultimately must be brought to ruin by 
any available means, including resort to force and violence. Holding that doc- 
trine, its role as the agency of a hostile foreign power renders its existence a clear 
present and continuing danger to the security of the United States. It is the 
means whereby individuals are seduced into the service of the world Com- 
munist movement, trained to do its bidding, and directed and controlled in the 
conspiratorial performance of their revolutionary services. Therefore, the 
Communist Party should be outlawed. 


Sec. 3. The Communist Party of the United States, or any successors of such 
party regardless of the assumed name, whose object or purpose is to overthrow 
the Government of the United States, or the government of any State, Territory, 
District, or possession thereof, or the government of any political subdivision 
therein by force and violence, are not entitled to any of the rights, privileges, and 
immunities attendant upon legal bodies created under the jurisdiction of the 
laws of the United States or any political subdivision thereof; and whatever 
rights, privileges, and immunities which have heretofore been granted to said 
party or any subsidiary organization by reason of the laws of the United States 
or any political subdivision thereof, are hereby terminated : Provided, however, 
That nothing in this section shall be construed as amending the Internal Security 
Act of 1950, as amended. 

Sec. 4. Whoever knowingly and willfully becomes or remains a member of 
(1) the Communist Party, or (2) any other organization having for one of its 
purposes or objectives the establishment, control, conduct, seizure, or overthrow 
of the Government of the United States, or the government of any State or 
political subdivision thereof, by the use of force or violence, with knowledge of 
the purpose or objective of such organization shall be subject to all the provi- 
sions and penalties of the Internal Security Act of 1950, as amended, as a mem- 
ber of a "Communist-action" organization. 

(&) For the purposes of this section, the term "Communist Party" means the 
organization now known as the Communist Party of the United States of America, 
the Communist Party of any State or subdivision thereof, and any unit or sub- 
division of any such organization, whether or not any change is hereafter made 
in the name thereof. 

Sec. 5. In determining membership or participation in the Communist Party 
or any other organization defined in this Act, or knowledge of the purpose or 
objective of such party or organization, the jury, under instructions from the 
court, shall consider evidence, if presented, as to whether the accused person : 

( 1 ) Has been listed to his knowledge as a member in any book or any of the 
lists, records, correspondence, or any other document of the organization ; 

(2) Has made financial contribution to the organization in dues, assessments, 
loans, or in any other form ; 

(3) Has made himself subject to the discipline of the organization in any 
form whatsoever ; 

(4) Has executed orders, plans, or directives of any kind of the organization; 

(5) Has acted as an agent, courier, messenger, correspondent, organizer, or 
in any other capacity in behalf of the organization ; 

(6) Has conferred with officers or other members of the organization in behalf 
of any plan or enterprise of the oranization ; 

(7) Has been accepted to his knowledge as an officer or member of the organ- 
ization or as one to be called upon for services by other officers or members of 
the organization ; 

(8) Has written, spoken or in any other way communicated by signal, sema- 
phore, sign, or in any other form of communication orders, directives, or plans of 
the organization ; 

(9) Has prepared documents, pamphlets, leaflets, books, or any other type of 
publication in behalf of the objectives and purposes of the organization ; 

(10) Has mailed, shipped, circulated, distributed, delivered, or in any other 
way sent or delivered to others material or propaganda of any kind in behalf of 
the organization ; 

(11) Has advised, counseled or in any other way imparted information, sug- 
gestions, recommendations to ofiicers or members of the organization or to any- 
one else in behalf of the objectives of the organization ; 

(12) Has indicated by word, action, conduct, writing or in any other way a 
willingness to carry out in any manner and to any degree the plans, designs, ob- 
jectives, or purposes of the organization ; 


(13) Has in any other way participated in the activities, planning, actions, 
objectives, or purposes of the organization ; 

(14) The enumeration of the above subjects of evidence on membership or 
participation in the Communist Party or any other organization as above defined, 
shall not limit the inquiry into and consideration of any other subject of evidence 
on membership and participation as herein stated. 


Sec. 6. Subsection 5 (a) (1) of the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950 
(50 U. S. C. 784) is amended by striking out the period at the end thereof and 
inserting in lieu thereof a semicolon and the following : "or 

"(E) to hold office or employment with any labor organization, as that 
term is defined in section 2 (5) of the National Labor Relations Act, as 
amended (29 U. S. C. 152), or to represent any employer in any matter or 
proceeding arising or pending under that Act." 


Sec. 7. (a) Section 3 of the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950 (50 
U. S. C. 782) is amended by inserting, immediately after paragraph (4) thereof, 
the following new paragraph : 

"(4A) The term 'Communist-infiltrated organization' means any organization 
in the United States (other than a Communist-action organization or a Com- 
munist-front organization) which (A) is substantially directed, dominated, or 
controlled by an individual or individuals who are, or who within three years 
have been actively engaged in, giving aid or support to a Communist-action or- 
ganization, a Communist foreign government, or the world Communist movement 
referred to in section 2 of this title, and (B) is serving, or within three years has 
served, as a means for (i) the giving of aid or support to any such organization, 
government, or movement, or (ii) the impairment of the military strength of the 
United States or its industrial capacity to furnish logistical or other material sup- 
port required by its Armed Forces : Provided, however. That any labor organiza- 
tion which is an affiliate in good standing of a national federation or other labor 
organization whose policies and activities have been directed to opposing Com- 
munist organizations, any Communist foreign government, or the world Com- 
munist movement, shall be presumed prima facie not to be a 'Communist-infil- 
trated organization'." 

(b) Paragraph (5) of such section is amended to read as follows: 

"(5) The term 'Communist organization' means any Communist-action organ- 
ization. Communist-front organization, or Communist-infiltrated organization." 

(c) Subsections 5 (c) and 6 (c) of such Act are repealed. 

Sec. 8. (a) Section 10 of such Act (50 U. S. C. 789) is amended by inserting, im- 
mediately after the words "final order of the Board requiring it register under 
section 7", the words "or determining that it is a Communist-infiltrated organ- 

(b) Subsections (a) and (b) of section 11 of such Act (50 U. S. 0. 790) are 
amended by inserting immediately proceeding the period at the end of each such 
subsection, the following : "or determining that it is a Communist-infiltrated or- 

Sec. 9. (a) Subsection 12 (e) of such Act (50 U. S. C. 791) is amended by— 

(1) striking out the period at the end thereof and inserting in lieu thereof 
a semicolon and the word "and" ; and 

(2) inserting at the end thereof the following new paragraph; 

"(3) upon any application made under subsection (a) or subsection (b) 
of section 13A of this title, to determine whether any organization is a Com- 
munist-infiltrated organization." 
(b) The section caption to section 13 of such Act (50 U. S. C. 792) is amended 
to read as follows : "registration proceedings before the board". 

Sec. 10. Such Act is amended by inserting, immediately after section 13 thereof, 
the following new section : 

"proceedings with respect to communist-infiltrated organizations 

"Sec. 13A. (a) Whenever the Attorney General has reason to believe that any 
organization is a Communist-infiltrated organization, he may file with the Board 
and serve upon such organization a petition for a determination that such organ- 
ization is a Communist-infiltrated organization. In any proceeding so instituted. 


two or more affiliated organizations may be named as joint respondents. When- 
ever any such petition is accompanied by a certificate of the Attorney General to 
the effect that the proceeding so instituted is one of exceptional public importance, 
such proceeding shall be set for hearing at the earliest possible time and all pro- 
ceedings therein before the Board or any court shall be expedited to the greatest 
practicable extent. 

"(b) Any organization which has been determined under this section to be a 
Communist-infiltrated organization may, within six months after such deter- 
mination, file with the Board and serve upon the Attorney General a petition for 
a determination that such organization no longer is a Communist-infiltrated or- 

"(c) Each such petition shall be verified under oath, and shall contain a state- 
ment of the facts relied upon in support thereof. Upon the filing of any such 
petition, the Board shall serve upon each party to such proceeding a notice specify- 
ing the time and place for hearing upon such petition. No such hearing shall 
be conducted within twenty days after the service of such notice. 

"(d) The provisions of subsections (c) and (d) of section 13 shall apply to 
hearings conducted under this section, except that upon the failure of any organ- 
ization named as a party in any petition filed by or duly served upon it pursuant 
to this section to appear at any hearing upon such petition, the Board may con- 
duct such hearing in the absence of such organization and may enter such order 
under this section as the Board shall determine to be warranted by evidence 
presented at such hearing. 

"(e) In determining whether any organization is a Communist-infiltrated 
organization, the Board shall consider — 

"(1) to what extent, if any, the effective management of the affairs of 
such organization is conducted by one or more individuals who are, or within 
two years have been, (A) members, agents, or representatives of any Com- 
munist organization, and Communist foreign government, or the world Com- 
munist movement referred to in section 2 of this title, with knowledge of 
the nature and purpose thereof, or (B) engaged in giving aid or support to 
any such organization, government, or movement with knowledge of the 
nature and purpose thereof ; 

" (2) to what extent, if any, the jwlicies of such organization are, or within 
three years have been, formulated and carried out pursuant to the direc- 
tion or advice of any member, agent, or representative of any such organiza- 
tion, government, or movement; 

"(3) to what extent, if any, the personnel and resources of such organ- 
ization are, or within three years have been, used to further or promote the 
objectives of any such Communist organization, government, or movement ; 
"(4) to what extent, if any, such organization within three years has 
received from, or furnished to or for the use of, any such Communist organ- 
ization, government, or movement any funds or other material assistance ; 

"(5) to what extent, if any, such organization is, or within three years 
has been, affiliated in any way with any such Communist organization, 
government, or movement ; 

"(6) to what extent, if any, the affiliation of such organization, or of 
any individual or individuals who are members thereof or who manage its 
affairs, with any such Communist organization, government, or movement 
is concealed from or is not disclosed to the membership of such organiza- 
tion; and 

"(7) to what extent, if any, such organization or any of its members or 
managers are, or within three years have been, knowingly engaged — 

"(A) in any conduct punishable under section 4 or 15 of this Act or under 
chapter 37, 105, or 115 of title 18 of the United States Code ; or 

"(B) with intent to impair the military strength of the United States 
or its industrial capacity to furnish logistical or other support required by 
its armed forces, in any activity resulting in or contributing to any such 
"(f) After hearing upon any petition filed under this section, the Board shall 
( 1 ) make a report in writing in which it shall state its findings as to the facts 
and its conclusions with respect to the issues presented by such petition, (2) 
enter its order granting or denying the determination sought by such petition, 
and (3) serve upon each party to the proceeding a copy of such order. Any order 
granting any determination on the question whether any organization is a Com- 
munist-infiltrated organization shall become final as provided in section 14 (b) 
of this Act. 


"(g) When any order has been entered by the Board under this section with 
respect to any labor organization or employer (as these terms are defined by 
section 2 of the National Labor Relations Act, as amended, and which are organi- 
zations within the meaning of section 3 of the Subversive Activities Control Act 
of 1950), the Board shall serve a true and correct copy of such order upon the 
National Labor Relations Board and shall publish in the Federal Register a 
statement of the substance of such order and its effective date. 

"(h) When there is in effect a final order of the Board determining that any 
such labor organization is a Communist-action organization, a Communist-front 
organization, or a Communist-infiltrated organization, such labor organization 
shall be ineligible to — 

"(1) act as representative of any employee within the meaning or for the 
purposes of section 7 of the National Labor Relations Act, as amended (29 
U. S.C. 157) ; 

"(2) serve as an exclusive representative of employees of any bargaining 
unit under section 9 of such Act, as amended (29 U. S. C. 159) ; 

"(3) make, or obtain any hearing upon, any charge under section 10 of 
such Act (29 U. S. C. 160) ; or 

"(4) exercise any other right or privilege, or receive any other benefit, 
substantive or procedural, provided by such Act for labor organizations, 
"(i) When an order of the Board determining that any such labor organization 
is a Communist-infiltrated organization has become final, and such labor organi- 
zation theretofore has been certified under the National Labor Relations Act, as 
amended, as a representative of employees in any bargaiuina- unit — 

"(1) a question of representation affecting commerce, within the meaning 
of section 9 (c) of such Act, shall be deemed to exist with respect to such 
bargaining unit; and 

"(2) the National Labor Relations Board, upon petition of not less than 
20 per centum of the employees in such bargaining unit or any person or 
persons acting in their behalf, shall under section 9 of such Act (notwith- 
standing any limitation of time contained therein) direct elections in such 
bargaining unit or any subdivision thereof (A) for the selection of a rep- 
resentative thereof for collective bargaining purposes, and ( B ) to determine 
whether the employees thereof desire to rescind any authority previously 
granted to such labor organization to enter into any agreement with their 
employer pursuant to section 8 (a) (3) (ii) of such Act. 
"(j) When there is in effect a final order of the Board determining that any 
such employer is a Communist-infiltrated organization, such employer shall be 
ineligible to — 

"(1) file any petition for an election under section 9 of the National 
Labor Relations Act, as amended (29 U. S. C. 157), or participate in any 
proceeding under such section ; or 

"(2) make or obtain any hearing upon any charge under section 10 of 
such Act (29 U. S. C. 160) ; or 

"(3) exercise any other right or privilege or receive any other benefit, 

substantive or procedural, provided by such Act for employers." 

Sec. 11. Subsections (a) and (b) of section 14 of such Act (50 U. S. C. 793) 

are amended by inserting in each such subsection, immediately after the words 

"section 13", a comma and the following: "or subsection (f) of section 13A,". 

Sec. 12. If any provision of this title or the application thereof to any person 

or circumstances is held invalid, the remainder of the title, and the application 

of such provisions to other persons or circumstances, shall not be affected 


Approved August 24, 1954, 9:40 a. m., M. S. T. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Chairman, may I interrogate ? 

Senator Johnston. Senator Welker. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Dillingham, you were asked a question by the 
Senator from Utah with respect to what you could do, what evidence 
you had and what evidence you could use as a representative of this 
community, informing us as to whether or not a man was a convicted 
Communist or a member of the Communist conspiracy. I will ask 
you if it isn't a fact that you, as an ordinary human being, could take 
cognizance of the fact that a jury had found a man guilty of a viola- 
tion of the Smith Act, which Smith Act is designed to punish a per- 


son who advocates the overthrow of the Government of the United 
States by force and violence. That would amount to evidence upon 
which you could base an opinion, would it not? 

Mr. Dillingham. Definitely. 

Senator Welker. Now, Mr. Dillingham, you've been a very splen- 
did witness, not only for labor but for management, and for our free- 
dom-loving peoples everywhere. You are mindful of the fact, aren't 
you, that in the crime in murder, in most cases bail is denied, for a 
charge of murder in the first degree. You are mindful of that fact ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Well, not locally, but I hope that's true, Senator. 

Senator Welker. In the jurisdictions in which I am permitted to 
practice on the mainland, bailable offenses do not include murder in 
the first degree. Now, I am asT^ing you, Mr. Dillingham, if a person 
charged with murder, the killing of an individual, with malice afore- 
thought, willfully and deliberately, should he be denied bail, wouldn't 
it be commonsense, wouldn't it be good justice, to deny bail to those 
charged with a violation of the Smith Act, which would overthrow 
our country by force and violence ? 

Mr. Dillingham. I would be inclined to agree with you, Senator. 

Senator Welker. And if they Avere denied bail, I think you would 
agree with me that you would never have to wait for Si^ years to have 
a final adjudication of their lawsuit. 

Mr. Dillingham. That's true, very true. 

Senator Welker. Now, Mr. Dillingham, I want to go back to Sec- 
retary of Labor JMitchell. When did he make his remarks in San 
Francisco that offended Mr. Bridges — not Senator Styles Bridges of 
New Hampshire, but Mr. Harry Bridges ? 

Mr, Dillingham. He made those remarks on the plane, at the air- 
port in San Francisco, it was either while going from one plane to the 
other or stopping overnight. I have forgotten how long he was in 
San Francisco. But it was while he — when he arrived in San Fran- 
cisco, prior to his coming to Honolulu. It was either that day or the 
next day. 

Senator Welker. And what year was that ? 

Mr. Dillingham. That was this year. 

Senator Welker. Now, what part of this year ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Now, was it this year? It was last spring. Sen- 
ator, if memory serves me right. Maybe it was — I really don't know. 
Isn't that awful ? It was witliin a year, if memory serves me correctly. 

Senator Welker. And I think you told me that as a result of those 
remarks made by the Secretary of Labor, a work stoppage was called 
here in the islands ? 

Mr. Dillingham. No. The negotiations were called off. 

Senator Welker. Negotiations were called off. 

Mr. Dillingham, Yes. 

Senator Welker. Not only here in the islands but any other place ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Well, wherever they — No. They were here 
mainly, because it affected the negotiations that were going on here in 
Honolulu at the time. So it was all ILWU negotiations with manage- 
ment, going on at the time here in Honolulu. 

Senator Welker. That was because Mr. Bridges took offense at 
whatever was said at the airport by the Secretary of Labor ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes, sir. 


Senator Welker. You are mindful of the fact that the Secretary 
of Labor is an appointee of President Eisenhower, a Kepublican ad- 
ministration ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes. 

Senator Welker. And I suppose you read in the press prior to the 
November elections that Mr. Harry Bridges had decided he was a 
Republican ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes. 

Senator Welker. That is all. 

Senator Johnston. Any other questions ? 

We will have 2 minutes recess. The reporter has reached a point 
where it is necessary. 

(A 2-minute recess was taken.) 

Senator Johnston. The committee will resume the hearing. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I have just one question of this witness. 

In your experience as a Territorial senator, were you able to observe 
that the top officials of the IL"\^n^T, about whom we have been talking, 
were able to exercise an influence over the Territorial legislature? 

Mr. Dillingham. You say "the top officials" ? 

Mr. Morris. The leadership of the ILWU. 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes. Yes, sir. I think that's a fair statement. 
But I would like to point out, too, that there are others who exercised 
influence over the legislators too. I think it should be borne in mind, 
however, that under the way that our legislature has been apportioned 
for the past 55 years, that we are controlled in both houses by the out- 
side islands, who populationwise don't represent probably more than 
a fourth of the population of this island alone. So that the so-called 
proportionate representation here is "out the window." 

Now, Congress did reapportion us in your last session and that 
should have a beneficial effect. It certainly will be fairer to the people 
on a basis of proportionate representation than under that which we 
have had. Now, if we have, as we will have in this next session of the 
legislature, control of both houses by the outside islands, collectively, 
and you appreciate the fact that nobody, Republican or Democrat, can 
be elected on the outside islands virtually without the support of the 
ILWTT, you can see just to that degree that the II.^'S'TT has an influence 
over the affairs of this legislature. But I would like to also add the 
ILWIT has been disappointed in some of the results of this legislature 
too. It hasn't been entirely a one-way street. But you ask if they have 
exerted influence. They have, but so have other people. 

Senator Johnston. What you have called to our attention is that 
some of the islands have a small individual vote in electing their repre- 
sentatives. It makes it easy to go into that island and get control of 
the representatives from that island? 

Mr. Dillingham. Yes, because you see, as the labor population 
gains franchise — originally, these laborers were aliens and they didn't 
have the vote. So consequently, the relatively small groups on those 
islands that had the vote were of the managerial group and were not 
subject to union or labor, let's say, influence and so forth. But as the 
young people have come along, they are American citizens, full-fledged 
citizens, as you and I are. They have now formed that labor force 
that was formerly disfranchised, and they now have the franchise and 
the thing has been turned upside down. The big vote is the labor vote 


on the outside islands today. And consequently, whichever particular 
union they are affiliated with is naturally jroinc; to have the influence 
over that membership. And in this case it happens to be the ILWU. 

Senator Johnston. Now, I know you want it plainly understood 
that you are not advocating that they do not have the representation, 
but tiiey should have the representation closer in accordance with the 
amount of population ? 

Mr. Dillingham. Oh, yes, sir. Absolutely. And it has been taken 
care of very — I hope — satisfactorily, Senator. 

Senator Johnston. So you think our last act will do a lot of good 
in that direction ? 

Mr. DiLLiNGHAiM. I think it will, so far as the people on this island 
are concerned, in (^ivinix us proportionate representation, yes. 

Senator Johnston. Any other questions ? 

We just wish to thank you for this valuable information and this 
backjrround on the situation that exists here today. 

We thank you very much. 

Mr. Dillingham. You are very welcome, I am sure. Thank you. 

Mr. Morris. Thank you very much. 

Senator Johnston. We must not have any demonstrations here at 
these hearinijs. We are here to receive information. We are glad 
to have people come and testify, and testify freely without hiding be- 
hind the fifth amendment, but at the same time we must not have any 
more demonstrations. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Myer Symonds. 

Mr. Symonds. I ask that the television be shut off. 

Senator Johnston. Do you solemnly swear that the evidence you 
give before this subcommittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Symonds. I do. 

Senator Johnston. Have a seat. Witness is with you. 


Mr. Morris. Will you give your full name and address to the re- 
porter, Mr. S.ymonds ? 

Mr. Symonds. My name is Myer C. Symonds. My address is 2122 
Kaloa Way, Honolulu. 

Mr. Morris. Now, JSIr. Symonds, you practice law here in Honolulu, 
do you not ? 

Mr. Symonds. I do. 

Mr. Morris. And where were you born, sir ? 

Mr. Symonds. I was born in Sydney, Australia. 

Mr. Morris. In what year ? 

Mr. Symonds. October 13, 1909. 

Mr. Morris. And when did you come to the United States ? 

Mr. Symonds. 1920. 

Mr. Morris. Now, you graduated from the Hastings Law School in 
San Francisco in 1933, did you not? 

Mr. Symonds. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris, And you practiced law in San Francisco until 1946, 
with the exception of 2 years, when you served as infantry sergeant: 
in the United States Army ? 

Mr. Symonds. I was a PFC ; I was in the infantry. 


Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I ask that you 

Senator Johnston. I think the record should show that the wit- 
ness is represented here by couiisel, and should give their names for the 

Mr. Andersen. Yes. My name is George R. Andersen. I appear 
for Mr. Symonds. I also appear for Mrs. Bouslog. 

Mrs. Bouslog. And I also appear for Mr. Symonds; my name is 
Harriet Bouslog. 

Senator Johnston. Proceed. 

Mr. Morris. Now, you worked with the Office of Price Administra- 
tion during the war, did you not, Mr. Symonds ? 

Mr. Symonds. I did. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us what you did with that particular 
governmental agency ? 

Mr. Symonds. I was the regional litigation attorney. 

Mr. Morris. And how long did you serve with the OPA? 

Mr. Symonds. From sometime early in 1942 until I was inducted 
into the Army sometime early in 1944. Is that the same as your rec- 
ord, Mr. Morris? Well, if I am not right, I would like for you to 
correct me. I know you have a better recollection of this than I do. 
You have your notes there. 

Mr. Morris. Now, you came to Hawaii after you were discharged 
from service, did you not ? 

Mr. Symonds. I came to Hawaii 10 years ago today. 

Mr. Morris. And you were admitted to practice in February 1948 ? 

Mr. Symonds. Yes, I think that is correct. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Symonds, did you attend the beginners class, 
professional section of the Communist Party, on August 17, 1943 ? 

Mr. Symonds. What year ? 

Mr. Morris. August 17, 1943. 

Mr. Symonds. Mr. Chairman, I decline to answer that question for 
two reasons. First, on the basis of the first amendment, which was 
adopted as a restriction on the power of Congress to hold such a hear- 
ing as this. This committee has stated it does not recognize the first 
amendment in these proceedings. The Supreme Court has never said 
that the committee's position is correct. I feel confident that when 
the Supreme Court does consider what takes place in these hearings, 
that the first amendment will be restored to its proper place as a safe- 
guard against such inquisitions of the people. And my second reason 
for declining to answer the question is 

Senator Johnston. Let me rule on the first one. The first amend- 
ment we do not recognize as being a defense to keep you from answer- 
ing any questions before this committee. 

Mr. Symonds. My second reason for declining to answer the ques- 
tion is that in this day of the informer and the perjurer, any attorney 
representing unpopular clients over a long period of time faces a real 
risk of prosecution although innocent of any wrongdoing. The Kauf- 
man case in Seattle involving a lawyer is a perfect example of that 

Senator Butler. What has that got to do with answering a question 
whether or not you attended a Communist school in 1943 ? 

Mr. Symonds. I have not completed my answer yet, sir, and I would 
like to complete it. 


The last three cases reaching the Supreme Court involving commu- 
nism have been reversed because of perjury. 

For these reasons, I stand on the fifth amendment, not to be a witness 
against myself. 

Senator Johnston. So you are not answering that question because 
of the right granted to you under the first amendment? 

Mr. Symonds. That is right. Under the first amendment, which I 
consider to be really as important as the fifth amendment. 

Senator Johnston. The committee does recognize your right under 
the fifth amendment but we do not recognize that you have any rights 
not to testify before this committee as far as the first amendment is 


Senator Watkins. Senator, I would like to state my position on 
that first amendment. I don't think the amendment goes as far as the 
witness claims it does. The first amendment, of course, whatever it 
means, is in full force and effect. In my judgment it does not give any 
immunity from testifying under the proceeding we are now conduct- 
ing. In other words, it is not a valid reason for refusing to testify. 

Senator Johnston. Taking it from another angle, if you were talk- 
ing freely and I tried to stop you, I think it might be something along 
that line. If you were answering questions freely and I tried to stop 
you from answering them freely, I think probably that amendment 
might have some application here. 

]Mr. Morris. Senator, may I ask a few questions which will tend to 
define the claim of privilege that Mr. Symonds made just now? And 
I think in prefacing what I was about to ask, I would like to state that 
I heard Mr. Andersen — ^your counsel, JMr. Symonds — on radio 
night. He made the statement — and we have a recording of it here, 
Mr. Andersen, in the event I misstate it, or you can tell me what it is — 
that the reason that you advise that Mr. Symonds not answer questioris 
was that sometime in the future the Government might produce — the 
United States Government, not the Senate committee or anything 
else — might produce witnesses who would testify that Mr. Symonds 
is a member of the Communist — has been a member of the Communist 
Party, and lest this "perjurious testimony," I think you called it, the 
prospect of this perjurious testimony come across Mr. Symonds' path 
at some time in the future, you would advise him that he not answer 
the question but claim his ])rivilege under the fifth amendment. 

Now, as an attorney, Mr. Symonds, you know that a claim of privi- 
lege on that basis alone, the prospect that somebody may come forward 
in the future and testify differently from the way yoi^ have testified 
does not uphold your claim of privilege. If so, to analyze it very care- 
fully, it would make it possible for any witness, at any time, in any 
law court, before any legislative body, to refuse to answer. I mean that 
would completely cause the wheels of justice to grind to a standstill. 
Because if a man can say at any time : "If I answer that question now, 
somebody may come forward in the future and testify differently," no 
witness could ever be compelled to answer any question at any time. 

So, therefore, by your very essence, that particular line of reason- 
ing naturally would have to be overruled, if that is the only reason for 
invoking the privilege under the fifth amendment. If, however, you 
reasonably feel that an answer to a question might be one link in a chain 


of evidence that might possibly be introduced in some subsequent 
tribunal that could lead to your conviction for a crime, you are com- 
pletely justified in claiming your privilege under the committee 

Now, do you, Mr. Symonds, invoke the privilege on the first ground 
only, namely, because of the possibility that, at some time in the future, 
somebody may come forward and testify perjuriously ? 

Mr. Symonds. It is not my intention to engage in any speeches. I 
want the chairman to know that, and I want to make my answers as 
short as possible. But I realize that without my permission, this is 
going over the air, and I want the people that are listening in, as well 
as those people who are in this room, to understand the reasons for my 
answers, I intend to do it in lawyer-like fashion and with due respect 
to the conunittee. 

In reply to Mr. Morris, I wish to state that I have a genuine fear of 
prosecution. I was one of the attorneys in the local Smith Act trial. 
I sat through an 8 months' trial and I saw 7 persons convicted, al- 
though there was not a shred of testimony by any witness that any 
one of them believed in overthrowing the Government by force and 
violence. And that gives me a genuine fear of prosecution, and I do 
feel that answers to the questions that are asked me might 

Senator Welker. Mr. Chairman. 

I thought you were just going to answer the question, rather than 
make a speech. 

Mr. Symonds. That is just what I did. 

Senator Welker. Let's throttle back or there will be some speech- 
making here. Now, let's answer the question, please. 

Senator Johnston. And let me warn the — he's a lawyer and he 
knows his rights, but let me tell him one thing. We don't want any 
statements that really reflects upon the Court and the Court's decision 
that is now pending. We're not trying that case here, and we want you 
to know that. 

Mr. Symonds. Mr. Chairman, you brought me here and you are ask- 
ing me for my reasons. You are asking me to answer questions. These 
are my reasons. I wouldn't say that under any other circumstances 
they're not true. I am stating what I actually believe, and I actually 
believe that I am in danger of prosecution if I answer the questions of 
the committee. 

Senator Johnston. That's the main thing we want to know, if you 
believe that. 

Mr. Symonds. I certainly do. 

Senator Johnson. If you believe that, I have ruled that that is a 
valid excuse for you not answering. 

Mr. Symonds. I also want the record to show that I equally stand on 
the first amendment, with due deference to the senior Senator from 

Senator Johnston. Well, we cannot keep you from standing on 
that, but neither can you keep me from ruling on that. 

Mr. Symonds. No, I can't. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I say the reason I did want — I made the 
statement that I did, lest the impression get into this record or be 
created that Mr. Symonds was claiming privilege only for some reason 
as suggested by Mr. Andersen last night, and T think his answer made 
it verv clear tliat that was not the case. 


Senator Johnston. I think the witness has adequately clarified the 

Senator Watkins. I want to see if I understand it. I understand 
that you claim the full protection of the fifth amendment, on the 
ground that if you give a truthful answer it might incriminate you? 

Mr. Symonds. The fifth amendment states, in the language that 
Senator Welker stated at the first session, that I need not bear testi- 
mony or give evidence or testimony against myself. 

Senator Watkins. And you want the full protection under all of 
the grounds of the fifth amendment ? 

Mr. Symonds. I certainly do and under the first amendment. 

Senator Watkins. I want to make it clear that you are not just 
claiming it under one specific ground. 

Mr. Symonds. No, Senator. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Symonds, did you attend this beginners class of 
the professional section of the Communist Party from August 17, 1943 
up until September 3, 1943? 

Mr, Symonds. I am unable to pinpoint it, as to these dates you are 
giving about things, and I refuse to answer the question. 

Mr. Morris. For the reasons you have given ? 

Mr. Symonds. For the reasons I have already given. 

Mr. Morris. Were meetings of the beginners class of the profes- 
sional section of the Communist Party held in your home ? 

Mr. Symonds. May I have that question again ? 

Mr. Morris. Were any classes of the professional — or meetings, 
rather — of the beginners class of the professional section of the Com- 
munist Party ever held in your home ? 

Mr. Symonds. Same answer. 

Mr. Morris. Was this beginners class of the professional section of 
the Communist Party taught by a gentleman named Jules Carson — 

Mr. Symonds. Same answer. 

Mr. Morris. Did you subsequently become membership director of 
the Lawyers Club of the Communist Party in San Francisco ? 

Mr. Symonds. Same answer. 

Mr. Morris. When you joined the Army in 1944, were you a mem- 
ber of the prof essionl section of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Symonds. The same answer. 

Mr. Morris. When you entered the Army, were you placed on mili- 
tary leave from the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Symonds. Would you repeat that question, please ? 

Mr. Morris. When you joined the Army, were you placed on mili- 
tary leave in the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Symonds. The same answer. 

Mr. Morris. In 1946 did you become — resume your position of mem- 
bership director of the Lawyers Club of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Symonds. The same answer. 

Mr. Morris. In 1946 did you become a member of the Haymarket 
branch of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Symonds. May I have that question again, please ? 

Mr. Morris. In 1946 were you a member of the Haymarket branch 
of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Symonds. The same answer. 


Mr. Morris. Now, wlien you came to Honolulu, did you take an oath 
before the supreme court of the Territory that you had never been a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Symonds. I don't recall any such oath. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, we have subpenaed the records of the 
chief clerk of the supreme court, and I understand he is available here 
with these records. 

Senator Johnston. Is he here now ? 

Mr. Morris. I understand he is. 

Senator Johnston. Produce them at this place in the record. 

Mr. Morris. Will you come forward, please ? 

Senator Johnston. While he is looking at the record, raise your 
right hand, please, and be sworn. 

Do you swear the evidence you give before this subcommittee to be 
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Sproat. I do. 


Senator Johnston. What is your name ? 

Mr. Sproat. Gustave K. Sproat. 

Senator Johnston. What is your official i)osition ? 

Mr. Sproat. I am chief clerk of the Supreme Court of the Territory 
of Hawaii. 

Senator Johnston. In that position, it is your duty to keep the 
records, I believe ? 

Mr. Sproat. Yes, sir ; I am custodian of the records of that court. 

Senator Johnston. And you are familiar with the records ? 

Mr. Sproat. I am. 

Senator Johnston. Witness is with you. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you would show this to Mr. Symonds, 
please ? 

( Mr. Sproat handed a document to Mr. Symonds. ) 

Mr. Morris. Will you identify that paper, sir ? Will you identify 
that paper that you just gave Mr. Symonds ? 

Senator Johnston. What is the paper that you have in your hand ? 

Mr. Sproat. This is a "verifax" copy of the original statement — 
questionnaire, rather — answered by Mr. Symonds before he was ad- 
mitted to the bar of the Supreme Court of the Territory of Hawaii. 

Senator Johnston. That is the customary oath that you have for 
members that are admitted to the bar, is that correct ? 

Mr. Sproat. Yes, sir, at that time. 

Senator Johnston. Of the supreme court. 

Mr. Sproat. Yes, sir. 

Senator Johnston. Do you have in that a statement that he was 
not a Communist at that time ? 

Mr. Sproat. That is correct. 

Senator Johnston. Will you read the 

Senator Butler. I think it should be read. We want the exact 

Senator Johnston. Kead that first paragraph. Better just read 
the whole thing. 

Mr. Sproat (reading) : 

Answer yes or no. If your answer is "Yes," set forth in great detail all facts 
in connection therewith on a separate sheet of paper. 


1. Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party of 
the United States of America? 


2. Are you now or have you ever been a member of a Communist political 


3. Have you ever attended any meeting of a cell, faction, or unit of either 
the Communist Party of the United States or the Communist Political Asso- 


4. Attached hereto is a copy of the letter dated November 24, 1947, from the 
Honorable Tom Clark, Attorney General of the United States to the Honorable 
Seth W. Richardson, chairman. Loyalty Review Board, Civil Service Commis- 
sion, Washington, D. C. The names of certain organizations, affiliated organiza- 
tions and committees are set forth on pages 2 to 6, inclusive, of that said letter. 
Please peruse the list of names and in the margin of the letter, opposite the name 
of each such organization, affiliated organization or committee write "yes" or 
"no," according to whether or not you are now or have ever been a member of 
the same. If you are now or have ever been a member, write "yes" ; if you are 
not now and have never been a member, write "no." 

Are you now or have you ever been a member of any organization or commit- 
tee, the name of which included the word "Communist"? 

6. (a) Are you now a member of any organization or committee which you 
have reason to believe is or has been dominated by, affiliated with, or sympathetic 
to the Communist Party of the United States of America or the Communist 
Political Association. 


(b) Have you ever been a member of any organization or committee which you 
had or now have reason to believe was dominated by, affiliated with, or sympa- 
thetic to the Communist Party of the United States of America or the Commu- 
nist Political Association. 


7. Have you ever paid dues or made any donation or other financial contribu- 
tion to the Communist Party of the United States of America or the Communist 
Political Association or any organization, affiliated organizations or committees 
listed in the aforesaid letter of the Attorney General Tom Clark, any organiza- 
tion or committee the name of which included the word "Communist" or any or- 
ganization of a type which would have required an affirmative answer under 

No, except for contribution to the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee. 

That was the answer to 7. 

8. If you were to be listed as a Communist in the records of any Federal in- 
vestigative agency, what past action or organization or affiliation of yours not al- 
ready listed by you might be used by such investigative agency to support its con- 
clusion? In answering this question, assume that all of your past actions in 
organizations, affiliations, are known to such investigative agencies. None. 

Sifjned "Myer Cyril Syinonds, January 12, 1948," and filed by 
myself Januai-y 12, i948, at 3 : 30 p. m. o'clock in the Supreme Court of 
the Territory of Hawaii. 

Senator Butler. Do you have a list of the organizations referred to 
in one of those questions? 

Mr. Sproat, Yes, sir ; I have. 

Senator Butler. Mr. Chairman. I feel the whole thing should be 
made a part of the record. 

Senator Johnston. This will become a part of the record in its 

Mr. Morris. Only those portions of it, Mr. Chairman, that bear on 
the question of Communist Party activity. 

Senator Johnston. That is all that is necessary. 

72723— 57— pt. 41 3 


Mr. Morris. There are quite a few things in it and there are quite 
a few things in there that properly do not belong within this committee. 

I understand that it is a confidential file, is it not ? 

Mr. Sproat, Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. And except for those portions that relate to the present 
yubject inquiry, I ask that none of the other things go into the record. 

Senator Johnston. It is understood that that portion of this docu- 
ment that has a reference to communism or dealing with the questions 
under discussion at the present time shall be included, and no other. 

Senator Butler. My understanding is, this was an affidavit made by 
the witness at the time of his admission to the Supreme Court of the 
Territory of Hawaii. 

Mr. Sproat. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Was it an affidavit, though ? 

Mr. Sproat. It is not labeled an affidavit. 

Senator Butler. It was not sworn to? 

Mr. Sproat. No, sir ; it was not sworn to. 

Senator Watkins. Was the applicant put under oath when he was 
required to answer these questions ? Does the record show he was put 
under oath by whomsoever investigated or asked the questions ? 

Mr. Sproat. No, sir ; he was not. The record does not show he was 
put under oath. Just answered the questions put forth by the court. 

Senator Watkins. That's the information I wanted to get, whether 
it was or was not. Whether it was or was not given under oath. 

Mr. Morris. Will 3^ou give that to Mr. Symonds ? Let Mr. S3anonds 
see that, please. 


Mr. Morris. Mr. Symonds, the answer to question 1 : Are you now 
or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party of the United 
States of America? On this paper just identified by Mr. Sproat. 
You answered "No." Was that a truthful answer ? 

(The witness consults with his counsel.) 

Mr. Symonds. I would like to have my attorney have an opportunity 
to read the document first, before I answer the question. 

Senator Butler. Mr. Clerk, before whom was this affidavit made ? 

Mr. Sproat. Yes, sir. 

Senator Butler. Before whom was this affidavit made? What 
judge presided? 

Mr. Sproat. No judge. 

Senator Johnston. 'VVliile they're deciding: You asked him these 
questions, and he answered them before you. Is that right? 

Mr. Sproat. Yes, sir. 

Senator Watkins. And is the witness in the chair the person who 
made those answers? 

Mr. Sproat. Yes, sir, he is the person; answered in my presence. 

Mr. Morris. Those were answered in your presence? 

Mr. Sproat. Yes, sir. 

Senator Butler. Mr, Clerk, while we are w^aiting for counsel to 

Senator Johnston. Senator Butler. 


Senator Butler. Is there any law of this Territory that requires 
this oath or this statement to be made by a man before he is admitted 
to the supreme court bar? 

Mr. Sproat. There is no law. These are governed by the rules for 
admission by the Supreme Court of the Territory of Hawaii. 

Senator Butler. It is under the rules of the court ? 

Mr. Sproat. Yes, sir. 

Senator Welker. ]\Iay I ask a question? Mr. Clerk, in the event 
the answers to the questions were false, what effect would that have 
upon the person answering the questions; would he still be allowed 
to practice law or would the rules of the court take over with respect 
to disbarment or otherwise? 

Mr. Sproat. He would be subject to investigation, whatever the 
rules provided, by the court. 

Senator Johnston. To save time for the attorneys, I think it is only 
the first three pages that we are dealing with in regard to the question 
before the witness at the present time. 

Mr. Andersen. Are you addressing me, sir ? 

Senator Johnston. Yes. It is only the first three pages. 

Mr. Andersen. Well, can't I look at this document ? I think it is 

Senator Johnston. Just examine that. Read it all. 

Mr. Andersen. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I think the witness is ready to answer. 

Senator Johnston. The committee will resume. 

Mr. Symonds. I give the same answer to your question, Mr. Morris. 

Senator Watkins. May I have the question, so I will know just 
what he is claiming the fifth amendment with respect to? 

(The reporter read the question as follows :) 

When you came to Honolulu, did you take an oath before the supreme court 
of the Territory that you had never been a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Morris. You said that you did not recall. Was the answer that 
you did not recall? And then subsequently I — may I resume again, 
instead of going back over the record, in the interest of time? 

Did you write on a questionnaire the answer "N-o" to the question 
"Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party 
of the United States of America?" I might add, Mr. Symonds, that 
Mr. Sproat, who has been sworn, said he saw you personally write the 
"N-o" there, in his presence. 

Mr. Sproat just stated, did you not, Mr. Sproat? 

Mr. Sproat. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Symonds. I might state, Mr, Morris, you have not asked me 
if I signed it yet. 

Senator Butler. I didn't hear that. 

Mr. Symonds. Mr. Morris has never asked me whether I signed it. 

Mr. Morris. I asked you if you wrote the word "N-o" after the first 

Mr. Symonds. This statement on the second page bears my signa- 
ture, and I signed it. 

Mr. Morris. And you signed it. Did you also write the word "N-o" 
after the first question ? 

(The witness consults with liis counsel.) 

Senator You nodded vour head. Are vou now trving to 
say "Yes"? 


Mr. Symonds. Just a minute, I am trying to get the record straight 

Senator Watkins. You nodded your head and he wanted the record 
to show what your answer was in the record. He can't get a nod in the 

Mr. Symonds. I appreciate that, Senator. The first thing you want 
to know is whether I signed this. Is that what you want, Mr. Morris ? 

Mr. MoKRis. I asked you whether you signed it, also. I also asked 
you — the answer is elementary. I am going back to the time and start 
at the very beginning. 

Mr. Symonds. I understood it. 

Mr. Morris. The first thing is the "No" ; did you write the "No" in 
there ? 

Mr. Symonds. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Morris. All right. Now, was that answer a truthful answer 
to the question — the "No" ? 

Mr. Symonds. I give the same answer that I have given to the pre- 
vious question, relying on the first and fifth amendments. 

Mr. Morris. All right. Now, I will go to Question 3, which reads : 

HaA^e you ever attended auy meetings of the cell, faction or other unit of either 
the Communist Party of the United States of America or the Communist Politi- 
cal Association? 

And did you write the word "N-o" after that question ? 

Mr. Symonds. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. You did. Now, was that a truthful answer, that you 
gave at that time ? 

Mr. Symonds. I give the same answer, for the same reasons that T 
spelled out in my first answer to the question which I refused to an- 

Mr. Morris. Again, in the interest of time, Mr. Chairman, I would 
like to ask the witness if he signed the statement as his signature ap- 
pears to be at the bottom of page 2, January 12, 1948. Did you sign 
that statement ? 

Mr. Symonds. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Morris. Were the answers given on pages 1 and 2, in other 
words, points 1 to 8, were they accurate when you wrote "No" to those 
8 questions? 

Mr. Symonds. I decline lo answer those questions, that question, for 
the same reasons that I have heretofore given. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Cliairman. Not only were they accurate; 
were they true answers, when you wrote the word "No" after the ques- 
tions ? Were they trutlif ul answers. Counsellor ? 

ISIr. Symonds. Is that a question to me ? 

Senator Welker. Sir? 

Mr. Symonds. Was that a question directed to me? 

Senator Wei.ker. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Symonds. My answer is the same. 

Senator Welker. That is, that you take advantage of the protection 
afforded you by the first and fifth amendments ? 

Mr. Symond. I don't "take advantage of the fifth amendment," sir. 

Senator Welker. Well, what are you doing, then ? 

Mr. Symonds. I rely on it. 

Senator Welker. Oh, you rely on it. You don't take advantage of 


Mr. Symonds. That's correct. 

Senator Welker. Very well. Tlien you rely upon the first and fifth 
amendments ? 

Mr. Stmonds. That is correct, Senator. 

Senator Welker. For your refusal to answer, xind you are mindful 
of the ruling of the Chair with respect to the first amendment? 

Mr. Symonds. Yes, I am. 

Senator Watkins. I believe I will ask this question of the witness. 
Did you have an}?- fear at the time you wrote those answers that you 
miojht be incriminating yourself, furnishing evidence against your- 

(The witness consults with his counsel.) 

Mr. Symonds. The same answer. 

Senator Johnston. I believe you acknowledged you answered the 
questions at that time like they are written on the paper at the present 

Mr. Symonds. That is correct. 

Senator Johnston. And that you signed your signature to the 
paper. Is that true ? 

Mr. Symonds. That is correct. 

Senator Johnston. Now, when you did that to the Supreme Court, 
you didn't perpetrate any fraud upon the Supreme Court in order to 
get a right to practice, did you — to practice law ? You weren't per- 
petrating any fraud when you answered those questions in that man- 
ner to your Supreme Court in order for you to get a license to practice 
law ; you didn't perpetrate &.ny fraud in answering those questions, did 

Mr. Symonds. Mr. Chairman, in reply to that question, the Supreme 
Court has just recently said that the fifth amendment was intended to 
protect the imiocent. That's the case. Now, your question directed 
to me is solely for the purpose — you know what my position is about 
this statement— is now for the purpose of trying to hold me up to 
ridicule and scorn before these people and over the air, because you 
know already what my answers are, and you are not giving me the 
benefit of that persumption that the Supreme Court speaks about when 
you ask me that question. I say that advisedly, Mr. Chairman, because 
I want to respect the committee. I will answer the question by saying 
"Same answer," as I have before. 

Senator Johnston. You have a right to answer it in that form and 
I have a right to propound the questions and bring out the facts in the 

Senator Welker. Mr. Chairman. Mr. Witness, did you mislead 
or make untruthful answers to the questions propounded to you by 
order of the Supreme Court of the Territory of Hawaii by the clerk 
of the Supreme Court at the date heretofore given, namely, January 

Mr. Symonds. Senator, I assume that you must have been busy doing 
something else when I just made a statement to the chairman, who 
tried to ask me — who did ask me the same kind of a question. Now, 
Senator, you are not affording to me the presumption of innocence 
that the Supreme Court says I am entitled to have. You're attempting 
by that question to hold me up to scorn and ridicule. 

Senator Welker. I have heard that twice. Now, will you answer 
my question ? 


Mr. Symonds. I will give you the same answer if you ask 

Senator Welker. Of course you will. 

Mr. Symonds. If you ask those questions all day, I wdll give it to 

Senator Welker. You are going to now take advantage of the fifth 
amendment and the first amendment. 

Mr. Symonds. I am not taking advantage of anything. 

Senator Welker. You are going to rely upon the first and fifth 

Mr. Symonds. That's what the Supreme Court said. 

Senator Welker. In answer to my question : 

Did you mislead or make untruthful answers to the Supreme Court of the 
Territory of Hawaii, on January 12, 1948, when you were interrogated by the 
clerk of the Supreme Court of the Territory of Hawaii? 

Now, you have taken your — you have relied upon the first and the 
fifth amendments in refusing to answer my question ? Is that correct ? 

Mr. Symonds. The answer is the same. 

Senator Welker. And that answer is that you are relying on the 
first and fifth amendments? I want this in the record because we 
don't want to take any advantage of you. I want it to be as I think it 
should be. Now, once again, you rely upon the first and fifth amend- 
ments in refusing to answer my question whether or not you misled or 
made untruthful answers to the Supreme Court of the Territory of 
Hawaii when you answered the questions propounded to you by the 
clerk thereof on January 12, 1948 ? 

Mr. Symonds. Senator Welker, you repeated the question deliber- 

Senator Welker. That's right. 

Mr. Symonds. So it w^ill go out over the air. 

Senator Welker. I am going to repeat it for 4 weeks more, until I 
get the answer that I am entitled to get. 

Mr, Symonds. I gave you the answer. 

Senator Welker. Let's have it for the record, and I will be satis- 
fied, sir. 

]\Ir. Symonds. Do you w^ant to repeat it again ? 

Senator Welker. I want you to answer, to refuse to answer. 

Mr. Symonds. I have given that answer. 

Senator Welker. All right. 

Mr. Symonds. The same answ^er. Senator. 

Senator Welker. All right. Very well. And that same answer is, 
The first and fifth amendments 

Mr. Symonds. Yes, Senator. 

Senator Welker. To the Constitution of the United States. 

Senator Watkins. Did you answer "Yes," to that ? 

Mr. Syimonds. Yes. 

Senator Butler. Mr. Chairman. 

Senator Johnston. Senator Butler. 

Senator Butler. Will you look at the letter of November 24, 1947, 
from Attorney General Tom Clark, that I am about ready to hand 
you, and tell me wdiether or not you made the individual negative an- 
swers to each one of the associations or organizations listed on pages 
2, H, 4, 5, and 6 of that letter ? 

(The witness consults with his counsel.) 

Mr. Andersen. What was the question, please? 


Senator Butler. I want to know whether he personally answered 
each one of those questions in the negative and whether or notlie per- 
sonally wrote in the word "no" behind each one of the organizations 
mentioned on pages 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6 of that letter. 

Mr. Andersen. In other words, w-hether the handwriting is his? 

Senator Butler. That is right. 

^Ir. Symonds. Yes. The answer is "Yes." Wherever the signa- 
ture is 

Senator Butler. Thank you. 

Senator Johnston. Any other questions? 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may both the questionnaire and the let- 
ter of the Attorney General go into the record at this time? 

Senator Johnston. They shall go into the record at this time. 

(The document as described above was marked "Exhibit No. 399," 
and reads as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 399 

(Filed January 12, 1948, at 3 : 10 p. m., Gus K. Sproat, Clerk, Supreme Court.) 

Answer "yes" or "no." If your answer is "yes," set forth in great detail all 
facts in connection therewith, on a separate sheet of paper. 

(1) Are you now, or have you ever been, a member of the Communist Party 
of the United States of America ? No. 

(2) Are you now, or have you ever been, a member of the Communist Political 
Association? No. 

(3) Have you ever attended any meeting of a cell, fraction or other unit of 
either the Communist Party of the United States of America or the Communist 
Political Association? No. 

(4) Attached hereto is a copy of a letter dated November 24, 1947, from tlie 
Honorable Tom Clark, Attorney General of the United States, to the Honorable 
Seth W. Richardson, Chairman, Loyalty Review Board, Civil Service Commis- 
sion, Washington, D. C. The names of certain organizations, affiliated organi- 
zations and committees are set forth on pages 2 to 6, inclusive, of the said letter. 
Please peruse the list of names, and in the margin of the letter, opposite the 
name of each such organization, affiliated organization or committee wi'ite "yes" 
or "no," according to whether or not you are now, or have ever been, a member 
of same. If you are now, or have ever been a member, write "yes." If you are 
not now, and have never been a member, write "no." 

(5) Are you now, or have you ever been, a member of any organization or 
committee the name of which included the word "Communist"? No. 

(6) a. Are you now a member of any organization or committee which you 
have reason to believe is, or has been dominated by, affiliated with, or sympa- 
thetic to the Communist Party of the United States of America or the Com- 
munist Political Association? No. 

b. Have you ever been a member of any organization or committee which you 
had, or now have, reason to believe was dominated by, affiliated with, or sympa- 
thetic to the Communist Party of the United States of America or the Com- 
munist Political Association? No. 

(7) Have you ever paid dues or made «ny donation or other financial contri- 
bution to the Communist Party of the United States of America, the Communist 
Political Association, any of the organizations, affiliated organizations or com- 
mittees listed in the aforesaid letter of Attorney General Tom Clark, any or- 
ganization or committee the name of which included the word "Communist" or 
any organization of a type which would have required an affirmative answer 
under question (6) ? No — except for contributions to Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee 
Committee. See answer to (7). 

(8) If you were to be listed as a "Communist" in the records of any Federal 
investigative agency, what past actions or organizational affiliations of yours 
not already listed by you might be used by such investigative agency to support 
its conclusion? In answering this question, assume that all of your past actions 
and organizational affiliations are known to such investigative agency. None. 


Myer Cyeil Symonds, 

January 12, 19Jf8. 
(7) Prior to 1944 I made financial contributions to the Joint Anti-Fascist 
Committee, which' I believed was aiding the Spanish Republican Government 
and Spanish refugees. I was and am opposed to the Franco dictatorship, openly 
supported by flitler and Mussolini. About 1941, President Roosevelt publicly 
stated that history and events had shown that the United States foreign policy 
with respect to Franco had been wrong. 

Office of the Attorney General, 
Washington, D. C, November 24, 1947. 
Hon. Seth "W. Richardson, 

Chairman, Loyalty Review Board, 

Civil Service Commission, Washington, D. C. 
My Dear Mr. Richardson: This is submitted pursuant to the President's 
Executive Order No. 9835 in which he stated that it is of vital importance that 
persons employed in the Federal service be of complete and unswerving loyalty 
to the United States, and further stated that although the loyalty of by far 
the overwhelming majority of all Government employees is beyond question, 
the presence within the Government service of any disloyal or subversive 
person constitutes a threat to our democratic processes. The order provided in 
part III, section 3, as follows : 

"3. The Loyalty Review Board shall currently be furnished by the Department 
of Justice the name of each foreign or domestic organization, association, move- 
ment, group, or combination of persons which the Attorney General, after ap- 
propriate investigation and determination, designates as totalitarian. Fascist, 
Communist or subversive, or as having adopted a policy of advocating or ap- 
proving the commission of acts of force or violence to deny others their rights 
under the Constitution of the United States, or as seeking to alter the form of 
government of the United States by unconstitutional means. , 

"a. The Loyalty Review Board shall disseminate such information to all de- 
partments and agencies." 

Under a previous Executive order (No. 9300), issued February 5, 1943, entitled 
"Establishing the Interdepartmental Committee To Consider Cases of Sub- 
versive Activity on the Part of Federal Employees," and under other relevant 
authority, the Department of Justice named a number of organizations as 
subversive. That list was disseminated among the Government agencies for use 
in connection with consideration of employee loyalty, and included the following 
organizations : 

American League Against War and Fascism. No. 
American Patriots, Inc. No. 
American Peace Mobilization. No. 
American Youth Congress. No. 

Association of German Nationals (Reichsdeutsche Vereinigung). No. 
Black Dragon Society. No. 

Central Japanese Association (Beikoku Chuo Nipponjin Kai) . No. 
Central Japanese Association of Southern California. No. 
The Central Organization of the German-American National Alliance 
(Deutsche-Amerikanische Einheitsfront) . No. 
Communist Party of U. S. A. No. 
Congress of American Revolutionary Writers. No. 

Dai Nippon Butoku Kai (Military Virtue Society of Japan or Military Art 
Society of Japan) . No. 

Dante Alighieri Society. No. 

Federation of Italian War Veterans in the U. S. A., Inc. (Associazione 
Nazionale Conbattenti Italiani, Federazione degli Stati Uniti d'America). 
Friends of the New Germany (Freunde des Neuen Deutschlands). No. 
German- American Bund ( Amerikadeutscher Volksbund ) . No. 
German- American Vocational League (Deutsche-Amerikanische Berufs- 
gemeinschaft). No. 

Heimuska Kai, also known as Nokubei Heieki Gimusha Kai, Zaibel Nihon- 
jin, Heiyaku Gimusha Kai, and Zaibei Heimusha Kai (Japanese residing in 
America Military Conscripts Association) . No. 
Hinode Kai ( Imperial Japanese Reservists ) . No. 

Hinomaru Kai (Rising Sun Flag Society— a group of Japanese War Vet- 
erans). No. 


Hokubei Zaigo Shoke Dan (North American Reserve Officers Association). 

Japanese Association of America. No. 

Japanese Overseas Central Society (Kaigai Dobo Chuo Kai). No. 
Japanese Overseas Convention, Tokyo, Japan, 1940. No. 
Japanese Protective Association ( recruiting organization ) . No. 
Jikyoku lin Kai ( current affairs association ) . No. 

Kibei Seinen Kai (association of United States citizens of Japanese ances- 
try who have returned to America after studying in Japan ) . No. 

Kyffhaeuser, also known as Kyffhaeuser League (Kyffhaeuser Bund), 
Kyffhaeuser Fellowship (KyfChaeuser Kameradschaft). No. 
Kyffhaeuser War Relief (Kyffhaeuser Kriegshilfswerk). No. 
Lictor Society (Italian Black Shirts). No. 
Mario Morgantini Circle. No. 

Michigan Federation for Constitutional Liberties. No. 

Nanka Teikoku Gunyudau (Imperial Military Friends Group or Southern 
Calif orni a V^ar Veterans ) . No. 

National Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners. No. 
National Federation for Constitutional Liberties. No. 
National Negro Congress. No. 

Nichibei Kogyo Kaisha (the Great Fujii Theatre). No. 
Northwest Japanese Association. No. 
Protestant War Veterans of the U. S., Inc. No. 

Sakura Kai (patriotic society, or Cherry Association — composed of vet- 
erans of Russo-Japanese War ) . No. 
Shinto temples. No. 
Silver Shirt Legion of America. No. 
Sokoku Kai ( Fatherland Society ) . No. 
Suiko Sha (Reserve Officers Association, Los Angeles) . No. 
Washington Book Shop Association. No. 
Washington Committee for Democratic Action. No. 
Workers Alliance. No. 
Under part III, section 3, of Executive Order No. 9835, the following additional 
organizations are hereby designated : 

American Polish Labor Council. No. 

American Youth for Democracy. No. 

Armenian Progressive League of America. No. 

Civil Rights Congress and its affiliated organizations, including [no] : 

Civil Rights Congress for Texas. No. 

Veterans Against Discrimination of Civil Rights Congress of New 
York. No. 
The Columbians. No. 

Communist Party, U. S. A., formerly Communist Political Association, and 
its affiliates and committees, including [no] : 

Citizens Committee of the Upper West Side ( New York City ) . No. 

Committee To Aid the Fighting South. No. 

Dennis Defense Committee. No. 

Labor Research Association, Inc. No. 

Southern Negro Youth Congress. No. 

United May Day Committee. No. 

United Negro and Allied Veterans of America. No. 
Connecticut State Youth Conference. No. 
Council on African Affairs. No. 
Hollywood Writers Mobilization for Defense. No. 
Hungarian-American Council for Democracy, No. 
International Workers Order, including People's Radio Foundation, Inc. 

Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee. No. 
Ku Klux Klan. No. 

Macedonian-American People's League. No. 
National Committee To Win the Peace. No. 
National Council of American-Soviet Friendship. No. 
Nature Friends of America (since 1935). No. 
New Committee for Publications. No. 
Photo League (New York City). No. 
Proletarian Party of America. No. 
Revolutinary Workers League. No. 


Socialist Workers Party, including American Committee for European 
Workers' Relief. No. 

Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. No. 

W^orkers Part.v, including Socialist Youth League. No. 
Y'our attention is also directed to certain organizations which are operated as 
schools. While, of course, I am not of the view that any institution of learning, 
devoted to the advancement of knowledge, is subversive, it appears that these 
organizations are adjuncts of the Communist Party. They are as follows : 

Abraham Lincoln School, Chicago, 111. No. 

George Washington Carver School, New York City. No. 

Jefferson School of Social Science, New York City. No. 

Ohio School of Social Sciences. No. 

Philadelphia School of Social Science and Art. No. 

Samuel Adams School, Boston, Mass. No. 

School of Jewish Studies, New York City. No. 

Seattle Labor School, Seattle, Wash. No. 

Tom Paine School of Social Science, Philadelphia, Pa. No. 

Tom Paine School of Westchester, N. Y. No. 

Walt Whitman School of Social Science, Newark, N. J. No. 
After the issuance of Executive Order No. 9835 by the President, the Depart- 
ment compiled all available data with respect to the type of organization to be 
dealt with under that order. The investigative reports of the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation concerning such organizations were correlated. Memorandums on 
each such organization were prepared by attorneys of the Department. The list 
of organizations herein certified is based on their recommendations as i-eviewed 
by the Solicitor General, the Assistant Attorneys General, and the Assistant So- 
licitor General, and my subsequent careful study of the recommendations of all. 
In connection with the designation of these organizations I wish to reiterate, 
as the President has pointed out, that it is entirely possible that many persons 
belonging to such organizations may be loyal to the United States; that mem- 
bership in, affiliation with or sympathetic association with, any organization des- 
ignated, is simply one piece of evidence which may or may not be helpful in 
arriving at a conclusion as to the action which is to be taken in a particular case. 
"Guilt by association" has never been one of the principles of our American 
jurisprudence. We must be satisfied that reasonable grounds exist for conclud- 
ing that an individual is disloyal. That must be the guide. 

The organizations named in this letter do not represent a complete or final 
compilation. For example, a number of small and local organizations are not 
listed. As to many organizations not named, the presently available informa- 
tion is insufficient to warrant a final determination as to their character. Others, 
presently innocuous, may become the victims of dangerous infiltrating forces and, 
as a consequence, become proper subjects for designation. New organizations 
may come into existence whose purposes and activities are in conflict with loyalty 
to the United States. 

From time to time, therefore, as contemplated and directed by the Executive 
order, there will be furnished to the board the names of those additional organi- 
zations and groups as to which the information received by this Department, re- 
sulting from continued investigation, indicates similar designations are required. 
If I can be of further assistance to you in reference to the subject matter of 
this letter, please let me know. 

Sincerely yours, 

Tom C. Clark, 
Attorney General. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Symonds, since you have come to Honolulu have 
you attended any meetings of the Communist Party ? 

Mv. Symokds. The same answer. 

Mr. Morris. Are you a Communist today ? 

Mr. Symonds. The same answer. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I have no more questions of this par- 
ticulnr witness at this time. I told Mr. Andersen T was going to try to 
finish these tw^o witnesses this morning so we can get on with our 
business. However, I have some other business to attend to, which 
T have taken up with the chairman of the committee, Senator Eastland, 


and I ask if you ^Yill take the course of action that he has recom- 

We have a witness — Jean Tadako King — who works in your office, 
does she not, Mr. Symonds ? 

]Mr. Symonds. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. Now, we have a doctor's certificate from Mrs. King, 
asking that she be excused from testimony. And Senator Eastland 
has recommended that we honor this request, that she not be required 
to testify. 

Senator Johnston. If you have a doctor's certificate to the effect 
that she is not able to be here, of course at this time I will have to 
acknowledge that. 

Mr. Morris. I advised counsel, however, that we would mention that 
we did have evidence that Mrs. King is a Communist, has been a Com- 
munist, and that we were calling her in order to ask her about that 
particular matter. 

Mr. Andersen. I am her counsel. 

Mr. Morris. All right. That's right, Mr. Andersen. 

Mr. Andersen. What you stated is correct. I supplied you with the 
medical certificate. 

Mr. Morris. We would give her opportunity to gainsay the evidence 
that we have that she was a Communist. 

Senator Johnston. We will give her the privilege to come in any 
day we are here or send in a sworn statement to the effect that she is not 
a Communist at any time in the future. 

i\.ny other questions ? 

Mr, Morris. Just a minute, Senator. I have another question, but 
Senator Welker wanted 

Senator Johnston. T\^iile we're waiting for other questions, Mr. 

All of these answers were made in your presence and you saw. Mr. 
Symonds sign his name. Is that true ? 

Mr. Sproat. Yes, sir, I did. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Symonds, will you tell us generally what 
Mrs. King does in your office '? 

Senator Johnston. You may sit down and get the other records. 

Mr. Symonds. She is a paid secretary; she takes shorthand, and 

Mr. Morris. And she earned $4,878.66 during the year 1954. Is that 
generally correct ? 

Mr. Symonds. We pay good salaries. 

Mr. Morris. With respect to another witness who has been sub- 
penaed here, Mr. Chairman, Yoshiko O. Hall, who also works in vour 
office, does she not ? 

Mr. Syivionds. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Chairman, we received evidence that Mrs. 
Yoshiko O. Hall was a Communist. We asked her to appear. Counsel 
has requested that her appearance be confined to an executive session. 
I took this up with the chairman and he said that would be satisfactory 
to him. We have taken the testimony in executive session. May we 
put the executive session testimony into the record at this particular 
point ? 

Senator Johnston. You have a right to put into the record at this 
time such evidence. 


( The testimony of Mrs. Yosliiko Hall is as follows : ) 

Senator Watkins. Will you stand and be sworn ? Kaise you right 
hand. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you will give in 
the matter now before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, 
and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mrs. YosHiKO Hall. Yes. 

Mr, Andersen. Senator and Mr. Morris, Mrs. Hall is a bit hard 
of hearing. 

Senator Watkins. Did you hear what I was saying, Mrs. Hall ? 

Mrs. Hall. Yes, I did. 


Senator Watkins. Give your full name and address. 

Mrs. Hall. My name is Yoshiko Hall. 

Senator Watkins. Where do you live ? 

Mrs. Hall. 1603-A Pala Drive. 

Senator Watkins. Do you have an occupation other than house- 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Hall. I am a secretary. 

Senator Watkins. You are a secretary ? 

Mrs. Hall. Yes, I am. 

Senator Watkins. And where are you employed ? 

(The witness consults with her counsel. ) 

Mrs. Hall. Bouslog & Symonds. 

Senator Watkins. Proceed, counsel. 

Mr. Morris. What work do you do at Bouslog & Symonds? 

Mrs. Hall. I am a secretary. 

Mr. Morris. Pardon? 

Mrs. Hall. I am a secretary. 

Mr. Morris. Yes, but can you tell us just generally what kind of 
work you do ? 

(The witness consults with lier counsel.) 

Mrs. Hall. I take dictation from the lawyers, take incoming calls, 
and when people come in, I announce them. 

Mr. Morris. How long have you been working there ? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Hall. Approximately 9 years. 

Mr. Morris. During that period have you been a Communist ? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Hall. I will refuse to answer that on the fifth amendment, 

Mr. Morris. Are you a Communist now ? 

Mrs. Hall. Same answer. 

Mr. Morris. That is all. 


Senator Butler. Mr. Symonds, you say you pay good salaries in 
your office. What does that compensation cover, what services ? 

Mr. Syjmonds. Is that question asked seriously. Senator ? 

Senator Butler. Well, I would like to know. You seem to think 
you pay such good salaries and she has been said publicly to have 
been a Communist. Do you pay her for any activities in that field ? 

Mr. Symonds. She is paid for being a very excellent secretary. 


Senator Butler. You don't pay lier for any services in the field of 
subversion ? Do you or don't you ? 

Mr. Symonds. I have given you the answer that she's paid for typ- 
ing, for taking shorthand, and for answering the telephone. 

Senator Buit^p^r. No other service ? 

Mr. Symonds. That's all the service she renders. 

Senator Butler. And you don't pay her for any other type or kind 
of service ? 

Mr. Symonds. That's the only service. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Symonds, there is a Marian H. Rofl'nian — Does 
Marian H. Eoffman work in your office '? 

Mr, Symonds. No. 

Mr. Morris. Has she? 

Mr. Symonds. Yes. 

Mr, Morris. Is she the wife of Max Roilman, who has appeared 
here during this hearing ? 

Mr. Symonds. Yes, she is, 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Chairman, I would like to say this, that I 
will have the executive session testimony and Mr. Cowart has arranged 
to have it available sometime this afternoon, if you want to see it; this 
is a public record. 

Mr. Symonds. You mean of all of it ? 

Mr. Morris. No, the executive session testimony of Mrs. Yoshiko 

Senator Johnston. You may see that. And if she has any answer 
to it, we will be glad to have it. 

Mr. Andersen. I represent her. I assume you simply mean the 
testimony that she gave in the executive session. 

Mr. Morris. You were present, Mr. Andersen. It will be avail- 

Mr, Andersen. I have no desire to see it. 

Mr. Morris. I have no more questions of this particular witness, 
Mr. Chairman. 

Senator Johnston. Just to close this, I think this should be called 
to your attention and put into the record. 

You will find that lawyers and other Government employees prior 
to the time that you were before the Supreme Court had answers that 
were not as extended as this. Then the Court, the Justice Depart- 
ment, put this out, and did not require an affidavit at that time. To- 
day you will find that Government employees and all do sign an affi- 
davit to the answers to the questions. We have tightened, gradually 
tightened up on this matter. I wanted to call that to your attention. 

Mr, Morris, I have no more questions of this witness, Senator. 

Senator Johnston, Witness excused. Next witness. 

Senator Watkins. I may w^ant to call him back on another matter. 

Senator Johnston, I think the witness will be here in the court- 
room. So you be ready, if w^e should want to call you back, 

Mr, Mopjtis, Stand and be sworn. 

Senator Johnston. Raise your right hand. Do you solemnly swear 
that the evidence you give before this subcommittee of the United 
States Senate to be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God? 

Mrs, BousLOG, I do. 



Mr. Morris. Will you give your name and address to the reporter, 

Mrs. BousLOG. May I make the same request about television, 
please ? 

Senator Johnston. So ordered. The witness will not be televised 
while she is on the witness stand, at her request. 

Mr. Morris. Give your name and address to the reporter, please. 

Mrs. BousLOG. Harriet Bouslog Sawyer. I practice law and I am 
known as Harriet Bouslog, and I prefer here to be called Mrs. Bouslog. 
My address is 1659 Sherman Park Place, Honolulu. 

Mr. Morris. Where were you born? 

Mrs. Bouslog. I was born in Florida. 

Mr. Morris. And will you tell us what college and law school you 
attended ? 

Mrs. Bouslog, I have an LL. B. degree from Indiana University, 
Bloomington, Ind. 

Mr. Morris. When were you first admitted to the practice of law ? 

Mrs. Bouslog. In the year 1936, in the State of Indiana. 

Mr. Morris. When did you come to the Territory of Hawaii? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Bouslog. 1939. 

Mr. Morris. Wlien were you admitted to the bar in the Territory of 
Hawaii ? 

Mrs. Bouslog. In 1941. 

Mr. Morris. What positions have you held — what public positions 
have you held in the Territory of Hawaii ? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Bouslog. I haven't held any public positions except the one 
that you questioned me about this morning in executive session. I 
told you that I was employed by Mr. Roy Vitousek, who, for a brief 
time, asked me to work with the Honolulu Police Department, in the 
chief of police's office, after Mr. Vitousek became an acting or assistant 
chief of police right after December 7, 1947 — or 1941. And at Mr. 
Vitousek's request, I worked in the police station while he was acting 
chief, for a very brief period of time and then I went back to the law 
office. But Mr. Vitousek made all the arrangements, and I believe 
I was on the payroll as an employee of the police department for the 
time I worked clown there, and that was at his request. 

Mr. Morris. Now, how long did you remain in Honolulu? Now 
we have — that was 1941-42, you say. Is that right ? 

Mrs. Bouslog. I came in 1939 and I left in August of 1942. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Now, where did you go when you left here in 
August 1942? 

(The witness consults with her comisel. ) 

Mrs. Bouslog. Washington, D. C. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Now, what did you do in Washington, D. C, at 
that time ? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Bouslog. As an attorney for the National War Labor Board. 

Mr. Morris. How long did you serve as an attorney with the Na- 
tional War Labor Board f 


Mrs. BousLOG. I would like to advise with my counsel, please. 

( The witness consults with her counsel. ) 

Mrs. BousLOG. I worked — may I have the question again, please? 

Mr. Morris. How long did you remain as attorney with the National 
War Labor Board? 

Mrs. BousLOG. Over a year. I have forgotten. Perhaps your rec- 
ords are clearer than mine. And my memory is not accurate as to just 
exactly how long it was. But it was over a year. 

Mr. Morris. All right. Now, what did you do subsequent to that? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I would like to consult my counsel, please. 

( The witness consults with her counsel. ) 

Mrs. BousLOG. I was the Washington representative of the Inter- 
national Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union. 

Mr. Morris. And how long did you hold that position ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I would like to consult with my counsel, please. 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG. I resigned in about — I believe about the middle of 

]Mr. Morris. And what did you do thereafter ? Did you return to 
the Territory of Hawaii at that time ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I would like to consult with my counsel, please. 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG. I came back to Hawaii and resumed the practice of 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, we talked with a witness in Washing- 
ton — in New York, rather — on November 7 of 1956, and this witness 
has told us some things about the particular period that we have just 
covered with Mrs. Bouslog, 

I would like to read from the statement of this particular witness, 
whom I will identify, and ask you as we go along whether or not the 
testimony of this particular witness that we have in the files and that 
we had before this committee is accurate. The witness I am referring 
to, Mr. Chairman, is a woman whose name is now Mrs. Edward A. 
SAvan, slie's a New York schoolteacher, and she resides in New York 
City. She formerly was known as Dorothy K. Funn. 

Did you know a woman named Dorothy K. Funn, Mrs. Bouslog? 

Mrs. Bouslog. I would like to consult with my counsel. 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Botjslog. I am going to rely on my rights under the first and 
fifth amendments. And in this respect, I would like to adopt the state- 
ment made by Mr. Symonds as to^the reasons why I rely on the first 
and tlie fif tli amendments. 

Mr. Morris. They were the reasons given by Mr. Symonds here this 


Mrs. BorsLOG. Yes. In his first ansAver. Rather than taking the 
committee's time. I want it clear that I rely on both the first and 
fifth amendments, because I feel I have that right under the Consti- 

Senator Joiixston. We accept the fifth amendment but we still dis- 
agree on your rights under the first amendment not to answer. 

Senator YCatkins. I wanted to ask this question, Mr. Chairman, 
with respect to tlie fifdi amendment. Does the witness have any- 


tiling— are you withholding anythinor or just taking part of the fifth 
amendment, or do you rely on the full effect of the fifth amendment? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I rely upon that part of the fifth amendment, Sen- 
ator, which says that 

Senator Watkins. "That part" ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I rely on that part of the fifth amendment which says 
that no person shall be compelled to be a witness against himself. 

Mr. Morris. Now, the witness has told us, Senator, and I am now 
quoting from Mrs, Swan. 

I don't know if Harriet — 
meaning Harriet Bouslog — 
was a legislative representative of Bridges' ILWU. 

Now, I think the witness has confirmed here this morning that she 
in fact was the legislative representative of the ILWU. Did you not, 
Mrs. Bouslog? 

Mrs. Bouslog. I would like to consult with my counsel as to that 
question, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Morris. Yes, Mrs. Bouslog. 

(The witness consults Avith her counsel.) 

Mr. Andersen. May we have that question read, please? 

Mr. Morris. Well, I said here, I quoted from the witness. 

I don't know if Harriet was a legislative representative of Bridges' ILWU 
union. ILWU. 

I said then : 

You have already stated, have you not, that you were in fact the legislative 
representative of the ILWU in Washington, at that time? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Bouslog. The record will show my former answer. 

Mr. Morris. All right. [Reading :] 

That is, I don't know if she had the title but she did a lot of legal work for the 

Did you, in fact, do a lot of legal work for the ILWU in the period 
1943 approximately, in Washington? 

Mrs. Bouslog. I would like to consult with my counsel. 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Bouslog. Yes, I did legal work for the ILWU. 

Mr. Morris (reading) : 

She may have done some work — 
and again I am quoting : 

She may have done some work for the National Maritime Union too. 

Did you do some work for the National Maritime Union too? 

Mrs. Bouslog. I would like to consult with my counsel. 

( The witness consults with her counsel. ) 

Mr. Andersen. Did you refer to — what union did you mention? 

Mr. Morris. I will read it again, Mr. Andersen. 

She may have done some work for the National Maritime Union too. 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Bouslog. I don't recall doing any work for them. I did legal 
work for the ILWU. 


Mr. Morris (readinc;) : 

She had a desk in the same suite of offices that was shared by the NMU, the 
ILWU, and other maritime groups. 

Is that accurate ; is that true ? 
Mrs. BousLOG. I want to consult with my counseL 
(Tlie witness consults with her counsel.) 
Mrs. BousLOG. Would you repeat the question a^ain, please ? 
Mr. Morris. Pardon? 

Mrs. BousLOG. Would you repeat the question again, or have the 
reporter read it, please? 

Mr. Morris. I will repeat it ; I think it will save time that way. 
The question was : 

She had a desk in the same suite of offices that was shared by the NMU, the 
ILWU, and other maritime groups. 

Is that a truthful statement ? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG. At the moment, I just don't recall. 

Mr. Morris. Now, she goes on to tell us "I met Harriet regularly 
at Communist Party cell meetings of the legislative branch of the vari- 
ous Communist Party unions, namely, the UE, the AEA, the Mine, 
Mill, United Public Workers, United Office and Professional Workers 
of America, United Auto Workers, and Federation for Constitutional 
Liberties, et cetera." 

Now, did Mrs. S^van, now, formerly known as Mrs. Funn, Dorothy 
K. Funn, regularly meet you at Communist Party cell meetings of the 
legislative branch of the various Communist Party unions that I read ? 

Mrs. B0USI.0G. May I consult with my counsel ? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG. I give the same answer I have given before, on the 
first and the fifth amendments. 

Mr. Morris (reading) : 

Now this cell was headed by Albei-t Blumberg. 

Now, did you attend meetings of the Communist Party, Communist 
Party cell meetings presided over by Albert Blumberg ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. May I consult with my counsel ? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG. Same answer. 

Senator Johnson. Now, by "Tlie same answer," you mean the first 
and fifth amendments ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I mean the first and fifth amendments. Senator. 

Senator Johnston. The ruling of the Chair will be the same. We 
do not accej^t j^our right to not answer under the first amendment but 
we do under the fifth amendment, if you believe that it would incrimi- 
nate you if you answered the question truthfully. Do you believe it 
would incriminate 3"ou ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I have that feeling. Senator. 

Mr. ]\IoRRis. Now, may I continue, Mr. Chairman, reading from the 
statement of Mrs. Funn — Mrs. Swan : 

By Albert Blumberg, who was the Party brains for the area. 

To your knowledge, was Albert Blumberg the party brains. Com- 
munist Party brains, for the area ? 

72723— 57— pt. 41 4 


Mrs. BousLOG. Same answer. 
Mr. Morris. Now, I will read on : 

We would discuss party affairs, get literature, pay dues, and then shift into 
a discussion of the work we were doing for our organization. 

Is that accurate testimony ? 
Mrs. BousLOG. Same answer. 

Mr. Morris (reading). The cell was just for legislative representatives, it had 
no particular name or number. 

Were you a member of such a cell, Mr. Bouslog? 
Mrs. BousLOG. Same answer. 

Mr. Morris (reading). We had many informal party get-togethers at Harriet's 

Is that a truthful statement ? 
Mrs. Bouslog. Same answer. 

Mr. Morris (reading). She lived up around U Street. 

Did you live near U Street ? 

Mrs. Bouslog. I would like to consult with my counsel, please. 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Bouslog. Same answer. 

Mr. Morris (reading). Whenever Harry Bridges was in town, Harriet would 
give a party. Blumberg was always at these gatherings with Bridges. 

Is that statement accurate ? I will read it again. 

Whenever Harry Bridges was in town, Harriet would give a party. Blum- 
berg was always at these gatherings with Bridges. 

Mrs. Bouslog. Same answer. 

Senator Johnston. I want the record to show that after each time 
"The same answer" she makes — when she says that, I want the Chair 
to be understood as saying that he makes the same ruling in each in- 
stance, too. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Chairman, the next — what I have here now 
from Mrs. Swan, contains the names of many other individuals who 
were identified by her as Communists who were active in Washington 
at that time. Consistent with the practice that we have followed, in- 
asmuch as some of these people haven't been called before us, I would 
like now to end this particular phase by asking a few general questions, 
rather than ask specific questions about specific individuals. 

Senator Johnston. You may proceed in that manner. 

Mr. Morris. Were Communist Party dues collected from you at that 

Mrs. Bouslog. Same answer. 

Mr. Morris. This particular information we have, the testimony 
that we have, is to the effect that a particular person collected the dues. 
But I don't want to mention that person's name, Senator. 

Now, at these meetings, did Blumberg — that is Albert Blumberg — 
bring in material for Communist Party discussions ? 

Mrs. Bouslog. The same answer. 

Mr. Morris. I now go back to what Mrs. Swan has told us. 

As I said, we discussed Communist Party principles and then shifted the dis- 
cussion to issues before Congress, how we were making out in our visits to the 
Hill ; we took assignments, formulated plans to visit Senators and Representa- 
tives on Issues of the moment. Harriet was well educated and always gave her 
opinion on everything. 


Are those statements true ? 

]\Irs. Bousi.OG. I want the advice of my counsel. 

(The witness confers with her counseL) 

Mrs. BousLOG. The same answer. 

Mr. ]\IoREis. You would not care to deny any of those things that 
Mrs. Swan has told us ? Is that right, Mrs. Bouslog ? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG. Same answer. 

Mr. INIoRRis. Now, since you have been here in Honolulu, in Hawaii, 
have you been a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mrs, BousLOG. Just a moment, please. 

(The witness confers with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG. The same answer. 

Mr. Morris. Are you a Communist now, Mrs. Bouslog ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. The same answer. 

Mr. jSIorris. Mr. Cliairman, I have no more questions of this particu- 
lar witness. 

Senator Johnstox. Any questions by any member of the commit- 

Senator Welker. No. 

Senator Watkins. I want to ask a question. Are you attorney for 
the Honolulu Record ? 

jNIrs. BousLOG. INIay I consult with my counsel, please ? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Bouslog. Any clients I represent come within the realm of 
attorney-client relationship. 

Senator Watkixs. You mean just the names of them ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. Anj^ clients I re])resent come within that privilege. 

Senator Watkins. I doubt that very much. No confidential matter 
there. You represent them in court. Have you ever represented the 
Honolulu Record in court ? 

]\Irs. BousLOG. I would like to talk to my counsel, please. 

(The witness consults with her counsel. ) 

Mrs. BousLOG. Senator, I guess we will have to disagree on that. I 
think the names of the clients I represent do come within that privilege 
of the attorney-client relationship, at least so far as my divulging that 
relationship is concerned. 

Senator Watkins. You mean — you can't divulge, of course, the mat- 
ter, the confidential matter given to you by your clients — but I never 
considered it went so far as you couldn't even mention the names of 
your clients. 

ISIrs. BousLOG. It is the client's right to name his attorney, not the 
attorney's right to name the client, as I understand it. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, may I ask a question ? Is it true, Mrs. Bous- 
log, that when the officials of the Honolulu Record appeared here, you 
appeared as their counsel before this committee ? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BouLSOG. I appeared here as attorney for individuals who had 
been subpenaed by this committee. 

Mr. jNIorris. But not for the publication itself ? 

Mrs. Bouslog. I appeared here for individuals. 

Senator Watkins. Do you know whether or not those individuals 
you appeared for were the officers or stockholders of the Honolulu Rec- 


ord? I am not asking you to say anything more than whether you 
know or don't know. That will require a "Yes" or "No" answer. 

Mrs, BousLOG. Just a minute, Senator. 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG. Any clients that I represent, and the information 
that I have from those clients, is protected, according to my under- 
standing and belief, by the attorney-client relationship as well as by 
the first amendment to the Constitution, and it seems to me that it is 
particularly appropriate that attorneys should zealously guard the 
matters that have been entrusted to them by their clients. 

Senator Watkins. That would be so even though you knew that a 
person had committed a heinous crime ; it would be your obligation to 
keep sacred and inviolate their identity ? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG. Senator Watkins, I think that the relationship be- 
tween an attorney and his client is of the same character as between a 
doctor and his patient and as between a minister and his parishioner, 
and I believe that the things that I know from my client, even those of 
the kind, if they should exist, would be within the scope of that privi- 
lege, and that no lawyer worth his salt would go and denounce his 
client to the law officials whose duty it is to find out what are the viola- 
tions of the law. 

Senator Watkins. Even though that client has conmiitted treason 
against his own country, you think it would be your duty to protect 
him in that, as a lawyer '( 

Mrs. BousLOG. I believe our Constitution gives every person the 
right to counsel. Senator. 

Senator Watkins. Yes. 

Mrs. BousLOG. And that right itself is written right into the Con- 
stitution. And no lawyer worth his salt would violate the constitu- 
tional rights of his client to the effective assistance of his counsel. 
And counsel who desires to be a stool pigeon certainly wouldn't be 
a very effective counsel. 

Senator Watkins. But suppose some person who has committed a 
heinous crime asked you for protection and shelter. Would you grant 
it? Or would you turn him over to the law? Now, what would you 

Mrs. BousLOG. May I consult, please ? 

Senator Butler. You certainly shouldn't have to consult. 

Mrs. BousLOG. I think this would take a conference of lawyers to 

Senator Butler. Would it? Whether or not you would turn a 
murderer over to justice, who comes to you and says he has murdered 
somebody, and wants you to shield him ? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Senator Butler. What is your answer ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. My answer is that the books are full, the law 

Senator Butler. I am not interested in what the books are full of. 
I am interested in 

Mrs. Bouslog. — of what 

Senator Butler. Would you shield a person that you laiow to have 
been guilty of a crime, who comes to you for asylum, or would you 


turn him over to the law? That's the only thing I want to know. 
What would you do as a lawyer ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I think that the constitutional right of a person to 
counsel, under the sixth amendment, includes the right to divulge in- 
formation in confidence to that lawyer. 

Senator Butler. It also require.s a lawyer to turn that person over 
to the law and then give him counsel. But do you tell me and this 
committee and the people of this Territory that you would shield a 
known criminal and not turn him over to the law ? 

Mrs. BousLocx. I would like to consult my counsel. 

Senator Butler. You would take the law in your own hand, would 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Bouslog. Senator, you are a lawyer. I disagree with your 
version of what the law is. I believe 

Senator Butler. Will you define for this committee, then, what 
your idea is when somebody says you have compounded a felony, what 
would you be guilty of ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I believe that the lawyer-client 

Senator Butler. Will you answer that simple question? You're a 
lawyer. You can answer that. 

Mrs. Bouslog. Let me give an illustration. That every person who 
is accused or who has been accused of committing murder 

Senator Butler. I am not talking about being accused. I asked 
you a simple question. A ])erson comes to you, you know he has com- 
mitted a crime, he's at large, and he asks you for asylum. AVould you 
turn him over or would you shield him and help him escape? Now, 
I'm just asking you that simple question. 

Mrs. Bouslog. Under our law, everyone is innocent until he is 
proven guilty. Senator, by the processes of the law. 

Senator Butler. Even though he has committed a crime, you would 
compound that crime or felony and shield him ? Is that what you 
are telling this committee ? 

