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Full text of "Scope of Soviet activity in the United States. Hearing before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-fourth Congress, second session[-Eighty-fifth Congress, first session] .."

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SEPTEMBER 5, 1956 

PART 43 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 

72723 WASHINGTON : 1957 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

JUL 2 5 1957 


JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 


OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, Nortli Dakota 






Subcommittee To Investigate the Administeation of the Internal SEcrRiTY 
Act AND Otheb Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 




Robert Morris, Chief Counsel 

J. G. SotJRWiNE, Associate Counsel 

William A. Rusher, Associate Counsel 

Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 




United States Senate, 


OF THE Internal. Security Act and Other Internal 

Security Laws, of the Committee on Jltdiciary, 

Washington^ D. C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 12 o'clock noon, in 
room 318, Senate Office Building, Senator James O. Eastland, chair- 
man, presiding. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, re- 
search director; and William A. Rusher, administrative counsel. 

Chairman Eastland. Stand up, please. Raise 3'our right hand. 
Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give is the 
truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

]Mr. Ja^t;ts. I do. 

Chairman Eastland. Mr. Javits, I want the record to show that 
this hearing is at your request. That is correct, is it not ? 



Mr. Javits. That is correct. Senator. May I express to the com- 
mittee my greatest appreciation for the courtesy and cooperation that 
is shown in affording me the hearing which it has this morning, in this 
public hearing, at the direction of the chairman. 

Mr. Morris. I think, Mr. Chairman, since this issue has been raised 
that I would like the record to show the fact that the initial request by 
Mr. Javits for this hearing was communicated to me as counsel for the 
committee on August 3. At that time I was not able to reach Senator 
Eastland — he was fishing off the coast of Florida at that time — until 
August 6, at which time Senator Eastland expeditiously tried to make 
this hearing as early as possible. 

I think. General Javits, you will recall that between the 16th and the 
26th of August it was impossible for you, and up until the 16th of 
August it was impossible for the Senator, unless you would agree to 
a very quiet hearing in Chicago — the fact being that there was a 
political afl'air on then. 

But the point is that Senator Eastland has tried in every way to 
have this hearing earlier than today. 

Mr. Javits. Judge Morris  

Mr. Morris. Because of the political fact, the overtones of this 
political affair on then, 



Mr. Javits. I am completely satisfied that the committee has done 
its utmost to cooperate. They could have said, "We are not calling 
you — we won't be bothered." On the contrary, it put itself out to 
answer my request, and I am very grateful. And if the chairman will 
allow me, I would like to say that in all my years in the Congress I 
tried very hard to get to the point where people would not be ashamed 
to deal with matters of this kind specifically and on the facts. And 
I must say that in my case this has come to pass today, and I am very 

Chairman Eastland. Proceed. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman. General Javits, on the 14th of June 
1956 we received in executive session testimony from Dr. Bella Dodd, 
who had earlier been a member of the national committee of the Com- 
munist Party, member of the State committee of the Communist 
Party, and the person in charge of legislative activities in New York 

She had testified that some time, as she put it, in 1945 or 1946, she 
had been told by persons in the Communist Party that a Jacob K. 
Javits had just come from the west coast, where he had seen service 
in Europe, in the European theater and in the Pacific theater; and 
that, as she put it, "some of our people" — meaning Communist people, 
at that time — "were very much interested in Mr. Javits' political 

And they asked her, if she, in her official capacity, as the person 
in charge of political activity in New York State, advising and ana- 
lyzing focal points of Communist support, whether she would have a 
discussion with Jacob K. Javits. She said that Mr. Javits came to 
her office, 100 West 42d Street, and they discussed at that time what 
district in which he might concentrate in carrying out any activities 
in connection with his political future. 

She said they specifically discussed the Washington Heights dis- 
trict, because the Democratic Party was split there. And she said 
that thereafter the Communists, for whom she was in charge of tlie 
State committee, did support Mr. Javits in connection with that 
forthcoming 1946 campaign. 

Now, I have tried to be as careful as possible. General Javits, to 
discuss this particular testimony and to state it for you. And as you 
know, we mentioned this in executive session today, and we would 
like to ask you if you will now testify, as much as possible, about that 
particular episode. 

Mr, Ja\t:ts. I will be glad to. Judge. 

Mr. Morris. May I begin. General, by asking — as you told us in 
executive session: Had you been on the west coast prior to this al- 
leged meeting with Dr. Dodd ? 

^ Mr.^ Javits. 1 was on the west coast, according to my best recollec- 
tion, in 1945, in the period May- June, in round figures, when I was 
on terminal leave as a lieutenant colonel from the Army, in connec- 
tion with a visit I was making to ol)serve tlie U. N. Organization, be- 
cause I had nothing better to do with my time at that time. 

And the time to which you refer, whicli is the only call I have ever 
made upon Dr. Dodd— and I will give all of the details of that, of 
course — is, in round figures, 1 year later. 

Mr. Morris. Well, now, did you, as the committee has learned, 
arrive — as the committee has been told — I do not know whether it is 


a fact or not — I do not make any presumption whatever about the 
fact — did you arrive in San Francisco on April 22, 1945 ? 

Mr. Javets. That date would be reasonably correct. I cannot give 
you the exact date. It was in the spring, and in connection with the 
U. N. conference there. 

Mr. Morris. Did you go to San Francisco by train ? 

Mr. Javits. My best recollection is that I did. 

Mr. Morris. You did? 

Mr. Jaaits. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Did the train have as its terminal point, Oakland? 

Mr. Javits. Yes. 

Mr. IMoRRis. The Oakland station ? 

Mr. JA^^TS. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Did you get off the train at Oakland in the company 
of Frederick V. Field? 

Mr. Ja\t:ts. I think I can say flatly that I did not get off the train 
in the company of Frederick Y. Field. My recollection upon that 
subject as I have stated to the committee — I will repeat — is that I 
met a young man on the ferry who said something about the scenery 
or some ordinary expression of that kind, who was a college-boy- 
looking type of chap and described himself as Fred Field and said he 
was going to cover the UN conference for some newspaper work. 
And we exchanged some pleasantries that made no particular impres- 
sion on me. And then I may have seen him — this I have no distinct 
recollection on— but I may have seen him around the conference to 
say, "Hi" to — that is all I know about Fred Field or anything to 
do with him. 

Mr. Morris. But you will deny, will you not. General Javits, that 
you got oft' the train with Fred Field ? 

Mr. Ja\^ts. Well, whether I met Fred Field on the train or not, 
in the same capacity, I really could not tell you, but I am quite sure 
that I did not, but in any case, I did not leave New York with Fred 
Field — I had no business witli him — he was not my traveling com- 
panion, which I understand to be the purport, the point of the ques- 

Chairman Eastland. As I understand this voyage on the train, so 
far as it is concerned, you have no recollection of meeting him on 
the train? 

Mr. Javits. That is true. 

Mr. INIoRRis. Did you meet Mr. Field subsequently on the Oakland 
ferry at an early hour of the morning ? 

Mr. Javits. I have no recollection of that whatever. Judge Morris. 
I do not even remember when I went back to New York or whether 
I went back by train or by plane. 

Mr. Morris. And you cannot tell us now whether or not — you can- 
not recall having a subsequent meeting with Field on the Oakland 
ferry ? 

Mr. Javits. Well, to stretch it to the uttermost, if I ran into him, 
it was in the same way — he was another fellow traveling. And if I 
ran into him, I ran into him, but I have no recollection of it whatever. 
And as I say, I don't even remember how I went back to New York. 

Mr. Morris. You liave no recollection of making several trips on 
the ferry while Mr. Field was aboard the ferry ? 


Mr. Javits. I not only have no recollection, but the answer is flatly 
"No" — decidedly "No." I just went about my traveling, whatever 
it was, without any business with Field or anybody else of that kind 
that I can in any — not only cannot recall — the answer is flatly "No." 

Mr. Morris. Now, we have been told, General Javits, that an indi- 
vidual named Louise Bransten — and Mr. Mandel, I wonder if you 
have a short outline of who Louise Bransten is. I would like to put 
this in its proper framework. I might say in connection with Mr. 
Field, at that time he was entitled "UN editor to the Daily Worker." 
That was his title at the time. 

Mr. Javits. I am glad to get that information, Judge, but I can 
say flatly that that is something I did not know when he encountered 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, would you put in the record at this time 
what evidence we have about Louise Bransten, who she was ? 

Mr. Mandel. In a previous hearing with Louise Bransten, con- 
ducted in October 1953 we placed into the record an FBI memo- 
randum which reads as follows : 

During the United Nations Conference on International Organizations held 
at San Francisco in the spring of 1945 Louise Bransten entertained at her home 
Dimitri Manuelski, the principal representative of the Ukraine SSR, who was 
more widely known as a long-time official and spokesman for the Communist 
International. Bransten is at the present time [November 1945] in New 
York City where she has established contact with Pavel Mikhailov, acting Soviet 
consul general, who has been reported to this Bureau and to the RCMP by 
Igor Gouzenko, mentioned elsewhere in this memorandum, as the head of the 
Red Army intelligence espionage activity. 

Mr. Morris. That is all now about Bransten. 

Mr. Mandel. Yes. Gregori Makovich Kheifetz, whose cover name 
was Mr. Brown, was, until his departure from San Francisco for the 
Soviet Union, July 6, 1944, the vice consul and Soviet consul at San 
Francisco, according to the protocol form filed by the Soviet Embassy 
with the Department of State. Kheifetz was born in Moscow, in 
1899. Reportedly, from this protocol form, Kheifetz served as vice 
president of the Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Coun- 

Mr. Morris. I think that is enough. 

Chairman Eastland. Proceed. 

Mr. Morris. Is there anything else, Mr. INIandel, that should be in 
the record by way of characterizing Louise Bransten ? 

Mr. Mandel. I have here a memorandum from the House Commit- 
tee on Un-American Activities in its hearings conducted in August 
and September 1950. May I read a portion of it ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes, very briefly. 

Mr. Mandel. Louise Berman, formerly Louise Bransten, during 
the hearings in October 1947 regarding Communist infiltration of the 
motion picture industry, before the Committee on Un-American Ac- 
tivities, Louise Bransten was identified as a native of Berkeley, Calif, 
and an heiress to a considerable fortune. The home of Louise 
Berman, then Bransten, was described as a meeting place of Com- 
munists, and Communist sympathizers in the vicinity of San Fran- 
ciso. Many social affairs were given in her home, also, for the pur- 
pose of entertaining and bringing together Communist Party mem- 
bers, including members of Communist espionage rings. She was in 
contact with several persons who were employed by the Soviet Gov- 


ernment, including Vassili Zubelin, of the Soviet Embassy, in Wash- 
ington, D. C. 
Mr. Morris. Then, it goes on to list more Soviet personnel, does it 


Mr. Mandel. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. General Javits, that is strictly for the purpose of 
identifying her. 

Mr. JA\^TS. I understand there is no implication that involves me in 
that very long and seamy description. 

Mr. Morris. That is right. Thank you. 

We have information and evidence to the effect that you did know 
Louise Bransten in San Francisco. I was wondering if you would 
tell us if you met her — when you met her and as many occasions as 

Mr. Ja\^ts. Yes, Judge, I am glad to. And anything I know about 
her which is of use to the committee is fine with me. 

I was introduced to Mrs. Bransten by a friend of mine and a col- 
league, because he and I represented for many years the same great 
corporation, the Crown-Zellerbach Corp., of San Francisco. The 
gentleman is Philips Ehrlich, one of San Francisco's most distin- 
guished lawyers, who told me about Mrs. Bransten, said I ought to 
meet her. I was a bachelor then on terminal leave as a lieutenant 
colonel from the Army. Mr. Ehrlich said that he had just settled an 
estate for her, her mother's estate, which involved the sale of her in- 
terest in a company called Eosenberg Bros., and that she had come 
into a very considerable amount of money, was a very attractive girl, 
and I ought to meet her. That I remember. And I have refreshed 
my recollection by talking with Mr. Ehrlich about that. 

Now, the only encounter which I recall with Mrs. Bransten, of 
my own knowledge, is that I met her for cocktails at the Mark Hop- 
kins Hotel, sometime in that period that I was in San Francisco. 

You say I got there in April. Then I will assume that it may be 
the first few days of May, or something like that. I did not stay 
more than a week or 10 days. I waited for her for about an hour 
and a half. When I was about to leave, she arrived, which did not 
make a particularly good impression. 

We had a drink. I did not like her particularly, and she did not 
me. And, from my recollection, that is the last I saw of her until 
some years ago, 5, 6, 7, when I ran into her in a grocery store on 
University Place in New York, where I was going to make a phone 
call, and she was apparently making a purchase. 

I said, "Hello." I do not know whether I called her "Louise" or 
"Mrs. Bransten." "What are you doing here?" She said that she 
is married, living in that neighborhood. 

I said, "Goodby; good luck," or whatever I did, and was on my 

Now, Mr. Ehrlich, whom I have endeavored to refresh my recollec- 
tion with, tells me that he arranged a dinner either at his home or at 
Mrs. Bransten's home — he is not clear which — ^that is his recollec- 
tion. It is not my recollection. That is all I know about Louise 

Mr. Morris. Do you recall a meeting at Bransten's home at which 
you and she were present, and engaged in a serious conversation, and 
there came into the room a gentleman named Dr. Max Yergan? 