Mrs. BousLoti. Your version of the eflt'ect — — 

Senator Butler. Answer that yes or no. Would you or would you 

Mrs. BousLOG. That is your version of the effect 

Senator Butler. I don't care what my version is. I want you to 
answer that question yes or no. 

Mrs. BousLOG. Would you repeat the question, please ? 

Senator Butler. I will repeat the question. If a person comes to 
you and admits to you, as an attorney and a member of the bar of the 
Territory of Hawaii, that he has committed a heinous crime and wants 
asylum, would you give him asylum or w^ould you turn him over to 
the authorities ? Which would you do ? 

Mrs. Bouslog. May I consult with my expert counsel, please? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. Bouslog. If a murderer came to my office, Senator, and sought 
my legal advice, I would give him my legal advice and he would leave 
my office as any other client. 

Senator Butler. In other words, if a murderer came to your office 
and asked you whether or not you could help him avoid the toils of the 
law, what would you do ? 


Mrs. BousLOG. I would give him — my oath as a lawyer requires that 
I give legal advice to those who seek my help^ and if someone 

Senator Butler. Suppose that advice is, "How can I get out of this 
thing. I have committed this murder. How can I get out of it? 
And can I get out of this thing, out of this fate?" And so forth. 
What would you tell him ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. Excuse me just a minute, Senator. 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG, Senator, under the ethics of the legal profession and 
under the Constitution of the United States, every person is innocent 
until proven guilty. 

Senator Butler. I know that. 

Mrs. BousLOG. And he has the right to a trial. 

Senator Butler. But the case I am citing to you is : This man comes 
to you and tells you that he has committed a crime. Now, what is your 
duty as a lawyer ? Just answer that simple question. 

Mrs. BousLOG. My duty as a lawyer is to see that he has his rights 
under the law. 

Senator Butler. Well, how do you see to that ? You see he is first 
apprehended, don't you, and then his rights start. 

Mrs. BousLOG. Well, lawyers perhaps may disagree. I have ex- 
plained to you, Senator, that 

Senator Butler. You don't feel that you have any duty or oblig-^- 
tion to assist in the enforcement of the law ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I have a duty and an obligation to give advice to 
persons who seek my help. 

Senator Butler. Even though they admit to you that they are 
guilty ? They come to jow and tell you they have committed a crime, 
and ask you what to do. Now, doesn't your oath make you turn them 
over to the authorities before you can deal with them as a lawyer and 
client ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. Under the law of the United States, Senator, that 
is not the case. No person is guilty until he is proved guilty in a 

Senator Butler. In other words, you wouldn't do that ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. No person is guilty until lie is proved guilty in court. 

Senator Butler. You wouldn't advise him to go to the proper au- 
thorities and turn himself over? 

Mrs. BousLOG. What ? 

Senator Butler. You wouldn't advise him to turn himself over to 
the authorities ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. You are asking what advice I would give him wlien 
he sought my legal advice. 

Senator Butler. There he is. Would you 

Mrs. Bouslog. That would depend upon the facts and circumstances 
of the case, Senator. 

Senator Butler. If he admitted to you that he had committed a 
crime, aren't you under a duty to tell him to turn himself over to the 
law and then you will represent him, and if you don't do that, aren't 
you an accessory as to the fact? 

Mrs. Bouslog. May I consult before I answer ? 

Senator Butler. You oughtn't have to consult. You're supposed to 
be a lawyer. They just said you are a very brilliant lawyer, and I 


believe you are. And I also have observed that you seem to be a little 
more successful giviiij? advice than you do followinj^ it. You gave a 
lot of other people advice on these questions. AVhy do you need so 
much now ? 

Mrs. BorsLOG. The Senator knows that a lawyer who represents 
himself has a fool for a client. 

Senator Butler. Well, that's right too. 

(The witness consulted with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG. The advice I would give to a client would depend 
upon the facts and circumstances. Under certain circumstances, I 
might give the advice you suggest. But as I say, I can't take a specu- 
lative case. 

Senator Butler. Well, let's suppose somebody came to you and said, 
"I've just committed an act of treason." What would you do? That's 
a simple question. Now, what would you do? As a lawyer. 

Mrs. BousLOG. Excuse me, Senator. May I consult, please? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG. I would advise that person the same as I would ad- 
vise any other person. Senator. 

Senator Butler. Well, what would your advice be. It's universal. 
What is it now ? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG. The advice that I would give that client or any client 
is privileged and confidential, but the advice I would give him would 
depend u])on the facts that he told to me. 

Senator Butler. I have just been handed a memorandum here. Sec- 
tions 4 and 5 of title 18 of the United States Code provide as follows: 

Any person who has or obtains knowledge of commission of a felony will forth- 
with report such fact to proper authority of government. If not, he is guilty 
of misprision of felony. 

Do you agree? Do you think that's a salutary law or do you have 
a law of your own that you apply in such cases ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. May I consult with my client — with my counsel? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs, BousLOG. According to my understanding, and I think prob- 
ably the understanding of most of the lawyers in this Territory with 
whom I practice for some jea,rs now, that doesn't apply to the con- 
fidential relationship between attorney and client. That is not my 

Senator Butler. I have no further questions. I give up. Senator. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Chairman, may I have one question? 

Senator Johnston. Proceed. 

Senator Wet.ker. Madame Witness, you of course don't want to 
leave the inference here before this committee that you would be a 
party to compounding a felony such as treason or murder. You 
know what compounding a felony is, don't you ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. May I consult with my counsel, please? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG. I have practiced law, well and honorably, and I will 
continue to practice as m^^ oath requires. Senator. 

Senator Welker. I don't think that's answering the question. Do 
you know what compounding a felony is? I am really going to try 
to help you out of this little dilemma. 


Mrs. BousLOG. Would you please define it for me, Senator. Please. 

Senator Welker. Yes. One who condones or agrees to or takes 
part in the 

Mrs. BousLOG. I can't hear you, Senator. 

Senator Welker. After action of a felony ; one who suppresses that 
act from the constituted authority of the government is equally guilty 
in the eyes of the law. 

Now, isn't it a fact that you would do this, Madame. If a man 
came to you and told you that he had committed a felony, such as 
treason or murder, you would advise him at once to report to the 
proper administrative — administrators of law and of justice, give 
himself up, and then you would proceed from that time hence to de- 
fend that man, as your oath would provide you to do. Isn't that a 

Mrs. BousLOG. May I consult, please ? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG. I am limited to advising clients. Now it may be in 
a particular case I would do just what you suggest, but it would de- 
pend upon the facts that were given to me in each individual case. 

Senator Welker. You would do nothing whatsoever to see that 
justice be carried out, whether it be the acquittal of your client or 
the conviction of your client ; you would hold that secret in your own 
confidence, your own heart, rather than report it to the authorities? 

(The witness consults with her counsel.) 

Mrs. BousLOG. A lawyer must hold everything that his client tells 
him in confidence inviolate. 

Senator Welker. Very well. But again let me reiterate the words 
asked you by Senator Butler. When he comes to you and tells you 
that he has killed a person at such and such an address, do you believe 
it is the duty of a counselor or an attorney to keep that information 
inviolate and not advise your client to report to the authorities? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I said that under certain circumstances, depending 
upon the facts of each case, I might give just the advice that you have 
suggested, Senator. 

Senator Welker. Well, I am just giving you this one hypothetical 
little question. Assuming that a man comes to you and tells you that 
he has committed an act of treason or sabotage against the Govern- 
ment of the United States, and he relates to you exactly what those acts 
are. Now, would you tell him to report immediately to the authorities 
or would you keep that a secret in your own heart ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I think I've given you the best answer that I can. 
Senator. I think our discussion is almost the same as with Senator 

Senator Welker. Very well. I am entitled to interrogate too, and I 
want the answer. 

Mrs. BousLOG. The same answer I gave to Senator Butler. 

Senator Welker. It depends upon the individual case. Would that 
be it? 

Mrs. BousLOG. And my understanding of the constitutional right of 
counsel, of the client to counsel, and of the co-equal right to have his 
confidence, once given to his attorney, maintained. 

Senator Welker. Let me ask you this. Why wouldn't you ask him 
to CO down and report the fact to the 

Mrs. BousLOG. I probably would. Senator. 


Senator Welker. To the constituted authorities of the government 
and then you take your duty as a counselor and defend him to the best 
ability that you might have? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I i^robably would, but it would depend upon the 
facts and circumstances. 

Senator Welker. In other words, you would be the judge instead of 
the judiciary or the prosecuting official, as to whether or not an indict- 
ment should be filed against this man ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I believe under our system of government every per- 
son is innocent until proven guilty. 

Senator Welker. Now, we have heard that many times, and I don't 
think there's a freshman in law school any place in the United States 
or its Territories that doesn't know that fact. 

Mrs. BousLOG. Except Senate Committees, 

Senator Welker. Except Senate committees ? Madame, I might tell 
you that I've defended more people accused of crime than you have, 
and I've practiced a great deal longer than you have. And I'm trying 
to be fair on this, and I believe these Senators here are just as well edu- 
cated, some them far more educated in the field of law than you are. 

Mrs. BousLOG. I have no doubt — I defer to the legal education and 
experience of the Senators. 

Senator Welker. Well, you know they're all, and some of them are 
outstanding men on this committee, having had judicial experience, 
prosecuting experience and defense experience. So your reflection 
about the Senators on this committee not knowing any law I don't be- 
lieve is well taken. 

Mrs. BousLOG. I didn't say that, Senator. 

Senator Welker. You said we didn't understand. 

Mrs. BousLOG. I did not. I said that you haul people in here as if 
they were guilty of something. You are not respecting the presump- 
tion of innocence. You have called numerous witnesses in here, treat- 
ing them as if they were guilty of some crime, and they are guilty of 
nothing, under our Constitution. 

Senator Johnston. The witness will have to say that every one of 
them has been given a right to answer the questions, "Yes" or "No." 

Senator Welker. Have we been such terrible people by asking these 
questions that you have heard daily propounded here, and you have 
been most of the time advising those people called before this commit- 
tee to take the fifth amendment. That is a fact, isn't it? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I think your hauling them here is the thing that is 
wrong. Senator. 

Senator Welker. We're hauling them here ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. Under compulsion, to testify as to their beliefs and 
their associations. 

Senator Welker. Do you know any of your clients who have been 
hauled here who ought not to have been hauled before this committee ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I think no one should be forced to testify against 
himself before this committee, and that this committee should not 
issue subpenas to persons, because you are not, gentlemen, the execu- 
tive or the judicial branch of the Government, in whom solely rests 
the prosecutions for crime. You are not here to investigate crimes; 
you are here to — for an entirely different purpose. 

Senator Welker. Right. 


Mrs, BousLOG, And that is your function. And I feel that you are 
treading upon a field in which you as a congressional committee have 
no right to tread, in forcing these people to come in and testify as to 
their beliefs, their associations, and trying to get them to testify about 
their trade unions and their newspaper. I think you have exceeded 
your powers, gentlemen. 

Senator Welker. Now, will you name just one of the witnesses who 
has been called before this committee that ought not to have been 
called before the committee ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. I think none of the persons who were brought here 
under compulsion should have been brought here, gentlemen. 

Senator Wflker. In other words, we might just as well give up and 
forget the investigation of communism and the protection of our 
country and the internal security angle and permit them all to range 
at large and at field and this legislative committee that you are now 
appearing before should cease operation. Is that your idea of it ? 

Mrs. Bousi.oG. I did not say that, Senator. I said — You came here 
to put on a show for the people here. Mr Morris had all the informa- 
tion that he asked these people. 

Senator Johnston. We are not going to have any reflections upon 
this committee. We came here to try to find out how to relieve a situa- 
tion that had been re])orted to us, to the United States Senate. And 
any reflection on this committee and why we came here, this Chairman 
will not stand for that. 

Senator Watkins. Mr. Chairman. 

Mrs. Boiisi.oG. The question was asked, Senator, and that was the 
reason why I answered a question that was directed to me. 

Senator Watkins. Mr. Chairman. The people of this Territory 
have known what has happened here. It has all been in public, except 
the executive sessions. The executive sessions are a matter of record 
as well. Nobody has been abused here. They have had their opportu- 
nity to come in. That is the only way in the world we can find facts 
on many of these matters, to get the real truth, by asking the people 
themselves who are involved. 

Now we have been trying here for several days to find out about this 
Honolulu Record. We thought we had the people who are working 
for it. But they took the protection of the fifth amendment and 
wouldn't admit — they wouldn't testify at all about it. When they said 
they claimed the protection of the fifth amendment, that was the end 
of it. They weren't required to furnish any evidence on it. 

But up to this moment, unless we go around and bring in dozens 
and dozens of people who have done business with it, it looks as though 
we can't find anybody who will give us the facts about the Honolulu 
Record. We thought we knew the facts but we can't get them from 
the people who should know them best of all. 

And this country isn't going to allow its liberty to be taken away 
from it. This country isn't going down to destruction simply because 
we have some people who don't agree with it. We are acting on the 
rights the Constitution gives us to make this type of investigation. 
We're here under the Constitution too. 

And attorneys only practice law as a privilege. It is not a con- 
stitutional right to practice law — none whatsoever, and it has so been 
held. States can regulate it. States can take away the license. That's 
well known and understood. 


Now I want to be charitable to you. You have expressed very well 
your views. But at the same time, I can't agree with you. Some of 
the things you've said and the evasion with which you have opposed 
some of these questions to which you could have answered "Yes" or 
"No" very readily, make it appear that you wanted to evade. 

Now, frankly, I don't agree with you. I would say that ordinarily 
some of the things that you've said are a terrible reflection on lawyers. 
Lawyers are not that way ; lawyers obey the law. They can't be above 
the law. They can't keep treason hid, they can't keep murder hid, 
just because they're lawyers. They can't do that and do it legally and 
lawfully and ethically and morally — put them all in. 

I just want to make that expression. I want to be charitable with 
you. I just think you misunderstand. I am not condemning you but 
I certainly can't let the impression go out that I agree with you on 
these matters. Some points you made very well, and you were prob- 
ably right on some of these points, but not on all of them, and not on 
the main theme. 

Lawyers don't have to be stool pigeons and all that sort of thing. 
That isn't the point. But the law requires people — and there is no 
exception in the law — when the facts come to them, to do certain things, 
just the same as any other citizen. And of course when the knowledge 
comes even before the attorney-client relationship comes into being 
that makes a difference. But you are taking the position that you 
don't have to do anything about it. 

Well, that's all I have to say about it. I merely wanted to clear 
that up. 

Senator Johnston. Anything further ? 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I have one order of business here I 
would like to put into the record because I promised counsel I would 
try to finish up so far as their clients are concerned this morning. 

Mr. Andersen. You're about an hour and a half overdue now. 

Mr. Morris. Frank Marshall Davis was one of the witnesses sub- 
penaed. We have taken his testimony in executive session. I have 
taken this up with the chairman and he has agreed that he will be 
satisfied if we take the executive session testimony and put it into tlic 
public record. 

Will you Senators agree to that ? 

Senator Johnston. I approve of it. 

Mr. Morris. I will make it available. 

Senator Johnston. No opposition. It will be made a part of the 

(The testimony is as follows :) ^ 

Mr. Symonds. Senator Watkiiis and Mr. Morris, this is Frank Mar- 
shall Davis. 

Senator Watkins. "\^Tiat is your name ? 

Mr. Daves. Frank Marshall Davis. 

Senator Watkins. Will 3^ou raise your right hand and be sworn? 
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give in the 
matter now pending before this committee will be the truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Davis. I do. 

Senator Watkins. You may be seated. 



Mr. Morris. Give your name and address to the reporter, Mr. Davis. 

Mr. Davis. Frank Marshall Davis, 47-388 Kam Highway. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Davis, when did you come to Honolulu ? 

Mr. Davis. In 1948. 

Mr. Morris. 1948. Where were you born ? 

Mr. Davis. Arkansas City, Kans. 

Mr. Morris. What has been your education ? 

Mr. Davis. Let's see. Through high school and a year at Friends 

Mr. Morris. Where is Friends University ? 

Mr. Davis. And at Kansas State College. That is at Manhattan, 

Mr. Morris. You are a columnist, are you not, for the Honolulu 
Record ? 

(The witness consults with his attorney.) 

Senator Watkins. Just a minute, Counsel. Did he ask you any- 
thing before you started to talk ? 

Mrs. BousLOG. Yes ; he did, Senator. 

Senator Watkins. I couldn't see his lips move. 

Mrs. BousLOG. He had his back to me. 

Senator Watkins. I could see that side of his face. 

Mrs. BousLOG. I tell you, Senator, he did ask me. 

Senator Watkins. I have noticed the tendency, however, for coun- 
sel, not only in this hearing here but in the hearings on other days, 
before the witness could even open his mouth, to start to advise him. 
That amounts to what we call coaching the witness, and it is not per- 
mitted in this committee. 

You see, the witnesses are not parties. They come in as any ordi- 
nary citizen would come in to testify in a matter in which the Senate 
is interested, as an ordinary witness would come in to testify in court. 
Such witnesses are not entitled to have counsel or register objections, 
and all of that sort of thing. They may come before the court to 
testify, as you know, with nobody there except the judge to advise 
them as to their rights as witnesses. Now, to have an attorney present 
to advise a witness, in this hearing, is a privilege that is granted. It 
is not a right. 

Mrs. BousLOG. I regard the fact that my client has the constitutional 
right to counsel 

Senator Watkins. Oh, certainly, but not to be coached as to the 
testimony he shall give in the proceedings. 

Mrs. BousLOG. He turned to me and asked me for my advice, and 
I gave it to him. 

Senator Watkins. I have been watching this very closely, ever since 
these hearings out here began, and obviously the witnesses have asked 
for advice in many instances, but obviously the witnesses never have 
had time to make their requests for legal advice before counsel has 
begun to give advice. I just warn you. That is all. 

Mr. Morris. We have information, Mr. Davis — did you answer the 
last question or did you invoke the privilege of the 

Mr. Davis. No; I decline to answer that, on the basis of the fifth 


Mr. Morris. We have information and evidence you were a member 
of the facuhy of the xVbraham Lincohi School in Chicago. Is that 
information accurate, Mr. Davis ? 

Mr. Davis. I decline to answer that, also on the same grounds. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, the Abraham Lincoln School was one 
of the Communist schools. 

Are you a Communist now, Mv. Davis ? 

Mr. Davis. Same answer. 

Mr. Morris. I have no further questions at this time. Senator. I 
ask that you order the witness to stand by. 

Senator Watkins. Stand by. That means you will report to the 
open hearing room. 

[End of Davis testimony taken in executive session.] 

Mr. Morris. That concludes the testimony of Mv. Davis. One other 
thing, Senator, I would like to point out, because I think it should be 
abundantly clear from our record, that the last two witnesses who 
appeared here today were not subpenaed because they represented 

At the very outset these were the first people we subpenaed, and 
we told them, these particular witnesses, that they were scheduled to 
be the first witnesses, and they asked that they testify last. They 
acknowledged that on the public record, and I would like for the record 
at this point to show that fact. 

Senator Johnston. Thank you. Any other questions ? 

Mr. Morris. No, Senator. 

Senator Johnston. There are no questions. The witness will be 
excused at this particular time. 

Mrs. BousLOG. Thank you. Senator. 

Senator Johnston. The committee will adjourn until 9 : 30 tomorrow 

(Whereupon, at 12 : 30 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned.) 



United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws 

of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Honolulu, T. n. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 9 : 30 a. m., in 
the senate chamber, lolani Pahxce, Senator Olin D. Johnston, pre- 

Present : Senators Johnston, Watkins, Welker, and Butler, 

Also present : Robert Morris, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, re- 
search director. 

Senator Johnston. The committee will come to order. 

Mr. Morris, Senator, I would like to put into the record some de- 
velopments that took place since the last meeting of the committee. 

Senator Johnston, Proceed. 

Mr. Morris. We had a witness who was under subpena come in 
yesterday afternoon. Before coming in, he asked tliat we have our 
session not inside the palace, because he was in "fear of violence," to 
use his words. 

He stated that he had been a Communist, that he had left the 
Communist Party, and that he was willing to answer all our questions, 
but he pleaded not to put him in public for his own sake and for the 
sake of his family. Now, that is his particular fear and I have no way 
of assessing that. 

He did mention the names of many of the people who have appeared 
here in open session, he identified them for us as Communists ; and he 
is standing by, willing to testify further in executive session. And we 
have asked him if he would cooperate with the Territorial commission, 
and he said he would. And that's where that one stands. Senator. 

Now, then, last night I spoke with another person who had been a 
Communist, and this man was not under subpena, but he was brought 
to the committee through other persons. And he stated that he had 
been a Communist, and discussed veiy, very candidly and fi-ankly 
the details of his Communist participation. He estimated that prior 
to the Korean war, thei'e were, in tliese islands, more than 150 Com- 
munists, to his knowledge. After the Korean war got under way, there 
was a diminution in the ranks of the Communists of about 20 percent ; 
he said it varied between 10 and 20 percent and possibly more. In 
fact, at one point he said it went down below the figure of 100. And 
then, however, after the Korean war, he perceived again the trend 
started to go up again. And that was the limit of his direct knowledge. 
He thought that the most encouraging development, he told us, was 



the development of a rightwing opposition to leadership within the 
International Longshoremen's & Warehousemen's Union. He thought 
that was the most encouraging sign that had taken place. 

He, too, will cooperate with the commission. 

I think for the sake of the full record, I would like to put those facts 
into the record. 

Senator Johnston. You are at liberty to put those into the record. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, one thing I might add, that all of these four 
witnesses Avho now have cooperated with the subcommittee, have, at 
some time in the past, invoked privilege before some tribunal. I use 
the word "tribunal" very generally, Senator. Either senatorial com- 
mittee, house committee. Territorial commission, or a court. 

The witness this morning, Senator, is Mr. William B. Stephenson, 
chairman of the Territorial commission. 

Senator Johnston. Mr. Stephenson, come around. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Stephenson, will you come forward ? 

Senator Johnston. Eaise your right hand and be sworn. You 
swear that the testimony you give before this subcommittee will be 
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Stephenson. I do. 

Senator Johnston. Be seated. 


Mr. Morris. Will you give your name and address to the reporter, 
please ? 

Mr. Stephenson. William B. Stephenson, 2978 Old Pali Road, 

Mr. Morris. And what is your business or occupation ? 

Mr. Stephenson. I am an attorney at law. 

Mr. Morris. And do you hold a position with tlie Territory of 
Hawaii ? 

Mr. Stephenson. I am, at present, chairman, and a member of the 
Territorial Commission on Subversive Activity. 

Mr. Morris. What is that commission, Mr. Stephenson ? 

Mr. Stephenson. This commission was established by joint resolu- 
tion of the special session of the legislature in 1949. That was the 
session that was necessitated by the waterfront strike we had in that 

The commission is composed of 7 members, 4 of whom are from this 
island, 1 each from the counties of Kauai, Maui, and Hawaii. 

Mr. Morris. Are these all unpaid commissioners, Mr. Stephenson? 

Mr. Stephenson. They are unpaid. 

Mr. Morris. Proceed. 

Mr. Stephenson. It is a bipartisan commission. At the present 
time there are 3 Democrats, 3 Republicans, and 1 nonpartisan, mem- 
bers of this commission. The law specifically requires that at least 
three members, including the chairman, be attorneys. 

The statutory mandate is that this commission shall investigate, 
analyze, make findings of fact, report to the legislature or, under cer- 
tain instances, to the governor, concerning subversive activities in the 
Territory of Hawaii. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Stephenson, you are also a judge, are you not, in 
the islands ? 


Mr. Stephenson. I am a district magistrate. 

Mr. Morris. You are here pursuant to subpena issued by the Internal 
Security Subcommittee ? 

Mr. Stephenson. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. And the Internal Security Subcommittee has also di- 
rected you to make available to it the records of the commission, is 
that right ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes. I was served with a subpena a number of 
weeks ago, also a subpena duces tecum to produce all of the records and 
files of the commission, and that has been done. 

I would like the record to show that section o of the act under which 
we operate states that the records and files of the commission are con- 
fidential, with certain exceptions. In view of the fact that the com- 
mission itself, members of the commission, in an inquiry held by the 
Territorial house of representatives in 1055, refused, under claim of 
official privilege to divulge certain information, I sought the opinion 
of the attoi-ney general of Hawaii as to what the position of any mem- 
ber or employee of the connnission would be if subpenaed before this 

I am in possession of his opinion, which states that we are com- 
pellable to produce our records, and I think the basis is simply that 
no act of the Territorial legislature, which is itself a creature of Con- 
gress, can restrain the power of Congress to investigate. 

JNIr. Morris. Mr. Stephenson, you are also a naval intelligence offi- 
cer, are you not ? 

Mr. Stephenson. I was. 

Mr. Morris. Would you tell us what positions you have held with 
resjDect to the military here on these islands? 

Mr. Stephenson. Prior to and during AVorld War II, I performed 
various naval intelligence duties; I also served with the infantry, that 
is the XXIV Corps of the Army in the Leyte invasion, doing intelli- 
gence work; I also served with the Tenth Army in the Okinawa cam- 
paign, at which time I was in charge of psychological warfare for the 
United States forces in Okinawa. 

Mr. ]\Iorris. And as such handled propaganda for the Tenth Army ? 

Mr. Stephenson. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. And then since the war you have maintained your as- 
sociations with the naval intelligence establishment, have you not? 

Mr. Stephenson. I have at times. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Stephenson, I wonder if you could tell us about 
the strategic importance of these islands ? 

]\Ir. Stephenson. I think that all you need do is look at a map of 
the Pacific. If you remove the Hawaiian Islands from the map, you 
have distances of incredible length, that is, between land masses. The 
distance from San Francisco to Guam, for example, would be roughly 
twice the distance from San Francisco to Honolulu. And going to the 
southwest, your next land mass, say New Guinea or New Zealand is 
equally far removed. So that Hawaii is very conveniently located 
where it is, considering the needs of the country for a base here. And 
also, even in civilian communication, considering the present range of 
flight of aircraft. I think it is a matter of common knowledge ^that 
aircraft don't normally fly directly from San Francisco to Gua'rn, and 
I think it would, under present technological developments, be econom- 

72723— 57— pt. 41 5 


ically inf easible to run an airline in that manner. We are strategically 
located in that very simple sense. 

Mr. Morris. Is there anything more you can tell us about the stra- 
tegic position of the islands with respect to the military ? 

Mr. Stephenson. In any advance operations in the Pacific, opera- 
tions of either defensive or offensive nature, involving the Asian con- 
tinent, obviously the more bases that we have between Asia and the 
United States, the more bases of large land mass, the better we are 
able to mount our operation, provide refueling, repair facilities for 
vessels, and so forth. It is rather elementary. 

Mr. Morris. Are the Hawaiian Islands dependent upon oceanborne 
commerce ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Speaking of the civilian economy here ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes. 

Mr. Stephenson. I don't know the exact statistics but 

Senator Johnston. Of course, if you would transfer the usefulness 
to the enemy, it would just give them the benefit of the islands, too, 
just like it is a benefit to us to have the use of them now. Isn't that 

Mr. Stephenson. Oh, definitely. Senator. That would place a base 
of first-rate caliber for air and sea operations within very convenient 
range of the west coast. 

Now, w^ith regard to oceanborne commerce, I think it is fair to say 
that the general population of the Territory of Hawaii is largely de- 
pendent upon oceanborne commerce. I don't have the food consump- 
tion statistics, but I think that it is probable that we import more than 
half of our foodstuffs. In a protracted strike or any other blockade 
of this area, it would be entirely conceivable that the amount of food 
produced locally would go down. One reason being you can't im- 
port fertilizer, for example. When your existing stocks run out, you 
are obviously going to suffer a deleterious effect in your overall local 
production of edibles. 

Now, as far as other commodities are concerned, probably we are 
dependent 99 percent on oceanborne commerce. I am thinking of 
building materials, clothes, and other tangibles of that type. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Stephenson, who controls the waterfront of 
the Hawaiian Islands ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Well, that depends, on the sense in which you 
use "control." As I see it, there are four possible groups who could 
exercise potential control in the sense of creating a blockade. Two 
groups in the shipping industry. That is, either the owners of ships 
could refuse to send ships in here, which to my knowledge has never 
happened, other than on a purely isolated basis when it wasn't con- 
venient for them to call. Or the labor force on those ships could refuse 
to sail tlie ships from other ports, hence they would not reach here. 

The other approach is at the Honolulu waterfront. Now, there are 
two groups there who potentially control tlie waterfront. I am speak- 
ing now of your stevedoring operations. Ships come in here and the 
crews from those ships do not unload the ships. Land based stevedores 
do. Now, if the stevedoring companies conceivably should act in con- 
cert to lock out their workers, denying a labor force to be present to 
unload these ships, then you could say that they control. As a prac- 
tical matter, the only large measure of control that has ever been 


exercised is, however, by the labor force itself, that labor force being 
almost completely organized within the International Longshore- 
men's & Warehousemen's Union. 

Mr. Morris. Now they are able to exercise control over the whole 
port of Hawaii, are they not ? The port of Honolulu ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Not only the port of Honolulu but the ports on the 
other islands as well. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, this particular group can control the 
shipping to the islands ? 

Mr. Stephenson. They can't control the shipping, but they can con- 
trol the non-loading and the non-unloading of the ships. 

Mr. Morris. Has this control ever been demonstrated ? 

Mr. Stephenson. In 1949 it was. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us briefly about the 1949 strike ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Well, by perhaps an unhappy coincidence, the 
strike started on May 1. That happens to be known as International 
Working Class Day in Moscow. The strike started on May 1, 1949, 
and continued for nearly 6 months. The strike was of increasingly 
greater deleterious effect to the Territory. Stocks of foodstuff, for 
example, or clothing or building materials, that were here prior to 
May 1 of that year were used up. We had the problem of replacing 
them. I have made no effort to refresh my memory on all the details 
of that strike, but the community was up in arms, and this was all the 
result of the control exercised by a small group of men. 

Now, you've had testimony here indicating that the strength of the 
membership of the ILWTJ in these islands is somewhere around 24,000 

I believe, at that time, the longshore group of the union had some- 
where around 2,000 — maybe only ITOO. It was only the longshore- 
men who went out on strike. It wasn't necessary to strike the sugar 
or pineapple industries because, in my analysis, the Hawaiian Islands 
may be visualized as a human body would, and you don't have to klil 
the whole body in order to kill the victim. You can throttle him at the 
throat. And the throat of the Hawaiiian Islands, from the standpoint 
of dependency upon the material things of life, is the Honolulu water- 
front and to a lesser degree the outer island waterfronts. Theoreti- 
cally you might supply these islands by air, but if you gentlemen will 
recall the Berlin airlift of 1948, that placed a tremendous strain on 
the military and civilian air transport facilities of the United States, 
and they were flying a relatively short distance — not 2,200 miles. 

So under the present, using the present type of aircraft that we have 
in the world, you cannot feasibly,, economically, ever supply these 
islands solely by air. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Stephenson, the fact that the pineapple and sugar 
plantation workers did not go on strike actually aided the strikers, did 
it not? 

Mr. Stephenson. It certainly did. 
Mr. Morris. Will you tell us how ? 

Mr. Stephenson. I say in round figures 2,000 longshoremen were 
out on strike. That leaves, say, 22,000 workers who were not on strike. 
They were still employed in sugar and pineapple. They were being 
paid wages, they were subject to strike assessments for the benefit of 
the waterfront strikers. They did pay strike assessments. They 


helped their fellow union members who were on strike on the water- 

Mr. Morris. And yet the waterfront people were able to completely 
paralyze the islands ? 

Mr. Stephenson. That's correct. 

Mr. Morris. Now, I think, Mr. Stephenson, you told us in execu- 
tive session, you showed us a paper which related the desperation of 
the people of Hawaii at the time. I wonder if you would mention 
that in the record at this time ? 

Mr. Stephenson. There was published locally an insert to the 
Honolulu Advertiser, as I recall at the time it was meant to make — ^to 
put in easy mailable form — something about the strike that people here 
could mail — well, it says, "Pass this along to friends and congress- 
men." And large quantities of these did go forward in the mails. 

Mr. Morris. And that paper described the plight of the people of 
Hawaii at the time ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes. It gives a thumbnail sketch of the situation. 
Food rotting on ships in port. United States citizens hostages in 
ILWU strike. National safety is imperiled. And so forth. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Stephenson, based on your observation at 
the time and your general knowledge of this Communist international 
organization, was there any connection between this particular strike 
and the worldwide Communist movement ? 

Mr. Stephenson. It appeared to me at that time, and has ever since, 
that thei'e was more — that it was more than coincidental that while 
the Hawaii dock strike was in progress you had similar dock strikes 
around the world. And just to show you, using 1 personality or 2 
personalities, how these things tie together. There was a dock strike 
in Liverpool, England, and Harry Bridges was at large on bail and 
under the usual conditions that he could not leave the Federal dis- 
trict without permission of the court. He sought permission to go to 
Marseilles, France, to preside over the — it was the maritime section of 
the World Federation of Trade XTnions; it might have been called 
the Maritime Federation of the World, Anyhow, it is the maritime 
section of the World Communist Front in the trade union field. 
Bridges was denied the right to leave the United States, so he sent 
as his deputy Louis Boris Goldblatt. 

Press reports, which were given great prominence here, indicated 
that, when Goldblatt was through with his business at INIarseilles, he 
went up to England for the purpose of inspecting the Liverpool strike. 
I don't know what his capacity as inspector might be, but at least that 
was his announced purpose, as reported by world press services. And 
further, according to press reports, he was met at Croydon Airport by 
British security authorities who put him on the next plane and sent 
him back to France. The British Government released an official 
statement to the effect that he was being summarily deported because 
he was an International Communist agent. 

]\Ir. Morris. That is Mr, Goldblatt who is the secretary-treasurer. 
International secretary-treasurer of the ILAVU ? 

Mr. Stephenson, That's correct. It is a little object lesson, by the 
way, to some of our friends who say in handling the Communist situa- 
tion : "AVliy can't we be democradc like the British are?" I have 
never seen any move to summarily throw Mr, Goldblatt off this island, 
like the British did off the British Isles, 


Senator Watkins. May I also point out that the British are doing 
away with this so-called protection that we have under the fifth amend- 
ment. They are taking the position that the welfare of the country is 
more important than some of the liberties granted to the citizens. That 
if the Commonwealth is to continue to exist, it must take means to pro- 
tect itself. And where they do not have a written constitution, Parlia- 
ment is able to do that sort of thing. And they are actually, in prac- 
tice noAY, not granting the privilege of not testifying if the testimony 
might incriminate the witness. And that's being done without putting 
it up to the people as a whole for a vote or anything of that sort. They 
do not have a written constitution, as you know, so Parliament is prac- 
tically in full and complete control of the country. 

Senator Butlek. Senator, that is, as a matter of fact, the British 
system, isn't it ? 

Senator Watkins. What is that ? 

Senator Butler. That is the British system. Wlien Parliament 
speaks, that's it. 

Mr. Morris. ISIr. Stephenson, you have encountered the influence 
and the connections with the WFTU before, have you not? That is 
the World Federation of Trade Unions. 

Mr. Stephenson. Well, I have made a casual study of it. The ma- 
terials available in our isolated community aren't too numerous. But I 
do recall that, I believe, it was formed in 1945, and the glow of peace 
that followed the conclusion of World War II, and that a number of 
American labor associations, at least the CIO if not the A. F. of L., did 
affiliate with it. 

Mr. Morris. That was onlv temporarily, for the time being, wasn't 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes. I believe in 1948, when the CIO found it 
was not a legitimate international confederation of trade unions, but 
was an instrument of Russian foreign policy, an instrument meant to 
penetrate the labor organizations of the world, the CIO got out. And 
I do recall an excellent article that appeared in the Saturday Evening 
Post, by James B. Carey, and I think that Mr. Carey is everv bit as 
good and probably better than any labor leader in the ILWU, and I 
think he is every bit as anti-Communist as any member of the sub- 
committee or myself, and he lays it right on the line about this World 
Federation of Trade Unions. 

And I understand, and this is just based on recollection, there was a 
disaffiliation of some type. Well, now, I should go back a minute. The 
ILWU fought and opposed the move in the CIO to disaffiliate and 
announced that if the CIO disaffiliated, the IIAVU as a constituent 
part of the CIO would nevertheless affiliate itself, and it was affiliated. 
And I believe in 1950 or 1951 the IL"WU purported to disaffiliate from 
this world organization. But I thought it passing strange that only 
recentlv. I believe 1954, one issue contained a leading article 

Mr. Morris. One issue of what paper ? 

Mr. Stephenson. One issue of the publication the World Federa- 
tion of Trade Unions. It contains a leading article by J. V. Stalin, 
addressed in the form of a letter to the workers of Japan. I wasn't 
under the impression that he was considered a qualified labor leader 
among the nations of the world. 

In another issue, I believe 1954, there was an article over the byline 
of Jack W. Hall. That brings up an interesting point. Even the edi- 


tor of this world maoazine thoudit it necessary to explain by a foot- 
note : "The International Lonijshoremen's & Warehousemen's Union, 
the title itself doesn't mean what it says so far as orijanization is con- 
cerned." Now, normally, on the mainland, as we call it, if yon have a 
hod carriers union, well that union limits itself to orj^anizin^ hod car- 
riers. And the same with typographical workers, carpenters, plumbers, 
and so forth. 

In Hawaii we have the International Longshoremen's & Warehouse- 
men's Union. They started out organizing the longshoremen. I am 
not informed on whether warehousemen are organized or not. Possi- 
bly they are. But as I said earlier, and you have had other testimony, 
the great bulk of the membership is among agricultural workers. 

I think that is a little bit atypical. It shows a growth of this union, 
not primarily in the field in which it was set up to operate, but, in 
this particular area, a growth calculated to get control of as large a 
percentage of the labor force of the Territory of Hawaii as possible. 

Now, they have organized a bakery here ; they have organized work- 
ers in the shops of automobile dealers. I mean if they called them- 
selves the General Confederation of Labor, or something like that, 
out here, there might be some sense to it, but that was a little bit atypi- 
cal, and as I say, the editor of this worldwide Communist labor publi- 
cation though it necessary to ])ut in a footnote to explain that this 
union did organize workers other than those named in the title 

Mr. Morris. Now, before getting off the subject completely, I would 
like to mention that you prepared an intelligence paper, did you not, 
or a summary, Mr. Stephenson, on the interconnection of the 1949 
strike with Communist strikes throughout the world? 

Mr. Stephenson. Unfortunately, this is the sole copy I have left, 
I wouldn't call it an intelligence paper, it was sent to a few friends 
and to a couple of Members of Congress. I just put together in very 
hasty fashion, a few of tlie facts bearing on the subject, events in the 
world, during 1949. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I have read this paper and it is the only 
thing we have had in the present series of hearings that would seem 
to, or would lend any kind of support whatever, to identification of 
the 1949 strike as a "political strike. Now, we are going to get into 
the realm of political strikes next, but for whatever probative value 
it has, I suggest, Senator, that this four-page paper be read into the 
record at this time. It is certainly interesting and I think it would be 
of value to the committee. 

Senator Johnston. It shall be so ordered, that it become a part of 
the record. 

Senator Watkins. May the witness read it ? 

Senator Johnston. Yes. 

Senator Watkins. Read that. 

Mr. Stephenson. I might say, Mr. Chairman, that, in looking 
around the other day and trying to find a copy of this, I have what I 
think is only a partial copy, it covers most of the points. 

Mr. Morris. Will you read it ? 

Mr. Stephenson. This was written by me sometime during the 
summer of 1949. 

A few months before the end of World War II, the World Federation of Trade 
Unions was formed. This was ostensibly to be an international federation of 
trade unions and industrial unions. The CIO affiliated with the WFTU but 
the A. F. of L. did not. 


Then I allude to James Carey's article. 

As Carey points out in his article, it soon became apparent that, as with cer- 
tain prewar international labor organizations, the Russians were bent upon 
using the WFTU as an instrument of Russian power and penetration abroad. 
The democratic countries represented in the WFTU found tbemselves unable to 
stamp out the practices to which the WFTU was being put by the Russians, so 
the affiliated unions from the democratic countries withdrew. As of the present 
time, the WFTU continues in existence as a completely Soviet-dominated in- 
ternational front. 

Whereas the statement of purposes of the WFTU are intended to lead one to 
believe that it is interested in bettering the lot of the working class in all coun- 
tries, in various trades and industries and on various levels, it has become ap- 
parent that the WFTU is concentrating its efforts on controlling the waterfronts 
of the world. It is not attempting to control all maritime unions but primarily to 
capture the unions of dockworkers. The obvious purpose of this strategy lies 
in the fact that he who controls the waterfronts of the world largely controls 
the ocean commerce of the world. In addition to the fact that many seamen's 
unions will not sail their ships from behind striking dockworkers' picket lines, 
there is the critical fact that cargo vessels which cannot be loaded or unloaded 
are of no value in ocean commerce. 

In the execution of their strategy, aimed at controlling all docks, the WFTU 
Communist leaders have noted that one big loophole still exists, which will not 
be closed by dock strikes. That loophole is the commerce in liquid petroleum 
products. The great bulk of oil and gas carried in world commerce is laden in 
tankers. Tankers being loaded or unloaded by gravity flow or by pumping can 
move their cargoes across the docks without stevedores. The existence of this 
serious loophole has led Russian strategists to cause to be set up another labor 
front, the World Federation of Petroleum Workers. 

In the United States, the WFTU has the strong open support of Harry Bridges, 
president of the Communist-led ILWU, a CIO affiliate. When, at the last CIO 
national convention, it was moved to disaffiliate the CIO from the WFTU, Bridges 
und other national Communist labor leaders opposed the motion. Since that time 
Bridges has openly proclaimed that he and the ILWU will continue to support 
the WFTU and he will affiliate his union with the WFTU if necessary. It appears 
probable that, at the scheduled October 1949 CIO national convention. Bridges 
will lead a movement to reaffiliate the CIO with the WFTU, that he will be 
beaten in this attempt, and that the ILWU will be expelled from membership in 
the CIO. Whether the ILWU thereafter officially affiliates with the WFTU is 
of small importance because Bridges will continue to cooperate with any and all 
Communist labor organizations and fronts, domestic, foreign, and international. 

It is a reasonable assumption that Bridges v/as one of the international Com- 
munists who suggested the formation of the WFTU. In any event, he has done 
excellent work for it since 1945 and even before its formation.^ It will be recalled 
that Bridges personally went to Mexico, Cuba, and other Caribbean countries 
during World War II. He stated that his purpose in visiting these countries and 
conferring with labor leaders there was to effect a united front of sugar workers 
and longshore workers. He let it be known that a dock strike in Havana, to be 
successful, had to have the support of longshoremen in the United States. It is 
significant that in Mexico his chief confrere was Vincente Lombardo Coledano, 
the leading Communist in that country. And in Cuba he is believed to have dealt 
with Jesus Menendes, a leading Communist there. 

Note : Menendes was later murdered. 

When Paul Robeson sang in Honolulu under ILWU auspices in 1947, part of 
the proceeds of the concert were sent to Menendes' family in Cuba. 

Bridges was the logical man to have been commissioned by the WFTU, and 
possibly by even higher authority, to lead the entire movement in the Pacific. 
In connection with this assumption, the following news events are pertinent. 

(1) The existing dock strike in Hawaii, which began on May 1, 1949, bears all 
the marks of being Communist-controlled for Communist purposes. 

Note : This subject has been widely written about already so will not be elabo- 
rated upon here. 

(2) In connection with the action of Hawaiian longshoremen in rejecting the 
recommendations of the Governor's fact-finding board, statements of an ominous 
nature have been attributed to Bridges and his chief tactician in Hawaii — Henry 

Additional material on the WFTU appears at the end of today's hearing. 


Schmidt — anticipating a greatly enraged public opinion against the strikers, the 
ILWU leaders have threatened a general Pacific Coast maritime tieup if any 
strike breaking activities or any violence are directed against the longshoremen 
in Hawaii. 

(3) Notwithstanding the fact that the ILWU's senior representative in Ha- 
waii — Jack Hall, regional director — would be needed here at all times during the 
longshore strike, an announcement was made several weeks after the strike began 
that Hall would fly to Manila. The stated purpose of his intended trip was to 
strike one ship there, that vessel having by-passed Honolulu, a scheduled stop- 
over for it, because of the strike existing here. 

About the same time another news story appeared in the Honolulu papers, an- 
nouncing that Harry Bridges and Paul Robeson were scheduled to fly to Manila 
in June, for an unstated purpose, and that Henry Wallace had been invited to ac- 
company them but that his answer had not yet been received. The same article 
mentioned that Jack Hall would already be in Manila. 

Parenthetically I put : 

Two comments are in order. First, if Jack Hall's presence in a foreign port 
could effect the striking of a vessel there, presumably he has an organization al- 
ready established there, and if such an organization exists, it would seem reason- 
able that it could strike a single ship without Hall's presence. 

Second. The appearance of such a group of Americans in a foreign country, in 
which place they can have no legal political objective, must be given a sinister 

I might say for the record that to tlie best of my recollection, Mr. 
Henry A. Wallace decided not to go and this visit of Paul Kobeson, 
Bridges, Hall out to Manila at that time did not materialize. 

(4) Current Communist uprisings and agitation in Japan and South Korea, 
coincident with the withdrawal of American troops from Korea, and the long 
delay in repatriation of Japanese prisoners of war from Russian camps is a sig- 
nificant development in the Orient, although not directly in the field of Communist 

(y) The overrunning of Eastern, that is Coastal, China, by the Communist 
Armies has led to the capture of many important ports and will lead to the 
cajiture of more. 

No Communist-directed strike of the Hawaii type can be anticipated in Chinese 
ports so captured. 

On June 2.j, 1919, 23,000 Communist-led miners of Australia ceased work in an 
illegal strike. A leading Australian radio commentator stated in Honolulu, on 
June 7, 1949, that this strike had caused 200,000 people in Sydney to become irn- 
employed. As a countermeasure, the Australian Government has frozen all funds 
of striking unions and has forbidden any contributions to be made to the 

Mr. Morris. In other words, the Australian strike was contempora- 
neous with the Plawaiian strike? 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes. Then, as a significant development of the 
Australian strike, the dock workers went out on strike because the coal 
miners were out and their funds were being tied up by the government, 
and therefore this led to other strikes, sudi as in India, Singapore. I 
have already mentioned earlier the Liverpool strike. 

As I say, this is an incomplete copy, but the overall picture at that 
time was that, while the Hawaiian strike was in progress, you had 
Communist-led strikes at other major port areas of the world. Some 
of them, certainly the Hawaiian strike, were ostensibly premised on 
economic basis. 

Mr. Morris. Now, proceeding from there, there have been some 
patently political strikes here on the islands, have there not? 

Mr. Stephenson. In my opinion, yes. Perhaps I should state 

Mr. Morris. Is there any room for opinion. Aren't these patent? 
Haven't there been some strikes patently political ? 


Mr. Stephenson. I think it is a matter of definition. I think that, 
in the Marxist sense, they are political ; I think in the American trade 
union sense they're political, in that they're not directed against the 
employer or do not state a grievance against him. And I can give 
you four examples of that. 

Mr. Morris. Will you do that ? 

Mr. Stephenson. In 1950, after Harry Bridges was convicted in 
San Francisco and was released on bail, his bail was revoked and he 
was remanded to custody for certain words or actions with respect to 
the Korean war. I don't have the details before me. As a result of 
that, there were fairly widespread walkouts of sugar workers in the 
Hawaiian Islands. 

Now, I don't know what the relations of these workers on these 
particular plantations were with their employers, but I'm pretty sure 
that the employers of Hawaii had nothing to do with Judge George 
Harris' revocation of that bail up there, nor did the employers here 
put in Harry Bridges' mouth the words he uttered in opposition to the 
American participation in the Korean war effort. 

That's what I mean by political strikes. They strike their employer 
to show their displeasure with the Government. It is a strike against 
the Government in the broad sense of the term, in the propaganda 

I have for the record, if you desire it, contemporaneous news, some 
contemporaneous news clippings on that strike. 

In 1953, Jack W. Hall after, I believe, a trial of about seven months, 
in our Federal court, was convicted of conspiracy, the conspiracy 
section of the Smith Act. That caused widespread strikes. Now, of 
course, the Communist propagandist in Hawaii will give any reason. 
Just like the old saying, when you don't want to do something, any 
reason is as good as any other reason. And the same is true of the 
positive. So again they start beating the old Communist drums that 
the employers of Hall caused Jack Hall to get indicted and caused him 
to get convicted. 

Well, that is a bunch of hogwash. In fact, I will go along with 
Senator Dillingham yesterday. The employers of Hawaii haven't 
shown enough gumption to want to get any of these Communist union 
leaders indicted for anything. In fact, I think they're rather embar- 
rassed by it sometimes. 

Senator Watkins. You mean embarrassed by the fact that they 
might be indicted ? 

Mr. S^rEPHENSON. I mean a lot of them consider that some of these 
leaders are nice fellows, we have got to get along with them, we feel 
that we should, and it just muddies up the waters of labor-management 
relations if the Government is after those fellows. 

Senator Watkins. In other words, they don't want to know too 
much about them when their backs are turned ? 

Mr. Stephenson. I think that's correct. 

Senator Johnston. So it is nothing new for the union to practice 
what they did when we came here. To call a halt of the workers and 
just walk out, just because w^e were coming here to have a hearing. 

Mr. Stephenson. That's not new. Senator. 

Senator Johnston. And so, whenever Bridges was tried, they quit 
the job there, and 4,000 of the plantation workers, I believe, quit their 
jobs at that time and walked out in protest of Bridges being jailed. 
Is that true ? 

72723— 57— pt. 41 6 


Mr. Stephenson. That's correct. Now, this 1953 walkout was more 
extensive than the one in 1950. I have a number of news clippings 
here, one of which reports that at the peak of this 1953 political strike, 
90 percent of the Territory's 18,000 sugar workers, all 1,700 longshore- 
men, and half of the pineapple workers were on strike. 

Now there was one little immediate effect of interest. The Navy at 
that time was using civilian stevedores, as was the Army. The Army 
port is in Honolulu Harbor ; the Navy port, of course, is Pearl Harbor. 
And so when these fellows struck, that deprived the Army and Navy 
of the use of this labor force. 

Here's an item, part of this article : 

The dock areas were hardest hit. Longshoremen stayed ofE the job at Pearl 
Harbor for 3 days. The longest shutdown of civilian stevedoring operations ever 
called at the naval base. Sailors passing cargo from man to man by hand worked 
two Korea-bound transports at Pearl Harbor yesterday and were to continue 
working the ships until the job is finished. 

Now, that, I consider, a political strike. And a strike against the 
Government by indirection. 

Now, we don't want to be confused by the denials put out by the 
leaders, and I mean the Communist leaders of the ILWU, because 
they are usually the spokesmen on these matters. When something of 
a political nature comes up, they usually take the position that this 
was a spontaneous walkout. 1 think a simple analysis of that shows 
that is bad propaganda. If it is spontaneous, if we take the propa- 
ganda at ,its face value, then it shows a conditioning of these workers 
far beyond what the community has ever suspected. If these 


Senator Watkins. Wliat do you mean by ''conditioning"? 
Mr. Stephenson. I mean a conditioning of their minds to react in 
a conditioned manner upon the happening of a certain event. 

Senator Watkins. They deliberately train them to react that way in 
the event such a happening occurs ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes. I don't think that is the general feeling in 
this community. I don't think myself that that is the situation. But 
for them, for these Communist propagandists to take that position, 
they are in effect saying that "Our workers are so well conditioned 
that when an issue arises in this commuuity affecting a Coinmunist 
leader or the Communist issue or the Government's attempts to investi- 
gate and expose Communists, that our men are instinctively going to 
go on strike." 

Senator Watkins. You don't think for a moment, then, that the so- 
called strikes we've had since this committee came over here have been 
spontaneous movements ? 

Mr. Stephenson. I do not. As a matter of fact. Senator, I received 
information, which I was not able to evaluate at the time, the day be- 
fore Harry Bridges arrived in Honolulu, he arrived here, I believe, 
on Friday the 9th of November, this year ; I received a telephone call 
on the 8th, I was not able to evaluate the information, but I was told 
that Mr. Bridges had made a statement previously, in the previous 
week, to the effect that while your committee was here no ILWU 
labor was going to be performed in the Territory. I couldn't evaluate 
that. As I said, I had to wait and see. Two nights later, after his ar- 
rival here, he got up and laid down the line. 


Senator Watkins. I don't know how it affected the citizens here, 
but I know how it affected me when I received the word. I read in 
the paper that they were going to strike if we came out, and I resolved 
I was going to come at all costs. I had planned not to come, because 
I felt there were other members going, enough to take care of the sit- 
uation. That's the effect it had on me. To announce that they were 
going on strike simply because the United States Senate was going to 
exercise its powers and do the duty that has been required of it by an 
act of Congress. 

Mr. Stephenson. That's exactly what I mean by a political strike. 
Senator. And every one of these political strikes I speak of revolves 
strictly around the Communist issue. 

Senator Watkins. And it wasn't because of my opinion that there 
was an investigation of a labor union, but the investigation of a man 
who probably was directing a labor union and who, we were informed 
was a Communist and was directing a union in the interest, not of the 
union itself but of a Communist movement throughout the world. 
That was the impression I got from what preliminary investigation 

Senator Johnston. I think we should also commend those workers 
that refused to walk out too. Some of them had gaits enough to real- 
ize that they were bucking the Government when they were doing it, 
and didn't walk out. Isn't that true, too ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes, sir. My information is that there were some 
units that were not even put to a vote on the issue because they would 
vote it down. 

Senator Watkins. I join with the chairman in the statement he just 
made with respect to that. 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes, I think that the reaction 

Senator Johnston. I think when any union gets so large to raise a 
strike for no other purpose than to condemn the court, a court action, 
or strike for no other purpose than to keep people from gathering in- 
formation, it is a serious matter. We didn't come here biased, one way 
or the other. I know I didn't. And when we were coming here to 
try to find information about the islands, and then to strike on that 
account, I just can't understand it. 

Senator Watkins. I think also it ought to be made clear that the 
so-called justifications they had was that they didn't like some mem- 
bers of the committee, and specifically the chairman, that they were 
not striking against the Government, they were just striking against 
him personally. Now the fact is, of course, that whether they like us 
or not, we are in these official positions, we are United States Senators 
carrying out an official mission. It doesn't make any difference what 
we believe personally, any more than it would if wewere in the posi- 
tion of a sheriff an went out to make an arrest, to have the prisoner 
object and say "I don't like you, you stand for certain things, and you 
can't arrest me;" in other words, think about the personality rather 
than the official position the man has. 

We are clothed with the authority of tlie United States Senate under 
the Constitution, and congressional acts putting into effect or imple- 
menting the Constitution. And so long as we hold those positions, the 
strike is against the Government and not against us personally. It 
can't he against us, because we are not operating and using personal 
functions but official functions. 


I want to make that clear so that people will not be confused with 
respect to a matter of that kind, or be misled by a charge, as one of 
the witnesses said yesterday: "This committee as constituted." In 
other words, we are an official committee, no matter how we are con- 
stituted, no matter who makes it up, we still have that authority, and 
we're exercising that authority. I wanted to make that observation 
at this point, and I think it is appropriate. 

Mr, Morris. Mr. Stephenson, you have mentioned that you thought 
the political strike, centering on the conviction of Jack Hall, was a 
rather severe one ; at least it was stronger than the walkout on Harry 
Bridges being remanded. Had you finished that point ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes, I mean the fact that they wouldn't load a 
couple of Navy ships bound for Korea. I know if we had a naval 
stevedore working for us at Pearl Harbor, at that date and under 
those circumstances, and they walked off because they didn't like some- 
thing that the Federal court in Honolulu or the admiral did, or some- 
thing else, there are some fairly strong words you could use in charac- 
terizing the offense that they would be guilty of. 

And I made the point that the Communist leaders try to create the 
position that these things are spontaneous at times. And it is signifi- 
cant that, in an item with respect to the 1953 strike, where the union 
chiefs disavow any blame for the walkout, the same item reports that, 
immediately after his conviction. Hall announced an indefinite suspen- 
sion of contract negotiations with Hawaii's longshoring industry. 
Now, I don't know what that was meant to represent, but he walked 
out on them then. 

And that brings us down to another branch of government that has 
been demonstrated against, touched on briefly yesterday. "ILWU 
breaks off negotiations until Mitchell leaves the islands." The Mitchell 
referred to was the Secretary of Labor, a member of the President's 
Cabinet and the President's emissary when he was out here. And 
Mr. Bridges and his group said, in effect, "Get out of town, Mr, 
Mitchell. We are not going to carry on any bargaining while you're 
here. We don't like what you said about us." They didn't deny 
what he said, that the union was led by subversives. They didn't 
accord to him his right of free speech. After all, he's accountable 
under the laws of libel if his statement is untrue. He has no privi- 

Well, what does all this add up to? It adds up to a continuous 
course of conduct in which these Communist leaders of this union 
are counseling resistance to the Government, They resist against a 
Federal judge in San Francisco revoking Bridges' bail, a Federal court 
and jury in Honolulu, a member of the President's Cabinet, and now a 
committee of the United States Senate, They profess to see nothing 
wrong about it and they justify it as being something that is cast with- 
in the mold of the good old American way of life, 

Mr, Morris, ^Ir. Chairman, at tliis point may I offer for the record 
the clipping wiiich has been referred to during this part of the testi- 
mony, the Honolulu Advertiser, where 540,000 Americans, blockaded 
Americans, are appealing for assistance, the protest walkout over the 
jailing of Harry Bridges, also, the paper referred to by the witness 
in connection with the Jack Hall conviction, and the last article 
referred to, in which there was a protest over the arrival in the islands 
of Secretary of Labor Mitchell. 


Senator Johnston. All these news clippings and statements shall 
be included in the record and become a part of the record. 

(The clippino-s were marked "Exhibits No. 400, 400-A, 400-B, and 
400-C" and read as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 400-A 

[Honolulu Star-Bulletin, August 8, 1950, p. 1] 

Four Thousand Plantation Workers Quit Jobs 

protest jailing of bridges 

HiLO, Hawaii, August 7 (by radio). — An estimated 4,000 sugar workers on 
10 big island plantations refused to work today in protest against the jailing of 
ILWU President Harry Bridges. 

A sugar industry spokesman said only about 520 employees are on their jobs 
today at the affected plantations. 

Three plantations — at Kohala, Laupahoehoe and Hakalau — reported normal 

These other developments came quickly this morning in the wake of the week- 
end jailing of Bridges in San Francisco. 

messages TO TRUMAN 

1. Three out of four Hawaiian locals of the ILWU sent protest messages to 
President Truman. They urged that he be released on "reasonable bail" and 
given a new trial. 

2. In Honolulu ILWU Regional Director Jack W. Hall supported the walkout 
of the big island sugar workers. "You can't blame them," he commented. 


The big island's cane fields were practically deserted today. 

The seemingly well-planned work stoppage, which some union officer described 
as rank-and-file support of their union chief, occurred simultaneously at all but 
3 of the island's 13 plantations. 

Members of the longshore and miscellaneous locals have not followed suit. 

Operations were reported normal at Kohala Sugar Co., Laupahoehoe Sugar 
Co. and Hakalau Plantation Co. Most of the workers at Honokaa Sugar Co: are 
on vacation so curtailed operations were not affected by a turnout of only 15 of 
the 05 workers supposed to be on their jobs. 

Indications are that the islandwide work stoppage will last for 24 hours. 


At Olaa Sugar Co., only about 224 of the work force of 1,100 reported to work. 

The ILWU sugar local ofiice there was the central unit for the planning of 
the pi-otest action. 

Representatives from most of the island's plantation met there last week to 
map their plan. 

An Olaa unit officer was reached this morning but he refused to give the reason 
for the islandwide action or disclose if the stoppage would continue tomorrow. 

No demonstration was reported this morning despite rumors last week to the 
effect the sugar workers would express their protest in that manner. 


George Martin, sugar local division vice president at Hilo headquarters, said 
he would not comment on the matter "until I get all the fac^." 

Plantation officials denounced the work stoppages as befing inspired and en- 
forced on the membership by a few leftist union officers. 

One spokesman declared the act "a strike against the Government." 

James S. Beatty. manager of Hutchinson Sugar Plantation Co., Naalehu, 
branded the stopwork meetings as illegal. 

When the workers failed to show up for the 6 a. m. shift at the Pahala planta- 
tion, supervisors pitched in to keep the mill running. 

ILWU members at the two Kau companies held a joint meeting at the Pahala 
gymnasium to hear union speakers. The cro^ was orderly. 



Other mass meetings were reported to be in progress at Hilo Sugar Plantation 
Co. and at the Olaa union office. 

In addition to Olaa's sprawling plantation in Puna, other companies alifected 
are Paauhau Sugar Co., Hamakua Mill Co., Kaiwiki Sugar Co., Pepeekeo Sugar 
Co., Onomea Sugar Co., Hilo Sugar Plantation Co., Hawaiian Agricultural Co. 
and Hutchinson Sugar Plantation Co. 

William Silva, president of the unit at Pahala, said the stopwork meeting 
would last for 24 hours. 

The work stoppage was confined to the sugar plantations. 

Officials of Hilo Transportation and Teriminal Co. reported their clerks and 
motor pool workers were on the job. As no ships are in port no stevedore crews 
were on call. 

Exhibit No. 400-B 

[Honolulu Advertiser, p. 1, February 14, 1956] 

Hall Offers To Quit Labor Talks After Mitchell Blast 


(By Jack Burby) 

Jack Hall last night offered to pull out of negotiations in sugar and pineapple 
after the ILWU's leadership was denounced by a Government official as "sub- 
versive" for the third time in a week. 

The latest charge came from Labor Secretary James P. Mitchell as he paused 
between planes in San Francisco en route to Honolulu. 

Mr. Mitchell told a San Francisco Chronicle reporter that he considers the 
leadership of the ILWU "subversive." The rauk-aud-lile members, he said, are 
"ordinary trade-unionists." 

But he said the leadership, specifically Jack Hall, cannot be so cataloged. 

Hall, who was convicted 2 years ago by a Federal jury as a Communist con- 
spirator, said in Honolulu, Mr. Mitchell's remark was part of an effort to make 
him a "whipping boy." 

He said it would be "criminal for me to permit my own legal status" to inter- 
fere with negotiations. 

And he said : "To satisfy the cravings of those who have no confidence in the 
democracy, intelligence, or maturity of our working people, I anm>unce my will- 
ingness now to withdraw from negotiations in both pineapple and sugar if the 
employers in either of those industries will say that my presence is a hindrance 
to a settlement and if the elected committees from the workers on the job agree 
with them." 

At the same time, an ILWU spokesman in San Francisco said Mr. Mitchell 
spoke from a briefing on the island labor situation prepared in the Honolulu 
office of Governor King. 

Mr. Mitchell was scheduled to arrive in Honolulu at 5 : 30 a. m. today aboard a 
Pan American clipper. 

He was the third Government official to blast the ILWU's leadership in the 
past week. 

The first was Representative Francis Walter, chairman of the House Commit- 
tee on Un-American Activities. 

He said last week as he passed through Hawaii that he was "shocked and 
nauseated" to find a convicted Communist bargaining for American workers. 

He said he intended to press for a finding by the Attorney General that the 
ILWU is "subversive." 

On Saturday night, Governor King said during an address in Honolulu: "I 
cannot believe that we can condone the infiltration of identified Communists 
into our labor organizations as a matter of no concern of ours. 

"I cannot help but feel that our duties as citizens, and our loyalty to our 
country, require a more active attitude toward this situation." 

The governor did not mention the ILWU or any of its leaders by name. 

Mr. Mitchell told The Chronicle last night that he agrees with Rep. Walter 
"in substance," although he does not classify the rank and file as subversive. 

He recalled that the CIO ousted the ILWU in 1949 as a "Communist-domi- 
nated" union. 


Until last night, there had been no reply to the charges from Mr. Hall, who is 
appealing a conviction that he conspired, as a Communist leader, to violate the 
Smith Act. The act forbids advocating the violent overthrow of the United 
States Government. 

The union leader's reply : 

"This statement is being made without consultation with either our local 
negotiating committees or the International officers whom I represent in Hawaii. 

"I will not permit the Hawaiian employers or their political allies like 
Secretary Mitchell to use me as a whipping boy to escape their basic obligations 
and responsibilities to the workers of Hawaii. 

"I believe that I represent and speak for the aspirations and determinations 
of the vast majority of the working people in Hawaii. 

"If that is so, it would be criminal for me to permit my own legal status, which 
is yet to be fully determined, to impede or interfere with the aspirations or 
determinations of Hawaii's workers for a better life. 

"I do not think that I do so. 

"However, to satisfy the cravings of those who have no confidence in the 
democracy, intelligence or maturity of our working people, I announce my 
willingness now to withdraw from negotiations in both pineapple and sugar if 
employers in either of those industries will say that my presence is a hin(^ance 
to a settlement and if the elected committees from the workers on the job agree 
with them. 

"My own role is and has been a relatively minor one. What happens to me 
as an individual is of small import. What happens to the welfare of the workers 
as a whole is far more important. 

"I advise the members of our union not to rely on any other officer or individual 
in this union but to rely solely on their own understanding of the issues involved 
and their own strength and determination to reach a fair settlement. 

"Governor King, Secretary Mitchell and the rest of the big-money gang will 
play no role in the settlement of Hawaii's labor problems." 

Earlier, Mr. Hall had said the union "hasn't given up hope" for a peaceful 
settlement in Hawaii's sugar negotiations. 

But he said it would take more than the 26 plantations had offered to date in 
wages, hours, insurance and separation pay to head off a strike in the $145,- 
000,000 industry. 

The industry has said already that it has very little bargaining room left 
on a three-year contract, none at all for a contract that would run for only one 

Things looked less grim in Hawaii's pineapple industry. 

Negotiators for seven companies and the ILWU seem to have found the road 
to new contracts in that industry to cover 8,000 workers. 

Indications were another on-the-record meeting will be held today to discuss 
the last blocks to agreement — pensions and wages. 

The companies and the union have a good idea of where they stand. Top 
spokesmen for each side have been meeting now and then off-the-record for 
more than a week. 

They are reported on the verge of a settlement. 

Sugar was another story. 

Backed up by a 31-1 strike vote among 14,000 union members on four islands, 
ILWU negotiators are expected to ask for more negotiations sometime this week. 

When talks recessed a week ago today, the ILWU said it would "take a last 
look" at the situation, try for a few days to reach agreement, then set a strike 

Hall, the union's chief spokesman, said last night the union committee will 
bargain "until it is convinced there is no way out but a strike." 

He charged that there has been "no bargaining" in the five weeks since sugar 
negotiations began. 

The industry, he said, has completely rejected the union's demands and has 
"made no attempt at compromise." 

The 26 plantations have taken the stand during this year's negotiations that 
they will take a strike before they will sign a contract which could cost them 
more than they can afford. 

With sugar costs going down, production costs going up and competition on 
the mainland increasing, the industry says it has limited resources for additional 
labor costs. 


EXHIBIT No. 400-O 

[Honolulu Star-Bulletin, June 22, 1953] 

ILWU Protests Idle Three Major Industries 

Hawaii's waterfront activity ground to a dead halt today as an ILWU worli 
stoppage spread ttirougliout the longshore, sugar and pineapple industries. 

Union men began walking off their jobs and staying away from work Friday to 
demonstrate their disapproval of the conviction that day of Jack W. Hall, ILWU 
regional director, on charges of Communist conspiracy. 

Conservative estimates placed the number of men away from work at more than 
10,000 although the figure was expected to be increased when the final count is 

ILWU spokesmen continued their hands-oft' policy, insisting the demonstration 
was spontaneous among the individual members. 

MAY return tomorrow 

Officials of some companies, however, said they have been informed unofficially will be resumed as usual tomorrow. 

The walkouts already are much heavier than those of August 1950, that fol- 
lowed the jailing of Harry Bridges, ILWU international president, in connection 
with his conviction on perjury charges. 

At that time, in walkouts spread over a week, and confined to the sugar in- 
dustry, about 8,100 of the 20,000 Hawaii sugar workers left their jobs in protest 

There were no pineapple walkouts then and longshore was normal except for 
one stop-work meeting. 


Today, ships in all island ports were idled when stevedore gangs failed to 
answer calls to work. 

Two Navy transports carrying cargo to Korea were loaded by the Navy when 
ILWU gangs failed to report to Pearl Harbor. An Army ship was similarly 

Sugar and pineapple were also hard hit, with undetermined thousands joining 
the demonstration. 

Meanwhile, the executive board of the union's Oahu sugar division issued a 
statement today blaming the employers for Hall's conviction. 

Renewing its accusation that "the bosses and big shots * * * conspired with 
corrupt politicians" to indict the labor leader, the union commented : 

"The bosses made a big mistake. It's going to cost them money." 


The statement was issued through the ILWU's regional office, giving rise to the 
conclusion that it constituted the official view of the entire union. 

The ILWU announced Saturday that its longshoremen have voted to raise 
their wage demands from 11 to 22 cents, but Robert McEIrath, union public 
relations director, denied that the move was connected with the wrathful protest 
over Hall's conviction. 

An unofficial tally of the best available reports showed at least 7,700 men off 
their jobs in sugar, 2,110 absent in pineapple and 438 in stevedoring. 

Only 190 men of a field force numbering 1,200 reported for work today on 
Libby, McNeill & Libby's Oahu, Maui, and Molokai plantations. Libby and Cali- 
fornia Packing Corp. said only 10 percent of their employees on Molokai showed 
up this morning. 

MEN "felt hurt" 

Regino Colotario, an ILWU official on the Friendly Isle, said the men walked 
out "because they feel hurt about what happened in the trial." 

On Maui, all of Libby's 330 plantation workers and about 180 in the company's 
cannery were reported idle. 

Maui Pineapple Co. reported only a 37 percent turnout in its cannery, while 
Baldwin Packers said 80 percent of its cannery personnel and 90 percent in the 
fields are absent. 


Only a few of Hawaiian Pineapple Co.'s 600 employees on Lanai reported for 
work, a company spoliesman said. Harvesting was canceled on the Wahiawa, 
Oaliu plantation when only 200 of a force of 700 employees showed up. 

In the company's cannery, however, 90 percent of 2,000 workers were on the job. 

The sugar industry saw 2,880 absent from work on 4 plantations at Ewa, 
Waialua, Oahu, and Kahuku. Slightly more than 200 employees showed up on 

On Kauai, 3,435 stayed away from work, affecting production on six planta- 
tions. Only at Waimea Sugar Mill Co. was work reported to be normal. 

The ILWU, however, officially notified the Garden Island firms that the men 
would return to work starting with this afternoon's shift. 

An employer source on Kauai said the union gave no reason for the walkoff s 
but asked the plantations to "forgive and forget" and also asked time off for dele- 
gates to attend a union convention in Honolulu Wednesday and Thursday. 


Sugar mills of H. C. & S. were closed at Paia and Puunene on RIaui, wliile at 
Wailuku Sugar Co. milling and harvesting were halted by the absence of 
500 men. All of Pioneer Mill Co.'s 900 employees were reported away from 

On the Maui waterfront, 3 gangs of stevedores were called to work, but 
only 5 men appeared. Nine longshore checkers showed up but left without 

Castle & Cooke Terminals, largest waterfront employer in Hawaii, said it 
called 375 dock hands today, but none showed up. Their absence halted work on 
four Matson ships in Honolulu Harbor and threatened to idle another freighter 
arriving this afternoon. 

[Honolulu Advertiser, February 15, 1956] 

ILWU Breaks Off Negotiations Until Mitchell Leaves Islands 


A pineapple contract was just hours away when the ILWU served notice it 
would bargain no more until Labor Secretary James P. Mitchell was out of 
Hawaii, an industry spokesman said last night. 

The union broke off talks in both sugar and pineapple in a 17-minute meeting 
yesterday afternoon. 

President Harry Bridges charged Mr. Mitchell's remark that the union's leader- 
ship is "subversive" had made the air too tense for negotiations. 

Dwight C. Steele, president of the Hawaii Employers Council, said last night 
that 8,000 pineapple workers would have had new contracts by today if talks had 

"We were," he said, holding his thumb and forefinger a half-Lnch apart, "just 
that far from settlement. 

"We were scheduled to go into session at 3 o'clock this afternoon for continuous 
negotiations," he told members of the National Association of Cost Accountants. 

"Frankly, I don't know what's going to happen as a result of the union's action 
today," he said. 

"Up until this afternoon I would have said there would be no strike in pine- 
apple. I wouldn't say that now." 

Mr. Steele's gloomy picture of the pineapple talks rang down the curtain on one 
of the most hectic 24 hours in Hawaii's labor history. 

It began with Mr. Mitchell's telling San Francisco reporters that the union's 
leadership is "subversive." 

Then the statements began to fly. The typewriters and mimeograph machines 
clanged away like John Henry's hammer all over town. 

1. Jack W. Hall, ILWU regional director, said he would pull out of negotia- 
tions if the employees and his union members agreed he was holding up agreement. 

2. Mr. Mitchell, arriving in Honolulu, said he thought that might be a good 
idea. He said Mr. Hall's presence as a convicted Communist conspirator in- 
jected an "alien factor" into what is essentially an economic bartering between 
labor and management. "Hall is not the proper one to handle negotiations if 
the welfare of the workers is to be protected," he said. 


3. Mr. Steele issued an announcement saying that the question of Mr. Hall's 
withdrawing from negotiations was strictly a union matter. 

"The sugar and pineapple industries are required by Federal and Territorial 
law to bargain with the properly designated representatives of the union which 
is the collective bargaining representative of their employees," he said. He 
denied the industry was making any effort to use the labor leader as a "whipping 
boy" in negotiations. 

4. At mid-morning, the ILWU executive board invited Mr. Mitchell to speak 
before it on the local labor situation. 

5. Shortly after noon, Mr. Mitchell replied that it is the Eisenhower admin- 
istration's policy to "promote to the fullest extent the principle of free collective 
bargaining, without undue interference on either side by the Grovernment. I 
propose to adhere to this policy now." 

6. After lunch, the ILWU asked the pineapple industry's negotiating com- 
mittee for an on-the-record meeting. As the meeting opened, ILWU President 
Harry Bridges read a six-paragraph statement. 

It said, in part : 

"Because the real issues in dispute between the ILWU and the sugar and pine- 
apple industries of Hawaii have been beclouded by the gratuitous and prej- 
udicial statements of Mr. James P. Mitchell, United States Secretary of Labor, 
the ILWU wishes to notify the respective negotiating committees of the sugar 
and pineapple industries of the suspension of any further negotiations until Mr. 
Mitchell departs from the Territory. 

"In taking this action, the ILWU does not intend to accuse the sugar and 
pineapple industries of Hawaii of arranging for such statements to be made in 
order to influence the course of the negotiations." 

Mr. Steele angrily accused the union of trying to drag the industry into "a 
dispute you apparently are having with Secretary Mitchell. And apparently 
you saw fit to use what was intended to be a negotiation meeting for that purpose. 

"I don't think that this is going to help relationships between the union and 
the pineapple companies one bit. I don't think it is going to help reach agree- 
ment. So, far as the pineapple companies * * * are concerned * * * we have 
no interest in being involved in the controversy you appear to be having." 

Last night, Mr. Steele hinted at the way the industry feels about the whole 

"We can bargain with people even though we don't like their afliliations or their 
backgrounds. Hall has done a much more constructive job of negotiating in 
the past 5 years than he did in the years before that. 

"I've never defended Hall's aflBliations," he said, "nor his personal decision 
which he made many years ago. But these last few years, he has been very fair 
at the bargaining table." 

Mr. Steele gave no clue to the stands of the seven pineapple companies and the 
union on the issues of wages and pensions. 

These were the only issues blocking agreement the last time the two sides re- 
ported publicly on the negotiations. 

Yesterday's suspension of the sugar talks apparently will mean little delay in 
getting negotiations in that industry underway. 

Bargaining had been recessed since last Tuesday and there had been specula- 
tion that no further moves would come in sugar until the pineapple contracts 
were settled. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr, Stephenson 

Senator Watkins. I would just like to make an observation, pro- 
voked by that very advertisement. My own personal conviction is 
that no group of Americans, no organization, corporation, labor group 
or otherwise, in this country, should be in a position to have the power 
to blockade 540,000 Americans, nor to use monopoly control. I think 
it is un-American, it is contrary to the public policy that, under the 
Constitution, guarantees us liberty. We legislate against monopolies 
in the industrial field, and some time and somewhere we've got to 
have the backbone to take care of this labor movement that has be- 
come a monopoly. 

Now that's the way I feel about that. And we see what has hap- 
pened out here. Just by the edict of one man — I don't care whether 


he's a Communist or non-Communist, they should not have that power. 
But, in this case, it is aggravated by the fact that the evidence is strong 
in the direction that they are Communists, or have been, and are act- 
ing, not in behalf of the best interests of the labor union members 
and of their own communities and of their country, but in the interest 
of someone else outside who is dictating a policy that will be of benefit 
to this international conspiracy known as communism. 

Senator Johnston. And then, at the same time, claim the rights 
that the Government has given them under our laws and courts, and 
also under our National Labor Relations Act. They claim all those 
rights. Wlien they're in their favor, they claim them, but when it 
doesn't agree with them, those of course they kick out. 

Senator Watkins. Well, we had an example right here, Mr. Chair- 

Mr. Morris. I think we have run off the reel here, Senator. Could 
we take a half a minute ? 

Senator Johnston. We will take a 2-minute recess. 

( A short recess was taken. ) 

Senator Johnston. The committee will resume. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Stephenson, yesterday Senator Dillingham 
told us that industry has not taken a firm stand against the Com- 
munist leadership of the ILAVU. Now, in view of the paralysis that 
you have stated they have been able to effect here on the islands, do 
you feel that industry has taken a firm stand against the force that 
can bring about such paralysis for political considerations ? 

Mr. Stephenson. I think they have not. 

Mr. Morris. Will you develop that ? 

Mr. Stephenson. I base this not only on community observation, 
and this is my statement purely in a personal capacity because most of 
the information antedates my connection with the Subversive Activi- 
ties Commission. I base it not only on open observation and reading 
newspapers but talking to some rather important men in industry. I 
can recall three specific conversations in which I was told directly that 
they resented my anti-Communist efforts, that of myself and others 
in the community. 

Senator Johnston. Did they use those words "anti-Communist"? 

Mr. Stephenson. They saicl "People who are too strongly anti- 
Conununist stir up trouble," and I remember the term : "muddy the 
waters of labor and industrial relations." Several of those meetings 
were during the 1949 strike. 

Mr. Morris. And you say those sentiments were expressed by repre- 
sentatives of industry and management ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Certain ones, of course, not all of them, 

Mr. Stephenson. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. Were there any exceptions to that general outlook 
that you encountered ? 

Mr. Stephenson. I think — oh, yes, individually. Aft6r all, bar- 
gaining was on a centralized basis. And the industry position in 
general out here has been to say that you can't talk about communism 
because it is irrelevant to the issue of this particular bargaining ses- 
sion on wages, hours, or working conditions, or mechanization, or 
something else, and you can't talk about the Communist issue any 
more than you can talk about the other bargainers' religion, or his 


political party. I don't happen to accept that premise, but that has 
been the premise of industry. 

Mr. JMoRRis. ]Mr. Stephenson, you mentioned in executive session you 
have a newspaper clipping, I believe, which further developed that 

Mr. Stephenson. This is just a little symptom. I don't know 
whether industry believes that position, wdiether they believe it, 
whether they feel it is better to get along and when the crisis finally 
comes someday, the crisis that they themselves may have helped to 
accelerate, at the last moment they will expect the Government to bail 
them out, I don't know. They give the impression of being under 
intimidation. I use it in the moral sense. 

Senator Johnston. So there may be a possibility they think it is 
just best not to stir up the issue ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Correct, sir. Now, here's a little item on the front 
page of the Advertiser, January 16, 1955. It reports an NLRB pro- 
ceeding. What had happened here was that the ILWU had gone to 
management of a sugar plantation and said, "We want you to fire this 
gentleman." This gentleman happened not to be an ILWU member. 
So the union's request was met. And the man had the gumption to file 
a complaint against the union and the company before the National 
Labor Relations Board. And this reports the findings of the ex- 
aminer. The examiner is identified as David F. Doyle. 

Senator Watkins. Does the newspaper story carry the findings 
made ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes ; it does, sir. 

Senator Watkins. Why not have him read that ? 

Mr. Stephenson. I will read this hurriedly ; it is a very short article. 

An NLRB board examiner ruled today that the Olaa Snsrar Co. of Hawaii 
"weakly submitted" to pressure of the local 142 of the ILWU and fired a nonunion 
employee because he was critical of the union. Examiner David F. Doyle rec- 
ommended the company be ordered to rehire Truckdriver Favorito P. Bancs, 
who was discharged in December 1953, and further recommended that Banos be 
paid all income he normally would have been entitled to since his discharge. 
Banos was discharged by the company because he was "disrupting harmonious 
working relations." The company and the union at the time were working out 
plans to ease the complication resulting from the mechanization of the sugar 
fields. The proposed change meant a cut in the work force from 1,100 men to 
450, of which 75 percent would have been of Filipino descent, including Banos. 
Banos and two other employees, both union members, circulated a petition which 
alleged union leadership, primarily of Japanese descent, was discriminating 
against Filipino workers in the layoff plan. In his brief, Doyle — 

that's the trial examiner — 

stated that the union asked the company to take action against Banos and "the 
company weakly submitted to the union's discriminatory demand." Banos ap- 
pealed to the NLRB, naming both the union and the company in his complaint of 
discrimination. Doyle noted the company discharged only Banos and not the 
two other union members who joined him in circulating the petition. The exam- 
iner said he was not concerned with the truth or falsity of the charges in the peti- 
tion. Defendng Banos' action as "a fundamental right of free speech" Doyle said 
"it may be that his criticism of union officials was entirely unjustified, but they 
must suffer the criticism as one of the unpleasant features of office. They may not 
silence their critics by force." 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Stephenson, you have, in your official capac- 
ity as chairman of the commission, had occasion to observe Com- 
munist propaganda as it comes into the islands have you not? 


Mr. STErnENSOiSr. Well, I haven't seen it crossing the border, Mr. 
Morris, but I have seen it after it has come to rest here ; yes. 

Mr. Morris. Would you tell us about that ? 

Mr. Stephenson. The lifeblood of the Communist movement is in 
propaganda, in propagating the viewpoint of the Communists, in 
vilifying the opponent, and it is a worldwide proposition. We have 
been subject to a considerable barrage of propaganda here. We not 
only get Comnumist propaganda of local origin but we get it from 

Mr. Fisliman pointed out the other day that, in recent months, 
propaganda had come into his possession, propaganda originating 
from satellite countries. 

Mr. Morris. In fact, when Mr. Fishman was testifying he had in 
his possession material that liad arrived that very day from Com- 
munist Himgary and Communist China and Communist Czechoslo- 
vakia, did he not? 

Mr. Stephenson. That is correct. That isn't a new development. 
Approximately 100 pages of the 1955 report of our commission to 
the legislature, profusely illustrated, showed the existence of this 
propaganda situation in the Territory of Hawaii. 

JSIr. Morris. I wonder, INIr. Stephenson, if you would just read that 
briefly for us ? 

Mr. Stephenson. The hundred pages ? 

Mr. Morris. No, no. 

Senator Johnston. Have you noticed any of the local papers re- 
producing any of the propaganda ? 

Mr. Stephenson. No, sir. Not to my knowledge. I just brought 
along. Senator, in case you're interested, gathered from various sources 
here — I mentioned the World Federation of Trade Unions. I think 
that comes under the heading of Communist propaganda. This is one 
of their issues that we have. Here is one with Joe Stalin's picture on 
the front page. The text is in Chinese or Japanese, I don't know 
wliich. Here's another one on "The Rosenberg frameup," as they call 
it, in Japanese. I believe this is one Mr. Fishman showed you. Our 
issue isn't quite as recent as his. We only liave June 1956. I just 
picked these at random this morning. We liave hundreds of them. 

ISIr. ]\IoRRis. And where generally does this propaganda come from, 
Mr. Stephenson ? 

Mr. Stephenson. It comes from Japan, Communist sources in 
Japan, from Eed China, some from Russia itself, some from Rumania, 
some from Czechoslovakia, some from England. The sources behind 
the Iron Curtain, we can reasonably assume, are Communist con- 
trolled, and nothing leaves without the imprimatur of the govern- 
ment. The sources outside the Iron Curtain we are generally in a 
position to document from other evidence showing their Commimist 

In our 1953 report, we pointed out a A^ery neat device that apparently 
is in use to try to thwart the inspection service that ISIr. Fishman 
referred to the other day. I think he made it clear that first-class mail 
was not subject to any sort of inspection by customs or Post Office 
Department for dutiable items or otherwise. So in 1953 we reproduced 
in our report the cover — that is, an envelope — that was mailed from 
London to Honolulu, transmitting a piece of Communist propaganda. 


The envelope was quite interesting, in tliat it had originally come 
out of Pittsburgh. It was a cover for a trade magazine of the steel 
industry called the Iron Age. And they had mailed it, apparently, 
to this Communist bookstore in London, and the Commies, instead of 
throwing aw^ay this old envelope, which had the return address of the 
Steel Age magazine in Pittsburgh, merely pasted a new address label 
over it, a new English stamp, and sent it through the first-class mail. 
Anyone looking at that envelope and not looking at it critically would 
attribute this to the steel industry source. We sweated off the label, of 
course, and saw that the original addressee who had received that was 
Collette's Book Store, in London, a well-known Communist bookstore. 
A friend of mine personally went in there last year, at my request, and 
bought some representative literature and brought it back to me. It 
is the same type of literature that is being introduced here in other 
forms. Collette's Book Store now features Chinese Communist liter- 
ature in the English language. 