Mr. Javits. Judge Morris, I do not remember being at Mrs. Brans- 
ten's home. I have really searched my recollection and recall only 
a very minor fact which I asked you about, as you remember, that 
I was in some home in San Francisco as a visitor, which had panel- 
ing, but apparently you could not identify it. So I could not tell 
you. So that I cannot tell you that I did or did not go to her home, 
or meet Max Yergan, but I do know a Max Yergan, and I will be 
glad to tell you what I know ?.bout him, to the best of my knowledge. 

Mr. Morris. I think it would be wise for you to do so. 

Mr. Javits. Max Yergan, as I recall, is a fellow I ran into yeai-s 
ago, I cannot tell you where, who was interested in African affairs. 
I cannot think of any detailed discussions I had with him, but I just 
think it is logical to assume, with the serious interest I have in these 
matters of foreign policy, that if he was a fellow interested in Afri- 
can affairs, I had some kind of a parlor discussion with him about 
what he thought and what I thought, but I had no business or asso- 
ciation or closeness of contact or intimacy with Max Yergan. 

Mr. Morris. Dr. Yergan at the time was the director of the Council 
on African Affairs, which was an organization which was then con- 
trolled by the Communists. Dr. Yergan, being at that time a person 
who was involved with the Communists, has told the committee 
that on this occasion that he joined you and Louise Bransten in a 
discussion in the home of Louise Bransten; and we asked him 
particulars about the house. He said a two-story house, which is 
entered through a front door, through a hallway, off to the left is a 
living room and a dining room combined, and going through that 
room you go into a large living room which has a large picture win- 
dow looking out on San Francisco Bay. 

And presumably in that — in the living room, that was where the 
discussion took place. 

Is it your testimony that you do not recall that ? 

ISIr. Javits. I wish I could. I asked you to give me a clue, 
because the only memory I have is of some house with paneling. 
Otlier than that, I just cannot recollect. I would not say "No," and I 
would not say "Yes," because I cannot recollect, but I liaA'e given you 
the circumstances of my encounter with Mrs. Bransten, and with the 
refreshment of memory which comes from talking with the man who 
introduced us. 

]\Ir. Morris. Now, Genera] Javits, can you recall another occasion, 
again in Bransten's home, at which were present a man named David 
Hedley — and, Mr. Mandel, I wonder if you would tell us who David 
Hedley was at that time ? 

Mr. Mandel. According to the record available to the committee, 
the following is the information about David Hedley : 

David Hedley was subpenaed and testified before the California 
Committee on Un-American Activities, in Oakland, on November 5, 
1947. He stated that he was the assistant director of the California 
Labor School. He admitted that he had taught a course at the prede- 
cessor of the California Labor School, the Communist Tom Mooney 

Incidentally, I might add that the California Labor School has 
been cited as subversive by the Attorney General. 

To go on with the California Committee, although not a citizen, 
he stated that he believed that : 


Any kind of a political affiliation or political activity that I may engage in is 
my right guaranteed under the Constitution — that it is not proper for the com- 
mittee to place questions of that kind. 

David Hedley was identified as a member of the Communist Party 
by Louis Eosser, a former member of the party in California. Kos- 
ser testified before the House Committee on Un-American Activities 
on December 1, 1953, pages 3122 and 3123. 

Mr. Morris. The next name at this meeting about which, General, 
we would like to ask you a few questions is Nancy Pittman, wife of 
John Pittman, managmg editor at that time of the People's Daily 

Mr. Mandel, do you have anything describing either John Pittman 
or Nancy Pittman ? 

Mr. Mandel. In testimony before the House Committee on Un- 
American Activities on July 21, 1947, John Pittman is listed as a 
committee member of the California district of the Communist Party. 
In the above testimony he is also listed as a contributor to the Daily 
Worker and the Daily People's World and Political Affairs, all three 
Communist publications. John Pittman was a contributor in the 
issue of August 1950, his article being entitled, "War on Korea, a 
Point 4 in Action." 

Mr, Javits. Mr. Chairman, if I may, I would like to make this 
observation. It is not charged that I had anything to do with these 
people. And I think that we can assume that those Judge Morris 
would ask me about have some kind of a Communist record. And 
yet, in a public hearing it seems to me that as all of this stuff' goes in 
the record, I do not Ivuow who might get some impression that I did 
or did not have anything to do with that. I put that up to the 

Chairman Eastland. I agree with you. 


Mr. Morris. The question is, General, did you meet at the home of 
Louise Bransten in the company of David Hedley, Nancy Pittman, 
and Louise Bransten sometime during this period? 

Mr. Ja\t;ts. I have not the remotest recollection of meeting any of 
these people. If it were not 11 years ago, and that this was not dredged 
out of the past, I would say flatly, "No." But how can one who 
encounters thousands of people, goes to hundreds of homes, attends 
hundreds of meetings — I just would not do it as a lawyer — I would 
not be that reckless. I have no recollection whatever of these people 
or, indeed, being at Louise Bransten's home, except for what Mr. 
Ehrlich tells me we might have been, but if so, it was certainly not 
more than once, because, as I say, Mrs. Bransten and I just did not 
take to each other. That was that. 

Mr. Morris. And did you at that particular meeting discuss a 
luncheon that you had with Max Radin that day or the day earlier? 

Mr. Javits. Again, I answer in the frame of reference I have men- 
tioned before, "No." But I would like to tell you that I have a recol- 
lection of a Max Radin that I have met the man some time since 19 — 
since I got out of the Army, because my life in a sense began again at 
that time in a social way. And as I recall Max Radin, he is the dean 
of a law school in California. Whether I had lunch with him or not —  
what I ever said to him or he to me — I just do not know — but again, 


this is a man with whom I have no particular association, business 
connection or anything else. 

Mr. Morris. Now, General Javits, did you subsequently have a 
meeting referred to by Dr. Dodd with Dr. Dodd ? 

Mr. Javits. Yes, if you would be good enough to allow me, I would 
like to state that in some detail, because I guess that is the main 
point we are really talking about. 

In the area of May-June, 1946, when I was in the process of being 
nominated for Congress, it is my recollection that I got — whether I 
got it myself or the Liberal Party gave it to me or friends gave it to 
me — a long list of people that I ought to see, to get educated about 
what is going on in New York. I had been out of things from about 
1941 until I came back in 1945. And this included university presi- 
dents, ministers of various faiths, newspaper editors, et cetera. And 
I went the rounds. 