Senator Johnson. So it is the same general pattern we have found. 
They have used names of prominent people in order to call it by tliat 
name, but it wasn't exactly of that color when you read it or looked 
into the organization, but it was Communist. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Stephenson, have you examined this propaganda ? 
Will you tell us about what purpose it is calculated to serve ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Well, in general, I haven't analyzed it for some 
time or even read most of it, but we have set forth in several of our 
reports some of the objectives. For example, this agitation on an 
international basis of many of the issues that we have come to know 
nationally, such as the Kosenberg case. Now the line — the way you 
treat that abroad is somewhat different. That is held up abroad to 
show what a rotten government we have. The "facts," if I may use 
that term in quote, which are postulated in this literature are usually 

Senator Johnston. Have you noticed in this community whether 
they use the different nationalities to try to enter into that particular 
nationality group ? I know you on the islands here have many nation- 
alities, people from various countries. Do you find them getting the 
propaganda from that country into that particular group of people ? 
We find that's true in some of our larger cities, where we've had in- 

Mr. Stephenson. I think as a general proposition that is true. Be- 
cause it is just like advertising technique. You try to reach the man 
through his own language, through his own level of speech and com- 
prehension, in the most effective and economical way you can reach 
him. And the ILWU, for example, carries its radio program, on 
which Robert McElrath is the so-called commentator, that is carried 
in English, but they also have — have or have had — broadcasts in 
Japanese and a Filipino dialect. 

You see, there is a large segment of the ILWU who are not citizens 
of the United States. I don't have the statistics at hand, but I would 
just hazard a guess that there is probably no union on the mainland 
that has such a high proportion of aliens as does Local 142 of the 

Senator Wati^ins. Is there any means by which you can get the 
breakdown of the union membership with respect to citizenship ? 


Mr. Stephenson. I think that's available on a reasonably accurate 
basis, Senator. 

Senator Watkins. I would appreciate very much if you would sub- 
mit to this committee a memo showing the breakdown of the mem- 
bership of the orijanization you just mentioned. 

Mr. Stephenson. If the ILWU would cooperate with us, we could 
probably get it very hurriedly. 

Senator Watkins. I would say that probably the organization it- 
self, if it were left to the memJbership, would cooperate, but I am 
afraid with some of the leaders we've had in here, you wouldn't get 
the cooperation. 

jNIr. Stephenson. I am sure they wouldn't put it to a vote either. 

Senator Watkins. It would be interesting to know to what extent 
aliens are controlling our labor unions and dictate the policy of a 
labor union. 

Mr. Stephenson, I don't mean that they control it. I merely stated 

Senator Watkins. I merely said "to the extent." I don't know 
whether they do or don't. That is one thing we would like to Imow, 
whether they do or don't. And they may be making great contribu- 
tions to our labor movement. 

I want it distinctly understood that I am not against labor unions 
as such. I made my reference against monopoly, industrial monop- 
oly which I oppose just as much as I would be against monopoly in 
the labor field, labor organizations. I have come to feel that, in view 
of the misuse made of the powers within them, that it presents a real 
menace to the liberties of the people. And in a case out here, it would 
actually probably destroy your economy, and it might even cost us 
a campaign if we got into a war, a campaign to hold these islands. 
They could easily do that, make a very heavy contribution to our loss. 

So I want to make it clear when making these remarks that I am 
not against labor unions as such. I think they've done a great deal 
of good, as the corporations and industry, the industrial corporations, 
have done a great deal of good but sometimes they get in positions 
where they have powers which they don't always use to the common 
good and for the public benefit. And the people in the labor unions 
are just as human as those are in the industrial organizations. 

We have measures now before the Judiciary Committee of the 
United States Senate with reference to monopolies in the industrial 
field, and I think the committee will report on those. We already 
have on our books, as you know, with respect to antimonopoly, the 
Sherman Act, and others, and it looks like we have got to get into 
some other fields where we see there are dangers of actually being 
destroyed by monopolies in another direction. 

Mr. Stephenson. I would like to make one observation, Senator, 
if I may, that was triggered by opening up this question of the racial 
diversification we have in the islands. 

One of the most deadly forms of propaganda is that which is con- 
tained in letters from a relative to another relative. We have a large 
number of people in the Territory of Hawaii, some alien, many more 
citizens, who have relatives of their own generation or who have fore- 
bears or their contemporaries in Japan, in China, in the Philippines, 
Now if the relatives here who are originating letters to the Western 


Pacific area are in any sense influenced by tlie subversive line that has 
been taken by this union in its propaganda, then the repetition of the 
lies of the attacks on this committee, of the attacks on the Secretary of 
Labor, of the attacks on our courts, is beintj broadcast abroad, and it 
tends to lower the esteem of this country in the eyes of persons in 
foreign nations that we are tryinjj to get along with. That is an in- 
evitable consequence. We just happen to see it concentrated here. 

Out here, as I say, is like living in a fish bowl, from a political stand- 
point and an economic standpoint, simply because of our isolation. 

Senator Watkins. We don't have the same situation probably any- 
where else. I mean we don't have the phj^sical situation that would 
make other communities — put other communities in the same kind of a 
fish bowl, to use your illustration. 

Mr. Stephenson. That's correct. So that it is a matter of concern, 
I believe, that the propaganda and agitational tactics that have been 
indulged in have continued and gone as far as they have and show 
every promise of continuing in tlie future. 

And in conclusion, I would like to offer one or two ideas how to at- 
tack this problem legislatively. 

Senator Watkins, I am sure the committee would be glad to get 
those suggestions. 

]\Ir. Morris. Mr. Ste]Dhenson, is this propaganda, is it designed to 
further Soviet expansion, Communist expansion over the world ? Can 
you tell us anything about it ? 

Mr. Stephenson. In general it is. When it de]5recates the United 
States and glorifies the Soviet Union and satellite nations, when it con- 
cerns itself with the internal operations of the United States Govern- 
ment, always in a critical manner, when in none of this do you ever 
find criticism of the Soviet Union, it is obviously going to hurt this 

There is a great need for countering that sort of thing because I 
think it is an elemental rule of psychology that the repetition of a 
statement, without contradiction from an equally credible source, not 
only causes it to be believed, but I think entitles the hearer to believe it. 

Mr. Morris. Now, can you tell us whetlier the ILWU Book Club has 
been responsible for the propagation of Communist propaganda? 

Mr. Stephenson. I cannot give the committee an up-to-date report 
on the ILWU Book Club because our investigative procedures have 
been seriously curtailed. They miglit have eftected a tactical dissolu- 
tion of their club last night, for all I know. But I will tell you what 
they did when we reported on it. The ILWU Book Club, according 
to reports of the ILWU itself, was conceived by Harry Bridges, and 
the idea was — — 

Senator Watkins. Is that a matter of public record ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes, sir. We have reported some 50 pages or so 
on it. It has several purposes, all of which add up to one thing, and 
that is to get Communist ]5ropaganda in the hands of the members of 
the ILWU through a book club system. Now, it isn't the Book of the 
Month Club idea, of mailing the stuff. It involves selection of ma- 
terials. That is ])oint No. 1. Point No. 2 : Trying to make materials 
available in cheap editions. And No. 3 : Either selling those materials 
directly to union members or making them available free at lending 


And Mr. David Evans Thompson, who was in here the other day 
and refused to give information, rendered a report to the ILWU mem- 
bership on the subject of this chib in his capacity of educational direc- 
tor. That term literally — liberally translated means one in charge 
of propagandizing the members of the union. He reported that there 
were 18 of these libraries. 

"Well, now, liberally translated, that is another way of saying there 
are 18 Communist bookshops. 

Mr. Morris. Each one of them propagating Communist material? 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes. We made a very detailed analysis in our 
1955 report of every book recommended by that club that we could 
get our hands on. Now, in the context in which I am speaking, an 
evaluation of a book can lead to the conclusion that it is pro-Commu- 
nist or anti-Communist or is neutral. Maybe it has nothing to do 
with communism. But if you are going to evaluate books from this 
one standpoint, you grade them as 1, 2 or 3. When you take these 
books that we analyzed, that means that the commission's staff read 
them and as far as possible the commissioners read them, and we 
found that oddly enough they fell into 2 classes, not 3. There were 
some books that were strictly non pro-Communist, non anti-Commu- 
nist. I think Roberts Rules of Order was one. Another one on 
"Wliat to do until the doctor comes." Now, those are strictly non- 
controversial in this context. But every one that didn't fall in the 
neutral category was pro-Communist, either in authorship or in con- 
tent or both, and there was not an anti-Communist publication, be- 
cause this union leadership has never given its membership a free 

Senator Johnston. There is a book put out by this committee on the 
dangers of communism ; you haven't seen them distributing that, have 

Mr. Stephenson. No, sir. They have never given their membership 
a free choice of reading or listening or otherwise. They have never 
presented the pro-Communist viewpoint as against the anti-Commu- 
nist, because they're only interested in propagating the pro-Commu- 
nists, and they would be silly to present the other side. I say that 
advisedly, as one who has had considerable experience in psychological 
warfare. It would be stupid, and Harry Bridges and his boys aren't 
noted for being stupid. 

Mr. MoRRTS. Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer for the record at 
this time the section of the 1955 Report of the Territorial Commission 
on the ILWU book club. 

Senator Johnston. And have it printed in the record ? 

Mr. IMoRRis. And have it printed in the record as an appendix. 

Senator Watkins. I think it ought to be done. 

Mr. Morris. It has many valuable facts and all relevant directly to 
the investigation we are conducting. Senator. 

Senator Johnston. It shall be printed in the record. 

Senator Watkins. May I ask this question ? Is this entire volume 
from which that excerpt is taken available to the committee ? 

Mr. Morris. That is one thing I wanted to take up. Senator, before 
we close this morning. That all the material in the possession of the 
commission at this time and now under subpena by the Internal Se- 
curity Subcommittee, I would like to strongly recommend, ]Mr. Chair- 
man and Senator Watkins, that we keep that subpena an open subpena. 
I have discussed this with the chairman. Because there are many 

72723— 57— pt. 41 7 


things that Mr. Mandel is now working on at research level that will 
require us to take the fullest advantage of these particular files. 

Senator Johnston. All these records shall be kept under subpena 
until we have had a chance to scrutinize them and decide just what 
we want to keep permanently. 

Senator Watkins. I would like to go further than that and say that 
they ought to be filed as an exhibit in this case, these volumes, the re- 
ports of this commission, so they would be available at any time to us. 

Mr. Morris. I think it would be appropriate. Senator. I suggest 
the way of doing it would be to take the reports, the 1951, 1953, 1954 
and 1955 reports, and print them as appendices to the hearings that 
are taking place here. I think by using small print and everything 
we could do a relatively digested form. 

Senator Watkins. The report itself contains much of the detail. 

Mr. Morris. It is all very necessary and pertinent to this inquiry, 
Senator. I have examined them thoroughly, and Mr. Mandel has, 
and the work that this commission has done has just been tremendous, 
in analyzing this problem. 

Senator Watkins. Then, as a formal matter, if they were filed as 
exhibits, received as exhibits, not necessarily all printed in the record, 
then they could be printed as you suggest. 

Mr. Morris. As an appendix to these hearings, when these hearings 
are printed. 

Senator Watkins. Certainly. 

Senator Johnston. Hearing no opposition, it will be printed as an 
appendix to the record. 

(The reports above referred to appear as appendices A, B and C, 

Mr. Morris. Senator, generally, now that Mr. Stephenson is on the 
stand, the committee has, certainly at staff level, and the chairman has 
been impressed by the fact that the commission has done such thorough 
work here on all of these things, and I suppose really, Senator, one of 
the facts we have to determine is to what extent can the reports 
and findings of a commission at this level be accepted by the Senate 
of the United States as a realistic presentation of the situation here. 
Of course, at the present time, we are slightly handicapped because 
the commission is not functioning since it has run out of funds. But, 
Senators, we can in the future, if we can assess the work of a commis- 
sion and if we find that a commission is very, very thoroughly cover- 
ing the field and its reports are reliable, and after we make our own 
investigation into the situation, it may well be that we could have a 
continuing relationship. In other words, instead of having a hearing 
on the situation in Honolulu or Hawaii, we can read the reports and 
know them and evaluate them and we can almost, with proper amount 
of evaluation, accept those conclusions and reports as accurate in de- 
scribing the conditions that exist here. 

Senator Watkins. I think we can go one step further than that. 
If it is going to be a handicap to this commission because of the lack 
of funds, there may be some cooperative work we could do or action 
we can take to see that they do have ample funds to keep up a con- 
tinuing investigation, probably a more complete one than they have 
been able to conduct at the present time. In other words, I feel that 
we have got to have more cooperation from the people in a com- 
munity such as this, where these things are developing. Now, that's 


the oiily way we are ever going to be able to succeed in the direction of 
bringing about a remedy for this situation, is to have the strongest 
cooperation possible. I am not criticizing them in any way because 
of any alleged lack of cooperation in the past. But the local people 
can help tremendously in rooting out this evil of communism. And 
I mean a strong stand taken by the leaders in the labor unions we have, 
and I am sure we have the strongest kind of support from the CIO 
and the A. F. of L. and other standard labor unions ; they can help 
and they are helping. It so happens the unions just named do not 
have large memberships out here; they seem to be in the minority. 
But cooperation of the community is going to be one of the strongest 
supports that can be given, and it should be developed to the ultimate 
in this fight against communism. 

That is one of the pleas I make to the people here now. I have made 
it publicly at other places and I certainly renew it now. 

Senator Johnston. I think any intelligent person can fully realize 
that $20,000 to be used over a term of 2 years is not sufficient to really 
do the job here that should be done. And I hope that the Territorial 
authorities will see to it this time that they get an appropriation ade- 
quate to do the job. But I also believe that the Congress of the United 
States will be glad to supplement tliose funds and see that the job is 
done and done right here in the Territory. That is in no way a 
reflection upon the work that the commission here has already done. 
I think you have done an excellent job, with the amount of money 
you've had to do it with. I don't see how you've done such a good job 
with so little money. But I think everyone who has listened into 
these hearings has realized that it is our duty as American citizens to 
see that communism is stamped out in this island. And in order to 
do that, we owe the island a duty to help you in this matter with 
which we are now faced. And for that reason, I know I speak for 
the subcommittee of the Judiciary Committee when I say that we 
commend you for the work you have done and hope you will have suffi- 
cient funds in the future. 

Senator Watkins. I say "amen" to everything you have said, Sen- 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, inasmuch as we now have in the record 
the conclusion, the result of the work done by the commission, now are 
there any other facts, Mr. Stephenson, that you think would have to 
be added to this particular record fuitlier tlian the information and 
the conclusion set forth in your report ? 

Mr. Stephenson. I think perhaps I wasn't following too closely 
when you asked specifically about the propaganda coming in here. I 
think that one thing that ought to be mentioned is the germ warfare 

There is pending in San Francisco for trial the indictment of three 
Americans who published a monthly magazine in Shanghai. That's 
behind the Eed Curtain. And again I say you don't publish stuff 
there and export it to America unless it bears the imprint and is 
censored by the Eed Chinese authorities. 

Now, that came out in testimony here the other day, that the Hono- 
lulu Kecord and Wilfred Oka are the people who were circulating 
that material in this community. Our commission purchased copies 
to be sure it wasn't just something we were reading in the newspaper. 


We went down and bought copies. We bought copies subsequently 
to those mentioned in the record the othei- day. 

The Honolulu liecord itself repeated many of the germ warfare 
charges, a vicious bunch of lies, that are now the subject of an indict- 
ment for sedition. 

In reverse, the American Communists — the propaganda of Ameri- 
can Comnmnist origin of the type circulated by the ILWU Book Club 
was in turn used by the Chinese Communists to brainwash American 
prisoners who had been captured in Korea. That is established by 
testimony already had before your committee several years ago. They 
mention the title to the book. I tell you that those same books are on 
the recommended and circulated lists to the ILWU Book Club. This 
whole thing ties together. 

Mr. Morris. Well, now, would joi\ say that the situation over the 
past year, JMr. Stephenson, is abating or is it continuing with the same 
force that it has in the past ? 

Mr. Stephenson. With regard to propaganda ? 

Mr. Morris. Well, let's say first with regard to propaganda. 

Mr. Stephenson. I am hardly able now to answer that question be- 
cause of the restrictions in our operations. We have not been able 
to follow up our normal investigative procedure to get the materials 
that are needed to establish the fact upon which I would base an 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Stephenson, have you been able to observe, as an 
overall picture, whether or not Communist influence, as it has been 
manifested through the operations of the ILWU and the United Pub- 
lic Workers, whether that is increasing, whether it is diminishing, 
whether it is remaining approximately the same? I would like to 
point out that that is an important consideration for us. Much of 
your evidence has dealt with facts which have taken place over the last 
few years. I am wondering if you, sitting as chairman of the Terri- 
torial commission, are in a position to appraise the extent of Com- 
munist influence, with respect to its proportion ? 

Mr. Stephenson. I should like the record to show that I must of 
necessity speak as an individual when I give an opinion. And our 
commission was set up and has always operated on the premise that it 
is a deliberative body that is meant to find facts, and if we commis- 
sioners go around the community giving our individual viewpoints, 
we might have seven difierent viewpoints on the same question. 

By deliberative consultation and analysis of materials, we try to 
reach a common statement of facts. So with that understanding, I 
will state my personal impression. 

I would like to put it this way. I see no significant diminution in 
the Communist power in Hawaii. I don't care what date you start 
at — 1946, 1948, 1950 — if two men will agree on the starting point, my 
opinion is that since that particular date, whatever you pick, up to 
now there has been no significant diminution. 

The power of the identified Communists and the practicing Com- 
munists, and I say that without regard to whether they are formally 
enrolled Communist Party members — that to my mind is perhaps im- 
material — that if they function as Communists, accept Communist 
discipline, transmit Communist orders, as well as accept them, and 
forever follow a line that never once deviates from the line of the 


master state Russia, the mother country, as they call it, then I say 
they are Communists. 

Now, there have been some si£:ns of local defection of anti — I will 
withdraw that word. It is not defection — it is insurrection, revolt — 
on the Island of Kauai, af!:ainst this Communist leadership. It is a 
healthy siajn. The fact remains, however, that in my analysis, and I 
think Harry Brid^jes and Jack Hall concur with me in this, the most 
important place in which they must retain their power and retain it 
for the lon2;est, if they have to ever ffive it up, is at the Honolulu 
waterfront. And I see no si^ns of a diminution of power there. 

Now, let's take this other Communist-led union, the United Public 
Workers. That has gotten stronger over the years. Their member- 
ship has gone up. I mean they are of relatively recent origin. 

Mr. Morris. Could you tell us, Mr. Stephenson, where they organ- 
ize now ? 

Mr. Stephenson. I think you asked me to — ^you did ask me to pro- 
duce for the record copies of some of our files with regard to the distri- 
bution of members of the UPW. 

Mr. ]\IoRRTs. Tell us briefly about that, would you, for the record, 
Mr. Stephenson. 

Mr. xStephenson. I might say that our government out here accom- 
modates the UPW in the collection of its dues. I think you Senators 
are undoubtedly familiar with the checkoff in industry. We have a 
similar procedure, A man can sign a slip with the county auditor that 
he wants his UPW dues deducted from his pay and remitted directly 
to the union. 

Senator Watkins. That is, you're talking about the local govern- 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes, sir. 

Senator Watkins. There isn't any checkoff by the Federal Govern- 
ment, is there? 

Mr. Stephenson. No, sir. It is only in the local county government. 

Senator Watkins. Would you have any difficulty in getting the 
membership rolls of this organization through your commission ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Of the United Public Workers ? 

Senator Watkins. Yes. 

]Mr. Stephenson. We haven't tried that, I think. 

Senator Watkins. We asked Abram Flaxer for them in the hear- 
ings in Washington, at least I did, and he refused to give them, and 
that was the basis of the charge for contempt, his refusal to honor an 
order of the chairman of the committee at that time, to furnish those 
membership rolls. I think the Government is entitled to know the 
persons wlio are members of these organizations. I mean employees of 
the Government. Tliere is no crime in joining it unless the purpose of 
the organization is to overthrow the Government or to do anything 
against the laws of the United States or the States or the Territories 
or municipalities where they live. But the Government would be 
interested in knowing, and I would be interested in knowing if there 
is any such a thing as a checkoff or pay out by the Federal Govern- 
ment on any of these. 

Mr. Stephenson. No, not that I know of. I didn't mean to imply, 
Senator, tliat we don't have access to the information or that we don't 
have the information. I meant, in my answer, that we hadn't gotten 
it from the union itself. 


Mr. Morris. Won't you tell us generally, Mr. Stephenson, where 
these UPW workers are ? 

Mr. Stephenson. These are slightly outdated reports, but they are 
representative. The County of Kauai : out of 231 members whose dues 
were being paid through the county auditor — there could be other 
members who were paying their dues directly— 150 of these were in 
the public works department, 33 in the fire department, 7 in the water- 
works, 6 school janitors, 1 in the auditing department, and 34 in the 

Mr. Morris. Now, they're all organized by the United Public 
Workers, the leadership of which has been shown to be Communist- 
controlled ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Correct. And the leadership of which has been 
in here in the last few days. 

On this island, which constitutes the city and county of Honolulu : 
sheriff's office 22 employees, division of refuse collection and disposal 
50; division of road maintenance 33; health department 17; depart- 
ment of public instruction, janitors, 3. 

Senator Johnston. Let me ask one question there. 

Wliere they are known to be Communist-controlled, do you think 
it is right for the government to have to collect the dues? 

Mr. Stephenson. I do not. 

Senator Johnston. What effect would it have if you stopped collect- 
ing the dues ? Would it help the situation any, do you think ? 

Mr, Stephenson. It would put the union to a little more trouble. 
I am talking about the union leaders. It would put them to more 
trouble to get the money. This way, their action is just like a collection 
agency which garnishees a man's wages at the source and they're sure 
of getting it every month as long as he has a job. 

Senator Johnston. I believe you're going to make recommendations 
as to some changes in the law to us ? 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes, sir. 

Senator Johnston. I think it would be well to at least call that to 
our attention for study. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I offer this for the record. 

Have you identified it fully, Mr. Stephenson ? 

Mr. Stephenson. These are Verif ax copies of letters, in the files of 
the Commission on Subversive Activities, which were received from 
the various county auditors in response to our official requests to them 
for the information. 

Mr. Morris. And this purports to show how the United Public 
Workers have organized among government workers here, at a time 
when the United Public Workers was under the control of Commu- 
nist leadership ? 

Mr. Stephenson. That's correct. And that's only a partial list. It 
shows the distribution, what type of departments they're in._ I be- 
lieve, in one county, the whole fire department is now organized. I 
don't think any policemen are. 

(The reports referred to above were marked "Exhibits No. 401 to 
401-C" and read as follows:) 


Exhibit No. 401 

Office of County Auditor, 
County of Kauai, Lihue, Hawaii, October 8, 195-^. 
Commission on Subversive Activities of the Territort of Hawaii, 
Honolulu, T. H. 

(Attention : Mr. T. Emanuel, Executive.) 
Gentlemen : In compliance with your request of October 7, 1954, we submit 
the following : 

Num'ber of employees who have authorized payments of dues to UPW as of 
Sept. 30, 1954 

Department : 

Auditing 1 

Fire 33 

Public works 150 

Waterworks 7 

Mahelona Hospital 34 

School janitors 6 

Total 231 

Very truly yours, 

K. M. Ahana, 
Auditor, County of Kauai. 

Exhibit No. 401-A 

City and County op Honolulu, 

Office of the Auditor, 
Honolulu, Hawaii, October 11, 195^. 
Commission on Subversive Activities of the Territory of Hawah, 
Tax Office Building, Honolulu, T. H. 
(Attention of Mr. T. Emanuel, Executive.) 
Gentlemen : Based on information available, this is the information you re- 
quest in your confidential letter of October 7, 1954. 


Total num- 
ber of em- 

Date of pay- 
roll deduc- 

Sheriff's office 


Sept. 30, 1954 
Sept. 15, 1954 
Sept. 15, 1954 
Sept. 15, 1954 

Division of road maintenance. 

Sept. 15, 1954 

Total number of employees 


Very truly yours. 

Maxwell C. LeVine, F. A. I. A. (Eng.) 
First Deputy Auditor, City and County of Honolulu. 

Exhibit No. 401-B 

Office of Auditor, 
Wailuku, Maui, Hawaii, October 11, 1954- 
Mr. T. Emanuel, 

Executive Commission on Subversive Activities of the Territory of Hawaii, 
Honolulu. Hawaii. 
Dear Sir: As requested in your letter dated October 7, 1954, the following 
shows, by departments, the number of employees of the County of Maui who 


have authorized payroll deductions for payment of dues to the United Public 
Workers for the month ending September 30, 1954 : 

Hospitals : 

Kula Sanatorium 82 

Central Maui Memorial Hospital 27 

Hana Hospital 4 

Schools : 

Electrician 1 

Janitors 4 

rire departments 20 

Board of parks, playgrounds, and recreation 20 

Maui County AVaterworks Board IJ) 

Humane office (dog warden) 1 

Department of public works : 

Engineer's office G 

Janitors .S 

Sewer and garbage t) 

Road department and garage 22 

Carpenters and painters ^ IS 

Wailuku Road District 2(5 

Makawao Road District 11 

Lahaina Road District 8 

Hana Road District 16 

Molokai Road District 19 

Total 322 

Yours very truly, 

Sam Alo, Sr., 
Auditor, County of Maui. 

Exhibit No. 401-C 

County of Hawaii. 
Auditing Department, 
Hilo, Hawaii, October 15, 195^. 
Mr. T. Emanuel, 

Commission on Subversive Activities, 

Honolulu. Oahu. 
Dear Sir : I have enclosed a list giving the information which you requested 
in your letter of October 7, 1954. 
Very truly yours, 

Edwin A. G. Silva, 
Auditor, County of Hawaii. 

Number of employees ivho have authorized deductions for payment of dues to 
the United Public Workers, by departments, as of Sept. 30, 195Jf 

Chairman's 1 

Department of Public Works — Engineers : 

Street painting 3 

Plumbing 1 

Painters 19 

Parks 5 

Municipal golf course 5 

Road : 

South Hilo 55 

Puna 19 

Kau 15 

N. and S. Kona 26 

N. and S. Kohala 19 

Hamakua 17 

North Hilo 10 

Hilo Memorial Hospital 1 

Puumaile Hospital 34 

Kohala Hospital 1 

Total 231 


Mr. Stephenson. But in terms of your question, Mr. Morris, as to 
whether the Communists here are gaining or losing strength, as far 
as the United Public Workers is concerned, they have gotten stronger, 
and they have also gotten more contemptuous. I would like to make 
this observation, that in the general layman's sense of the term, there 
has been a lot of "contempt" expressed for this committee in its pres- 
ence. I will illustrate that. 

Senator Watkins. I think the committee is aware of the contempt 
that has been expressed here. 

Mr. Stephenson. I wanted to say, Senator 

Senator Watkins. It would be interesting to get the point of view 
of some other person. I have noted it as it has gone on, but we are 
not the law-enforcing body. When, for instance, a witness refuses to 
answer after the chairman has ruled that this objection is not good, and 
he is directed to answer, they do not reply. I had a young person last 
night — he liad been attending the hearings — ask me, he said, "Senator, 
why don't you do something about it ? When you order them to do it. 
and they don't do it, why do you go through that if you don't intend 
to make them do it?" Well, of course, as lawyers know, that procedure 
is for the purpose of tlie record. So that we can recommend contempt 
proceedings, prosecution for contempt of the Senate committee, the 
chairman has to order the witness to answer after it has been called 
to his attention. We can't bodily force them to answer. But the 
witness incurs the possibility of a prosecution after the chairman spe- 
cifically directs him to answer the question — after the ruling has been 
made that the objection is not good and that he should answer, and 
he is directed and ordered to answer. 

Now, we're just a committee. We don't have any enforcing power. 
It has to be done by the executive wdien it comes to prosecution, and 
all that sort of thing. The witness runs that risk. But as a matter 
of procedure and for the purpose of building the proper kind of a 
record, we have to take that procedure. We have to take that stand. 

I wanted to say that publicly so the people here would understand 
that that is not an idle gesture. There may be prosecutions under it 
and there may not be after the record is examined by the lawyers to 
see whether or not a crime or contempt has actually been committed. 
It may be that we are wrong in our decision. But at least we have to 
make the record as we go along. And that's wdiy that's done, and be- 
cause we don't have any enforcement powers we can't physically force 
them to answer or send them to jail right now because they don't 
answer. We cite them for contempt. It lies with the executive de- 
partment first to bring the prosecntion, and the judicial department 
Avill determine whether or not they have been guilty. In other words, 
we are not trying to take on the executive powders nor the judicial pow- 
ers. We only have legislative powers. It is a long cumbersome ma- 
chinery but it has worked for a good many years. At least we're alive 
and the strongest Nation in the world and we wouldn't want to change 
it. We might get rid of a few defects that appear now and then, 
but w^e wouldn't want to change generally that system. 

Mr. Stephenson. Senator, I didn't mean to create a false impres- 
sion by suggesting the committee should do anything. 

Getting into this question of Communist control and discipline, 
and that's why I said "in the layman's sense of the term." Tlie exam- 


pie is this. You have a witness come in here and refuse to answer 
the question as to whether he works for the Honolulu Record. And 
yet he so testified in a civil court in the Territory a couple of months 
ago ; he was called as a witness in a civil trial and he identified himself 
as a reporter for the Honolulu Record. But when he comes over 
here — and there is a calculated resistance to the inquiry of this com- 
mittee — he then invokes the fifth amendment. As a lawyer, I wouldn't 
say thathe didn't have the right to. I know of his appearance in an- 
other tribunal and his answering the question does not constitute a 
waiver of his right to invoke the privilege here, but it does show, to 
my mindj a certain discipline that these people are operating under. 
The case in which this man appeared as a witness was a nonideological 
matter. The Communist issue wasn't involved. But that man must 
know that a record is made of his testimony, so if he is really in fear 
of self-incrimination he knows that the record has been made. But 
no, he comes before this committee, and as part of the hostility, the 
studied and premeditated contempt that has been generated in this 
community from three main sources, the ILWU, the UPW, and the 
Honolulu Record, a different performance is made before this com- 

Senator Watkins. Wliat in effect I get, the impression, what you 
are saying is that he actually shows a contempt although it may not be 
a legal contempt. 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes, sir. That's why I said "in the layman's 
sense of the term" he was contemptuous. 

Senator Watkins. There isn't any doubt about that. The people 
who sat here and listened, I know they get that impression immediate- 
ly. "Why, look at the contempt they show. They don't pay any at- 
tention to what you tell them." 

Mr. Stephenson. Of course, the obvious conclusion to be drawn 
from some of the facts that I have outlined, in m;^ mind, is that there 
is a continuing Communist conspiracy. Otherwise, how do you ex- 
plain these things ? 

Senator Watkins. Well, the overall picture of what has happened 
here has convinced me that there is such a continuing conspiracy, and 
the very fact that every one of them comes along and takes the same 
identical position, is represented by the same counsel, and all that sort 
of thing, while they have a legal right to do it, yet to me there is a 
convincing position shown and a situation shown which indicates 
very strongly that it is the result of a conspiracy. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Stephenson, you were going to make some legis- 
lative recommendation for us, based on your experience with the com- 

Mr. Stephenson. I apologize for the fact that I haven't gone into 
this too thoroughly. Mr. Morris suggested yesterday that you might 
be interested, and I sat down last night and scribbled a few notes. 
Some of these are suggested by recommendations that our own com- 
mission has made to our own legislature. One that I think the Con- 
gress should be particularly interested in, I think will be appreciated 
by you gentlemen because of the Abram Flaxer case. I think the 
Government has a responsibility to the people to protect the Gov- 
ernment against infiltration. And you have a very odd situation, that 
under the Federal employees loyalty program, as well as under the 
Territorial, a similar program, that every last employee, be he one 


having access to sensitive matei'ials or be lie the janitor in this build- 
ing or in the post office, is subject to a rather extensive loyalty 

Senator Watkins. We have that now. 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes, sir. But a group of these employees can 
band together for their common good purpose, let's say, and they 
happen to get attached to a person like Abram Flaxer or Henry Ep- 
stein, who is articulate, and he can represent them. Now, he is not 
subject to any loyalty procedure. In other words, if you as, let's say, 
a department head in the executive branch of the Government, were 
confronted by a request for an interview from one of your probationary 
employees, and he hasn't gone through the loyalty procedure, you 
could say, "Here, look. I don't have to deal with you. You're not 
even a qualified employee of the Government." But you can't tell that 
to Abram Flaxer. 

The Communists can run any sort of bunch of agents they want into 
these unions. And until we do something about requiring those who 
represent public employees to be subjected to the same loyalty stand- 
ards as the employees that they represent we are not only being foolish 
but we're being unfair and discriminatory to our own public workers 

Senator Watkins. Sounds like there is merit to that suggestion. 

Mr. Stephenson. We suggested such a statute to our legislature 
here, pointing out this interesting bifurcation. You have this great 
mass of public workers over here, who aren't Communists, they aren't 
Communist Party members, and also do not have much time to de- 
vote to union affairs, they're working full-time for a living, they 
meet once a month maybe ; on the other hand, you have a paid full-time 
office staff and they're all Communists. 

Now, the boys who are working for the Government, who have gone 
through the loyalty procedures, are over here, and these fellows, who 
are doing the damage and ultimately hurting their own workers, are 
insulated from any inquiry because they say, "We're not public em- 
ployees ; we don't have to fill out that questionnaire." 

I think it is a very simple proposition. 

Mr. Morris. Any other legislative recommendations, Mr. Stephen- 

Mr. Stephenson. To make that enforceable, we pointed out to our 
legislature, however, we didn't advocate criminal action, but we did 
say this: That if the leaders of public workers' unions or other 
organizations refuse to qualify under statute requiring them to show 
their loyalty as much as the workers they represent, then no depart- 
ment or officer of Government sliall bargain or receive in any way 
representatives of that union. And, secondly, that upon the non- 
compliance of that union's officers being established in due process, 
notification should be given to the members, and it is thereafter un- 
lawful for them to be or remain or become a member of that organiza- 
tion whose officials are not qualified; not subject to criminal penalty 
but to dismissal. 

Now those are the possible approaches to that problem. 

Senator Johnston. Why do you stop without making it a criminal 
offense ? 

Mr. Stephenson. You make it a ground for dismissal, Senator. 
That's my own feeling. 


Senator Watkins. In other words, you put some of the responsibil- 
ity on the members of the unions themselves to see to it that they are 
properly officered ? 

Mr. Stephenson. That's correct. 

Senator Watkins. Rather than the Government trying to do it all 
for tliem. 

Mv. Stephenson. Exactly. 

Senator Watkins. And if they know that they might possibly be 
discharged if they don't have the proper leadership, why, then, they're 
going to get busy and take care of it. 

Mr. Stephenson. Yes, sir. And I can assure you that I am per- 
sonally going to see what I can do at our next legislature to have seri- 
ous consideration given to this proposal on a local level. 

Senator Johnston. What would be the objection, as to the other 
man outside of the Government, who is not a Government employee, 
making him subject to a criminal offense? 
Mr. Stephenson. That's one approach. 

Senator Johnston. I think personally that's the man we ought to 
step down on. 

Mr. Stephenson. We weren't speaking for our commission report. 
We weren't urging punitive penal action, but it is certainly constitu- 
tional to do so. 

Senator Johnston. We will take a 2-minute recess. 
(A short recess was taken.) 
Senator Johnston. Proceed. 

Mr. Stephenson. I think the next statutory area in which some 
good for the Territory of Hawaii can be done is that with reference 
to the power of the President to act as President Eisenhower did very 
recently in the east coast dock strike. 

Now, as I undei'stand it, I haven't researched the statute, but as I 
understand it, there must be a finding by the fact-finding board of a 
national emergency before the President can send the Attorney Gen- 
eral into court and ask for an injunction and get, I think it is, 80 
days injunction to provide for a cooling-off period. 

We have run up against the proposition starting in 1949 that a com- 
plete tieup out here isn't a national emergency. Now, that is a matter 

of definition. I happen to 

Senator Watkins. I have always been in the position of disagree- 
ment with that interpretation, that conclusion. I think it is. From 
what has already been said here, about the strategic location and the 
importance to the country, it seems to me it is a national emergency. 
I never agreed with that conclusion. 

Mr. Stephenson. At least. Senator, those who would have to act 
have taken that position. So I think, by a very minor change in the 
statute, there would be no problem in taking Hawaii aside and saying, 
"Here is an area that has no alternative means of communication." 
And I'm going to illustrate that. If Harry Bridges pulls out all of 
the longshoremen in the San Francisco bay area, the people in San 
Francisco aren't going to starve. There are still railroads running, 
there are the grea^- interstate buses ; you can hop in your own car and 
drive 50 miles to the beautiful truck-farm area down around San Jose. 
In other words, they have all kinds of means of serving themselves. 

We get the same strike out here and those alternatives hardly exist. 
We have a certain amount of local production of foodstuffs but it is 





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not sufficient to feed the people of this Territory. And there's no 
reason why insular areas cannot be put in a special category for very 
special purposes. 

The thought has been expressed that that would derogate from our 
drive for statehood. Well, I don't think it does, any more than paying 
Federal workers out here a ditt'erential based on the higher cost of 
living has anything to do with statehood. It is a recognition that 
because of our insular, isolated position, there are special circumstances 
that must be treated other than the way we treat them on the mainland. 

Senator Watkins. Now that we have local support for amendments 
such as you suggest, will the people here say : "We think it might 
interfere with statehood and we don't want it done'' ? 

Mr. Stephenson. No, I don't think it would be that great, but that 
would be one of the passing observations, that within the concept of 
the dedicated prostatehood advocate, he wants to have no discrimina- 
tion, no dilferentiation between the laws of the United States applying 
to the State of Utah or the proposed State of Hawaii. We are going 
to be all equal. So that I don't think, when you actually brought it 
down to an issue, that there would be any opposition there to it. 

Certainly, the ILWU would oppose it with great force. Industry's 
position is not known to me. 

Now, the second thing, on the Taft-Hartley Act, I think somethijig 
can be done about improving the so-called non-Communist affidavit, 
as I see it. The Government is presented with a very large task when 
you have a Communist union leader, like Ben Gold, whose statement 
I remember reading in the Daily Worker, who proclaimed his long 
membership in the party, he has been a member since 1919, or some- 
thing like that, and now to help his union, he was going to resign 
from the Communist Party in order to make the Taft-Hartley non- 
Communist affidavit. "But," he said, "I still believe in all the things 
that the Communists believe in." You have got the problem of what 
is called tactical disaffiliation from the party. When it suits their 
]3urposes and it is required for some other purposes, they resign from 
the party. 

Senator Watkins. That's right in line with Communist policy over 
the years. 

Mr. Stephensen. Yes. 

Senator Watkins. If they are pushed at one area, they retreat a 
while and then come back. That's in the broad field of world strategy. 

Mr. Stephenson. Now I say that if its relevant 

Senator Johnston. To illustrate that pont, we've had witnesses in 
other places come before the committee and they will tell you, they 
testify, and they hide behind the fifth amendment up until maybe day 
before yesterday, and then they say "No, I am not a Communist now." 
They will answer that way. But they refuse to answ^er maybe the day 
before that. 

Senator Watkins. I think that your suggestions that you have just 
made, all of them in fact, have merit. I personally will state to you 
now, and to the people here, that I intend to go into them very care- 
fully, and if my preliminary impressions are finally confirmed by 
more mature consideration, I certainly intend personally to try to do 
something about it. 

Mr. Stephenson. There is one more I think can be used to great ad- 
vantage. And that is the taxation approach. We all know that 


unions ffet exemption from taxation; their dues are not considered 
taxable income. But I think it is hi^h time that some standards were 
set that would establish the qualification or nonqualification of a union 
to receive dues and to remain in a nontaxable status. In other words, 
if you have a union like the ILWU, that is using its funds, its dues 
collected from members, to disseminate Communist propaganda, to 
donate to Communist fronts on the mainland, to assist the defense of 
indicted Communists on the mainland, who aren't members of the 
ILWU even, and the manifold activities of an improper nature to 
which their funds are put, then I say it is not only wrong but it is 
immoral to allow them to continue. If they want that tax exemption, 
then they should be made to refrain from using those funds for sub- 
versive purposes. If they want to pay taxes as a corporation on their 
dues, they would have to double their dues in order to raise enough 
money after taxes to have the money they now spend, and that would 
put the issue squarely up to the men who are paying the bill. 

Senator Joiinstox. In other words, your statement amounts to this. 
You don't think the Government of the United States should furnish 
the money for them to carry on their Communist organizations? 

Mr. Stephenson. That's correct. It is just like the postal law, 
Senator. If we have a good American student up at the University 
of Hawaii who writes a treatise and he wants to send it to a publisher 
on the mainland, he pays first-class mail on that material, and there's 
no way to get around it. And yet we allow Communist propaganda 
to be distributed through the mails, carried at a much cheaper rate. It 
is just one of those paradoxes that we haven't gotten around to 
straightening out yet. 

Senator Johnston. Don't you think we should probably go a step 
further and take away from each individual worker his rights under 
the Labor Relations Act if he is a member of an organization that's 
Communist-controlled ? 

Mr, Stephenson. That's a good idea. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Stephenson, I would like to ask you about one thing 
that possibly bears on a recommendation. 

The statute of limitations, most of our laws having to do with 
punishment of Communists, very often are of short duration, 3 to 5 
years being short duration. This subcommittee has found, and I am 
going to ask you if you have found the same thing in this Territorial 
commission, that very often it takes about 3 to 5 years, certainly 2 to 5 
years, to make an ex-Communist, that is, for somebody to become so 
emotionally disentangled from the Communist organization that he is 
able to see the situation clearly enough that he will talk to you frankly 
and candidly. IN'ow, we've had witnesses say that when they first broke 
with the Communist Party they were stunned for a period, they were 
confused. After a year or so passes, they begin to talk to people who 
are not Communists, and then after the passage of a few more years 
they're able to come forward and talk to a body such as your Terri- 
torial commission or a committee such as the Internal Security Sub- 
committee. And therefore, for the first time, Ave'i-e able to get first- 
hand evidence about Communist Party membership. 

ISTow, because of the passage of time — it is so understandable, realiz- 
ing we are all human beings — we find that the evidence, when we are 
first able to get it. is 8 or 4 years old. Therefore, if we are considering 
taking action, allowing the executive branch of the Government to 


take action or a local prosecutor to take action, we find that, at a very 
minimum, our evidence is 3 or 4 years old. Now, operating against a 
short statute, the situation becomes pretty nearly hopeless. 

Now, do you find that, when the Communists are breaking away from 
the organization, they go through some kind of a transition such as 
what I have just outlined to you, Mr. Stephenson? 

Mr. Stephenson. Very definitely. I have worked with Communists 
and ex-Communists before and after the war, and I know a little bit 
about them. I am not thinking of the type of fellow who testified a 
lew years ago here that he didn't know communism from beans. I am 
not speaking of 1 of our public officials 1 time here Avho said he didn't 
know communism from rheumatism. I am talking about the Com- 
munist who has been instructed in the principles of Marxism, Lenm- 
ism, Stalinism, and the practical application of those in whatever his 
mission m the community may be. The fellow who has become an 
accomplished Marxist has a difficult problem of unwinding his twisted 
mmd and, for a long period of time, he will act, without consciously 
attempting to do so, he will react still as a Marxist. He has got to be 
purged psychologically. 

So that the type of individual I am speaking of— call him an intel- 
lectual— is the fellow who is most likely to be able to aid you in a 
prosecution or discovery of the facts of the conspiracy, rather than the 
man far down on the wage scale, who is in the party just as a rank-and- 
nler paying some dues. 

And my own experience, personal experience, with a number of well- 
doctrinated Communists has been that it takes them quite a few years. 

1 might add : A compounding factor in this community is that, if the 
Communist concerned leaves the Communist Party but still retains 
the position m the union, then he remains subject to a discipline, which 
makes it even more difficult for him to finally come around. In other 
words, we have had a situation out here where you have a parallel ap- 
paratus. \ on have had a Communist apparatus and you've had most 
of that apparatus paralleleled in the structure of union organization, 
bo that, it a man who is m both capacities leaves the Communist Party, 
tor whatever cause, he might have been expelled or he might have 
stopped paying dues, or something else, but he still wants to work for 
the union, and tlie men running the union were his former superiors in 
the Communist Party, you can see he has to accept a certain amount 
of extracurricular discipline or he can't hold his job. So it is a very 
diacult problem. And, answering the question, I would be in favor 
of seeing these statutes of limitations lengthened. We have no statute 
of limitations on murder and there is none on treason. 

Senator Watkins. It is in the nature of treason and I think that we 
could extend them, we can go to a large degree in the extension of those 
statutes, without taking away any essential rights of the American 

Mr. Stephenson. I agree. 

Senator Watkins. No innocent person would be actuallv hurt bv 
adopting longer statutes of limitation. 

Mr Morris. Mr Chairman, in concluding, I would like to mention 
here that there are before the subcommittee several requests, in fact I 
think It runs almost to a score, of people who would like to come for- 
ward and testify Now, what I've done, Senator, is try to select the 
people whose evidence and information not only is competent to the 


present inquiry but within the scope of the inquiry, which can be sup- 
ported by facts and information. 

Now, Senator Eastland, before he left, said that we should keep 
the subject open; that as people come forward, as we can talk with 
them and discuss tilings with them, to get more evidence to have fur- 
ther hearings, that we should do so. 

To date w^e have called in public testimony 30 witnesses. Twenty of 
those are people whom our evidence indicates have been Communists, 
when asked about that evidence they've claimed privilege under the 
fifth amendment. One of the witnesses subpenaed, about whom we 
had evidence of Communist Party membership had a doctor's certifi- 
cate and was excused. At least three others whom we had subpenaed 
have come forward and testified fully and received the commenda- 
tion of the committee, in executive session. 

Now, we have also called in public testimony eight prominent citi- 
zens of the islands here, who have given us very valuable testimony. 
We have also the testimony of JNIr. Fishman and the testimony of Mr. 
Mandel, our research director. Now, as I say. Senator, it is very diffi- 
cult — some of the witnesses who have asked to testify have become im- 
portunate about it. There is one man comes to the office every day and 
says "When are you going to put me on ?" 

Now, Senators, I have done the best to screen it out, what I think is 
appropriate for the record. And as I say, if something develops, if 
somebody does produce evidence or information valuable to the in- 
quiry, Senator Eastland has said we should by all means keep the 
record open for such testimony. 

Senator Watkins. May I make a suggestion ? That those people 
who think they have information or statements that would aid, that 
they prepare those and send them to us in Washington and let us go 
over them, and if they are really helpful, and the committee so deter- 
mines, they can be made a part of the record. 

Senator Johnston. That will be so ruled. 

Senator Watkins. But obviously, we couldn't stay here, because 
we have a lot of other duties, too, this is not the only committee we 
serve on, w^e serve on 3 or 4, so we can't hear everybody who wants to 
talk about this matter. 

Mr. Morris. That's the problem, Senator. 

Senator Johnston. I would like to say further, along that line, it is 
impossible to hear everyone that may want to testify. We only can 
come here and hear enough witnesses to be convinced of a pattern of 
what is going on here in this island and your other islands. Then, 
as you further know, w^e are a legislative body, not a judicial body or 
an executive body. We can go back, after we have found the informa- 
tion, and pass whatever necessary laws we think should be passed in 
order to tighten up on the situation and help out in whatever prob- 
lem, or try to wipe out a problem, that we might find. That is our duty 
as a committee. 

We have had enough witnesses here, I think, to convince not only 
us but every person that has been here day in and day out, to reach 
a conclusion in regard to the matter, and to find out some of the troubles 
here on this island. I can assure you, as acting chairman, that it will 
be our endeavor when we go back to try to do something about the 


Now, then, in closing this hearing, I want to thank the Governor 

Senator Watkins. Before yon do close the hearing, may I make an 
observation ? 

Senator Johnston. Yes, sir. I was just going to thank some people. 

Senator Watkins. I want to do that because I have got to leave ; 
I have an appointment over there. 

Senator Johnston. You go ahead. 

Senator Watkins. And I have got a deadline. 

I want to join with the chairman in the statement he just made. 
And I want to say that I think these hearings have been very pro- 
ductive; they have been well worth while, and no apologies whatso- 
ever are due for the action of the committee in coming here and in the 
hearings as conducted. 

I think all the people who will analyze this record, what has taken 
place here, will agree that — all fairminded people will agree that 
what we have done here has been well worth whatever it has cost to 
do, and I think it will be productive of some very helpful legislation 
and a better climate out here with respect to this conspiracy of the 

I personally want to thank the people of the islands, those who have 
been connected with the hearing in any way, for the very courteous and 
very hospitable treatment I have received. 

May I be excused now ? 

Senator Johnston. Speaking for the whole committee, I wish to 
thank at this time Governor Samuel Wilder King for the assistance 
and aid that he has given the committee since we have been here ; also 
Farrant L. Turner, secretary of your islands here, we wish to thank 
you; and the witness that is now on the witness stand, William B. 
Stephenson, chairman of the Territorial Commission on Subversive 
Activities, we wish to thank him for this information and the aid and 
assistance on the side that he has given us since we have been here ; and 
also the executive director, Theodore Emanuel, for his assistance. 

Now, I think the chief of police here, Dan Liu, is doing a wonder- 
ful job, and he has been very nice to each and every one of us, and 
especially me. I have been out with him on several occasions, and I 
think that you have a wonderful policeman here and he has done a 
wonderful job. 

Then, too, Louis B. Blissard, United States attorney, we wish to 
thank him ; he has been giving us on the side very useful assistance out 

Mr. Thomas R. Clark, the United States marshal, and his whole staff 
has been working with us. So you see it is just not the subcommittee 
representatives who have been working, but we've had a lot of assist- 
ance and help. 

We want to thank Chief Justice Rice, Justice Stainback, and Justice 
]\Iarumoto for their assistance. 

Then, also, the Armed Forces. We want to thank Adm. Felix B. 
Stump and the U. S. Navy and the officers and the men ; they have been 
working diligently with us ever since we've been here. 

Then, too, the people of your island. I've never been treated any 
better than I've been treated by the people of your island here. And 
you have a lovely island. This is the only island I've been on, I haven't 
had occasion to go over to the others, but I have enjoyed seeing the 
beauty of the island and the way that the people have treated us. 

72723— -57— pt. 41 8 


Then, also, the Department of Justice. We've had them here with 
us, too, I think, as oDservers, and I want to thank them for coming 
here and listening in. Mi\ Warren L. Littman is with the Department 
of Justice and has been sitting in here listening to us and also helping 
and aiding us with a lot of records. We have a lot of records that a 
lot of people do not know anything about. Government records, and 
they give us some information on where to go and what to do occa- 

So you can readily see that this committee will go back to Washing- 
ton with a great deal of information concerning what is taking place 
on your lovely islands. 

So my last thought is may God be with you and may we keep this 
island and the United States as clear as possible of communism and 
keep our American way of life. That's what I want and I'm satisfied 
that 99 percent of the people here on this island believe as I do, and 
it is only a small minority that is being misled by the communistic 

I would like to also thank Mrs. Farrington. I couldn't forget her 
for she was my righthand lady at one of our dinners the other night. 
And another thing, she also has a son that married, I believe, a girl 
from South Carolina. I couldn't forget that. So we certainly appre- 
ciate all the courtesies that you have given this committee. 

And the press and radio. We don't want to forget the press and 
radio for they disseminate the information throughout the islands 
and throughout the world, so to speak. You have done a wonderful 
job since we've been here and we wish to thank you for that wonderful 
editorial this morning, it was just great. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I would like to commend with great particu- 
larity the press, the radio, and the television, and all those people who 
have cooperated, they have worked in a great way. And when I say 
that, I don't mean to say that everyone else hasn't either, because the 
Territorial commission and the Governor's staff, it has just been won- 
derful the cooperation we have received at staff level. And I would 
like to reemphasize everything that you've said. 

(Prolonged applause.) 

Mr. Morris. Senator Johnston says "Aloha." 

Senator Johnston. The hearing is adjourned. 

(Whereupon, at 12 : 10 p. m., December 6, 1956, the hearing was 

(The following material was later ordered printed in the record at 
this point:) 

Mr. Mandel. On December 3, 1956, Mr. Nev/ton Kunio Miyagi, 
Secretary -Treasurer of Local 142 of the ILWU, testified in Executive 
session as follows : 

Mr. Morris. Has the ILWU any present direct or indirect relations with the 
World Federation of Trade Unions? 

Mr. Miyagi. Same Answer. (Refusal on the basis of the fifth amendment.) 

Mr. Morris. Has the ILWU ever paid money or dues to the WFTU ? 

Mr. Miyagi. Same answer. 

In an article entitled "AVhy the CIO Bowed Out" appearing in the 
Saturday Evening Post for June 11, 1949, James B. Carey, at that 
time Secretary-Treasurer of the CIO, stated : 

The CIO was under no illusions when, in February 1945, we took the mo- 
mentous step of participating in organization of the World Federation of Trade 


Unions. We knew that Soviet Russia and her satellites were m the WFTU * * * 
Three years and 11 months later, the CIO and the British Trades Union 
Congress, disillusioned and doublecrossed, had to walk off the job. The Dutch 
democratic trade-union organization joined us at the time ; Canada and Belgium 
have pulled out since * * * The case history of why the Cf>ngress of Industrial 
Organizations quit the WFTU offers further proof that the Communists, despite 
their hypocritical propaganda, are incapable of working for world peace and for 
the welfare of tlie workingman. They cannot forget their obsession for a Com- 
munist-dominated world * * * What is the future of the international labor 
movement, now that the WFTU, as far as leadership and control are concerned, 
is 100 percent Communist-controlled? 

In a speech delivered on March 7, 1956, on the occasion of his re- 
ceiving an honorary doctor of laws degree from Long Island Uni- 
versity, George Meany, president of the AFL-CIO, referred to the — 

Kremlin-controlled World Federation of Trade Unions which we of world free 
labor consider the most dangerous spearhead of the international Communist 

In an article appearing in the Honolulu Star-Bulletin on March 17, 
1947, reference is made to the arrival of Louis Saillant, Executive 
Secretary of the World Federation of Trade Unions, at Honolulu 
en route to Tokyo. The article states he was met at the airport by 
Jack Hall, Robert McElrath. and others. 

The report of the proceedings of the Second "World Trade Union 
Congress, World Federation of Trade Unions, held June 29-July 9, 
1949, at Milan, Italy, makes the following statement on page 370 : 

On July 15, at Marseille, we shall found the trade department of port workers 
and dockers; on that occasion we shall welcome the American dockers of the 
Pacific coast who, in spite of the pressure exercised upon them, at the time of 
the recent CIO Congress remain faithful to the WFTU. 

The Dispatcher of August 5, 1949, official organ of the International 
Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, states as follows: 

Marselle, France * * * Representatives from the world's leading maritime 
countries met here .July ] .5-18 and set up the new . Seamen's, Docker's Inland 
Waterways and Allied Worker's Trade Unions International WFTU (Maritime 
Federation of the World) and elected ILWU president Harry Bridges to head 
the organization * * * Louis Goldblatt, ILWU Secretary-Treasurer, battling for 
Bridges who was refused permission to leave the country by Attorney General 
Tom Clark, and .John Maletta, Local 19, member of the International Executive 
Board, attended for the ILWU * * * At the same time the maritime body con- 
demned the action of Attorney General Clark in prohibiting Bridges from leav- 
ing the country to attend the conference * * * Meetings of the conference which 
opened on .July 15 were chaired in rotation by Eliot Elliott. Secretary of the 
Seamen's Union of Australia ; D. Kleinsma, Chairman of the General Transport 
Union of Holland : M. de Stefano, General Secretary of the Italian Federation 
of Port Workers ; A. Gruenais, General Secretary of the National Federation of 
Maritime Trade Unions of France : A. S. Budanov, President of the Central 
Committee of Trade Unions of Sea Transport of the USSR, and Goldblatt. 

The Daily People's World of July 13, 1950, page 4, official West 
Coast organ of the Communist Party, USA, states : 

Paris. .luly 12 (ALX). — The World Federation of Trade Unions has appealed 
to all its members to organize popular demonstrations demanding the immediate 
withdrawal of American Armed Forces from Korea. . . . The WFTU calls 
on all affiliated organizations to take, as far as national conditions allow, all 
immediate and dispensable action to defeat the diabolical plans of the warmongers 
and to support their brother unionists in Korea who are fighting alongside the 
whole Korean people for the liberation of their country. 


The Dispatcher of July 21, 1950, page 8, official organ of the ILWU, 
states : 

Marseille, France — The Maritime Federation of the World, a trade department 
of the World Federation of Trade Unions, has been reorganized with a newly 
constituted executive board into the Maritime and Port Workers Trade Union 
International. ILWU President Harry Bridges has been named honorary presi- 
dent of the newly constituted department. A Dutch trade union leader heads 
the organization and M. Baudin of France is the general secretary. The de- 
partment was originally established at a conference held in Marseille in July 1949. 

The Longshore Bulletin for July 21, 1950, published by Local 10, 
ILWU, in San Francisco, published the following resolution which 
was adopted unanimously by the Walking Bosses of Local 91 : 

Whereas Local 91 of the International Longshoremen's & Warehousemen's 
Union has endorsed the action as taken by President Truman and the United 
Nations in the present crisis in Korean and the Far East ; and 

Whereas Local 91 has pledged — without reservation, full support and co- 
operation in the supervision of the loading of any and all cargoes and ships 
regardless of destination ; and 

Whereas The World Federation of Trade Unions had issued orders to all of 
its affiliates and officers to do their utmost to sabotage and delay in all ways 
the program of the United States, and the United Nations in this struggle: and 

Whereas The Mariime Federation of the World and its officers would be one 
of the main cogs in the machinery of sabotage and delay as called for by the 
World Federation of Trade Unions : therefore, be it 

Resolved, That Local 91, of the International Longshoremen's and Warehouse- 
men's Union, in meeting assembled this 17th da.y of July 1950, hereby goes on 
record demanding that Harry R. Bridges immediately resign, either his office 
as President of the Maritime Federation of the World, or his oflSce as President 
of the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union : and be it 

Resolved, That the International Office of the International Longshoremen's 
and Warehousemen's Union stand instructed to get behind the program of the 
President of the United States and the United Nations ; and be it finally 

Resolved, That copies of this resolution be. sent to all ILWU locals with 
a request for adoption. 

Respectfully submitted. 

Ralph Mallen. 

The following statement appears in the Longshore Bulletin for 
July 28, 1950, published by Local 10, San Francisco : 

After reading the minutes of the last membership meeting, the question was 
raised as to what would be voted upon at the coming referendum vote for dele- 
gates to the longshore caucus in Local 10. 

President Sandin ruled that in addition to electing 10 delegates, the member- 
ship will vote on whether or not Bridges should resign as honorary President of 
the WFTU Maritime department. (The World Federation of Trade Unions on 
July 12, in Paris, ordered all aflaiiates to sabotage the American war effort in 

A motion was made by James Kearney that we also vote at the coming election 
on whether the membership is in favor of dropping our fraternal affiliation with 
the WFTU. After considerable discussion, it was decided to refer the question 
to the coming caxicus for a coastwise vote. 

The Dispatcher of August 11, 1950, page 3. quotes the following 
statement of Harry Bridges, president of the IL"\YU : 

The position of our union should be understood * * * (the ILWU is a mari- 
time union and when our members are) on strike they will take help from any 
source, and if it is a question of communist or others, in Australia, Great Britain, 
Russia, France, or anywhere else in the world, when we send out a call for help, 
we don't sa.v, "Just accept this call if you are not a Communist union," we send 
it out and we hope for the best. That is true of my membership and that is the 
way we work, and that is all we are after * * * 


Our concern with the WFTU is a very simple one * * * As far as I am con- 
cerned, and again tliis is my personal viewpoint — it is what I feel and it is what 
my experience has taught me — the union on the waterfront won't live without the 
support of the unions affiliated to the WFTU ; that is, union longshoremen in 
other countries * * * 

In the issue of World Trade Union Movement for January 16-31, 
1952, published in Chinese, English, French, German, Japanese, Ru- 
manian, Russian, and Spanish, appears an article by John Wolfard 
praising- the ILWU in comparison with the Internal Longshoremen's 
Association (AFL). 

The Dispatcher of September 1, 1950, page 5, official organ of the 
ILWU, states : 

North Bend, Oreg. — The longshore ships clerks and walking boss division of 
the ILWU has severed connections with the Maritime Federation of the World 
and the World Federation of Trade Unions * * *. The resolution adopted by 
the caucus was submitted by local 13 of San Pedro. As amended from the floor 
and adopted the resolution said : 

"Whereas the World Federation of Trade Unions issued an appeal on July 5, 
1950, and its Trade Department, the Maritime Federation of the World, on July 
11, 1950, issued a directive calling upon their friends and affiliates to pass reso- 
lutions, petitions, demonstrate, and take all possible action to defeat the United 
States and the United Nations action in Korea ; and 

"Whereas the technical matter of affiliation or nonaffiliation has not been 
acted upon by the membership, but in the eyes of American labor, and the Gov- 
ernment and public we are associated with and therefore affiliated with the 
WFTU and the MFW : Therefore be it. 

Resolved, That, we sever our connections with the WFTU and MFW." 

In the World Trade Union Movement for Augitst 1951, official organ 
of the WFTU, beginning on page 25, is an article by Jack W. Hall, 
regional director in Hawaii of the International Longslioremen's and 
Warehousemen's Union, entitled "From Feudal Oppression to Hu- 
man Dignity." A foreword to the article states : 

This experience shows the correctness of the policy which has been formulated 
and followed by the ILWU for 20 years — which is also the policy which the 
WFTU has followed since its foundation. 

In the World Trade Union Movement for September 1954, official 
organ of the WFTU, pages 24 and 25, appears a letter signed by 
Harry Bridges entitled "A Fifth Trial for Harry Bridges." A fore- 
word says : 

Even more powerful international solidarity must the the reply to the moving 
letter from Harry Bridges to the WFTU, which we publish below. 

The letter makes the following statements : 

The fact is that since the 19.34 victorious west coast maritime and San 
Francisco general strikes, led by the longshoremen of the ILWU, there have been 
innumerable proceedings * * * 

There is no question that the present administration is keenly aware of the 
international implications of another "Bridges case." This perpetual harassment 
of a trade union and of its elected officials makes a mockery of the democratic 
claims being broadcast by the United States throughout the world today. And, 
not only are men and women of foreign lands made skeptical of United States 
claims to "democratic leadership of the world" as the result of this case, but 
similar disillusionment exists even within the United States itself * * * 

The jailings and deportations in the United States in 1954 differ little from the 
practices in Fascist and colonial countries * * * This explains the almost 
psychotic alarm with which United States officialdom greeted the news that 21 
soldiers, former prisoners of war in Korea, had decided not to return to the 
United States * * * 

* * * We have no doubt that the working people all over the world will better 
understand the true nature of the rulers of America today if they are permitted 
to hear the truth of the forthcoming proceedings. 


The ILWTT Story, pul)lislied by tlie ILWU in December 1955, states 
on pages 86 and 87 : 

In 1919, the Seattle longshoremen, backed up by the Pacific coast district of 
the ILA and AFL State Federation of Labor in Washington, refused to handle 
arms for the Allied Expeditionary Forces fighting in Siberia. Consistent with 
their trade union policy of the autonomous right of union organizations to run 
their own affairs, the Seattle longshoremen pointed out that ■'* * * the settlement 
of all Russia's aflfairs, including her form of government, should be left entirely 
to the Russian people themselves, without interference from any source." * * * 

Thus it was not surprising that when the newly formed World Federation of 
Trade Unions met in San Francisco, at the time of the founding session of the 
United Nations, the ILWU was recognized as the host union for the affair — and 
deservedly so. 

In the first major postwar maritime struggle, that of the committee for mari- 
time unity in 1946, these international fraternal bonds paid off well. When 
PresidentTruman threatened to smash the projected maritime strike with Navy- 
manned vessels and Army longshoremen, the call for help from the ILWU pro- 
duced a worldwide wave of union support. Pledges that these scab cargoes and 
hot ships would rot overseas poured into the CMU. And the great gains of the 
successful negotiations, without a strike, followed soon after. The support from 
overseas was the turning point in convincing the employers that they'd lose a 

The ILWU sugar workers too have cemented their ties with sugar workers 
everywhere. And delegates have gone from the ILWU to the Philippines, to 
Mexico, to Puerto Rico and to Cuba to plan joint action and to pool knowledge 
and information on how best to advance the interests of sugar workers every- 
where. Similarly, sugar union representatives from these areas have journeyed 
to San Francisco to meet and coordinate activities with the ILWU. 

The Dispatcher for August 3, 1956, page 3, carries a photograph 
captioned : 

On San Francisco Visit — ILWU President Harry Bridges and Amado V. Her- 
nandez, Filipino labor leader, are shown here when Hernandez visited ILWU in 
1948 on his way to an international labor conference. The Philippine leader is 
free on bail, pending appeal of his life sentence under a native version of the 
Smith Act. 

The article says that — 

He (Hernandez) spent 14 months in prison before being brought to trial with 10 
other labor leaders for the alleged crime of "conspiring to overthrow the Govern- 
ment." The other labor leaders got 10-year sentences. 

The executive board of the CIO appointed a committee to investigate 
the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union in 1949 
and this committee made the foDowing finding:^ 

Report of Executive Board Committee Appointed by President Murray To 
Investigate Charges Against the International Longshoremen's and 
Warehousemen's Union 

On November 5, 1949, WiUiam Steinberg, president of the American Radio 
Association and a member of the CIO executive board, charged that the policies 
and activities of the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union 
(ILWU) are consistently directed toward the achievement of the program or 
the policies of the Communist Party rather than the objectives set forth in the 
constitution of the CIO. The charges were received by the executive board of 
the CIO, and it authorized President Murray to appoint a committee of executive- 
board members to conduct hearings on the charges and to report back to the 
board. President Murray designated O. A. Knight (chairman), James E. Fad- 
ling, and Joseph Fisher as a committee. Notice was duly given to ILWU of the 
filing of the charges and of the appointment of the committee. Thereafter Mr. 
Fadling advised President Murray that he would be unable to serve on the com- 
mittee, and Mr. Murray appointed Jack Moran to serve on the committee in place 

1 Communist Domination of Certain Unions. Report of the Subcommittee on Labor 
and Labor-Management Relations of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, October 
1, 1951. 


of Mr. Fadling. On April 18, 1950, O. A. Knight, as chairman, notified ILWU 
that the hearings on the charges against it would be held in the board room at CIO 
headquarters and would begin on Wednesday, May 17, 1950. He also advised 
ILWU of the substitution of Mr. Moran for Mr. Fadling. 

The committee, as constituted of Mr. Knight, Mr. Fisher, and Mr. Moran, held 
hearings beginning at 11 a. m. on Wednesday, May 17, 1950, and continuing until 
Friday, May 19, at 6 : .SO p. m. President for ILWU at the hearings were Harry 
Bridges, president of ILWU : J. R. Robertson, vice president of ILWU ; William 
Glaziei*, Washington legislative representative of the vinion, and several ILWU 
executive-board members and local union members. 

Mr. Steinberg, the charging party, made an introductory statement to the 
committee in which he gave the basis for his charges. He then called 4 witnesses. 
Everett Kassalow, associate director of research, CIO, presented detailed anal- 
yses of the policies of the Communist Party and of ILWU, supported by numerous 
documentary exhibits. Michael Quill, president of the Transport Workers Union 
of America and a member of the CIO executive board, and Mr. Hedley Stone, 
secretary-treasurer of the National Maritime Union of America and a member of 
the CIO executive board, testified that Harry Bridges had attended meetings of 
functionaries of the Communist Party and of representatives of Communist-con- 
trolled CIO unions at which the party functionaries announced the policies which 
those present were to follow in their unions and in the CIO. George L. P. 
Weaver, assistant to the secretary-treasurer of CIO, testified as to statements and 
positions taken by Mr. Bridges in meetings of the CIO executive board. 

ILWU was permitted to cross-examine at length all four of the witnesses, as 
well as Mr. Steinberg. ILWU then called 6 witnesses, in addition to Mr. Bridges, 
who testified as to the functioning of ILWU, its constitution, its economic role, 
and its manner of arriving at decisions. Mr. Steinberg was permitted to cross- 
examine the ILWU witnesses. 

In addition, ILWU submitted a 66-page statement and numerous exhibits. 
At the close of the hearings ILWU requested and received from the committee 
permission to file a further statement, and ILWU has filed such a statement. 
The committee has carefully considered both the testimony and dociimentary 
material submitted at the hearings and the additional documentary material sub- 
mitted by ILWU following the close of the hearing. 


The Communist Party and its position in the labor movement 

1. The charge made by Mr. Steinberg is that the policy and activities of the 
ILWU are consistently directed to the achievement of the program or the pur- 
poses of the Communist Party rather than the objectives and policies set forth 
in the constitution of the CIO. Before proceeding to a detailed consideration 
of that charge it will, the committee believes, be helpful to review generally the 
nature of the Communist Party and the history of its relations with the trade- 
union movement. 

For many years following the Russian Revolution there was a great deal of 
confusion among liberals in the United States concerning the nature and func- 
tioning of the Soviet system, the world-wide Communist movement, and the 
Communist Parties of the various countries. The Russian Revolution, because 
it overthrew an autocratic, feudal society, initially created a favorable reaction 
among many Americans. 

However, this initial favorable reaction soon became tempered by the realiza- 
tion that the Soviet regime was as harshly autocratic as its predecessor. For 
many of those who remained sympathetic with the Soviets, based upon the false 
hope that time would bring more democratic practices, the signing of the Stalin- 
Hitler pact in 1939 marked a tui'ning point. Doubts as to the nature of the 
Soviet system and of the Communist Party were, however, again somewhat 
quieted when in 1941 the German armies marched on the Soviet Union. The 
antipathy most Americans had for Hitler and his cohorts was crystallized into 
feelings of sympathy for the Russian people and admiration for their fight against 
the German armies. After the Japanese attack upon the United States on 
December 7, 1941, most of the questions in the minds of the American people 
concerning the nature of the Soviet state and the Communist Party were laid 
aside in the life-and-death struggle against Hitler and the Japanese. Russia 
was our ally. 

Following the cessation of hostilities, however, the drive of the Soviet Union 
for world power was nakedly displayed, and the true nature of the Communist 


Party and the Soviet state was more sharply revealed. Today not much con- 
fusion should exist as to the real, in contrast to the apparent, nature of the Soviet 
system and of the Communist Party of the United States. 

2. From a movement which in 1917 purportedly set out to bring a new and 
better life to millions of people, there has emerged a monster, secret-police 
state which negates in every phase of its operation the principles for which it 
was ostensibly founded. Hand in hand with this abandonment of its own stated 
principles has gone unlimited application of the thesis that if the end to be 
achieved is a desirable one any means used in reaching that end are acceptable. 

There exists in the world today a group of highly trained, dedicated, and fanati- 
cal professional revolutionists whose code of morals and standard of values have 
nothing in common with the codes and standards of western civilization. To 
the Communist, a lie is the truth if it serves the purpose of the party. To the 
Communist, murder and robbery are dignified and hallowed acts if performed 
in the name of the ultimate revolution. Subterfuge and evasion are praiseworthy 
if they promote the ends of the party. American Communists, like their counter- 
parts throughout the world, accept on faith the thesis that the Party itself can 
do no wrong. Hence it is impossible for these people unquestioningly to accept 
sharp changes in policy as being not only necessary but completely natural. 

Side by side with this subversion of moral principle, there has developed a 
political concept upon which depends the strategy of the Communist Parties of 
the various eimntries. That political concept is that the preservation of the 
present regime in the Soviet Union is the basic all-important task for Communists 
throughout the world. Only within this context can the nature of the American 
Communist be under.stood. 

3. Sini-e the political thesis of the Communist Party depends to a large extent 
upon the seizure of power by the proletariat led by its alleged vanguard, the 
party, control of the trade-union movement has always been a primary objective 
of the Communists. From its inception in the United States attempts have been 
made by the party to infiltrate the labor movement, gain control of its leadership, 
and direct the energies of the unions toward assisting the objective of the Com- 
munist Party to preserve the power of the present ruling group in the Soviet 
Union. Communist have sometimes been able to gain control of American unions 
either by organizing in those areas where organization was sorely needed or by 
utilizing apathy and indifference on the part of union members to gain control 
of existing unions. 

Once the Communists gain control of a union, the union inevitably becomes 
nothing more than a robot-like instrument of the world-wide Communist move- 
ment, with the true economic and social interests of the workers in the union 
sacrificed to the interests of the foreign policy of the Soviet Union. ThiTS, when 
it serves the needs of the Soviet Union for American workers to be out on strike, 
the Communist-controlled unions attempt to provoke strikes, to lengthen such 
legitimate strikes as may be taking place, and generally to disrupt the productive 
system. When the foreign policy needs of the Soviet Union require a high degi-ee 
of productivity by American workers, the Communist unions attempt to fulfill the 
need for uninterrupted production by opposing all strikes, establishing speed-up 
committees, and foregoing any economic gains which might require strike action 
in order to be achieved. 

The techniques used by the Communist Party in achieving control of a union 
and in then using the union for its purposes vary according to the nature of the 
industry, the tradition of the union, and the degree to which the union can be 
subjected to rigid control. As these factors change from time to time, the opera- 
tion of the party group within the union (i. e. the "party fraction") changes to 
meet the new situation. Although the party fraction functions in a highly 
mechanical fashion on the theoretical level, accepting without question the line 
handed down from above, its tactical maneuvering may shift from day to day and 
even from meeting to meeting depending upon the particialar needs of the moment. 
Thus, the operation of the party fraction within one union may be completely 
different from that within another union. In all cases, however, the iiarty frac- 
tion in the union acts as a disciplined group and takes the orders of the day 
from the party functionary assigned to or responsible for trade-union work. 

4. What we do about Communists in the labor movement is a question which 
has plagued and beset American unions. On the one hand, because American 
Labor has been in the forefront of the fight for civil liberties it has been ex- 
tremely loath to restrict the liberties of any group operating within the frame- 
work of the unions. On the other hand, the labor movement has learned that 


unless it adequately protects its unions a small Communist group can gain con- 
trol and subvert the basic policy of the union. 

Political uniformity within the labor movement, as in the rest of our society 
is a highly undesirable and retrogressive concept. Political differences are essen- 
tial to the development of any democratic society. It is, however, equally essen- 
tial to the functioning of the democratic system that political differences be 
openly aired and discussed. People cannot choose intelligently unless they know 
what they are really choosing. 

No group or individual has the right to come into the labor movement with a 
specific political purpose and then to hide its purpose by deception, evasion, lyirg, 
and subterfuge in order to mask its true objective. Since that is precisely the 
method of operation of the Communist Party, the CIO has a right to exclude the 
servants of the Soviet Union. 

Moreover, there is no room in the CIO, or in any other voluntary association 
of independent members, for an affiliate whose policies over a period of time con- 
travene and tend to undermine the fundamental objectives of the organization. 
And there can be no doubt about the violent clash between the constitutional 
objectives and policies of the CIO and the progi-am or purposes of the Communist 
Party. The CIO is dedicated to advancing the cause of liberty and the never- 
ending struggle for equality begun by our forefathers ; to the end of achieving 
a world of free men and women. The CIO is dedicated to organizing the un- 
organized, to making workers participants in the collective-bargaining process, 
and to securing legislation insuring economic security and the extension of civil 

The Communist Party, in contrast, seeks to exploit the workers for the benefit 
of an alien loyalty. The Communist Party speaks in the words of unionism and 
Americanism. But actually it matters not to the Communist Party whether a 
particular policy will advance or hinder the best interests of American labor. 
Only to the extent that the Soviet line permits will the propaganda mill of the 
Communist Party grind out platforms which are in consonance with the ideals of 
American labor. In event of conflict between the needs of the Soviet Union and 
the best interests of American labor, the former must always prevail. 

Within the CIO there is the greatest freedom for differences of opinion on 
political and trade union matters, so long as those differences stem from an 
honest belief as to what constitutes good trade union policy or the best method 
of promoting the objectives set forth in the CIO constitution. But there is no 
room for differences of opinion when those differences reflect a fundamental 
divergence in basic objectives such as the divergence between the CIO and the 
Communist Party. A voluntary association created to promote certain objec- 
tives is fully entitled to exclude from its midst those who rejected such objectives 
and accept an entirely contrary set of values. 

That is, in essence, the charge which has been made against the ILWU. It is 
charged that the policies and activities of the International Longshoremen's and 
Warehousemen's Union, under the international union's present top leadership, 
are not designed to unite the working men and women of America into labor 
unions for their mutual aid and protection but to unite them for the purpose of 
advancing the interests of the Communist Party. 


The testimony, both oral and documentary, at the hearing demonstrates in- 
controvertibly. and the committee finds, that the policies and activities of the 
International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, under the leadership 
of its international officers and executive board, have long been and are today 
directed toward the achievement of the program and the policies of the Com- 
munist Party rather than the objectives set forth in the constitution of the CIO. 

The ILWU has consistently and without a single deviation followed the 
sharp turns and swerves of the Communist Party line and has sacrificed the 
economic and social interests of its membex'ship to that line. The defense pre- 
sented by Harry Bridges and his fellow officers was an evasion of the real issue 
involved in the trial ; they objected on hypertechnical grounds to the introduction 
of all relevant evidence; introduced extraneous and irrelevant evidence; made 
unsupported and slanderous attacks upon the witnesses; and generally evidenced 
a hysterically evasive attitude toward the charges and toward the trial com- 


1. Policies of the Communist Party 

Since the charge against the ILWU is that it pursues the program and the 
purposes of the Ckjmmunist Party, the committee was required to scrutinize the 
policies of that party. The policies of the Communist Party in the United States, 
from the time of the formation of the CIO to the present, can be divided into five 
different periods, each corresponding to a particular phase in the international 
relations of the Soviet Union. 

Collective security and the popular front. — The first period extended from 1935, 
shortly after Hitler's acquisition of povper, until the signing of the Russo-German 
Pact in August, 1939. 

When Hitler came into power, the Soviet leaders at first expected his imme- 
diate collapse. It soon became evident, however, that this expectation was 
doomed to disappointment. The Soviet Union thereupon devised a new defensive 
tactic, by which it hoped to contain Hitler. This tactic \\ as the "Peoples' Front 
policy," announced in 1935 at the Seventh Congress of the Communist Inter- 

Since the Soviet Union was menaced by the Fascist powers, Germany, Italy, 
and Japan, it wanted the help of the western powers and sought to persuade 
them to enter with it into a system of "collective security" against aggression. 
To advance the adoption of such a system of collective security, the Communist 
Parties in the various countries sought to promote a "peoples' front" or "popular 
front" with other groups which, for whatever reasons, supported a program of 
collective security against the aggression of the Fascist nations. 

During this period the Communist Party of the United States supported a 
policy of collective security and urged that the United States enter into such a 
system with the Soviet Union. The Communist Party hailed Roosevelt's Chicago 
speech urging that the aggressors be quarantined. It urged the boycott of Ger- 
man, Japanese, and Italian goods. It favored changing the Neutrality Act to 
permit the shipment of arms to victims of Fascist attaclv. In line with the 
popular front strategy, the party was friendly to the administration of Franklin 
D. Roosevelt. 

During this period the American Communist Party found that the interest of 
American labor lay in the elimination of fascism wherever it was found. The 
party declared that American labor had a stake in the maintenance of free 
institutions throughout the world, and that it should support a program for the 
creation of a system of collective security against Fascis aggression and of aid 
to the victims of such aggression. 

The Russian-German pact. — In August 1939, the foreign policy of the Soviet 
Union abruptly changed. At the very time it purported to be seeking the alliance 
of England and France against Hitler, the Soviet Union signed a nonaggression 
pact vi'ith him. Hitler was freed to attack Poland, and World War II began. 

This change of Soviet strategy immediately brought about a violent change in 
the program of the Communist Party of the United States. The American Com- 
munist Party lost interest in the evils of nazism and fascism. The threat to 
American labor, the party now said, was the "imperialist war." The defense 
program of the United States was a program fostered by Wall Street. The party 
sought, through the mechanism of such movements as the American Peace Mo- 
bilization and such slogans as "The Yanks Are Not Coming," to capitalize upon 
the isolationist-pacifist sentiment in the United States and to defeat every meas- 
ure intended to aid the powers that were opposing Hitler. 

All-out aid to RusHa.— On July 22, 1041, Germany attacked the Soviet Union. 
The Soviet Union needed help. It was, however unwillingly, fighting on the same 
side as Great Britain. 

A second rapid reversal in the policies of the American Commimist Party now 
rook place. The party called for all-out aid to the Soviet Union and to Great 
Britain. The "imperialist war" was now a "people's war." Roosevelt's program, 
so lately denounced as warmongering, now became "the people's program of 
struggle for the defeat of Hitlerism." 

The Communist Party rediscovered that labor had a stake in the defeat of fas- 
cism throughout the world, and declared that it should direct its energies to all- 
out production to defeat Hitler. Once more the party denounced the evils of 
nazism and fascism. Hitler was again a Fascist mad dog. 

When the United States entered the war in December 1941, no change in Com- 
munist Party policy was needed. The Communist Party's Pearl Harbor had 
already occurred on June 22, 1941, and the party had favored United States en- 
trance into the war since that time. But the party continued to grind its ax. 


The United States and Russia did not see eye to eye on military strategy. The 
Russians wanted the immediate opening of a second front. And so the Commu- 
nist Party decided that American labor had an interest in this question of military 
strategy. "It is imperative," Eugene Dennis declared early in 1942, "that the 
labor movement unitedly should make its voice heard and its influence felt on 
* * * such life and death questions as insuring American participation in the 
opening of a second front in Europe this spring." 

Tehran. — The second-front issue was a symptom of the lack of confidence which 
the Communist Party felt, during this period, in the genuineness of American- 
Russian collaboration. These doubts, however, vanished when President Roose- 
velt met with Premier Stalin at Tehran, and agreement was reached on certain 
of the problems confronting the two countries. This agreement seemed to the 
Communist Party leadership to herald a complete change in the relationship be- 
tween America and the Soviet Union, and therefore, in the party's role in the 
United States. 

There was thus ushered in the period later designated in the party as "Brow- 
derism." The party's program of "socialism" was abandoned in favor of the new 
"progressive" coalition between labor and capital. Henceforth the party's func- 
tion was not to be "revolutionary" but merely "educational." The Communist 
Party, accordingly, dissolved itself in January 1944, and the Communist Political 
Association came into being in its stead. 

Earl Browder announced that if J. P. Morgan would join in support of the 
American-Soviet coalition, he would clasp his hand and join with him. The party 
declared that there was only one yardstick against which all trade-union activi- 
ties were to be measured, and that was the winning of the war. The party ex- 
hausted its superlatives in praise of the wise and courageous leadership of 
President Roosevelt — the same leadership which it had denounced during the 
period of Russia's pact with Hitler. The party even advocated national service 
legislation, a measure anathema to labor. The party supported most vigorously 
the no-strike pledge, and urged that it be continued in the postwar period. 

In short, during this period the Communist Party was — as it later described 
itself in an orgy of "Marxist self-criticism" — an opportunist tail to the capitalist 

Tlie postwar period. — With the close of the European War. differences and 
tensions began to develop between the Soviet Union and the United States. The 
Soviet Union no longer needed American military assistance, and its ambitions 
began to conflict at many points with the policies of the United States. 

Accordingly, the "American" Communist Party again reversed its field. Tak- 
ing its lead from an article by the French Communist leader Duclos, it recon- 
stituted itself in .June 194.">, as the Communist Party and once again asserted its 
so-called aggressive role in domestic affairs. It no longer supported national- 
service legislation and stopped talking about continuation of the no-strike pledge 
after the end of the war. 

As the diplomatic conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union has 
developed and deepened in the postwar period, the hostility of the Communist 
Party to the policies of the American Government has become clearer and clearer. 
The postwar Communist policies have included the following specific items : 

1. Demand for the withdrawal of American troops from China, and support 
of the Chinese Communists : 

2. A claim that the Ignited States had failed to live up to the Yalta and Pots- 
dam agreements, and a demand that United States foreign policy be based on 
friendship with the Soviet Union : 

3. Opposition to the Truman doctrine : 

4. Opposition to the Marshall plan ; 

5. Support of Henry Wallace and the Progressive Party in 1948; 

6. Opposition to the Atlantic Pact ; 

7. Support of the Communist-dominated World Federation of Trade-Unions 
and opposition to the CIO- and AFL-sponsored International Confederation of 
Free Trade-Unions : 

8. Denunciation of the CIO as a tool of reaction and imperialism ; and 

9. Support for the UE in its fight with the CIO. 

//. Policies of the ILWTJ 

By examining the publications of ILWU, the reports of its officers to its con- 
ventions and its convention proceedings, and the positions taken by ILWU repre- 
sentatives at CIO conventions and executive-board meetings, the committee has 
ascertained the policies which ILWU, through its international leadership, has. 


over the years, followed. The committee has compared these policies with the 
program of the Communist Party of the United States. From this examination 
the committee finds that the policies and activities of ILWU have followed and 
continue to follow exactly, without deviation, the policies of the Communist 
Party. Each of the four major shifts in policy made by the Communist Party 
during the period since 1938 was faithfully followed by ILWU. At no time 
during that 12-year period has there been one single instance of ILWU's 
deviating in any appreciable degree from the line of the Communist Party. 

1. During the collective-security or "popular front" period ILWU strongly sup- 
ported Roosevelt's antiaggression program. In 1938, at its first convention, 
ILWU called for support of the O'Connell bill, which would have amended the 
Neutrality Act to define aggressor nations and to permit the shipment of arms 
to victims of aggression. The 1938 convention also called for a ban on shipments 
of helium to Germany and pledged full and unqualified support of President 
Roosevelt's New Deal. Resolutions adopted at the convention condemned isola- 
tionism and endorsed a world labor conference as a means of arresting the 
world-wide Fascist offensive. 

As late as June 1939, ILWU locals submitted and supported resolutions at 
the convention of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific which called for sup- 
port of President Roosevelt and the New Deal and commended the President's 
foreign policy of stopping the Fascist nations. District conventions of ILWU 
adopted resolutions to amend the Neutrality Act and to boycott Gei-man-, Italian-, 
and Japanese-made goods, and requesting closer collaboration between the 
United States and the Soviet Union "for the protection of their nuitual interests 
against any provocation within the Rome-Berlin-Tokio Axis." 

2. With the signing of the Stalin-Hitler Pact, the ILWU suddenly discovered 
that the war in Europe was of no concern to it. It attacked President Roosevelt 
and his policy of giving aid to the allies. 