When this Bella Dodd question first came up, or, excuse me. Dr. 
Dodd, first came up, I had searched my recollection and, remember 
this, that in that period I went to see Dr. Dodd, it was my recollection, 
as one of the people on that list to get educated, about teachers with 
which I was told — with whom I was told she had some connection as a 
secretary — I have since refreshed my mind on it — of the teachers' 
union for many years. 

Now, my recollection is that I went to see her at her office or at an 
office as. Judge Morris, you have just identified her office. So I guess 
it was her office at the southwest corner of 6th Avenue and 41st Street 
— that I spent a very short time — whatever I did in these visits — 10 or 
15 minutes — that we talked about teachers and what they wanted. 
And then I went on my way. And that was that. 

Now, in an effort to refresh my recollection on this whole situation 
about Dr. Dodd, I talked with one of the men who was my political 
mentor in that period, that is, in the 1946 period, who is Alex Kose, 
the political head in a sense of the Liberal Party. And Alex tells me 
the following, which may and may not have any connection with my 
visit to Dr. Dodd, but I am stating it because I want to give everything 
which I possibly can think of that could have any connection. 

He says that I told him in a meeting when we were talking about 
the Liberal Party designation — and let me emphasize that it was a 
designation — not a nomination, because the Liberal Party was not 
even on the ballot — you had to go out and get 3,000 signatures of citi- 
zens in the district that were valid to even get on the ballot — and that 
was some rough job — but I told him that some friends of mine were 
talking about the fact that I ought to try to get an ALP designation 
for Congress, because that would help me get elected in a district 
which was 2 to 1, 3 to 1 Democratic, the 21st Congressional District. 
And I have the details here. That many Democratic candidates and 
some Republican candidates had taken the ALP designation, includ- 
ing the assemblyman who was running with me in the principal part 
of my_ district, Samuel Roman, who was running in the 15th Assembly 

That when I told Alex that, he says — now he refreshes me on this, 
and I accept it and state it as a fact — he said, "Don't you know Jack, 
that this ALP crowd, we have just broken off from, and they are 
Commie dominated." 


And then I said, "I want no part of them. I would rather lose the 
election. I will not go in for any deals like that." 

And that was that. 

Mr. Morris. Was this in connection with the 1946 campaign? 

Mr. Javits. My first campaign for Congress. I think it might 
also be helpful, Mr. Chairman, to detail how I got into trying to run 
for Congress. And if I may, I will do that as briefly as I can. 

Chairman Eastland. Proceed. 

]\lr. jA^qTs. In 1945, when I came back from San Francisco, the 
logical thing w^ould have been for me to just go back and practice 
law, as I did before, but like so many people who had served, I was 
not too happy about that. I wanted to do something else. My brother, 
■u ho is the senior paitner in my law firm, asked whether I thought I 
might get into politics. He said there might be a chance, at least, 
and an entry, if I wanted to go to work for John Goldstein, who is 
the Republican Liberal Fusion candidate for Mayor in New York 
City, who was a good friend of ours, and whom we all knew as 

I said that sounded interesting to me. I would go and see him. 
He was in the Criminal Courts Building. And I said, "I would like 
to help you, Johnny, if that is agreeable to you." 

And he said it was. And a few days later gave me the job being 
head of his research division, which I organized and put together. 

In connection with that activity I met the managers of the Gold- 
stein campaign, Arthur Schwartz of New York, and Bill Groat of 
Queens. I also met a number of the Liberal Party leaders, Alex Rose, 
Dave Dubinski, a man named Davidson, who was their secretary, and 
many other officials of the Liberal Party. 

After the campaign was over, Arthur Schwartz or Bill Groat or 
both talked with me about whether or not I might like to run for 
Congress in some district which the Republicans never got anywhere 
in, anyhow, but which might be interesting to me, if I wanted to break 
into active political life. I said I would be interested. 

They thereupon told me that the opening was, at the moment, in 
the lower East Side where I was born, where there was a special 
election. This was, say, December-January, 1945-46. I said I would 
look into it and let them know. 

I went to see Sam Koenig, a very old friend of mine, and a former 
Republican leader of New York County. And I asked him about 
running in his district which was the lower East Side District. Sam 
said, "You were born there, it is true, but I advise you strongly against 
it. You would not get anywhere." 

So I went back and told Bill Groat and Arthur Schwartz, "This 
doesn't look like a good thing for me. Maybe we could have another." 

They then turned up a couple of months later with the idea of 
possibly doing something on "Washington Heights. 

Incidentally, when I told them this they asked where had I lived. 
And I say "them," because I do not know whether it was Arthur 
Schwartz or Bill Groat or both or mixtures of different kinds — I 
said I had lived in Brooklyn when I went to Boys High School and 
finally lived on Washington Heights where I had been in the first 

§raduating class of the local high school, George Washington High 


A couple of months later, Arthur Schwartz or Bill, I think it was 
Arthur, suggested the possibility of a candidacy on Washington 
Heights, where also the Republicans never got anywhere and said he 
knew a leader up there, Sam Leppler, Republican leader — he would 
introduce me to Sam, and that they would try to work this out. 

He thereupon did that. And in a meeting in his office on Broad- 
way, 1440 or 1441, I met Sam Leppler, and Sam said he liked me, 
thought it was a good idea. From there we went on trying to get 
the Republican nomination which I will say immediately was not too 
tough, because their man had been beaten regTilarly 2 to 1 up there 
for more years than I am old. 

At the same time, I then told them that I would try for the Liberal 
Party endorsement, which might give me a chance, and I then went 
to work with Alex Rose, and everything that has happened to me in 
a political sense has followed that situation, 

Mr. Morris. General Javits, may we get back to the encounter with 
Bella Dodd? 

Mr. Javits. Certainly. 

Mr. Morris. At that time, is it your testimony you did not know 
that she was, you might say, openly and notoriously a member of the 
national committee of the Comimunist Party ? 

Mr. Javits. I have no recollection of knowing that. Judge Morris. 
I do not Iviiow what the newspapers showed at the time, either. I 
can only tell you this: That it is inconceivable to me that I would 
call, for any reason, on a person who was an open and avowed Com- 
munist. That is all I can tell you about it. 

But I did make the call, and I have explained everything I remem- 
ber about it, or can find out by talking to other people who might 
have known. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, just for the record, may we put in two 
items here, one being the New York Times article of August 13, 1945, 
which contains a report by Bella Dodd of the jSTational Committee of 
the Communist Party. 

Chairman Eastland. I will let it go in. 

(The clipping was marked "Exhibit No. 402" and reads as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 402 

[The New York Times, August 13, 1945] 

Communists Delay Having Own Ticket 

foster says main aim now is to help elect "progressives," defeat 


An indication of what will happen to the Communist vote, now that the party 
has been reorganized in this country on active political lines, was given yester- 
day by William Z. Foster, newly installed party leader, who said the organization 
would not necessarily put its own ticket in the field in each election. 

"Our policy will be based upon securing the election of progressive forces and 
defeating the reactionaries all over the country," he declared. "We will under- 
take to work with the labor movement politically and with all other progressive 

Asked if that meant that the Communist Party would not put up its own 
ticket in the State election next year, a necessary .prerequisite to attaining legal 
party status in the State, Mr. Foster replied : 

"It hasn't been decided yet whom we will support next year, but there's no 
question about whom we'll oppose. Dewey, of course." 

Since a party must poll 50,000 votes in an election for governor to gain legal 
party status, Mr. Foster's words seemed to indicate that the party was willing 


to forego this objective in the interest of defeating Governor Dewey, should he 
be a candidate for reelection. 

Mr. Foster was interviewed at the final session of the Communist State Con- 
vention at Manhattan Center, which adopted bylaws, elected a State Committee 
of 59 members and discussed veteran, youth, women's, farm, and reconversion 
problems, as well as discussing the coming city election. 


A report by Bella V. Dodd, national committee member, showed that the 
political line sketched by Mr. Foster was being followed by the party in the 
mayoralty and councilmanic campaign this year. In asking the convention to 
support the American Labor Party ticket headed by William O'Dwyer, whom 
she did not mention by name, Miss Dodd declared the election was one in which 
"issues and not the candidates" were to be emphasized. 

She derided the candidacy of Judge Jonah J. Goldstein as one made possible 
"by a coalition of Dewey Republicans and the Social Democrat Liberal Party." 
Newbold Morris represents the "Liberal. Republican, middle-class taxpayer 
group," she asserted, adding that his ticket should be called the "No Deal Yet" 
slate. She declared it was still too early to say where that party was going, but 
that it certainly was not affiliated with the labor movement. 

With regard to the councihnanic elections, she said the Communist Party's 
"number one job" was to reelect Benjamin J. Davis Jr. in Manhattan and Peter V. 
Cacchione in Brooklyn. The party has no candidate in the other boroughs, where 
it is throwing its support to "progressive forces." In Queens, for example, Paul 
Crosbie, heretofore a perennial Communist candidate for the council, is not 
running, and the party is supporting a former council member, Charles Belous, 
who is now in the Armed Forces. 

The convention itself was closed and the report of proceedings was relayed to 
other newspapermen by a reporter from the Daily Worker, official Communist 
news organ. 

Mv. MoEKis. New York Times of September 19, 1945, and Life 
Magazine of July 29, 1946, wliicli shows Bella Dodd in a large i)ictiire, 
with all the various Communist leaders. 

Chairman Eastland. They will be received, 

(Times article referred to above was marked exhibit No. 403 and 
reads as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 403 

[The New York Tinaes, September 19, 1945] 

Foster Bids Reds Vote foe O'Dwyer 

"supreme issue" locally in war on "imperialism" defined fob 12,000 at 

PARTY rally 

William Z. Foster, national chairman of the Communist Party, told a cheer- 
ing throng of 12,000 at Madison Square Garden last night that private industry 
and free enterprise could not achieve full production and employment and that 
"it will not be very long until the United States will have to begin nationalizing 
its banks and basic industries, as is now being done throughout Europe." 

The chairman took the occasion of a rally commemorating the 26th anniversary 
of tlie founding of the party in this country to enunciate for the first time before 
a gathering of rank-and-file comrades the changed party line — a reversion to 
the old revolutionary Marxism and the class struggle of the world proletariat. 

Hammering at imperialism, Mr. Foster brought the supreme issue down to 
local cases by advocating support of William O'Dwyer as the American Labor 
Party candidate for mayor. 


He did not mention Mr. O'Dwyer by name nor as the Democratic candidate, 
but based his appeal on the argument that big business reactionaries and the 
men of the trusts were determined to strengthen their hold upon the government 
by striving to take over full control of the great city of New York. 


He was enthusiastically applauded when he said : "But they can and must be 
defeated. The people of New York must give the American Labor Party an 
overwhelming vote. And as for the Communist candidates, Pete (Peter V.) 
Cacchione and Ben (Benjamin J.) Davis, they must be returned to the city coun- 
cil with the biggest vote they have ever received." 

Mr. O'Dwyer's name, mentioned earlier by Bella V. Dodd, one of the long list 
of speakers, brought scattered applause at first, followed by a burst of handclaps. 
The former brigadier general, she declared, had the support of the progressive 
wing of the Democratic Party, the American Labor Party, the American Federa- 
tion of Labor, the Congress of Industrial Organizations, and the powerful 
Political Action Committee of the CIO. 

An administration elected by "this combination," Miss Dodd declared, "will 
afford the best possible assurance for the continuation of New York City as a 
progressive center." 

The crowd in the garden was reported by Bob Thompson, chairman of the New 
York State Communist Party, who presided, as numbering 18,000. However, 
there were large patches of empty seats, and the 12,000 figure was considered 
more accurate by impartial observers. 


Red, white, and blue bunting furnished the decorations, with two huge Ameri- 
can fiags hanging from the rafters behind the speakers' platform. The American 
colors were used also on four large signs spaced around the auditorium, only 
one of which bore the name of the Communist Party. This one said : "Build the 
Communist Party — Fighter for Democracy and Socialism." The others read : 
"Reelect Davis and Cacchione — Vote Labor" ; "Greet the GI's With Jobs" ; and 
"Smash Jim Crow and Anti-Semitism." The crowd took on the aspect of a 
cheering, whistling, and jeering Communist rally reminiscent of prewar days 
when Mr. Foster made a telling point or referred to those whose names are 
anathema to the party. 

Mr. Foster disclosed as he entered the hall that he had been served with a 
subpena to appear September 26 before the Congressional Committee Investi- 
gating Un-American Activities, successor to the Dies committee. 

The successor to Earl Browder was introduced as "the father of industrial 
democracy" and the "outstanding Marxist theoretician." 

From the outset of his address, Mr. Foster made it clear that the new line of 
the Communist Party would be the old cry that all capitalistic governments, 
including our own, were imperialist. The Truman administration, he declared, 
"is, like every American capitalist government in this period, inherently im- 
perialist." He said that to the extent that it carried out pledges of the Roose- 
velt policies of United Nations cooperation with other nations, it would receive 
the hearty support of the Commiinist Party. 

"We would be blind, however," he said, "if we ignored the various imperialistic 
foreign policies of the administration." 