In April 1940, Harry Bridges in his report to the ILWU District 1 convention, 
stated : 

"It is generally recognized that the present administration's policies in regard 
to the international situation, its pro-allies sympathizers, the endorsement of mil- 
lions of dollars being sent abroad while millions of Americans suffer unemploy- 
ment and poverty, can result in the embroiling of America into a foreign war in 
which she can have no concern except the protection of the investments of the 
large bankers and industrial interests of the country." 

The District 1 convention endorsed the slogan "The Yanks are not coming." 

The 1940 convention of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific adopted a reso- 
lution submitted by ILWU denouncing the war profiteers who "have attempted 
to create a war scare" and demanding that Congi'ess cease "playing chess with 
the lives of Americans by encouraging loans to warring nations." Newspapers 
published by ILWU locals carried headlines such as "Convoys mean shooting, 
shooting means war," and news stories on the activities of the American Peace 
Mobilization, a front set up by the Communists to promote isolationism. In 
his report to ILWU's April 1941 convention, Harry Bridges attacked the idea 
that labor should make sacrifices "in the interests of so-called 'national defense.' " 
Throughout this period, which ended with the attack upon Russian by Hitler, 
the ILWU consistently urged a policy of isolation, and criticized aid to the coun- 
tries fighting Hitler. 

3. Following the opening of hostilities between Germany and Russia in June 
1941, the ILWU leadership suddenly discovered that the war in Europe was, 
after all, a matter of vital concern to the labor movement. Harry Bridges called 
for immediate aid to the Soviet TTnion and to Britain. In July 1941, Bridges 
declared that American labor, in backing aid to Britain and the Soviet Union, 
was "taking a militant anti-Fascist position in support of the people's right to 
freedom and peace." In contrast to "Convoys mean shooting, and shooting means 
war," Bridges, in October 1941, in an article in an ILWU local paper, stated : 

"The American trade-unions have a real decision to face and make today. 
We are on the verge of having to start making motions or passing resolutions 
as to whether we shall not only support the President in an actual declaration 
of war to stop Hitler but as to whether we will insist that such declaration 
be made. Whether we like it or not. it is pretty hard to dodge this conclusion, 
because already Hitler is not only telling us but he is driving home the fact 
that American ships cnn't sail to certain places; therefore certain American sea- 
men can't man and sail these ships ; therefore, our American longshoremen can't 
load such ships ; and, therefore, our warehouse workers in turn are not able 
to work at their particular industry handling goods to go to ships eventually." 


In the same article, Bridges declared that "the greatest real threat to all our 
unions and democracy today, is that Hitler might win the present war on the 
eastern front." 

When Japan attacked the United States, no radical change in ILWU policy 
was necessary; the change had been made when Germany attacked Russia. 
ILWU was all out in its support of the war effort. The officers' report to the 
1943 convention declared : 

"The basic policy of the ILWU centered around national unity of all the 
win-the-war forces in America * * * This policy meant the subservience of 
many of our individual interests of our Nation. The union could not remain an 
economic agency and do its job * * * 

"Steps were taken to convert the union into a win-the-war agency, this * * * 
meant unity with any and all people who were pledged to faithfully prosecute 
the war * * * 

"No longer do we think of employers as a group. Our judgment of employers 
is predicated on their participation in the war. The same judgment governs 
our measurement of all other people and agencies." 

In actuality, ILWU, like other Communist-line labor unions, went much fur- 
ther in abandoning its economic aims and in its attacks upon any interruption of 
production than did legitimate American trade-unions. John L. Lewis was de- 
scribed in the 1943 ILWU officers' report as "the single most effective agent 
of the Fascist powers within the ranks of labor." Wages, hours, and working 
condition, according to this same report "had to be measured in terms of main- 
taining efficiency and morale of our members and providing a free flow of war 

During this period, ILWLT, like the Communist Party, called for the opening 
of the second front. ILWU lauded the Soviet Union and the Russian army in 
every possible way, and when Senator Lodge suggested that the Soviet Union 
should supply bases for bombing Japan, ILWU's paper, The Dispatcher, indig- 
nantly rejected this suggestion. 

4. After the Teheran conference in December 1948, ILWU, like the Communist 
Party, was fully satisfied as to the good intentions of the American Government 
toward the Soviet Union. After Teheran ILWU called no more for a second 
front. ILWU was now satisfied with the Roosevelt administration. It sup- 
ported Roosevelt for reelection in 1944. ILWU even, in January 1944, endorsed 
a proposed National Service Act, although such a measure would have destroyed 
labor's most basic freedoms, and was opposed by the CIO and the AFL. The 
Dispatcher, supporting the measure editorially, declared that "The right of 
the people to be secure against the enemy certainly transcends any fancied in- 
dividual rights." 

In the summer of 1944 Bridges and the ILWU executive board urged that the 
no-strike pledge be extended into peacetime. Such an extension. Bridges de- 
clared, "would defend the security of the Nation now and after the war." The 
Dispatcher likewise supported editorially the extension of the no-strike pledge 
beyond the end of the war. 

5. With the end of the war in Europe and the collapse of the wartime collabora- 
tion between the Soviet Union and the democratic nations, the position of the 
ILWU, like that of the Communist Party, underwent another change. Britain 
was no longer a gallant ally : Bridges opposed an American loan to the "so-called 
Socialist" Government which would use the money against Russia. Bridges de- 
clared that "the so-called British Labor Qovernment has made it crystal clear 
that it has no real intention of freeing the slave peoples now held captive by the 
Empire." The Soviet Union, in contrast, was represented as a country which 
"exploits no colonies of its own and seeks to exploit none" and "is naturally in 
favor of freedom and independence for all peoples." 

The no-strike pledge was forgotten ; "Strike time is here," the May 1946 Dis- 
patcher declared. 

When the Truman plan for Greece and Turkey was announced in the spring 
of 1947, it was bitterly attacked by the Dispatcher in a front-page editorial which 
compared it with the "international gangsterism of Hitler." The editorial de- 
scribed Russia as "the great Socialist nation" while the Greek and Turkish Gov- 
ernments were described as "cruel dictatorships" and the British Empire as the 
"British slave empire." The editorial further asserted that — "Their cry against 
Russia is precisely because Russia insists that the peoples of all countries have 
the right to organize unions and choose their own forms of government." 

At the 1947 ILWU convention Bridges made a speech during which he de- 
clared, "If the Communists of China are wrong, so were the people in this coun- 


try who overtlirew the British iu the American Revolution." In the same speech 
he protested against equating communism and fascism. 

Shortly after the Truman plan was announced, the Dispatcher commenced to 
play up Henry Wallace. Its news account in May 1947 of Wallace's Euro- 
pean tour asseerted that the tour "to warn against the new Truman doctrine 
in foreign policy" was a "thrilling success." Its account of a west coast speech of 
Wallace stated that — "Wallace spoke out in ringing terms against this doctrine 
which seeks to fasten the yoke of American imperialism on the world, the 
crippling of American trade-unions and the suppression of civil liberties." 

When the Marshall plan was enunciated, it too was condemned by the ILWU. 
In December 1947 ILAVU's executive board denounced the Marshall plan "as 
nothing more than a monstrous plot against freedom and living standards." The 
ILWU executive board declared that the Soviet Union, in contrast, was — "sup- 
porting coalition governments of nations which are pledged to programs whereby 
the common people of foreign countries obtain greater ownership and control 
of raw materials and protection for the greater good of the majority of the peoples 
of those countries." 

The Dispatcher declared editorially that money would be spent under the 
Marshall plan in order to impose "Wall Street puppet dictatorships" upon the 
European countries. 

When the CIO executive board, in January 1948, announced its support of the 
Marshall plan and its opposition to a third party. Bridges declared that "ILWU 
would stand by its determination to give all-out support to the third-party move- 
ment and would continue to oppose the Marshall plan." Bridges' cohorts on the 
ILWU executive board joined with him in opposing the Marshall plan and in 
supporting Henry Wallace and the Progressive Party. 

Like Soviet Russia and the Communist Party, ILWU has demanded that the 
United States end stockpiling of the atomic bomb without calling for international 
inspection of the Soviet's production of atomic weapons. 

ILWU has also opposed the North Atlantic alliance. At its 1949 convention 
ILWU declared that while the North Atlantic alliance was ostensibly for the 
purpose of protecting Western European nations against threatened aggression 
from Russia, it would i>ermit the United States to move into the signatory 

The Communist coup in Czechoslovakia was applauded by ILWU. To the 
ILWU this destruction of a democracy was merely the ousting of "reactionaries." 

When the Russians established their blockade of Berlin, ILWU supported 
Russia. It said that all Russia wanted was for the United States to abide by 
the Potsdam agreement. 

When the CIO and the British TUC withdrew from the World Federation of 
Trade-Unions because of its subservience to Soviet interests, ILWU sided with 
WFTU. ILWU Secretary-Treasurer Louis Goldblatt called the CIO withdrawal 
a "sell-out of American workers." Goldblatt was ILWU's delegate to the WFTU 
Conference at Marseilles in July 1949 at which WFTU established a "Maritime 
Federation of the World" with Harry Bridges at its head. 

When the CIO, the AFL, and the TUC called the London conference to form 
a inew international trade-union federation, ILWU declared that the conference 
smelled of the Fascist labor fronts, that Red baiting was the conference's only 
concern, and that the bona fide labor movements of most countries were not 
represented at the London conference bxit at the World Federation Trade-Union 
Conference in Peiping, which was going on simultaneously. 

When in May of 1949 the Republiean-Dixiecrat coalition blocked passage of 
the Thomas-Lesinski bill, ILWU, like the Daily Worker, declared that the admin- 
istration, the CIO, and the AFL had sold out Taft-Hartley repeal. ILWU circu- 
lated to its membership a lengthy mimeographed release peddling this Com- 
munist Party lie. Confronted with this release of the hearing, Harry Bridges 
declared that it was a "complete out-and-out forgery." Presumably Bridges 
overlooked the fact that he had been confronted with the document at the CIO 
executive-board meeting in May 1949, and had at that time asserted that he took 
"full responsibility" for it. 

The June 1949 Dispatcher hailed the "Chinese liberation," comparing it with 
the United States, Frencli, and Soviet Revolutions. It declared that — "Like the 
American Revolution, it has won independence from foreign imperialism for a 
vast area of the earth. Like the Russian Revolution, it enlists one of the world's 
most numerous peoples in a constructive effort leading to socialism." 

The Dispatcher viewed the Chinese Revolution as "creating a new force of 
unprecedented proportions and tui-ning it to the satisfaction of human needs." 


Vfhen the UE was expelled from the CIO at the Cleveland convention last 
November because of Communist domination, ILWU stood by the UE, not 
the CIO. 

6. ILWU's publications reflect a sympathy not only with Marxism but with 
the particular Stalinist brand thereof, and even utilize the peculiar Stalinist 
terminology. Like the Daily Worker, ILWU's paper, The Dispatcher, uses the 
term "democratic" as synonymous with communism. To it a "people's democ- 
racy" of Eastern Europe is democratic, as are the Italian Communist Party and 
the Chinese Communists. The Dispatcher's strongest term of opprobrium is 

The Dispatcher carries in each issue a column which appears under Harry 
Bridges' signature. In a November 194.3 column. Bridges declared that Russia's 
position was that the people of liberated coiantries should choose their own forms 
of government. In December of 1943, he declared that "the men of the Russian 
Red Armies are loved and deeply respected by the people of that country and 
elsewhere. They have been welcomed with open arms and sympathetic under- 
standing, and as deliverers and defenders of freedom and the people. The Red 
Army men have responded by being exemplary in conduct toward the people and 
their dearest possessions and community customs to the point where the civilian 
population and the armed forces unite, work, and fight as one." 

When the U. S. S. R. went through the empty form of granting autonomous 
rights to its constituent republics, Harry Bridges hailed it as a momentous de- 
velopment. He declared : 

"The vicious lie that both philosophies [i. e., communism and fascism] have 
the same basic antidemocratic totalitarian foundation was never more clearly 
exposed than by the willingness and the determination of the Soviet Union to 
allow each of its component republics full freedom to choose its way of life and 
granting full equality for all the people in such republics regardless of race, 
creed, or color." 

When Bridges wished to criticize Ireland's role in the war he declared that 
it was simply another Finland. 

Bridges devoted his column in the June 1944 Dispatcher to the same sort of 
attack upon "Trotskyites" which may be found regularly in the Daily Worker. 
He shrilled : 

"Let the rank and file of the ILWU be on guard and take notice. The luxury 
of leaving these fifth columnists in the ranks of labor, especially in our local 
unions, go undetected and unexposed before the eyes of our thousands of 
patriotic and loyal hardworking members is something that we cannot afford." 

The July 1944 issue of the Dispatcher went all-out to demonstrate just how 
fatuously doctrinaire Communists can be. It carried a cartoon labeling Dewey 
and Hoover as Trotskyites. Its editorial, after warning against the Hoover- 
Dewey machine, declared : 

"The open agents of Hoover, such as the Lewises and the Hutchinsons, are not 
the real danger. It is the fifth column that will do the damage. 

"Beware the Trotskyites and the Norman Thomas Socialists. They are your 

7. Thus, ILWU has continued up to the present moment to hew rigidly to the 
line laid down for it by the Comnuinist Party. Never has ILWU adopted any 
policy wliich in any way ran counter to the policies of the Communist Party 
or the the interests of the Soviet Union. 

If the Communist Pai-ty program had been a consistent one. this absence of 
conflict might not be significant. But ov^r a period of 12 years the Communist 
Party has taken almost every conceivable position on every issue of public im- 
portance in the United States. This vacillating course can easily be understood 
in the light of the advise offered by Lenin : 

"To wage war for the overthrow of the international bourgeoisie * * * while 
renouncing beforehand the use of maneuvering * * * would not such renunci- 
ation be the height of folly? We might as well, when climbing a dangerous and 
hitherto unexplored mountain, refuse in advance to make the ascent in zigzags, 
or to turn back for a while, to give up the chosen direction in order to test an- 
other which may prove to be easier to negotiate." ^ 

The absence of any conflict between the position of the party and the posi- 
tion of this union under the leadership of its international officers and board 
is, therefore, of great significance. The constant parallel between the position 
of the Communist Party and the position of the ILWU cannot possibly be ex- 

1 Leninism, by Joseph Stiilin, p. 158. 


plained as coincidence, or as the simultaneous but independent adoption of 
similar policies. For the policies of the Communist Party, as we have stated, 
have undergone repeated violent shifts, shifts which are explainable only on the 
basis of the party's subservience to the interests of the Soviet Union. And the 
policies of the ILWU have, in each instance, undergone the same sinister shift. 
LWU has never criticized Russia, nor has it ever taken the side of the United 
States in a dispute between the two countries. 

///. Dit'ect evidence of Communist control of ILWU 

The documentary evidence of the subservience of ILWU, through its top 
leadership, to the Communist Party was corroborated by the oral testimony 
of Mr. Quill and Mr. Stone, both of whom gave testimony showing direct Com- 
munist control of ILWU. Both testified that Harry Bridges had, over a period 
of years, participated in numerous secret meetings between Communist Party 
functionaries and ofilcers of Communist-controlled unions in the CIO at which 
the party functionaries instructed the union officers as to the party line and 
as to the positions that they were to take in the CIO and in their unions. Need- 
less to say, these meetings were concealed from the CIO and from the rank- 
and-file membership of the unions. Such meetings took place from the in- 
ception of the CIO, and continued, to Mr. Stone's knowledge, until 194.5, and, 
to Mr. Quill's, until 1048, those being the dates of their respective breaks with 
the party. Such meetings took place contemporaneously with every CIO con- 
vention, and were often held at the time of CIO executive-board meetings. The 
party functionaries who participated in these meetings included Eugene Dennis, 
William Z. Foster, .John Williamson, Roy Hudson, Robert Thompson, Jack Sta- 
chel, and William Schneiderman. 

One such meeting of particular importance, to which Mr. Quill testified, took 
place in New York shortly after the CIO convention in Boston in October 1947, 
and was attended by Dennis, Williamson, and Robert Thompson and others for 
the party and by Bridges and other representatives of the controlled unions. 
Dennis announced that the Communist Party would back Wallace on a third- 
party ticket, and instructed the Communist-controlled unions to support him. 

This meeting was followed by similar meetings preceding the 2-day CIO 
executive-board meeting in Washington in January 1948. At these meetings 
Williamson, speaker for the Communist Party, instructed Bridges and the other 
union representatives present to endeavor to have the CIO executive board sup- 
port Wallace, and, if that were impossible to achieve, to at least block any CIO 
resolution opposing Wallace. The CIO executive board did. however, adopt a 
resolution condemning the third party after Harry Bridges had unsuccessfully 
sought to postpone the CIO's taking a position by proposing a referendum of 
the membership. 

iMr. Quill further testified that when he refused to go along with the Com- 
munist Party on the Wallace candidacy. Bridges telephoned him in the spring 
of 1948 from the west coast urging him not to break with the party and propos- 
ing that he. Bridges, come East to heal or prevent the breach. 

M. Hedley Stone, secretary-treasurer of the National INTaritime Union, and 
himself a Communist from around 19.3.5 to 1945, testified to Bridges' participation 
in numerous such meetings between Com- (line omitted from original print copy 
through apparent typographical error). 

One such meeting as to which INIr. Stone testified took place in New York City, 
in 19.S7 or 1938, and was called by the party to discuss starting a longshore 
organizing campaign on the east coast. Roy Hudson was the Communist Party 
functionary present, and Harry Bridges was also present. FIndson chose Al 
Lannan, another Communist Party functionary, to head up the proposed organ- 
izing drive. Bridges, without revealing the Communist Party's role in the 
matter, persuaded John Lewis, then president of the CIO, to put up the money 
for the drive, and Lannan was placed in charge of it. 

Stone testified that in 1939, during the CIO convention in San Francisco, he 
and Bridges attended a meeting of the Communist Party frar-tion in the CIO at 
whioh "William Sfhneiderman, the party representative on the west 'coast. was 
present. Party policies and the manner in which they could be promoted within 
the CIO were discussed. Bridges acknowledged that such a meeting had taken 
place, but stated that he could not remember who was there. 

In 1943 or 1944, according to INTr. Stone, he took Joe Curran to a CIO Com- 
munist Party fraction meeting held on a Sunday morning at the home of Saul 
]\Iills in Brooklyn. Curran was not aware in advance of the nature of the meet- 
ing and. when he discovered through a remark of John Santos that it was a Com- 
munist Party fraction meeting, Curran insisted on leaving and took Stone with 


him. Bridges and others of the Communist Party fraction in the CIO were 
present at this meeting. 

Just as Bridges later, in 1948, sought to make peace between Quill and the 
Communist Party, so in 194G he sought, unsuccessfully, to make peace between 
Stone and the party. Stone testified that many meetings were held between the 
Communist Party fraction in the CIO and Communist Party functionaries from 
1937 or 1938 onward. Such meetings took place at every CIO convention and 
usually at the time of CIO executive-board meetings. At these meetings the 
party functionaries explained the latest developments in the party and its current 
policies, and those present then discussed how the party policies could best be 
promoted in the CIO. They decided, for example, what resolutions should be 
brought into the resolutions committee by the fraction members, and assign- 
ments were made as to who was to talk on each particular subject. This was 
all done secretly and conspiratorially, and was concealed from the CIO : and 
Bridges' role was likewise concealed from his rank and file. Bridges, according 
to Stone, was present at all of these meetings, unless it was physically impossible 
for him to attend. When Bridges was not present at a meeting, a party member 
was designated to advise Bridges as to the Une which was to be followed by the 
party fraction. 

The question of whether Bridges is or was a member of the Communist Party 
is not, in the judgment of the committee, relevant to the purpose of the present 
inquiry. The committee is not concerned with anything more than whether the 
ILWU" followed Communist Party policy. Quill and Stone testified, and the 
committee finds, that Bridges did participate in Communist Party fraction meet- 
ings and did receive at these meetings instructions from party representatives 
as to the line that was to be carried out, not only in the ILWU itself but also 
within CIO. The dociimentary evidence, almost all of it official ILWU material, 
further clearly proves that the efforts of the party to control the policies of 
ILWU were highly successful. 

Mike Quill, in his testimony, also placed Bridges' Communist Party faction 
meetings during 1946 at the CIO convention at Atlantic City, although he did not 
place him on the floor of the convention. Quill also described a meeting with 
Bridges in New York on Tuesday of the following week ; i. e., on November 26. 
Bridges did not appear publicly at the Atlantic City convention in 1946, and at 
the hearings denied being in Atlantic City at the time of the 1946 convention or 
in New York City the following week. In an attempt to prove that he was in 
San Francisco throughout the period in question. Bridges introduced, among other 
things, two letters dated, respectively, November 16 and November 21, arid a 
contract dated November 17, all signed with what Bridges represented to be his 
signature. It is, however, obvious from even superficial examination that the 
signature on the letter of November 21 is not in the same handwriting as the 
signatures on the other documents. 

In the view of the committee, it is not necessary to resolve the conflict in the 
testimony with regard to Bridges' presence at these particular meetings, since it 
was clearly established that Bridges did participate in numerous meetings with 
Communist Party functionaries at which he received instructions from the party 
as to the policies he was to pursue. It may be that Quill was confused as to v,'hen 
the conversations with Bridges which he described as taking place at these meet- 
ings actually took place. Since the conversations had no connection with the 
convention, they might well have occurred at some other time. It is, of course, 
extremely difficult precisely to place events which took place several years before. 
Bridges, for example, admitted to attending a meeting at Saul Mills' house, as 
testified to by Stone, but stated that he was unable to say in what year it took 

Bridges did not deny participating in the other meetings referred to by Quill 
in his testimony, nor did he deny attendance at the meetings testified to by Stone. 
Instead, in his closing statement, Bridges merely asserted evasively that he at- 
tended meetings of all kinds of groups. 

IV. ILWU's defense 

ILWU's defense consisted largely of attacks upon the CIO and upon the 
committee, and of lies, evasions, and irrelevancies. 

ILWU's representatives asserted that the committee was "biased," "rigged," 
and a "kangaroo court" ; and that the "trial" was "phony." Harry Bridges' cries 
of "frame-up" fill pages of the record. He protested the use of photostats and 
charged repeatedly, and without the slightest basis, that various ILWU docu- 
ments introduced against it "had been printed in the basement." As has been 


noted, Bridges even screamed forgery with regard to a document for which he 
had taken full responsibility at a CIO executive board meeting only a year ago. 

Following the lead given by the Daily Worker, ILWU insisted that its auton- 
omy was being violated, and that it was being denied the independent status 
guaranteed it when it went into the CIO. 

ILWU also stressed at great length the economic gains it had achieved for its 
members. Indeed, the oral testimony given for the ILWU consisted in the main 
of statements by members of its executive board that ILWU was a democratic 
union which had achieved great economic gains for the workers in its industry. 

It is unquestionably true that, during those periods when the Communist 
Party line had required militancy, ILWU's leadership has been militant. ILWU's 
present chiefs came into the leadership of ILWU at a time when militancy was 
the order of the day for the Communist Party, and they are still trading on the 
reputation for militancy built up long ago. 

It should not, however, be forgotten that when the Communist Party line has 
called for cooperation with employers, these same leaders of ILWU have used 
their positions to smother the militancy of the ILWU membership. It was 
Harry Bridges who supported a National Service Act and who, along with Earl 
Browder, urged that the no-strike pledge be continued after the war. Bridges 
now prefers, however, to forget this nonmilitant period of his history and trade 
on his reputation for militancy developed during periods when that was the 
Communist Party line. 

Bridges also asserted as a defense to the charge that ILWU has followed the 
policies of the Communist Party, that ILWU's policies have reflected the will of 
its membership. The committee rejects this assertion. The committee members 
are fully acquainted with the devices employed by Communist minorities to im- 
pose their policies upon organizations. We reject any suggestion that American 
workers would knowingly permit their union to be used to further the ends of 
a foreign police state. The reaction of Harry Bridges' own local to Bridges' 
attempt to foist the Communist Party line upon it in the current Korean crisis 
demonstrates that when the lines are clearly drawn American workers are loyal 
to America, not to Russia. 

The committee wishes to make it perfectly clear that its findings as to ILWU 
are based, as they must be, on the policies and activities of the union under the 
leadership of its present international officers and executive board. Those find- 
ings carry no implication that the individual members of the union are Com- 
munists or favorable to communism. To the contrary, the committee is per- 
suaded that many of the members of ILWU have been taken in by the evasion 
and the subterfuge, the devices and the maneuvers, which the Communist-minded 
leaders of this union have used to maintain themselves in power, concealing all 
the while the fact that the union's policies and activities were not the real In- 
formed decision of the members but determined in accordance with the line of the 
Communist Party. 
V. International Fishermen and Allied Wo7'kers of America 

The members of this committee were also designated as a committee to hear 
charges against the International Fishermen and Allied Workers of America 
(IFAWA) identical with those against ILWU. A hearing was conducted and 
voluminous documentary evidence of IFAWA's adherence to the Communist 
Party line was introduced. 

Since the close of the hearing on the charges against the IFAWA, however, 
that organization has been merged into ILWU. The members of the committee 
have therefore concluded that it is unnecessary for them to make any separate 
report on their investigation of the charges against IFAWA. They wish to state 
to the executive board, however, that in their judgment these charges were 
fully substantiated. 


Since the conclusion of the hearing there has come to the attention of the 
committee a "Statement of Policy on National CIO" adopted by the executive 
board of ILWU. This statement repeats all of the familiar canards about 
CIO invented by the Communist Party and peddled by the unions it controls. 
In addition the "statement" instructs the national oflScers of ILWU, "to 
initiate the calling of a national conference of those unions already expelled 
from CIO or about to be expelled, in order to make appropriate plans and to 
take all possible constructive steps toward such unions working collectively for 
their own mutual protection and advantage." 


If any doubt had existed, and none did, that ILWU was a Communist-line, 
Communist-controlled organization, this "statement" would have removed the 
doubt. The ILWU leadership has made its own choice between the CIO 
and the Communist Party, and has chosen the Communist Party. 


For the reasons stated, and on the basis of all the evidence presented to it, 
the committee unanimously concludes that the policies of the International 
Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union are consistently directed toward the 
achievement of the program and the purposes of the Communist Party rather 
than the objectives and policies set forth in the CIO constitution. The commit- 
tee therefore recommends that the executive board exercise the powers granted 
to it by article VI, section 10 of the constitution, and, by virtue of those powers, 
that it revoke the certificate of aflSliation heretofore granted to the International 
Longshoremen's and AVarehousemen's Union and expel it from the CIO. 

O. A. Knight, Chairman. 

Joseph Fishee. 

Jack Mokan. 


Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to the mere fact of the appearance of the names of an individual or an organiza- 
tion in this index. 



Abraham Lincoln School (Chicago) 2519 

AEA 2507 

A. F. of L 2527, 252S, 2549, 2.567, 2.573. 2.57(5 

AFL-CIO 2565 

AFL State Federation of Labor in Washington (State) 2568, 2575 

Ahana, K. M 2553 

All-out aid to Russia 2572 

Alo, Sam, Sr 2554 

American Radio Association 2568 

Andersen. George R. : 

Attorney for Harriet Bouslog 2486 

Attorney for Yoshiko O. Hall 2503 

Attorney for Myer C. Symonds 2486 

Arkansas City, Kans 2518 

Armed Forces 2563 

Army (United States) 2476, 2485, 2489, 2523, 2532, 2538 

Asia 2524 

Atlantic City 2579 

Atlantic Pact 2573 

Attorney general (Hawaii) 2523 

Attorney General (United States) 2477, 2498, 2558 

Auditor's Report, Hawaii County, to Commission on Subversive Activity of 

Hawaii, T. H.— Exhiliit No. 401-C -= 2554 

Auditor's Report, Honolulu County, to Commission on Suversive Activity of 

Hawaii. T. H.— Exhibit No. 401-A 2553 

Auilitov's Report, Kauai County, to Commission on Subversive Activity of 

Hawaii, T. H.— Exhibit No. 401 2553 

Australia 2485, 2530, 2565, 2566 

Australian Government 2530 


Baldwin Packers 2538 

Banos, Favorite P 2542 

Baudin, M 2566 

Beatty, James S 1 2535 

Belgium 2565 

Berlin 2525 

Big Five 2473 

Blissard, Louis B 2568 

Bloomington, Ind 2504 

Blumberg, Albert 2507, 2508 

Book of the Month Club 2546 

Bouslog, Harriet. (See Sawyer, Harriet Bouslog. ) 

Bouslog & Symonds 2502 

Bridges, Harry 2465, 

2468-2471, 2483, 2484, 2506, 2508, 2526, 2529-2532, 2534, 2535, 2538- 
2540, 2546, 2547, 2551, 2565, 2566, 2568, 2569, 2571, 2574-2580. 

Bridges, Senator Styles- . 2483 



Britain 2574 

British 2527,2576 

British Empire 2575 

British Government 2526 

British Isles 2526 

British Trades Union Congress 2565, 2576 

Brooklyn 2578 

Browder, Earl 2573, 2580 

Budanov, A. S 2565 

Burby, Jack 2536 

Butler, Senator John Marshall 2463, 2521 

Cabinet, The 2534 

California Packing Corp 2538 

Canada 2565 

Carey, James B 2527,2529,2564 

Carson, Jules 2489 

Castle & Cooke Terminals 2539 

Central Committee of Trade Unions of Sea Transport of the U. S. S. R 2565 

China 2530, 2545, 2573, 2575 

China, Communist 2543 

China, Red 2543 

Chinese Communists 2544, 2550, 2573, 2575, 2577 

Chinese Revolution 2576 

CIA 2476 

CIC 2476 

CIO 2473, 2527-2529, 2536, 2549, 2564, 2565, 2568, 2569, 2571-2573, 2575-2581 

CIO Congress 2565 

CIO Executive Board 2568 

Civil Service Commission 2498 

Clark, Thomas R 2563 

Clark, Tom (Attorney General) 2496,2500,2565 

CMU 2568 

Coledano, Vincente Lombardo 2529 

Collective security and the popular front 2572 

Collette's Book Store, London 2544 

Colotario, Regino 2538 

Communists 2463, 2467, 2470, 2473-2476, 2482, 2501, 2502, 2508, 2519, 2521, 

2526, 2528-2534, 2536-2539, 2541-2544. 2546. 2547, 2549-2552, 2555, 
2557, 2559-2563, 2565, 2566, 2570, 2571, 2574, 2575, 2580. 

Communist Control Act of 1954 2477 

Communist-infiltrated unions 2477 

Communist Party 2470, 2473, 2477, 2486, 2487, 2489- 

2494. 2500, 2507-2509, 2521, 2550, 2557, 2559-2562, 2565, 2568-2581 

Lawyers Club of 2489 

Haymarket branch of 2489 

Communist Party and its position in the labor movement 2569 

Communist Political Association 2494, 2573 

Congress (United States) 2468, 2472, 2474 

3476, 2478, 2484, 2486. 2508, 2523. 2528, 2533, 2549, 2556, 2565 

Constitution (United States) 2469, 

2474, 2475, 2478, 2496, 2505, 2510, 2512, 2515, 2516, 2533, 2540 

Cowart, Mr 2503 

Croydon Airport 2526 

Cuba 2529, 2568 

Curran, Joe 2578 

Czechoslovakia 2543, 2576 

Czechoslovakia, Communist 2543 

Daily People's "World (oflBcial west coast organ of the Communist Party, 

U. S. A.) 2565 

Daily Worker ._,_, 2559, 2576, 2577, 2580 


Davis, Frank Marshall : Page 

Testimony of 2518, 2519 

Attorney, Harriet Bouslog 2518, 2519 

47-388 Kam Higlivvay 2518 

Born, Arkansas City, Kans 2518 

Friends University 2518 

Kansas State College 2518 

Went to Hawaii in 1948 2518 

Fifth amendment 2518 

Democrat 2484, 2522 

Dennis, Eugene 2573 

de Stefano, M 2565 

Dewey 2577 

Dillingham, Benjamin Franklin 2464-2485, 2531, 2541 

Testimony of 2464-2485 

3227 Diamond Head Road, Honolulu, T. H 2464 

Born in Honolulu 2464 

Member, Board of Supervisors of the City and County of Honolulu— 2464 

Elected to Territorial senate, 1948 2464 

Vice president and general manager of the Oahu Railway & Land Co_ 2464 

Dillingham, Walter F 2464 

Direct evidence of Communist control of ILWU 2578 

Dispatcher, The (official organ of the ILWU) 2565-2568, 2575-2577 

Doyle, David F 2542 

Duclos (French Communist leader) 2573 

Dutch 2566 


Eisenhower administration 2540 

Eisenhower, President 2484, 2585 

Elliott, Eliot 2565 

Emanuel, Theodore 2553, 2554, 2563 

England 2543, 2572 

Epstein, Henry 2557 

Europe 2573-2575 

Ewa plantation 2539 

Exhibit No. 398 — Public Law 637, 83d Congress (Communist Control Act 
of 1954) 2478-2482 

Exhibit No. 399— Questionnaire signed by Myer Cyril Symonds, January 
12, 1948, and letter from Attorney General Tom Clark including Justice 
Department November 24, 1947, list of subversive organizations 2497-2500 

Exhibit No. 400-A — "Four Thousand Plantation Workers Quit Jobs," 

Honolulu Star-Bulletin, August 8, 1950 2535,2536 

Exhibit No. 400-B— "Hall Offers to Quit Labor Talks After Mitchell 

Blast," by Jack Burby, Honolulu Advertiser, February 14, 1956— 2536, 2537 

Exhibit No. 400-C— "ILWU Protests Idle Three Major Industries," Hono- 
lulu Star-Bulletin, June 22, 1953 2.538, 2539 

Exhibit No. 401 — ^Kauai County Auditor Report to Commission on Sub- 
versive Activities of Hawaii, T. H., in re authorized dues payments 
to UPW 1 2553 

Exhibit No. 401-A — Honolulu County Auditor Repoi-t to Commission on 
Subversive Activities of Hawaii, T. H., in re authorized dues payments to 
UPW 2553 

Exhibit No. 401-B — Maui County Auditor Report to Commission on Sub- 
versive Activities of Hawaii, T. H., in re authorized dues payments 
to UPW 2553, 2554 

Exhibit No. 401-C — Hawaii County Auditor Report to Commission on 
Subversive Activities of Hawaii, T. H., in re authorized dues payments 
to UPW 2554 


Fadling, James E 2568,2569 

Far East 2566 

Farrington, Mrs 2564 

Fascist 2567, 2572 

Federation for Constitutional Liberties, etc 2507 



Fifth amendment 2474, 2485, 2487, 2493-2496, 

2502, 2505-2509, 2515, 2516, 2518, 2527, 2556, 2559, 2562, 2564 

Fifth Trial for Harry Bridges, A (letter) 2567 

Finland 2577 

First amendment 2486, 2487, 2489, 2494-2496, 2505, 2507-2509 

Fisher, Joseph 2568, 2569, 2581 

Fishman, Mr 2543, 2562 

Flaxer, Abram 2551, 2556, 2557 

Florida 2504 

Foster, William Z 2578 

Four Thousand Plantation Workers Quit Jobs (Honolulu Star-Bulletin, 

August 8, 1950— Exhibit No. 400-A) 2535,2536 

France 2526, 2565, 2566, 2572 

Frazier, Richard M 2466 

French 2576 

Friendly Isle 2538 

Friends University 2518 

From Feudal Oppression to Human Dignity, by Jack Hall 2567 

Fuerte, Felomino 2466 

Funn, Dorothy K. (Mrs. Edward A. Swan) 2505-2507 

Fupisaki, Saburo 2466 


Garden Island 2539 

General Confederation of Labor 2528 

General Transport Union of Holland 2565 

Germany 2572, 2574, 2575 

Glazier, William 2569 

Gold, Ben 2559 

Goldblatt, Louis Boris 2526, 2565, 2576 

Government (United States) 2468-2470, 2472, 2474, 2476, 2483, 2487, 2488, 

2514, 2531-2534, 2537, 2540-2542, 2.546, 2551, 2556-2559, 2567, 2568 

Great Britain 2566 

Greece 2575 

Gruenais, A 2.565 

Guam 2523 


Hakalau Plantation Co 2535 

Hall, Jack 2465-2471, 2527, 2530, 2.531, 2.534-2540, 2551, 2565, 2567 

"Hall Offers To Quit Labor Talks After Mitchell Blast," Honolulu Adver- 
tiser, February 14, 1956— Exhibit No. 400-B 2536, 2537 

Hall, Yoshiko O 2501, 2503 

Testimony of 2502 

1603-A Pala Drive 2502 

Employed Bouslog and Symonds 2502 

Fifth amendment 2502 

Hamakua Mill Co 2536 

Harriet (Bouslog) 2506-2508 

Harris, Judge George 2531 

Hastings Law School (San Francisco) 2485 

Hawaii Covuity 2522, 25.54 

Hawaii Emloyers Council 2539 

Hawaii, Territory of— _: 2464-2581 

Hawaii, University of 2560 

Hawaiian Agricultural Co 2536 

Hawaiian Islands 2523-2525, 2531 

Hawaiian Pineapple Co 2539 

Haymarket branch of the Communist Party 2489 

H. C. & S. sugar mills 2539 

Hernandez, Amado V 2.568 

Hilo Sugar Plantation Co 2536 

Ililo, T. H 2466, 2535 

Hilo Transportation & Terminal Co 2536 

Hitler 2572, 2574, 2575 



Holland 2565 

Honokaa Sugar Co 2466 

Honolulu 2463, 2464, 2470, 2483, 2485, 24'.H», 2504, 2509, 2518, 

2521-2523, 2525, 2529, 2534, 2536, 2539, 2543. 2.-4S, 2551-2553, 2565 

Honolulu Advertiser (newspaper) 2526, 2534, 2536, 2539, 2542 

Honolulu, County of 2464, 2553 

Honolulu Harbor 2532, 2539 

Honolulu Police Department 2504 

Honolulu Record (newspaper) 2509,2516,2518,2549,2550,2556 

Honolulu Star-Bulletin (newspaper) 2565 

Hoover 2577 

Hotel Honokaa Club 2466 

House Committee on Un-American Activities 2536 

Hudson, Roy 2578 

Hungary, Communist 2543 

Hutchinson 2577 

Hutchinson Sugar Plantation Co 2535,2536 


IFAWA (International Fishermen and Allied Woi'kers of America) 2580 

ILWU. (See International Longshoremen's, Warehousemen's Union.) 

ILWU Book Club 2546,2550 

"ILWU Breaks Off Negotiations Until Mitchell Leaves Islands," Honolulu 

Advertiser, February 15, 1956 2539 

ILWU's defense 2579 

"ILWU Protests Idle Three Major Industries," Honolulu Star-Bulletin, 

June 22, 1953— Exhibit No. 400-C 2538. 2539 

ILWU Story, The 2568 

India 2530 

Indiana University 2504 

International Confederation of Free Trade-Unions 2573 

International Executive Board 2565 

International Fishermen and Allied Workers of America 2580 

International Longshoremen's Association (AFL) 2567,2568 

International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union (ILWU) 2464— 

2467, 2469, 2471, 2473, 2475, 2483-2485, 2506, 2522, 2525-2530, 2532, 
2534-2541. 2544-2547, 2550, 2556, 2559, 2560, 2564-2569, 2571-2581 

International Working Class Day 2525 

lolani Palace 2463, 2521 

Ireland 2577 

Iron Age 2544 

Iron Curtain 2543 

Italian Communist Party 1 2577 

Italian Federation of Port Workers 2565 

Italy 2572 


Japan 2527, 2530, 2543, 2545, 2572, 2575 

Johnston. Senator Olin D . 2463.2521 

Judiciary Committee 2545, 2549 

Justice Department 2498, 2503, 2564 

Justice Department List of Subversive Organizations, 1947 — Exhibit No. 

399 2498-2500 


Kahuku plantation 2539 

Kaiwiki Sugar Co 2536 

Kansas State College 2518 

Kassalow, Everett 2569 

Kau 2535 

Kauai County 2522, 2552, 2553 

Kauai, Island of 2551 

Kauai, Lihue, T. H 2539, 2553 

Kealoha, James 2466 

Kearney, James 2566 



Khrushchev 2475 

King, Jean Tadako 2501 

King, Gov. Samuel Wilder (Hawaii) 2536, 2537, 2563 

Kleinsma, D 2565 

Knight, O. A 2568, 2569, 2581 

Kohala Sugar Co 2535 

Korea 2530, 2532, 2538, 2550, 2565-2567, 2580 

Korean war 2521, 2531 


Labor (newspaper), September 4, 1956 2466 

Labor, Secretary of 2484, 2540 

Lanai 2539 

Lannan, Al 2578 

Laupahoehoe Sugar Co 2535 

Lawyers Club of the Communist Party (San Francisco) 2489 

Lenin 2577 

Leninism 2561 

LeVine, Maxwell C 2553 

Lewis 2577 

Lewis, John 2578 

Lewis, John L 2575 

Leyte invasion 2523 

Libbv, McNeill & Libby 2538 

Liu, Dan 2563 

Liverpool, England 2526, 2530 

Local 10 2566 

Local 13 2567 

Local 19 2565 

Local 142 2544, 2564 

Lodge, Senator 2575 

London 2543, 2544, 2576 

Long Island University 2565 

Longshore Bulletin, The 2566 

Loyalty Review Board 2498 


Maletta, John 2565 

Mallen, Ralph 2566 

Mandel, Benjamin 2463, 2521 

Manhattan, Kans 2518 

Manila 2530 

Maritime Federation of the World 2526,2565,2567 

Maritime and Port Workers Trade Union International 2566 

Marseilles, France 2526, 2565, 2566, 2576 

Marshall plan 2573, 2576 

Martin, George 2466, 2535 

Marumoto, Justice 2563 

Marxism 2561,2577 

Marxist 2531,2561 

Matson ships 2539 

Maui County 2522, 2539, 2553, 2554 

Maui County Auditor's Report to Commission on Subversive Activity of 

Hawaii, T. H.— Exihibit No. 401-B 2553. 2554 

Maui Pineapple Co 2538 

Maui plantation 2538 

McElrath. Robert 2538, 2544, 2565 

Meany, George 2565 

Menendes, Jesus 2529 

Mexico 2529, 2568 

Milan. Italy 2565 

MiUs, Saul 2578, 2579 

Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers Union 2507 

Mitchell, James P. (Labor Secretary) 2470, 

2471, 2488, 2.534, 2536, 2537, 2539, 2540, 2546 



Miyagi, Newton Kunio 2564 

Molokai, plantation 2538 

Moran, Jack 2568, 2569, 2581 

Morgan. J. P 2573 

Morris, Robert 2463, 2521 

Moscow 2525 

Murray, President (CIO) 2568 


Naalehu 2535 

National Association of Cost Accountants 2539 

National Federation of Maritime Unions of France 2565 

National Labor Relations Act 2541, 2560 

National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) 2470, 2477, 2542 

National Maritime Union 2506, 2507, 2569, 2578 

National Service Act 2575, 2580 

National War Labor Board 2504, 2505 

Navy (United States) 2563 

Navy 2532, 2534, 2538 

Neutrality Act 2572, 2574 

New Deal 2574 

New Guinea 2522 

New York 2505, 2578, 2579 

New Zealand 2523 

NLRB. (See National Labor Relations Board.) 
NMU. {See National Maritime Union.) 

North Atlantic Alliance 2576 

North Ben, Oreg 2567 


Oahu plantation 2538, 2539 

Oahu Railway & Land Co 2464 

Oahu Sugar Division 2538 

Oka, Wilfred 2549 

Okinawa 2523 

Olaa Sugar Co 2535, 2542 

Olaa union office 2536 

Onomea Sugar Co 2536 

OPA 2486 

Orient 2530 


Paauhau Sugar Co 2536 

Pacific 2523, 2524, 2529, 256,5, 2568 

Pahala plantation 2535 

Paia 2539 

Paris 2566 

Parliament 2527 

Pearl Harbor 2532, 2534, 2538 

Peiping 2576 

Pepeekeo Sugar Co 2536 

Philippines 2545, 2568 

Phillips, Dr 2476 

Pioneer Mill Co 2539 

Pittsburgh 2544 

Poland 2572 

Policies of the Communist Party 2572 

Policies of the ILWU 2573 

Post Office Department 2543 

Postwar period, the 2573 

Potsdam 2573 

President, United States 2468 

Press clippings from Labor (newspaper), September 4, 1956 — Comments 

of Jack W. Hall 2466 



Progressive Party 2573 

Public Law 637 (83d Cong.)— An act to outlaw the Communist Party_ 2477-2482 

Puerto Rico 2568 

Puna 2536 

Puunene 2539 


Questionnaire for admission to the bar of the Territory of Hawaii 2490, 2491 

Questionnaire signed by Myer Cyril Symonds, January 12, 1948 — Exhibit 

No. 399 2497 

Quill, Michael (Mike) 2569, 2578, 2579 


Rania, Antonio 2466 

Red Chinese 2549 

Red Curtain 2549 

Report of Executive Board Committee Appointed by President Murray To 
Investigate Charges Against the International Longshoremen's and 

Warehousemen's Union 2568 

Republican 2484, 2522 

Rice, Chief Justice 2563 

Richardson, Hon. Seth W 2498 

Robertson, J. R 2569 

Robeson, Paul 2.529, 2.530 

Roffman, Marian H 2503 

Roffman, Max 2503 

Rome-Berlin-Tokio Axis 2574 

Roosevelt, President 2572, 2575 

Rosenberg case, the 2544 

"Rosenberg Frameup, The" 2543 

Rumania 2543 

Russia (n) 2527, 

2529, 2530, 2543, 2551, 2566, 2568, 2572, 2573, 2575, 2578, 2580 

Russian Revolution 2569 

Russo-German Pact (1939) 2572 

Saillant, Louis 2565 

Sandin, President 2566 

San Francisco 2468, 2470, 2483, 2485, 2523, 2531, 2534-2536, 2539, 2549, 

2558, 2566-2.568, 2578, 2579 

San Francisco Chronicle 2536 

San Jose, Calif 2558 

San Pedro 2567 

Santos. John 2578 

Saturday Evening Post 2527, 2564 

Sawyer, Harriet Bouslog 2486 

Testimony of 2504-2516 

1659 Sherman Park Place, Honolulu 2504 

Born in Florida 2504 

LL. B.. Indiana University, Bloomington, Ind 2504 

Admitted to practice law in Indiana. 1936 2504 

Went to Hawaii in 1939 2.504 

Employed briefly in Honolulu Police Department 2504 

Attorney for National War Labor Board 2504 

Washington representative of the ILWU 2505 

Fifth amendment 2505-2509 

Schmidt, Henry 2530 

Schneiderman. William 2578 

Seamen's. Docker's Inland Waterways and Allied Worker's Trade Unions 

International WFTU 2.505 

Seamen's Union of Australia 2565 

Seattle 2-568 

Second World Trade Union Congress 2565 



Senate (United States) 2478,2516,2532,2534,2545,2555 

Senate chamber (Honolulu) 2463,2521 

Seventh Congress of the Communist International 2572 

Shanghai 2549 

Sherman Act 2545 

Siberia 2568 

Silva, Edwin A. G 2554 

Silva, William 2536 

Singapore 2530 

Sixth amendment 2511 

Smith Act 2465, 2482, 2483, 2531, 2537 

Smith Act trial 2465,2488 

Socialists 2577 

South Korea 2530 

Soviet Russia 2565 

Soviet Union 2546, 2569-2575, 2577, 2578 

Sproat, Gustave K. : 

Testimony of 2490-2493, 2501 

Chief clerk of the Supreme Court of the Territory of Hawaii 2490 

Stachel, Jack 2578 

Stainbaek, Justice 2563 

Stalin-Hitler Pact 2569, 2574 

Stalin, J. V 2527 

Stalin, Joe 2543, 2573 

Stalinism 2561 

Stalinist 2577 

Steele, Dwight C 2539,2540 

Steinberg, William 2568, 2569 

Stephenson, William B 2522-2561, 2563 

Testimony of 2522-2561 

2978 Old Pali Road, Honolulu 2522 

Attorney at law 2522 

Chairman of Territorial commission on subversive activity 2522 

District magistrate 2523 

Was naval intelligence officer 2523 

Served with Army Infantry (XXIV Corps) 2523 

Served with Tenth Army in Okinawa campaign__^ 2523 

Stone 2578,2579 

Stone, Hedley 2569 

Stone, M. Hedley 2578 

Stump, Adm. Felix B 2563 

Subversive Activities Control Board 2477 

Supreme Court 2470, 2477, 2486, 2487 

Supreme Court of the Territory of Hawaii 2490-2494, 2496, 2503 

Swan, Mrs. Edward A. (Funn, Dorothy K.) 2505-2509 

Sydney, Australia 2485, 2530 

Symonds, Myer Cyril 2485-2501, 2502, 2503, 2505 

Testimony of 2485-2490, 2492-2503 

2122 Kaloaway, Honolulu ^^ 2485 

Born, Sydney, Australia, October 13, 1909 2485 

Came to United States in 1920 2485 

Graduate Hastings Law School, San Francisco, 1933 2485 

Served in United States Army Infantry 2485 

Attorney, George R. Andersen and Harriet Bouslog 2486 

Worked at OPA 2486 

Went to Hawaii, 1946 2486 

Admitted to practice law, 1948 2486 

Fifth amendment 2487, 2489, 2493-2496 


Taft-Hartley 2576 

Taft-Hartley Act 2559 

Taft-Hartley non-Communist affidavit 2559 

Takamine, Yoshito 2466 

Teheran 2573, 2575 


Tenth Army 2523 

Territorial commission on subversive activity 2463, 

2521, 2522, 2541, 2550, 2552, 2560, 2563, 2564 

1955 report on the ILWU Book Club 2527 

Territorial house of representatives 2523 

Territorial legislature 2484, 2523 

Thomas-Lesinski bill 2576 

Thomas, Norman 2577 

Thompson, David Evans 2547 

Thompson, Robert 2578 

Tito 2475 

Tokyo 2565 

Transport Workers Union of America 2569 

Trotskyite 2577 

Truman doctrine 2573 

Truman plan 2576 

Truman, President 2535, 2566, 2568, 2575 

Turkey 2575 

Turner, Farrant L 2563 


UE (United Electrical) 2507, 2573, 2577 

United Auto Workers 2507 

United Nations 2566-2568 

United Office and Professional Workers of America 2507 

United Public Workers (UPW) 2464, 2550-2554, 2556 

United State Code, title 18, sections 4 and 5 2513 

University of Hawaii 2560 

UPW. ( See United Public Workers. ) 

Vitousek, Roy 2504 


Wahiawa, Oahu 2539 

Waialua plantation 2539 

AVailuku Sugar Co 2539 

Waimea Sugar Mill Co 2539 

Walking bosses of local 91 2566 

Wall Street 2572, 2576 

Wallace. Henry 2530, 2573, 2576, 2578 

Walter. Francis 2536 

Washington, D. C— 2472, 2473, 2478, 2498, 2504r-2506, 2508, 2551. 2562, 2569, 2578 
Watkins memorandum on Public Law 637 (an act to outlaw the Communist 

Party) 2427 

Watkins. Senator Arthur V 2463, 2521 

Weaver. George L. P 2569 

Welker. Senator Herman 2463. 2521 

Western Pacific 2545, 2546 

WFTU. ( See World Federation of Trade Unions. ) 

"Whv the CIO Bowed Out." Saturday Evening Post, June 11, 1949, by 

James B. Carey 2564, 2565 

Williamson, John 2578 

Wolfard, John 2567 

World Communist front 2526 

World Federation of Trade Unions 2526-2529, 2543, 2564-2568, 2573, 2576 

World Trade Union Movement (publication) 2567 

World War II 2465, 2523, 2427-2529, 2572 

Yalta 2573 


DEPOSITORY lO w >-' ' 7X7 ^ //_--£^^- 















1951 Report of the Commission on Subversive Activities 

of the Territory of Hawaii 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

JUL 1 8 1957 


JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 


OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, Nortli Dakota 






Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security 
Act AND Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 




Robert Morris, Chief Counsel 
J. G. SouRwiNE, Associate Counsel 
William A. Rusher, Associate Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 


United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administkation of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws, of the 

Committee on the Judiciary, 
Honolulu^ T. H., Decemher 6", 1956. 
At the hearing on December 6, 1956, at which Senator Olin D. 
Johnston presided, and where Senators Watkins, Welker, and Butler 
were also present, the reports of the Territorial Commission on Sub- 
versive Activities for the years 1951, 1953, 1954, and 1955 were ordered 
printed in connection with the hearing record. 

They therefore appear, in the order of the years in which they were 
submitted, as appendixes I, II, and III to hearing, volume No. 41, of 
the subcommittee's series on Scope of Soviet Activity in the United 



Introductory 2583 

Concept of "subversive activities" 2584 

Communism 2585 

General 2585 

The period 1917-37 2586 

The period 1937-41 2588 

The period 1941-45 2590 

The postwar period 2592 

The period of the Korean war 2596 

Comm unist Party propaganda 2598 

Discussion groups 2601 

Communists in public employment 2603 

Political action 2605 

Observations by the commission 2606 

Other subjects of investigation 2608 

Recommendations 2608 


1. Reactivation of the Communist Party after World War II (pt. IV of 

"The Truth About Communism in Hawaii" by Ichiro Izuka) 2()09 

2. "Toso" ("Strife"), published by Maui Doshi Seinen Kai 2614 

3. Translations from "Hibana" ("Spark"), a Japanese language publi- 

cation 2621 

4. United States of America v. John L. Akana, oral opinion 2622 

5. Inter-Professional Association (Honolulu chapter) and Honolulu 

forum 2623 

6. American Friends of the Chinese People 2628 

7. Honolulu Labor Canteen 2629 

8. Oahu Servicemen's Committee for Speedier Demobilization 2631 

9. Hawaii Association for Civic Unity 2632 

10. Hawaii Youth for Democracy 2634 

11. National Association for Advancement of Colored People (Honolulu 

Branch) 2638 

12. LilK'ral Legislation League 2639 

13. Public education 2640 

14. Honolulu Consumers' Council 2661 

15. Nichibei Minshu Kyokai (Japanese American Association for De- 

mocracy) 2662 

16. Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee 2663 

17. Hawaii Civil Riglits Congress 2665 

18. Unemployed Workers' Organization -of Hawaii 2666 

19. National Union of Marine Cooks and Stewards 2668 

20. United Public Workers of America, Local 646 2669 

21. United Office and Professional Workers of America, Local 190 2071 

22. Federation of Architects, Engineers, Chemists, and Technicians, 

Chapter 37 267 1 

23. "Hawaii Star" 2672 

24. "Honolulu Record" 2679 

25. American Student Union 2681 




The Commission on Subversive Activities of the Territory was created by 
Joint Resolution 5, Special Session Laws of Hawaii, 1949, which took effect 
upon approval by the Governor of Hawaii on October 26, 1949. The seven com- 
missioners were appointed on December 2, 1949, and qualified for office soon 
thereafter. One appointee subsequently failed of confirmation and the vacancy 
thereby created has not been filled. 

The purposes of the inquiry committed to this commission, and its powers and 
duties, are set forth in Joint Resolution 5. 

In the summer of 1949 the Committee on Un-American Activities, United 
States House of Representatives, commenced its investigation of communism 
in the Territory of Hawaii. By the time this commission was appointed, the 
congressional committee's preparatory work on the mainland had been com- 
pleted and its agents were working in Hawaii. In the interest of not duplicating 
the work of the Washington investigators, the commission determined not to 
employ a full staff and commence its own investigation until the public hear- 
ings of the congressional committee in Honolulu wei*e concluded. 

A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities held public 
hearings in Honolulu, April 10 to 19, 1950. A total of 66 resident witnesses, from 
the four major islands of the Territory, were called or volunteered to testify. 
Of those subpeuaed, 39 refused to answer questions concerning their knowledge 
of or participation in Communist activities. This group, later to become known 
in Hawaii as the "Reluctant 39", was cited by Congress for contempt. All 39 
then were indicted in the ITnited States District Court for the District of Hawaii. 
On the basis of recent decisions of the United States Supreme Court and of the 
Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, the trial judge, who heard the cases without 
jury, directed the acquittal of all defendants. 

Testimony taken before the congressional subcommittee at Honolulu in 1950 
is reported in three printed volumes. Hearings Regarding Communist Activities 
in the Territory of Hawaii — Parts 1, 2 and 3. The full committee has published 
two studies as a result of the Hawaii investigation. Report on Hawaii Civil 
Liberties Committee, a Communist Front, dated June 23, 1950, and Report on 
the Honolulu Record, dated October 1, 1950. * * * 

The Commission on Subversive Activities undertook its mission and has con- 
ducted its activities with the thought always in mind that it is dealing with the 
reputations, sensibilities and fortunes of every person who might come to its 
attention. It has proceeded with the awareness that it was constituted to find 
facts, not to act as a prosecutive ai'm of government. Its professional staff is 
composed entirely of persons with considerable previous experience in Federal 
agencies charged with the investigation of subversive activities. Every person 
employed in its office had, in earlier Federal employment, been given a security 
clearance to handle classified information. 

In its factfinding work, this commission has been confronted with numerous 
difficulties which have limited its operations. The existence of the Smith Act, 
and the enactment in 1950 of the McCarran Act, have provided Communists and 
their fellow travelers with a means of thwarting the legal process of investiga- 
tive authorities. The impunity with which 39 witnesses refused to answer ques- 
tions of a congressional committee in Honolulu in April 1950, and their subsequent 
acquittal of contempt of Congress charges, gave heart to those who have reason 
to fear investigations of subversive activities. The simultaneous existence of 
another Territorial body conducting an inquiry in the same field reduced the 



effectiveness of this commission. It reports witti satisfaction, however, that in 
almost all instances it has enjoyed the wholehearted cooperation of Territorial 
and county agencies, officers and employees whom it has called upon to assist it. 
And, within the limits of their authority and policies, all agencies of the Federal 
Government with which the commission has dealt have rendered valuable as- 

In the time allotted, this commission has not been able to make a complete 
investigation of every person, organization, or institution that might be of inter- 
est to the legislature. Primary attention has been given to persons in public 
employment, and particularly to teachers. This document should be considered 
as a survey report only. This commission has attempted to present the report 
in such a manner as to be most readily usable by the reader. The main report 
i.s in narrative form and contains only a minimum of detail about certain specific 
topics and organizations. Additional data is contained in the appendices to 
which reference is made in the narrative. Most of the appendices concerning 
organizations present only such information as has been obtained incidentally, 
as most of the topics of the appendixes have not been made the subjects of specific 

The mere mention of any person, organization or institution in this report 
is not meant to imply subversive activity on his or its part, unless this commis- 
sion states a conclusion to that effect or unless the facts obviously so show. 
When the commission describes anyone as a "Communist" or as a "Communist 
Party member," it is meant that the particular person has been identified as 
such on evidence deemed sufficient by this commission, and that such person 
has not been shown by satisfactory evidence to have disassociated himself from 
the Communist movement. 

This commission has tried diligently to minimize errors of every possible type 
in this report. Should any person, organization or institution deem itself ag- 
grieved by any statement in this report, this commission will accord a prompt 
hearing on the matter. 


The legislative directive. Joint Resolution 5, specifies various types of sub- 
versive activities. These fall into three basic categories : 

(1) Activities of persons who "seek to destroy by force, threats, or sabo- 
tage, liberties and freedom guaranteed by or provided for in the United 
States Constitution (Joint Res. 5, sec. 2(a) (2) ) ; 

(2) Activities of persons who "advocate the overthrow of the Government 
of the United States or of the Territory by force or violence or other un- 
lawful means" (Joint Res. 5, sec. 2 (a) (5) ) ; and 

(3) Activities of persons who "seek to subject the United States and the 
Territorv to the domination of any foreign nation" (Joint Res. 5, sec. 2 (a) 

Illustrative of the three general types of persons or groups of persons who 
have engaged in subversive activities in the United States are the following: 

(1) The Ku Klux Klan, which has been classified by the Attorney Gen- 
eral of the United States as having "adopted a policy of advocating or ap- 
proving the commission of acts of force and violence to deny others their 
rights under the Constitution of the United States" ; 

(2) The Industrial Workers of the World, which has not operated in the 
interests of a foreign power, but has been classified by the Attorney General 
as an organization which "seeks to alter the form of government of the 
United States by unconstitutional means" ; and 

(3) The Communist Party, U. S. A. (its subdivisions, subsidiaries, and 
affiliates), which operates in the interests of a foreign power and which 
has been classified by the Attorney General as an organization which "seeks 
to alter the form of government of the United States by unconstitutional 

In addition to the foregoing catgeories of organizations, the Attorney General's 
list includes "Fascist" and "totalitarian" groups, the former composed prin- 
cipally of prewar pro-Nazi Germany and pro-Fascist Italy societies, and the 
latter of prewar pro-Japan organizations. Since organizations of those types 
were active in furthering the interests of foreign nations against the United 
States, they are considered by this commission to have engaged in "subversive 
activities." This is mentioned only because this commission has sought infor- 
mation on all types of organizations listed by the United States Attorney Gen- 


eral, even though the results of inquiry in that regard were negative, insofar as 
activities within the Territory of Hawaii are concerned. 

This commission believes that every person, alone or in concert with others, 
is entitled to exercise his constitutional rights, even though such exercise may 
include the open advocacy of substituting for our present form of government 
one which each commissioner personally would abhor. The essence of the 
right to advocate a change in our form of government is that it shall be exercised 
in a constitutional manner-, or, simply stated, by advocating amendment of the 
Constitution in the manner provided for therein. There is no constitutional right 
to change our present form of Government in any other manner. 

Movements which seek to alter the form of American Government by uncon- 
stitutional or illegal means are to be abhorred, as are those which are designed 
to deprive any person of his rights guaranteed by law. Such movements which, 
in addition, are conducted in the interests of a foreign power — as is the Com- 
munist movement in the United States — are doubly to be condemned. 

Pursuant to provisions of the McCarran Act, the United States Attorney Gen- 
eral has filed with the Subversive Activities Control Board, in Washington, a peti- 
tion, which, if upheld, will act to proscribe the Communist Party, U. S. A. That 
petition, setting forth facts determined by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, is 
the finest summary on the subject of the Communist Party, its techniques and 
operations, and its relation to the U. S. S. R., that has come to the attention of 
this commission. It states the authoritative position of the Federal Government 
on the foremost subversive organization in this country. The petition is repro- 
duced in full as appendix C to this report. 

Additional background information of value concerning the Communist move- 
ment is contained in a report of the Maryland Commission on Subversive Ac- 
tivities, dated December 30, 1948. 


In presenting its findings, the commission believes it necessary to make certain 
observations on its concept of "Communism" and related terms used in this 

"Communism," as used herein, is the movement directed by the international 
Communist headquarters in Moscow (whether called the Communist Interna- 
tional (Comintern) or the Information Bureau of the Communist Parties 
(Cominform) in furtherance of the imperialistic foreign policy and external mili- 
tary ambitions of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. As such, it effects a 
calculated and subversive penetration of those nations whom Soviet Russia would 
control or weaken. It uses both legal and illegal means. It employs chiefly 
the citizens or subjects of foreign nations to work in their respective countries 
against their own nations. Nearly all of its activities are of a conspiratorial 

In the penetration of foi-eign countries, the Comintern and the cominform have 
operated chiefly through domestic Communist Parties which, however, do not 
always bear that name. In Canada, for example, the Labour-Progressive Party 
has been the party of Comnuuiists, while in the United States its counterpart is 
called the Communist Party. This commission has considered the proposition 
that the Communist Party is, in the United States, a lawful political party. That 
contention is rejected on the basis of abundant authority. 

As used herein, the terms "Communism" and "communism" (the one capitalized 
and the other not) are not synonymous. "Communism" refers to the fifth-column 
operations directed or encouraged by Soviet Russia in other nations, while 
"communism" refers to the politico-economic or philosophical system advocated 
by Karl Marx and others of various schools of commuinist thought. 

"Marxism," as used herein, connotes a .system of theories and rules of action 
advocated by Karl Marx. It may be considered a species of "communism," but 
is not synonymous with "Communism." A "Marxist" is, therefore, one who holds 
substantially the views of Karl Marx. 

Because of the aflSnity which Marxists almost invariably hold or develop for 
Soviet Russia, the commission has considered it necessary to include within the 
scope of its inquiry a study of Marxist "discussion groups" and Marxist publica- 
tions in the Territory of Hawaii. That it would be unrealistic to neglect Marxist 
groups in any survey of Communist operations in a democratic county is forcibly 
illustrated by the findings of the Canadian Royal Commission. 


A "Communist," so considered by this commission, is one who linowingly assists 
(or reasonably should know he is assisting) the furtherance of Communism, 
while a "communist" is a believer in the theory of "communism" (sometimes 
referred to as "pure" communism to distinguish it from fifth-column 

The Communist may be of several types, and is not necessarily a member of 
the Communist Party. There are "open" and "secret" party members. "Secret" 
members are those whose identities are known to a very few persons within the 
Communist apparatus. A "secret comrade" may be known only to national or 
district Communist Party headquarters, and aiot be known to the party organiza- 
tion of the region where he lives or works. So-called open Communist Party 
members are also of several types, one being the person who has publicly pro- 
claimed himself as a member (such as William Z. Foster, national chairman of 
the Communist Party, U. S. A. ; William Schneiderman, chairman of district 13 
of the party; and Charles K. Fujimoto, chairman of the Communist Party of 
Hawaii), and another being the person whose "open" status is known within 
local party circles but who has never publicly identified himself as a member 
(such as Dr. John E. Reineeke, Jack Denichi Kimoto, Dwight James Freeman, 
and other local Communists hereinafter mentioned). Furthermore, there are 
persons who consciously adhere to and support Communism without formally 
joining the Communist Party. This Commission considers such persons to be 
"Communists" if they function as such, regardless of their lack of formal mem- 
bership in the party. In fact, it is reported, in recent years the Comnumist 
Party, as a security measure, has not permitted certain "secret comrades" to join 
the party. It would be unrealistic to exclude such persons from the category 
of "Communists." 

The commission believes that the Communist Party of the Uinited States of 
America functions primarily and ultimately in the interests of the U. S. S. R. and, 
in so doing, is subversive of American constitutional government, national and 
local. Its subdivision in the Territory of Hawaii, the Communist Party of 
Hawaii, i», likewise, subversive. 

From the standpoint of susceptibility to Communist penetration, the Territory 
of Hawaii occupies a position somewhat different from that of most portions of 
the United States. Being what tourists have come to know as the "Crossroads of 
the Pacific," Hawaii is vulnerable to infusion of Communist influences from two 
continents. This is true, not only because of Hawaii's geographical position, but 
also because languages of the Orient, as well as English, are spoken in Hawaii. 

The Period 1917-37 

Although it has sometimes been stated that the Communist Party operated in 
Hawaii in early 1925, when Paul Crouch and Walter Trumbull, United States 
Army enlisted men. were court-martialed at Schofield Barracks. Oahn, on charges 
growing out of what appeared to be organized Communist activity, no formal 
groups affiliated with the international Communist movement existed in Hawaii 
at that time. Nor did the Crouch-Trumbull discussion group make a lasting 
mark on the Hawaiian scene. 

In his book, Out of the Night, published in 1941 under the pen name of "Jan 
Valtin," Richard J. H. Krebs. reports his several visits to the Hawaiian Islands 
about 192.^1. Then a travelling maritime Communist. Krebs visited, according to 
his account, the ports of Honolulu and Hilo. In his book, Krebs reports his 
contacts with Communist Party groups and agents in many ports of the world, 
but he mentions no such contacts in Hawaii. However, he does report having 
met several Communist sympathizers here, and relates his personal distribution 
of Communist literature in the islands. He writes, also, of his report to 
Comintern headquarters in Moscow on recommended Communist action in 
Hawaii. The inference to be drawn from Krebs' account is that no formal Com- 
munist Party organization existed in Hawaii in 1925. 

In the 1920's Marxism made its appearance in a small group of the alien Japa- 
nese working class in Hawaii. The newspaper, Yoen .Jiho (Garden News), labor 
weekly in the Japanese language, commenced publication on the island of 
Kauai in 1922. Among its editors, managers, and contributors have been a num- 
ber of Marxists and Communists, including Jack Denichi Kimoto, Communist 
Party leader mentioned later in this report, and Ginjiro "Hokusan" Arashiro, 
alien Japanese who has been identified with Marxist and pro-Communist activi- 
ties for many years. Both recently served as editors of Hawaii Star, Communist- 
line weekly published in Honolulu. 


About 1929 or 1930, a small core of pro-U. S. S. R. Marxists became evident on 
the island of Maui. Two groups of persons of Japanese ancestry, Maui Doshi 
Kai and its youth section, Maui Doshi Seiuen Kai, came into being. That these 
organizations were engaged in Marxist activity is deduced from their publica- 
tion, hereinafter discussed. It will be noted in annex 2 that their Marxist 
discussion groups met at many places on Maui. About the same time, there was 
formed in Honolulu a group of alien and citizen Japanese residents who called 
themselves the Yuai Kai (Friendship Society). A small core of its leaders were 
Marxists, but general membership participation was of a social nature. Branches 
of Yuai Kai appear to have existed on the four main islands, but only the activi- 
ties of the groups on Oahu and Maui were of consequence. On Maui the leaders 
of Maui Doshi Kai were referred to as "the Yuai Kai group," but membership 
of the two organizations was not identical. 

For several years in the early 1930's a group of young men, most of whom 
had recently returned from Japan, held Marxist discussions in their servants' 
quarters at the MacDonald Hotel in Honolulu. Their group had no formal mem- 
bership requirements, by-laws or dues. They detested the militarists who then 
controlled Japan. This group published Haguruma (translated "Gear" or 
"Cog-Wheel"), hereinafter mentioned. About 1934-37, after publication of 
Haguruma had ceased, the MacDonald Hotel group attracted to its informal 
discussions several non-Japanese persons, chief among whom were a University 
of Hawaii instructor, a few university students and trade-unionists of the Hono- 
lulu waterfront and of the merchant marine. 

In the year 1931 publication of the weekly Japanese newspaper, Shin Jidai 
(New Era), was commenced on Maui. Its first editor was Ginjiro "Hokusan" 
Arashiro, previously mentioned. The Maui Doshi Kai, of which Arashiro was a 
leading member, backed the publication. Writing in Shin Jidai, Arashiro ad- 
versely criticized Japan's action in the Manchurian incident, as a result of which 
he was removed as editor. In 1932 he commenced publication of Hibana ( Spark) , 
Marxist periodical. 

Communist Party and Marxist literature, printed in the Japanese language, 
was disseminated in the Hawaiinn Islands in the early 1930's. Such literature 
was printed locally as well as introduced from abroad. Among local Marxist 
publications were Arashiro's Hibana, just mentioned, which first appeared in 
1932: Toso (Strife), published by Maui Doshi Seinen Kai about 1933-34, and 
"Haguruma," organ of the MacDonald Hotel group. From Japan and the con- 
tinental United States, local Marxists received other tracts, chiefly translations 
into Japanese of formal works of Marx, Lenin, Stalin, et al. During this period 
a Japanese bookstore in Honolulu stocked imported Marxist literature. 

In many respects, Japan's several overseas communities of which that in 
Hawaii was one of the most important — mirrored conditions in the homeland in 
the early 1930's. At that time, Hawaii's 140,000 persons of Japanese extraction 
included some admirers of the militarists, as well as those who could be classed 
as antimilitarists. Important issues in Japan usually were discused by the Jap- 
anese people in Hawaii, with consequent division of opinion. Thus, the 1928-31 
fusion in Japan of Communists, Marxists, liberals, et al., under the banner of 
antimilitarism found its counterpart in Hawaii. And, since politics makes 
strange bedfellows, many of the antimilitarist Japanese in Hawaii found them- 
selves influenced by the persuasive ideas of Marxists among them. It is in the 
light of these facts that the character of Marxist activity among the Japanese 
people in Hawaii during the early 1930'« must be judged. At the same time, it 
cannot be overlooked that the activities and writings of these Marxists were 
strongly anticapitalist and px'o-U. S. S. R. As regards topics which concerned 
the United States or the Soviet Union, or both, these Marxists took a pro- 
U. S. S. R. position and were neither pro- nor anti-United States. Also, these 
observations should be made : that a small number of these Marxists of the early 
1930's have continued to be active in Communist Party and pro-Communist causes 
down to the present writing, but the majority of them have long since ceased to 
exhibit any pro-U. S. S. R. tendencies. 

Of the local Marxist publications mentioned, this commission has examined 
and obtained translations of some issues of Hibana and Toso. Copies of 
Haguruma have not been located, but its Marxist content has been admitted 
and explained by two of its contributors. Hibana (Spark), whose red cover 
was embellished with a hammer and sickle, admittedly derived its name from 
Lenin Iskra (also translated Spark). Toso, whose name Strife was meant 
to suggest class struggle, proclaimed its love for Soviet Russia, not only in its 


Japanese section but also in its English pages. And Haguruma, whose Cog- 
wheel name symbolizes the "industrial worker" (the essential proletarian), 
reportedly presented a strong Marxist viewpoint, but it was criticized by other 
Marxists for leftwing infantilism. Because Toso and Hibana were much more 
openly pro-U. S. S. R. and Marxist than even the literature issued by the Com- 
munist Party of Hawaii in later years selected translations from those two publi- 
cations are submitted herewith in annexes 2 and 3. 

About the time that the MacDonald Hotel group (publishers of Haguruma) 
was going out of existence, because of lack of interest and results, and after 
the Marxist activity among Maui's Japanese population largely had subsided 
the first appearances of the present-day Comnumist Party of Hawaii (a subdi- 
vision of District 13 of the Party <<f the United States of America) 
were seen in Hawaii. The primary target for proselytizing by the Communist 
Party of the United States of America lay in tlie longshore workei's of Hawaii's 
two main waterfronts at Honolulu and Hilo. 

For some years, radical merchant seamen (Communist Party travelers and 
members of the subversive International Workers of the World) had visited 
Hawaii. Krebs, alias Jan Valtin, was one of the early Communist visitors. In 
the plans of either the IWW or the Communist Party, it was inevitable that the 
recruitment of members in Hawaii soon would be undertaken. This became the 
task of the Communists of the mid-1930's, whose ranks by then included many 
militant ex-IWW members. 

After his successes in the 1934 and 1936 maritime strikes, it evidenlly became 
the assigned task of Harry Renton Bridges to develop the interests of the C'om- 
munist Party in Hawaii. There is no reason to believe that Brids-'es then knew 
that some Marxist sentiment already existed among resident Japanese intellec- 
tuals and agricultural workers. Being flien, as now, a militant waterfront labor 
leader, his infiltration of Hawaii for the Communist Party of the United States 
of America was, therefoie. directed first at the waterfront working class, of what- 
ever race they might be. 

It is reliably reported that as of 1936, there were slightly more than 60 Com- 
munist Party members among the waterfront and maritime workers in Hawaii. 
Most of these, however, were nonresident seamen whose membershij) in the Com- 
munist Party was acquired on the mainland. They visited Hawaii periodically 
and could indulge in proselytization of local longshore workers. 

The period 1935-37 was one of travail on the Honolulu waterfront as far as 
attempts at unionization of longshore workers was concerned. Several labor 
leaders sought to control the longshoremen. Disputants for union leadership 
competed for the help of Harry Bridges, who had the power to grant a local 
longshoremen's union charter. The period was not favorable to the best develop- 
ment of Communist Party operations on the Honolulu waterfront. 

However, at Hilo, on the island of Hawaii, the waterfront workers were almost 
completely unionized by 1936 and were, therefore, ready to receive a charter from 
Bridges. The leader of the Hilo longshoremen at that time was Hari-y Lehna 
Kamoku. who has been identified as one of Hawaii's Communist Party leaders. 

In 1936 Kamoku organized what may have been the first cell of the Communist 
Party ever to exist in Hawaii. Composed entirely of Hilo waterfront workers, 
the Hilo cell was first known as the Travellers' Club. Al)out the time that the 
Communist Party of Hawaii (a regional subdivision of District 13, CP-USA) 
was organized, the Travellers' Club changed its name to "Commmiist Party." 

The I'eriod 1937-41 

The first traces of formal organization and activity of a Hawaii section of 
the Communist Party of the United States of America (CP-USA) are to be 
found in late 1937 or early 1938. It was then that Jack W. Hall reportedly 
started to live the dual role of an ILWU leader and a Communist Party organ- 
izer. The relationship of Bridges and Hall in this regard was the subject of 
testimony by Louis F. Budenz. former high Communist Party functionary, at 
Seattle. Wash., on January 27, 194S. before the Joint Legislative Fact-Finding 
Committee on Un-American Activities of the Washington Legislature. The 
following is reported at page 48 of the first report of tliat committee : 

"Q. Professor, what relationship, if any, does Alaska and Hawaii play in 
the Communist program? 

"A. Well, they are considered of great importance. The infiltration of Hawaii 
has been a rather important part of the Communist program. Well, I know that 
in 19,30 this came up, because certain changes had to be made in the infiltration 


process in Hawaii. This process was directed largely from Califoruia district, 
however, not from Washington, but the idea was to infiltrate Hawaii in every 
way possible among the teachers, among the workers there, who in my opinion 
sadly need organization, but it is a crime that this need for organization should 
be misrepresented by any Communist abuse of it. At any rate, the idea was 
both among the workers and among the teachers every place possible, to in- 
filtrate Hawaii. 

"Q. That was a definite plan of the Communist Party? 

"A. It had been going on at least for a couple of years to my knowledge prior 
to about 1939, yes, that period, because I attended conferences where a change 
had to be made in the methods of infiltration. 

"Q. What plans — how did they intend to do that — through what vehicle? 

"A. Well, they intended to do that largely through the activities of Harry 
Bridges and the fact that he could send organizers into Hawaii who would 
actually be Communists, but under the guise of being unionists. One of these 
men was Jack Hall, and there were a number — there were several others. 

"Q. Did the Communist Party use Harry Bridges? 

"A. Most decidedly. He was charged — that is to say, the California district 
also had a responsibility, but he was charged with the infiltration of Hawaii. 

"Q. Do you know Harry Renton Bridges ? 

"A. Yes, sir. 

"Q. You are referring to the president of the International Ix>ngshore AVork- 
ers Union? 

"A. Nobody else ; yes, sir. 

"Q. Is he a member, or has he been a member of the Communist Party? 

"A. He has been a member of the Communist Party, yes, sir. Under Com- 
munist discipline always up to the time I left the party. 

"Q. And you participated in these conferences where the program was made 
that was forwarded to him to carry out? 

"A. That's correct. 

"Q. Did you ever get any reports as to whether he did cari-y it out or not? 

"A. We had reports that Jack Hall was active for the party in Hawaii, and 
Mr. Hall, I understand, is the representative of Mr. Bridges. There were sev- 
eral other names mentioned also, their local names, and just for the moment 
I can't recall them. 

"Q. In party circles, how did you know Harry Bridges — by what name? 

"A. Well, we just called him Bridges as a rule in the Communist national 
headquarters. * * *" 

Although Jack W. Hall often has stated publicly that he is not connected 
with the Communist Party and its activities in the Territory of Hawaii, the 
Committee on Un-American Activities of the United States House of Represent- 
atives names Hall as the leader of that movement. 

During August 1937 Dr. John Ernest Reinecke returned to Honolulu after 
having completed his study for the doctor of philosophy degree at Yale Uni- 
versity. Upon his return to Honolulu, Dr. Reinecke was employed as an instruc- 
tor in anthropology at the University of Hawaii for the 1937-38 academic year, 
after which his contract was not renewed. In October 1937 Dr. Reinecke gath- 
ered about him a small group of self-styled "liberals" whom he organized into 
an organization known as the Honolulu Chapter of the Interprofessional Associa- 
tion. About a dozen of its members have since been identified as members of 
the Communist Party. A more detailed report on the IPA is contained in 
annex 5. 

Early in 1938 Jack Denichi Kimoto returned to his home in Honolulu after 
reportedly gaining Communist Party experience in California. Prior to going to 
the mainland in 1931, Kimoto was well known as a Marxist in Hawaii. It has 
been said by a former Communist Party member who was in the party with 
Kimoto that William Schneiderman, present chairman of Distrit 13, CP-USA, 
instructed Kimoto before his return to Hawaii. It was Kimoto who recruited 
Ichiro Izuka into the Communist Party on the island of Kauai in 1938. Eight 
years later Izuka was to leave the party and then publish his expose. The Truth 
About Communism in Hawaii, a pamphlet naming Kimoto, Hall, Dr. Reinecke, 
and other leaders of the subversive organization that came to be known as the 
Communist Party of Hawaii. 

" While there is some reason to believe that Kauai may have been selected as a 
proving ground for Communist action in the Hawaiian Islands before the war, 
the direction of the party was, nevertheless, centered in Honolulu. The govern- 
ins: and controlling body of the Communist Party of Hawaii in 1939 was the 


central committee (later called the executive board), which met in Honolulu 
where its members resided. The central commitee then reportedly was com- 
posed of the following five persons : 

JackKimoto (chairman) 

Jack W. Hall 

Jack H. Kawano 

Dr. John E. Reinecke 

Ah Quon Leong 
Hall and Kawano were labor leaders ; Kimoto, a journalist ; Dr. Reinecke, a 
teacher ; and Miss Leong, a recent graduate of the University of Hawaii. All 
were United States citizens. 

During the prewar years Commimists participated in organizing several asso- 
ciations in Honolulu. The largest and most effective of these was the Inter- 
professional Association, Honolulu Chapter, in the formation of which Dr. 
John E. Reinecke assisted in late 1937. The prewar organization of the same 
name which functioned in many parts of the United States has several times 
been denominated a Communist front by official bodies. The Honolulu chapter 
was chiefly a group of "intellectuals" — teachers, social workers, and other white- 
collar workers. Not only did this group follow the Communist line on matters 
seemingly unrelated to Soviet Russia and communism, but it supported the 
Communist position on issues involving the Communist Party or Russia. The 
great majority of adherents to the IPA were not (and have not since become) 

In 1940 the IPA achieved disfavor in the community, at the same time finding 
itself with a decreasing membership. Its adherence to the Russian line prior 
to Germany's attacking the U. S. S. R. — manifested partly by its propaganda for 
peace and against involvement of the United States in the European war — 
continued despite the sharpest turns. Thus, after Germany attacked Russia in 
June 1941, the IPA did an about-face and pressed for all-out American aid to 
the enemies of Germany. In 1941 the IPA changed its name to the Honolulu 
Forum. The group known as the IPA and the Honolulu Forum was, in 1941, 
classified by the Federal Bureau of Investigation as a Communist organization. 
Concurrently with the Interprofessional Association there existed in Honolulu 
another group, the American Friends of the Chinese People, whose mainland 
parent organization has been classified as a Communist front. All known mem- 
bers of the American Friends of the Chinese People in Hawaii also held member- 
ship in the IPA, and some of them were (or later became) formal members of 
the Communist Party. The national American Friends of the Chinese People 
organization was conceived to further the Russian line on China, that is, to sup- 
port China in its struggle against Fascist Japan and to favor the Chinese Com- 
munists in their struggle against the government of Chiang Kai-shek and the 
Kuomingtang. (Additional information concerning the American Friends of the 
Chinese People is contained in annex 6.) 

In 1941 the central committee of the Communist Party of Hawaii was still 
composed of five members. Only one change had occurred since 1939, that of 
Robert W. McElrath replacing Jack H. Kawano. McElrath's wife, nee Ah Quon 
Leong, remained. The group in 1941 reportedly was composed of — 

Jack Denichi Kimoto 

Jack W. Hall 

Dr. John E. Reinecke 

Ah Quon Leong McElrath 

Robert W. McElrath 

The Period 1941-45 

Upon the outbreak of war with Japan on December 7, 1941, the Territory of 
Hawaii was placed under martial law, with consequent imposition of stringent 
security measures unfavorable to Communist Party operations and other sub- 
versive activities. Travel and curfew restrictions in the islands effectively 
minimized opportunities of holding Communist meetings in secrecy. Establish- 
ment of censorship over all means of communication between Hawaii and the 
mainland cut off the Communist Party of Hawaii from District 13, CP-USA, 
headquarters in San Francisco. 

By order of the central committee of the local Communist Party, all local 
Communists were ordered to cease holding party meetings until further notice. 
Fear of searches by military authorities led Communists to destroy or secrete 
their party records and Communist literature, a notable example of which was 
the burial of Communist books and papers at Koko Head, Oahu. That the Com- 


munists deemed it necessary to adopt such secretive measures — even at a time 
when the United States and Soviet Russia were active allies — is but further 
persuasive evidence of the illegal and conspiratorial nature of Communist Party 
activities and of the realization of that nature by party leaders. 

Due to the sudden stroke of war, the Ck)mmunist Party of Hawaii found itself 
confronted with three difficult tasks : 

( 1 ) To maintain intact and functioning a nucleus of the party ; 

(2) To reestablish regular communications with district 13, San Fran- 
cisco ; and 

(3) To keep alive the progressive interest of those non-Communists who 
before the war supported such causes as the Honolulu Chapter of the Inter- 
Professional Association. 

During the period of the first 6 mouths of the war — roughly until after the 
American success at the Battle of Midway — organized party activities ceased to 
exist. Paradoxically, the conditions of war which had driven the local party 
underground, provided two perhaps unforeseen benefits : 

(1) The arrival in Hawaii of many Communists in the Armed Forces, 
among defense workers, and in the augmented merchant marine, many of 
whom could make contact with local party leaders and give new ideas and 
force to the local movement ; and 

(2) The wartime period of amity between the United States and Soviet 
Russia, with resultant lessened awareness among public officials of the ulti- 
mate dangers of the Communist movement, was favorable to the infiltration 
of party members into the Government service. 

Shortly after the Battle of Midway, leaders of the Communist movement in 
Honolulu reportedly brought into being a series of meetings at the homes of cer- 
tain Communists and Communist sympathizers. These meetings, usually held 
in the daytime on Sundays or holidays, were planned as a means of bringing to- 
gether the formal resident and visiting Communists and local progressives under 
conditions approximating the relationship of such persons in prewar front organi- 
zations. At the same time, these meetings — which were not formal Communist 
Party functions, but were a combination of socials and discussion groups — acted 
to maintain liaison on an outwardly innocent basis among prewar party mem- 
bers, at the same time keeping them cognizant of developments and changes in 
the Commimist Party line. As such, they constituted a method of maintaining 
some semblance of unity among party members and prospective party members 
luitil such time as the executive board should see fit to order the party reactivated. 