Among these he mentioned admission of Argentina at San Francisco ; acting 
tougli with Russia ; active military and diplomatic support of the reactionary 
Chiang Kai-shek government against the Chinese Communists; aggressive 
American pressure in the Balkans, allegedly in favor of reactionary elements, 
and the trend toward making the military control of Japan purely an American 
affair under the ultracouservative General MacArthur. 

(The article from Life magazine above referred to was marked 
"Exhibit No. 404" and the accompanying picture of Dr. Dodd and 


Communist leaders, appear below :) 

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Exhibit No. 404 

The United States Commtjnist Party — Small But Tightlt Disciplined, It 
Strives With Fanatic Zeal To Pijomote the Aims of Russia — By Arthub 


OP History at Harvard 

For better or for worse, the Commiuiist Party of the United States is here to 
stay. It grevF when the U. S. S. U. was still a gamble ; it will grow faster as the 
gamble pays off, and it will persist if repressive legislation forces it underground. 

The American Communists never despaired even in the intense and comic days 
in the twenties, for they were certain they were on the highroad of history. Now 
the war, transforming the U. S. S. K. from a remote and doubtful experiment into 
the second mightiest power on earth, has placed upon the CPUSA the historic 
responsibility of serving as the workers' vanguard in the bastion of capitalism. 
The Center, as party members call the smoky brick headquarters on 12th Street 
in New York City, controls an active and disciplined following through the 
country. With history breathing down their necks. Communists are working 
overtime to expand party influence, open and covert, in the labor movement, 
among Negroes, among veterans, among unorganized liberals. 

Tlie problem of estimating soberly the extent and nature of Communist influ- 
ence has been thoroughly confused by the Communists and their sympathizers, 
who resist any attempt to isolate and identify Communist activity. It has been 
equally confused by Mr. Dies, Mr. Rankin and their various un-American com- 
mittees in their wild confidence that practically everybody who opposes Franco 
or Jim Crow or the un-American committee is a Red. 

The American Communist Party originated in 1919 with the split of left-wing 
groups from the Second, or Socialist, International, following the Russian Revo- 
lution. The crash, which the party interpreted as the long-awaited breakdown 
of capitalism, provided Communists with their first real opportunity. They 
worked tirelessly among the unemployed, the hungry, and the homeless ; among 
members of the middle class who felt a sense of guilt or confusion over the eco- 
nomic mess, and among intellectuals who feared the worldwide rise of fascism. 
In 1934 the party claimed 25,000 cardholders; in 193G, 40,000; in 193S, 75,000. 

The Moscow trials of 1936-38 and the INIolotov-Ribbentrop pact of 1939 were 
body blows, and the party lost heavily. Earl Browder's v^artime policy of sub- 
ordinating everything to national unity brought membership back to 80,000 by 
1944, mostly from the middle class ; but William Z. Foster's current radical 
program has lost many of the Browder adherents. The spring membership 
drive may have raised the total to about 65,000 — far short of the 1946 goal of 

The party has always had a tremendous turnover. Thus you have a hard 
core of perhaps 10 percent who have been members for 15 years, a fairly solid 
ring of 30 or 40 percent who have been in from 2 to 10 years and a vaporous 
penumbra of people who join the party because of some local strike or lynching 
(or clambake), lose interest and are dropped when they fail to pay dues. 

The organization would fill Boss Hague with envy. You must be 18 years 
old and duly certified by a member before you are admitted into a local club. 
Cryptic communications bid the 20 to 50 members to regular meetings for 
instructions and assignments. As a matter of course, you are expected to work 
as part of the Communist bloc in outside organizations and thereby help in- 
crease party influence far beyond its membership. The local clubs are the bot- 
tom of a chain of command which extends through county and State, or section 
and district committees, to the National Connnittee and the National Secretariat 
and finally to Moscow. 

Party discipline is not, for the most part, a matter of making people do 
things they do not want to do. The great majority of members, for reasons 
best understood by psychiatrists and dictators, want to be disciplined. The 
party fills the lives of lonely and frustrated people, providing them with social, 
intellectual, even sexual fulfillment they cannot obtain in existing society. It 
gives a sense of comradeship in a cause guaranteed by history to succor the 
helpless and to triumph over the wealthy and satisfied. To some it gives 
opportunities for personal power not to be found elsewhere. Communists are 
hapi)y to exchange their rights as individuals for these deeper satisfactions; 
and absorption in the party becomes in time the mainspring of their lives. The 
appeal is essentially the appeal of a religious sect — small, persecuted, dedicated, 
stubbornly convinced that it alone knows the path to salvation. To understand 


the Communists, you must think of them in terms, not of a normal political 
party, but in terms of the Jesuits, the Mormons, or Jehovah's Witnesses. 

It is hard work being a Communist, which is one reason the turnover is so 
great. But, once fully committed, the Communist's world becomes totally the 
world of the party. The clause in the party constitution forbidding "personal 
or political relations with enemies of the working class" does not have to be 
invoked often, for most Communists voluntarily cut out their nonparty friend- 
ships and activities. One member, explaining why he had made the party the 
beneticiary of his insurance policy, said, "The reason I did that was, in the 
first place, I am not married and have nobody to leave anything like that to, 
and in the second place the Communist Party is more in the world to me than 
anything else is." 

The total assimilation of the individual to the party creates selflessness and 
consecration. Like a platoon isolated behind enemy lines, the Communists 
perform marvels of daring at their leaders' word, each acting as if he embodies 
the impersonal force of history. Their fearlessness has impressed thousands of 
workers with the invincible determination of the party. 

But the price of enjoying such intimate relations with history is an intensive 
personal supervision which can only be duplicated in a religious order or in a 
police state. Gossip becomes a form of healthy criticism, and party dossiers go 
into the minutest detail of private lives. Most members accept this all-encom- 
passing control. In the end, they become so involved socially and psychologi- 
cally that the threat of expulsion strikes them as excommunication would a 
devout Catholic. It is enough to keep them in line long after they begin to 
develop intellectual doubts about the infallibility of Russia. 

In its own eyes the party has two main commitments : to support and advance 
the U. S. S. R., and to promote the establishment of socialism in the United 
States. The second is necessarily subordinate to the first because Communists 
regard the preservation of the workers' state in Russia as indispensable to the 
spread of socialism through the world. The short-term disregard of American 
working-class needs in the interests of Soviet foreign policy will, they feel, thus 
be to the long-term benefit of American workers. 