Since the wartime discussion meetings could be used as a cover for maintaining 
liaison among prewar Communists, as well as for the development of future 
party members and for keeping up the interest of Communist sympathizers in 
issues of interest to the party, attendance at the meetings was not confined to 
party members. 

Another project sponsored and supported by Honolulu Communists during 
1942 and 1943 was the collection of funds for Russian War Relief, Inc., from 
service personnel, civilian war workers, and local residents. 

Communication of written and oral messages between Communist leaders in 
Hawaii and district 13, San Francisco, during the war had to be maintained 
through the medium of merchant seamen who acted as couriers. Such couriers 
usually made contact in Honolulu with one or the other of two leading Commu- 
nists. Of particular interest among these visting merchant marine personnel 
was Ralph Vernon Vosshrink, one who settled in Honolulu after the war and be- 
came a leading figure in the Communist Party of Hawaii. For several years after 
Vossbrink settled in Honolulu, his San Francisco employer used 3571 Pahoa 
Avenue (the residence of Dr. Reinecke) as Vossbrink's Honolulu address, al- 
though he lived elsewhere. 

The wartime discussion groups previously mentioned continued until the Hono- 
lulu Labor Canteen (see Annex 7) was opened on August 5, 1945. Later meet- 
ings of the group, several of which might be held on the same day at different 
homes of Communists in Honolulu, appear to have been centrally planned, al- 
though the primary evidence necessary to establish the full picture rests with 
some of the so-called reluctant 39 whose constitutional right to refuse to incrimi- 
nate themselves concerning their conspiratorial activities recently has been 
judicially recognized. 

Another wartime activity of interest to the Honolulu Communist group was 
the Labor Political Acti(m Committee (L-PAC), which was formed to promote 
the candidacies in the 1944 elections of persons favorable to labor. Several of 


the leading workers and speakers of the L-PAC were Communists who had been 
active in the earlier discussion meetings of 1942-43. However, because organized 
labor was weak during the war and because the Communist Party of Hawaii 
was then underground, the L-PAC enjoyed little success. 

Because America generally was not fully on guard during the war, so far as 
meeting the issue of communism is concerned, it was inevitable that Communists 
should work their way into positions of trust in the Federal and local govern- 
ments. Such was the case in Hawaii. Jack W. Hall became a wages and hours 
inspector for the Territorial department of labor and industrial relations and 
later was appointed to the Police Commission of the City and County of Honolulu. 
Jack Denichi Kimoto was employed by the OflBce of War Information, despite 
the fact that this agency was in a position to learn oflScially of Kimoto's record 
of communism. Other Commimists found positions in other Territorial depart- 
ments, particularly in the department of public welfare, as well as in the sensitive 
OflSce of Postal Censorship (Federal). None of these persons, however, still 
retains a Federal or local government position in Hawaii. 

The plan of local Communists to maintain a party nucleus intact during the 
war and, along with it, to continue the interest of non-Communist progressi-ves, 
bore fruit in mid-194.5 when the Honolulu Labor Canteen was established on 
Richards Street, opposite the Honolulu Post Office. Represented as a worth- 
while civic venture, the proposal for establishment of the canteen drew support 
from capital and labor, from government officials and individual ciitzens. These 
diverse interests contributed the necessary financial support to launch the project, 
but few persons other than Communists thereafter showed much interest in 
shaping the policies of the canteen, which soon oriented itself along Communist 
lines. Not luitil the canteen's operations were in high gear was it exposed. 
Repercussions of this soon reached as far as the floor of Congress, helping to 
insiire the demise of the canteen. 

One of the movements carried on at the canteen was that of the Oahu Service- 
men's Committee for Speedier Demobilization, composed of a group of members 
of the Armed Forces, many of whose leaders were also active in the canteen. 
(See annex 8.) Its purpose appears to have been to give effect, in Hawaii, to 
the international Communist plan to stir up agitation for speedy demobilization 
of the Armed Forces of all non-Communist powers. Internationally, the move- 
ment "to bring the boys home quickly" was conceived to disarm and weaken the 
potential enemies of the Soviet Union which, meanwhile, maintained its military 
forces at desired strength. 

The Postwar Period 

The Honolulu Labor Canteen did not close without assisting in the formation 
of other organizations of particular interest to the Communist Party of Hawaii, 
which was itself reactivated in late 1945. The Hawaii Asosciation for Civic 
Unity, a group which was to be used for good by its many non-Communist mem- 
bers and for Communist purposes by an adroit Communist minority, was an out- 
growth of the canteen. The Hawaii Youth for Democracy, University of Hawaii 
student organization, was closely linked with the canteen, if not planned there. 
The Honolulu chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of 
Colored People, a national organization of legitimate purpose, was encouraged 
in its activation by the canteen. 

The Communist Party of the United States of America was formally reacti- 
vated in July, 1945. It adopted a new constitution and in all respects represented 
itself to be a new organization. The Communist Party of Hawaii was revived 
in the fall of 1945. The executive board of the party in Hawaii in the fall of 
1940, reportedly was composed of the following persons : 

Denichi "Jack" Kimoto, chairman 

Dr. John E. Reinecke, treasurer 

Mrs. Ah Quong R. McElrath, board member 

Charles Fujimoto, board member 

Eileen Fujimoto, board member 

Jack H. Kawano, board member 

Ralph Vossbrink, board member 

David Hyun, board member 

James Freeman, board member 

The primary task confronting the Communist Party of Hawaii after the war 

was to build a formal structure of basic meeting units (locally referred to in 

most instances as groups or branches — the equivalents of cells or fractions ) . The 

activation of party units proceeded primarily along the lines of grouping mem- 


bers according to their economic classifications ; for example, laboring men were 
assigned to groups largely of their own, while professional persons and white- 
collar workers would compose other groups. Units were assigned names de- 
scriptive of the geographical region in which they met (for example, the Puunui 
group, which met in the Puunui section of Honolulu) or of the activity with 
which they were associated (for example, McCabe group, composed of long- 
shoremen employed by McCabe, Hamilton & Renny, Ltd., Honolulu stevedoring 

Ichiro Izuka, who attained some prominence in the local Communist Party 
circles during 1938^6, published a booklet entitled, "The Truth About Com- 
munism in Hawaii" in late 1947. Part IV of that work, captioned "Reactivation 
of the Communist Party after V^orld War II," covers well the subject at hand. 
Izuka has several times testified under oath concerning the matters contained 
in his booklet. On the witness stand he has greatly augmented his published 
story. He is considered to be a credible witness on matters concerning Com- 
munist Party organization. He has suffered much because of his efforts on be- 
half of the Nation. 

During 194.5-47 there existed at least 15 basic units of the Communist Party of 
Hawaii, called branches, 11 of which were located on the island of Oahu. Not 
all of these branches existed at the same time, due to several factors. One was 
that when a branch attained too large a membership, it was desirable ( and con- 
formable to traditional party security practice) to divide the basic meeting unit 
into two or more branches. Thus, the waterfront branch, which greatly increased 
its membership in 1946, was split into two groups. These wei-e called the McCabe 
branch and the Castle & Cooke branch. 

Cells of the Communist Party which are believed to have existed at one time 
or another during 1945^7 were referred to as : 

Castle & Cooke branch 

Hawaii branch ( island of Hawaii ) 

Kaimuki branch 

Kauai branch (island of Kauai) 

Lanai branch (island of Lanai) 

Makiki branch 

Manoa branch 

Maui branch (island of Maui) 

McCabe branch 

Miscellaneous branch ( Honolulu ) 

Moiliili branch 

Punchbowl branch 

Puunui branch 

Waikiki branch 

Waipahu branch 
( All branches were in Honolulu unless otherwise noted. ) 

It is to be understood, however, that a branch might itself sometimes meet in 
separate sections. For example, the Hawaii branch, having most of its mem- 
bers among sugar workers and longshoremen, would have separate meetings at 
Olaa and Hilo. Party members who were connected with the sugar industry 
met at Olaa, while meetings of waterfront Communists were conducted at Hilo. 
Coordination among branches on Oahu has been maintained through a cen- 
tralized executive board, with each branch represented by one member on the 
executive board. The executive board, in turn, acting for the whole party in 
Hawaii, has maintained contact with branches and individual members on the 
islands other than Oahu. Communist Party procedures require that the local 
executive board maintain contact with district 13, San Francisco, for the pur- 
poses of receiving party instructions, transmitting reports, remitting dues col- 
lections, maintaining membership records, and the like. 

A few local trade unions, being those whose national organizations have been 
expelled from the CIO because of Communist leadership or for following the 
Communist line, have, through the actions of some of their leaders, furthered the 
Communist cause in Hawaii in the postwar period. These unions are the — 
International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union (ILWU) 
National Union of Marine Cooks and Stewards (MC and S) 
United Public Workers of America (UPWA) 
United Office and Professional Workers of America (UOPWA) 

The MC and S is the subject of annex 18 of this report ; the UPWA, of annex 
20 ; and the UOPWA, of annex 21. The Federation of Architects, Engineers, 

72723— .57— i>t. 41 A, I 2 


Chemists, and Technicians, which merged with the UOPWA after the war, is the 
subject of annex 22. 

Communists serving as ofBcers of some of these unions have used their union 
positions to aid subversive causes. In some instances, communism has been fos- 
tered by individual union leaders, in others by leaders acting in concert ; in some 
cases, the activity has been sponsored by a single union, in others by several 
unions acting together. Among the ways in which one or more of these unions 
or their leaders have furthered the interests of the Communist Party in Hawaii 
since the end of World War II are : 

(1) Dissemination of openly identified Communist Party propaganda. 

(2) Support of disguised Communist propaganda through financial and 
other aid to local Communist-line publications. 

(3) Maintenance of a large volume of Communist-slanted radio propa- 

(4) Sponsoring the appearance in Hawaii of Paul Robeson, famous bari- 
tone and well-known Communist sympathizer. 

(5) Sponsoring the lecture tour of Hawaii by Celeste Strack, educational 
director of the Communist Party of California. 

(6) Assisting in the establishment and financial maintenance of the Ha- 
waii Civil Liberties Committee, cited as subversive by the Attorney General 
of the United States and by the Committee on Un-American Activities of 
the United States House of Representatives. 

(7) Sending union members to the Communist-front California Labor 

(8) Sponsoring rebroadcasts locally of commentaries by Sidney Roger, 
pro-Communist San Francisco radio figure. 

Since the war, the largest measure of direction, control and financing of the 
Communist Party of Hawaii has lain with the Communist leaders of some of the 
expelled CIO unions. The spread of communism in Hawaii has, therefore, been 
roughly as far and as wide as that of the Conmiunist-domiuated unions. Where 
those unions have been strong (for example, on the waterfronts and in the cane- 
fields) the Communist Party has been strong, and where those unions have been 
weak (for example, on Federal reservations and in the educational institutions) 
the party has been weak. It is unfortunate that some trade unions in Hawaii 
have been subverted by Communists, for this commission believes that one of the 
firmest cornerstones of a strong and democratic America should be and is found 
in organized labor. 

With the reactivation of full-scale Communist Party activities in 1945-46, the 
party seems to have determined to enter strongly into the field of politics — to 
indulge in so-called political action. Communists took a prominent part in the 
activities of the CIO Political Action Committee (CIO-PAC) in 1946. All but 
one of the CIO-PAC officers were members of the Communist Party. The 
CIO-PAC was designed primarily to work among and win the support of Hawaii's 
workingmen. It could not, however, expect to influence other classes of the 
electorate in the same degree. This suggested the desirability of employing other 
means to influence persons other than trade unionists. Chiefly due to the 
activities of Marshall L. McEuen, eodirector of the CIO-PAC, there became 
active in Honolulu in August 1946, an organization later to be known as The 
Liberal Legislation League (at first tentatively called Citizens' Political Action 
Committee). While it formally voted to have no direct aflSliation with the 
CIO-PAC, the LLL cooperated closely with CIO-PAC. Its purpose was to pro- 
duce, from sources available to LLL members, information on social injustices 
and other causes which the CIO-PAC, with its wide membership and large 
financial resources, could exploit. (For details of the LLL, see annex 12.) 

In 1946 there was formed by citizens in Honolulu a consumers* organization 
called the Honolulu Consumers Council. Because the council represented a type 
of organization that Communists have long attempted to turn to their own ends, 
it soon became an object of Communist infiltration. (See annex 14.) Except 
for the HCLC, perhaps no public group in Hawaii has had in its membership 
such a large number of Communists. It stands to the credit of the great majority 
of members of the council, however, that the infiltrators were never able to 
convert this organization into a "front" for the Communist Party. As of the 
present writing, the council remains in existence (having recently been reacti- 
vated) and is firmly in non-Communist hands. 

In the late fall of 1946 the first Territorial convention of the Communist Party 
was held. Attended by about 100 party members, the convention of party leaders 
and more important members met in lengthy session on a Sunday at Kokokahi 


Camp, Kaueohe, Oahu. Security measures had beeu taken iu advance to avoid 
detection of the meeting. No attendant was allowed to take notes. In the 
organizational structure of the Communist Party of Hawaii, the Territorial con- 
vention (comparable to the State convention of the party in a State) is the 
highest body, next above the executive boai'd. This commission has information 
as to only one meeting of the Territorial convention. 

In connection with the stepped-up postwar Communist Party recruitment pro- 
gram, district 13 sent Dwight James Freeman to Honolulu iu October 1946 to act 
as an organizer. He attended and spoke at Communist meetings on Oahu and 
elsewhere. He appeared at meetings in an unequivocal capacity, as a Com- 
munist official, whereas other local party leaders have many times appeared at 
meetings under such circumstances that they could later claim to have been 
acting in the capacity of a union leader or political actionist. Freeman has not 
been known, except in the case of the Communist-front HCLC, to have been pro- 
minent in any meeting other than those of the Communist Party. Soon after 
his arrival in Hawaii in 1946, Freeman appeared at a meeting at the home of 
Yasuki Arakaki at Olaa, Hawaii. Arakaki was and is an ILWU official and 
has been one of the top Communist Party members on the island of Hawaii. All 
persons present at the meeting were Communists, and all but Freeman were 
ILWU members. At the meeting. Freeman outlined plans for increasing party 
membership. Since he wished to recruit members from among the sugarworkers 
on Hawaii, it was necessary for him to work through Communists having access 
to the various plantations. It was evidently his plan to accomplish this through 
ILWU officials on the plantations. Freeman's purpose at the meeting at Arakaki's 
home was to "brief" those who were to assist him. 

Since coming to Hawaii, Freeman has served on the executive board of the local 
Communist Party and was one of the 39 witnesses who claimed his privilege 
against self-incrimination when called to testify before a congressional committee 
in April 1950. 

Traces of the Marxist groups of the early 1930's reappeared in 1946 with the 
establishment of Nichibei Minshu Kyokai (Japanese American Association for 
Democracy), hereinafter called the JAAD. Included iu the membership of that 
organization were some persons who had been members of Marxist discussion 
groups in Honolulu and on the islands of Kauai and Maui many years before. 
Persons prominent in the JAAD were responsible for founding the Hawaii Star, 
a weekly newspaper which since its first publication in March 1947 has consist- 
ently followed the Communist Party line. Annex 23 contains a more detailed 
treatment of this periodical. 

The editor of the Hawaii Star during much of its existence has been Jack 
Denichi Kimoto, Communist previously mentioned. He was active in Japanese 
Marxist groups in 1930 and earlier and, in 1938, after 7 years' residence in Cali- 
fornia, returned to Honolulu. Through his position as editor of the Hawaii Star 
and his affiliation with the JAAD, on the one hand, and his membership on the 
executive board of the Communist Party of Hawaii, Kimoto has constituted a 
possible link between some of the earlier Marxists and the formal Communist 
Party of Hawaii. That such connection exists is further evidenced by the fact 
that the nucleus of the JAAD chapter at Waipahu, Oahu, was composed of 

In late November 1947, Hawaii's Communist Party leaders began to lay the 
groundwork for the Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee, an organization which was 
to become the largest and most effective Communist-front group ever to appear 
in the Territory of Hawaii. The occasidti for the establishment of the HCLC was 
the suspension of Dr. and Mrs. John E. Reinecke, Honolulu public-school teachers, 
on charges growing out of their Communist Party activities. The Committee on 
Un-American Activities, United States House of Representatives, published a 
report of its investigation of the HCLC on June 23, 1950. The Committee's con- 
clusion is quoted : 

"The Committee on Un-American Activities is in unanimous agreement that 
the Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee is a subversive organization initiated and 
operated by Communists for the sole purpose of expanding the influence of the 
small Communist minority in the Territory of Hawaii. This finding, which has 
been elaborated upon in the foregoing report, is the result of investigations con- 
ducted in the Territory by the members and staff of the Committee on Un- 
American Activities in October, November, and December 1949 and March and 
April 1950." 

In view of the fact that at a prior date the Attorney General of the United 
States officially classified the HCLC as a Communist organization, and because 


the Congress has caused the HCLC to be further exposed, this commission has 
not seen fit to expend any concentrated effort to develop further information. 
However, in the course of other work, this commission has discovered additional 
significant information fortifying the previous Federal evaluations of the HCLC 
as a subversive Communist organization. 

It has been determined that the plans to bring the HCLC into existence were 
formulated in late November 1947 by the Oahu CIO Council. The two representa- 
tives of the Oahu CIO Council who were chosen to lay the groundwork for the 
HCLC were Ralph Vossbrink, representing the Marine Cooks and Stewards, and 
McBuen, former codi rector of the 1946 CIO-PAC, who was then connected with 
the ILWU. The authorization of Vossbrink and McEuen to proceed with this 
project was embodied in a so-called off-the-record motion unanimously adopted 
by the council. As is often true in setting up Communist-front organizations, 
Vossbrink and McEuen attempted to induce a non-Communist of liberal tenden- 
cies and of good reputation in the community to head the new organiza- 
tion. This attempt failed, and the officers of the HCLC at all times were Com- 
munist Party members or others of definite Communist orientation. 

It has also been determined that knowledge of the fact that Charles K. 
Fujimoto would publicly identify himself as chairman of the Communist Party 
of Hawaii on October 15, 1948, was known in advance by HCLC leaders, in 
whose organization Fujimoto was an active member. (In annex 15, see letter 
which was sent to HCLC members under date of October 11, 1948.) The letter 
announced an HCLC dance to be held on October 15, the day on which Fujimoto 
made his announcement. As scheduled, Fujimoto was introduced at the social 
event and was termed, in effect, "the HCLC member of the year." This party 
was held at the ILWU pavilion at pier 11, Honolulu, adjoining ILWU head- 

Thanks to the widely publicized exposure of the HCLC in the congressional 
hearings held in Honolulu in April 1950, the HCLC boiled down to a hard core of 
identified Communists and Communist sympathizers. 

In the latter part of 19.50, the HCLC announced that by unanimous action of 
its membership it had changed its name to Hawaii Civil Rights Congress and 
had affiliated with the National Civil Rights Congress, a leading Communist- 
front group on the mainland. Stephen T. Murin, identified Communist Party 
member, continued as chairman of the organization. 

This commission believes that the Hawaii Civil Rights Congress is but a con- 
tinuation of the subversive Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee and that, by 
affiliating with the National Civil Rights Congress, the group has shown its true 
character as a Communist-front organization. (See annex 17 for further in- 
formation concerning the HCRC.) 

Early in 1949, when the number of unemployed persons in Hawaii was great. 
Communist Party leaders were among those responsible for the organization of 
agroup called the Unemployed Workers' Organization of Hawaii. (See 
annex 18.) 

The Period of the Korean War 

Because of historic events in China and Korea during the past few years and 
of the Communist interest therein, the commission has attempted to determine 
whether any persons or groups in Hawaii are engaged in subversive activities in 
aid of the Korean or Chinese Communists. While it has been found that there 
are persons in Hawaii who are opposed to the Chiang Kai-shek regime, it has not 
been determined that these persons are in any way aiding the Communist move- 
ment in the Territory. 

However, the situation as regards sympathy for the Korean Communists ap- 
pears to be different. In Hawaii's Korean community there are two leading 
political factions, the pro-Syngman Ree group and the anti-Rhee group. There 
are appearances of pro-Communist activities within the anti-Rhee group. The 
Korean National Herald, with a circulation of about 4.50 copies, has criticized 
United State policy in Korea in its editorials and has opposed United Nations 
"intervention" in Korea. When this newspaper was editorially reprimanded by 
the Honolulu Advertiser, the Communist-line Honolulu Record came to its de- 
fense. The Korean National Herald and its editor are favorably mentioned in 
Our World, weekend feature section of the Communist Daily People's World, 
issue of February 2, 1951. 

This commission has examined a copy of a magazine, New Korea, dated March 
1950, bearing the imprint of a publisher at Canton, China. This magazine, 


which was circulated in Honolulu, is anti-American, anti-Rhee, and pro-Com- 
munist. It features a full-page photograph of Kim Il-sung, Communist premier 
of North Korea, and extols the virtues of communism in Xoi'th Korea and Russia. 
The following is quoted from the magazine : 

"South Korea is a Hell 

"The miserable conditions of the South Korean people under the puppet regime 
of Syngman Rhee is beyond description. 


"The Rhee's government consists of national traitors and gangsters. The 
ruling method of Syngman Rhee is murder and looting." 

A photograph in New Korea is captioned : "The weeping survivors of mur- 
dered victims. The man standing in background is an American G. I. helping 
to murder the Korean people." The extent of local circulation of this magazine, 
and the identities of persons responsible therefor, have not yet been determined. 
Only the March 1950 is.sue has been found. 

The Korean Inticrendeuce, published in the Engli-sh and Korean languages, 
by the Korean In>!ependence News Co., Los Angeles, Calif., is also circulated in 
Hawaii. Tlie .7 : i-ary 31, 1951, issue of this publication, obtained by the Com- 
mission on Subversive Activities in Honolulu, manifests the Communist line on 
the Korean "ar. The first page of the English section has a banner headline, 
"How United States Provoked the Korean Civil War," while another headline 
across the second page reads, "How United States Engineered Plot for the 
Korean Civil War." Both pages of the English section are taken up with a single 
article, the content of which is anti-United States, anti-Rhee and pro-Communist 

Since the outbreak of the Korean war, the Communist Party of Hawaii has 
curtailed almost all activity that would bring it to the attention of the public. 
During that period, the only openly identified Communist propaganda dissemi- 
nated in Hawaii has been a handbill which is reproduced below : 

"Prevent World War III 

"Atomic war threatens the people of the world. President Truman increased 
that danger when he ordered military action against the peoples of Asia. His 
orders speeding our troops, bombers and warships against the Korean people can 
only lead to world disaster. 

"The military provocation in Korea was planned as a smokescreen behind 
which to intervene against the struggle for independence of the peoples of Korea, 
China, Formosa, the Phlippines, Vietnam, Indonesia and Malaya. These people 
want the right to determine their own destiny. They have that right just as 
we had the same right to form into a nation during the American Revolution 
against the British Tories. 

"But President Truman and his administration have decided otherwise. They 
have decided to force the puppet Syngman Rhee upon the Korean people — 
that same Syngman Rhee whose administration was completely repudiated and 
defeated in the last South Korean election. It is an attempt to nullify the will 
of the Korean people which was expressed in the last election by force of Ameri- 
can arms. It is the application of the same policy of trying to force the corrupt 
Chiang Kai-shek upon the Chinese people — the same Chiang Kai-shek who was 
run out of China by the Chinese people. 

"In an attempt to justify this military invasion, Truman is using Hitler's 
method of crying 'Communist aggression.' But what is the truth? It is known 
by the United States, the United Nations and the world that the Soviet Union with- 
drew its troops from Korea a year and a half ago. Even our local papers tell us 
that there are no Soviet troops in Korea today. 

"Under these circumstances, it is becoming increasingly clear that the United 
States Govei-nment is carrying on the policy of Wall Street big business to 
dominate the world. 

"Think clearly, fellow-Americans : consider the facts deeply. Our country, our 
sons and daughters, are in grave danger. At first it was military supplies, and 
Naval and Air Force aid. A few days later it was a few battalions of Amoricn 
troops ; now it is divisions and whole armies. Next it will be atomic bombs and 
the wholesale slaughter of millions of people. Such a course can only lead to 
a third world war with the existence of all the people of the world at stake. 


"Such a course can be stopped by the united demand of the people for peace. 

"Demand a halt to the aggressive military adventures of our administration 
before they touch off worldvv^ide atomic war. 

"Hands off Korea. Demand the immediate withdrawal of United States war- 
ships, Air Force, and troops and an end to shipment of arms to the puppet re- 
gimes in Korea, Formosa, Vietnam. 

"Ban the atomic bomb and declare that government an enemy of mankind that 
first uses it. 

"We must — all of us who cherish freedom, who abhor atomic death for hun- 
dreds of millions — unite our ranks, combine in a solid front of the people for 

"Let your desire for peace be heard. 

"Issued by The Communist Party of Hawaii, P. O. Box 3886. "" 

Although Charles K. Fujimoto, chairman of the Communist Party of Hawaii, 
has continued his propagandizing efforts on a limited scale, no other persons 
in Hawaii have publicly admitted current Communist Party afHliation. No 
reliable record of the number of Communist Party members in Hawaii has 
been found locally, but J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation, testified before a Senate committee in Washington, in 1950, that 
there were 160 members of the Communist Party in Hawaii. 

Following the Communist practice of changing the name of an organization 
that has developed an unsavory reputation, the Communist-front Hawaii Civil 
Liberties Committee became aflSliated with the Civil Rights Congress, national 
Oommunist-front group, in October, 1950, and thereupon adopted the title, Ha- 
waii Civil Rights Congress. A magazine entitled "News," an inflammatory 
publication issued by the Civil Rights Congress, has appeared in Hawaii dur- 
ing the past several months. Its content is almost completely Communist in 

The formal organization of the Communist Party of Hawaii during the past 
year is not known. The party is well underground, for two principal reasons : 
first, the exposure provided by the April 1950, hearings conducted in Honolulu 
by the House Un-American Activities Committee and, second, by the war in 
Korea. It must be assumed, however, that the Communist Party apparatus has 
been maintained intact as far as top direction and control are concerned, al- 
though individual "cells" may be inactive. Just as the Communist Party of 
Hawaii went underground during World War II, yet reappeared stronger thnn 
ever after the war, so may it do again unless continued vigilance is maintained 
to detect and expose its conspiratorial operations. 

CoM^rt'NIST Party Propaganda 

Propaganda of the Communist Party which has in the past been disseminated 
in the Hawaiian Islands has been of several types, printed and oral. It has ap- 
peared in several languages. Sometimes it has been produced locally, and other 
times introduced from oversea. Its sole and continuing purpose has been to itn- 
plement the Communist line, that is, to urge support of the Communist side <if 
various issties. It sometimes has been openly labeled as Communist Party 
propaganda — for example, the occasional leaflets distributed in the name of the 
party and the one radio talk given by Charles K. Fujimoto. as so-called chair- 
man of the Communist Party of Hawaii — but usually its true nature as Commu- 
nist material has been concealed, better to insure Its reading and acceptance 
by the uncritical or uninitiated. 

For the purposes of this section of the report, consideration is given only to 
propaganda initiated by the formal Communist Party and its affiliates and not 
to Marxist tracts, such as were printed in the Japanese language and circulated 
into the Territory of Hawaii more than 20 years ago. 

Many people have, until recent years, come to consider the throwaway leaflet 
as the chief, if not only, type of Communist propaganda device. A person is 
likely to have seen or read of the mass distribution of such leaflets in Ameri- 
can industrial centers where the Communist Party has operated openly, and of 
the passing out of throwaways at Hyde Park in London incidental to soapbox 
orations by Communists. However, the propaganda leaflet has been little used 
bv the Partv in Hawaii, because at no time since its formation has it ojtorated 


openly as does its counterparts in California, New York, and other sections of 
the country. 

It is recorded by Richard Krebs that, in 1925, upon visiting Hawaii on a ship 
that had sailed from California, he went ashore at Hilo and distributed Com- 
munist propaganda leaflets. He also reports that he submitted a propaganda 
plan for Hawaii to the Comintern. It is interesting to note that his suggestions, 
whether or not known to local Communists in later years, have been followed by 
them in many respects. 

In June 19o8, at a rally of .strikers at Aala Park, Honolulu, George Mayen- 
schein, a merchant-marine Communist, distributed Communist handbills. In con- 
tent, the leaflets stated the Communist Party's endorsement of the strikers and 
called upon other groups in the community to support them. In the body of the 
leaflet, mention was made of the '"Hawaiian section of the American Communist 
Party," while the foot of the sheet bore the signature, "Communist Party, Hono- 
lulu branch." When interviewed by the press, Mayenschein disclaimed author- 
ship of the leaflets or official connection with the Communist Party here, saying 
thnt he was a memlicr of the party but was not its official ngent in Honolulu. 

In 1940. several practice blackouts were held in Honolulu. During the course 
of one of these drills, leaflets originated by the Communist Party of Hawaii 
appeared in public pla'-es. The message contained in the leaflets was, in sub- 
stance, this: "Do not cooperate in the trial blackout unless you want to 'black 
out' your civil liberties." 

Shortly before the commencement on June 15, 1946, of the maritime strike 
which involved Hawaiian and I'acifie coast ports, Ralph Vossbrink, then assist- 
ant Honolulu port agent of the National Union of Marine Cooks and Stewards, 
openly distributed on the Honolulu waterfront coines of a Communist leaflet 
supporting tlie seamen. The handbill bore the imprint of "The Waterfront 
Committee, Communist Party, San Francisco, Seattle, Portland, Pedro, Hono- 
lulu," and concluded with the urging, "Join the Communist Party." Questioned 
by the press concerning his motive for distributing this literature. Vossbrink is 
quoted as having said : 

"However, none of the political parties other than the Commimist party has 
made leaflets on the .strike situation available to us, and we would welcome such 
leaflets from the Republican and Democratic Parties. 

"Speaking for my own organization, we will welcome support from all groups 
and political parties. I will make available to our membership leaflets and papers 
issued by such groups as the Christian Science Monitor and the Daily 

Whereas the leaflet distributed by Vossbrink apparently was prepared on the 
mainland, the Communist Party of Hawaii subsequently prepared and distributed 
its own mimeographed leaflets, u.sually crude in typography and content. None 
of these is of such importance as to require reproduction in this report, and it 
will suffice to mention a few of the themes of the leaflets : 

(1) Opposition to the Mundt-Nixon (Communist control) bill pending in 
Congress, 1948. 

(2) Opposition to all Government committees charged with the duty of 
investigating and exposing the Communist Party. 

( 3 ) Support of socialism. 

(4) Opposition to the Honolulu daily press. 

(5) Support of the international Communist position that in the event of 
a war with Soviet Russia, the Commimists would not fight against the 
IT. S. S. R. 

(6) Support of the international Communist position calculated to weaken 
American superiority in the atomic field. 

(7) Opposition to constituted Federal and Territorial government au- 

Nearly always interspersed with the themes just mentioned were innocuous or 
noncontroversial proposals to make the main dose palatable, for example: 
"Retard unemployment." 

"National policy of peaceful cooperation with other peoples of the world." 
"Reduction of public-utility rates without reduction in service." 
"Extended social insurance benefits." 


There is no openly identified newspaper or other publication of the Communist 
Party printed in the Territory of Hawaii. However, there are several news- 


papers printed locally whose content is such as to suggest Communist 

The Honolulu Record, a weelily published in Honolulu since August 1948, has 
been described by the Committee an Un-American Activities, United States House 
of Representatives, as a "Communist front." Certain additional material not 
presented in that committee's report is presented in annex 24 hereto. 

The Hawaii Star, published weekly in Honolulu since March 1947, is the sub- 
ject of annex 23 to this report. Since April 1948, this publication has ap- 
peared in the Japanese language, whereas previously it also had an English 
section. It can be concluded from the material set forth in annex 23 that 
the Hawaii Star has a heavy content of Communist propaganda. 

Both the Honolulu Record and Hawaii Star carry many news reports and 
much editorial comment concerning world events. The presentation of these 
matters has been generally in the same manner as that of the Daily People's 
World, one of the two leading Communist dailies in the United States. For 
purposes of comparison this commission's staff has made a study of the content 
of the Honolulu Record, of the Hawaii Star, and of the Daily People's World for 
the same S-month period in 1950. This study has revealed a marked similarity 
of material appearing in the three publications and has shown no significant 
differences among them. 

Circulation of the Daily People's World in the Territory of Hawaii has been 
encouraged by the Communist Party of Hawaii, whose members have used 
various means to circulate it. It has been made available to the rank and file of 
some unions by their leaders. In its last sworn statement of ownership, the 
Daily People's World declared that the publishing corporation had no stock- 
holders and that the sole bondholder was George R. Andersen, 240 Montgomery 
Street, San Francisco, Calif. An individual of that name at that address is one 
of the chief attorneys for the ILWU. 

There is also circulated in the Territory of Hawaii a biweekly called Ti 
Mangyuna (The Pioneer), printed in the Uocano dialect. Its editor is Koji 
Ariyoshi, who is also editor of the Honolulu Record. These publications and the 
Hawaii Star are published at the same plant in Honolulu. No analysis of the 
■content of Ti Mangyuna has been made by this commission, but it is known that 
it publishes some of the articles and photographs which appear in the Honolulu 

In recent months there has been circulated in Hawaii a magazine titled 
"News." The cover and general format of this magazine bears a marked sim- 
ilarity to that of the weekly news magazine. Time. News is published by the 
Civil Rights Congress of New York City. It is circulated in the Hawaiian 
Islands by the Hawaii Civil Rights Congress, an aflBliate of the publisher. The 
Civil Rights Congress is generally considered to be one of the largest Com- 
munist-front organizations in the United States. 

News presents the imadulterated Communist line on such issues as defense 
of Communists, criticism of housing conditions, praising well-known Communist 
sympathizers such as Paul Robeson, denunciation of General MacArthur and all 
investigations of communism, and advocacy of the so-called Russian "peace" 

Certain trade-union newspapers circulated in the Hawaiian Islands have been 
examined and a Communist line content noted in some. This is not to say that 
such publications do not also present legitimate trade-imion news, for they do. 
However, where such publications are controlled by Communist-led unions, the 
papers are also used for Communist purposes. 

Shortly after he announced that he had assumed the chairmanship of the 
Communist Party of Hawaii, Charles K. Fujimoto gave a talk over a Honolulu 
radio station, outlining the alleged program of his party. This is the only 
known broadcast sponsored and paid for by the Communist Party and openly 
identified as such. 

However, certain other radio programs in the English. Japanese, and Uocano 
languages have been broadcast regularly over a radio network in the Hawaiian 
Islands. These programs are sponsored by the ILWU, and the amount of money 
spent annually to sustain them is very large. While legitimate news and 
commentaries of Interest to trade unionists may be said to constitute the greater 
part of these broadcasts, the use of them as a means to disseminate Communist 
propaganda in the Territory of Hawaii is clear. In March 1949, Walter Stack. 


a merchaut-iiiarine Communist, was interviewed on one of these network pro- 
grams. He presented the viewpoint the Communist Party on a number of 
topics. While his invitation to speak on that program may have been the result 
of individual action, and not action of the sponsoring union, the fact remains 
that the union did not repudiate the broadcast. 

In fact, it should be stated at this point that no instance of criticism of the 
Communist Party by the ILWU has come to the attention of this Commission. 


Propaganda may be disseminaed in many ways, and this Commission has not 
attempted to make a complete analysis of all Communist propaganda in the Ter- 
ritory. It must be pointed out that any means by which one person may in- 
fluence the thinking and actions of another constitutes a medium of propaganda. 

The sponsorship of the speaking tour of Celeste Strack in 1948 provided an- 
other means of spreading the Communist line in Hawaii. Miss Strack, educa- 
tional director of the Communist Party of California, was brought to Hawaii as a 
defense witness in the Reinecke case. She made a tour of the various islands 
and spoke to many audiences. She openly presented the Communist Party view- 
point on many topics. Her trip was reported in a feature article which appeared 
in the Daily People's World, Communist newspaper published on the west coast. 
Her travel throughout the Hawaiian Islands was financed by the ILWU. 

Communists have caused to be conducted various rallies, which have provided 
a means for further disseminating the Communist line. 

Discussion Groups 

A study of Communist tactics in various countries during the past several 
decades shows that in those areas where the Communist Party has carried on 
underground operations, the "development" of persons for recruitment into the 
party has been accomplished efl:"ectively through the medium of the "study group," 
or, as it is more often called locally, the "discussion group." Such groups are 
of many types, varying from an apparently innocent gathering of persons to dis- 
cuss current events on an organized basis, to a full-fledged Communist course 
openly identified as such. Between those extremes lies the group which studies 
formal Marxism-Leninism (often with reference to current problems), but which 
is not identified to the participants as being directed by the Communist Party. 
This section of the report is concerned chiefly with discussion groups and study 
groups not identified to the participants as Communist directed. It does not 
embrace courses held for persons who have already joined the party. 

The subversive dangers which are inherent in Communist and Marxist study 
groups are dramatically presented in the report of the Royal Commission which 
investigated wartime Russian espionage in Canada. The Commis.sion on Sub- 
versive Activities believes that parts of that report illustrate beyond any doubt 
the seductive nature of Communist study groups. 

It is generally known that the Communist Party, U. S. A., has been built upon 
cell-like units (variously called cells, fractions, clubs, branches, and the like) 
which often have been the outgrowths of discussion groups. So-called intel- 
lectuals usually are drawn into the party through di.scussion groups rather 
than by diiect approach. 

It was the study group that offered Communist leaders in Canada (who were 
acting under the orders of Russian espionage agents) the vehicle which they 
used to induce certain Canadians to betray their country through the willing dis- 
closure of top-se<ret scientific and military information. The results obtained 
through this process were truly phenomenal when one considers that many of 
the subverted persons were not even members of the Communist Party and some 
did not even realize that they were being used against their own nation. 

During the late 1920's and early 1930's— at a time when the Japanese Govern- 
ment was exerting a strong effort to stamp out communism within the Empire — 
there existed in Hawaii several active Marxist groups whose membership was 
composed of persons of Japanese ancestry, of both alien and United States citi- 
zen status. These Marxist groups held regular study group meetings at several 
places in Honolulu and on the islands of Mani and Kauai. 

With one notable exception, these Marxist groups were led by persons who came 
to Hawaii from Japan or by persons whose indoctrination in Marxist ideology 
was received from persons who were natives of Japan. Jack Denichi Kimoto. 
until recently editor of the pro-Communist Hawaii Star, was the leader .>f 
Marxist study grou])s during the 1930's. 


About 1934-36, other persons, including maritime and waterfront union leaders 
and a University of Hawaii instructor and students, held informal Marxist dis- 
cussions at the MacDonald Hotel and at several other places near the university. 
These groups supported the Honolulu labor newspaper, Voice of Labor, with 
which Jack W. Hall, waterfront labor leader, and Oeorge Goto, MacDonald Hotel 
group member, were associated. Ichiro Izuka, ex-Communist Party member, 
has written that Hall and Groto influenced him toward communism in 1938- 

Among the first study group meetings conducted by a member of the Communist 
Parry of Hawaii were those held during 1938 and 1939 at the home of Dr. and 
Mrs. John E. ReinecRe, oaTl Pahoa Avenue. Honolulu. At those meetings. Dr. 
Reinecke, who usually acted as leader of the group, conducted the discussions 
of current events, interpreting them in the light of Marxist-Leninist teaching. 
He used pamphlets issued by International Publishers, which has been described 
by the Attorney General of the United States as "an organ of the Communist 

Semiprivate discussions of world affairs, international politics, and current 
events were frequent outgrowths of Interprofessional Association meetings in 
Honolulu during 1937-41. These discussions sometimes were held at homes of 
various IPA members, a number of whom are known to have been sympathetic 
toward Russia and toward Marxist-Leninist ideology. Many of these informal 
discussiims centered about topics which offered excellent opportunity for the 
injection of ]Marxist-Leninist thought. Several persons who participated in 
these discussions were well schooled In the teachings of Marx, Engels and Lenin. 

During the summer of 1941 meetings of another Marxist-Leninist study group 
were held at the Honolulu residence of a woman who left the Territory some 
years ago. Participants in these study group meetings were students at the 
University of Hawaii and other youthful residents of Honolulu. This .group's 
devotion to the Communist cause is evident from the literature that formed the 
basis for their study and discussion. All were provided with and encouraged to 
read thoroughly the writings of Marx, Engels, and Lenin. A portion of this 
literature was brought to the Territory by Communist couriers aboard Matson 
ships. One of the leaders of this group, David Evans Thompson, has been iden- 
tified as a member of the Communist Party of Hawaii in the postwar period. 

Military restrictions imposed after the outbreak of war with Jaiian brought a 
temporary cessation of Communist Party meetings and Communist study group 
meetings. However, shortly after the Battle of Midway (June 1942) Ci)mmu- 
nist leaders inaugurated a series of meetings at the homes of certain Commu- 
nists and Communist sympathizers, the most prominent of whom was Dr. John 
E. Reinecke. These meetings were designed to maintain contact among party 
members and prospective party members until such time as the party might ne 
officially reactivated. They were effectively employed as a "cover" for main- 
taining liaison among prewar Communists and Communist sympathizers, as 
well as for the possible "development" of future party members. Through these 
meetings, party members and sympathizers were exposed to developments and 
changes in the Communist Party line. 

With the opening of the Honolulu Labor Canteen in August, 1945, the wartime 
meetings at various private homes ceased and the energies of the members of 
such groups were directed toward the success of the canteen. Shortly after 
the canteen closed about June 1946, a Marxist-Leninist indoctrination study 
group was begun at the home of Dr. John E. Reinecke. The first course offered 
was taught by Dr. Reinecke himself. A subsequent course was conducted by 
David Hyun. Each course was of approximately 9 or 10 weeks duration. If an 
individual completed the course satisfactorily, he was approached and asked to 
become a member of the Communist Party. Richard M. Kageyama testified be- 
fore the House Un-American Activities Committee in April 19r»0, that after 
having completed the course at Dr. Reinecke's home he was asked to become a 
formal Communist Party member, and did so. Literature distributed at the 
Reinecke residence included the writings of Karl Marx, Joseph Stalin, V. I. 
Lenin, Freiderich Engels, and Eugene Dennis. 

A more advanced Marxist-Leninist study group met weekly during the summer 
of 1946 at a home in the Makiki district of Honolulu. It was called a "current 
events" discussion group. The leaders were servicemen from the mainland who 
were well-schooled in Marxist-Leninist ideology. These leaders employed the 
usual Communist technique of choosing some facet of current political or social 
thought or some particular news event, and evaluating it in the light of current 
Communist interpretation. Some of the persons who attended meetings of thif 


discussion gi-oup appear to liave been already influenced by previous exposure to 
Comnuinist interpretation. 

A third postwar study group lield its weekly meetings during the summer of 
I94G at a residence at 3 526 Kaihee Street, Honolulu, where several Communists 
resided. Almost all of the members of this group were students of the University 
of Hawaii and members of Hawaii Youth for Democracy, a campus organization 
described in annex 10. Discussion leaders were Charles K. Fujinioto, who in 
mid-October 1948 identifled himself as the chairman of the Communist Party of 
Hawaii, and his wife, Eileen T. Fujimoto. (Jeanette M. Xakama, who lived at 
the home where these meetings were held, and Charles K. Fujimoto refused to 
testify before tlie House Un-American Activities Committee in April 1950 con- 
cerning their knowledge of Communist activities.) The principal subject matter 
discussed at the Kaihee Street meetings was the status of the so-called pro- 
gressive movements throughout the world. The discussion leaders applied the 
term "progressive movements'' to the efforts of revolutionary elements to over- 
throw the governments of such countries as Greece, India, Indonesia, Iran, and 
Korea. The tenor of their remarks left a clear implication that the United States 
and England, the so-called western democracies, were guided solely by capi- 
talistic and imperialistic principles. Among the authors of the literature studied 
and discussed at the Kaihee Street residence were Karl Marx, Fi-eiderich Engels, 
William Z. Foster, and Rev. Hewlett Johnson (the "Red dean of Canterbury"). 
Discussion leaders also provided copies of The Communist Manifesto for the 

Beginning in February 1948, a class in basic Marxism met weekly at the home 
of Robert Greene, 2181- J Kalia Road, Honolulu. He is a former chairman of 
the Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee, leading postwar Communist-front organ- 
ization in Hawaii. A former Communist Party member testifled before the 
House Un-American Activities Committee in April 1950 that he observed Greene 
in attendance at a Communist Party meeting in Honolulu. Additional classes in 
Marxism were held during the early months of 1948 at the home of Dwight 
James Freeman, Communist Party organizer in Hawaii. 

Only recently has this commission uncovered certain evidence concerning some 
postwar Communist study groups. Therefore, it is not possible to include in this 
report as full a presentation as may be available in the future. It has been indi- 
cated, however, that among the participants in these groups have been some 
persons who are now public employees. A number of these employees, when 
interviewed, have C(»ncealed their participation in these groups. This suggests 
the possibility that some may have developed the "ethic of conspiracy" men- 
tioned by the Canadian Royal Commission. As to any such public emph)yees, 
the need for a loyalty-review procedure is evident. 

Communists in Public Employment 

There are around 15,000 employees of the Territorial and county governments, 
about 5,000 of whom are in the department of public instruction and the Univer- 
sity of Hawaii. In conducting its inquiry, this commission has been unable to 
investigate the possibilities of subversive activities on the part of all public em- 
ployees. In the time allotted, it was found that specific attention could be given 
to only a few government departments. This commission determined that sur- 
veys be made of the department of public instruction and the University of 
Hawaii. In addition, certain individual cases of other public employees were 
given investigative attention. 

The general survey conducted by this commission, and an analysis of all infor- 
mation received by it from various sources, fails to reveal the presence now of 
any proven Communists in public employment. In public ofiice there is, however, 
one person, Shigeo Takemoto, a member of the civil-service commission, county 
of Maui, who claimed his privilege against self-incrimination when asked ques- 
tions concerning Communist activities by the House Un-American Activities Com- 
mittee in 1950. However, in 1949 he executed the Territorial form of loyalty 
oath, which includes a statement that he was not then and for 5 years previously 
had not been a member of the Communist Party. 

In examining official records concerning public employees, this commission has 
concluded that it would be desirable that a standard form of personnel record, 
similar to that kept on Federal civil-service employees, be maintained on every 
officer and employee. In many instances valuable investigative time would not 
have been expended on collateral searches had the files checked contained the 
desired information. In conjunction with its recommendations, as stated at the 


end of the report, this commission believes that any loyalty-review program that 
might be adopted by the Territory would necessarily have to have, as the basis for 
the review of individual cases, an adequate required personal history form. 

There have been times in the past when Communists have been elected or ap- 
pointed to public office. It is not believed that the voters of the Territory know- 
ingly would ever have placed a Communist in office and that no department head 
would have permitted a known Communist to obtain or remain in Territorial or 
county office or employment. Unless, however, some standardized procedure for 
the detection of subversives in public office and employment is established, the 
possibility will always exist that other Communists will be elected to office or 
serve as pul)lic employees. 


The importance to the Communist Party of placing its members in a position 
where they can indoctrinate young people is well recognized, and the obvious way 
of attaining that end is through infiltrating the educational system. The position 
of the Communist Party, U. S. A., with reference to the schools and the tasks 
assigned by it to Connnunist teachers are shown in annex 13. 

It is mainly because of the known interest of the Communist Party, U. S. A., in 
the schools that this commission conducted a survey of the Territorial depart- 
ment of public instruction. The investigation was conducted chiefly through a 
study of official records, interviews with many witnesses on the four main islands 
of the Territory, and testimony taken under oath. 

The reason for surveying any school system for evidence of subversive activi- 
ties is not only to detect the presence of any Communist personnel, but also to 
determine the general pattern of Communist operations relating to the schools, 
if present. Nowadays, however, it is not generally possible to identify Commu- 
nists by their own admissions. In most cases they may be exposed only by Com- 
munist Party documents or through testimony of ex-Commimists. It has become 
increasingly difficult to obtain such evidence. Emphasis must therefore be laid 
on ascertaining matters of personal conduct and ethics which tend to show pro- 
Communist inclinations, rather than proof of formal member.ship in a subversive 

This commission believes that the participation of teacliers in ( -onnnunist- 
front organizations easily can earn for them the general repute of being Com- 
munists, or at least, of being pro-Communist in their sympathies. In the case 
of teachers, their acquiring such a reputation tends to impair public confidence 
in the schools, and their individual actions in a.ssociation with persons engaged 
in subversive activities will set an unwanted example for students to follow. 

In the course of its survey, this commission has given specific attention to 
the cases about 50 teachers who have served in the public-school system since 
World War II. A small number of those teachei-s liave participated in pro- 
Communist activities, but no evidence has been discovered that would prove the 
presence now of a single Communist in the depai-tment of public instruction. 
However, because of the stringent .security measu)-es now practiced by Com- 
munists, no one can warrant with certainty that any school system is entirely 
free of Connnunist personnel. 


This commission's investigation concerning the Ijiiversity of Hawaii was 
limited to tlie matter of communism, there having been no evidence obtained to 
indicate any other type of subversive activity there. The inquiry concerned 
faculty members, students, employees, and campus organizations, and was con- 
ducted genei-ally in the same manner as was the survey of the public-school sys- 
tem. A more detailed report is contained in annex 13. 

During 193.5-41 a few faculty members and students at the university became 
interested, almost entirely from an intellectual standpoint, in the study and dis- 
cussion of Marxist philosophy. This activity was largely of an unorganized 
nature, although it did often involve as.soclatlon with offcampus groups. A 
chapter of the pro-Communist American Student Union (see annex 25) was 
organized at the university in the fall of 1938. but gained little recognition and 
became defunct in a year or two. 

In the fall of 1937, Dr. John E. Reinecke, then an instructor at the university, 
helped organize the pro-Communist Interprofessional As.sociation. Honolulu 
chapter. (See annex 5.) Several university faculty members and students were 


connected with tlie IPA, either as members, attendants at its meetings, or guest 
speakers. It does not appear, however, that the character of the IPA was appre- 
ciated fully by persons at the university. 

For about a year after World War II, there existed at the imiversity a student 
organization called the Hawaii Youth for Democracy. That it patterned itself 
after the American Youth for Democracy, a sul)versive and Communist group on 
the mainland, and was of specific interest to the Comnuinist Party of Hawaii, is 
apparent. (See annex 10.) A significant influence on the IIYD appears to have 
been exerted by Charles K. Fujimoto, who during 1945-40, was employed as a re- 
search chemist at the Hawaii Agricultural Experiment Station, a division of the 
university. P^ujimoto, who resigned his university position in 1948, to assume the 
chairmanship of the Communist Party of Hawaii, led discussion groups for 
university students at his home during 1946. Some, of these students were 
leaders in the HYD. 

A very few members of the university staff (faculty and employees) have been 
associated with pro-Communist causes since World War II, but no evidence has 
been obtained to indicate that any of them, other than P'ujimoto, has attenipted 
to influence student thinking toward communism. 

Stephen T. Murin and Claude W. White, students enrolled at the university, 
are of some interest. Murin, who formerly lived in Pennsylvania and came to 
Hawaii in 1947, has been identified as having been a member of the Communist 
Party in his home State. He was so identified by ^Matthew Cvetic, a former FBI 
undercover agent in the Communist Party in western I'ennsylvania. Murin 
has served as chairman of the Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee, a Communist 
front organization. In the fall of 1950 that group changed its name to Hawaii 
Civil Rights Congress and affiliated itself with the Civil Rights Congress, well 
known national Commimist-front organization. Murin continued as chairman 
of the HCRC until he was succeeded by Claude W. White in February 1951. At 
that time Murin became vice chairman of the HCRC. There is no evidence at 
hand to indicate either of these students has attemped to further the interests 
of the HCRC on the university campus. 

The survey made by this Commission failed to disclose that any Communists 
are employed by the University of Hawaii. The present administration and 
faculty appear to be conscious of the danger of communism and have taken steps 
to keep it from the campus. 

Political Actio.v 

Not until the year 1946 were Communists to become prominent in the elections 
of the Territory. It was in that year that the CIO Territorial Political Action 
Committee (usually referred to as CIO-PAC) was activated. Because the CIO- 
PAC has been the subject of investigation by the House Un-American Activities 
Committee, no further discussion of that matter appears necessary. However, 
this commission believes that no unfavorable implication should be drawn 
against any person merely because, as a candidate in 1946, he accepted the 
endorsement of the CIO-PAC. 

The next major effort of the Communist Party in the field of political action 
was its infiltration and attempt to control the Democratic Party of Hawaii in 
1948. In the election of Democratic Party precinct club oflBcers in April 1948, the 
Communists exerted strong efforts to win control of certain clubs. As a result of 
their concerted efforts, they and persons directly subject to heir influence won a 
sizable minority of the precinct club offices. Because of their control of some 
precinct clubs, the Communists were able to obtain appointment of persons of 
their choice as election officials. 

The Communist infiltration of the Democratic Party appears to have been 
planned well in advance, because by the time the Territorial convention of the 
Democratic Party was held at McKinley High School Auditorium, Honolulu, on 
May 2, 1948, a relatively large number of Communists had been chosen as dele- 
gates or alternate delegates to that convention. Information available to this 
Commission indicates that 41 Communist Party members held credentials at 
the convention. Of those, five had been members of the executive board of the 
Communist Party of Hawaii : 

Jack W. Hall 

Koichi Imori 

Jack H. Kawano 

Jack Denichi Kimoto 

Ralph V. Vossbriuk 


Several Communist Party members secured appoiutments to the standing com- 
mittees of the Democratic convention. 

Previous to the holding of the convention, Jack H. Kawano and Isaac K. 
Kauvpe, who have admitted their former Communist Party membership, were 
elected to the Territorial Central Committee of the Democratic Party. Another 
person elected to that committee was Thomas S. Yagi, one of he "Reluctant 39." 

In May 1948, two identified members of the Communist Party were elected 
oflBcers of the Oahu County Committee of the Democratic Party. 

There is evidence that illegal means may have been employed either by or for 
the benefit of Communists who infiltrated the Democratic Party in 1948. To 
illustrate: Three persons not legally domiciled in the 30th Precinct. 4th District, 
executed false declarations that they resided there. All three chose the same 
address, that being the home of an employee in the ILWU regional office. One 
of the false registrants was similarly employed. All three of the false registrants 
have been identified with the ILWU or with the leftwing element of the Demo- 
cratic Party. As a result of their actions, the three persons were able to obtain 
ofiicial positions in the 1948 elections, two as inspectoi-s of election and the other 
as clerk. Another elector of the 30th Precinct brought statutory proceedings in 
1950 to debar the three false registrants from the rolls of the precinct. After 
a hearing, the board of registration of electors, District of Oahu, ordered the 
names of all three stricken. In those proceedings, one respondent admitted that 
he had improperly registered in the 30th Precinct. 

Two witnesses subpenaed to testify during the proceedings of this commission 
admitted their membership in the Democratic Party and that they were Demo- 
cratic precinct club and election officials in the 1948 elections. When asked to 
provide information concerning the Communist Party's plan to infiltrate and con- 
trol the Democratic Party, each of these witnesses refused to testify, invoking 
the right against self-incrimination. 

In 1949, many Democrats began to examine critically the status of their party. 
In June 1949, a resolution was introduced before the Territorial central com- 
mittee which required that all prospective Democratic Party members swear that 
they were not and had never been members of the Commimist Party or any other 
subvei-sive organization. However, after a bitterly contested 3-hour session 
highlighted by an exchange of invectives between the "right" and "left-wing" 
committee members, the resolution was re.iected by a vote of 8-7 (15 committee 
members being absent). 

In January 1950. it was announced that all units of the ILWU had been noti- 
fied to establish "political committees" before February 1. These committees 
were to function in connection with the election of delegates to the Hawaii State 
Constitutional Convention to be held in April 1950. The political committees 
were to remain intact for the fall elections as well. 

In the constitutional convention election, two of the 63 offices were won by 
Richard M. Kageyama, a former member of the Communist Party, and Frank 
G. Silva, one of the "Reluctant 39". The reported connection of these two men 
with Communist activities was not known to the electorate at the time. Kage- 
yama resigned from the convention after testifying before the House Un-Ameri- 
can Activities Committee that he was at one time a member of the Communist 
Party. Silva was subjienaed by the House Un-American Activities Committee, 
but refused to testify on the ground that his testimony might tend to incriminate 
him. Silva was a.sked to resign from his office of delegate to the constitutional 
convention, but refused to do so. He was then expelled from the convention. 

Since the Communist infiltration of the Democratic Party was exposed by 
the House committee hearings, the Democratic Party has split into "right" and 
"left" groups. Within each group there are many persons who are actively seek- 
ing to remove all traces of Communist influence from the Democratic Party. 

Observations by the Commission 

Perhaps the most serious aspect of the problem of combating subversive activi- 
ties is the uncritical acceptance by many persons of the propaganda of subversive 
gi-oups and, strangely, a reluctance to accept (or even examine the basis for) 
authoritative warnings of the dangers of communism. This strongly suggests 
that the average person has not been adequately prepared — in the schools and 
churches, at home, and by the press — to comprehend the nature of communism. 

This commission believes that the battle against communism and other sub- 
versive movements must be waged on two fronts. On the one side, all institutions 
of education and propagation of knowledge must be dedicated to the proposition 


that all persons within their reach shall he apprised of the heritage of America 
and the ideals of democracy. So grounded, they will not trade their hirthright 
of constitutional liberties for an Illusory facade of perfection which hides a 
totalitarian despotism. On the other side, there is need for a continuing study 
and exposure of all subversive movements by properly constituted agencies, 
Federal and local. 

This commission believes that American governments and private institutions 
have, in general, until recent times failed to inform the American people of the 
true nature of communism, which appears in this country in the guise of the 
Communist Party, U. S. A. and a myriad of "fronts," Communist-line publica- 
tions, and other knowing and unwitting elements of the Communist apparatus. 
To place but a share of the blame, the schools must be named as among those who 
liave failed in this task. 

Many persons who testified before this commission, or were interviewed by 
its staff, were educated in the public schools of Hawaii. Several who admitted 
some connection with Communist activities volunteered the criticism that they 
had not, but should have, been warned in school against the dangers of commu- 
nism. One witness before this commission, at the conclusion of his testimony, 
asked, "May I make one tinal statement before I leave?" He then volunteered 
these remarks : 

"I believe that a lot of this thing would not have come about if the American 
education system had been changed, had approached this thing in a more real- 
istic manner. Just as venereal disease, sex, and any other thing has been a 
hush-hush subject. Because this is the reason why I am firmly convinced of 
this, is because up until the time I was approached by Charlie Fujimoto I had 
no inkling of what the Communist Party was about. My sole purpose was to 
iietter the unions in Hawaii and the people, the children today and the children 
to come. If they are still hush-hush on this matter it is a bad thing. "Let's not 
talk about.' I think that is one of the main reasons why such a rapid growth 
during 1946 and 1947 took place within the Communist Party, because I say it is 
easily 75 percent of them that don't know what the heck they were going into. 
And I think it is about time that we make a realistic approach to this matter and 
let the people of Hawaii and of the United States know just what the heck it is 
about. And if by letting them know, letting the people honestly know what this 
is all about, if in the future they feel that that is the form of government 
they want, then it is up to the American people. That is democracy, I believe. 
But to keep it hidden and then to have some guy, who is a professional out to 
recruit, to come up and present it to them, well, gentlemen, it is just like shooting 
fish in a barrel. That is the way I feel about it." 

It has come to the attention of this commission that some teachers consider 
the subject of communism to be a "controversial issue" and that, in conformity 
with certain professional doctrines, it should be taught with no attempt on the 
part of the teacher to influence the student's judgment. This commission be- 
lieves that most subjects should be taught impartially, leaving it to the student 
to decide each issue for himself, but points out that the good or evil of commu- 
nism (that is, of the Russian-directed penetration of the United States) is no 
more a controversial issue than is treason. The policy of the United States is 
clear on that. This commission concurs with the view of the Superintendent of 
Public Instruction, D. W. Harold Loper, that "where the question of commu- 
nism is concerned, such academic impartiality is a sign of uncritical think- 
ing." (See annex 13.) 

It is lielieved that it should be the policy of our schools to see that teachers 
apprise themselves of the facts concerning communism and that the curriculum 
contain provision for imparting those facts to students. 

A serious problem is presented in the form of the self-styled "liberal" who 
insists on his right to support causes without knowing (and, seemingly, without 
caring) what the true natures of those causes are. This uncritical acceptance of 
things as they seem to be presents a problem to be solved by those who shape 
individual thinking and public opinion, not by legislation. 

The recent remarks of a Federal judge in Hawaii, having been made during 
the incumbency of this commission and being related to matters within its in- 
quiry, are deemed a matter of necessary comment. In April lOHO, the Committee 
on Un-American Activities of the United States House of Representatives held 
public liearings in Honolulu. At these hearings, 39 witnesses refused to answer 
questions touching their alleged Communist Party affiliations, as result of which 
they were indicted and tried in the United States District Court for Hawaii for 


the offense of contempt of Congress. The presiding judge acQUitted the 39 
accused, basing his judgment on a recent decision of the United States Supreme 
Court. Concerning that decision and the local judge's interpretation thereof, 
tliis commission expresses no opinion. However, after having directed the ac- 
quittals and having disposed of the justiciable matters pending, the judge then 
gratuitously expressed his personal views on the subject of the Couinuuust Tarty 
in Hawaii. That he cared to do so, whether on the bench or as a private citizen, 
was his imdoubted right ; but, that he should express the view, concerning the 
Communist Party, that — "So far as I am concerned, people who choose to may 
belong to it," is believed by this commission to be extremely regrettable, consider- 
ing the source. ( See annex 4. ) 

This commission also believes that the individual and concerted actions of some 
persons, who, under the banner of anticommunism, have attempted to preempt 
the governmental function of investigation and exposure of communism in 
Hawaii, have been ill advised. The motives of persons so engaged have been 
varied, and it is not said that they were not good, but the participants seldom 
have been equipped by training or with authority to perform their self-appointed 
tasks. Libelous lists of names of alleged "subversives" have been circulated. 
"Guilt by association," in the sheerest sense of the phrase, has been advocated. 
"Book burning" has been suggested. 

Recalling its earlier statement that the attack on communism must be two- 
fold — through education and liy the maintenance of in-Dper security procedures — 
this commission strongly suggests that individual citizens and their clubs and 
other organizations concentrate their energies in this field on making American 
democracy work and continue to work, and that they leave the matter of inves- 
tigating and exposing subversive persons to the proper governmental authorities. 


In conducting its inquiry, the commission on subversive activities has at- 
tempted to determine whether any subversive activities, other than connuunism, 
are current in the Territory of Hawaii. In that regard, attention has been 
given to the list of organizations classified by the United States Attorney Gen- 
eral as "totalitarian," "Fascist," "subversive," and the like. 

No evidence of the existence of fascism was discovered. In addition to the 
tisual methods of inquiry, an investigator of the commission interviewed Charles 
K. Fujimoto, chairman of the Communist Party of Hawaii, and Stephen T. 
Murin, who was then chairman of the Hawaii Civil Rights Congress, successor to 
the Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee, a Communist-front organization. Each 
was asked whether he had any information tending to show the existence of 
Fascist activities in Hawaii. Each replied in the negative. Fujimoto added 
that he considered a certain local anti-Communist organization to be "Fascist," 
but that he did not think that its individual members were Fasists. (The de- 
scription of anti-Communist groups as "Fascist" is universal among Commu- 
nists.) Two other persons identified as Communists in sworn testimony were 
asked if they had any evidence of fascism here. They offered none. 

This commission also has attempted to determine whether there exist in the 
Territory of Hawaii any pro-Japan organizations that might be classified as 
"totalitarian" by the Attorney General of the United States. The results of 
this investigation were negative. Although there were in Hawaii at the end 
of World War II a very few alien Japanese who apparently held the view that 
Japan had not been defeated (this die-hard element being referred to as "katta 
gimii"), it appears that no significant number of persons still hold that belief, 
that those who do are not an organized group, and that they are not engaged 
in subversive activities. 

Except for organizations mentioned earlier in this report, no evidence was 
found that would indicate the presence in Hawaii of any group cited by the 
Attorney General, or of any other organizations or activities that could be termed 
"subversive" within the concept of the legislature, as expressed in Joint Resolu- 
tion 5. 


On the basis of the facts reported above, the Commission on Subversive 
Activities recommends that the legislature consider the enactment of appropriate 
legislation to accomplish the following ends : 

(A) That a review be made of the loyalty of public oflBcers and employees 
in a manner similar to that which has been conducted by the Federal Gov- 
ernment since 1947. 


(B) That the loyalty review program be supervised by a territorial loyalty 
board, to be appointed by the Governor. 

(C) That every person applying for public employment and every person 
who is required by Territorial law to take and subscribe a loyalty oath be 
required to execute under oath and file with the Territory a personal history 
statement, the form of which statement shall be prescribed by the Territorial 
loyalty board with the approval of the Governor. 

(D) That the investigation of individual cases which may be required 
under the loyalty review program be conducted by an independent investi- 
gative agency to be provided for by appropriate legislation, but that the 
determination of such cases rest with the Territorial loyalty board. 

(E) That, except for such requirements as the legislature may see fit 
to prescribe by statute, the Territorial loyalty board may, with the approval 
of the Governor, promulgate rules and regulations having the force and effect 
of law in connection with the loyalty review program. 

(F) That the form of loyalty oath now required of public oflScers and em- 
ployees be amended so as to be in the words prescribed by the legislature 
in 1941. 

(G) That any public officer or employee called to testify before any lawful 
court, board, commission, officer or other agency having the power to subpena 
witnesses and take testimony who shall refuse to appear, or having appeared 
shall refuse without right or under claim of privilege of the right against 
self-incrimination to answer any questions touching his public office or em- 
ployment or his qualifications therefor (including matters affecting loyalty), 
shall forthwith be vacated of his office or discharged from his employment, 
as the case may be. 

(H) That an appropriate Territorial agency or officer be empowered and 
directed to study and expose subversive propaganda being disseminated in 
the Territory. 
This Commission has considered various other proposals for legislation in the 
field of subversive activities. It does not recommend statutes that would dupli- 
cate Federal legislation already in effect. 

Annex 1 

(Ichiro Izuka, active in the Communist Party of Hawaii during 1938-46, pub- 
lished a booklet. The Truth about Communism in Hawaii, in November 1947. 
No person named as a Communist by Izuka has sued him for libel. Many per- 
sons named as Communists in the pamphlet have refiased to answer questions 
concerning their Communist Party affiliations and activities, claiming their 
privilege against self-incrimination. 

(Part IV of Izuka's story, which in general is corroborated by other evidence, 
is quoted below.) 

Reactivation of the Communist Party After World War II 

The Communist Party in Hawaii was reactivated in November 194.5. For 
some months before this, our leading Communists were active in what were 
known as community discussion groups. The leading spirits were Dr. Reinecke, 
Mr. and Mrs. Robert McElrath, Peter and Alice Hyun, Eileen Fujimoto, "Jack" 
Kimoto, Jack Kawano, and myself. This group moved from district to district, 
to engage in public discussion on subjects of community interest. Usually mid- 
dle class and professional people were invited to attend through personal contacts 
by party members. These meetings attracted school principals, teachers, wel- 
fare workers and a sprinkling of manual workers. 

They were a success and had the effect of increasing the prestige of our lead- 
ing Communists in the community. None of the good middle class people who 
attended had any idea that they were being led by Communists, but to me, look- 
ing at it from the inside, this activity merely constituted another front activity. 

When orders came to reactivate the party, the discussion groups were dropped. 
Three cells, clubs, or fractions were formed at once. I was told that since I 
was not in a CIO union I should attend the meetings of the miscellaneous group, 
composed of people from the drydocks, A. F. of L., machinists union, and so 
forth. The first meeting of this group was held in Waikiki in the house of 
Elizabeth Bristow, secretary to Jack Hall. Present were Ernst Arena, Ralph 
Vossbrink, Jack Hall, K. Imori, Robert McElrath, Frank Thompson, Elizabeth 

72723— 57— pt. 41a, i 3 


Bristow, and myself. The first order of business was the election of oflicers 
which reulted as follows : 

Chairman, Jack Hall 

Literature director, Ralph Vossbrink (he was the individual who caused some 
excitement in Honolulu by passing out Communist literature on the water- 

Educational director, Robert McElrath 

Treasurer, Ichiro Izuka 

As treasurer, I kept a card in code showing the name of each member, his 
Communist Party book number, the monthly dues, initiation fee, and the month 
and date of payment of dues. A photostat of this card is shown below. 

[Card not reproduced here, but see Izuka exhibit 12, at p. 1406 of Heatrings 
Regarding Communist Activities in the Territory of Hawaii — Part 1, published 
by the Committee on Un-American Activities, U. S. House of Representatives.] 

This card requires decoding since I was instructed to keep the information 
confidential and to devise a system of recording which I, alone, could understand. 
The first symbol in column I is a Russian "A" and stands for Ernest Arena. In 
the next column is his book number, which was 74515, in column three is $1 dues 
for the month of November 1945. He received a raise in wages in January 194G, 
which raise required him to pay dues of $2 a month. The second symbol in col- 
umn I is a Russian "B" and stands for Ralph Vossbrink. The third is a Jap- 
anese character and indicates Jeanette Nakama. The fourth symbol is a Russian 
"H" and stands for Jack Hall. The fifth is a Japanese character and stands 
for Imori. The sixth is an English "I" and stands for Izuka. The seventh sym- 
bol is a Russian "M" and stands for McElrath. The eighth symbol down is 
Russian "T" for Mr. Frank Thompson, then the ILWU international repre- 
sentative in the islands. The ninth is a Japanese character and stands for Ralph 
Tokunaga. The following "O" stands for Wilfred Oka. The card shows he 
joined the party and paid his dues in February 1946. The other names indicated 
on the card are as follows : Okuhara, then of the carpenters union, joining in 
June 1946, Wallace Ho, who didn't pay any dues here because he was paid up 
in San Francisco and was waiting for his transfer card ; David Thompson also 
waiting for transfer card ; Peggy Uesugi, not then a member, merely a prospect. 
This girl joined later for job security, I believe. She was secretary to Yukio 
Abe, secretary-treasurer of the ILWU, Local 137. Next is her husband who is an 
employee of the Mutual Telephone Co. It is quite likely he joined the party 
also to make his wife's job secure. I am quite sure he knows nothing about Com- 
munism. The next is Pauline Rosenthal who was waiting for a transfer card 
from San Francisco, then Abe, a member of the National Maritime Union, and 
Mrs. Abe, his wife. At the bottom of the card is the Russian "B" to represent 
Elizabeth Bristow who left in January of 1946 for New York. 

Later on more clubs or fractions were formed, first on Oahu, and later on 
Hawaii, Kauai, Maui, and Lanai. I now give a brief accoiuit of these fractions. 
Since none of us party members were permitted to keep written minutes or rec- 
ords it will readily be understood that much is now forgotten and much I never 
heard about. Party discipline requires that a member ask no questions about 
other fractions. Therefore, I have only the sketchiest information and know 
only the most active members in the party. 

The description which follows is as of 1946 before my resignation from party 
membership in November 1946. As already mentioned, there were three groups 
at first after reactivation of the party. As these groups increased in size it was 
decided by the executive board to divide them up so as to have a separate group 
or fraction in each district where there were party members. Thus there was a 
Kaimuki group, with Dr. John Reinecke as chairman. This cell met at Reinecke's 
home at 3571 Pahoa Street. I estimate that there were from 10 to 15 in his cell, 
including Mrs. Aiko Reinecke, Mrs. Peggy Uesugi and, at first, Ernest Arena. 
Arena later joined the Moilili group because he was a worker and a trade union- 
ist, while the Kaimuki group, composed largely of so-called intellectuals, con- 
cerned itself with education. Arena was secretary-treasurer of ILWU Local 
150. As an example of the so-called educational work. Dr. Reinecke told me 
during one of his numerous visits to pier 11, which you might say was head- 
quarters both for IliWU and the Communist Party, that the executive board of 
the party had assigned to the Kaimuki and Moilili groups the job of .strengthen- 
ing the Hawaii Youth for Democracy. Reinecke was once a teacher at the Uni- 
versity of Hawaii. Charles Fujimoto was chairman of the Moilili group and a 


chemist employed by the university. It was natural that these two should be- 
come most active in promoting Hawaii Youth for Democracy. 

Other members of the Moilili group were Wilfred Oka, Koichi Imori, Ralph 
Tokunaga, and Jeanette Nakama, in whose house at Kaihee Lane the group usu- 
ally met. A word should be said about the occupations of some of these people. 
Wilfred Oka was once with the YMCA. From there he went to the Carpenters 
Union (AFL) as assistant business agent. When he was forced out he secured 
a job with the teamsters union. He was assigned first, if I remember rightly, 
to organize Honolulu's taxi drivers. This was around October or November of 
1945, or perhaps even earlier. While he was with the teamsters. Oka was re- 
cruited for the party by Imori in January 1946, after which he brought about a 
switch in the affiliation of the taxi drivers from AFL to Culinary and Service 
Workers Union (CIO) organized by Ralph Vossbrink. At this particular time 
the party line required that party members do all in their power to secure the 
affiliation of as many AFL unions as possible with the CIO. Oka, as a good party 
member, immediately went to work as a kind of casual organizer for CIO unions 
in Hawaii, all of which are, more or less, controlled by the Communist Party 
through party members placed in strategic positions in these unions. 

Koichi Imori received his training in trade union work from the local Brewery 
Workers Union under the leadership of Mr. James Cooley. This was back in 
1938-41. For a short period Imori was trying to interest garage and service sta- 
tion employees in the United Auto Workers of America (CIO). This union was 
too long making up its mind whether or not to grant a charter over here, so Imori 
got himself a job with Morgan Hayw^ood, business representative of the Inter- 
national Association of Machinists, an independent union. He was forced out of 
this job and was picked up by Mr. Arthur Rutledge of the AFL Teamsters on 
November 1, 1946. He was given a job as business agent of local 904, Gasoline 
and Oil Drivers Union. 

The party was much in favor of having party members like Imori occupy key 
positions in unions like the Machinists and Teamsters. Imori was, in fact, a use- 
ful pipeline of information for the party. From discussions within the party, in 
which I myself participated, I believe it is correct to say that Imori was planted, 
first in the machinists then in the teamsters, by the party itself. Later Rutledge 
assigned Imori to help Mookini raid the ILWU in the pineapple industry. You 
will remember Mookini was ousted from the ILWU as president of the Pineapple 
Union, Local 152. This assignment was too much for Imori. He resigned May 23, 
1947, and Rutledge publicly denounced him as a Communist. Rutledge had dis- 
covered he was taking subscriptions among the AFL members for the People's 
World, and Rutledge, with some justification, said that the People's World Is 
the west coast edition of the Daily Worker, New York publication of the Com- 
munist Party of the United States of America. 

Ralph Tokunaga of the Moilili cell was president of the Marine Engineering and 
Dry Dock Workers Union, affiliated with the ILWU. It is not an accident or a . 
coincidence that Tokunaga is president of this union. The party planned it that 
way. The party needs people it can trust in such positions, and who could be 
more trustworthy from a Communist Party point of a view than a party member? 

Jeanette Nakama at one time was secretary to the port agent of the National 
Maritime Union (CIO) in Honolulu. She resigned at about the time President 
Curran of the NMU was denouncing President Harry Bridges of the ILWU and 
the Communists within his own union. Later I read in the newspapers that she 
had joined the staff of the department of public welfare in Honolulu. 

The next cell or fraction is the Manoa group — the most important of them all. 
This fraction included Jack Hall, his wife Yoshiko Hall, David Thompson, re- 
search director of ILWU, Robert McElrath, international representative of ILWU 
and Pauline Rosenthal, office manager of ILWU offices at pier 11. 

The Puunui group was an offshoot of the Waikiki cell which had been split 
into three groups, Puunui, Manoa, and Moilili. The Puuinui group was first or- 
ganized in August 1946, at a regular Wednesday night meeting of the Waikiki 
group, which in this case was held in my home at 2714 Liliha Street. Later it 
met regularly at this address. The reason for forming the Puunui group was 
that the original group was getting too large and it was becoming more difficult 
to keep these meetings secret. Chairman of the group was Ralph Vossbrink and 
the treasurer was Willis Wong. Other members were : Easter Doyle, of the Dry 
Dock Workers Union and president of the Oahu Council ; Wallace Ho, an em- 
ployee of the Marine Cooks and Stewards, active also in organizing the Culinary 
and Service Workers Union with Vossbrink ; and Rachel Saiki, who was a star 


witness in the NLRB S. H. Kress case in 1938, and who assisted in organizing 
Spud's Laundry when she was for a time employed there. After I was in 
disgrace with the party for supporting that long-time friend of labor, Mr. Borth- 
wick, in the delegate race, this group met in Wally Ho's home at 62 Laimi Road. 

The McCabe group (mostly employees of the McCabe Co.) was led by Jack 
Kawano, president of Local 137, ILWU, and later temporary president of the 
consolidated waterfront local which included longshoremen all .over the Territory. 
Other members were Ben "Big Nose" Kaahawinui and Julian Napuuuui, an 
executive board member of local 137. The Castle and Cooke group was composed 
mostly of employees of Castle & Cooke Terminals. Eileen Fujimoto, wife of 
Charles Fujimoto, was chairman and also a member of the executive board of the 
Communist Party, representing this group. She earns her living as secretary to 
Jack Kawano. Another member was Joseph "Joe Blurr" Kealalio, who was vice 
president of ILWU Local 137. Another was Richard Shigemitsu, executive 
board member of local 137, who was also elected by secret order of the party to 
the committee for maritime unity, about April 1946. 

Early in 1946 all members of the ILWU, who were also members of the party, 
made up a. group generally referred to as the ILWU group. Later it, like the 
Waiki group, became too large and was split up into three — Castle and Cooke, 
McCabe, and the Sugar group. I attended many meetings of the ILWU group 
when it met at Kimoto's home at 2162 Makanani Drive in Alewa Heights. These 
meetings discussed such matters as the CMU convention, ILWU-PAC, the coming 
struggle in sugar, etc. 

As to the CMU convention, it happened that there were too many Communist 
Party members i<n the ILWU who wished to run for delegate in the Unity con- 
ference in San Francisco and there were intelligent non-Communist union mem- 
bers who also made the race for delegate. The ILWU is entitled to 5 delegates, 
2 from the waterfront and 3 for sugar, pineapple, and miscellaneous. As regional 
director of the ILWU, Jack Hall appointed the delegates except those for the 
longshoremen. This could not happen to the waterfront local because it is under 
the control of Jack Kawano, its president, and there were too many experienced 
longshore union men who were anxious to go to San Francisco themselves. The 
nominations were by petition, I believe. At any rate, there were too many 
nominations. In the ILWU cell of the Communist Party, the situation was dis- 
cussed and plans made to solve the problem of too many candidates. In the cell 
meeting (I was there and heard it all) Richard Shigemitsu of local 137 was 
selected as the party candidate to run with Harry Kamoku of the Hilo Union, 
Local 136. Other party members were ordered to decline in favor of Shigemitsu. 
In obedience to the order Jack Kawano and Joseph Kealalio and Ben Kaahawinui 
declined nominations. The next problem was to get the rank and file of the 
union to vote for the party candidates rather than for the non-Communists. 
There were two such non-Communist candidates on the ballot, Yoruku Fukuda, 
long time executive board member of local 137, later cochairman with Marshall 
McEuen of ILWU-PAC, and a Mr. Hoopili. Fukuda was popular because he was 
an oldtimer, coolheaded, intelligent, and one of those who did much to build 
the ILWU in the early days. Shigemitsu on the other hand, was hotheaded, 
arbitrary and abusive. He was particularly unpopular with the Japanese be- 
cause whenever they were slow to accept or understand his Communist propa- 
ganda he would call them "Buddaheads" and other uncomplimentary names. 

At the cell meeting it was decided, however, that all party members were to 
"go all out" for Harry Kamoku and Richard Shigemitsu. The popularity of 
Kawano, "Big Nose" Kaahawinui, Levi Kealoha, and John Elias did the job for 
Shigemitsu. All the above-named Communists pleaded with the workers to 
vote for Kamoku and Shigemitsu. The result was that Kamoku and Shigemitsu 
went to the conference of the Committee for Maritime Unity as longshore dele- 
gates. The party discipline and organization won against popular candidates 
with no machine backing. 

The story I have just told you is important because it gives a good example of 
the technique by which the Communist Party, though small in membership, can 
and does control the ILWU here, a union claiming between 30,000 and 40,000 
members. Until the rank and file understand the Communist Party methods of 
control, and learn to combat them by counterorganization, the Communist Party 
will continue its control. In sugar, in pineapple, and in PAC similar methods 
were used with the same results. 

Returning to these Oahu Communist cells, another was the Punchbowl group. 
It was composed of office workers and so-called intellectuals. David Hyun, a 


young Korean, was the leader of the group and its delegate to the executive board 
of the Communist Party. I have no information about this group except that 
Hyun definitely did represent the group on the executive board. 

Out in the country there was the Waipahu group, including Tadashi Castner 
Ogawa, president of the sugar local 145, unit No. 1, and "Major" Hideo Okada, 
secretary-treasurer of the local. Another party member of this group assigned 
to build up the Communist Party in Kahuku was Harry Shigemitsu, brother 
of Richard. He, too, was a business agent. 

On the other islands there are Communist Party cells. On Kauai the group 
includes Robert Kunimura, president, of the Kauai sugar local, No. 149, whose 
election was planned and achieved by the party last year. Another is Yoshikazu 
Morimoto, secretary-treasurer of local 149. Under the new consolidation which 
has recently taken place, two new business agents were appointed for Kauai. I 
know both are Communists because I got to know them in the party. In fact, 
they were recruited just before I resigned. Slim Shimizu and Frank Silva, the 
latter once a field luua on McBryde plantation. Here's the picture for you. 
The Communist Party plans to put party members into key union positions, espe- 
cially positions with salaries attached, and always succeeds because there is no 
organized opposition, not even any knowledge among most of the members about 
the party and how it works. 

Sometimes an intelligent non-Communist who believes in the American way 
and has helped build the union, wants to serve the union in an ofllcial capacity. 
Take Representative Matsuki Arashiro, who long before the war was president 
of the McBryde sugar local. He would have liked to have been appointed 
secretary-treasurer or business agent on Kauai. But he was not a member of 
the Communist Party and he would not join. I know, because I asked him to 
join. And I didn't ask him just because I felt like it. He was discussed as a 
prospect by the party and it was decided he should be contacted. He made no 
response. Therefore the Communist Party could not trust him to take orders. 
Instead, Morimoto was made the principal representative on Kauai. Arashiro 
was passed over again when Shimizu and Silva were appointed to paid positions. 

On the big island the Communist group was composed of Harry Kamoku, 
president of ILWU, local 136, Bert Nakano, secretary-treasurer of local 136, and 
Yasuki Arakaki, who was president of the Olaa Local 148. Arakaki was a fine 
example of party missionary worker. For a long time he was violently opposed 
to the tactics of Jack Hall and Frank Thompson, international representative. 
He was against consolidation of the locals and bitterly resented dictation, by 
Hall and Thompson. Something had to be done about him. Early in 1946 12 
ILWU people were hand-picked by Comrade .Jack Hall, regional director of 
ILWU, to go to San Francisco for training, not to mention indoctrination. Hall, 
assisted by McElrath and other top union leaders, who, of course, were also top 
party members, made up a list of union members who were either Communists 
or good prospects for the party. Arakaki had militance and intelligence. Inside 
the party he could be very useful. Outside the party he could be, and was, a 
trouble maker. Therefore, he must be recruited and then made subject to party 
discipline. So he and Thomas Yagi, secretary-treasurer of local 144 (Maui), 
both non-Communists, were selected to go to San Francisco to undergo training 
for union leadership. The night before Arakaki left on the boat, Kimoto and 
Charles and Eileen Fujimoto talked to him until 3 o'clock in the morning. 
Finally they persuaded him to join the party. The argument that won him over 
w^as that joining the party was the only way to control Hall and Thompson 
because they, too, were subject to party discipline. I was not present during 
Arakaki's conversion to communism. I only know what the Fujimotos them- 
selves told me about his conversion and that he has since been a party comrade. 

When he arrived in San Francisco, he was made much of, had his picture and 
an ai-ticle in the Dispatcher, oflicial organ of the international union. Overnight 
he became a big shot. More important, he now obeys orders without question. 
However, the party was not successful in converting Yagi. Morimoto, then a 
recent convert, told me that the reason the party could not get Yagi was because 
he was a Roman Catholic. 

That, I think, is sufficient about the party cells. A little should be added about 
the structure of the party in Hawaii, which follows the mainland pattern. Each 
cell or group elects a delegate to the executive board which is the supreme 
authority in Hawaii, but in turn is responsible to California. Before I resigned 
in November 1946, the executive board of the Communist Party in Hawaii was 
as follows : Denichi Jack Kimoto, chairman ; Dr. John Reinecke, treasurer ; also 
James Freeman, Mrs. Ah Quong, (Robert) McElrath, Jack H. Kawano, Charles 
Fujimoto, Eileen Fujimoto, Ralph Vossbrink, and David Hyun. James Freeman 


was the full-time party organizer for the Territory and was sent from California 
to do party work exclusively. 

The executive board elects a smaller secretariat to carry on between meetings 
of the executive board. In 1946 it consisted of Dr. John Reinecke, Kimoto, and 
James Freeman. It made decisions which could not wait until regular executive 
board meetings. In addition to those on the regular executive board, Jack Hall, 
Robert McElrath, and other important party members such as Henry Schmidt, 
are called in when more important and immediate problems are up for discussion. 
Also, outside island members, such as Arakaki, Kamoku, and IMorimoto, attend 
meetings of the executive board when the unions they represent send them to 
Honolulu and pay their expenses. We might say that the union feeds the party 
and in return the party controls the union in the interests of party policies and 
objectives. These policies and objectives, of course, are geared to the policies 
and objectives of the Soviet Union. If the one changes, the other changes. 

Annex 2 

Toso (Strife) 

Published by Maui Doshi Seinen Kai 

(This publication was issued in the Japanese and English languages by the 
Maui Doshi Seinen Kai, a society which existed on the island of Maui. Presented 
below are selected translations from two issues of Toso which appeared in 19.53- 
34. In addition, digests of other articles are set forth.) 

[Issue of May 2.5, 10.33] 

Stirring and arising from a deep sleep 

Like a storm, the masses. 

Standing up and holding hands, form a union. 

This is our Doshi Kai. 

Standing up and holding hands, form a union, 

This is our Doshi Kai. 

Farmers with hoes in hand 
Complacently work from morn to night. 
But the price of labor is bone and skin. 
Awaken, povery stricken laborers ! 
The price of labor is bone and skin. 
Awaken, povery stricken laborers ! 

Our mothers to the last 
Demand our freedom. 
Should we not become free. 
We would rather fight to the last. 
Should we not become free. 
We would rather fight to the last. 

Oh, dawn is approaching ! 

Oh, dawn is approaching ! 

The strength of one is weak. 

But the strength of the masses is great. 

The strength of one is weak, 

But the strength of the masses is great. 

Popularisation of the movement in Hawaii — how should the movement in Hawaii 
he promoted? 

The proletarian youth movement should not be directed toward the Socialists 
and the somewhat aroused and conscious laborers alone. It should also be 
directed towards the laborers, who are suffering from political oppression in this 
modern capitalistic society, to arouse and accelerate their political dissatisfaction 
and discontent. It should be offensively promoted into a popular, systematized 
undertaking by exposing the scandalous crimes of the ruling classes. 

Judging from the conditions in Hawaii today, [we find that] the poverty of 
the laborers and their discontent, dissatisfaction and antagonism toward the 


capitalistic administration of today are greater, if not worse, than in other 
countries. Although they are demanding various resistance against present-day 
society, there are no good leaders and popular organs, based on Marxism, to lead 
and urge them on. The unemployed Filipino demonstration, the movement to get 
a lower electric rate for laborers, the demand for higher pay of the Japanese un- 
employment relief workers and the opposition against the dollar a month tuition 
for high school students are excellent opportunities for the recruiting of laborers 
and students into our organization. In spite of this, the proletarian organizations 
in Hawaii are indifferent to these facts and are making no effort to popularize 
the Marxist movement through the execution of these problems. 

Through this organ, through study groups and lectures and, going a step 
further, through practice, we should accelerate the antagonism against present- 
day society appearing in various forms and shapes and work on the widespread 
oppressed masses with a conscious and planned leadership and a movement, based 
on the guiding spirit of Marxism and Leninism, thus making our contact with 
them as intimate as possible through it. 

Only when this class mission is carried out will the consolidation of the unor- 
ganized laboring masses of Hawaii will be possible. And that task will, of neces- 
sity, be a task that must be carried out by proletarian youth. Therefore, based 
on a popular foundation, this organization should endeavor to create a foothold 
within student, youth, and other organizations and plan to keep in touch with 
and unite with them. We should not merely restrict ourselves to an interest 
in Marxism and in the various problems in Hawaii, but should manifest our de- 
termination to participate courageously in this movement and carry out the 
mission as members of the proletarian movement in Hawaii. 

Brief comments on Hatvaiian events 

Strikes are gradually beginning to take place in various places in Hawaii. The 
Filipino strikes at Aiea and Waianae are examples. Although they [the labor- 
ers] have been driven like horses and cows for 10 hours [a day] and have been 
receiving 70 or 80 cents a day, it is rather strange that they have remained 
silent until today. Furthermore, since unemployment is constantly increasing, 
there is no telling when an incident may occur in Hawaii. Even on the main- 
land lately, strikes are breaking out in various localities, and it appears that 
they, for the most part, have been successful. The revolutionary workers of 
Hawaii should not miss the opportunity to win over the masses. Regardless of 
how small a movement, it should be directly supported if it is a problem that 
concerns the interests of the proletariat.- 

The workers engaged in unemployment relief projects have had their wages 
reduced by 15 percent and their work to 4 days a week. Furthermore, since a 
portion of their wages is taxed, the poor are suffering by becoming poorer. Since 
they are gradually awakening to what they are, the revolutionary workers who 
have infiltrated the relief projects should establish liaison with the secretariat 
of this magazine and start a movement to win over the unorganized laborers. 

In view of the times, the antihigh school $10 tuition movement, started with 
the Maui Doshi Kai as leader, is a movement that cannot be ignored. Since it 
has already passed the lower house [of the legislature] an "anti" resolution 
should be forwarded to the Governor to protest against the high-handed oppres- 
sion against the proletarian citizens. Since this is a movement not only of the 
Maui Doshi Kai, but also of the proletarian students of Hawaii, it is a movement 
in which the comrades on each island should unite and take part. Fighters of 
the Hibana and the Hawaii Yuai Kai, r&use yourselves into action. 

The picnic of the Maui Doshi Kai was indeed colossal. The Maui Doshi Kai 
is the only popular organization in Hawaii. Its revolutionary leaders should 
guide the masses under the guiding principles of Marxism and Leninism, and 
through the efforts of its revolutionary leaders, the organization will become 
a revolutionary one and will be able to win over the greater portion of the masses. 



By Yoshiyama of Wailuku 

None disturbs revolutionary organizations 

As much as Buddhist priests and Christian ministers, 

Wlio flatter capitalists for money 

And use spiritual blandishments towards laborers. 

The opium called reli^on 

Infiltrates the camps of laborers 

And sows within laborers servile docility toward capitalists. 

They [priests and ministers] outwardly shout for peace, 

But inwardly advocate and protect imperialism. 

That absolutely is for the protection of capitalists. 

Under no circumstances 

Should laborers be deceived by them. 

Expose them and openly attack them for the class. 

That is the task of the proletariat. 

Joining with the bourgeoisie, 

Religionists are dreadful reactionary elements 

Who interfere with the proletarian movement. 

To attain their ends, they spare no means. 

This reactionary period is the time of action 

Of religionists for the protection of capitalists. 


Destruction of religion is a class mission 

Assigned to the proletariat. 

Criticism of religion is the preamble of all criticisms. 

That saying should not be forgotten. 

Under all circumstances. 

Proletarians should be antireligious and atheistic. 

The watchdog of the religionists. 

That is the true colors of a Buddhist priest. 

The disrupter of the proletarian movement, 

That is the true colors of a Christian minister. 

Comrades, be on the look out. 


By Itomura 

Our Maui Doshi Kai has seen 4 years since its birth and is showing a trend 
toward greater progress. Its combined picnic for all branches, an annual event, 
was held at Kuwao Beach on June 18 [1932] with an unprecedented success. 
Solidarity of those present truly manifested the power of a great organiza- 
tion * * *. 

Dear members, fight. The undertakings of the society were difiicult to carry 
out while disturbing elements lurked within the society, but today we have cre- 
ated a harmonious laborers' organization by expelling these disturbing elements 
through the power of solidarity. And, with the great increase of new members, 
we have developed into the largest laborers' organization in Hawaii. I believe 
that, depending on the cooperation of the membership and the leadership, we 
certainly will be able to accomplish work worthy of a proletarian organization. 

Hereafter, we should not meddle in mudslinging, but should march toward 
the main issue. What I would like to call attention to at this point is the win- 
ning over of the masses and the guiding spirit. Of course, it is of great import- 
ance to win over the masses in carrying out a proletarian movement. Such acts 
as those of the bureaucratic leaders, who would rather destroy laborers' organi- 
zation for their personal gain, should be positively rejected. At the same time, 
to concentrate frenziedly on winning over the masses, but to forget completely 
the important guiding principle, would result in a meaningless movement. Hence, 
it is of great importance that the leaders utilize the proletarian guiding prin- 
ciple most effectively within the objective situation. 

Besides conducting more research meetings at the various branches, the lead- 
ers should establish contact with the organizations of our comrades on the other 
islands and be careful not to err in the guidance of this large popular organiza- 
tion. Ignore the jealousy, insults and propaganda of the eccentric individuals 
and let our Doshi Kai reply to the public with action and power. 


By Fukuichi Akita 

(Digest: This is a short story criticizing militarism and iirgiug the hiboring 
class to revolt. A Dr. Uyesugi gives a talk extolling militarism to a large crowd 
in a park. He explains death at the battlefront as a duty and honor and that 
those who have given up their sons are now living a life of ease. This remark is 
refuted by an old man, who has lost three sons. A youth, named Watauabe, 
sides with the old fellow and begins to make an antiwar speech. His subsequent 
arrest by the police results in a riot. ) 


(Digest: This is a translation of a resolution adopted at the conference of the 
Militant Materialistic Dialecticians Society, held April G-11, 1931, probably in 
Europe, and deals primarily with the functions of antireligious propaganda in 
Europe. It denounces the Christian religion and extolls the virtues of Soviet 


At Huelo 

Membership gradually increasing. Marxist discussion meeting held middle 
of last month. About 30 were present. 

At Haiku 

Held general meeting and discussion meeting at Aragaki's home early part 
of this month. Discussed the significance of proletarian newspapers and analyzed 
the capitalistic society. 

At Kaheka 

Held discussion meeting at Aragaki's home early part of this month. About 
30 were present. Significance of the existence of the Doshi Kai explained. About 
20 new members obtained. 

At Upper Paia 

Discussion meeting held at Kyuyo Club. 14 were present. Manchurian inci- 
dent and international problems explained. 

At Pulehu 

Discussion meeting held at Young Men's Hall. Present were mostly youths. 
Mattel's discussed were capitalism and production and international problems. 

At Keahiia 

Discussion meeting held at Mr. Uku's home latter part of last month. Matters 
proletarians should know discussed. About 40, including women and children, 
present. Fairytales told to children. 

At Vlupalakua 

First discussion meeting held latter part of last month. About 14 present. 

At Makaivao 

General meeting and discussion meeting held at Higa's home latter part of 
last month. 

At Kahului 

Discussion meeting held at Mr. Kochi's home. 
Lower Paia 

In the midst of a drive for members. To hold discussion meeting once a month. 
At Kula 

Five to six individuals, who had been deceived by the Hibana, joined. 
At Kapaulua 

Many young comrades here. Interested in the development of the English 
section of Toso. 

At Wailuku 

No discussion meeting held this month. 


At Old Kailua 

Membership increasing since establishment of a discussion meeting for the 
youths. Second discussion meeting to be held early next month. 

At Puunene 

Discussion meeting held at a comrade's home early this month. Seven or eight 
were present. International problems explained. 


(Digest: Here appears an advertisement encouraging the reading of the 
Taiheiyo Rodosha (Pacific Workers), organ of the Pacific Workers' Secretariat, 
and the Rodo Shimbun (Labor Newspaper), Japanese-language organ of the 
Communist Party of Axaerica. ) 


(Digest: The writer denounces Rev. Takie Okumura as a "spy watchdog 
of the HSPA" and an enemy of the Japanese working class. He claims that 
the young Americans are being imbued with militarism and capitalism through 
the New Americans Conference and are being deceived into becoming slave 
laborers of the plantation owners. He points to Reverend Okumura's activities 
as one of the reasons why Marxism and Leninism are against religion. He 
urges the revolutionary elements among the American citizens of Japanese 
ancestry to revolt and smash this movement. ) 

[Issueof May 25, 1933] 


Toso of this date contains an eight-page section in the English language, deal- 
ing with such topics as : 

Political Economy 

Does Capitalistic Society Remain Unchanged Throughout the Whole Period 

of Existence? 
Difference Between Marxism and Leninism 
Lenin's Leaflet to Russian Workers (continued from last issue) 

The last four paragraphs of Lenin's Leaflet, as presented by Toso, are repro- 
duced below : 

"Let us wish for our brothers in other countries, that their fight may very soon 
result in the desired victory ; that the time may soon come when there are neither 
masters nor slaves, neither capitalists nor workers, when all will work equally 
and all will enjoy life reasonably and on equal terms. 

"Comrades, if we act unitedly and harmoniously, the time is not far distant 
when we, also, in firmly welded ranks, shall be able, without distinction of race 
or creed, openly to join this common fight of all the workers of all countries 
against the capitalists in the whole world. 

"Our muscular arm will be raised and the shameful chains of slavery will 
fall; the working people of our Russian country will rise, and the capitalists 
and all other enemies of the working class will be filled with terror. 

"Comrades ! The crises of capitalism are deepening day by day, and the con- 
flict of the present social system are known by every workingmen who are in a 
poor condition. Now it is the best time to fight against the capitalists. Wake 
up every proletariat !" 

[Issue of April-May 1934] 

This issue of Toso contains many items extolling the virtues of Soviet Russia 
and features the writings of a number of contemporary Russian Communists. 
Among such items are : 

(A) A translation of Molotov's speech, "The 16th Anniversary of the 
October Revolution." 

(B) A translation of the first chapter of a book Capitalism, written by 
Govlenko [phonetic], presented in Toso under the caption, "Proletarian 
Political Science." 

(C) The first of a series on daily life in Farm-Labor Russia. 

A lengthy article, not reproduced in this appendix, presents a plan for "Organiz- 
ing and Strengthening the Proletarian Movement in Hawaii." It provides a 


plan for organizing Marxists into basic units (cells), for having district com- 
mittees on each major island, and for establishing a Territorial central com- 
mittee. The article argues the need for recruiting new members and for the 
distribution at cost of Marxist and Communist newspapers to workers on the 
plantations and in the cities. It is further urged that "the comrades on Maui 
should take positive action to join the Maui Doshi Kai," which should have 
repi'esentation on the central committee of the Territory-wide Marxist or- 

Concerning the observance of May 1 each year, another article argues that 
Lei Day (May 1) in Hawaii is a capitalist institution "to benumb the dissatis- 
faction of the workers," whereas in Socialist countries May 1 is "the day 
to hold a world demonstration to show international brotherhood and class unity 
of the workers of the world." The article concludes : 

"* * * From a class point of view, we Japanese should take joint action with 
them [the Filipino workers] and make every effort to abolish Lei Day and to 
inaugurate May Day in Hawaii." 

The balance of this annex contains translations of other articles in the 
April-May 1934 issue. 


The bourgeois nations of the world all are clamoring for an imperialistic war. 
The armament expansion of the bourgeois governments greatly thickens the 
dark clouds of burglary war, and it must be said that it is indeed very regrettable 
that even the proletarian masses are blindly following the bourgeoisie and are 
clamoring for a bourgeois war. 

An imperialistic war is a burglary war of the bourgeoisie, whose aim is the 
depredation of colonial settlements. Through this desperate measure, the 
capitalists, adopting a policy to tide them over their own panic and prey upon the 
proletarian masses, will loot the colonial settlements. The Manchurian problem 
in the Orient is a historical fact that proves this. The fact that a bourgeois 
war is nothing but a scheme to expand the rights and interests of capitalists who 
prey upon the working masses, should be readily understood from the bitter ex- 
perience of the European War [1914-18], and the sufferings our farmers and 
laborers experienced as a result of it are still fresh in the minds of all. The 
bourgeoisie is again attempting to bring upon the working masses these suffer- 
ings. Knowing or not knowing this, the laboring masses appear to be intoxicated 
with joy for war. It is indeed shameful that the laboring masses are in such 
an apathetic state and are carrying out anticlass actions, and it consequently 
means nothing but the shackling of the proletarian class. 

What should we poletarians, confronted by this crisis, do? This is a serious 
problem. The proletariat of every nation should band together under the ban- 
ner of Marxism to reject flatly the burglary policy of the bourgeoisie and under- 
take an antiwar demonstration at this time, and they should protect Soviet 
Russia, the fatherland of farmers and laborers, and support the development of 
Soviet China. This is the problem cast before the eyes of the laboring masses. 
If this movement is ignored, the freedom of the proletariat cannot be realized. 




By Meisei Okada 

(This article is a stinging denunciation of Japan, the United States, and of 
European countries, such as France, Germany, and Italy, for their attitude to- 
ward Russia. The opening and closing paragraphs have been translated in full.) 

Dear comrades, 16 years have passed since the founding of the Soviet Union, 
the fatherland of the proletarians, and through the untiring struggle of you 
dear comrades she has developed day by day into a state not permitting the opti- 
mism of the bourgeoisie. The 5-year plan has been accomplished successfully, 
and the second 5-year plan will show to the world the further greatness of the 
Soviet Union. As a result, the life of our comrades in that country will be im- 
proved ; the uneducated will be educated ; the unemployed will be given work ; 
the farmers will be given land ; and hospitals for the sick, who will be given 
scientific treatment, will be built. Besides, owing to the fact that she [Russia] 
is carrying out a peace policy externally, the burglary policy of the bourgeoisie 
has been made difficult [to execute] and their abominable measures are being 
thoroughly exposed to the public. The capitalists, who have come to realize that 


the Soviet Union runs counter to the bourgeois ideology, lately have been actively 
attacking Soviet Russia and are planning to force war upon Russia vs^hen the 
opportunity presents, and [then to] partition Russia. For this purpose they are 
attempting to prey upon the numerous proletarians. 

Through Molotov's statement, we are able to see what attitude Soviet Russia 
is planning to take against the various bourgeois nations surrounding her like 
wolves and we know that the results are proving the righteousness of Soviet 
Russia. Dear comrades in various localities, at such a time, we, as members of 
the proletariat, should protect Soviet Russia, which is protecting our rights and 
interests. That is the class mission assigned to each and every one of us. Now, 
what measures should we in Hawaii take to protect Soviet Russia ? The task of 
the comrades in Hawaii should be to take advantage of every opportunity to make 
the people understand the righteousness of Soviet Russia, to expose the policies 
of the capitalists, to internationalize the proletarian movement in Hawaii by 
winning over as many comrades as possible and, taking a step further, to make 
it more revolutionary. This is the class mission assigned to us. 

Rise, you comrades on the various islands of Hawaii ! 

Unite, workers of Hawaii ! 

Unite, workers of the world ! 




By Hisakichi Muneyama 

It was in April of last year that our Toso was published with the class fighting 
spirit of revolutionary youth and the class support of the enthusiastic workers 
in various localities. It has published six issues since, and this month is its first 
anniversary. We are happy to publish and send to the comrades in the various 
localities this commemoration number to celebrate this memorable first anniver- 
sary and May Day. 

When we review tlie proletarian movement of Toso for the past year, we real- 
ize that our efforts, from the international revolutionary standpoint, have been 
very insignificant. Of course, we exerted considerable effort among the first gen- 
eration Japanese and achieved considerable success in the recruitment of com- 
rades tlirough the discussion meetings held in various localities. However, on 
discovering that our proletarian movement was not effective by directing it only 
toward the understanding portion of the workers, we began the publication of an 
English section as a first step toward the recruitment of American citizens of 
Japanese ancestry. On the other hand, we urged the purchasing and reading of 
proletarian literature written in English, but for several reasons it made no 
progress and resulted only in making a portion of the American citizens of 
Japanese ancestry understand. Such aspects as these, I believe, should be ser- 
iously reconsidered. Furthermore, some of tlie reasons contributing to the failure 
of our plan to make suflScient progress were as follows : 

1. The inability to create circles within the camps because of interference 
with the discussion meetings held in the plantation camps. 

2. The failure to promote an organized movement aimed at solidarity, be- 
cause of unsatisfactory liaison with the young comrades on the other islands. 

3. The failure to hold study meetings among our comrades systematically. 

4. The impossbiility of working thoroughly on the American citizens of 
Japanese ancestry. 

5. The failure of the movement to develop into an international one because 
of inability to establish class contact with the fighters of other nationalities. 

6. The counter-measures of bourgeois education given to our young boys 
and girls. 

The above mentioned movements are the important tasks assigned to our Toso, 
and they are matters that should be absolutely realized regardless of the diffi- 
culties confronted. Fortunately, our comrades lately have come to reconsider 
these aspects and since they recognize the importance of the recruitment of 
American citizens of Japanese ancestry and the establishment of class liaison 
with young comrades on the other islands, they are making preparations for the 
holding of a delegates' conference and our movement eventually will become 
greatly revolutionized and organized through the efforts of our young comrades. 
The strengthening of the Hawaiian proletarian movement, which has failed 


several times in the past, and its structure should be furthered into an interna- 
tional and revolutionary one through the liquidation of the bad aspects learned 
through bitter failures. 

The workers of Hawaii, deprived of their freedom to a greater extent than the 
workers in any other country, are awaiting for the development of the proletarian 
movement. Consequently, we firmly believe that considerable results will be 
achieved should an international proletarian movement, supported by the unity 
of the revolutionai-y comrades, be carried out. On welcoming May Day and the 
first anniversary of Toso, we, young comrades in Hawaii, should band together 
more firmly and make the proletarian movement in Hawaii a revolutionary one. 


Through the enthusiastic support of the revolutionary workers of Hawaii, we 
have been able to present to you the first issue of the second volume of Toso. 

The promotion of an international revolutionary labor movement and the ag- 
gravation of the class struggle in Hawaii have greatly increased the importance 
of the mission assigned to Toso. The class support and cooperation of you, the 
revolutionary workers, will enable the fulfillment of Toso's mission. 

Take a copy of Toso to your projects, your factories, your villages, your planta- 
tions, your places of work and aboard ships. 

Annex 3 

(The material presented below was translated from Hibana (Spark), a pub- 
lication in the Japanese language, vol. I, No. 1, issued June 1, 1932, at lower 
Paia, Maui, T. H. Its editor was Ginjiro "Hokusan" Arashiro.) 


With the Red Banner hoisted high 

We pledge to go forward until we die. 

Either in prison or by guillotine. 

This is our song of farewell. 

Hoist the Red Banner high 

For under its shadow we pledge to die. 

Cowards, leave if you wish. 

But we will defend the Red Banner. 


Sparks have already flown 

Out of the blast furnace 

Of several thousand degrees in temperature. 

Sparks have flown, 

Sparks of steel, 

To cut off the bourgeois chain 

Which has shackled the proletariat. 

Sparks to burn away 

Their rotten capitalistic spirit have flown. 

Sparks of steel have flown 

Above the heads of the slaves 

Who, shackled by impudence and personal considerations. 

Cannot raise their heads in front of gold. 

Have [they] been deprived of [their] weapon? 

Yes, the capitalists' weapon of gold has been taken. 

And have we been supplied with weapons? 

Yes, we have fought and won our weapon of steel, 

The power of the capitalists' gold. 

That is merely their legal toy, 

A toy that will be destroyed. 

Within the glorious camp 

Of the proletariat of the world 

Our flag has been hoisted. 

With the mission of breaking the yoke, 

Sparks have already flown. 

Sparks of steel will fly 

Until the evil hands 

Of exploitation are completely burned away. 


The bourgeois newspapers, as usual, are making irresponsible remarks, such 
as no reason exists for a Japanese-American war, nor a Russo-Japan war and 
so forth. It is, indeed, a pity that they can see no reason for a war between 
Japan and America or between Japan and Russia. 

They were the ones who were advocating peace among mankind up to the 
eve of the world war. They should be ashamed of their eyes, which are cov- 
ered by bourgeois ideology. 


Last month, we conducted discussion meeting at Haiku, Kahului, Paia, Kula, 
and the new development in Puunene. They were very serious gatherings and 
all exerted their utmost effort. 

The reason for the existence of an organization is for the purpose of progress. 
To progress, it must be operated. Should the leaders possess no operational 
qualification, then, the reason for the existence of an organization becomes nil. 


Comrades on the various islands, have patience, because when the new equip- 
ment comes, I'll have everything in fine shape. I extend my thanks to those 
courageous and noble-minded comrades who contributed materially and spirit- 
ually toward the publication of this pamphlet. Through your assistance, our 
flag has been hoisted. 

This pamphlet is called Hibana. In Russian, it is Iskra. Iskra is a famous 
newspaper of the press period when Lenin and his group were the most active. 
Islcra is the immortal organ of the world's proletariat. This pamphlet was 
named after it. 

This pamphlet will cause hot sparks from the furnace of 1,000 degrees tem- 
perature to splash against the bourgeois newspapers, with which the islands 
are replete. It will show no consideration to their opinions, which are absurd 
and which deceive the masses. Our Hibana, which receives no capitalistic 
pressure from within, truly stands on a foundation of freedom. 

The faction connected with this pamphlet stands on Marxist principles and 
will not be shackled by monetary and other disgraceful and shameful conditions. 
To the proletariat such things are filthy. Those are what the bourgeoisie do. 

Annex 4 


United States of America, Plaintiff vs. John L. Akana, Defendant 

Criminal No. 10,336 and other consolidated cases 

oral opinion 

Hon. Delbert E. Metzger, Judge. 

At the conclusion of the hearing the court announced that it would enter a 
.iudgment of acquittal as to the remaining 34 defendants, 5 of the 39 defendants 
having been acquitted in former proceedings. 

Defendants' counsel having made a lengthy statement and read a number of 
editoiials from the Honolulu Advertiser and the Star-Bulletin published after 
the congressional Un-American Committee's hearing at which the defendants 
refused to answer questions upon the grounds of self-incrimination, and counsel 
having asked the court to instruct the United States attorney to bring these 
publications before the grand jury as contempt of court cases, the judge 
remarked : 

"I don't advise the United States attorney as to his duties. Now, so far as 
you have made it known to me here, these matters all occurred before these cases 
were before this court. If counsel, or anyone else concerned, feel that they 
have been libeled or damaged in their profession by these articles or editorials, 
they would have their recourse. I don't feel that it is in any respect incumbent 
upon the court to inaugurate any proceedings of any sort to correct that kind of 
publication unless or until it gets into court in the form and nature which would 
bring some proceeding in court. 


"This court has dealt with these cases just as it conceives the law to be in 
connection with them. The court certainly doesn't put approval on the matter 
of anyone being in a position where they find that it might incriminate them to 
answer whether they are a member of the Communist Party or in any way 
affiliated with it. I should hope that the defendants here would not get in a posi- 
tion of that sort again. 

"The Communist Party, or any member of it, have their rights in courts of 
law of the land, according to the understanding of the court as to the meaning 
of the laws, but we all know that the Communist Party, no matter what good 
features there may be in the platform in certain of its respects, we know that 
it is in very ill standing throughout the United States. It was brought into 
the country originally from a foreign country, and it was brought in for the 
purposes of the government of the foreign country. 

"Now, I don't know what the American Communist Party is or how much it 
differs from the Soviet Communist Party. I haven't concerned myself about 
that. But I do know that there hasn't been any way to explain to the American 
public that the American Communist Party is not an offshoot and under the 
direct control of the foreign Soviet Communist Party. And I know that there 
are many persons, not to mention the numerous publications in the United States, 
that consider the Communist Party inimical to the interests of America and the 
American people. So far as I am concerned, people who choose to may belong 
to it, but I just merely express the hope that none of our local people are con- 
taminated and brought into ill will of others in the commimity by association 
with the Communist Party. It has engendered lots of ill will and hatred, and 
the only way that I know how that can ever be overcome is that the Communist 
Party, if it is a party, or the people who express themselves as being Communists, 
that they simply go out of that business and not flaunt it amongst others, because 
as long as they do, it is going to continue to make lots of trouble for many citi- 
zens, whether they are involved one way or the other in connection with them." 

The court later extended these remarks by saying : 

"Because of the fear and hatred of the American public toward communism 
there has grown a tendency and disposition to make laws toward its suppression 
and toward discovery of persons who are members of such organization or aUied 
organizations ; that Congress and other legislative bodies are adopting such sup- 
pressive measures, some of which may in time be very detrimental in general 
public interests, as they have a tendency to lead toward a police state of in- 
vestigation and governance, a thing abhorent to the American people. Com- 
munistic pi'opaganda in the United States certainly tends to promote such laws as 
a means of immediate self-protection, and American adherents to communism 
should take heed as to what they are doing," 

Annex 5 
Interpeofessionai, Association (Honoltilu Chaptee) and Honolulu Foeum 

The Interprofessional Association and its successor, the Honolulu Forum, ex- 
isted in Honolulu during the period October 1937 to December 1941, and is of 
particular interest because it was the first large organization in Hawaii to follow 
the Communist Party line and because it was the Honolulu affiliate of the 
National Interprofessional Association, which was classified as a Communist front 
by the Massachusetts House Committee on Un-American Activities in 1938 and 
by a similar California committee in 1948. Dr. John E. Reinecke, a member of 
the prewar central committee of the Communist Party of Hawaii, was the 
moving spirit in organizing and maintaining the Honolulu chapter. 

The aims and purposes of the organization, as stated on its membership cards, 

"To support the principles of democracy in every field ; to combat fascism and 
all other undemocratic movements in whatever field they may appear ; to uphold 
the civil liberties of the people of Hawaii ; to support actively the unionization 
of island workers ; to encourage and work with other organizations committed 
to liberal and democratic principles ; in short, to be a force for democracy and 
liberalism in Hawaii." 

When applying for membership, the individual agreed to the foregoing prin- 
ciples of the organization and indicated his assent through his signature appended 
below the following paragraph which appeared on the opposite side of the card : 

"I am in accord with the above principles and purposes and hereby apply for 
membership in the Honolulu Interprofessional Association." 


The following statement of purposes is taken from the IPA's proposed consti- 
tution : 

"1. The Honolulu chapter of the Interprofessional Association (hereinafter 
referred to as the chapter) is a chapter of the Interprofessional Association, a 
national organization. It therefore subscribes to the general policies of the 
Interprofessional Association, but reserves the power to act autonomously and 
with regard to local conditions and needs. 

"2. The chapter is a nonpartisan organization. It is not affiliated with any 
political party, labor union, or other organization, but reserves the right to 
cooperate with any oi'ganization and to endorse such of its policies as the chapter 
deems worthy of support, without being committed to the program of that 

"3. It is the policy of the chapter : to support the principles of democracy in 
every field ; to combat fascism and all undemocratic movements in whatever 
field they appear ; to uphold the civil liberties of the people of Hawaii ; to support 
actively unionization of Hawaiian Island workers ; to encourage and work with 
other organizations committed to liberal and democratic principles ; in short, to 
be a force for democracy and liberalism in Hawaii." 

It will be noted that while the IPA was specifically dedicated to combating 
"fascism," it did not oppose communism. This is, of course, characteristic of 
pro-Communist organizations, and implies a willingness to accept one form of 
totalitarian government but not another. 

In addition to the regular membership of the organization there was an asso- 
ciate membership for persons subscribing to the policies of the chapter but unable 
to attend meetings regularly. Like the active members, the associate membei's 
were required to pay regular dues, though they were not allowed to vote. 

The dues of the Interprofessional Association were set at 50 cents for 6 months, 
payable semiannually. 

V/hen the Territorial legislature was in session the IPA waged a campaign to 
defeat certain legislation, notably a bill that would require an oath of allegiance 
from public employees and a proposal for an antisabotage statute. Such legis- 
lation traditionally has been opposed by the Communist Party and its satellites. 

The IPA espoused the cause of labor and rendered financial and moral as- 
sistance to local labor unions and their leaders, but its legislative program was 
largely negative in character. At one IPA meeting the sentiment was expressed 
by a majority of members present that, during the legislative session then in 
progress, the main effort of the IPA should be directed toward killing legisla- 
tion rather than toward getting its own proposals enacted. 

During the period 1938-40, the IPA generally met biweekly at the Honolulu 
TWCA and at times at the Church of the Crossroads. Meetings usually featured 
a talk by a competent speaker, such as a University of Hawaii professor, a 
visiting author, or a labor leader. In most instances these talks were followed 
by a question-and-answer discussion period. The general membership meet- 
ings sometimes were followed by smaller discussion group sessions at the homes 
of members. 

The IPA was addressed on several occasions by Jack W. Hall 
and Jack H. Kawano, leading Communists in the local labor movement (who did 
not, however, openly reveal their Communist Party status), and by Francis H. 
Bartlett, Jr., a writer and "intellectual," whose Communist Party membership 
was announced at a IPA meeting. 

Throughout its existence the IPA exhibited an unusually sympathetic interest 
in the Soviet Union, which was the subject of many talks before the organiza- 
tion. Other chief foreign topics of interest to the IPA were China and Spain. 
Anna Louise Strong, pro-Communist writer of international note, addressed 
the IPA. One of its members, Samuel Reisbord, spoke on "Soviet Art." Dr. 
William H. Taylor of the University of Hawaii gave a talk about the Ukraine, 
"the bread basket of Russia." The pro-Russia bent of the IPA can be attributed 
partly to the fact that at least seven of its members had lived in or had visited 
Russia. No instance is known of the IPA's ever having taken a position con- 
trary to the Communist "line," and it is known that the organization had an 
"anti-anti-Communist" characteristic, that is, it opposed those who criticized 
Russia or Communism, foreign or domestic. 

It is significant to note that the membership of the IPA, Honolulu chapter, at 
one time or another included at least 20 persons who were at the time or who 
subsequently became Communist Party members. Prominent in the activities of 
the organization, and an oflSceholder during most of its existence, was Dr. John 
E. Reinecke, who was called before the House Un-American Activities Com- 


mittee iu April 1950, aud refused to testify conceruiug his Commuuist activities. 
Dr. Reinecke and his wife, Aiko T. Reinecke, also a Commuuist, were charter 
meuibers of the Houolulu chapter. They and two other Communists, Adele 
Kensinger and Ah Quon Leong, were active in directing the affairs of the IPA 
and in shaping its policies. 

Many of the individuals who applied for membership in the IPA were sponsored 
by persons known to be Communists. It is interesting to note that in one in- 
stance Dr. Reinecke and Ah Quon Leong, another Communist I'arty member, 
sponsored the application of a University of Hawaii student who subsequently 
became a Communist Party member. 

The IPA was made up of a fairly representative group of people from every 
walk of life, including housewives, students, members of the Armed Forces, 
and labor representatives, and was not, as its name implies, confined to the pro- 
fessional class. 

The average attendance at meetings of the IPA at the height of its existence 
was about 80 persons, but interest later dropped off considerably and at times 
there were but 10 present. The organization increased in popularity from its 
inception until the start of the European war in September 1939, largely be- 
cause its original program was not objectionable. However, during the period of 
the Hitler-Stalin Pact, the group's conformance to the Russian "line" alienated 
many regular attendants and caused the IPA to fall into increasing disrepute. 

During June 1940, the IPA distributed printed "peace" notices through the 
mails. One such notice printed on a posted card, is quoted in full : 

"it's not cub war 

"1. The present war is not purely one of right versus wrong. American 
sympathy for the Allies must not blind us to the fact that rival empires are 
fighting — as in 1914-18 — for the control of colonies and for their own national 
interests. Insofar as the war is of this nature, there is neither reason nor 
excuse for American participation in it, regardless of its outcome. 

"2. The claim of Great Britain that she is fighting primarily for the cause of 
democracy is belied by her refusal to grant democratic rights to the great ma- 
jority of her subject peoples. 

"3. If America is drawn into the war, the American democratic tradition (al- 
ready attacked) will be the first casualty. We cannot serve democracy in the 
world if we sacrifice democracy at home. 

"4. The immediate duty of America is to continue the task of building a 
wholesome civilization within our own borders. 'There is nothing in our 
present emergency' — to quote our President — 'to justify a retreat, any retreat, 
from any of our social objectives'. But if we join the war, a retreat from the 
American way of life is inevitable. 

"We must meet the fatalist propaganda, 'I wonder how long before we get in?' 
with the challenge : 'We're NOT getting in ! It's not our war !' 

"If you are among the 96 percent of Americans who want to stay out of the 
war : Pass this card along. Discuss it with friends. Get in touch with us and 
help maintain the will to remain neutral. 

"Church of the Crossroads Peace Study Group and Interprofessional Associa- 
tion, Post Ofllce Box 2402, Honolulu, Telephone 76002." 

The foregoing message conforms exactly to the Communist Party propaganda 
line that was widely disseminated throughout the United States during the 
period of the Hitler-Stalin Pact, August 1939, to June 1941. Telephone 76002 
was the phone number of Dr. Reinecke. Little is known concerning the Church 
of the Crossroads Peace Study Group except that a number of IPA members were 
active in it. It appears to have been of short duration and to have been used 
by the IPA for the latter's purposes. The church group refused to join with 
the IPA in sending out a third propaganda message, according to a press report 
of June 22, 1940, which stated, in part : 

"The third card in a series of three to have been mailed by the Church of the 
Crossroads Peace Study Group and the Interprofessional Association will not be 
sent — at least, not by the Crossroads group. * * * 

"Since a misunderstanding has arisen and since the executive board feels that 
there was no opportunity given the membership of the church to express its opin- 
ion and that there is a little, if any, religious significance to the statements, 
it was voted by the members of the executive board that the Interprofessional 
Association be asked to send out any further material under its own name 
only * * *." 

72723— 57— pt. 41a, I 4 


Monetary contributions were made by the IPA not only to local labor organiza- 
tions but also to several national Communist-front organizations and to other 
groups favorably interested in causes then supported by the Communists. In 
one instance the sum of $360 vs^as remitted. Among the organizations vpith 
which the IPA cooperated were — 

United American Spanish Aid Committee 
Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade 
American Friends of the Chinese People 
Consejo Nacional, S. I. A. 

Dr. Reinecke sent the Consejo Nacional the sum of $14.30, stating that the 
IPA "should like to have [this money] used toward the settlement of Spanish 
refugees in Mexico." 

As early as February 1938, the IPA sponsored parties and social events for 
the purpose of raising funds to aid the Loyalist cause in Spain. During the 
period of the Spanish Civil War, July 18, 1936, to March 29, 1939, a major project 
of all Communists in the United States was the raising of funds for the Loyalists. 
The IPA, for example, sponsored a party at the Pan-Pacific Union Building in 
Manoa Valley, Honolulu, on the night of February 12, 1938 — Lincoln's Birth- 
day — and it was announced that the proceeds of the event would be used for 
medical aid for the "Lincoln Battalion" (probably the Abraham Lincoln Bri- 

Another major project of the American Communists during the existence of 
the IPA was to give aid to China in its struggle against Japan. For this pur- 
pose, the Communists organized a number of fronts throughout the United States. 
One of these organizations, the American Friends of the Chinese People, had a 
branch in Honolulu. (See armex 6). The IPA is known to have held at least 
one dance and to have turned the proceeds thereof over to the American Friends 
of the Chinese People. It is significant to note that all identified local members 
of the latter organization were also members of the IPA. 

The IPA went on record as approving the activities of individuals endeavoring 
to keep the United States out of the European war. Cables were sent to Presi- 
dent Franklin D. Roosevelt and Secretary of State Cordell Hull, advising that 
the IPA favored lifting the embargo to permit the United States to sell munitions 
to the Spanish Loyalists. The January 4, 1940, issue of the Congressional Rec- 
ord, at page 47, reports that there was laid before the Senate a resolution, adopted 
by the Honolulu chapter of the IPA, requesting that the United States keep out 
of the European war. This resolution was referred to the Senate Committee 
on Foreign Relations. 

In addition to the "peace" cards circulated by the IPA, copies of the foregoing 
resolution demanding that the United States keep out of any European conflict 
were prepared and distributed. It is of interest that the resolution adopted by 
the IPA bears a marked similarity to a resolution circulated by the Hilo Indus- 
trial Union Council of Hilo, T. H. ,of which Harry Lehua Kamolni was chairman. 
Kamoku was one one of the earliest active members of the Communist Party 
in the Territory of Hawaii. It was Kamoku who suggested the adoption of 
such a resolution to Dr. Reinecke, who presented the matter to the IPA. 

The IPA expressed its leanings toward labor by endeavoring to obtain the 
names of propertyowners who could, when necessary, furnish bail for arrested 
strikers. The organization likewise held various social events, the proceeds of 
which were contributed to the defense fund for certain Honolulu labor leaders 
who were arrested on charges growing out of labor actions. Prominent among 
these labor leaders was Jack W. Hall, one of the "Reluctant 39," who recently 
appeared before the House Un-American Activities Committee in Honolulu and 
refused to testify concerning his Communist Party status. According to the 
reasoning of Reinecke, this use of IPA funds was in line with the policy of the 
organization, inasmuch as the IPA was definitely on the side of labor. Financial 
assistance was also given to the ILWU and donations were made to the strike 
fund during the Honolulu Rapid Transit strike of 1941. Moral assistance was 
also given the strikers in the form of stickers to be displayed on cars during 
the strike and by way of entertainment. 

During 1938 Dr. Reinecke announced at an IPA meeting the formation of a 
new organization called the Progressive League, the purposes of which were to 
encourage and support progressive candidates for the legislature, and to aid in 
promoting liberal legislation, especially regarding labor. Dr. Reinecke advised 
the IPA membership that the organization had been represented at the meetings 
already held by the Progressive League. The IPA membership agreed. There- 
after the IPA participated in activities of the Progressive League, especially in 


matters concerned with the National Labor Relations Board and with various 
labor unions. 

On March 15, 1940, the IPA met jointly with the Sociology Club of the Uni- 
versity of Hawaii. Dr. Reineclie spoke on labor problems in Hawaii and on the 
uphill struggle of organized labor in the Territory of Hawaii. 

That the IPA's "agitation in behalf of neutrality" (to use Dr. Reinecke's term) 
was responsible for a loss of membership and for a failing public confidence in 
the organization will be seen from the letter reproduced below : 

% 3571 Pahoa Avenue, 

August 19, 1940. 

Dear Associate : This letter is addressed to present and former members of the 
Inter-Professional Association and to several people who, although not formally 
members, have been interested in it. 

During the first 2 years of its existence (1937-39) the IPA was interested 
chiefly in local problems. Its activity even in local affairs subjected it to some 
unfavorable criticism and pressure, which resulted in the inactivity of some 
members. Nevertheless the IPA until a few months ago maintained a fairly 
constant active membership and was, we believe, an organization of reasonable 
effectiveness in our community. Of recent months, however, the active member- 
ship has declined to so small a number that the time has come for the IPA to 
take serious stock of its program. 

Some members have undoubtedly become inactive because their personal affairs 
or other organizational activities leave them no spare time. But on the whole, 
we surmise, it is the deepening cleavage of public opinion since September 1, 
1939, that has most affected the IPA. 

Our most active members have felt that the most immediate pressing task 
before a liberal group such as the IPA is agitation in behalf of neutrality ; for 
in war time most of our democratic liberties would automatically be suppressed. 
With this in mind, the IPA sent out a series of postcards which aroused much 
comment, some of it highly unfavorable, some just as highly favorable. Inci- 
dentally this action has cost us the resignation, for different reasons, of four 

Three courses are now open to the IPA. (1) It can go ahead as a militant 
organization agitating for neutrality and against measures which it feels will 
both restrict democratic liberties in time of peace and make it easier to regiment 
public opinion in favor of war. To continue on this path involves publicity ; it 
will mean severe criticism and probably for some of us a certain amount of dan- 
ger. If the IPA is to take this course, it should in fairness to the whole member- 
ship have a membership united on the essentials of its program. (For example, 
what stand should the IPA take on such a measure as conscription?) And it 
must have a membership active in carrying out whatever program it adopts. 

(2) The IPA can become a mildly liberal discussion group, interested in local 
problems of not too controversial a nature. In this way it may do some good, 
meanwhile avoiding the most unfavorable forms of criticism and pressure. But 
this course, too, calls for an interested and active membership. 

(3) The IPA can disband. 

We are calling a special meeting at the Y. W. C. A. on Friday, August 23, at 
7 : 30 p. m., to discuss and decide the future of the IPA. As a suggested starting 
point for discussion, we ask that you look over the attached memorandum of a 
letter which one of our members has proposed be sent to the Chicago Emergency 
Peace Mobilization (meeting August 31 to September 2) . 

If, because of other engagements, you cannot be present, will you please write 
us as fully as possible your candid opinion of what the course of the IPA 
should be. 
Is the IPA important and useful enough to keep going? 
If the IPA is to go on, what shall be its direction? 

Is the IPA is to go on, how active a part can you play in keeping it going? 
Sincerely yours, 

■ , President. 

/S/ John E. Reinecke, 
Corresponding Secretary. 

"memo of letter proposed 

"The IPA endorses the Chicago Emergency Peace Mobilization as a valuable 
move to reduce the war hysteria sweeping our country. 


"The IPA believes there is uo use in spending money for national defense if 
we do not deserve democracy at home. 

''The IPA believes that democracy can best be served by avoiding commitments 
that would draw us into the present essentially imperialist struggle. 

"The IPA while approving of adequate defense measures, and not opposed in 
principle to conscription, believes that the pending conscription bill will be 
of more use to regiment the Nation (particularly organized labor) than to pro- 
vide an efficient armed force. 

"The IPA opposes the use of our National Guard outside the borders of United 
States territory. It feels that the United States Government is not exerting 
sufficient efforts to build up a genuinely democratic front in the Americas against 
Fascist influence both European and American. 

"The IPA opposes the numerous measures, either proposed or now in force, 
which have as their purpose or their tendency the limitation of civil liberties 
and democratic rights." 

The foregoing letter was considered by the IPA membership at a meeting held 
August 23, 1940, at which time the majority voted to continue the IPA as a 
pressure group. Two members voted for dissolution of the organization, while 
two abstained from voting. 

The IPA's disrepute in the community caused the members to change its name 
to the Honolulu Forum in 1941. After the German attack on Russia in June 
1941, the IPA-Houolulu Forum organization abandoned its love of "neutrality" 
and called for all-out aid to the Allied cause, of which Soviet Russia was then 
a beleaguered member. At one of its last meetings before the United States 
entered the war, the organization or one of its members made available to those 
present copies of the People's World, west coast Communist newspaper. At the 
same meeting, Marshall L. McEuen, who was to become one of the "Reluctant 
39" before the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1950, spoke on the 
subject of "Capitalism". 

As noted in the main report of the commission, formal Communist Party and 
front activities abruptly ceased on December 7, 1941, when Pearl Harbor was 
attacked. The Honolulu Forum went out of existence at the same time. 

Annex 6 

American Friends of the Chinese People 

The national organization of the above name, which had a chapter or affili- 
ated group in Honolulu before the war, has been the subject of several investi- 
gations in mainland jurisdictions. In 1948, the California Committee on Un- 
American Activities cited the American Friends of the Chinese People "as a 
Communist front." 

The California Committee's Fourth Report (1948) contains considerable infor- 
mation about this organization. The following passages are quoted from that 
report (pp. 142-14.5) : 

"This Red front falls under the general heading of 'Pro-Communist Chinese 
Front Organizations.' The American Friends of the Chinese People was organ- 
ized to support the Chinese Communist thrust against the National Chinese Gov- 
ernment. Closely cooperating with this Communist group were Theater Arts 
Committee, League of Women Shoppers, American League for Peace and De- 
mocracy, Medical Bureau for Spain, Progressive Women's Council, International 
Workers Order, Workers Alliance, and the International Labor Defense. 

"The Communist International has always been deeply interested in develop- 
ments in China. It looks upon the revolutionary movement in China as an ally 
of the Russian revolution and a bulwark against attack upon the Soviet Union. 
Manuilsky declared that 'revolutionary China * * * can become, in alliance with 
the U. S. S. R., the greatest world factor in far eastern politics * * * in alli- 
ance with the world proletariat, with its vanguard — the Communist world party, 
China shall and will become the guardian of peace, the fighter against imperialist 
wars on the Pacific' 

"The Communist Party of the United States together with its various auxiliary 
front organizations, in carrying out the line laid down by the Communist Inter- 
national on China, has passed through various states in accordance with the vari- 
ations in the relations between the Soviet Union and the Government of China. 
These activities, while proclaimed as being in behalf of the Chinese people, were 
at all times dictated by the current exigencies of Soviet diplomacy. 

"The Friends of the Chinese People was launched January 4, 1933, to specialize 
in work in the Chinese field. In January 1934, the magazine China Today made 


its first appearance. The word 'American' was added to the organization's name 
in 1935 as part of the general streamlining process during the Popular Front 
period. J. W. Phillips, Hansu Chan, and Frederick Spencer, were coeditors of 
China Today. 

"W^aldo Frank laid down the current Communist line in the December 1934 
issue of China Today, protesting 'against American and European aid for Chiang 
Kai-shek.' The united front of the democracies against the P^ascist aggressors, 
adopted by the Communist International after 1935, saw the American Friends 
of the Chinese People in a typical Communist 'about face.' China Today now 
started screaming for 'collective security' and declared that 'neutrality leads 
straight to war' and deplored the 'twilight of isolation.' 

"This period was marked by friendliness between the government of Chiang 
Kai-shek and the Communists. The February 1939 issue of China Today pub- 
lished an article entitled 'Two Fathers of Their Countries,' dealing with George 
Washington and Chiang Kai-Shek. 

"The Stalin-Hitler pact in August 1939, was the signal for another reversal of 
Communist policy in its Chinese fronts. The American Friends of the Chinese 
People and its collaborating organizations became vigorously antiwar, isolation- 
ist and antiadministration. 

"In April of 1941 the Communists adopted a new attitude toward Chiang Kai- 
shek, raising the cry of national unity in China. Chiang had formed an 'Anti- 
Communist Northwest Military Council.' Other Communist-front organizations 
joined the American Friends of the Chinese People in its campaign of pressure 
upon the Chinese Government. 

"Following Hitler's Invasion of Russia in June, 1941, the American Friends ot 
the Chinese People followed the other Communist fronts in an about-face in 
favor of war." 

Inasmuch as the American Friends of the Chinese People, Honolulu chapter, 
has been out of existence for some years, no detailed investigation of it has been 
conducted by this commission. However, incidental to other inquiries, the com- 
mission has obtained information of value concerning this organization. 

All persons known to the commission to have been connected with the local 
organization have been otherwise identified as being Communists or Communist 
sympathizers, and all such persons were also connected with the Honolulu chap- 
ter of the Interprofessional Association which is the subject of another section 
of this commission's report. 

The Honolulu chapter of the American Friends of the Chinese People was in 
existence from around early 1938 to 1940. A principal activity of this Honolulu 
chapter was to support the Chinese against Japan's aggression. In this connec- 
tion, a benefit dance was held "for the relief of Chinese victims of Japanese ag- 
gression." An admitted ex-Communist, active with the local group in early 19.38, 
has explained that the organization "had a boycott Japan program." 

Another main objective of the Honolulu chapter was to favor the Chinese Com- 
munist movement against the Kuomintang. 

The Interprofessional Association cooperated with the American Friends of the 
Chinese People in connection with supporting the Chinese against Japan's ag- 
gression and in favoring the Chinese Communist movement against the Kuomin- 

Annex 7 

Honolulu Labor Canteen 

This organization came into being on August 5, 1945, with the opening of a 
center on Richards Street, Honolulu. One of the speakers on that occasion was 
Norval D. Welch, Jr., of the National Maritime Union. (Welch was identified 
as a Communist by one George W. Crosby in an affidavit filed with California 
Committee on Un-American Activities. ) The canteen received support and finan- 
cial aid from the Army, Navy, local business concerns, newspapers, fraternal 
and civic organizations, and churches. The idea for its formation originated 
with the local AFL and CIO labor leaders. Shortly after the canteen began 
operations, the AFL withdrew its support, leaving the CIO in control. 

The stated purposes of the canteen were to promote harmonious relations 
among laborers, warworkers, service personnel, and Honolulu residents generally. 

The canteen had no formal membership requirements and charged no dues. 
Its doors were open to anyone wishing to use its facilities. Its funds were ob- 
tained from contributions of individuals, organizations, business houses, the 
armed services and labor unions, particularly the ILWU. Most of its visitors 
were member of the Armed Forces. 

Among the persons known to have been oflScers of the Canteen were : 

Rudolph Eskovitz, vice preseident, 1946 
Eugenie "Genii" Guinier, director, 1945 
Jack Osakoda, director, 1946 
Eileen Fujimoto, secretary, 1946 

In the early part of 1946, Osakoda took over the directorship from Mrs. 
Guinier at the invitation of Jack Kawano, ILWU leader who was a member of 
the executive board of the Communist Party of Hawaii in that year. 

In carrying out its program the canteen conducted a weekly Sunday forum, 
maintained a library, conducted classes, and presented entertaLnment programs. 
Among the topics discussed at the Sunday forums were : 

Minority Groups in Our World 


Strikes and Security 

Philippine Democracy 


Soviet Union 

What's the Score on Demobilization? 

Korea Today 

United States Foreign Policy 

United States Domestic Policy 


Political Action 

Racial Antagonism — An Aid to Fascism 

People's Education in Hawaii 

Communists in the Democratic Movement 

Freedom of Religious Worship 
Some of the speakers who participated in the Sunday forums were : 

Sgt. David Livingston, USA Dr. John E. Reinecke 

Marshall McEuen Sgt. Fred Zeller, USA 

Ralph Vossbrink Jack Osakoda 

Sgt. Joseph Nahem, USA Sgt. Murray Crummins, USA 

W. O. (jg.) Ewart Guinier, USA Alan Silver, USA 

Robert W. McElrath Ah Quon McElrath 

Sgt. Walter K. Rosen Wilfred Oka 

Jack W. Hall Dr. John A. Rademaker 

The discussion of the topic, Soviet Union, was led by Livingston, and the other 
speakers were Nahem and Guinier. 

Classes conducted at the canteen included : 

Economic History of Hawaii, Dr. Reinecke, instructor 

Labor Economics, Alan Silver, instructor 

Public Speaking and Parliamentary Procedure, Mrs. Guinier, instructor 

Current Labor Problems, Jack Karen, instructor 

How a Union Works, Sgt. Livingston, instructor, assisted by Jack Osakoda 

United States Minority Problems, Tom Dennis, instructor 

Current Events, Murray Crummins, instructor 

Trade Union Publicity, Lt. Sam Sale, USA, instructor 

History of the Soviet Union, Ewart Guinier, instructor 

Although the Oahu Servicemen's Committee for Speedier Demobilization was 
not an official part of the Honolulu Labor Canteen, it used the facilities of the 
canteen. One of the canteen's Sunday-forum topics was, What's the Score on 
Demobilization? Upon dissolution of the demobilization committee, it gave one- 
third of its funds, about $118, to the canteen. 

Another organization which grew out of Sunday forums at the canteen was 
the Hawaii Association for Civic Unity. Many Communists active in the canteen 
infiltrated the new association. 

Communist literature was made available at the canteen for anyone desiring 
to read it. Subscriptions to the Daily Worker were sold and this publication 
was used for reference in canteen classes. Petitions were posted calling for the 


discontinuance of shipments of guns and ammunition to China and the ousting 
of Franco from power in Spaio. 

A choral group sponsored by the canteen presented a large number of Russian 
songs in its programs. 

In addition to mainland Communists previously mentioned, some local Com- 
munists were active at the canteen. They included Dr. and Mrs. Reinecke, 
Charles K. Fujimoto, Eileen Fujimoto, Alice Hyun, Robert McElrath, Ah Quon 
McElrath, Adele Kensinger, and Jack Hall. 

Some of the leftwing leaders of the Communist-inspired Hawaii Youth for 
Democracy, a student organization at the University of Hawaii, were also active 
at the canteen. 

Others active in the canteen were members of the prewar Interprofessional As- 
sociation (Honolulu chapter). The pro-Communist activities of the IPA are 
treated elsewhere in this report. 

About June 1946, the canteen closed its Richards Street center and moved its 
records to the office of the Marine Cooks and Stewards Union. 

An outgrowth of the canteen was a labor school conducted in the evenings at 
McKinley High School, June 24 to July 29, 1946. 

It is evident that few activities of the Honolulu Labor Canteen were free of 
Communist purpose or direction. However, this was not readily perceptible to 
most of those whose support and financial assistance enabled the canteen to 

Annex 8 

Oahu Servicemen's Committee fob Speedier Demobilization 

A major worldwide program of the Communist International after World War 
II was to effect the weakening of the armed forces of the democratic nations 
while Soviet Russia remained militarily strong. A chief propaganda tactic used 
was to clamor for speedy demobilization of the Allied forces (other than the 
Russian). Many of the "bring our boys home now" movements in the United 
States were Communist inspired. 

The Oahu Servicemen's Committee for Speedier Demobilization, which claimed 
a membership of 3,000 servicemen stationed in Hawaii, falls into the pattern of 
such Communist activity. Concerning this organization, Congressman George A. 
Dondero, in January 1940 made the following statement : 

"The labor canteen in Honolulu, which has been a hotbed of Communist propa- 
ganda among the soldiers stationed in the vicinity, is today the headquarters of 
the so-called Oahu Servicemen's Committee for Speedier Demobilization. The 
head of this canteen is Ewart G. Guinier, a well-known New York Communist, 
fired by the New York Civil Service Commission in June 1942." 

The servicemen's committee was formed in the latter part of 1945, shortly after 
the founding of the Honolulu Labor Canteen. Three of the figures prominent 
in its formation and activities were David Livingston, Ewart G. Guinier, and 
Joseph Nahem, all servicemen, whose activities in the labor canteen are covered 
in a separate appendix. Although the committee was not a part of the Honolulu 
Labor Canteen, there was a close alliance of work and thought of the two organ- 
izations. The committee used the facilities of the canteen for some of its meet- 
ings, and the canteen in turn sponsored on its Sunday forum, held December 9, 
194.5, the topic. What's the Score on Demobilization? 

It is interesting to note that Livingston and Guinier were members of a com- 
mittee of seven selected by the subject organization to go to Washington, D. C, 
to present the "GI point of view" to Congressmen. It is also noteworthy that 
Livingston, Guinier, and Nahem appeared at a Sunday forum, held December 2, 
1945, sponsored by the canteen on the topic, Soviet Russia. The forum was pre- 
sided over by Livingston, with Guinier and Nahem as speakers. 

The committee actively agitated for demobilization by holding rallies at local 
military establishments, and on one occasion presented their "demands" person- 
ally to one of the highest ranking oflicers on Oahu. This activity in some in- 
stances led to the issuance of orders prohibiting demobilization demonstrations 
at military installations. 

When the committee became defunct in early 1946, a balance of $3.54.82 left in 
its treasury was divided into 3 equal parts and donated to the USO, the 1946 
March of Dimes campaign, and the Honolulu Labor Canteen. 


Annex 9 
Hawaii Association for Civic Unity 

The Hawaii Association for Civic Unity was formed in November 1945 by a 
group ostensibly concerned witli the problem of racial discrimination in the 
Hawaiian Islands. The organization was inspired by the existence of similar 
groups on the mainland and its purpose, to further civic unity, principally in the 
field of racial relations. The HACU came about as a result of forums held at the 
Honolulu Labor Canteen concerned with racial discrimination allegedly prac- 
ticed at Hickam Field, Oahu. (The Honolulu Labor Canteen was an organization 
which followed the Communist Party line in many of its endeavors. ) 

The purposes of HACU were set out in the constitution as follows : 


"Section 1. The object of this association shall be the promotion of better 
understanding and unity among people of various racial, cultural, religious and 
national backgrounds. 

"Section 2. The promotion of equality of opportunity. 

"Section 3. The promotion of social progress and better standards of living. 

"Section 4. The elimination of discrimination because of race, color, sex, 
creed, national origin, political belief or economic status." 

Dues of the Hawaii Association for Civic Unity were set at $1 a year and the 
membership during the time the organization was at its height reached nearly 

A HACU brochure entitled "Purposes and Program" contains the following ad- 
ditional information concerning the organization and its functions : 

"How does it work? 

"The HACU works for the attainment of its objective through : 

"1. Research and study by the membership of those conditions in the com- 
munity that tend to divide people into groups. The following committees have 
been created for this purpose : Race Relations, Health, Social Welfare, Legisla- 
tion, Education, and Employment. 

"2. Monthly bulletin summarizing the activities of the HACU and reports of 
the various committees. 

"3. Forums and public meetings designed to disseminate information and to 
mobilize public support for action approved by the organization and programs 
of cultural nature designed to promote its objectives. 

"4. Cooperation with other civic and social organizations in such activities 
which may be deemed constructive and wise by the HACU. 

"5. Social action on specific issues of discrimination. 

"6. Social functions designed to bring members and their guests together to 
promote better understanding." 

The first meeting of the HACU was held at the Nuuanii Congregational 
Church at Honolulu, with the Rev. Mineo Katagiri acting as chairman. At 
this meeting Stanley Miyamoto was appointed chairman of the committee for 
the constitution. During the latter part of 1945 or early 1946, the HACU 
held a mass meeting which was attended by about 500 persons. Thereafter, 
meetings were held at least twice a year, at the call of the executive council. 
However, the executive council met monthly. 

OflBcers of the Hawaii Association for Civic Unity were : 

Stanley Miyamoto, president 
Dr. John A. Rademaker, 1st vice president 
Iwalani IVIottl, 2d vice president 
Robert Lester BufHns, treasurer 
Nobuko Suzki, secretary 

As is so often true with organizations of interest to the Communist Party, 
the officers and committee chairman of HACU were generally non-Communists. 
However, Communist influence was exerted upon the organization through Com- 
munist influence was exerted upon the organization through Communist Party 
members who sat on the executive council of HACU and who took an active 
part in the committee work and general meetings. 

Dr. John E. Reinecke and Jack Denichi Kimoto. local Communists of long 
stiinding. were members of the executive council. The membership of the or- 


ganization included about 25 Communists, some of the more prominent of whom 

Ichiro Izul^a Peggy Uesugi 

Adele Kensinger Koichi Imori 

Mrs. Eileen T. Fujimoto Mrs. Ah Quon McElrath 

Charles K. Fujimoto Ralph Vossbrink 

Though a wide membership was solicited, it is interesting to note that in one 
instance an application for membership by an individual known to be anti- 
Communist was vehemently opposed by the executive council. The strength of 
the Communist element in this organization is further evidenced by the relatively 
higher attendance of the left wing group at meetings concerned with the policies 
of the organization. 

The HACU attempted to secure the enactment of a Fair Employment Practices 
Act, in order to minimize alleged racial discrimination in local labor matters. 
The members of the organization disagreed among themselves on the procedure 
to be followed. There was some opinion among certain members that an FEPA 
was not a satisfactory solution to the problem. HACU set out to improve certain 
local conditions, and succeeded in making some progress in this endeavor. The 
organization at times commended people for their efforts to improve racial 

By letter dated July 20, 1948, Nobuko Suzuki, secretary of HACU, notified 
all members that a meeting would be held on July 30, to act on the following 
proposals : 

1. To dissolve the organization, 

2. To dispose of the funds in its treasury, and 

3. To dispose of its files, records, and correspondence. 

The final meeting of HACU was held on July 30, 1948, at the Church of the 
Crossroads, Honolulu. Ralph V. Vossbrink, well known Honolulu Communist, 
acted as chairman. Among the other Communists were : 
Dr. and Mrs. John E. Reinecke 
Mr. and Mrs. Charles K. Fujimoto 
Adele Kensinger, and 
Mrs. Robert W. McElrath 

The major item of business concerned the disposition of the sum of slightly 
over $600 in the treasury of the organization. A report of the executive coun- 
cil was laid before the meeting as the suggested basis for action in disposing 
of the funds. Among the recommended beneficiaries were the Hawaii Civil Liber- 
ties Committee, a Communist front organization; the Honolulu chapter of the 
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, which was then 
heavily infiltrated by Communists (including some of those also in HACU) ; 
and the widow of a Cuban Communist labor leader who recently had been killed. 
Action of the membership deleted the name of the Cuban lady from the list and 
added the Salvation Army Women's Home, of Honolulu, and the Honolulu Rec- 
ord, contemplated Communist-line publication whose first issue did not appear 
until several days after the dissolution of HACU. 

After attending to certain administrative obligations concerned with finances, 
those in attendance voted to distribute the remaining funds as follows : 

Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee .$143. 60 

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People 119. 66 

Majors and Palikiko defense 119. 6G 

Church of the Crossroads : 100. 00 

Salvation Army "Women's Home 47.87 

Honolulu Record 47. 86 

The funds were later so distributed. 

It was thereafter voted at the final meeting to deposit the records of HACU 
with the Archives of Hawaii, but that was not done. 

The short history of HACU illustrates once again the manner in which an 
organization of intended high purpose can, through the perseverence of a small 
minority of Communists, be perverted to ends which ultimatelv negate the 
original intention of the majority. The dangers of domination of HACU by 
outside interests are not dangers that could be detected only after the fact, but 
were apparent to some members of the organization during its existence. In 
1947 one respected and well-informed member of HACU expressed himself sub- 
stantially as follows : 


"Active in Honolulu are the ILWU-PAC and HACU, both of which appear 
to have a largely overlapping membership. There also appear to be a few 
key people who are prominent in both organizations and who seem to be doing 
the major portion of the work. Growing in this community is a conviction 
that the latter organization is merely a front for ILWU-PAC. This is an 
unfortunate development since many people with a more or less liberal and pro- 
gressive point of view, who do not see exactly eye to eye with PAC, will refuse to 
become associated with HACU, for example, if they are convinced in their own 
minds that HACU is a captive of PAC. The meeting on February 24 made it 
appear that at any time PAC wishes to do so, it can call the tune in the civic 
unity organization." 

Annbix 10 

Hawaii Youth fok Democracy 

The Hawaii Youth for Democracy (popularly known as the HYD) was active 
on the University of Hawaii campus during 1945-46. Although not directly 
affiliated with the American Youth for Democracy, it was a prototype of that 
organization. The American Youth for Democracy, the direct successor of the 
Young Communist League, has been the subject of numerous investigations by 
Federal and State agencies. The Committee on Un-American Activities of the 
United States House of Representatives in 1947 described the American Youth 
for Democracy as having been formed for the purpose "of exploiting to the ad- 
vantage of a foreign power the idealism, inexperience, and the craving to join 
which is characteristic of American college youth." The American Youth for 
Democracy was affiliated with the World Federation of Democratic Youth which 
was formed in London in 1945 at the World Youth Council. At Prague in 1946 
the World Federation of Democratic Youth was transformed into the Interna- 
tional Union of Students. 

The Hawaii Youth for Democracy was conceived by persons connected with 
the Honolulu Labor Canteen and subsequently encouraged by the Communist 
Party of Hawaii. Originally it was planned to form a branch of the national 
American Youth for Democracy at the University of Hawaii, but finally the 
name HYD was decided upon by a group of the local students, probably because 
the American Youth for Democracy had already been exposed as a Communist 
front. However, a comparison of the constitutions of the Hawaii Youth for 
Democracy and the American Youth for Democracy reveal many striking simi- 
lax-ities. Such a comparison is set out at the close of this annex. 

The "principles and purposes of the Hawaii Youth for Democracy, and con- 
stitution" were adopted October 5, 1945, and submitted to university authorities 
shortly thereafter. The following is quoted from the portion on principles and 
purposes : 

"We aline ourselves with all the other forces that are democratic, just and pro- 
gressive, and we join hands with the youth of other lands in fighting everything 
that's reactionary and oppressive to the welfare of the mass as a whole. 

"We pledge ourselves to continue to fight fascism because fascism means : 
"The persecution of national and racial minorities. 
"The suppression of creative expressions of people. 
"The continuance of further aggressive wars. 
"The exploitation of people. 
"The stripping of people of popular liberties. 

"But fascism does not end with the military defeat of Germany and Japan. 
Fascism does not end as long as we have anti-Negro practices, anti-Semitism, anti- 
Catholicism, labor-baiting, and red-baiting. Fascism will continue as long as we 
tolerate such bigotry. 

"World unity 

"We will work toward the ideals set forth in the Atlantic Charter. We will 
work toward making feasible the proper functioning of the UNO planned at San 

"We will aid the people of liberated countries in their course to determine their 
own form of government unhampered by forces attempting to suppress demo- 
cratic government be granted to colonial countries. 

''Youth as the future of tomorrow 

"We urge youth to enter energetically into the political life of our community 
and Nation to pass legislation necessary to the welfare of the people. 


"Youth's Hawaii 

"We look forward eagerly to a Hawaii free of discrimination — racial, social, 
religious, and otherwise. 

"We firmly belive education is the safeguard of democracy. Probaly nowhere 
else does the unique character of island society exist — where multiple racial, 
social and national groups live together in such a small area. Realizing this posi- 
tion we concert our energy even more to make Hawaii the ideal example of har- 
monious coexistence of the diverse groups — diverse as yet in their cultures, but 
united in their desire for democracy." 

The stated aims of this organization are quoted from article II, section 1 
of its constitution : 

"The Hawaii Youth for Democracy is a character-building organization. 
Through education it aims to foster social consciousness and democratic action 
among the youth of Hawaii. It is dedicated to the preservation of the spirit of 
democracy and freedom." 

That the actual aims of the organizations were somewhat different from those 
stated above is apparent from the nature of its activities. 

On November 30, 194."), the HYD submitted an application for official recogni- 
tion as a campus students' organization. On February 9, 1946, the organization 
was recognized on condition that article VI be deleted from its constitution. 
Article VI provided, "The organization shall issue such publications as is deemed 
necessary and take measures to insure their circulation." 

The organization filed with the proper university authorities two rosters of 
members, but it is known that some students not listed on the rosters of mem- 
bers, but it is known that some students not listed on the rosters were or sub- 
sequently became active in HYD matters. The roster contains the names of 
several students, no longer enrolled at the University of Hawaii, who have been 
identified with Communist activities both in Hawaii and on the mainland. 

While the HYD was active, it held its identified meetings on the university 
campus, usually once a week. However, undisclosed meetings of certain HYD 
personnel with Communists were held elsewhere and will be discussed later in 
this annex. 

The HYD had an education committee, an activities committee, a finance com- 
mittee, and a public relations committee. One of the projects of the education 
committee of HYD was stated as follows : 

"Since international problems are of vital concern to youth today, the educa- 
tion committee will prepare full reports on the subjects listed below. These re- 
ports, when completed, will be published as newsletters for general distribution 
by the public relations committee. From these reports the activities committee 
will draw up programs of action for the HYD when necessary. The topics at 
present : 

"American foreign policy 

"The United Nations Organization 


"The Levant States 

"The Pan Arab movement 

"The world colonial problem 

"Mandates and international trusteeship 






"Puerlo Tli'^o 

"Central America 

"South America 



"The right of the international trade union movement to representation in UNO 

"Internationalization of the atomic bomb 

"Occupation policies in Germany 

"Occupation policies in Japan 


"The policy of extraterritorialty" 


(It is significant that the countries named in tlie foregoing list are those whose 
governments Russia and her propagandists in the United States have criticized 
and attempted to undermine. Conversely, and also in conformity with the Com- 
munist line, certain foreign countries not subject to criticism by Russia and its 
followers are not listed, notably the U. S. S. R. itself and satellite Poland, Czecho- 
slovakia, Hungary, Rumania, etc.) 

Also in the HYD program was the proposal to "oppose every effort of Fascist- 
minded monopolists to destroy or weaken our democracy." There was, however, 
no oppo.sition to communism expressed in the HYD progi-am. 

The activities of the HYD show the true purpose of the organization. Articles 
appearing in Ka Leo O Hawaii, the University of Hawaii student publication, 
reported the following HYD activities. 

The HYD supported a campus movement to send a representative to the World 
Youth Council held in London in 194.5, but the project was not begun in sufficient 
time to allow a representative to reach London in time for the council's meeting. 

An announcement in Ka Leo O Hawaii by the student body president, an HYD 
member, reveals that the HYD was in charge of International Students Day 
which was sponsored on the campus by the Associated Students of the University 
of Hawaii. International Students Day was a worldwide movement com- 
memorating the Prague students' resistance to the Nazis. (The ASUH — As- 
sociated Students of the University of Hawaii — is an organization to which all 
students of the university belong.) 

A movement was started on the campus to send a representative from the 
university to attend the International Students Council to be held in Prague, 
November 18-23, lO^'). A suggestion was made at a meeting of the student 
council of the Associated Students of the University of Hawaii that a former 
student of the University of Hawaii serving in the Armed Forces in Europe be 
sent to this World Student Conference. This suggestion was approved and a 
committee of three appointed to investigate. The three committeemen were 
HYD members. As a result of their efforts a member of the Armed Forces 
stationed in Europe was approved by the War Department and received per- 
mission of the State Department to attend the conference. (The meeting in 
Prague, Czechoslovakia, is variously referred to in Ka Leo O Hawaii as Inter- 
national Students Day, World Student Conference, World Student Congress and 
International Students Congress. ) The University of Hawaii representative re- 
ported by letter that the Central Union of Czechoslovakia Students organized 
the International Students Congress for 1945 and that attempts had been made 
to set up a world organization of students, a student's exchange, an international 
press bureau, and a sports program. He also stated that Communist and So- 
cialist elements were present at the Congress. The stimulus for all of the fore- 
going pi-ojects originated with the HYD. 

In 1946, an HYD member whose mother and several uncles are Communists, 
attended an American Youth for Democracy conference in New York as the rep- 
resentative of the University of Hawaii organization. 

In late April, 1946, the HYD sponsored a forum on the subject of Russian 
foreign policy. The speakers were Ralph V. Vossbrink, Dr. John A. Rademaker, 
assistant professor of sociology, and Dr. Allan F. Saunders, associate professor of 
history. The HYD was accused of having a completely one-sided forum with all 
speakers praising Soviet Russia. In defense the HYD maintained that the per- 
sons who had been invited to speak from the opposite viewpoint failed to attend. 

Ichiro Izuka testified before the House Un-American Activities Committee that 
he attended a meeting of the executive committee of the Communist Party in 
1946 at which it was decided that since the Kaimidji branch of the party had 
no direct concern with union activity (few of its members were ILWU personnel), 
it should be given responsibility for the development of HYD. Dr. John E. 
Reinecke and Charles K. Fujimoto were assigned to direct that activity. The 
results of the executive committee's decision are to be found in a Marxist discus- 
sion group that met weekly at the home of Charles K. Fujimoto during the sum- 
mer of 1946. Dr. Reinecke also attended occasional meetings of that group and 
on one occasion he delivered a lecture on the labor movement in Hawaii. At an- 
other meeting Fujimoto distributed copies of the Communist Manifesto. Sev- 
eral who attended the Fujimoto discussion group were students at the University 
of Hawaii and oflScers in the HYD. 




The name of this organization shall 
be The Hawaii Youth for Democracy. 
The official abbreviation of this organi- 
zation shall be HYD (art. I, sec. 1). 

The Hawaii Youth for Democracy 
is a character-building organization. 
Through education it aims to foster 
social consciousness and democratic 
action among the youth of Hawaii. It 
is dedicated to the preservation of the 
spirit of democracy and freedom (art. 
II, sec. 1). 

Member»hip rights and oMigatlons 

Any regular University of Hawaii 
student, regardless of color, national 
origin, religious beliefs, or political af- 
filiation, who accepts the purposes and 
principles of this organization may join 
(art. HI, sec. 1). 

The rights to participate in all ac- 
tivities and to receive all benefits of 
the organization shall be accorded to 
all members (art. Ill, sec. 5). 


The following officers shall be elected 
from among the regular members by 
a majority vote at an annual meeting 
to be held in May : 

1 — Chairman 

2 — Vice chairman 

3 — Executive secretary 

4 — Secretary-treasurer 

(art. IV, sec. 1). 

Revocation of members 

Membership in the Hawaii I'outh for 
Democracy may be revoked if a mem- 
ber acts against the principles and gen- 
eral welfare of the organization (art. V, 
sec. 1). 

Action to expel a member may be in- 
stituted by any member, and final re- 
vocation may be effected by a two-thirds 
vote of the members present at the hear- 
ing (art. V, sec. 2). 


The organization shall issue such pub- 
lications as is deemed necessary and 
take measures to insure their circula- 
tion (art. VI, sec. 1). 


The name of this organization shall 
be the American Youth for Democracy 
(art. I, sec. 1). 


The American Youth for Democracy 
is a character-building organization 
dedicated to the education of youth in 
the spirit of democracy and freedom 
(art. II, sec. 1). 

Membership rights and obligations 

All young people, regardless of color, 
national origin, religious belief or po- 
litical party affiliation who accept the 
program of the American Youth for 
Democracy, may join (art. Ill, sec. 1). 

The right to participate in all activi- 
ties and to receive all benefits of the 
organization shall be accorded to all 
members (art. Ill, sec. 3). 

National Council 
The national officers shall be : 

I. Two cochairmeu 

II. Two vice chairmen 

III. An executive secretary 

IV. A secretary-treasurer 
(art. VIII, sec. 4). 

Revocation of members 

Membership in the American Youth 
for Democracy may be revoked if a 
member acts against the principles and 
general welfare of the organization 
(art. IX, sec. 1.) 

Action to revoke membership may 
be instituted by any member. The club 
is empowered to expel any member by 
a majority vote, after a hearing has 
been granted to both sides. The state, 
regional or national councils have the 
right to expel any member under their 
jurisdiction, after a hearing has been 
granted to both sides (art. IX, sec. 2). 


The national council is empowered 
to issue such publications as it deems 
necessary and take measures to insure 
their circulation (art. XII, sec. 1). 



FOR DEMOCRACY — Continued 

Parliamentary procedure 

When a question arises as to the par- 
liamentary procedure to be tak-en, Ro- 
bert's Rule of Orders will be followed 
as the final authority (art. VIII, sec. 1). 


This constitution may be amended 
by a two-thirds vote of the members of 
the organization (art. IX, sec. 1). 

National convention 

Subject to change by a majority vote 
of the convention, the convention shall 
be ruled by the order of business pro- 
posed by the national council, and shall 
adopt its own procedure and rules on 
all questions not governed by Roberts 
Rules of Order (art. VI, sec. 6). 

Amendments-special conventions- 

This constitution may be amended 
by a two-thirds vote of the national con- 
vention or by a majority vote of the 
membership in a national referendum 
(handwritten: "or by two-thirds vote 
of national council, such right to be 
limited until the next convention."). 

Annex 11 
Nation AT. Association for Advancement of Colored People (Honolulu Branch) 

This national organization, commonly referred to as the NAACP, had an active 
branch in Honolulu during the period 1946-49. Previous attempts to organize 
such a group in Honolulu were made about 1939 and again shortly after the war 
started, but were unsuccessful. 

The purposes of the organization, as stated on its membership card, are : 

"1. To educate America to accord full rights and opportunities to Negroes. 

"2. To fight injustice in courts when based on race prejudice. 

"3. To pass protective legislation in State and Nation and defeat discriminatory 

"4. To secure the vote for Negroes and teach its proper use. 

"5. To stimulate the cultural life of Negroes. 

"6. To stop lynching." 

As has been the experience of a number of NAACP chapters, the Honolulu 
branch became an object of Communist infiltration. This activity by Communist 
Party members and sympathizers was noticeable in 1947, and by 1948 had become 
a matter of serious concern to non-Communists in the organization. The interest 
of Communists, who try continually to foment racial disunity under the guise of 
exposing alleged racial discrimination, is obvious. 

The otficers and directors of the Honolulu branch in 1948 included Negroes, 
Caucasians, and Japanese. Two of the 10 directors, Charles K. Fujimoto and 
Eileen N. Fujimoto, were members of the executive board of the Communist 
Party of Hawaii. Several other Nx\ACP directors were afiiliated with the 
Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee, principal postwar Communist front organiza- 
tion in Hawaii. 

Dr. John E. Reinecke, a leading local Communist, took an active part in the 
local NAACP. Frank Marshall Davis, a writer of inflammatory racial articles 
for the Communist-line Honolulu Record, also has been affiliated with the 

In December, 1948, a local NAACP election was held in which Communist 
Party members and their collaborators attempted to gain full control of the 
organization. Two attempts were made to elect a president but each time 
62 votes were cast— 31 for the rightwing candidate and 31 for the leftwing 

As a result of this deadlock, and realizing the Honolulu chapter of the NAACP 
was thoroughly infested with Communists and fellow travelers, Mrs. Catherine 
Christopher, the acting president, laid the matter before the board of directors 
of the national NAACP. That body, on November 14, 1949, voted to revoke the 
charter of the Honolulu branch of the NAACP. The reasons given were the 
failure to complete the holding of an election ; the difference of the racial issues 
in Hawaii, as compared to mainland United States ; and, because that difference 
and the distance of the Honolulu branch from the national office made it difficult 
to supervise the activities and program of the branch adequately and properly. 


Annex 12 
Liberal Legislation League 

This organization, which existed in Honolulu from August 20, 1946, to May 23, 
1947, is of interest because its formation appears to have been conceived by the 
Territorial CIO Political Action Committee to serve as a medium for furthering 
the aims of CIO-PAC in nonorganized labor circles. CIO-PAC was a Communist- 
controlled group. Six of its seven officers have been identified as members of 
the Communist Party. 

The LLL was organized at a meeting held on August 20, 1946, by an organiza- 
tion tentatively called the Citizens Political Action Committee. Marshall Mc- 
Euen opened this meeting by explaining that several people had expressed an 
interest in forming a citizens PAC and that he had called this meeting to discuss 
the formation of such an organization. He said that if a CPAC were formed 
it should exist independently of the CIO-PAC, as was the practice on the main- 
land, but that the two organizations could work closely together. At this 
meeting it was agreed that contact should be made with the National CPAC 
as soon as the local organization was formed. McEuen pointed out that the 
local CPAC could perform a useful service by supplying the local CIO-PAC with 
information concerning social injustices. The CIO-PAC, he said, would use 
that information to press for social improvements, but would protect the identity 
of its source of information. 

Another meeting was held on August 27, 1946, with Marshall McEuen pre- 
siding. By a formal vote it was determined that the CPC should have no direct 
affiliation with the CIO-PAC. This followed McEuen's suggestion made at the 
previous meeting. Communists John E. Reinecke and Ah Quon McElrath, noted 
for their interest in political action, were present at this meeting. 

At the September 3, 1946, meeting a committee of three was appointed to 
draft a constitution. It was determined that the organization should be an 
unaffiliated, nonpartisan group, with the purpose of carrying out a liberal social- 
legislative program. A four-member policy committee was appointed. 

The name "Liberal Legislation League" was formally adopted at the meeting of 
September 11, 1946, and the constitution of the organization adopted. A report 
was given by the chairman of the platform committee. A three-member com- 
mittee was appointed to secure biographical data on candidates for the coming 
election. A member gave a report on a CIO-PAC meeting, stating that few can- 
didates had committed themselves on the 1946 CIO-PAC platform. A perma- 
nent chairman, secretary, and treasurer were elected. 

The object of the LLL, as stated in its constitution, was to protect, maintain, 
and promulgate legislation in the interest of the community. 

At a meeting held September 20, 1946, a 3-member ways and means committee 
of the LLL was activated. 

On October 11, 1946, the platform of the LLL, read at its meeting, was as 
follows : 

(a) A Territorial FEPC. 
(&) Civil-rights bill. 

(c) Revision of "regressive" tax laws so that those who can pay more do 
so. Establishment of a tax commission to make a thorough study of taxes. 
{d) Upward revision of the minimum-wage law to provide for an Ameri- 
can standard of living — a standard compatible with decency and health. 

(e) Low-cost housing provided by the Government, by means of legislation 
assuring low-cost homes compatible with decency and health. 

At an LLL meeting held November 1, 1946, donations were solicited to pay for 
a full-page advertisement to be placed in the Honolulu Star-Bulletin on Novem- 
ber 2, 1946. More than $200 was collected and the necessary balance pledged. 
An officer of the LLL agreed to underwrite payment of the bill. The advertise- 
ment presented the replies of 30 candidates to certain questions which were 
designed to clarify their positions on issues then current in Hawaii. Among the 
questions asked of candidates were those concerning the LLL's proposals for 
"needed" legislation on civil rights and for a Fair Employment Practices Act. 
Other issues covered included statehood, housing, taxation, a minimum-wage law, 
and child-care centers. The proposed FEPA and civil-rights legislation were 
highly controversial issues. The Communist Party has made capital of such 
issues on the mainland in order to highlight racial discrimination as one of the 
"diseases" of our democracy. At the November 1 meeting it was reported that 
all non-Caucasian candidates favored the civil-rights and FEPA bills, but that 


the Caucasian candidates stated eitlier tliat no racial prejudice existed in Hawaii 
(lience there was no need for such legislation) or flatly opposed it. At the same 
meeting study group chairmen were named to head committees on taxation and 
expenditure, health and welfare, education, industrial relations, and citizens' 

For 3 months after election day, 1946, the organization held no meetings. 
However, it conducted an analysis of election results and worked on a program 
to be presented to the 1947 legislature. 

The next meeting of LLL was held on February 14, 1947. It was voted to 
accept the offer of the CIO-PAC to provide radio time for an LLL program on 
February 16. The script for this program was prepared by three of the most 
active LLL members. At this meeting an LLL member stated that he would 
attempt to gain the support of the American Veterans Committee, Chapter 1, of 
Honolulu, for the LLL's proposed legislative rules. 

The last meeting of the LLL was held on May 23, 1947. It was decided to 
suspend all meetings during the summer and replace them with a study group 
that would plan a future LLL program. A professor at the University of Hawaii 
had been contacted by two representatives of the LLL and had prepared a course 
of reading for such study group. 

Sixty-three persons have been identified with this organization. Six have 
been identified as Communists. However, non-Communists held nearly all the 
offices and committee assignments. However, this did not prevent the LLL's being 
used to serve the purposes for which it was conceived by CIO-PAC, acting through 
Marshall McEuen. 

Annex 13 

Public Education in the Territory of Hawaii 


For the purpose of this report, the educational field of the Territory of Hawaii 
is divided into five categories : 

( a ) Department of public instruction. 

( & ) University of Hawaii, including extension division. 

(c) Adult education. 

( d ) Private schools, kindergarten, grade, and high. 

( e ) Private schools, miscella neous. 

In order that the reader may judge the extent to which education is of direct 
concern to pupils, parents, teachers, and employees of educational institutions 
in the Territory, and is therefore of indirect concern to all, certain statistics are 
presented below. 

The following figures are approximate as of January 1, 1951 (except for the 
University of Hawaii, which is as of February 15, 1951) : 

NLimher of 





' 4, 054 


2 365 



93, 903 

(6) University of Hawaii 



(rf) Private schools - 

24, 200 

(e) Private schools 




133, 002 

1 Including approximately 3,500 teachers 

2 The majority of persons included in this figure also included in the 4,054 DPI employees. 

As of September 1950, there were 17 teachers' and other affiliated organizations 
in the Territory, including the Hawaii Education Association with a membership 
of approximately 3,200 teachers. 

The April-May-June, 1950, issue of the Parent-Teacher News Bulletin stated 
that there were 130 parent-teacher associations with membership of 39,180. 

Because of the size of this field, and the limited time at the disposal of this 
commission, it was obvious at the cutset that all types of schools could not be 
covered, so it was decided to concentrate on surveys of the University of Hawaii 
and the department of public instruction. Even in this restricted field only a 
preliminary investigation was practicable and this report should be considered 


as a survey report and evaluated accordingly. The survey vi^as conducted through 
the medium of interviews on all major islands, the study of official records, and 
the examination of witnesses under oath. 