Not all American workers see it that way, and the conflict between the re- 
quirements of Soviet foreign policy and the requirements of the American 
domestic scene has weakened the CPUSA. The most impressive part of the 
Communist record in this country, indeed, has been its courageous activity 
against local injustice and exploitation, and its least impressive part has been 
its subservience to Soviet foreign policy. Yet the party leadership has never 
hesitated to stifle its grassroots initiative and squander its grassroots assets 
in order to whip up American backing for Soviet adventures abroad. Indeed, 
the dependence of the functionaries on Moscow for personal power and ulti- 
mately for livelihood makes them the unquestioning servants of the Soviet 
Union. Partly as a cause and partly as a result of this subservience, the top 
leadership of the pai'ty has become essentially bureaucratic. It is in the hands 
of a small clique in New York. The National Secretariat — consisting of Foster, 
Eugene Dennis, John Williamson, and Robert Thompson — operates from ofiices 
on the ninth floor of the Center, far removed from the rank and file of the 

The party, for a long time billed as the American section of the Communist 
International, has always received dii-ectives and in the past some funds from 
the U. S. S. R. via courier. Probably Moscow's most effective control has been 
through Comintern representatives — the famous "C. I. reps." The American 
party has never been important enough in Soviet calculations to risk clandestine 
contacts between the Washington Embassy and the party leaders ; and simple 
skepticism about the party's security explains why no one in Moscow would 
have dreamed of giving Earl Browder a preview of the pact w^ith Hitler. Dur- 
ing the war there had to be greater reliance on conditional reflexes, prodded 
by Pravda or War and the Working Class or the Moscow radio. Direct contact 
has undoubtedly been reestablished by now. 

The relation of Moscow to the CPUSA may be compared to that of a football 
coach to his team. The team has its quarterback to run it on the field, its set 
of plays, and its general instructions. The coach may occasionally send in a 
substitute with new instructions or a new quarterback or an entire new team, 
but he is not likely to be giving play-by-play orders. Since the team has com- 
plete confidence in the coach, it resents cracks from bystanders about taking 
orders from outside ; after all, are not the interests of the coach and team 

72723—57 — pt. 43 2 


Because the party is numerically insignificant, local political realities do not 
chasten its passion to please Moscow. Consequently it always overinterprets 
its notion of what Moscow wants. When the invasion of Russia brought on the 
national unity program, the Americans, for example, developed the Browder 
doctrine of indefinite collaboration with capitalism and the Harry Bridges doc- 
trine of postwar extension of the no-strike pledge. When the end of the war 
revived Communist militancy, the Americans, overdoing it as usual, leaped on 
Browder with hobnailed boots, rubbed his face in the dirt, and kicked him out 
of the party. 

Browder had been leader of the party for 15 years. He had steered it from 
anti-Roosevelt militancy to pro-Roosevelt popular front to anti-Roosevelt isola- 
tionism to pro-Rooseveit war unity, all without a quiver of distaste. But the 
experience of the wartime coalition gave him the vision of an Americanized 
Communist Party working with its fellow American parties to solve the urgent 
questions facing the Nation. To this end he began a policy of naturalizing 
the party, relaxing its discipline, and moderating its sectarianism. He trans- 
formed the wartime tactic of national unity into a postwar strategy and argued 
the possibility that progressive capitalism, to save itself, would embark on 
policies favorable to the workers at home and to the Soviet Union abroad. 


In April 194.5, however, Jacques Duclos of the French Communist Party, for- 
merly high in the Comintern, published his celebrated repudiation of Browder- 
ism. The Duclos article was probably using the CPUSA as a scapegoat in order 
to set down a new line for the more important Communist Parties of Britain, 
France, and Spain, then still flirting with rightists like Churchill, de Gaulle, 
and Gil Robles. But publication of the attack by the New York World-Telegram 
panicked the American Communists into more drastic action against Browder 
than Moscow probably contemplated. 

There followed recriminations of intense bitterness. Browder accused the 
Secretariat of circulating charges against him which "ranged the whole gamut 
of social and political crimes excepting perhaps that of murder." One member 
even proposed that Browder be given a job scrubbing floors in the Center. After 
refusing to give the National Committee the names of all party members to 
whom he had spoken since the July 1945 convention, Browder was uncere- 
moniously expelled in February 1946. His amazing "Appeal * * * to the 
members of the CPUSA!" concluded, "All effective interparty democracy has 
been destroyed." Two months later he was on his way to Moscow. 

Browder could argue in Moscow that his policy alone stood a chance of pre- 
venting a third war. The "adventurism" and "sectarianism" of the Foster policy, 
with its projected third party, would only split the American progressives and 
bring the anti-Soviet i-eactionaries to power. Even Duclos, for all his tough 
talk, allows the French Couununist Party to join in governments led by Social- 
ists and now by Catholics and indeed recently chided the American Communists 
as unrealistic. "You have strikes all the time. Here, we Coumiunists are the 
strongest party in France, and we have no strikes at all. * * * We know the class 
struggle is real, but we know, too, that this is the time for unity and so we do 
not strike." Duclos sounds here like an unregenerate Browderite — or maybe the 
line is changing again. ("They have failed Karl Marx," observed a wit, "but 
remain faithful to Harpo.") 

In any case, Browder's 5-year contract to represent Soviet publishing houses 
in the United States does more than simply keep him on the payroll in antici- 
pation of a new shift in policy. It provides him with an ideal channel to the 
Soviet Union and thus gives him a potential whip hand over Foster. For the 
time being, however, Foster and the party may well pursue one line in the 
political field while Browder, with unmistakable Soviet approval, pursues an- 
other in the field of cultural relations. The U. S. S. R. has kept two divergent 
lines in operation on other occasions (as toward Germany during the war). 

The present Communist Party is thus a throwback to the party of the twenties 
with both its sectarianism and its intransigeance. Its main objective is by poli- 
cies of disruption and blackmail to avert a war with the Soviet Union or to 
make sure, if war comes, that the United States is badly prepared to fight it. 
Eugene Dennis writes, "We Communists are * * * the bitterest opponents of 
the projected plans of imperialism for a criminal war against the great working 
class democracy — the U. S. S. R." The party spells this out : defeat the "vast 
and menacing armaments program" ; defeat "the imperialist proposals for uni- 


versal and compulsory military training" ; "speed demobilization" ; internation- 
alize the atomic homl). 

From the start the party's operations have been conspiratorial, its activities 
largely clandestine. Since it has no mass base in the United States its possi- 
bilities of open influence on national policy are limited. Moreover, early perse- 
cution, as well as Comintern instructions, confirmed its belief that, as a small 
and ill-armed band operating in a hostile environment, it was justified in using 
any methods to advance the cause. 