Directives to Communist teachers 

The position of the Communist Party, with reference to the schools, was 
recorded in an issue of The Communist, formerly the official monthly organ of the 
Communist Party, U. S. A. Its editor, Earl Browder, was general secretary of 
the party. In it were published authoritative monographs expounding the party's 
philosophy and giving program directions for party activity. In its May 1937, 
issue The Communist carried an article stating : 

"Party and YCL (Young C^jmmunist League) fractions set up within classes 
and departments must supplement and combat by means of discussions, brochures, 
etc., bourgeois omissions or distortions in the regular curriculum. Marxist- 
Leninist analysis must be injected into every class. In addition to this, serious 
education on immediate social problems and in Marxism-Leninism must be under- 
taken independently. 

"A peoples movement around the schools can thus transform the latter into 
popular forms for progressive social action, ultimately into forms for the revolu- 

Obviously such a program could not be carried out openly, as such activity 
would lead to an exposure of the party. Therefore, in order to accomplish the 
desired results, without exposure, Communist teachers are instructed in the meth- 
ods to be used. Following is quoted an article entitled, "The Schools and The 
People's Front," which also appeared in the May 1937, issue of The Communist : 

"Communist teachers cannot afford to ignore this fact — that they are in con- 
tact with the children of the masses, that they are responsible for training these 
children. They must realize that the primary function of the school is to educate 
these children, and this will be true to a much greater extent in a socialist society 
than now. Communist teachers are, therefore, faced ^^•ith a tremendous respon- 
sibility. They must consider not only their own teacher problems, but the prob- 
lem of the children. They must fight for the latter. They must mobilize the 
other teachers in this fight. They must take advantajie of their positions, with- 
out exposing themselves, to give their students to the best of their abiliy work- 
ing class education. 

"To enable the teachers in the party to do the latter, the party must take care- 
ful steps to see that all teacher comrades are given thorough education in the 
teachings of Marxism-Leninism. Only when teachers have really mastered 
Marxism-Leninism, will they be able skillfully to inject it into their teachings 
at the least risk of exposure and at the same time to conduct struggles around 
the schools in a truly Bolshevik manner. [In Communist terminology the word 
"Bolshevik" implies great approbation, since the goal of the Communist is to 
equal the stern revolutionary zeal of the pre-1917 Russian Communists (Bol- 
sheviki).] Such teachers can also be used to advantage to conduct classes in 
Marxism-Leninism for workers generally, and many such teachers should be 
assigned not to school units but to factories or industrial units, where they can 
be of great aid in party education, in helping with leaflets, .shop papers, etc. 
Others can play an important role in the educational activities of the YCL." 

This article further elaborates on tlie technique of disguised indoctrination, 
explaining the methods to be used in classes on literature, languages, history, 
geography, the natural sciences, and mathematics. 

With reference to the relationship l)etween Commxmist teachers and rural 
community activities, The Communist (May 1937) directs: 

"In rural communities, teachers who are among the few educated people, are 
looked up to with tremendous i-espect. They are in a position to become com- 
munity leaders. 

"As a means of mobilizing the people in the villages and countryside, steps 
should be taken to try to send Communist teachers into rural communities 
where they could become active in all community organizations. 

"The party should work actively within parent-teachers' association and all 
similar organizations." 
Department of Public Instrnction 

Available information indicates the presence of subversive activity by a 
©ublic school teacher in Hawaii as early as 1935. This evidence concerns .John 

72723—57 — pt. 41a, i 5 


Ernest Reinecke, then a teacher employed by the department of public instruc- 
tion at Honokaa, island of Hawaii. He subsequently attained considerable 
prominence when he and his wife, Aiko T. Reinecke, were suspended from public 
teaching positions and later, after a hearing before the commissioners of public 
instruction, were dismissed. 

The actions of Reinecke in connection with the Communist Party and with 
various front organizations are covered elsewhere. His activities while a 
public-school teacher received wide publicity in later years through the medium 
of public hearings of his dismissal case and the press and are a matter of 
official record. This commission, therefore, has not attempted to record in its 
report all information developed during those hearings. It suffices to say that 
the evidence at hand clearly establishes Reinecke to hare been an important 
Communist Party leader in the Territory of Hawaii for more than a decade, 
and further establishes that Mrs. Reinecke shared her husband's communistic 
views and activities. 

Reinecke was first employed by the Territory of Hawaii on September 1, 1927. 
During the period 1927-29 he was assigned as a teacher to Konawaena School 
on the island of Hawaii. During 1929-30 he was at Leilehua School on the 
island of Oahu. He was granted special leave from September 1, 19.30, to August 
31, 1931, and during that time he attended Yenching University in China. 
Reinecke returned to Honolulu in .July 1931, and was assigned to Honokaa 
Junior High School, where he remained until the end of the 1935 school year. 

Evidence introduced at his dismissal hearings established that Reinecke had, 
during 1935, corresponded with one Samuel Weinman, author of the pamphlet 
Hawaii, a Story of Imperialist Plunder. A letter dated May 29, 1935, addressed 
to "Dear Comrade Reinecke," signed, "S. VTeinman" (Government exhibit 
No. 39), indicated that Reinecke had been collaborating with Weinman. In 
that letter Reinecke was asked to furnish "specific information concerning Ha- 
waii" because it was needed by ••another comrade." Some of the •'pressing 
questions" to which answers were desired "at once" were: 

"What is the condition of the peasantry? How many are there; how many 
acres each holding? * * * 

"You say the group has been studying the situation in Hawaii. What ex- 
actly have they been studying, and can we have copies of their collective studies 
for use here? * * * 

"Has the group formulated their ideas as to what is the next step in Hawaii? 
* * * 

"From here it seems to us that it is time to do more than study. Isn't it 
time that struggles were developed under the leadership of the CP group? * * *" 

The following passages from the same letter may be relevant to the fact that 
a formal Communist Party organization was established in Hawaii about 2 or 
3 years later : 

'•I received your letter, which I read with a great deal of interest. I expect 
to make a practical use of your list of contacts. Thanks * * * 

"We have discussed linking the Hawaiian movement to the one in the United 
States. We plan to do something definite about it shortly * * * 

"It would be well if you could get this letter into the hands of the CP group 
and have them communicate with us directly, telling us what we can do specifi- 
cally to aid them." 

The pamphlet Hawaii, A Story of Imperialist Plunder, which Reinecke ad- 
mitted he had read, was published in 1934 by International Pamphlets, 799 
Broadway, New York, N. Y. A publishers' note on the back cover of the pamphlet 
states that it was prepared under the direction of Labor Research Association, 
whose address was determined to be 80 East 11th Street, New York, N. Y. 
Weinman's address, as shown on his letter to Reinecke, was room 634, 80 East 
11th Street, New York City. 

The record of hearings before the Committee on Un-American Activities, 
United States House of Representatives, 80th Congress, with reference to H. R. 
1884 and H. R. 2122 (bills to curb or outlaw the Communist Party in the United 
States) . describes the sponsors of the Weinman pamphlet as follows : 

"The Labor Research Association, 80 East 11th Street, New York, N. Y., pub- 
lishes monthly the Economic News, sold and distributed through Communist 
bookshops. The Communist press frequently quotes from it. The association 
occasionally issues books which are published and distributed by the Interna- 
tional Publishers of New York, the Communist publishing house. Its releases, 
service, and books are consistently along the Communist Party line, and they are 
as a rule timed with the party's agitation and pressure moves. * * *" 


The Labor Research Association also has been authoritatively described as 
follows : 

(A) Cited as subversive and as an affiliate of the Communist Party (At- 
torney General's letter to the Loyalty Review Board, released December 
4, 1947), 

(B) A direct auxiliary of the Communist Party. ( Special Committee on 
Un-American Activities Report, March 29, 1944, p. 47. ) 

(C) Cited as a completely Communist-controlled organization. ^ Cali- 
fornia Committee on Un-American Activities Report, 1948, p. 47. ) 

(D) -Oue of the creations of the Commimist Party * * * founded by 
Robert W. Dunn, a prominent Communist." (Masachusetts House Commit- 
tee on Un-American Activities Report, 1938, p. 380.) 

Report No. 309 of the House Committee on Un-American Activities, dated 
April, 1947, states : 

"Within the year 1934 the following American Communists contributed articles 
to the International Press Correspondence (Imprecorr), ofiicial weekly press or- 
gan of the Communist International ; * * * Samuel Weinman. * * *" 

International Press Correspondence was described by the same committee in 
a report dated January 3, 1939, as "The organ of the Communist International." 

The Agit-Prop (agitation and propaganda) division of the Comunist move- 
ment in the United States is of major importance to that movement. That divi- 
sion and its fronts operate publishing houses which issue books, pamphlets and 
other printed matter. It appears that Labor Research Association. International 
Pamphlets and International Press Correspondence were a part of this division. 
It follows that Weinman was a part of the Agi-Prop division of the Communist 
movement in the United States and that Reinecke apparently was a voluntary 
collaborator in its activity. 

Excerpts are quoted below from Government Exhibit No. 11 of the Reinecke 
hearings, which received considerable publicity when introduced in evidence. 
The document, entitled "Section III — What Must We Do?" admittedly was written 
by Reinecke. 

"V. The youth of Hawaii are at present scarcely aware of the economic and 
political movements going on throughout the world. Every effort must be bent 
to bring them to full class consciousness — to read understaudingly and to see 
where they stand. Radical literature should be distributed and a bookstand 
established in Honolulu. Probably as soon as possible a newspaper should be 
established to express radical views. 

"Close contacts between Hawaiian comrades and mainland centers should be 
established. Students going to the States should be contacted and propagan- 
dized on the mainland, so that some at least will return more than mere satisfied 
dentists and doctors." 

Reinecke testified that he wrote the doctmient in 1935, and the inference is 
that a bookstand for the distribution of radical (Communist) literature did not 
exist in Honolulu at that time. It may be only coincidental, but it is of interest, 
that the Hawaiian Book Exchange, also known as the Nuuanu Second-Hand Book 
Store, was established about the year 1936, and that Communist literature was 
available in a restricted upstairs section of this store. 

Reinecke also testified at the hearings that he had made copies of New Masses 
available to students, and that the publication had a Marxist slant. Attorney 
General Francis Biddle is quoted in the Congressional Record, September 24, 
1943, as referring to this publication as "Communist periodical." Other descrip- 
tions of New Masses are quoted herewith r 

"Nationally circulated weekly journal of the Communist Party * * * whose 
ownership was vested in the American Fund for Public Service (Garland Fund)." 
( Special Committee on Un-American Activities, Report, March 29. 1944, pp. 48 and 
75 ; also cited in Reports, January 3, 1939, p. 80 ; and June 25, 1942, pp. 4 and 21. ) 

"Until its recent merger with Mainstream, the New Classes has been the 
weekly journalistic voice of the Communist Party. Its first appearance was as a 
monthly. As the Masses, it was suppressed by the United States Government 
for its subversive policies." Mainstream was launched by the Communist Party 
in January 1947, dealing with the field of literature and creative arts. (Califor- 
nia Committee on Un-American Activities, Reports, 1947, p. 100 and 194S. p. 340.) 

"Issued from Communist presses and distributed by the Communists' Progres- 
sive Book Shop in Boston, Mass." (Massachusetts House Committee on Un- 
American Activities Reports, 1938, pp. 281 and 443. ) 

No evidence has come to the attention of the Commission that public school- 
teachers in the Territory now are imposing communistic doctrines upon students 


in tbeir classes, or that they are slanting class discussions of political and con- 
troversial issues to the left, or to their own views. 

Obviously, a communistically slanted textbook would be of inestimable value 
to Communist teachers in their assigned task of injecting Marxism-Leninism 
into their classes. A survey of textbooks used by the Department of Public 
Instruction has not been undertaken by this Commission. However, it was noted 
that the Building America series of teaching materials, which the California 
Board of Education has banned for their pro-Communist content and authorship, 
still remains on the approved list for use in Hawaii's schools. 

A survey of local pro-Communist organizations discloses that a very few 
teachers have been active in varying degrees in these groups. In some cases 
they have been among the originators of the organizations. The teaching pro- 
fession was represented in such pro-Communist groups as the Inter-Professional 
Association, the Honolulu Labor Canteen and the Hawaii Civil Liberties Com- 
mittee. The activities of these organizations are covered elsewhere in this 
Commission's report. 

One of the tasks which the Communist Party considers of great importance 
is the unionization of schoolteachers and students. The following extracts are 
taken from the May 1937 issue of The Communist : 

"We [the Communist Party] must boldly counterpose to * * * reactionary 
programs a progressive philosophy of education which vitalizes the slogan which 
is the motto of the American Federation of Teachers 'Democracy in Education ; 
Education for Democracy'. This motto can give the slogan for a farmer-labor 
philosophy of education, which must be developed as a rallying call to educators 
out of the morass of pragmatism, away from medievalism, forward toward Marx- 

"The rebelliousness of schoolchildren, directed against a part of the state 
machinery itself, is something that Communists cannot afford to ignore. This, 
together with their desire for knowledge and social life, must form the starting 
point of our work among students in the scliools. 

"Insofar as is possible, the broad mass students' organization for this purpose 
should be the American Student Union which, as union for students must fight 
first and foremost for their immediate economic needs. [Note : The American 
Student Union is the subject of annex 25 of this report.] 

"The task of the Communist Party must be first and foremost to arouse the 
teachers to class consciousness and to organize them into the American Federa- 
tion of Teachers, which is the main current of the American labor movement. 

"The American Federation of Teachers must concern itself primarily with the 
immediate problems of the teachers — salary, tenure, academic freedom, etc. 
However, the task of the party must be to draw the organized teachers into a 
realization of the wider problem of the labor movement." 

The United Public Workers of America, a national union, has attempted to 
organize public-school teachers in the Territory of Hawaii. During the month 
of September 1946, the Organizing Committee, Teachers Local No. 653, UPWA- 
CIO, sent circulars to public-school teachers in Honolulu announcing a prelimi- 
nary meeting for the organization of teachers into local 653 of the UPWA. The 
meeting was scheduled for 10 a. m., Saturday, October 13, 1946, and was to be 
held in the YWCA, Honolulu. The circular stated that the Hawaii Education 
Association, to which the great majority of local teachers belong, was partly 
dominated by the Department of Public Instruction, and did not touch upon 
"* * * the hundred and one sore points of our daily life as professional workers." 
It also explained that the UPWA was allied with what it called the most power- 
ful political force in Hawaii, the CIO union movement. The Hawaii Education 
Association issued a circular dated October 10, 1946, to its members, challenging 
statements in the UPWA circular. The meeting was held as scheduled, with 
about 60 persons present. A reliable observer stated that a majority of those 
present were not favorable to UPWA and were there to defend HEA. Several 
public-school teachers are known to have been active in this UPWA movement. 
Several teachers stationed on islands other than Oahu collaborated with a 
UPWA organizer. All the teachers identified as active participants in this ac- 
tivity had, for other suflicient reasons, come to the attention of this Commission. 
However, an informed source estimates that at no time were there more than 
25 teachers affiliated with the UPWA in Hawaii and that as of a very recent 
date, there were no local teachers known to be in that organization. 

This Commission has not concerned itself with teachers' associations per se, 
but has been interested in the UPWA because of its national reputation for Com- 
munist leadership and activities. The Fourth Report of the California Com- 


mittee on Un-American Activities, issued in 1948, states that nearly every na- 
tional leader and oflScer of the United Public Workers of America has a long 
Communist record. One of the national UPWA officers, Ewart Guinier, was 
prominent in the activities of the Honolulu Labor Canteen, where he gained the 
friendship of several Honolulu public-school teachers. One of these teachers, 
who later used Guinier's residence as a mailing address while visiting in New 
York City, was in the forefront of those attempting to promote the UPWA's 
recruitment of teacher members in Hawaii. (Further information concern- 
ing the UPWA will be found in annex 20.) 

The task of the Communist Party — "to draw the organized teachers into a 
realization of the wider problem of the labor movement" — would appear to have 
been at least partially successful in the Territory. Dr. Reinecke's long and 
close association with the Communist-dominated ILWU is too well known to re- 
quire further comment. However, other public-school teachers with a prounion 
and antimanagement attitude have been very active in local labor-union affairs. 
This has brought some of them into sympathetic association with Communist 
labor leaders. For example, in 1947 a public-school teacher on the Island of 
Hawaii acted as an adviser for a labor-union newspaper, Union Prometheus, 
while another public-school teacher was a contributor to the same publication. 
This newspaper is of interest because some of its content clearly appears to 
have been communistic. 

Union Prometheus was a bimonthly mimeographed paper published by ILWU 
Local, 142, at Pahala, Kau, T. H. The masthead of the first edition, dated 
Janiaary 13, 1947, lists one Pahala teacher as "adviser." She continued to be 
listed as "adviser" up to and including the June 9, 1947, edition of the paper. 
In the February 10, 1947, issue a Honokaa teacher was identified as "contribu- 
tor," and was listed as such thereafter up to and including the June 9 issue. 
These two teachers were recruited by the Department of Public Instruction from 
the mainland for the 1945-46 school year. At the expiration of the 1946-47 
school year they returned to the mainland and submitted their resignations. 

The first edition of Union Prometheus stated that the main purpose of the 
paper was "to promote a better understanding of unionism and our alEliation 
with the labor movement." An article on CIO-PAC activity states that "PAC 
did a darn good job for its first broad-gage experiment in political activity * * * 
In 1948 we will put in a peoples legislature * * *" Another article comments 
on a reduction in the Department of Public Instruction budget, saying: "Eng- 
land spends 6 percent of her national income on education, Russia spends 14 
percent, and the United States spends the magnificent sum of 1.4 percent of its 
national income."' The author of the latter comment is not identified. 

The January 27, 1947, edition of Union Prometheus states that a letter has 
been received from American Relief for Greek Democracy in regard to the adop- 
tion of a Greek orphan. It is explained that this can be done by making con- 
tributions, and that this matter will be discussed at the next meeting of local 
142, unit 2. (American Relief for Greek Democracy is described by the Cali- 
fornia Committee on Un-American Activities as a "Communist front," of whose 
sponsors 18 were either directors or sponsors of another noted front, the Na- 
tional Council of American-Soviet Friendship.) 

An article in the February 10, 1947, edition criticizes the Honolulu Elks' 
Spearhead for Americanism campaign against communism. Excerpts from that 
article are quoted : 

"Wasn't Lincoln in his time considered a radical? If communism had been 
known, the slaveholders would have called him a Communist." 

"Lincoln also (as any Lincolnia student knows) said that if the government 
didn't suit the majority of the people, the people have the right to change it." 

"Going back to Lincoln's words — 'all men are created equal' — how can they 
explain their fraternal constitution which excludes all but members of the 
white race from becoming Elks ?" 

The February 24 edition comments on the convening of the Territorial legis- 
lature, and the political solidarity of the various ILWU locals and units of west 
Hawaii under the leadership of Koichi Ariyoshi (not to be confused with his 
brother, Koji Ariyoshi, editor of the Honolulu Record). An article entitled 
"On the Alert" define terms which may be used during the legislative session 
and w^hich in many cases, it was explained, are used to "smear" a person rather 
than to clearly define his beliefs. The definition of communism contained in 
the article is quoted : 

"Communist: A person favoring that system of government by which the 
means of production and distribution are owned and managed by the Govern- 


ment, with the goods produced being shared by all citizens. Contrary to common 
belief the Communist does not advocate violence." 

This commission invites particular attention to the last sentence of the above 
definition, to which emphasis has been added. The italicized statement repre- 
sents a standard contention of the Communist Party. Its falsity has been gen- 
erally recognized by the Congress, the courts, and the American people. 

The April 21, 1947, edition suggests a visit to the office, where Truth About 
Unions and Why Work for Nothing are available. These booklets were said to 
have been written by one Leo Huberman, who, according to the Third Report of 
the California Committee on Un-American Activities, 1947, is identified with 
many Communist Party fronts. An editorial in that edition states that "we 
are looking for young people who are interested in labor movement so that we 
can send them to labor school in the mainland." Refei'ence apparently was made 
to the California Labor School, to which the ILWU has sent many of its mem- 
bers. That school is described by the Attorney General of the United States as 
a ".subversive and Communist organization" and by the California Committee 
on Un-American Activities as an "expanded Communist Party institution for 
the purpose of disseminating Communist propaganda." 

The June 9, 1947, edition carries a front-page box notice inviting attention to 
the fact that Henry Wallace's speech and appeal to the American people appears 
on pages 5 and 6. It explains that although the bill for a loan to Greece and 
Turkey already had been passed by Congress and approved by the President, the 
newspaper is presenting a "very good speech" made by Henry Wallace which 
explains why he opposed the bill. 

The Union Prometheus of July 9, 1947, contains an article on Red baiting and 
quotations from Why Work for Nothing. The latter compares the plantation 
woi'ker to the "slave under slavery" and to the "serf under feudalism." 

Teachers have been connected with the Honolulu Record as stockholders and 
as contributors to its news columns. The United States House Un-American 
Activities Committee, in a report dated October 1, 1950, concludes that the 
Honolulu Record is a front for the Communist Party. Further information con- 
cerning this publication will be found elsewhere in this commission's report. 
The discussion here of the Honolulu Record is confined to its relation to 

The Honolulu Record has made many efforts to interest persons connected with 
education. Complimentary copies have been mailed to public-school teachers and 
to University of Hawaii faculty members, followed by letters pointing out that 
it is an "independent" newspaper, the purpose of which is to give a fresh inter- 
pretation of events which will affect all, and to do it from the viewpoint of the 
majority instead of the so-called vested interests. 

The June 8, 1950, edition of the Honolulu Record carries a front-page article 
headlined, "Kona Principal Sends Sons to Nearby Private School." It was date- 
lined "Kona, Hawaii" under the byline, "By Special Correspondence." The article 
was concluded in the next edition of the Honolulu Record, also on the front 
page, and was headed, "Independent-Minded Teacher Resigns From Konawaena 
Hi." These articles are quoted in full : 

"kona principal sends sons to nearby private school 

"By Special Correspondence 

"(This is the first of two articles on Kona) 

"Kona, Ha wail — Mark Sutherland, principal of Konawaena High School, sends 
his two sons to the Waipuilani School, a private institution near Konawaena for 
this district's 'social register' families. 

"Whether Mr. Sutherland regards Konawaena, which he heads, not good enough 
for his sons or whether he sends them to Waipuilani to 'keep up with the Joneses' 
is a question which is often asked in private conversation among people here. 

"Say he is haole 

"While the residents here are curious about Sutherland's reason for sending 
his children to Waipuilani, they do not think his behavior is odd. 

" 'After all, he is a haole,' they say. 

"There is no question in the minds of these people that if the handful of in- 
fluential haole ranchers sent their children to Konawaena, they would naturally 
bring pressure on the Territorial and county governments and the department of 
public instruction for vast improvements. 


"Konawaena High and Elementary School is the only high school in this dis- 
trict. It is the second largest school on this island, with an enrollment of about 
1,000 students in all departments. 

"Issue is not Sutherland 

"A farmer recently told this writer, while discussing Konawaena that 'our 
children are cheated.' 

"He commented that while Mr. Sutherland is in the good graces of the haole 
ranchers whose influence is powerful enough to remove principals and teachers 
from Kona, the issue in education here is not Sutherland — it remains, as it was 
before the present principal came to Konawaena, 'The people versus the ranchers.' 

"The only solution for the establishment of a system of real education in Kona 
and at Konawaena is for the DPI to heed the desires and aspirations of the thou- 
sands of Japanese, Hawaiians, Filipinos, and Latin Americans for their children 
to be given a fair chance, this farmer said. Konawaena could stand a lot of im- 

"Sutherland has enjoyed immunity from attacks and criticisms of the 'social 
register' group, but he has been the target of considerable criticism by the 
teachers, the Coffee Leaders' Association, students, and some parents. Parents 
have talked of circulating petitions for his removal from Kona, but this has been 
discouraged by some who feel that removing Sutherland is not the answer. 

"Big shots satisfied 

"Some of the powerful figures in this community among the land barons, 
bankers, and the representatives of American Factors, Ltd., are Walter D. 
Ackerman, Sr., Sherwood Greenwell, D. M. Frazer, Francis Cushingham, and 
Linzy C. Child. It is said among the coffee planters and independent business- 
men that the economically powerful are satisfied with Mr. Sutherland for the 

"When Mr. Sutherland ran for the constitutional convention from group H, 
including south Kona and Kau, it was tacitly understood among the people that 
the big interests were behind him. 

"In the primary, Mr. Sutherland received 290 votes in all, 64 of them from 
Kealakekua (Kahauloa precinct) where he lives. In the same election, Peter 
Kawahara, a teacher at Konawaena, received 664 votes, and in the general 
election was elected with almost as many votes from Kealakekua as his prin- 
cipal received in all during the primary. Kawahara lives at Holualoa, another 

"Behind the surface quietness of this beautiful district, hemmed in by lava 
on both ends, is a growing protest among the people, who feel that they are 

"(To be concluded.)" 

"independent-minded teacher resigns from konawaena hi 

"Special Correspondence 

"(Second of Two Articles on Kona) 

"Kona, Hawaii. — The recent resignation of Mrs. Helene Hale from Kona- 
waena High School has been hush-hushed, but behind the unsuccessful move 
ot whip the independent public-school teacher into silence and conformity is the 
story of education controlled by the 'social register' families. 

"Mark Sutherland, principal of Konawaena High School, sends his two sons 
to the Waipuilani School, a private institution near Konawaena, which is at- 
tended by children of the 'social register' elements. While these families regard 
Konawaena as 'unfit' for their children, they have a strong say in the policy 
and program at the public school. And this has meant control over the conduct 
of teachers and even their family members. 

"Mrs. Hale's resignation may not have come about, observers here say, if Wil- 
liam Hale, her husband, had not run for the constitutional convention as dele- 
gate from west Hawaii. At least, they comment, pressure would not have been 
brought during the election campaign. 

"Hale, a former schoolteacher at Konawaena who resigned voluntarily 2 years 
ago, blasted the 'sacred cows' of Kona in his campaign speeches. People who 
had heard of the move to 'get' Mrs. Hale commented that the action was prob- 
ably intended by the 'ruling interests' to scare the candidate Hale into keeping 
his mouth shut about certain matters during the rallies. 


"The candidate, among other things, blasted the Greenwell lands in mauka 
Kona as a symbol of the antiquated economic system that was holding bacli the 
development of the district. He hit the system of leased land. The farmers 
and merchants listened and lilted it. 

"Principal has visitors 

"While Hale was blasting away from the stump, three members of the 'com- 
munity' called on Sutherland to inquire why he did not fire Mrs. Hale. 

"Who comprise this 'community'? 

"The Hales say it is the 'social register' class, very small in number, led by the 
land barons, bankers, and the representatives of American Factors, Ltd., and 
includes such men as Walter D. Ackerman, Sr., Sherwood Greenwell, D. M. 
Frazer, Francis Cushingham, and Linzy C. Child. 

"Sutherland, put under pressure, called Mrs. Hale into conference and de- 
manded 'loyalty to the (Sutherland's) administration,' the Record learned. 
Mrs. Hale stood on her right to criticize anything that jeopardized the safety of 
the students or herself, such as frequently locking the doors of the gymnasium 
during assembly periods, except for 1 or 2 entrances located close to one another. 
The gymnasium is regarded as a fire liazard. 

"Complaints against Mrs. Hale 

"The complaints against Mrs. Hale brought out by 'three members of the 
community,' the Record was informed by a reliable source, included these points : 
That Mrs. Hale asked embarrassing questions about the land monopoly, attended 
Buddhist services on occasion, socially associated with nonhaoles on all economic 
levels, did not attend Christ Church where the 'social register' families and their 
associates congregate, and permitted her daughter to take part in Japanese 

"When such complaints were brought against Mrs. Hale, people here recalled 
that 2 years ago Hale's immediate reason for resigning was along the same lines. 
He was then told not to sponsor among his students a program dealing with 
Japanese history and culture, because the community' might not like it. 

"Sutherland, in Mrs. Hale's recent case, asked his superiors in the department 
of public instruction to ti'ansfer her 'as soon as it is practicable.' This happened 
when Hale was campaigning. A district superintendent arranged a hearing 
on charges brought against Mrs. Hale, but no copy of the charges was ever 
given her. 

"Charges not proved 

"The hearing was held and the district superintendent, it is reported, stated 
that the charges did constitute insubordination, a ground for dismissal from the 
system. It was said, however, that it was not shown during the hearing that 
Mrs. Hale had refused to obey a direct order. 

"Mrs. Hale received permission to introduce her charges of ineflBciency against 
the administration, which she later did in a letter. But she did not agree to 
'keep her mouth shut' pending the next meeting. 

"Mrs. Hale told the Record she resigned because the pattern of the hearing 
appeared to be the same as that so frequently used in Hawaii — put the non- 
conformist and liberal on the defensive and then conciliate all the issues out of 
the dispute. In the end, the teacher might be retained, but so would the faults 
that caused her to criticize in the first place. 

"Mrs. Hale's grievances against the principal, observers say, can now be acted 
upon by the DPI without her case interfering, since she has voluntarily left her 
position. But the DPI thus far has not taken up these criticisms. And, at the 
same time, residents of this district have refrained from circulating a petition 
asking for Sutherland's removal. Such an action was discussed by the farmers, 
but they were discouraged by haoles not in the 'social register' class. 

" 'Whether Sutherland is removed or not removed is not the real question,' 
observed an oldtimer here. 'It's for the DPI to put its feet down and stop 
letting the "social register" crowd dictate how the school for the common people 
is to be run,' " (Honolulu Record, June 15, 1950). 

It is noted that the second article states that Mrs. Hale's husband, William 
Hale, also had resigned from his teaching position at Konawaena 2 years 
previously. William Hale again was mentioned by the Honolulu Record on 
August 17, 1950 : 

"William Hale, who constantly tears into the vital issue of landlordism and 
gave the Greenwells and Kona's so-called Big Five a bad time during the last 
constitutional convention campaign, is a potential Democratic candidate for the 


House. Coffee planters will again turn out to listen to the facts of life and the 
haole landlords and ranchers will chew their fingernails in burning anger. * ♦ *" 

The Hales were recruited by the department of public instruction from the 
mainland for the 1947-48 school year. Both expressed a preference for duty on 
the island of Hawaii— he for an outlying section and she for Konawaena High 
School, Kealakekua, T. H. He resigned on July 15, 1948, and she resigned in 
1950. He gave as his reasons for resigning : 

"I am convinced that a truly educational program is impossible of achievement, 
because of : 

(1) The low level of teaching personnel, both kamaaina and malihini 
[i. e., both long-time residents and newcomers]. 

(2) The overexpansion of supervisory functions in Honolulu, in some 
cases with inadequate and inexperienced individuals, 

(3) The department policy in regard to the discussion of communism, 

(4) Interpretation of policy in regard to the preservation and dissemina- 
tion of oriental culture, 

(5) Segregation of students racially by means of so-called English stand- 
ard schools in contradiction to the decision of the Federal court in the Santa 
Ana, Calif., case, and 

(6) Overcentralization of administrative functions in Honolulu, to the 
detriment of isolated districts such as Kona." 

It is believed that Hale's reason numbered (3) — "The departmental policy in 
regard to the discussion of communism" — refers to department of public instruc- 
tion principals' circular No. 943, dated March 10, 1948, signed by Superintendent 
W. Harold Loper. This circular was entitled, "Zeal for American Democracy," 
and was issued when the Hales were teaching at Konawaena school. It requested 
that principals and their staffs inform the central office of their reaction to the 
statements made in it, including any criticism or any suggestion for modification 
or extension of it. 

Copies of Dr. Loper's circular were presented to the teachers at Konawaena 
school at a faculty meeting on April 12, 1948. There was considerable opposition 
voiced to the circular. Faculty members speaking in opposition to the circular 
were more numerous than those supporting it. The teachers being not in agree- 
ment, a motion was adopted that a committee be appointed to pick out the consist- 
encies or inconsistencies of Circular No. 943 on zeal for American democracy and 
submit a revision of the circular to the faculty at another meeting. Mrs. Hale 
was appointed chairman of the committee. The committee, in turn, could not 
reach an agreement, so it was decided to submit a questionnaire to the individual 
teachers to be answered without their identity being revealed. 

At a general teachers' meeting held on May 3, 1948, the committee chairman 
presented a report of the committee's analysis of the completed questionnaires. 
The questionnaires themselves were not presented. It was voted to send the 
analysis and individual comments written in the questionnaires to the superin- 
tendent, Dr. Loper. 

In the following presentation, the first part in each instance presents a para- 
graph of Dr. Loper's circular, and the second part shows the vote of teachers 
on Dr. Loper's statement and presents the comments of individual teachers 


"The professional obligation of the teacher to remain neutral on controversial 
issues, to present impartially the facts and arguments on both sides of any ques- 
tion, may result in some uncertainty on the subject of communism. Such uncer- 
tainty, if it exists, is no doubt increased by the confusion deliberately fostered by 
Communists. The propaganda that teachers are threatened with gag rule, that 
fear has silenced them, is in itself a crafty suggestion that they need to be afraid. 
The fact that some States recognize a political party called Communist may give 
rise to some honest doubts. Teachers have shown a commendable disposition to 
suspend judgment, where individual loyalties have been questioned, until the 
facts are in and the evidence heard. But this virtue can easily be exploited by 
subversive forces. It is a simple trick to interpret silence as a sign of timidity. 
And finally the very devotion of teachers to the cause of civil liberties may disarm 
them for the encounter with communism unless clear thinking and full discussion 

The teachers' vote on this was : Agree, 18 ; disagree, 15 ; abstained, 2. 

Comments made by the teachers were : 

"There is much inconsistency of thought ; also, the paragraph conveys the idea 
that although teachers are thinking critically, they can easily be exploited by 


subversive forces. These reflect a deplorable lack of confidence in the intellectual 
ability of teachers. 

• •*•••• 

"If subversive forces can exploit something, can it be a virtue? 

"The ideas are confused and contradictory. If free discussion and impartial 
presentation are virtues, why will they not be adequate when the subject of com- 
munism arises? 


"The assumption that we must encounter communism is not clear. 

4> ***** « 

"A liberal teacher is branded communistic whether that is true or not. It has 
happened here, 


"How can you imply that 'the very devotion of teachers to the cause of civil 
liberties may disarm us for the encounter with communism unless clear thinking 
and full discussion prevail' and in the same paragraph tell us that 'to present im- 
partially the facts and arguments on both sides of the question may result in un- 
certainty on the subject of Communism' ? 


"American democracy versus commimism? How could we remain neutral on 
such controversial issues? The point to stress here is for teachers to emphasize 
not only the principles of democracy but democracy in action. 


"It is not propaganda that we are afraid of gag rule. This circular is evidence 
of gag rule, and an attempt by certain parties to tell us what and how to teach." 


"Two distinctions need to be made sharp and clear to dispel any such con- 
fusion. First we must differentiate positively between the appropriate attitude 
of the teacher toward controversial issues in general and the role of the teacher 
with respect to communism. Then we need to contrast boldly the principles of 
American democracy with the cunning strategy of the Communist Party." 

The teachers' vote on this was : Agree, 23 ; disagree, 13 ; abstained, 0. 

Comments made by the teachers were : "How can we differentiate between 
controversial issues in general and the issue of communism? 

* * * * * * * 

"I see no need for any such distinctions. 


" 'The role of the teacher' is not clear. The definition of 'American De- 
mocracy' seems necessary. 


"How can that be done? Do we know what these cunning strategies are? The 
FBI has a hard time discovering that. 

"If we are familiar with the cunning stragety of the Communist Party. 

"In the last sentence does the word 'principles' come in the same category 
as the word 'strategy'? We are accustomed to comparing one apple with 


"The teacher must use the democratic method in the discussion of communism 
or democracy or the democratic method fails of its purpose. 

"There are no sharp distinctions : for a democracy, we have a very undemo- 
cratic way of living. 

"I see no need to differentiate between communism and any other contro- 
versial issue." 


"The seriousness of the problem is clear enough and becoming clearer every 
day. The magazines are full of it. Press, radio, and oflBcial reports have 
brought it into sharp focus. The tragedy of Czechoslovakia may be due to 
re-enactment in Italy. Then France may be next. It can't happen here, we 
hope; but if not, it will be because we stop it now. Current events in Europe 
show the pattern of 'intimidation, fraud and terror' by which free countries 
are taken over. The discrimination we need here will depend upon sober judg- 
ment, not emotional propaganda. A brief review of the contrast and conflict 
between communism and American democracy may lead to a profitable exchange 
of ideas concerning the problem." 

The teachers' vote on this was: Agree, 28; disagree, 6; abstained, 2. 

Comments made by the teachers were : 

"Czechoslovakia was transformed into a Workers' State in full accord with 
the Czech constitution, according to authoritative information. 

"The paragraph itself is 'emotional propaganda' not 'sober judgment' As 
Representative Patman's article in School Life pointed out, history shows us that 
the threat of fascism is far greater than the threat of Communism. 

• *••**♦ 

" 'The tragedy of Czechoslovakia,' etc. — is Russia intimated as the nation 
causing all the unrest in Europe? 

* »: « « * « * 
"Possibly. There are as many quack Communist-hunters as there were quack 

doctors in the 1790's, and they are doing just as much harm. 

"(Agree.) If to present impartially the facts and arguments on both sides 
of the question is permitted. 

« * * • • * • 

"This is well-phrased. 

"I only know what I read and the press is a propaganda machine." 



"The Communism we are talking about is not just another political party. 
It is a dictatorship which demands unswerving loyalty and uncritical obedience. 
As a philosophy of life and a system of government it is the very antithesis of 
democracy. It places little value on human personality ; the individual is of no 
importance except as a servant of the state, to be liquidated for the slightest devi- 
ation from the party line. It holds that the end justifies the means, and teaches 
its devotees the black arts of deceit, falsehood, and violence as a means to power. 
It abuses the moral principles and civil liberties of free people in order to destroy 
those principles and abolish those liberties. It tolerates no disagreement, no 
freedom of thought or action, and crushes all opposition." 

The teachers' vote on this was : Agree, 22 ; disagree, 10 ; abstained, 1. 

Comments made by the teachers were : 

"Ideals of communism and democracy are practically synonymous, philosophi- 
cally. ( No country has either form, practically speaking. ) 


"This explanation is a very inadequate definition of Communism. It certainly 
is not the ideal of Communism. These same acts exist in America today, under 
the guise of democracy. 


"The definition of 'Communism' is not clear. Is the circular talking about 
'Russian Communism' or 'Marxian Socialism' or something else? 

"That is our reference to communism ; however, in the correct sense of the 
word, that is not communistm. That is a dictatorship, as in Russia. 


"The writer has confused true communism with the government of the 
U. S. S. R. The two are not the same. 


"Is this the authentic, unbiased definition of communism?" 



"We cannot afford to compromise nor to temporize with such a system. It does 
not present a debatable question which has two sides for good Americans, for 
it would destroy the very possibility of effective difference of opinion on all other 
issues. And yet our defense against it is not the method of the secret police 
and the firing squad. Our defense is education. It is our responsibility to lead 
youth to an understanding of how our freedom depends upon constitutional 
government, what the alternative of tyranny under absolute power would be like, 
and what duties and responsibilities we have as citizens of democracy. We have 
inherited a system and a tradition of holding our representatives responsible to 
the will of the majority, and of respecting the rights of minorities. We place 
supreme value on individual human personality and make the state subservient 
to that end. We guarantee protection for the individual against arbitrary use 
of official authority. All of this we stand to lose if we fail in our educational 

The teachers' vote on this was : Agree, 23 ; disagree, 9 ; abstained, 2. 

Comments made by the teachers were : 

"Every subject has two sides for good Americans ; American Indians have 
every right to protect the presence of Caucasians in America, for example. 

"If our system is as wonderful as it sounds, it stands on its own two feet, and 
can be compared to any system. Education should make individuals more intelli- 
gent, and any intelligent person would see the values in the system described over 
any other system. It is an insult to intelligence to say that we need education 
for democracy but for it to work education must be biased. 

"Stupid paragraph ; confused and overemotional. 

"We probably need to lay more stress on the duties and responsibilities we have 
as citizens of a democracy. 


"Are we to use the democratic method in a discussion of the relative merits of 
democracy and communism? 


"Disagree. Sentence Two. 

* * * * * * * 

"This paragraph is not wholly consistent with paragraph 9, particularly with 
respect to 'academic impartiality.' " 



"These values we have taken for granted, possibly because the threat of their 
destruction never before has been so great. If they are understood, especially 
by our young people, if democracy is made to work effectively, we have little to 
fear from Communism in our country. But to allow Communism to grow by 
granting to it the status of any other controversial issue, feeding on ignorance 
and injustice, is blindness indeed. Free speech and majority rule are character- 
istics of democracy, not of Communism. If he who would destroy free speech 
claims it as a right, we would do well to remember that liberalism is not called 
upon to commit suicide in the name of consistency. To carry freedom to the 
point of self-destruction is absurd." 

The teachers' vote on this was : Agree, 22 ; disagree, 9; abstained, 3. 

Comments made by the teachers were : "Communism feeds upon educated peo- 
ple more so than ignorant ones, apparently. 


"What is the matter with democracy, if it works, except when confronted with 
communism? Why is no mention made of gagging fascism? 

"Democracy is an ideal, in my opinion ; communism is an ideal, in my opinion. 
Therefore, they will clash only in theory. 

• ••*••* 


"The threat to democracy in 1812, 1860, 1918, 1941 was far greater. We are 
building trouble and shoving many innocent people off the deep end. 

♦ *»**♦• 
"(Agree.) To make a sharp line of demarcation. 

♦ **♦♦•• 

"A very good paragraph. 


"If communism is not permitted the status of other controversial subjects, then 
it will feed on ignorance. It must be examined critically before judgment is 


"Democracy must prevail — agreed. However, failure of democracy cannot 
be placed to the subversive activity of communism or to the fact that communism 
is preferable. We or those who have been leaders in one way or another have 
failed somewhere down the line, and now with this danger upon us we are getting 
alarmed, so much so, that we knowingly are leaning toward fascism and further 
away from democracy. The best way to combat communism, fascism, etc., is to 
think and live democratically. Have we practiced what we preach?" 


"Under our machinery for orderly and peaceful change, there is room for wide 
divergence of opinion. Both the liberal and the conservative, the radical and the 
reactionary, are free to win support for their ideas, by the method of open discus- 
sion and persuasion. When a sharp line has been drawn between this procedure 
and the practices of totalitarianism, whether of the right or the left, then both 
the conservative and the left wing liberal are in a stronger position. Unless this 
distinction is drawn, anyone of liberal ideas is apt to be called a Communist." 

The teachers' vote on this was : Agree, 23; disagree, 8; abstained, 2. 

Comments made by the teachers were : 

"Radicals are not free to win support for their ideas by open discussion and 
persuasion ; for example, Henry Wallace in Evansville and Brooklyn. 


"How do you propose to draw the line? 


"What is a liberal? — conservative? — reactionary? I do not understand. 

"It might be quite difficult to draw a distinct line between liberal ideas and 
ideas that are not liberal. 


"Ambiguous paragraph. Can't get enough out of it to feel one way or an- 

"Again, this portion does not click with paragraph 9 — 'divergence of opinion.' " 


"The labor movement offers a good example of this tendency. Some who are 
opposed to labor unions in general, condemn Communism and organized labor 
in the same breath. In doing so they false in too much territory. For workers 
to join unions and employ concerted action to improve their incomes and condi- 
tions of work is perfectly legitimate. But the unions themselves, if they are 
smart, will throw out the Communists. If they fail to do so, they center upon 
themselves and their legitimate union activities all of the opposition to Com- 

The teachers' vote on this was : Agree, 26 ; disagree, 6 ; abstained, 2. 

Comments made by the teachers were: 

"Labor unions, if they are smart, will choose leaders who get the br^^t result 
for them, irrespective of politics. 


"I think that the issue is being presented too broadly. Why should the super- 
intendent of public instruction tell the labor unions how to run their affairs, 
especially since communism is still legal in the United States? 


"What unions are referred to in this paragraph? What constitutes a 'Com- 
munist' in a union : When is he thrown out and when is he not thrown out? 
"The first four sentences are O. K. Otherwise, the writer tends to become 
emotional again. 


"Sounds lilfe propaganda — withholding judgment until it can be proven that 
American labor unions are controlled by 'Communist International' and not just 
'Reds' or 'Communists' as applied by economic pressure groups. 


"The question here is : Who and how will the unions throw out the Communists? 

"By implication the writer claims that there are Communists in all labor 
unions. Can he offer court evidence as to the truth of his insinuations? 

"I agree with the theory, but the act will be diflScult to accomplish. 


"(Agree). If by communism is meant a concerted effort to overthrow our 
government by violence. Freedom of thought must not be interpreted as commu- 
nistic, however. 


"Define communism." 



"A wise teacher, in the discussion of any controversial issue will not use his 
position nor his classroom to spread propaganda for either side. He will present 
the facts, help with the analysis, and submerge any personal prejudices he may 
have. He will indulge in only one kind of indoctrination, namely, the use of the 
democratic method of resolving such conflicts. However, where the question of 
communism is concerned, such academic impartiality is a sign of uncritical think- 
ing. There is no middle ground on this issue." 

The teachers' vote on this was : Agree, 13 ; disagree, 23 ; abstained, 0. 

Comments made by the teachers were : 

"The critical thinker is always impartial academically; my personal views are 
far to the left of my teaching. 


"The paragraph is contradictory. The democratic method 'is a sign of uncriti- 
cal thinking.' Is this what the superintendent of public instruction meant? 

"Sentence 3 and sentence 4 are contradictory to each other. 


"Another asinine paragraph. Very contradictory. It says that he will not 
spread propaganda for either side then 'except for democracy.' 


"You are not implying that any teacher has been proven to use his position 
to spread propaganda in the classroom other than American propaganda? I 
agree with you on the first sentence only, that we would not spread pi-opaganda 
of either side. The use of the democratic method of analysis in education de- 
mands academic impartiality and is furthermore not a sign of uncritical 


"In essence, this paragraph is very similar to paragraph 1. 


"So the democratic method of discussion is called uncritical thinking. What 
is wrong with the democratic method of problem-solving and democracy if they 
must be rammed down students' throats? Especially, when communism is dis- 

"Contradiction of statements in sentences 2 and 3. 
"Contradictory and commands one rather too much. 


"There is glaring inconsistency of thought. The implication here is that 
democratic freedom should be dis'couraged relative to discussions on com- 
munism. This, I cannot see. 

"Agree with the first two sentences. 

* * * * * 

"I disagree with the last part of this paragraph, 'where communism is con- 
cerned, academic impartiality is a sign of uncritical thinking'. 

"Unless communism is clearly defined as to specific reference, this is not a 
sensible conclusion." 


"What more can we do about the challenge and the threat of communism? 
now can we combat it without violating our own principles of political free- 
dom? We can read about the problems involved, discuss them with our co- 
workers and imify our thinking concerning them. An excellent starting point 
is the special issue of School Life for February 1948, from which the title of 
this circular is borrowed. United States Commissioner of Education, John W. 
Studebaker, in the leading article quotes J. Edgar Hoover on a number of 'don'ts' 
to remember in the fight against communism, and then adds a number of positive 
admonitions of his own : 

" 'Don't confuse liberals and progressives with Communists. 

" 'Don't fail to make democracy work, with equal opportunity and the fullest 
enjoyment of every American's right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 

" 'Do give young people a clear understanding of the essential elements of 
the American democratic way of life. 

" 'Do contrast very concretely the philosophy and practices of democracy with 
those of dictatorship. 

" 'Do help young people to recognize the elements of Communist strategy 
and to be intelligent and skillful in thrwarting that strategy.' " 

The teachers' vote on this was : Agree, 25 ; disagree, 7 ; abstained, 2. 

Comments made by the teachers were : 

"Thwarting strategy invites open rebellion, as evident in Greece and China. 

"To contrast the philosophy of democracy with the iihilosophy of dictatorship 
is not a fair comparison if we mean by dictatorship, communism, because the 
philosophic ideal of communism is not dictatorship. 

"What is the challenge of communism? Let us break it down if the challenge 
is contrary to the ideals of intelligent citizenship. 

"Unify our thinking concerning them ; that is the totalitarian method of attack- 
ing those problems which are objectionable. Shades of the Nipponese thought 


"Easy to say but hard to do. 


"Does combating communism imply, then, the sacrifices of political freedom — 
what political freedom? — ask the Negroes of the South. What irony." 



"We can all cooperate in the national program for 'Zeal for American Democ- 
racy' by reading the articles in that magazine and discussing them in teachers' 
meetings. Let us know in the central office what you and your staff think of 
them. We shall also welcome the reaction of principals and teachers to this 
statement, including any criticism or any suggestion for modification or extension 
of it." 

The teachers' vote on this was : Agree, 23 ; disagree, 7 ; abstained, 3. 

Comments made by the teachers were : 

"My 'Zeal for American democracy' is not improved by reading Mr. Stude- 
baker's vaporizations of a timid mind. 


"I see no need to cooperate in the 'Zeal for American Democracy' movement 
if tliis paper is an example of it. 

* * * * * ^i 1^ 

"The challenge of communism can be tackled by laying down the cards on the 
table first, without drawing undue conclusions. 

* * * * * « iit 
"Be glad to let them know. 


"Better to comment on circular than to ignore it." 



"We need to educate ourselves to these new problems. We do not want to be 
caught asleep again like 'the Pearl Harbor case'. Just read 'How Communism 
Works' by Dorothy Johnson and another series of articles by FBI Edgar 
Hoover — Star Bulletin, on communism. Note : I am just learning. 

"The communism problem is to my mind already settled — education should try 
to stop the next isms, whatever it is — education is about 10 years behind public 
opinion — so start now on the next problem. 


"This article, if it was necessary at all, should have been sent out at the 
beginning of the school year, and not toward the end. In some schools, I under- 
stand, this article has not been discussed at the teachers' meeting as we did. 
The reason for this is that if we are supposedly to represent an intellectual 
group there is no need for such an article. 


"I feel that the contents of the circular are quite clear and to the point, and 
whether we agree with them is not the purpose for which the circular was sent 
out. I merely take it as something put out by the Department as general infor- 
mation for teachers. 


"I feel that all people should cooperate in this program 'Zeal for American 
Democracy.' I also feel communism should be discussed in classes and the public 
with an open mind, and should not be aimed at certain people. I think this 
circular has many good points and suggestions. 


"This circular is ill-considered, ill-timed, and philosophically unsound. I do 
not really believe that Dr. Loper wrote the first draft. As a fellow-employee 
of the Department I question his judgment in signing it. 


"The paper was obviously written for political purposes to silence opposition 
to the Reinecke case. It is a distorted, confused, unintelligent approach to the 
problem. It insults the intelligence of a wide-awake, progressive teacher. It 
paves the way for fascism in America, not democracy. 


"The article or circular seems to minimize (in my opinion) the extent of the 
average teacher's intelligence on such political matters. Where the opinions 
or opinion of any person are involved they should be so stated as 'opinions'. 

"As my students might phrase it, 'Pilau the kind.' 


"Very poorly written — expression of thoughts indicate confusion of thoughts 
on the part of the writer, hence resulting in the confusion of thoughts on the 
part of the teachers. This letter was not necessary. 

"In certain fields of sports we often speak of 'the best offense is a good de- 
fense'. It is our responsibility as parents, teachers, and citizens to give our 
young people a clear understanding of the essential elements of the American 
democratic way of life. Learning by doing and seeing, however, is in general 
better than learning by hearing and listening. This being a fact, it is far more 
important for us to see that democracy works in the lives of young people. 


"This circular is an attempt to gag freedom of tliiuking. speaking, and writing 
for the teachers of Hawaii. This circular is an attempt to quash the unfavor- 
able comments by the teachers concerning the DPI's treatment of Dr. and Mrs. 

* 4: * >K 4: * * 

"This circular is untimely at this particular time due to the pending Reinecke 
case. It is a propaganda measure. 

"Whole thing unnecessary. 


"Our major responsibility is to make democracy work so that we need not 
have any fear of the 'Red Menace'. I feel that communism has gotten such a 
foothold in America because democracy has not operated to remove many of 
the evils that exist, e. g., race prejudice, Negro persecution, Jew-baiting, Ku 
Klux Klau. 


"I do not think that a teacher should depart from her impartiality for any- 

Some of these comments clearly indicate that certain teachers took a de- 
structive attitude toward various statements made in the circular. Other state- 
ments raise doubts whether some of these teachers are "possessed of the ideals 
of democracy" required under the statutes. 

The Daughters of the American Revolution sponsored their annual 5-minute 
speech contest for the senior high schools of the Territory of Hawaii in Novem- 
ber 1948. The contest was approved by the commissioners of public instruction. 
It was unusual in that a junior at Kaimuki High School delivered a speech favor- 
ing communism. This occasioned much comment and the incident later was 
given considerable publicity in the local press. This matter came to the atten- 
tion of Delegate Joseph R. Farrington, then in Washington, D. C, who, on March 
21, 1949, requested of the superintendent of public instruction an immediate 
report. A lengthy telegram reporting the circumstances was sent to Delegate 
Farrington 2 days later. This matter is discussed here because of the unusual 
publicity it received. The student delivered this speech on November 17, 1948. 
Its subject was, "Few Things You Don't Know About Communism in America." 
On November 23, 1948, the supervising principal, Honolulu schools, held a con- 
ference with the principal of Kaimuki High School, and the case was reviewed. 
It was found that the principal was not present when the speech was delivered, 
having been called from the assembly hall to answer a telephone call. At the con- 
ference it was decided that there was no basis for suspecting disloyalty on the 
part of any member of the staff, and that any other "fuss or investigation would 
militate against a positive intelligent program of education which we believe is 
the best antidote to false propaganda." In February 1949, this case came to the 
attention of the commissioners of public instruction, who believed that any sug- 
gestion of communism in the schools could best be disposed of by exposure to 
public view rather than by silence. They ordered the matter reopened. The prin- 
cipal of Kaimuki High School on February 17, 1949, submitted a report of an in- 
vestigation conducted by him. A further and more complete investigation was 
made by a member of the supervising principal's office, and his report was sub- 
mitted on February 23, 1949. 

These administrative investigations indicated that the student had selected 
her speech topic of her own free will, and that her choice was motivated by a de- 
sire to be different, and not by any pro-Communist leaning. It was further de- 
veloped that Charles K. Fujimoto, self-styled chairman of the Communist Party 
of Hawaii, assisted this student in the preparation of the speech. Her contact 
with Fujimoto apparently w^as established through her own efforts, there being 
no indication that any influence on the part of anyone connected with the school, 
or anyone else, was exerted on her. 

The summary of findings and recommendations submitted by the supervising 
principal's representative stated that it had been decided, a few days after the 
speech was delivered, that the best course of action was to give the incident as 
little publicity as possible, to take action to counteract any damage already done, 
and to see that such incidents do not occur in the future. It was also stated that 
all but 1 of 12 Kaimuki High School faculty members interviewed believed that 
undue publicity would react unfavorably against the public schools and would 

72723— 57— pt. 41a, i- 


cause unfair criticism to be directed at members of tbe Kaimuki faculty and 
student body. The supervising principal's investigator recommended : 

"1. That no unnecessary publicity be given this incident. 

"2. That positive steps be taken to see that such mistakes are not repeated. 

"3. That all reports in the hands of the board be carefully scrutinized, and 
that statements tending to smear the good name of the principal, members of the 
faculty, or students at Kaimuki High School be stricken from the record. 

"4. That a supplement to Circular No. 943 be issued by the department clarify- 
ing certain points if found to need clarification, and to further caution teachers 
and administrators against other possible authoritarian movements, groups and 
ideologies whose adherents seek to sidetrack young people in their search for 
knowledge by presenting a distorted and one-sided picture of whatever economic 
or social question happens to be under discussion at the time." (Note. — Circular 
No. 943 entitled "Zeal for American Democracy" is discussed elsewhere in this 
report. ) 

As a result of the Kaimuki High School case, the school commissioners on 
February 25, 1949, adopted the following policy : 

"Teachers should be alert to the possibility of Communist propaganda from 
sources outside the school system being introduced into the thinking of students 
in connection with essay and speech contests. One instance of this has recently 
been reported and thoroughly investigated. 

"Constant vigilance is essential for two reasons. Not only must we guard 
against subversive groups thus gaining 'back door' access to the public schools 
and indirectly using the classrooms as a forum for their propaganda, but equally 
important is our responsibility for the education of the individual student who 
may be misled by antidemocratic, totalitarian doctrine. 

"Loyal teachers will know how to develop appreciation of democracy and faith 
in American institutions. The appropriate educational method is simple luit effec- 
tive. One teacher, for example, in dealing with a student who had made a bid 
for attention by repeating Communist Party line propaganda, found that mere- 
ly holding the student responsible for reading and presenting the arguments 
against communism was sufficient to counteract any subversive influence and 
begin to build in the student the intelligent and informed loyalty essential to 
good citizenship." 

The apparent attitude of "suppression" noted in this case has been observed 
in a few persons connected with the department of public instruction. While 
most administrative officials and teachers contacted have cooperated freely and 
fully with this commission, a few have been reluctant to discuss matters which 
might reflect unfavorably on the department. In general, however, the cooper- 
ation of department of public instruction pei'sonnel has been excellent and has 
greatly assisted the commission in carrying out its mission. 

Astudy of the textbooks used in the public schools has not been made by 
this commission. However, it was learned that the Building America series of 
books wei-e on the approved book list of the department of public instruction. 
In view of the nature of these books, a limited investigation was made. 

The California State Board of Education adopted these books in 1947. Wide- 
spread public protest was voiced both before and after the adoption, and the 
controversy was injected into the California Legislature in January 1947. On 
March 27,'l948, the Senate Investigating Committee On Education of the Cali- 
fornia Legislature submitted its third report entitled, "Textbooks." This report 
consists of 120 pages and deals entirely with the Building America series. 

For competent authority to evaluate the possible communistic content of the 
Building America series, *Mr. R. E. Combs, for 10 years counsel to the various 
committees of the legislature mandated to investigate subversive activities, was 
engaged. Plis report to the committee stated : 

"Pursuant to your request I have made a critical study of the thirty booklets 
comprising the Building America series for the purpose of determining whether 
they contain Communist propaganda. I have examined the text material, illus- 
trations, and captions, and have checked the background of the authors listed in 
the bibliography of each volume. Some of the booklets contain no Communist 
propaganda. Others contain it in abundance. The majority of these books are 
slanted in such a manner that they pointedly disparage the American way of 
life by criticizing the defects and failing to devote commensurate attention to 
the benefits. In many instances the text material is erroneous. Frequently the 
most insidious and efi:ective propaganda is accomplished through the illustra- 
tions and captions. 


"It is impossible to properly evaluate these books without taking them one 
by one, paying particular attention to the documented affiliations with known 
Communist-front organizations of the authors whose texts are listed in the 
bibliographies — the authors and professional educators whose works provide 
the material on which the Building America series is based." 

In his report Mr. Combs points out that, "It is conceivable that a Communist 
may write material that contains no propaganda, although such a thing is 
unlikely. It is also conceivable that a non-Communist may unwittingly write 
Communist propaganda, but that is even more unlikely. If there is a covey of 
writers who have been affiliated with a long series of front organizations and 
they unite in providing basic material for a series of supplementary texts for 
use in the seventh and eighth grades in our public schools, then obviously such 
books should be viewed with suspicion. That, as will be seen, is precisely the 
case with the Building America series." His report discloses that there were 
50 Building America authors who were affiliated with Communist-front organiza- 

The California committee, in its report of March 27, 1948, to the senate, con- 
cluded : "The committee finds the Building Ajnerica books to be unfit for use 
in our schools * * *." 

The textbook committee of the California State Board of Education with- 
drew their approval of these textbooks and they are no longer on the approved 
list for California schools. 

On August 2, 1949, the Territorial department of public instruction issued 
Principals' Circular No. 1001 on the subject of "Building Ajnerica." This circular 
stated : 

"Because these booklets have been questioned by some as possibly including 
subversive propaganda, we have had a comprehensive resurvey of the whole series 
made for the information of principals and teachers." 

Excerpts from a report submitted by the committee making this study follows: 

"1. In addition to the examination of the one-huudred-odd booklets, I have read 
the third report of the Senate Investigating Committee on Education, Textbooks, 
of the California Legislature published in 1948. This deals at some length with 
tne material in question. 

"2. Most of these materials are a valuable asset to the teaching of social 
studies. In my opinion, they are, by and large, completely devoid of any attempt 
to put over Communist propaganda." 

In this report, four pamphlets were selected which were questioned. Recom- 
mendations for their future use, if any, are noted below : 

Civil liberties : "I believe that a mature boy or girl on the 10th, 11th, or 12th 
grade level might use this material." 

Spanish speaking people : "Placement on 10th, 11th, or 12th grade level — not 
grades 7, 8, or 9." 

Russia : "I recommend that this be completely removed from the approved 
book list." 

Our Constitution : "Use on the 10th, 11th, or 12th grade levels." 

It was also stated in this report : "There may be other volumes of the Building 
America series which are objectionable to some people. If we keep in mind, how- 
ever, that their primary purpose is to focus the stxidents' attention on our na- 
tional problems, it is obvious that they must dwell on controversial issues. This 
is, of course, their greatest strength as teaching materials. To expect anyone 
to write materials in these areas which is not objectionable to some segment of 
our population is to expect the impossible. For this reason, and with the 
exceptions noted above, I fail to see any great harm done to our young people 
through their use." The closing paragraph of the principals' Circular Xo. 1001 
states : 

"In line with the study and recommendations indicated above, I would sug- 
gest that you remove volume 10, No. 3, December 1944, entirely from the approved 
list and from the library shelves; and that use of the other three volumes be 
restricted to the more mature students on the 10th, 11th, and 12th grade levels 
under close supervision of the principal, department head, or social studies 

An analysis of the facts shows that the opinions, findings, and actions of the 
Territorial* department of public instruction are almost diametrically oppo.sed 
to those of the California Senate Investigating Committee on Education and the 
California State Board of Education. The actions in California were : 

(a) The California committee found these books unfit for use in Cali- 
fornia schools. 


(&) The textbook committee of the California State Board of Education 
withdrew their apijroval. 

( c) The books were removed from the approved list. 
In Hawaii, the following actions were taken : 

(aa) The local committee found these books, by and large, completely 
devoid of any attempt to put over Communist propaganda, but recommended 
the removal of the volume on Russia from the approved list. It was also 
recommended that three other volumes be used only on 10th. 11th, and 12th 
grade levels. 

(bb) The superintendent's Circular No. 1001 suggests the removal of the 
volume on Russia, and that the use of the other volumes be restricted to 
mature students under close supervision of the principal, department head, 
or social studies teacher. 

(cc) The books, with the exception of the volume on Russia, were not re- 
moved from the approved list. 
A large majority of the public-school teachers who have been of interest to the 
commission either have been hired from the mainland or have a background of 
considerable mainland education. During the school year 1950-51 there were 
76 mainland teachers hired. It is expected that, for several years to come, an 
average of 100 mainland teachers will be brought to Hawaii each year. Such 
teachers usually are assigned to rural Oahu and to islands other than Oahu. 
This commission's survey establishes that most of the public-school teachers 
who have had any close contact with subversive elements in Hawaii have had 
a mainland background, tending to suggest that some mainland teachers have 
been recruited who are not qualified, in that they are not "possessed of the ideals 
of democracy" required by Territorial law. 

The present method of determining the qualifications of prospective teachers 
does not require that they submit complete personal history statements. The 
current application form requires that complete information relative to an ap- 
plicant's education and teaching experience be furnished, and two character 
references be listed. It is also required that the application be accompanied by 
two letters of recommendation. There is no requirement that the applicant 
account for time spent in pursuits other than studying and teaching. For in- 
stance, the application of a teacher who was of particular interest to this 
commission, listed attendance at various schools and colleges for 14 years and 
teaching positions held for 5 years, but there was no accounting for a period of 
8 years since the last teaching position. 

One of the major objectives of the Communists is to infiltrate the schools. It 
is believed that subversives would to some extent be deterred from applying for 
teaching positions in Hawaii if all teacher applicants were required to submit 
complete personal history declarations under oath. 


A survey of the extent and pattern of subversive activities was made of the 
University of Hawaii through the medium of interviews, study of records, and 
interrogation of informed and qualified observers. Faculty, students, campus 
organizations, and employees of the university were covered in this study. While 
all nature of subversive activities including fascism, nazism, and communism 
were explored, this investigation ultimately revolved itself about communism in 
the absence of any evidence of fascism and nazism. 

In about 1935 the first sign of an intellectual interest in Marxist philosophy 
and communism was shown by a few members of the faculty and students. No 
organized group participation, but rather individuals having a common interest, 
were drawn together and occasionally would join others offcampus to discuss 
with them Marxism and communism. 

The first appearance of organized activity of a possible pro-Communist nature 
was evidenced by the formation of a local chapter of the Aerican Student Union 
in tlie fall of 1938. At that time two students from the mainland, both just out 
of the merchant marine, were active in forming the chaptei*. The American 
Student Union, which was cited as a Commimist-front organization by the At- 
torney General of the United States, is covered more fully elsewhere in this 
report. It is interesting to note that in March 1948, one of these merchant-sea- 
man students sent a letter of protest to the DPI in connection with the suspension 
of Dr. John E. Reinecke. The activities of the local ASU chapter apparently 
were not taken too seriously, even though some of its activities paralleled the 
Communist Party line. Symptomatic of the tenor of the times were the writings 


of a Student columnist in Ka Leo O Hawaii, whose "line" during 1937-39 can 
be summed up in three words : anti-Fascist, pro-Communist, atheistic. 

In about October 1937, a chapter of the pi-o-Communist Interprofessional Asso- 
ciation was formed in Honohilu. (See annex 5.) While this organization was 
not affiliated with the university, it attempted to draw itself close to the uni- 
versity by attracting professors and students to its membership and having 
faculty members as speakers. Dr. John B. Reiuecke, who was a faculty member 
at the time the IPA was formed, was very active in organizing the chapter and 
in carrying out its program. Dr. Reinecke in later years became a leading figure 
in the Communist movement in Hawaii. 

In the postwar period commencing in the fall of 1945 the Hawaii Youth for 
Democracy was started at the university and existed for about a year. This 
organization patterned itself after the American Youth for Democracy on the 
mainland. A report in fuller detail on HYD is covered elsewhere in this report. 
(See annex 10.) Charles K. Fujimoto is known to have counseled some of the 
leading members of HYD. apparently for the purpose of furthering the aims of 
the Communist Party. Fujimoto, at the time, was a research chemist with the 
Hawaii Agricultural Experiment Station, a branch of the University of Hawaii. 

The Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee, a Communist-front organization, now 
known as the Hawaii Civil Rights Congress, was headed by Stephen T. Murin, 
a student at the Univresity of Hawaii. Claude W. White, also a student at the 
university, acted as chairman of the HCLC for a short period. In February 
19.51, White became chairman of the HCRC, while Murin was elected vice chair- 

In October 1948, Charles K. Fujimoto resigned his university position and pub- 
licly declared himself chairman of the Communist Party of Hawaii. 

One member of the faculty and one employee of the university each have held 
one share of stock in the Honolulu Record, a Communist-line publication. A 
former employee of the university also owned stock in the publishing company. 

Honolulu Consumers' Council 

The Honolulu Consumers' Council, originally known as the Honolulu Con- 
sumers' Committee, was first organized with a meeting held at the YWCA on 
September 11, 1946. Mary Lou McPherson, who was consumer-relations officer 
for OPA, was chairman at this meeting. Persons attending wpie representatives 
of schools, labor organizations, social agencies, veterans' organizations, women's 
clubs, and other community organizations. The persons at the meeting were 
fairly representative of groups truly interested in a consumers' program. 

The council was proposed to organize in self-defense against inflated prices 
vvhich were felt sure to occur with the removal of OPA price controls. Four 
major objectives were announced : 

( a ) Better spending skills for the local consumers. 

( h ) Better business practice by the local merchants. 

(c) More effective enforcement of laws, ordinances, and regulations so 
that honest and fair dealing could be realized. 

(d) Better housing, clothing, and feeding for local residents. 

By mid-1947 the council had 200 persons on its mailing list either as members or 
as being interested in its program. Gus H. Webling was president ; Melda 
Whitman, vice president; and Miss Mildred Towle, secretary-treasurer. Jleet- 
ings at first were held about twice a month and later monthly. On January 
29, 1947, the first large meeting was held. About 80 persons attended. At this 
7neeting the following committees were set up : 

(a) Publicity: Ruth Robbins, Harriet Argenbright, Doris Ozaki, Eileen 
Fujimoto, K. Omori. 

{!)) Finance: Marshall McEuen, Mr. Fullard Leo, Peter Ting, Mrs. David 
Hyun, John F. G. Stokes. 

(c) Program : Ralph Vossbrink, Mrs. R. A. Garroway, Gladys Paton, Fred 
Taniguchi, Thomas Mav.napau, Koichi Imori. 
At this meeting a need for a treasury was discussed and Marshall McBuen 
pledged $50 from the CIO. 

The council endeavored to realize the objectives outlined previously. It worked 
on price surveys and price posting, distributed consumer material, gave demon- 
strations in food preparation, counseled wise spending, and worked for legisla- 
tion beneficial to the consumer and opposed legislation unfair to him. 


Of the five members named on the publicity committee, Doris Ozaki and Eileen 
Fujimoto have been identified as Communists. Of the five members on the fi- 
nance committee, Marshall McEuen was one of the "reluctant 39." Of the six 
members on the prorgam committee, Ralph Vossbrink, Koichi Imori, and Fred 
Taniguchi have been identified as Communists. With Communists in important 
committee positions, they were in a powerful position to promote their own 
proposals and oppose matters that they did not favor. With a total of 200 per- 
sons interested in the program, it is evident that the Communists, although 
small in number as compared to the entire body, were in strategic positions and 
held power out of proportion to their actual numbers. Of the 200 persons whose 
names appear on the council's 1947 membership list, about one-sixth were mem- 
bers of the Communist Party or persons who have been identified in various pro- 
Communist activities. Communists in the council included not only those prom- 
inent in labor unions, but also professional men and white-collar workers. Among 
the members who have been identified as Communists were : 

Easter Doyle Julian K. Napuunoa 

Charles Fujimoto Doris Ozaki 

Eileen Fujimoto Pauline Rosenthal 

Wallace Ho Rachel Saiki 

David Hyun Fred Taniguchi 

Koichi Imori David E. Thompson 

Herman P. Ing Peggy Uesugi 

Douglas Inouye Ralph Vossbrink 
Harry Kuhia, Jr. 

David E. Thompson, who is named in Ichiro Izuka's testimony as a Communist, 
proposed a campaign on the Matson freight-rate issue. At a meeting of the coun- 
cil on February 21, 1947, a committee was set up to secure the necessary data to 
protest the Matson freight rate increase. At a meeting held August 20, 1947, 
David Hyun, who acted as executive chairman of the Matson freight-i*ate com- 
mittee, reported the work of the committee in collecting information to deter- 
mine the actual cost to consumers in dollars and cents. Major responsibility 
for the work of this committee was to be carried by Jean McKillop, James King, 
and Cyril Bristow. The council was the only body that filed an intervening brief 
to the United States Maritime Commission to protest a proposed increase of 
freight rates of the Matson Navigation Co. 

A conference was called on February 21, 1947, with representatives of 19 
identified Honolulu organizations and others present. Of the groups represented 
at that meeting, there is evidence of Communist infiiltration, control, or attempt 
to control of the following : 

CIO Political Action Committee 

International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union. 

Liberal Legislation League 

Hawaii Association for Civic Unity 

United Office and Professional Workers of America, Local 190 

A number of the Communists who were members of the council were also 
members and active with the five groups named above. 

On May 12, 1949, soon after the start of the stevedore strike, a council meet- 
ing was held and a motion carried to suspend meetings until September of that 
year. This meeting was the last held until 1951. By September 1949, We, the 
Women and an organization called Sensible Shoppers were functioning on price- 
survey work and the council felt that the work could be ably carried on by them. 

Because the majority of the general membership of the Honolulu Consumers' 
Council was alert, intelligent, and not Communist, the Communists in the organ- 
ization were not able to turn the council to their own ends sufficiently to say that 
they "captured" it. Although the Communists were able to "use" the council 
in some respects, the control of the organization has remained firmly in the hands 
of elected non-Communist officers. It can be recorded with satisfaction that, at 
a reactivation meeting of the council held in January 1951, Communists were 
conspicuous by their absence. 

Annex 15 


An August 17, 1946, the Nichibei Minshu Kyokai (Japanese American Asso- 
ciation for Democracy), hereinafter called the JAAD, was organized in Honolulu. 


Most of the persons prominent in its formation were alien Japanese. Among its 
leaders were Ginjiro "Hokusan" Arashiro, Rev. Gashu "Seikan" Higa, Jack 
Denichi Kimoto, Shutei Mayeshiro, Genjiro Jinbo and Paul Minori "Tosliihide" 

Following Japan's defeat in 1945 there was a belief held among a few local 
Japanese, particularly aliens and the "Kibei" (United States citizens of Japa- 
nese ancestry who were educated in Japan, then returned to Hawaii) that Japan 
had not lost the war. These diehards were called katta gumi. The JAAD was 
formed ostensibly to enlighten the katta gumi group, to give guidance in demo- 
cratic thinking to backward Japanese residents here, and to assist the postwar 
democratic movement iu Japan. Its officers were Reverend Higa, president; 
Arashiro, secretary ; and Kaneko, treasurer. 

A translation of a handbill distributed by the JAAD in 1947 stated its program 
as follows : 

(a) To strive for the democratic education of the residents of Hawaii. 

( & ) To cooperate in the various democratic movements within America. 

( c) To support the democratic movement in Japan. 

(d) To cooperate in the statehood movement in Hawaii. 

(e) To participate in the movement to acquire naturalization rights for 
the Japanese in Hawaii and the mainland United States. 

(/) To strive for the elimination of all racial discrimination. 

In carrying out its program the JAAD decided that a "democratic" newspaper 
should be sponsored, resulting in the establishment of the Hawaii Star in March 
1947. However, there developed within the JAAD group some disagreement over 
the title of the paper. The self-styled "right" element preferred the title "Minshu 
Shimbun" ("Democratic News"), while the "left" group, led by Kimoto, Ara- 
shiro and Mayeshiro, succeeded in having the name "Hawaii Star" adopted. 
Kimoto, who became first editor of this paper, had a long record of Communist 
activity. A report on the Hawaii Star is presented in Annex 2.3. 

The dispute on naming the paper was the first sign of a rift developing in 
the organization between the "left" and "right" factions. Another incident show- 
ing such friction came about with the sponsorship by the JAAD of speeches to 
be given by Dr. Ikuo Oyama in mid-1947, on the new (postwar) constitution of 
Japan, of which Dr. Oyama was advertised as one of the framers. Several of 
the "left" group opposed the plan to sponsor these lectures, probably because 
publicizing the new constitution might reflect favorably on General MacArthur's 
occupation policies. (The Communist line, as presented in the Hawaii Star, is 
consistently anti-MacArthur.) 

In addition to the main Honolulu JAAD group, a chapter was established at 
Waipahu, Oahu, and was known as the Waipahu Branch. An advertisement 
appearing in the Hawaii Star, September 11, 1947, extended to that branch the 
congratulations of 29 persons whose names appeared at the foot of the advertise- 
ment. About half of the 29 are identified members of the Honolulu JAAD group, 
and 23 were stockholders in Hawaii Star. The membership of the Waipahu 
Branch of the JAAD in 1948 became the nucleus of the Waipahu chapter of the 
subversive HCLC. 

Although purporting to be an organization pledging itself "to contribute toward 
the progress and realization of democracy," as stated in its handbill of August 17, 
1946, some of its organizers were intent on using the JAAD in a pro-Communist 
manner. The policy of Hawaii Star, its offspring, clearly shows this. 

It is noted that of the JAAD members who are reported to have been with the 
"right" faction and in disagreement with the Hawaii Star editorial policy, five 
were listed as stockholders in the Hawaii Star in its last annual corporation 
exhibit filed with the Treasurer of the Territory of Hawaii. 

The JAAD is reported to have gone out of existence by the middle of 1948. 

Annex 16 

Hawau Civil Liberties Committee 

In late November 1947, Hawaii's Communist Party leaders began to lay the 
groundwork for the HCLC, the largest and most effective Communist front to 
appear in the Territory. The occasion for HCLC's formation was the suspen- 
sion of Dr. John E. Reinecke and his wife, Aiko, from teaching positions with 
the department of public instruction on charges growing out of their Communist 
Party activities. Claiming to be nonpolitical and not interested in the defense 
of communism, the HCLC professed to devote itself to the protection of civil 


rights. The Committee on Un-American Activities, United States House of 
Representatives, published a report of its investigation of the HCLC on June 23, 
1950, and classified that organization as a Communist front. In view of the 
House committee's report and because the Attorney General of the United States 
has classified the HCLC as Communist, only significant information not con- 
tained in the House committee's report is contained herein. 

The HCLC was formed in late 1947 at the instigation of the Oahu CIO Council. 
Two representatives of the Oahu CIO Council who laid the groundwork for the 
HCLC was Ralph V. Vossbrink of the Marine Cooks and Stewards Union and 
Marshall L. McEuen, former co-director of the 1946 CIO-PAC who was then em- 
ployed by the ILWU. An "off the record" motion unanimously adopted by 
the council gave Vossbrink and McEuen authorization to proceed with the 
project, which they at the time termed "A Civil Rights Defense Conunittee." 
Vossbrink and McEuen made an attempt to induce a non-Communist of liberal 
tendencies and good reputation to lead the proposed organization. Tliis attempt 
to give the organization the face of liberal leadership failed. Instead, the 
HCLC was led at all times by persons closely connected with the Communist 

The HCLC was aware in advance of the intention of the Communist Party 
of Hawaii, publicly to identify Charles K. Fujimoto, an HCLC member, as chair- 
man of the Communist Party of Hawaii. In this connection the HCLC sent 
the following letter dated October 11, 1948, to its members : 

"Deae Member : Enclosed please find invitations to a special dance sponsored 
by the HCLC which will be held on the Lanai at pier 11 Terminal Building this 
Friday, October 15, 1948. 

"This affair is very important as an announcement will be made during the 
intermission which will be of utmost interest to all. 

"Please contact your friends and invite them to come to this very special 

"The donation is payable upon admission, so bring your invitation with you. 

"Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee." 

The "very important" announcement mentioned in the second paragraph of 
this letter was the planned introduction of Fujimoto. who earlier that day had 
announced his Communist Party status, to the persons present at the dance. 
The purpose of the dance was to honor Fujimoto as HCLC's "member of the 
year." Stephen Murin and others made impromptu speeches in which they 
congratulated Fujimoto for his courage in sacrificing his position at the Uni- 
versity Agricultural Experiment Station to become a full-time Communist Party 
worker for the betterment of the people of the Territory. Fujimoto acknowledged 
their sentiments and thanked the HCLC for its understanding of his beliefs. 

The HCLC sponsored the free showing of the motion picture, Native Land, 
at the Library of Plawaii on April 23, 1948. This film was heavy with propaganda 
directed toward creating unrest and uncertainty in the minds of the people as to 
the functioning of our democratic system. The minutes of the HCLC reveal 
that this film was also to be shown at a meeting to be held at Waipahu, Oahu, on 
May 22, 1948. 

The HCLC sent a cablegram to Communist-line Congressman Vito Marc- 
antonio, congratulating him on his efforts to defeat the Mundt-Nixon bill. 

The minutes of the HCLC dated July 2G, 1948, record that a picket line was 
to be formed outside the building where the Reinecke dismissal cases were to be 
heard and that printed material would be given away. Eileen Fujimoto was 
to be in charge of the picket line and Cyril Bristow was to compose the throwaway 
material. Such a picket line, featuring Communists and fellow travelers, did 

Other speciments of the type of throwaway material distributed by the HCLC 
are its pamphlet. The Un-Americans Are Here, attacking the commission on 
subversive activities, and one called Mugity Wumpus by Mike Quin. Roth are 
satirical Communist propaganda. Mike Quin is a staff writer for the Daily 
Peoples' World. 

In addition to distributing pamphlets printed of its own, the HCLC sent out 
with its June-July Bulletin, dated July 12, 1950, one copy of the Civil Rights 
Congress pamphlet entitled "Argument to the Jury of Richard Gladstein in 
the New York Communist Trail." Although the HCLC distributed literature 
printed by the Civil Rights Congress, it did not become affiliated with this largest 
national Communist-front organization until October 1950. 


In June 1949, the HCLC hud made application to the superintendent of build- 
ings, city and county of Honolulu, T. H., for permission to use a schoolroom 
for a HCLC membership meeting. The superintendent of buildings refused to 
grant this permission. A further request was made by the HCLC for the use 
of a school auditorium for a public meeting on April 10. 1950, and this was 
refused. The HCLC then advised the superintendent of buildings that it was 
advised that his refusal was unlawful. Although taking the stand that the 
superintendent's action was unlawful, the HCLC has never done anything about 
filing suit in this connection. 

A news item appearing in the Honolulu Star-Bulletin, September 25, 1950, 
reports that the executive board of the HCLC had adopted a resolution attack- 
ing the passing of the McCarran Act by Congress. The resolution called on 
President Truman to veto this bill. 

An interesting sidelight offering some insight into the gullibility of some of 
the members of the HCLC regarding the true purpose of the organization was 
shown by a statement made by a member who reasoned that with the exception 
of Fujimoto, none of the HCLC members could be Communists, because, during 
his association with the HCLC, no attempts were made to indoctrinate him, nor 
was he invited to join the Communist Party. This failure to perceive that any 
such action by the party would have exposed the HCLC as a Communist "arm" 
and thus negated its value to the party, was apparently shared by many persons 
who at one time were interested in the work of the HCLC. 

On June 13, 1948, the HCLC held a picnic at Kokokahi Camp, Kaneohe, Oahu. 
A Territorial convention of the Communist Party of Hawaii was held at the 
same place in the lattej- part of 194G. 

In a special HCLC bulletin dated September 15, 1950, the HCLC executive 
board discussed the matter of affiliation with the Civil Rights Congress. It was 
announced that a general membership meeting would be held on September 22, 
1950, at the C. M. & S. Hall, 108 North King Street, Honolulu, to discuss and 
vote on this recommendation. The bulletin further stated "This will be our last 
chance to meet before the next attack b.v the un- Americans." 

Since the widely publicized exposure of the HCLC as a result of the congres- 
sional hearings in April 1950, the HCLC has boiled down to a hard core of 
Communists and willing Communist collaborators. For a short time the re- 
maining members discontinued their meetings, but later resorted to a system of 
meeting in private homes. 

The HCLC's changing its name to Hawaii Civil Rights Congress conforms to 
the usual practice of Communist-front organizations, which, upon exposure of 
their true nature, either dissolve themselves, reappear in a completely new guise, 
or take a new name. The HCRC is actually a protraction of the HCLC, al- 
though the new organization does not enjoy the support of as many people as did 
the HCLC prior to its exposure by the House Un-American Activities Committee. 

Throughout its existence the HCLC did much more to foster racial antagonism 
than it did to encourage racial unity. It promoted disrespect for constituted 
authority and for established institutions and turned its best efforts toward the 
advancement of the Communist cause. 

Annex 17 

Hawaii Oivn, Rights Congeess 

The Hawaii Civil Rights Congress purporting to be an organization fighting 
for civil liberties in Hawaii was formerly known as the Hawaii Civil Liberties 
Committee which had been cited by the House Un-American Activities Committee 
as a Communist-front. The HCLC after the change in name to the HCRC in 
October 1950, affiliated with the national Civil Rights Congress, cited as a sub- 
versive and Communist organization by the Attorney General's Office (citations 
by OflScial Government Agencies of Organizations and Publications found to be 
Communist or Communist Fronts, p. 26). The national Civil Rights Congress 
was formed in April 1946, as a merger of two other Communist-front organiza- 
tions, the International Labor Defense and the National Federation for Constitu- 
tional Liberties. 


The below-quoted letter sent out by the HCRC on November 29, 1950, is indica- 
tive of its interests in its fight on the side of the Communists : 

Hawaii Civii, Rights Congress, 
Box 2120, Honolulu, November 29, 1950. 

Dear Friend and Member : You have been a part of the fight for civil liberties 
in Hawaii. That fight has been led by the Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee, 
which last month affiliated with the Civil Rights Congress. Your participation 
in this all-important struggle will now assume greater effectiveness. 

The mounting pressures initiated by reactionary political and economic forces 
are taking their frightful toll in America. The result is that fewer people are 
called upon to bear the brunt of the attack. In Hawaii, the task of those who 
fight for constitutional government, for the right to work, the right to speak 
and think without fear, is especially hard. This you know. 

You know, too, that the culmination of our fight will be reached soon. Judge 
Delbert E. Metzger has set January 3 as the date on which the case against 
Hawaii's 39 most aggressive fighters against reaction may begin. Many of that 
39 were members of the HCLC. Most are not, but all face the sanio fate: To 
recant, to deny, the validity of their lives and that for which they h ive fought, 
on pain of imprisonment if they do not. 

The Hawaii Civil Rights Congress will stand by all those who are facing trial. 
The HCRC has the specific responsibility of maintaining the defense of those 
who are its members. Our special task will be that of helping to pay the terrific 
costs of preparing their defense. Their defense is in the best hands. 

Our financial situation is desperate. Our treasury is low. The freedom of our 
members, your friends, Hawaii's finest working people, is the immediate issue. 
But more basically, the freedom of every American, and especially your freedom — 
since you, too, are a fighter — is at stake. 

We ask you to help, to give now all the financial aid you can to those who are 
fighting for you. You have helped before by standing with us, 
Make a contribution, a good one, to help support the fight. 
No gift you give this Christmas will be more worthwhile. 

Send your cash or pledge now to : 

Hawaii Ci\tx Rights Congress, 

Box 2120, Honolulu. 

A news item in the Honolulu Record dated January 4, 1951 states that at a 
party held in Honolulu, T. H., December 30, 1950, guests signed a petition for the 
release of David Hyun, (who was arrested on a warrant at Los Angeles, Calif., 
under the McCarran Act) . 

In another item appearing in the Honolulu Record on February 15, 1951, it is 
reported that Stephen Murin, former chairman, was succeeded by Claude White 
as chairman. Stephen Murin was elected vice chairman: Evelyn Murin, sec- 
retary ; and Robert Kempa, treasurer. Murin is one of the "reluctant 39" who 
were acquitted in United States District Court before Judge Delbert E. Metzger, 
who upheld the right of the defendants' refusal to answer questions on affiliation 
with the Communist Party on the grounds of self-incrimination. The meeting 
referred to in the al)0ve news item was held at 108 North King Street, Honolulu, 
T. H., which is the address of the Marine Cooks and Stewards Union, an organ- 
ization which was disafliliated from the CIO because of its Communist leadership. 

Recently the HCRC has put on a drive for membership and solicitation of 
funds enclosing with an application form, the copy of a pamphlet called News 
which is a publication of the national CRC. One of these was mailed to a 
prominent public oflScial. 

In the December 21, 1950, issue of the Honolulu Record appears an advertise- 
ment placed by the HCRC extending Christmas greetings to the Honolulu Record 
"from its cofighters for civil rights for all people in this Territory." 

Annex 18 

Unemployed Workers' Organization of Hawaii 

A standard agitation tactic of the Communist Party is to criticize the capital- 
istic system (including governments of capitalistic countries) for the fact of 
unemployment, thereby implanting in the minds of unemployed persons a critical 
attitude toward the government which later may ripen into a desire to overthrow 
the government. Taken in this context, the Unemployed Workers' Organization 


of Hawaii, which existed in Honolulu during 1949, is of interest in any appraisal 
of local subversive activities. 

On March 31, 1949, at 1 p. m., on the grounds at lolani Palace, Honolulu, a 
rally was held to interest unemployed persons in doing something about the 
unemployment situation in Hawaii. It is perhaps more than a coincidence that 
the meeting was called for March 31 at the palace grounds. The palace grounds 
was itself a most appropriate place for such a meeting because there was located 
on the grounds the office of the Territorial Employment Service, to which un- 
employed persons went in search of work. 

Handbills had been passed out advertising the rally. The leaflets called upon 
the unemployed to unite so their demands would carry more weight wath "the 
politicians," upon whom their plight was blamed. 

It is significant to note that one handbill denied that the organization was 
suggesting that the government be overthrown, but it urged that something be 
done about the situation legally. The approach used is common in Communist 
agitation practice. The throwaway bore a cartoon of a prosperous looking in- 
dividual tossing a coin to some "hungry workers" who are saying, "We want 
bread," to which the prosperous one replies, "Let 'em eat cake." The remainder 
of the leaflet is set forth below : 

"Just as that big shot is telling the hungry workers 'Let 'em eat cake' and 
tossing them a quarter, so did a greedy and notorious Queen of France, Marie 
Antoinette, back in the 18th century. The starving workers of Paris who wanted 
work or bread got organized and did something about their hai-dhearted govern- 
ment and big bosses — they organized and overthrew their government, installing 
one that gave them bread. 

"It is not suggested that you overthrow the government of the Territory which 
refuses to recognize our growing unemployment problem and do something about 
it, but it is suggested that you organize to do something about your situation in a 
legal way ! Don't forget to come to the unemployed rally. 

"Time : This Thursday (March 31) at 1 p. m. 

"Place : lolani Palace bandstand. 

"Music : By Joe Keawe. 

"Speakers: W. K. Bassett, assistant to the mayor; Antonio Rania, president 
of Sugar Workers (in Ilocano) ; Gorman Noland, small-businessman; Henry 
Epstein, United Public Workers ; Rudy Eskovitz, Marine Cooks ; Jack W. Hall, 

The guiding hand behind the movement, according to Robert McElrath, who 
was the first speaker at the March 31 rally, was the ILWU faction in Honolulu. 
As a speaker at this rally, Jack Hall promised the aid of the ILWU in the form 
of advice, legal talent, and any other facilities of the ILWU which might be 
necessary to form the UWOH. 

A steering committee was chosen at the March 31 rally, and it is of interest 
to note that the ILWU and the Communist element present managed the entire 
proceedings, making and seconding motions, offering to serve on the committees, 
and otherwise railroading measures through the meeting. Among those attend- 
ing the rally were : 

Eileen Fujimoto Adele Kensinger 

Charles Fujimoto Doris Ozaki 

Ralph Vossbrink Yoshiko Hall 

Jack Kawano Stephen Murin 

Yukio Abe - Robert Greene 
Jeanette Nakama Koji Ariyoshi 

Doris Ozaki. who acted as secretary at the rally, recorded the names of many 
men who volunteered to serve on the steering committee. Officers of the organ- 
ization were not elected at the lolani Palace meeting, but were to be selected 
at a later date. 

It has been reported that the person later elected president of the Unemployed 
Workers' Organization of Hawaii was one Lois Barbara Fames. She was at one 
time chairman of the civil-rights committee of the subversive HCLC, has been 
on the staff of the Honolulu Record, and more recently identified with the Hawaii 
Civil Rights Congress, Honolulu affiliate of one of the largest Communist-front 
organizations in the United States. 

Robert Greene, prominent in the leftwing element of the Honolulu chapter of 
the NAACP and one-time chairman of the subversive HCLC, was the vice presi- 
dent of the UWOH. Greene previously conducted a Marxist discussion group 
at his home in Honolulu. 


The UWOH litid its first headquarters at the ILWU regional office, pier 11, 
Honolulu. However, in December 1949, when the UWOH made another attempt 
to interest the unemployed, it no longer maintained an office. As of that date, 
the ILWU no longer backed the group. 

Little activity seems to have resulted from the opening rally of the UWOH. 
However, on December 14, 1949, handbills were again distributed in the name 
of the Unemployed Workers' Organization of Hawaii. They called upon the un- 
employed to unite. The leaflet of December 14 promised that a later handbill 
would tell the unemployed how and where to join. This leaflet, like that of 
March 31, blamed "the politicians" for the plight of the unemployed. It urged 
the unemi)loyed to unite in political action to improve their circumstances. 

Since December 1949, nothing further has been heard of this organization. 

Annex 19 
National Union of Marine Cooks and Stewards 

The National Union of Marine Cooks and Stewards, with headquarters in San 
Francisco, is headed by Hugh Bryson, a close ally of Harry Bridges, and the 
ILWU. The M. C. and S. union has publicly opposed United States military aid 
to South Korea and called on the administration to "immediately cease American 
armed intervention in Korea," "reaffirming the M. C. and S. position for peace 
against war" (Honolulu Advertiser, July 1, 1950). The M. C. and S. union also 
favored a policy of recognition of the People's (Communist) Government of 
China (Honolulu Star-Bulletin, August 23, 1950). It also declared itself "against 
the injustice in the Harry Bridges case." 

Hugh Bryson, head of the M. C. and S., has been identified as a Communist 
(see Third Report of California Committee on Un-American Activities Com- 
mittee, 1947, pp. 149, 151, 160, 163-166). Richard Gladstein, attorney for Harry 
Bridges and the ILWU, was identified as having presided at a top-faction Com- 
munist Party meeting at the home of Hugh Bryson, at which meeting plans 
were made to put the Communists in control of the M. C. and S. by the adoption 
of a new "Gladstein constitution" (Third Report, California Committee on 
Un-American Activities, p. 165) . 

The M. C. and S. union was ousted from the CIO by a vote of 41 to 1 by the 
CIO executive board on August 29, 1950, for following the Communist Party line. 
At the same time (August 1950) the ILWU was expelled by the CIO executive 
board by a vote of 41 to 2. 

Eddie Tangen, international secretary-treasurer of the M. C. and S., appeared 
as a guest speaker :' t a meeting held by the former Hawaii Civil Liberties Com- 
mittee, now known as the Hawaii Civil Rights Congress on June 13, 1949 (Hono- 
lulu Record, June 16, 1949). He has served as instructor in a Communist school, 
the Pacific Northwest Labor School in Seattle, Wash., and has been active with 
the Civil Rights Congress in protesting legal action against the 12 Communist 
leaders in New York. Joe Johnson, an organizer for the M. C. and S. on the 
mainland, was a guest speaker at an HCLC meeting held March 21, 1949 (Hono- 
lulu Record, March 24, 1949). Joe Johnson was a speaker before the Fillmore 
section of the Communist Party in San Francisco in 1948. He is a member of 
the board of directors of the California Labor School, a recognized Communist 
project, and has actively protested the trial of the top United States Communist 
officials in New York City (House Un-American Activities Committee report on 
HCLC, pp. 19-20). 

Wallace Ho, Honolulu port agent of the M. C. and S. union, was identified as a 
Communist by Ichiro Izuka and Easter Doyle during the House Un-American 
Activities Committee hearings held in Honolulu, in April 1950. With Ichiro 
Izuka's testimony a letter was introduced as an exhibit wherein Wallace Ho 
was identified as chairman of the trial committee of the territorial executive 
board of the Communist Party in Hawaii, in connection with Izuka's expulsion 
from the party. Wallace Ho owns 100 shares of stock in the Honolulu Record 
which has been cited as a Communist publication. The Daily People's World, 
April 11, 1949, discloses that Wallace Ho was a representative for the Civil 
Rights Congress at San Francisco, Calif. 

Ralph V. Vossbrink, present executive secretary of the United Public Workers 
of America, Local 646, representative for the Culinary and Service Workers 
Union, and for 3 years president of the Oahu CIO Council, came to Honolulu in 
1945 as a patrolman for the M. C. and S. union. As president of the Oahu CIO 
Council, Vossbrink signed a protest which was sent to United States Attorney 
General Tom Clark, demanding a stop to persecution of people accused of being 


Communists (Honolulu Star-Bulletin, Nov. 29, 1948). Vossbrink handed 
out leaflets prepared by the Waterfront Committee, Communist Party, San Fran- 
cisco, Seattle, Portland, Pedro, Honolulu in connection with the nationwide 
maritime strike scheduled for June 15, 1946 (Honolulu Advertiser and Star- 
Bulletin, June 14, 1946). Vossbrink was one of the so-called Reluctant 39. He 
was also prominent in the activities of the Honolulu Labor Canteen. For several 
years after the war, the San Francisco office of M. C. and S. carried Ralph Voss- 
brink on its records as residing at 3571 Pahoa Avenue, Honolulu, the home of 
Dr. John B. Reinecke. Ichiro Izuka in his testimony before the House Un- 
American Activities Committee, stated that Ralph Vossbrink acted as courier 
from San Francisco for the Communist Party. 

The M. C. and S. union receives unstinting support in news coverage from the 
Honolulu Record and the Daily People's World. 

Seven of fifteen donors to the Reinecke defense fund from the San Francisco 
area in March, 1948 were identified as members of the M. C. and S. union and as 
Communists. Among them was Hugh Bryson and Wallace Ho. 

The M. C. and S. union has militantly opposed the Coast Guard screening 
procedures designed to tighten the security of American ports and shipping. In 
this connection, Wallace Ho, Honolulu port agent, described the methods em- 
ployed as undemocratic and blacklisting, although he states the union did not 
oppose screening (Honolulu Star-Bulletin, Oct. 20, 1950). 

The Hawaii Civil Rights Congress, successor to the Hawaii Civil Liberties 
Committee, a Communist-front organization, held a meeting at the newly acquired 
offices of the M. C. and S. at 108 N. King Street, Honolulu, on February 12, 1951, 
at which new HCRC officers were elected. The activities of leaders in the 
M. C. and S. in cooperation with the HCLC and the CRC both in the Territory 
and on the mainland, have been covered previously in this report. Another 
incident of the close liaison and relationship between the M. C. and S. and the 
HCLC is recorded in the June- July bulletin of the HCLC dated Jialy 12, 1950, 
wherein the following article was printed : 

"the m. c. and s. union, honoltjlu branch acts promptly 

"The first labor union to take action in this case [Thomas Lampley — alleged 
racial discrimination on part of police] was the M. C. and S. which voted at a 
recent meeting to send a strongly worded protest to Chief Liu, and to donate $25 
to the HCLC for Lampley's defense. This union has actively participated and 
won many a fight against racial discrimination. Will your union or organization 
take similar action?" 

Several rightwing members of the M. C. and S. union headed by James Randall, 
of San Francisco, Calif., have formed a committee to combat communism in the 
M. C. and S. union (Honolulu Advertiser, Aug. 18, 1950). At present the 
movement is still in progress. The National Maritime Union ( CIO ) is attempt- 
ing to assimilate the M. C. and S. after ridding it of its Communist leadership. 
The Sailors' Union of the Pacific is also engaged in a similar effort (Honolulu 
Advertiser, Jan. 18, 1951). 

Annex 20 
United Public Workers of America — Local 646 

The United Public Workers of America started organizing in the Territory of 
Hawaii in the early part of 1946. Early organizing work was done by Wilfred 
M. Oka, its acting Territorial director. Oka is one of the "Reluctant 39." 

In connection with UPWA's organizational work here, international president 
Abram Flaxer and Henry B. Epstein, of the UPWA national office, came to the 
islands in May 1947. Epstein remained and at present is regional director in 
Hawaii for the UPWA. 

In 1944, the House Comimttee on Un-American Activities found the predeces- 
sors of this union to have Communist leadership * * * strongly entrenched. 
The national UPWA in April 1946 was formed with the merging of the State, 
County and Municipal Workers of America and the United Federal Workers of 
America unions, both CIO. Abram Flaxer, president of the SCMWA, became 
president of the new union. One of the first acts of the new organization was 
the adoption of a resolution, called up by Flaxer, which denounced the United 
States and called for the immediate withdrawal of United States Armed Forces 
from all foreign countries. The effort of a handful of delegates to modify the 


resolution to demand also the withdrawal of Soviet troops was defeated by the 
Communist-controlled convention. 

The UPWA also spearheaded agitation against loyalty investigations of sus- 
pected subversive employees in governmental service. It charged that such in- 
vestigations constitute union busting, indulge in race prejudice, and generally 
violate civil rights. 

The UPWA in Hawaii attempted to organize a teachers union and for such 
purpose set up an Organizing Committee, Teachers' Local No. 653, calling a 
meeting at the YWCA on October 13, 1946. Dr. John E. Reinecke was active in 
this work. This attempt at teacher organization was a failure. 

However, the UPWA has been able to organize some Territorial and county 
workers among road workers, hospital employees and the Wailuku, Maui, fire 

Other local unions connected with the UPWA are the Culinary and Service 
Workers Union and the Independent Taxi Drivers Union. Ralph Vossbrink, 
executive secretary of UPWA, Local 646, is also national representative and busi- 
ness agent for the Culinary and Service Workers Union and Business agent for 
the Independent Taxi Drivers Union. Vossbrink who had formerly been con- 
nected with the M. C. and S. was one of the "Reluctant 39." 

The UPWA was expelled from the CIO in February 1950, because of its Com- 
munist leadership and policies. 

At a meeting held October 15 and 16, 1949, attended by 50 delegates of the 
Territorial Council of the UPWA at Makawao, Maui, resolutions were adopted 
pledging 100 percent support to the international officers of the UPWA, demand- 
ing the Harry Bridges case be dropped immediately, and expressing appreciation 
to the ILWU for its cooueration. 

Richard M. Kagevama, member of the board of supervisors of the city and 
county of Honolulu, at the request of Wilfred M. Oka, then Territorial director 
for UPWA, introduced a resolution before a meeting of the board of supervisors 
held on July 29, 1947, which read in part : 

"* * * It is hereby declared to be the policy of the city and county of Honolulu 
that its employees shall be free to join or refrain from joining labor, trade, or 
other employee organizations without interference, coercion, restraint, or fear 
of prejudice, discrimination, or reprisal to or in their employment and that mem- 
bership in any such organization shall not of itself be ground for or cause for 
dismissal or discharge from any position or employment in or with the city and 

Supervisor Kageyama was a member of the Communist Party at the time he 
introduced the resolution. 

Ewart Guinier, who served as an organizer for the UPWA in New York 
City and was national secretary-treasurer of the union when it was expelled 
from the CIO, will be remembered for his activities with the Honolulu Labor 
Canteen and the Oahu Servicemen's Committee for Speedier Demobilization. 

In the report on the Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee, dated June 23, 1950, 
prepared by the Committee on Un-American Activities, United States House 
of Representatives in which the HCLC was classified as a Communist front, it 
is reported that at a meeting of the HCLC on September 12, 1949, Henry Epstein, 
then a business agent for UPWA in Hawaii, appealed for funds to aid an at- 
tempt to block the signing of loyalty oaths in Los Angeles. The attempt at the 
time was being backed by a mainland local of the UPWA. The HCLC took up 
a collection from its membership on the spot, and also voted to send $25 from 
the HCLC treasury as its contribution to this cause. Henry Epstein was a 
featured speaker at HCLC meetings held August 8, 1948, and February 7, 1949. 
Robert Weinstein, director of organization for the national UPWA, appeared 
as a featured speaker on a Labor Day program held September 2, 1950, at lolani 
Palace grounds, Honolulu. This event was sponsored by unions which had 
been expelled from the CIO. Weinstein attacked the CIO. 

In the August 3, 1950, anniversary issue of the Communist-line Honolulu 
Record, the UPWA sponsored an advertisement extending fraternal greeting to 
that newspaper. 

At the 19.50 convention of the delegates of the UPWA held in Honolulu on 
September 2-3, 1950, the UPWA adopted resolutions supporting the national 
UPWA leaders and Harry Bridges, ILWU president. Another resolution gave 
formal thanks to the ILWU of Hawaii for assisting UPWA in Hawaii. 

The Honolulu Record has consistently given space to UPWA news. UPWA's 
close association with the Communist-dominated ILWU and the Communist- 


front HCLC, its defense of Harry Bridges, and its own Communist leadership 
clearly shows its true character. 

Annex 21 

United Office and Professional Workeks of America, 
Local 190 

Local No. 190 of the UOPW^A, then a CIO affiliate, was formed in Honolulu 
about August 1946. Its membership, A^ery small in number, was comprised 
in the main of officeworkers employed by the ILWU and other Communist- 
dominated labor unions. In the latter part of 194G, UOPWA local No. 190 
merged with FAECT chapter 37, thus combining two weak unions. The ab- 
sorption of the FAECT, chapter 37 by UOPWA, local No. 190 was in accordance 
with recommendations from the national headquarters of the FAECT. Both 
the UOPWA and the FAECT were dropped from the CIO later because of their 
Communist leadership. 

The UOPWA was described by the House Un-American Activities Committee 
as a group having Communist leadership * * * strongly entrenched. The Cali- 
fornia Un-American activities committee also has classified this union as Com- 
munist dominated. 

Atlhough its membership in Hawaii is small, it has been conspicuous for 
Communists and Communist Party line followers. Eileen T. Fujimoto, Peggy 
T. Uesugi, Doris K. Ozaki, Jeanette Nakama Rohrbaugh, Ah Quon Leoug Mc- 
Elrath, and Pauline Rosenthal were UOPWA members. All were named as 
members of the Communist Party in testimony before the Committee on Un- 
American Activities, United States House of Representatives, at the hearings 
held in Honolulu during April 1950. Upon the merger of UOPWA with the 
FAECT, Charles K. Fujimoto, who later identified himself as chairman of the 
Communist Party of Plawaii, became a member. Another member was David 
Hyun who recently was arrested in Los Angeles, Calif., under the McCarran 
Act. Charles K. Fujimoto, Eileen Fujimoto, Peggy Uesugi and David Hyun 
were officials of local No. 190, in various capacities. 

At a meeting of the subversive Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee on August 10, 
1948, it was announced that a $10 donation had been voted to the HCLC, to be 
used in behalf of the Reineckes' by the Hawaii local of the UOPWA. 

Although a very small union in number of members, the UOPWA has been 
the most nearly completely Communist dominated of all labor organizations in 

It is significant to note that the Communist Party of the U. S. A. Communist- 
front organizations, and many private concerns of value to the Communist cause 
permit their stenographers to place the UOPWA initials at the foot of corre- 
spondence, thus indicating its origin in a union shop. In view of the known 
security policies of the Communist Party and its affiliates, it is logical that lead- 
ing party functionaries should seek to surround themselves with personnel whom 
they know to be at least sympathetic to the Communist cause. 

Annex 22 

Federation of Architects, Engineers, Chemists and Technicians — 
Chapter 37 

Chapter 37 of the FAECT was first -organized about the early part of 1940 
and was largely composed of persons employed at the Navy Yard, Pearl Harbor. 
About 1946, upon recommendation of the national headquarters of the FAECT, 
the local chapter merged with the United Office and Professional Workers of 
America, local No. 190. As a result of the merger, the FAECT name was dropped 
and the UOPWA name was thereafter used. Both parent unions, then affiliates 
of the CIO, later were expelled from the CIO because of their Communist 
leadership. The UOPWA, local No. 190 is the subject of annex 21. 

The fourth report of the California Un-American activities committee, 1948, 
at page 235, discloses that the national FAECT was started by one Marcel Scherer 
following his return from Soviet Russia. Scherer had spent 2 years there 
studying at the school known as the Lenin School, which is used to train Com- 
munist espionage agents for service throughout the world. His wife, Lena Davis, 
was secretary of the Communist Party in New Jei-sey. The third report of the 
California Un-American activities committee, 1947, at page 370, reports that 
FAECT, chapter 25, of California had met secretly during World War II and had 


discussed the atomic and radiation researcli work at tlie University of California. 
This report further describes the FAECT as a Communist front which could 
place its members in vitally strategic positions in the Government where the 
members would have access to information of tremendous value to a potential 
enemy power. In 1944, the House Un-American Activties Committee found the 
International FAECT (CIO) to have "Communist leadership * * * strongly 

The local FAECT, chapter 37, which started out with about 10 members, ulti- 
mately had a membership of 47. It included within its membership Charles K. 
Fujimoto, present chairman of the Communist Party of Hawaii, who later played 
an active part in the merging of the Hawaii chapter of the FAECT with UOPWA 
Local 190. His wife, Eileen Fujimoto, was active in UOPWA local No. 190 and 
served as its treasurer some time after the merger. David Hyun was a member 
of the local FAECT chapter and he, too, played an active part in the merging 
of the FAECT and UOPWA locals. Hyun was recently arrested in Los Angeles, 
Calif., on a deportation warrant issued under the McCarran Act. Charles and 
Eileen Fujimoto and David Hyun have served on the executive board of the 
Communist Party of Hawaii since 1945. 

Theodore M. Lichtgarn, who was president of FAECT chapter 37 in 1945, 
is the holder of 10 shares of stock in the Honolulu Record, a Communist-front 
publication, and which is mentioned elsewhere in this report. Two other FAECT 
local No. 37 members were also active with the Inter-Professional Association, 
which is the subject of annex 5 of this report. 

Due to the high pitch of activity during 1940-45 in connection with the defense 
program and later the war effort, most of the FAECT local 37 members, being 
workers at the Navy Yard, Pearl Harbor, were not in a position to give much 
of their time to the functioning of the FAECT. However, with the war's end, 
the Communists in FAECT succeeded in merging the local chapter with UOPWA 
local No. 190, thus strengthening control over the former FAECT members who 
apparently were not aware of the Communist forces in their ranks. Eventually 
some of the former FAECT members who joined with the UOPWA after the 
merger left the newly formed union. The effect of the merger was to strengthen 
the Communist-dominated UOPAVA local No. 190 by broadening its membership 
base, and at the same time to put out of existence what could have been a worth- 
while federation of technical workers, again illustrating the rule or ruin 
technique of the Communist Party in labor organizations. 

Annex 23 
"Hawaii Star" 

In the early 1946 a small group of persons of Japanese ancestry formed an 
organization which they called Nichibei Minshu Kyokai (Japanese American 
Association for Democracy), which is described more fully in annex 15. Os- 
tensibly, the Japanese American Association for Democracy was formed to com- 
bat the so-called katta gumi group (that is, persons who believed that Japan 
had not lost the war), to give guidance in democratic thinking to backward 
Japanese residents of Hawaii, and to assist the postwar democratic movement in 
Japan. It was the consensus of the JAAD group that their organization should 
publish a democratic Japanese newspaper. 

However, there developed within the JAAD group some disagreement over the 
title of the paper. The self-styled right element preferred the title "Minshu 
Shimbun" ("Democratic News"), while the left group, led by Jack Denichi 
Kimoto, Ginjiro "Hokusan" Arashiro and Shutei Mayeshiro, succeeded in hav- 
ing adopted the name "Hawaii Star." Mr. Kimoto, who became the first editor 
of the newspaper, has a long record of Communist activity. He was cited for 
contempt of Congress as a result of his refusal to answer questions concerning his 
Communist Party membership and was subsequently indicted. The charge 
against him later was dismissed in the United States District Court for the 
District of Hawaii on the basis of his constitutional right to refuse to answer 
questions that might tend to incriminate him. 

The articles of association of the Hawaii Star, Ltd., of Honolulu, filed with 
the office of the treasurer of the Territory of Hawaii on March 14, 1947, show 


that the company was incorporated on jMarch 3, 1947, with these officers and 
directors : 

President : Denichi Kimoto 
^'ice president : Jaclv H. Kawano 
Secretary : Ginjiro Arashiro 
Treasurer : Taruji Oshiro 
Assistant Treasurer : Toliio Arashiro 
Auditors : 

Masao Nakata 

Hoyei Tengan 
Directors : 

TJta Tamanaha 

Ishu Asato 

Shutei Mayeshiro 
The affidavit of the corporation's officers filed with the Territorial treasurer 
discloses that 1,270 of the 1,500 shares of common stock (par value $10 a share) 
were subscribed for, and that the major shareholders were : 
Denichi Kimoto Ushi Oyaf uso 

Jack H. Kawano Taruji Oshiro 

Ginjiro Arashiro Uta Tamanaha 

Tokio Arashiro Shutei Mayeshiro 

Each subscribe to 100 shares except Kawano, who was listed for 50 shares. 
The company's annual exhibit as of December 31, 1940, filed with the Ter- 
ritorial treasurer, reveals that the following-named persons were officers and 
directors at the end of 1949 : 

President and secretary : Ginjiro Arashiro 
Vice president : Shutei Mayeshiro 
Treasurer : Taruji Oshiro 
Assistant treasurer : Tokio Arashiro 
Auditors : 

Masao Nakata 

Uta Tamanaha 
Directors : 

Ushi Oyafuso 

Matsukichi Ajimine 

Ishu Asato 

The corporation's deficit at the end of 1949 was declared to be $9,303.68. 

Certificates filed by the corporation with the Territorial treasurer disclose 
that Denichi Kimoto became editor on March 3, 1947, Ginjiro Arashiro succeeded 
him on August 8, 1948, and Shutei Mayeshiro, the present editor, succeeded Mr. 
Arashiro on May 1, 1949. 

Of the 59 stockholders listed in the 1949 annual exhibit, 18 were identified 
as having been somehow connected with Communist Party activities in the Ter- 
ritory of Hawaii, in testimony given before this Commission or before the con- 
gressional Committee on Un-American Activities. (Two other stockholders 
are tentatively identified in sworn testimony as Communist Party members.) 
The 18 so identified and their respective share holdings are : 

*Yasuki Arakaki : 10 shares ,, Yoshikazu Morimoto : 20 shares 

*Charles Fujimoto : 10 shares Bert H. Nakano : 5 shares 

Eileen Fujimoto : 10 shares *Tadashi Ogawa : 10 shares 

Yukinori Fujioka : 10 shares Jack T. Osakoda : 10 shares 

Saburo Fujisaki : 10 shares *Hideo Okada : 10 shares 

Carl Y. Fukumoto : 20 shares Kenji Omuro : 10 shares 

*Denichi Kimoto : 100 shares Richard Shigemitsu : 10 shares 

Robert Y. Kunimura : 10 shares *Shigeo Takemoto : 10 shares 

*Jack H. Kawano : 50 shares *Thomas Yagi : 10 shares 

(*Names so marked are of persons who were indicted for contempt of Con- 
gress, but later acquitted. ) 

Two of these persons have admitted under oath their past Communist Party 
membership. Of the 18 named above, 16 were members, officers or employees 
of the Communist-dominated ILWU. 

In addition to the 18 stockholders specifically identified with Communist Party 
activities, there are at least 9 stockholders who have been connected with Marxist 

72723— 57— pt. 41a, i 7 


and pro-U. S. S. R. activities and publications in tlie Territory of Hawaii during 
tlie past 20 years. 

Deniclii Kimoto, one of the Hawaii Star stocliholders, also owns 106 shares 
of stock in the corporation which publishes the Honolulu Record which has been 
cited as a front for the Communist Party by the House Un-American Activities 
Committee. Eileen Fujimoto also owns stock in both newspapers. Shizuyo 
(Shizuko) Kimoto, a Hawaii Star stockholder, also owns 60 shares of stock 
in the Honolulu Record. 

The Hawaii Star and the Honolulu Record have oflBces and are published at 
the same place, 811 Sheridan Street, Honolulu. 

The following is quoted from the statement of policy of the Hawaii Star pub- 
lished in its first issue, March 6, 1947 : 

I. Support democratic movement in America and Japan. 

II. Support statehood. 

III. Fight to obtain full naturalization rights for Japanese aliens. 

IV. Support all measures to further democratic education of all island 

V. Full and fair reporting on all labor-employer issues. 

VI. Emphasize human side of issues. 

VII. Opposed to all racial discrimination and promote inter-racial unity. 
For the purpose of comparing the stated policies of the Hawaii Star with the 

news items presented by it, it is of particular interest to read the English section 
of the issue of January 1, 1948. Its 13 news items bear the following headlines or 
concern the following matters : 

(a) Jack W. Hall, Communist ILWU leader, attacks the American Legion 
for alleged un-American actions. 

(b) Panic in Russia, a feature article by Alan Max praising current living 
conditions in Russia. 

(c) Americans and English allow Nazi war criminal to escape. 

(d) "Australians V^^ill Never Fight U. S. S. R." 

(e) "World Food Shortage Worsened by Dutch Blockade." 
(/) "Workers in India and Pakistan Reforge Links." 

ig) "Russians Revalue Rubles, End Rationing, Cut Prices." 

( h ) "FDR Letter to Earle Forbade Soviet Baiting." 

(i) Canadian CIO thi-eatens a strike. 

( j ) Mexican workers demand wage increase ( two items ) . 

(k) Local pineapple companies ask ILWU to open negotiations to raise 

{1} "France's Month-Long Strike Wave Ends With Basic Gains for 
It will be noted that only 2 of the 13 items are local in nature, and each of those 
concerns the Communist-dominated ILWU. Two advertisements appear in the 
English section, one by the Aahu CIO Council and the other by the Culinary 
and Service Workers' Union Local, No. 1. Both were Communist-dominated 

The first issue of the Hawaii Star was published on March 6, 1947. In its 
original form the paper was bilingual ( Japanese and English ) and continued as 
such until April 29, 1948, when the English section was discontinued. Since that 
date the Hawaii Star has been printed only in the Japanese language. It appears 
that the English language section was discontinued in anticipation of the early 
publication of the Honolulu Record, which was inaugurated shortly after the 
Hawaii Star became a Japanese language paper. 

Analysis of the English section {1947-48} 

The following persons have been identified as the writers of news stories or 
articles printed in the English section of the Hawaii Star during 1947-48 : 
(a) George Morris, a staff writer for the Daily People's World. 
(&) Israel Epstein, a staff writer for the Daily People's World, and cor- 
respondent for the Allied Labor News. 

(c) George Lohr, a committee member of the Communist Party, U. S. A., 
for the California district. 

(d) George Marion, a conrtibutor to the Daily Worker and on the staff 
of the Daily People's World. New Century Publishers, 832 Broadway, New 
York, N. Y., largest of Red publishing firms, has printed his writings. 

(e) Gino Bardi, of New Century Publishers, 832 Broadway, New York, 
N. Y., which has published his writings. 

(/) Olive Sutton, a contributor to the Daily Worker and on the staff of 
the Daily People's World. 


(g) Rupert Lockwood, Sydney, Australia, correspondent who supplies 
material to the Daily Worker. 

(h) Anna Louise Strong, a staff writer on the Daily People's World and 
former editor of the Moscow News. Her name appears as an author in a 
bibliography issued by the National Council of American-Soviet Friendship 
in connection with its plan for penetrating the school system by distributing 
kits of teaching materials on the Soviet Union. 

(i) Joseph Starobin, foreign editor of the Daily Worker on the staff of 
Daily People's World, and a contributor to Political Affairs, the official Com- 
munist Party monthly theoretical organ formerly known as the Communist, 
published by the Communist Party, U. S. A. 

(;■) Alan Max, managing editor of the Daily Worker, and on the staff of 
the Daily People's World. He was one of the instructors or guest lecturers 
who also conducted forums at the subversive Jefferson School of Social 
Science, 575 Avenue of the Americas, New York City. 

(fc) Norman Ross, assistant to the chairman of the Communist Party, 
U.s.a., District of New York. 

(l) Abner W. Berry, associate editor and contributor to Political Affairs. 
Member of the editorial board of the Michigan Herald published by the 
People's Educational Publishing Association, 1419 Grand River, Detroit, 
Mich. The Michigan Herald was Communist initiated and controlled, 

(m) Albert Maltz, 1 of the Hollywood 10 convicted for contempt follow- 
ing the hearings of the House Un-American Activities Committee regarding 
Communist infiltration of the motion-picture industry. 

(n) Herbert J. Biberman, 1 of the Hollywood 10 likewise convicted for con- 

(o) Paul Robeson, well known for bis pro-Communist and pro-U. S. S. R. 
sympathies and activities. 

ip) Aiko T. Reinecke, who was dismissed by the Department of Public 
Instruction, Territory of Hawaii, for Communist activities. 
News services serving as sources for material published by the Hawaii Star 

(a) Labor Research Association, which was cited as subversive and an 
affiliate of the Communist Party by the United States Attorney General's 
Office in a letter of the Loyalty Review Board. 

(ft) Allied Labor News, an iuteruational Communist news service. 

(c) Federated Press, which was also cited as a Communist-controlled or- 
ganization by the House Committee on Un-American Activities in 1944 and 
by the California committee in 1948. 
Cartoons by A. Redfield, whose works have been noted in the Honolulu Record 
and the Daily People's World, have also appeared in the Hawaii Star. 

The following articles which appeared in the Hawaii Star are typical of its 
propaganda line : 

(a) The text of Henry A. Wallace's speech which the Hawaii Star staled 
was suppressed by almost every newspaper in the country (April 17 and 
24, 1947). The Daily People's World ran similar copy. 

(6) An article by George Lohr entitled, "Soviet 5- Year Plan Report Shows 
Amazing Recovery" (April 24, 1947) . 

(c) An article by Israel Epstein captioned, "Greece, China Provide 
Grounds for World Suspicion of United States Aims" (July 3, 1947). 

(d) An article by Anna Louise Strong, "North Korea 'Wagner Act' 
Guarantees Workers Rights" (October 16, 1947) . 

(e) An article by Gladys Carter entitled, "Religious Leader Writes of 
U. S. S. R. To Promote Understanding." Statements from Dr. Hewlett 
Johnson's book "Soviet Russia Since the War" are quoted (October 20. 1947). 

(/) An article entitled, "First Victims of Witch Hunt — Two School 
Teachers Suspended on Suspicion of 'Red' Activities" (December 4, 1947). 
Its reference to Dr. and Mrs. John E. Reinecke. 

(g) A reproduction of the Communist Party of Hawaii leaflet explaining 
its program is published (March 11, 1948). The Hawaii Star reported that 
it had received the leaflet in the mail a few weeks earlier. Before quoting 
the leaflet in full, the news item features a statement in the leaflet that the 
ultimate aim of the Communist Party is "establishment of socialism by the 
free choice of the American people," thus stressing this by quoting it twice 
in the same article. 
In the June 19, 1947, issue an article appears on "Chiang's 'Democracy' De- 
scribed in Poetry." This was before the fall of Chiang's government. The item 


carries a poem describing how Chinese students feel about the "democratically 
reorganized" government of Chiang Kai-shek. The poem, entitled "Speaking of 
Democracy," originally appeared in the Yanchung University News, and is quoted 
here in full : 

"Life is bitter, life is cruel, 

Look at China and the people's rule ; 

You're the people, I'm the rule, 

What I say you must do, you fool ; 

You plow the field in heat and rain, 

I have barns to store your grain ; 

You spin cotton in grief and pain ; 

I sell the cloth and reap the gain ; 

You set the brick and lay the tile, 

I move in and live in style ; 

The young and strong must soldiers be. 

Shoulder a gun and fight for me ; 

You thick-skinned workers, rough and green 

Are nothing but a 'live machine' ; 

When I see your sweating brow 

You remind me of a cow ; 

I skin you and eat you, 

1 strip you and beat you ; 

And if my orders you resist. 

Of course you are a Communist." 
The apparent intent of publishing of this poem was to put over the idea that 
Chiang's opposition was not communism, but was the oppressed populace rising 
against him. 

Analysis of recent issues {in Japanese) 

An analysis of the newspaper's Japanese language reporting was also made. 
In contrast to the English language section, where many news items appeared 
under the bylines of well-known Communists or Communist smypathizers, the 
Japanese language news items only occasionally mention such writers by name. 
The general presentation of news in the Japanese section follows closely the 
Communist Party line in the same fashion as did the newspaper's English section. 

Translations of Hawaii Star news items and other contents covering the periods 
from May 1, 1950, to July 31, 1950, and from September 25, 1950, to November 27, 
1950, were studied. This publication's strict adherence to the Communist Party 
line is evidenced by the following news items : 

May 1, 1950 

(a) Report on Stockholm Peace Conference with news slanted along Communist 

(&) Criticism of the Hawaii Times editorial which suggested that Communists 
be sent back to the mainland. 

(c) A translation of "Mugity Wumpus," written by Mike Quin and distributed 
in Honolulu by the HCLC during the April 1950, HUAC hearings. 

May 8, 1950 

(a) Red China's foreign minister denounces America as imperialistic and 
warns America to keep hands off. 

(&) Denounces General MacArthur for action taken against the Communist 
Party of Japan. Claims that communism must have its good points for half the 
world to have come to accept it voluntarily. 

(c) Editorial criticizes policy of Western Powers in Western Germany, Claims 
that they, rather than U. S. S. R., hamper unification and independence of Ger- 

May 15, 1950 

(a) Statement of Vice Premier of Chinese People's Republic blaming Chiang 
regime for distress and suffering. 


May 29, 1950 

(a) Feature story on German unification movement carried on by youth Com- 
munist groups of Eastern Germany. 

( b ) Comments on Communist China with great favor. 

June 5, 1950 

(a) Article translated from the Hsin Hua Pao, of Peiping, China, which pre- 
dicts the eventual liberation of the Asiatic races from the hands of imperialistic 

( &) Editorial criticizes occupation policy in Japan and praises anti-imperialism 
strikes and demonstrations of university students. 

June 12, 1950 

(a) Feature story on King Leopold calls him a Nazi sypathizer and states 
laboring classes are against him. 

(6) Editorial criticizing General MacArthur's purge of the Communist Party 
in Japan. 

June 19, 1950 

(a) News story on 2 American officers, 1 in Japan and 1 in Czechoslovakia, 
who gave up their American citizenship to become world citizens. 

(7)) Editorial criticizing Hawaii Times editorial on Suppression of Commu- 
nist Party of Japan. Claims Hawaii Times editor is ignorant of true state of 
world affairs. 

June 26, 1950 

(a) Translation of article by a Lieutenant General Smith concerning Soviet 
Russia. Article is used to reveal the patriotism of the Russian youths and the 
tilting of the balance of power toward Soviet Russia. 

{h) First news item on Korean war uses penetration rather than invasion 
to describe the North Korean action. 

July 10, 1950 

(a) Editorial lauding North Koreans as part of the movement to liberate 

(&) Korean war news slanted favorably toward the Communist cause. 

July 17, 1950 

(a) Editorial on superiority of Russian weapons on Korean front. Denounces 
the idea that criticism of Soviet Russia signifies patriotism to the United States. 
(&) Korean war news slanted favorably toward Communist cause. 

(c) Editorial lampooning the organization of anti-Communist groups. 

July 24, 1950 

(a) Editorial comparing the Korean war with the situation that existed at 
the time of the birth of the U. S. S. R. 

(&) Article by Howard Fast claiming that the American public is against 
war and wants peace. (Fast is an editor of New Masses, Mainstream, and a 
staff writer for the Daily People's World.) 

(c) A translation of the Communist Party of Hawaii leaflet, "Prevent World 
War III. 

July 31, 1950 

(a) An article by Dr. Yoshitaru Hirano, official of the National Democratic 
Federation of Japan, blaming outbreak of the Korean war on the South Korean 

(&) Korean war news favorable to the Communist cause. 

September 25, 1950 

(a) Editorial criticizes America's intervention in Korea. 
(&) Editorial on President Truman's move to defend Formosa. Describes 
British reaction as unfavorable to such policy and that British sentiment is 


"leave Korea to the Koreans." Plays up South Korean police atrocities as 
United States Army atrocities. 

October 2, 1950 

(ft) News on French Indo-China situation with reporting of Communist vic- 
tories only. 

(&) Editorial on Korean war, using statements against American interven- 
tion in Korea made by various delegates to the World Protestants Convention. 

(c) Statement of the HCLC criticizing the McCarran Act. 

October 9, 1950 

(a) An article on liberation of Formosa, reportedly reprinted from Tai Kung 
Pao, published in Hong Kong. States that world war III will not occur if 
Communist China takes positive action, just as the North Koreans have done 
in Korea. 

(6) Criticizes CIO action in ousting ILWU and cites Philip Murray as an 
advocate of war. 

October 16, 1950 

(o) Article from Tai Kung Pao stating that the liberation of Formosa will 
be the stop gap against the aggression of imperialistic nations. 

(b) Tokyo dispatch on Korea's greatest dancer, Sai Sho-ki, reportedly work- 
ing for the people's government north of the .3Sth parallel. 

October 28, 1050 

(ft) News on Asiatic people's convention held in Tokyo. Trend of discussion 
follows Communist Party line. Cause of Korean war laid to imperialistic 

(6) News of the battle of words between Malik and Austin before United 
Nations Security Council presented in a favorable light toward Malik. 

(c) Report of Dr. Mui's radio broadcast from Peking criticizing MacArthur's 
occupation policy and expi-essing hope that the people of Japan will awaken and 
rise up for their independence. (Dr. Mui was China's representative in the 
International Military Tribunal for the Far East.) 

October 30, 1950 

(a) Article on second World Peace Conference to be held in England, and 
statement issued by Frederic Joliet-Curie, leading French Communist. 

(ft) Quotes a dispatch from Moscow relative to the housing program in Mos- 
cow and other projects for the betterment of living conditions as signs of peace- 
ful intentions of Soviet Russia. 

(c) Digest of Henry Cu Kim's editorial in the Kox'ean National Herald, weekly 
published in Honolulu, which denounces American atrocities in Korea. 

(d) War news on concentration of 300,000 Chinese troops near Korean border 
and recognition of Red China by Tibet. 

November 6, 1950 

(ft) Editorial relative to the establishment of a People's Government on Hok- 
kaido and criticism of the jourge beinic conducted against Communists in Japan 
as a measure toward propagation of militarism in Japan. 

(b) Item on corruption in the Philippines Government and a statement issued 
by Luis Taruc, leader of the Hukbalahups. 

(c) Letter from a Japanese nurse working for the Chinese Red Army in 
China in which she praises the Communist regime and states that she would like 
to see the day when the same conditions prevail in Japan. 

(d) Carries a Los Angeles dispatch on racial discrimination against Nisei war 

November 13, 1950 

(ft) Reprint of an article in World Knowledge, a weekly published in Peiping. 
The theme is Asia for the Asiatics, and therefore Communist China has an ab- 
solute right to decide the fate of Korea. 

(ft) Regards Communist China's intervention in Korea as evidence of the 
struggle of the Asiatic peoples against imperialism and classifies the recent revolt 


in Puerto Rico in a similar category, denying the existence of any tie-in of the 
President's assassination attempt with the Communist Party. 

(c) Comment on the report that the United Nations has finally given in to 
the proposal of having a representative of Communist China present her views 
before the United Nations Security Council. 

November 20, 1950 

(a) Reprint of a statement appearing in Tai Kung Pao which describes the 
United Nations merely as a tool of the United States and Great Britain. 

(b) Editorial criticizes the inconsistency of the American principle of observ- 
ing Thanksgiving on one hand and sending war materials to China and Korea on 
the other. 

(c) Photograph of a group of Ku Klux Klan members meeting under a fiery 
cross, contrasting this with America's intervention in Korea for democracy's sake. 

November 27, 19.50 

(a) Editorial on Formosa question. Explains U. N. invitation to Red China's 
delegation as an indication of a rift between England and America. 

(&) Denounced Dr. Schwartz, who gave a talk against communism, at a Ki- 
wanis club meeting in Honolulu, as a fake. 

In analyzing the material published in the Hawaii Star, the Communist Party 
line is strongly evident. Soviet Russia and her satellites are always presented in 
a favorable light. The Communist Party, its front organizations, and Communist- 
controlled unions are similarly presented. The newspaper's treatment of Ameri- 
can foreign policy is highly critical particularly towards that aimed at curbing 
the spread of international communism. Labor strife on the domestic and foreign 
scenes is strongly highlighted and slanted from the class struggle angle. High 
prices, labor legislation, record profits, land monopoly, lynchings, and racial 
prejudice are treated in a manner aimed to suit the puiiJoses of the Communists. 
Local Communists and sympathizers and local Communist-fronts and infiltrated 
organizations are always given favorable publicity. 

Annex 24 
Honolulu Record 

The Honolulu Record, published at 811 Sheridan Street, Honolulu, by the Hono- 
lulu Record Publishing Co., Ltd., a Hawaiian corporation, has already been the 
subject of a report by the Committee on Un-American Activities, United States 
House of Representatives. The committee's conclusion, stated in its report dated 
October 1, 1950, is quoted in part : 

"The Committee on Un-American Activities after analysis and investigation of 
the Honolulu Record since its first issue of August 5, 1948, draws the inevitable 
conclusion that the Honolulu Record is a front for the Communist Party, despite 
the fact that the paper does not make this adjnission. 

"It should be noted in this connection that during the past decade all Com- 
munist publications have gone to great lengths to give the impression of having 
no direct connections with the Communist Party. Even oflicial publications of 
the Communist Party of the U. S. A. have terminated such designation since 1936 
and appear instead as organs of certain publishing companies formed for that spe- 
cial purpose. The Honolulu Record conforms to this pattern completely. 

"The Committee on Un-American Activities would like to point out that the 
success of such a newspaper, dedicated to disseminating Communist propaganda, 
depends upon support from deluded liberals. The Communists recognize that 
most Americans would not knowingly support the Communist Party, and there- 
fore have devised various front organizations and publications so as to ensnare 
the unwary liberal. The latter serves to add prestige to the Communist front 
and to attract other non-Communist support * * *" 

Only significant additional information is reported in this appendix. 

The first issue of Honolulu Record appeared on August 5, 1948, shortly after the 
Hawaii Star, a bilingual (Japanese and English) publication had discontinued 
its English section (see annex 23). Prior to its first issue, the publisher of 
the Honolulu Record put out a sample copy of its proposed paper in which its 
prospectus was contained. The sample copy appeared on July 1, 1948, under the 
name of Pacific Record. The sample copy stated that the proposed weekly would 
be a liberal publication, patterned after PM, the New York daily. 


The content of the Pacific Record issue appears to have been shaped to give 
prospective stockholders and readers a favorable impression and to avoid the 
appearance of being a Communist-line publication. A double-page spread, con- 
taining the prospectus, also carried the endorsements of a dozen persons prom- 
inent in Hawaii. (Five of the twelve endorsers have been identified as Com- 
munist Party members in the postwar period.) Certain of these endorsements 
imply the approval of the ILWU leadership, which approval has continued. 

While the Honolulu Record has never declared itself to be a Commimist organ, 
its articles: 

(1) Consistently support the Communists. 

(2) Denounce or attack anti-Communist activity, particularly loyalty 

(3) Support local, national, and international Communist-front organiza- 

(4) Support Communist-dominated trade unions. 

(5) Promote racial friction through inflammatory presentation of inter- 
racial matters. 

(6) Attack the Federal and Territorial Governments, their policies, and 

Among the American Communists it has mentioned favorably are Dr. John E. 
Reinecke, Celeste Strack, Charles K. Fujimoto, Harry Bridges, William Z. Foster, 
Eugene Dennis, and William Schneiderman. It has similarly mentioned Joseph 
Stalin, Maurice Thorez, and Palmiro Togliatti. In addition, it has favored the 
Communists of Indonesia, China, the Philippines, France, Italy, Greece, and 
Japan. It has also supported the 11 leaders of the Communist Party, U. S. A., 
who were convicted in New York of violating the Smith Act, and also the "Holly- 
wood 10" who were found guilty of contempt of Congress. 

Among the matters which have been opposed or presented unfavorably by the 
Honolulu Record are such as : 

Elizabeth Bentley, ex-Communist 

The Federal Bureau of Investigation 

The Committee on Un-American Activities, United States House of Representa- 

The California Senate Committee on Un-American Activities 

Loyalty charges against WiUiam W. Remington, (who has since been convicted 
of perjury for denying Communist Party affiliation) 

The prosecution of Harry Bridges, and 

Investigations of Russian espionage in the United States. 

Communist-front oi'ganizations which have been mentioned favorably by the 
Honolulu Record include: 

Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee ( now known as Hawaii Civil Rights Congress ) 

Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy 

California Labor School 

Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, 

Cultural and Scientific Conference for World Peace, 

Civil Rights Congress, 

Council on African Affairs. 

Among the Communist-led unions which have been reported on favorably in 
the Honolulu Record are : 

International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union 

United Public Workers of America 

United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers Union 

Food, Tobacco and Agricultural Workers Union 

National Union of Marine Cooks & Stewards 

United Office and Professional Workers of America 

Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers Union. 

In this connection it is interesting to note the financial support given the 
Honolulu Record by some of these unions in the form of advertising. In its an- 
niversary issue of August 3, 1950, of approximately 713 inches of advertising, 
about half was placed by 3 local labor organizations, the ILWU, the UPWA, and 
the Independent Taxi Drivers Union, an affiliate of the UPWA. The ILWU 
had all of the advertising space except 3-inch advertisements by the other 2 
unions. There also appeared in the anniversary edition a 9-inch advertisement 
by the subversive Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee, and a 6-inch advertisement 
by the Communist-line newspaper, Hawaii Stai*. 


The 1950 Christmas issue of the Honolulu Record carries approximately 75G 
inches of advertising, about 319 inches of which were placed in the name of the 
ILWU. The UPWA had a 4-ineh advertisement, while the Hawaii Civil Rights 
Congress had a 9-inch advertisement. 

The conclusion is inescapable that the Honolulu Record has been fostering a 
campaign of race hatred, under the guise of trying to foster racial unity. Frank 
Marshall Davis, who writes a column each week under the caption, "Speaking 
Frank-ly," has written in one sentence the best evidence of his own corrosive 
philosophy: "If color discrimination were not the national policy of the real 
rulers of America, there would be no wage differential between west coast and 
Hawaiian stevedores." Davis also praisetl Paul Robeson for his statement that 
Negroes would not "join in a war of aggression against Russia." 

This Commission knows of no instance wherein the Honolulu Record has 
criticized Soviet Russia adversely, but that newspaper has many times criticized 
United States policy and American democracy. Columnist Davis best sums up 
the newspaper's attitude toward America with his remark, made in July 1949, 
that "Democracy today lies weak and slowly dying." 

Because this newspaper has been consistently and unequivocally furthering a 
line that is disseminated by the Communist press on the mainland, this Com- 
mission must conclude that the Honolulu Record willingly occupies a place in 
the international Communist propaganda apparatus. This conclusion is forti- 
fied by the fact that its stockholders as of August 31, 1950, included a number 
of identified Communist Party members and Communist-led labor organizations, 
and its contributors and solicitors have included Communists. 

Annex 25 

American Student Union 

The American Student Union (ASU) was a national organization of students 
which was formed in Columbus, Ohio, in 1935 by a merger of the Student League 
for Industrial Democracy and the National Student League. The ASU had 
chapters on campuses of many American universities and colleges, including the 
University of Hawaii. 

The ASU has been classified as a Communist-front organization or as a sub- 
versive group by the Committee on Un-American Activities, United States House 
of Representatives, and by investigating committees of California, New York, and 

The first evidence of activity of the ASU on the campus of the University of 
Hawaii was in April 1936. Two exchange students, one from Earlham Univer 
sity, Richmond, Ind., and the other from the University of California, led a 
peace strike on the University of Hawaii campus on April 22, 1936. About 200 
I)ersons assembled at the old football field to hear the two leaders. The peace 
strike was none too peaceful. An opposition group composed of university stu- 
dents hurled eggs and tomatoes at the two leaders and finally threw them both 
into the campus swimming pool. 

An article in the April 22, 1936, issue of the Honolulu Star Bulletin (luotes one 
of the leaders of the strike as saying, "We must realize we are not meeting here 
alone. Hundreds of thousands of others are meeting all over the mainland." 
In the same issue of that newspaper appeared the following dispatch : 

"(Associated Press by wireless) 

"Thousands of college and high school students in the United States left class- 
rooms today to participate in the third annual demonstration against war spon- 
sored by the American Student Union." 

The 1938 report of the Massachusetts committee which investigated subversive 
activity states (at p. 171) : 

"In April of each year the Yoimg Communist League and affiliated oragniza- 
tions conduct a student peace strike. In 1937 this took place on April 22." 

It is interesting to note that the 1935-37 ASU peace strikes were held on the 
birthday of V. I. Lenin, who was born on April 22, 1870. 

Evidence of ASU-inspired activity on the local campus was next noted in the 
March 12, 1938, issue of the University of Hawaii student newspaper, Ka Leo O 
Hawaii. An article in that paper announced : 

Anti-Fascists to Hold Contest : Offer $1,000 in Prizes for Best Paper on Signifi- 
cance of Spain Democracy Struggle. 


The sponsors of this essay contest were listed as the League of American 
Writers, in conjtinction with the ASU and the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, all three 
of which organizations have been classified as Communist-front groups. The 
general topic of the contest was the Anti-Fascist Struggle in Spain Today and 
Its Relation to the Welfare of the American Citizen of Tomorrow. In the fall 
of 1938 several older students arrived in Honolulu as merchant seamen and 
enrolled at the university. These students were the leaders in promoting inter- 
est in forming a local chapter of the ASU, and are generally credited with having 
been responsible for the eventual formation of a chapter of the ASU at the 
University of Hawaii. 

About October, 1938, steps were taken to establish on the local campus a formal 
chapter of the ASU. A prospectus outlining the ostensible aims of the organiza- 
tion and a copy of the ASU constitution were filed with the proper university 
authorities. According to the prospectus, the ASU stood for : 

"Peace — It seeks to make America a positive force for peace. 

"Freedom — It defends students' and teachers' rights. It seeks to make the 
campus a genuine fortress of democracy. 

"Security — It favors extension of Federal student aid as embodied in American 
Youth Act. It supports the building of student cooperatives. 

"Equality — It campaigns for educational opportunities regardless of class 
or race. It condemns discrimination against minority groups. 

"The ASU is independent of any political party. It welcomes into its ranks 
anyone who wishes to act on one or all of the issues outline in its program. 
The ASU, in cooperation with labor and other progressive groups, is dedicated 
to the realization of a society of peace and plenty. Dues are $1 payable in 2 
installments — 50 cents for membership in the national organization and 50 
cents to defray expenses of the University of Hawaii chapter." 

The constitution of the organization, as filed with university authorities, con- 
tained these provisions, among others : 

"Articles I — Purposes. 

"1. The University of Hawaii chapter of the American Student Union (here- 
inafter designated as 'chapter') is an aflSiliate of the national American Stu- 
dent Union. As such it subscribes to the general policies of the national body, 
but reserves the right to act freely according to local situations and needs. 

"2. The chapter is in no way connected with any political party, labor union, 
or any other organizaiton. However, it is the chapter's right to support any of 
those that merit its attention. 

"3. The chapter shall work for the principles of democracy — their preserva- 
tion and extension into all branches of life. It shall work toward this end on 
the campus, in community life, and in the world society. 

"Article II. — Membership. 

"1. Any student, graduate student, alumnus, or faculty member who sub- 
scribes to the policies of the chapter is eligible for membership." 

The Student Council of the University of Hawaii voted down recognition of 
the ASU by a vote of 6 to 4 in November 1938. A second request for recognition 
of the local ASU chapter was submitted to the Student Council. A student editor 
of Ka Leo O Hawaii urged the Student Council to vote recognition of the ASU, 
stating that while some chapters of the national ASU had been dubbed com- 
munistic, he did not believe the local chapter was of that nature. Further, he 
Wrote, as far as could be ascertained, the local organization was concerned chiefly 
with maintaining freedom of academic thought, democratization of industry, and 
preservation of democracy. 

In December 1938, the Student Council voted, 8 to 5, to recognize the ASU on 
the University of Hawaii campus. At about the same time, a student poll was 
taken on the campus with the following results : 40.7 percent of the students 
questioned favored recognition of the ASU chapter; 17.8 percent opposed it; and 
41.5 percent were indifferent. 

The University of Hawaii chapter, after being recognized, began holding peace 
meetings and came out against military training. Their anti-military-training 
Stand created strong resentment on the part of the ROTC students and other 
advocates of military training. This peace program of the ASU was in con- 
formity with the Communist line then in effect and being implemented by such 
pro-Communist organizations as the national ASU. 

Lack of interest in the ASU on the local campus caused the organization to 
become defunct around 1940. It was formally declared inactive December 18, 
1947, by the university authorities. 


Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance to 
the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organiza- 
tion in this index. 



Aahu CIO Council 2674 

Aala Park, Honolulu 2599 

A. F. of L 2609, 2629 

Abe, Yukio 2610, 2667 

Abe, Mrs 2610 

Abraham Lincoln Brigade 2682 

Ackerman, Walter D., Sr 2647, 2648 

Aiea 2615 

Ajimine, Matsukichi 2673 

Akana, John L 2622 

Akita, Fukuichi 2617 

Alaska 2588 

Allied Labor News (news service) 2675 

American Friends of the Chinese People (Hawaii) 2590, 2626, 2628, 2629 

American League for Peace and Democracy 2628 

American Student Union 2604, 2644, 2681, 2682 

American Veterans Committee (Honolulu) 2640 

American Youth for Democracy 2605, 2634, 2637 

Andersen, George R 2600 

"Antiwar View," by Fukuichi Akita 2617 

Arakaki, Yasuki 2595, 2613, 2614, 2617, 2673 

Arashiro, Ginjiro "Hokusan" 2586, 2587, 2621, 2663, 2672, 2673 

Arashiro, Matsuki 2613 

Arashiro, Tokio 2673 

Arena, Ernest 2609, 2610 

Argenbright, Harriet 2661 

Ariyoshi, KoicM 2645 

Ariyoshi, Koji 2600, 2645, 2667 

Asato, Isao 2673 

Associated Students of the University of Hawaii 2636 


Bardi, Gino 2674 

Bartlett, Francis H., Jr 2624 

Bassett, W. K 2667 

Bentley, Elizabeth 2680 

Berry, Abner W 2675 

Biberman, Herbert J 2675 

Biddle, Attorney General 2643 

Borthwick, Mr 2612 

Brewery Workers Union 2611 

Bridges, Harry Renton 2588, 2589, 2611~2~6~68, 2670, 2671, 2680 

Bristow, Cyril 2662 26(54 

Bristow, Elizabeth "IIIII'II... 2609, 261(ii,' 2630 

Browder, Earl '_ 2641 

Bryson, Hugh 2;.',;8, 2669 

Budenz, Louis F 2588 

Buffins, Robert Lester 2632 




California 2589, 2595, 2599, 2613, 2614 

California Committee on Un-American Activities 2644^2646 

California Labor School 2594, 2646, 2668, 2680 

California State Board of Education 2658-2660 

Canton, China . 2596 

Capitalism, by Govlenko 2618 

Carter, Gladys 2675 

Castle & Cooke branch 2593.2612 

Chan, Hansu 2629 

Chiang Kai-shek 2629, 2675, 2676 

Chicago Emergency Peace Mobilization 2627 

Child, Linzy C 2647,2648 

China Today (publication) 2628,2629 

Christian Science Monitor 2599 

Christopher, Mrs. Catherine 2638 

Church of the Crossroads Peace Study Group 2625, 2633 

CIO 2609, 2629, 2644, 2661, 2666, 2668, 2671, 2678 

CIO Political Action Committee (CIO-PAC) 2594, 

2596, 2605, 2639, 2640, 2662, 2664 

Citizen.s' Political Action Committee 2594, 2639 

Civil Rights Congress 2598, 2600, 2605, 2680 

CMU Convention 2612 

Combs, R. E 2658 

Cominform 2585 

Comintern 2585,2586 

Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy 2680 

Committee for Maritime Unity 2612 

Communist, The (publication) 2641 

Communist International (Comintern) 2585,2628 

Communist Manifesto, The 2603, 2636 

Communist Party of California 2601 

Communist Party of Hawaii 2586, 2588-2593, 2595, 2596, 2598-2600, 

2602, 2603, 2605, 2608, 2609, 2613, 2623, 2630, 2634, 2638, 2675 

Central Committee of 2590 

Executive board 2592, 2605 

Territorial convention 2595 

1946 Territorial convention 2594 

Comparative Analysis of Hawaii Youth for Democracy aud American 

Youth for Democracy .__ 2637, 2638 

"Congratulations on the Progress of the Maui Doshi Kai," by Itomura 2616 

Cohsejo Nacional, S. J. A 2626 

Consolidated waterfront local , 2612 

Cooley, James 2611 

Council on African Affairs 2680 

Crosby, George W 2629 

Crouch, Paul 2586 

Crummins, Sgt. Murray 2630 

Cu Kim, Henry 2678 

Culinary and Service Workers Union (CIO) 2611, 2668, 2670, 2674 

Cultural and Scientific Conference for World Peace 2680 

Curran, President (NMU) 2611 

Cushingham, Francis 2647, 2648 

Cvetie, Matthew 2605 


Daily People's World (publication) 2596, 

2600, 2601, 2611, 2628, 2664, 2668, 2669, 2675, 2677 

Daily Worker 2599, 2611, 2630, 2674, 2675 

Davis, Frank Marshall 2638, 2681 

Davis, Lena 2671 

Dennis, Eugene 2602, 2680 

Dennis, Tom 2630 

Department of Public Instruction (DPI) 2644, 2645, 2647, 2648, 2657, 2675 

Dispatcher, The (publication) 2613 

INDEX iir 


District 13 (Sau Francisco) 2586, 2590, 2591, 2593, 2595 

Doyle, Easter 2611, 2662, 2668 

Dry Dock Workers Union 2611 


Eleventh Street, 80 East, New York 2642 

Elias, John 2612 

Engels, Freiderich 2602, 2603 

Epstein, Henry 2667, 2669' 2670 

Epstein, Israel 2674, 2675 

Eskovitz, Rudolph 2630, 2667 


Fames, Lois Barbara 2667 

Farrington, Joseph R 2657 

Fast, Howard 2677 

Federated Press 2675 

P^ederation of Architects, Engineers, Chemists, and Technicians,. 2594, 2671, 2672 
"First Victims of Witch Hunt — Two School Teachers Suspended on Sus- 
picion of 'Red' Activities" 2675 

Flaxer, Abram 2669 

Food, Tobacco and Agricultural Workers Union 2680 

Foster, William Z 2586, 2603, 2680 

Frank, Waldo 2629 

Frazer, D. M 2647, 2648 

Freeman, Dwight James 2586, 2595, 2603 

Freeman, James 2592, 2613, 2614 

Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade 2626 

Fujimoto, Charles K 2586, 

2592, 2596, 2598, 2600, 2603, 2605, 2607, 2610, 2612, 2613, 2631, 2633, 
2636, 2638, 2657, 2661, 2662, 2664, 2665, 2667, 2671-2673, 2680. 

Fujimoto, Eileen T 2603, 2609, 

2612, 2613, 2630, 2631, 2633, 2638, 2661, 2662, 2664, 2667, 2671-2674 

Fujioka, Yukinori 2673 

Fijisaki, Saburo 2673 

Fukuda, Yoruku 2612 

Fukmnoto, Carl Y 2673 


Garroway, Mrs. R. A 2661 

Gasoline and Oil Drivers Union, Local 904 2611 

Gladstein, Richard 2668 

Goto, George 2602 

Greene, Robert 2603. 2667 

Greenwell, Sherwood 2647, 2648 

Guinier, Eugenie "Genii" 2630 

Guinier, W. O. (jg.) Ewart 2630,2631,2645,2670 


Haguruma (translated "Gear" or "Cog- Wheel") (publication) 2587. 2588 

Haiku 2617, 2622 

Hale, Helene 2647-2649 

Hale, William 2647-2649 

HaU, Jack W 2588-2590, 

2592, 2602, 2605, 2609-2614, 2624, 2626, 2630, 2631, 2667, 2674 

Hall, Yoshiko 2611, 2667 

Hawaii (island) 2588, 2595. 2610, 2642 

Hawaii Association for Civic Unity 2592, 2630, 2632-2634, 2662 

Hawaii branch 2593 

Hawaii Civil Liberties Committee (HCLC — subsequently Hawaii Civil 
Rights Congress) 2583, 2594-2596, 2598, 2603, 2605, 2608, 

2633, 2638, 2644, 2661, 2663-2666, 2668-2670, 2676, 2678, 2680 
Hawaii Civil Rights Congress 2596, 

2600, 2605, 2608, 2644, 2661, 2665, 2666, 2667-2669, 2680, 2681 



Hawaii Education Association ^ 2644 

Hawaii Korean community '. 2596 

Hawaii Star (Communist line weekly publication in Honolulu) 2586, 

2595, 2600, 2601, 2663, 2672-2680 

"Hawaii, A Story of Imperialist Plunder" 2642 

Hawaii Times 2676, 2677 

Hawaii Youth for Democracy 2592, 

2603, 2605, 2610, 2611, 2631, 2634-2637, 2661 

Hawaii Yuai Kai 2615 

Hawaiian Book Exchange 2643 

Hawaiian proletarian movement 2620, 2621 

Haywood, Morgan 2611 

Hibana (Spark) (publication) 2587, 2588, 2615, 2617, 2621. 2622 

Hickam Field, Oahu 2632 

Higa 2617 

Higa, Rev, Gashu "Seikan" 2663 

Hilo 2586, 2588, 2593, 2599, 2612 

Hilo Industrial Union Council 2626 

Hirano, Dr. Yoshitaru 2677 

Ho, Wallace 2610-2612, 2662, 2608, 2669 

Hollywood Ten 2675 

Honokaa 2642, 2645 

Honokaa Junior High School 2642 

Honolulu Advertiser (publication) 2596, 2622 

Honolulu Advertiser and Star-Bulletin 2669 

Honolulu Consumers' Council (formerly Honolulu Consumers' Commit- 
tee) 2661,2662 

Honolulu Forum 2590, 2623, 2628 

Honolulu Labor Canteen__ 2591, 2592, 2602, 2629-2632, 2634, 2644, 2645, 2669, 2670 
Honolulu Record (publication) 2583, 2596, 2600, 

2633, 2638, 2646, 2648, 2661, 2666-2670, 2672, 2674, 2675, 2677, 2680, 


Honolulu Record Publishing Co 2679 

Honolulu Star-Bulletin (publication) 2639, 2665, 2669, 2681 

Honolulu taxi drivers 2611 

Hoopili, Mr 2612 

Hsin Hua Pao (publication) 2677 

Huberman, Leo 2646 

Huelo 2617 

Hyuu, Alice 2609, 2630, 2631 

Hvun, David 2592, 2602, 2612, 2613, 2662, 2666, 2671, 2672 

Hyim, Mrs. David 2661 

Hyim, Peter 2609 


Imori, Koichi 2605, 2609-2611, 2633, 2661, 2662 

Independent Taxi Drivers Union 2670 

Information Bureau of the Communist Parties (Cominform) 2585 

Ing, Herman P 2662 

Inouye, Douglas 2662 

Internatioanl Association of Machinists 2611 

International Labor Defense 2628, 2665 

International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union ( ILWU ) 2588, 

2593, 2595, 2596, 2600, 2601, 2606, 2611-2613, 2626, 2629, 2630, 2645, 
2646, 2662, 2664, 2667, 2668, 2673, 2678, 2680, 2681. 

Local 136 2613 

Local 137 2610, 2612 

Local 142 2645 

Local 144 2613 

Local 150 2610 

ILWU-PAC 2612, 2634 

ILWU Pavilion at Pier 11, Honolulu 2596, 2610 

International Longshore Workers Union 2589 

International Pamphlets, 799 Broadway, New York, N. Y 2642 

International Publishers 2602 

International Publishers of New York 2642 

International Students Congress 2636 

International Students Day 2636 

International Union of Students 2634 

International Workers Order 2628 

International Workers of the World 2588 

Interprofessional Association, Honolulu chapter (subsequently Honolulu 

Forum) 2589-2591, 2602, 2604, 2605, 2623-2629, 2631, 2644, 2661, 2672 

Itoniura 2616 

Iznka, Ichiro 2589, 2593, 2602, 2609, 2610, 2633, 2636, 2662, 2668, 2669 

JAAD (Japanese American Association for Democracy) 2595 

Jinbo, Genjiro 2663 

Johnson, Dorothy 2656 

Johnson, Rev. Hewlett ("Red Dean of Canterbury") 2603, 2675 

Johnson, Joe 2668 

Joint Anti-Pascist Refugee Committee 2680 

Joliet-Curie, Frederic 2678 


Kaahawinui, Ben "Big Nose" 2612 

Kageyama, Richard M 2602, 2606, 2670 

Kaheka 2617 

Kahuku 2613 

Kahului 2617, 2622 

Kaihee Street, 1526 (Honolulu) 2603, 2611 

Kaimuki branch 2593, 2610, 2636 

Kaimuki High School 2657, 2658 

Ka Leo O Hawaii (University of Hawaii student publication) 2636, 2661 

Kamoku, Harry Lehua 2588, 2612-2614, 2626 

Kaneko, Paul Minori "Toshihide" 2663 

Kapaulua 2617 

Karen, Jack 2630 

Katagiri, Rev. Mineo 2632 

Kau ( Hawaii ) 2647 

Kauai (island) 2586, 2589, 2595, 2601, 2610, 2613 

Kauai branch ^ 2593 

Kauai Sugar Local No. 149 2613 

Kauwe, Isaac K 2606 

Kawahara, Petei* 2647 

Kawano, Jack H 2590, 

2592, 2605, 2606, 2609, 2612, 2613, 2624, 2630, 2667, 2673 

Keahua 2617 

Kealakekua, T. H 2649 

Kealalio, Joseph "Joe Blurr" 2612 

Kealoha, Levi 2612 

Kempa, Robert 2666 

Kensinger, Adele 2625, 2631, 2633, 2667 

Kim Il-sung (Communist Premier of North Korea) 2597 

Kimoto, Jack Denichi 2586, 2589, 

2590, 2592, 2595, 2601, 2605, 1609, 2612-1614, 2632, 2663, 2672-2674 

Kimoto Shizuyo (Shizuko) 2674 

King, James 2662 

Kochi, Mr 2617 

Koko Head, Oahu (burial of Communist books and papers) 2590 

Kokokahl Camp, Kaneohe, Oahu 2594. 2595 

Kona, Hawaii 2646-2649 

Konawaena School 2642, 2646, 2647, 2649 

Korean Independence, The (publication) 2597 

Korean Independence News Co., Los Angeles 2597 

Korean National Herald (publication) 2596 

Krebs, Richard J. H. (pen name "Jan Valtin") 2586,2588,2599 

Kress, S. H. (NLRB case) 2612 

Kuhia, Harry, Jr 2662 



Kula 2617, 2622 

Kunimura, Robert Y 2613.2673 

Kuwao Beach 261-6 

Kyuyo Club 2617 

Labor Political Action Committee (L-PAC) 2591,2592 

Labor Research Association 2642,2643,2675 

Laimi Road, 62 2612 

Lampley, Thomas 2669 

Lanai (island) 2610 

Lanai branch 2593 

League of American Writers 2682 

League of Women Shoppers 2628 

Leilehua School 2642 

Lenin 2587, 2602, 2622 

Lenin, V. I 2681 

Lenin Iskra ("Spark") (publication) 2587,2622 

Leninism 2615, 2618 

Lenin's Leaflet 2618 

Leo, Fullard 2661 

Leong, Ah Quong. {See McElrath, Mrs. Ah Quong. ) 

Leopold, King 2G77 

Liberal Legislation League, The 2594,2639,2640,2662 

"Lincoln Battalion" 2626 

Litchgarn. Theodore M 2672 

Livingston, Sgt. David 2630,2631 

Lockwood, Rupert . 2675 

Lohr, George 2674, 2675 

Loper, W. Harold (Circular No. 943 pre.^ented to Konawaena School and 

teacher's comments) 2649-2657 

Lower Paia 2617. 2621 

Loyalist cause in Spain, raising funds for 2626 


McBryde plantation 2613 

McCabe group 2593, 2611 

McCabe. Hamilton & Renny. Ltd 2593 

McCarran Act 2665, 267L 2672, 2678 

McElrath, Ah Quong R. (Mrs. Robert) 2590, 2.592, 2609, 2613, 2625, 

26:^0, 2<i:U. 26.33, 2639, 2671 

McElrath, Robert W 2.590, 2609-'-'r>ll, 2(n:',, 2614, 26-30. 2631 

McEuen, Marshal L 2594, 2612, 2628, 2630, 2639, 2640, 2661, 2662 2664 

McKillop, .Tean 2662 

McPherson, Mary Lou 2661 


MacArthur, General 2663, 2677, 2678 

Machinists union 2609 (publication) r_ 2643, 2677 

Makanani Drive, 2162 2612 

Makawao, T. H 2617,2670 

Makiki branch 2.593 

Makiki district of Honolulu 2602 

Maltz, Albert 2675 

Manchurian incident 2617 

Manoa branch 2593, 2611, 2626 

Marcantonio, Vito 2664 

Marine Cooks and Stewards Union (see also National union) 2664, 2666, 2667 

Mai'ine Engineering and Dry Dock Workers Union 2611 

Marion, George 2674 

Marx, Karl 2585. 2602. 2603 

Marxism 2585-2.587, 260.3, 2615, 2618, 2619 



Marxism-Leninism 2601, 2602, 2641, 2664 

Marxist- - 2585, 2587-2589, 2595, 2598, 2602, 2617, 2619, 2622, 2636 

Maui (island) 2587, 2588, vSiiSS,. 2601, -2603, 2610, 2613, 2614, 2621 

IVf 8 111 b r ' mcli ^0*70 

Maui Doshi Ka"i (organization) 2587,2615-2617,2619 

'Miaui Dosiii Seinen Kai (organization) o«ri 

Maimapan, Thomas 2661 

Max, Alan 2674, 2675 

Mayenschein, George oaaVo?^o Sq 

Mayeshiro, Shutei 2663, 2672, 2673 

Medical Bureau for Spain ^o^» 

Metzger, Hon. Dell)ert E ^f>^2, 2bbb 

Militant Materialistic Dialecticians Society 2617 

Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers Union 2680 

Miscellaneous branch .- 2593 

Miyamoto, Stanley ---^ ^)J^f 

Moiliili branch (or Moilili) 2593,2610,2611 

Molotov's speech 2618 

Montgomery Street, 240 (San Francisco) 2(300 



MorimotorYo^hikazu 2613, 2614, 2673 

Morris, George o^vt 

Moscow News 2675 

Mottl, Iwalaiu 2bd2 

•'Mugity Wumpus" translation by Mike Quin 2676 

Mui, Dr J^78 

Muneyama, Hisakichi 26-0 

Murin. Stephen T 2596,2605,2608,2661,2664,2667 

Murray, Philip 2678 

Mutual Telephone Co 2610 


Nahem, Sgt. Joseph 2630, 2631 

Nakama, Jeanette M 2603, 2610, 2611, 2667 

Nakano, Bert H 2613,2673 

Nakata, Masao 2673 

Napuunoa, Julian K 2662 

Napuunui, Julian 2612 

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Honolulu 

Chapter 2592, 2633, 2638, 2667 

National Civil Rights Congress 2596 

National Federation for Constitutional Liberties 2665 

National Interprofessional Association 2623 

National Maritime Union (CIO) 2610, 2611, 2629, 2669 

National Union of Marine Cooks and Stewards (M. C. and S.) 2598 

2596, 2599, 2611, 2631, 2668, 2669, 2680 

New Americans Conference 2618 

New Century Publishers 2674 

New Korea (publication) 2596, 2597 

New Masses (publication) 2643, 2677 

News (publication issued by Civil Rights Congress) 2598, 2600 

New York 2599 

Nichibei Minshu Kyokai ( Japanese American Association for Democracy- 

JAAD) 2595, 2662-2663, 2672 

Noland, Gorman 2667 

Nuuanu Congregational Church 2632 

Nuuanu Second-Hand Book Store (Hawaiian Book Exchange) 2643 

Oahu (island) 2586, 2587, 2593, 2595, 2606, 2610, 2612, 2631, 2642 

Oahu CIO Council 2596, 2664, 2668 

Oahu Servicemen's Committee for Speedier Demobilization 2592, 

2630, 2631, 2670 
Ogawa, Tadashi Castner 2613, 2673 



Oka, Wilfred M 2610, 2611, 2630, 2669, 2670 

Okada, "Major" Hideo ^_ 261S 

Okada, Meisei . „ , 2619 

Okumura, Rec. Takie 2618 

Okuhara 2610 

Olaa Local 148 2613 

Olaa, Hawaii 2593, 2595 

Old Kailua 2618 

Omori, K 2661 

Omuro, Kenji 2673 

"Organizing and Strengthening the Proletarian Movement in Hawaii" 2618 

Osakoda, Jack T 2630, 2673 

Oshiro, Taruji 2673 

"Our Pledge to the Flag" (song) 2621 

Our World (publication) 2596 

Out of the Night, by Jan Valtin 2586 

Oyafuso, Ushi 2673 

Oyama, Dr. Ikuo 2663 

Ozaki, Doris 2661, 2662, 2667, 2671 


Pacific Record (publication) 2679,2680 

Pacific Workers' Secretariat 2618 

Pahala, Kau, T. H 2645 

Pahoa Avenue, 3571 (Honolulu) 2602, 2627 

Paia 2622 

Patman, Representative (Hawaii Legislature) 2651 

Paton, Gladys 2661 

Pearl Harbor 2628 

Phillips, J. W 2629 

Pier 1. (See ILWU Pier 11.) 

Pineapple Union, Local 152 2611 

PM (publication) 2679 

Political Affairs (publication) 2675 

"Prevent World War III" (handbill circulated in Hawaii) 2597, 2598 

Progressive League 2626 

Progressive Women's Council 2628 

"Protect Farm-Labor Russia, The Fatherland of Farmers and Laborers, 

Imperialists Are Now Attacking the Soviet Union," by Meisei Okada 2619 

Public education in the Territory of Hawaii 2640 

Pulehu 2617 

Punchbowl branch 2593, 2612 

Puunene 2617, 2622 

Puunui branch 2-593, 2611 

Quin, Mike 2664, 2676 


Rademaker, Dr. John A 2630, 2632, 2636 

Randall, James 2669 

Rania, Antonio 2667 

Redfleld, A 2675 

Reinecke, Aiko T. (Mrs. John E.) 2595, 

2602, 2610, 2625, 2631, 2633, 2642, 2657, 2663, 2664, 2671, 2675 
Reinecke, Dr. John E 2586, 

2589-2592, 2595, 2601, 2002, 2604, 2609, 2610, 2613, 2614, 2623- 

2627, 2630-2633, 2636, 2638, 2639, 2641-2643, 2645, 2656, 2660, 

2661, 2663, 2664, 2669-2671, 2675, 2680 

Reisbord, Samuel 2624 

"Reluctant 39" 2583, 

2606-2608, 2626, 2628, 2662, 2666, 2669, 2670 

Remington, William W 2680 

Rhee, Syngman 2597 

Robbins, Ruth 2661 

Robertson, James R 2719 



Robeson, Paul 2594, 2600, 2675, 2681 

Rodo Shimbun (labor newspaper — Japanese language organ of the 

CPUSA ) 2618 

Roger, Sidney 2594 

Rohrbaugh, Jeanette Nakama 2671 

Rosen, Sgt. Walter K 2630 

Rosenthal, Pauline 2610, 2611, 2662, 2671 

Ross, Norman 2675 

Russian War Relief, Inc 2591 

Rutledge, Arthur 2611 


Saiki, Rachel 2611, 2662 

Sale, Lt. Sam 2630 

Salvation Army Women's Home, Honolulu 2633 

San Francisco 2590, 2591, 2599, 2600, 2610, 2612, 2613, 2634 

Saunders, Dr. Allan F 2636 

Scherer, Marcel 2671 

Schmidt, Henry 2614 

Schneiderman, WiUiam 2586, 2589, 2680 

Schwartz, Dr 2679 

Seattle 2599 

Shigemitsu, Harry 2613 

Shigemitsu, Richard 2612, 2613, 2673 

Shimizu, Slim 2613 

Shin Jidai ("New Era") (publication) 2587 

Silva, Frank G 2606, 2613 

Silver, Alan 2630 

Smith Act 2680 

Smith, Lieutenant General 2677 

"Song of the Red Banner" 2621 

"Soviet Russian Since the War," book by Dr. Hewlett Johnson 2675 

Spencer, Frederick 2629 

Spud's Laundry 2612 

Stack, Walter 2600 

Stalin, Joseph 2587, 2602, 2680 

Star-Bulletin 2622 

Starobiu, Joseph 2675 

Stokes, John F. G 2661 

Strack, Celeste 2594, 2601, 2680 

Strong, Anna Louise 2624, 2675 

Studebaker, John W 2655 

Sugar group 2612 

Sugar Local No. 145 2613 

Sugar Local No. 149 2613 

Sutherland, Mark 2646-2648 

Sutton, Olive 2674 

Suzki, Nobuko 2632, 2633 


Tai Kung Pao (publication) ^ 2678,2679 

Taiheiyo Rodosha (Pacific Workers) (organ of the Pacific Workers' 


Takemoto, Shigeo 2603, 2673 

Tamanaha, Uta 2673 

Tangen, Eddie 2668 

Taniguchi, Fred 2661, 2662 

Taruc, Luis 2678 

Taylor, William H 2624 

Teachers Local No. 653, UPWA-CIO 2644, 2670 

Teamsters and Oil Drivers Union (APL) 2611 

Tengan, Hoyei 2673 

Territorial convention (CP-Hawaii) 2595 

"The First Anniversary of Toso, The Aggravation of Class Struggle in 

Hawaii is the Important Mission of Toso," by Hisakichi Muneyama 2620 



Theater Arts Committee 2628 

Thompson, David Evans ^ 2602, 2610, 2611, 2662 

Thompson, Frank 2609, 2610, 2613 

Thorez, Maurice 2680 

Ti Mangyuua (The Pioneer) (a biweekly) 2600 

Ting, Peter 2661 

Togliatti, Palmiro 2680 

Tokunaga, Ralph 2610, 2611 

Toso ("Strife") (publication) 2587, 2588, 2614, 2617, 2618, 2620, 2621 

Towle, Mildred 2661 

Travellers' Club 2588 

"True Colors of a Buddhist Priest," by Yoshiyama of Wailuku 2616 

Trumbull, Walter 2586 

"Truth About Communism in Hawaii, The" (expose by Ichiro Izuka) 2589, 

2593, 2609 

Uesugi, Peggy 2610, 2633, 2662, 2671 

Uku, Mr 2617 

Ulupalakua ^ 2617 

Unemployed Workers' Organization of Hawaii 2596, 2666-2668 

Union Prometheus (labor-union newspaper) 2645,2046 

United American Spanish Aid Committee 2626 

United Auto Workers of America (CIO) 2611 

United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers Union 2680 

United Office and Professional Workers of America (UOPWA) 2593, 2680 

Local 190 2662, 2671, 2672 

United Public Workers of America 2593, 2644, 2645, 2668, 2671, 2680, 2681 

Local 646 2668, 2669 

United States of America v. John L. Akana 2622-2623 

Unity Conference, San Francisco 2612 

University of California 2672 

University of Hawaii 2604, 

2605, 2624, 2625, 2627, 2634-2636, 2640, 2646, 2660, 2661, 2081 

Sociology Club of 2627 

University Agricultural Experiment Station 2664 

Upper Paia 2617 

Uyesugi, Dr 2617 

Valtin, Jan (pen name of Richard J. H. Krebs) 2586, 2588 

Voice of Labor (newspaper) 2602 

Vossbrink, Ralph Vernon 2591, 2592, 2596, 2599, 2605, 

2609-2611, 2613, 2630, 2633, 2636, 2661, 2662, 2664, 2667-2670 


Waianae 2615 

Waikiki 2609 

Waikiki branch 2593, 2611, 2612 

Wailuku, Maui (T. H.) 2617, 2670 

Waipahu, Oahu (T. H.) 2595, 2663, 2664 

Waipahu branch 2593, 261S 

Waipuilani School 2646, 2647 

Wallace, Henry 2646, 2653, 2675 

Waterfront branch 2593 

"Waterfront Committee, Communist Party, San Francisco, Seattle, Port- 
land, Pedro, Honolulu" (handbill) 2599 

Waterfront Committee, CP— San Francisco 2669 

Webling, Gus H 2661 

Weinman, Samuel 2642, 2643 

Weinstein, Robert 2670 

Welch, Norval D., Jr 2629 

White, Claude W 2605, 2661, 2666 

Whitman. Melda 2661 

Wong, Willis 2611 



T^'orkers Alliance 2628 

Woild I'Vdeiation of Democratic Youth 2634 

World Youth Council 2634, 2636 


Yagi. Thomas S 2606, 2613, 2673 

Yanehmig University News 2676 

Y'enchiug University 2642 

Yoen Jiho (Garden News) (Japanese-language labor weekly) 2586 

Yoshiyama 2616 

Young Communist League 2634, 2641, 2681 

Young Men's Hall 2617 

Yuai Kai (Friendship Society) 2587 

Zeller, Sgt. Fred 2630 



3 9999 05442J811