Because clandestine modes of operation are utterly foreign to American 
political life, many Americans dismiss them as wild fabrications. They are 
naive to do so. The testimony of Harold Laski on this point is of interest, since 
Communists can hardly write him off as a red-baiter or reactionary. "The Com- 
munist Parties outside Russia act without moral scruples, intrigue without 
any sense of shame, are utterly careless of truth, sacrifice, without any hesi- 
tation, the means they use to the ends they serve. The result is a corruption, 
both of the mind and of the heart, which is alike contemptuous of reason and 
careless of truth." 


The party works both through secret members and through fellow travelers. 
The secret members report directly to a representative of the national com- 
mittee; they have no local afliliations, are exempt from petty party discipline 
and are unknown to most party members. Their party cards usually are held in 
aliases, so that in the files they appear as "John Smith" with P. N. (party name) 
noted beside it. Fellow travelers are those who offer their cooperation but avoid 
actual membership. 

Underground cells under party direction became active in Washington in the 
thirties ; some of their members are still well placed in the administration. Ex 
party members name several Congressmen as reliable from the party point of 
view, and well-known Communist sympathizers are on the staffs of some Sena- 
tors and congressional committees. The Dies-Rankin nonsense has hopelessly 
obscured the problem of Communists in Government, however, by smearing so 
many non-Communist liberals as Communist that most such allegations tend to 
leave Government officials glum and immobile. 

The great present field of Communist penetration is the trade unions. The 
national leadership of certain CIO unions — the National Maritime Union, the 
International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's, the American Communica- 
tions Association, the United Office and Professional Workers, the United Elec- 
trical Workers, the United Public Workers, the Transport Workers, the Fur and 
Leather Workers — can be relied upon to follow the line with fidelity. Com- 
munists are active in the United Auto Workers in the hope of overthrowing the 
anti-Communist leadership of Walter Reuther, and they are even boring into 
Phil Murray's own imion, the Steelworkers. 

All discussions of this question in the CIO revolve around the ambiguous figure 
of Lee Pressman, its cagey and capable general counsel, long known as a fellow 
traveler. Phil Murray has observed irritably that he would not remove Press- 
man until he was shown proof that Pressman was a party member. No one has 
-ever produced proof convincing to Murray ; and Pressman, through his ability 
and his skill in personal relations, has made himself nearly indispensable to the 
CIO president. His personal machine through the CIO and through Washington 
is formidable. Of the Washington legislative representatives of ClO unions, 
12 or 14 are believed to be party members ; 8 or 10 play the party line, and only 
about half a dozen are clearly non-Communist. This means that when an issue 
like the British loan comes up, which the CIO officially endorsed but which the 
CPUSA opposed, lobbying is half-hearted and ineffective, whereas the question 
of a Soviet loan would have had the same group working day and night. 

The Communists spread their infection of intrigue and deceit wherever they 
go. The project of a maritime federation, for example, created the interesting 
problem whether Harry Bridges or Joe Curran would be top dog. The Com- 
munists, evidently regarding Bridges as smarter or more dependable, began a 
■quiet campaign to whittle Curran down without quite destroying him. The re- 
sult has been an atmosphere in the higher level of the N. M. U. in which the 
Borgias would feel at home. 

Second only to the unions is the drive to organize the Negroes. As the most 
appalling case of social injustice in this country, the Negro problem attracted 
party interest from the start and, with the Scottsboro case. Communist prestige 
among the Negroes rose tremendously. In countless ways across the country 


Communists performed commendable individual acts against discrimination. 
The ninth floor, however, continued to view the race problem mainly as a valuable 
source of propaganda. Angelo Herndon, a Negro, was sentenced to 20 years in a 
Georgia prison for passing out Communist literature. When he was finally freed, 
after nationwide agitation, he was rushed to New York. A group of Communist 
big shots met Herndon, an intelligent, light-skinned Negro, at Penn Station. In 
the cab on the way to Harlem, Herndon heard Anna Damon, of the International 
Labor Defense, a tup party leader, remark that it was a pity he was not blacker. 

With the attack on Russia, the Communists soft-pedaled the race question. 
The party is currently trying to make up the ground thus lost by exploiting the 
riot in Columbia, Tenn., as it exploited the Scottsboro affair and by sinking 
tentacles into the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. 

The third objective is what the Communists call "mass organizations" — that 
is, groups of liberals organized for some benevolent purpose, and because of 
the innocence, laziness, and stupidity of most of the membership, perfectly de- 
signed for control by an alert minority. One method is to take over an existing 
organization. The Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences, and 
Professions, for example, began as a brilliant contribution by actors and 
writers to the Roosevelt campaign in 1944. For various reasons the ICC 
was kept alive ; its celebrities maintained their membership but not their vigi- 
lance ; and, though most of the local chapters are free from Communist control, 
the national organization on most outstanding issues of foreign policy has 
backed the Russians or kept quiet. 

The ICC did not, for example, throw its weight into the fight for the 
British loan, while it has cheerily identified itself with a cause whose chief 
organized backing in this country comes, for some mysterious reason, from the 
Communist Party — the national independence of Puerto Rico. In spite of 
needling by newspapermen, Harold Ickes, ICC's executive chairman, has 
publicly denied any taint of party influence. But at the New York State Com- 
munist convention in August 1945, a member of the cultural section of the 
party boasted, "We built the Independent Citizens Committee * * * and it was 
a great political weapon." 

An even clearer case is the National Committee to Win-the-Peace. Many 
admitted Communists and fellow travelers helped sponsor the opening confer- 
ence last April in Washington, where speeches and resolutions denounced all 
the failings of Britain and the United States while refraining from even the 
mildest criticism of Russia. The conference demanded "free access to informa- 
tion" in Indonesia, but not in Eastern Europe. It set impossible conditions 
for the British loan but came out unconditionally for loans to the U. S. S. R. 
A hundred other fronts, youth organizations, foreign language groups, and 
newspapers disseminate bits and pieces of the Communist line. 

If you live in New York or Los Angeles, this complex and largely concealed 
Communist activity may have a considerable impact. A frenzied "popular 
front" atmosphere has arisen in both cities. The party has played with great 
success upon the hopes and anxieties of New York's racial groups ; it is powerful 
in the Greater New York Industrial Union Council of the CIO and even has a 
bridgehead in the New York City Council. In Los Angeles communism flour- 
ishes along with the other weird cults. It has made particular headway among 
the intellectuals of Hollywood, who find in the new faith a means of resolving 
their own frustration and guilt. 

The result is to create a situation where a writer, a speaker, an actor, if he 
says the correct things, can rely on a united and hysterical response. Many 
people live upon the roar of the crowd, and the temptation is irresistible to 
court that roar. College professors are delighted to share a platform with 
actresses or entertainers from Cafe Societj' Uptown, and actresses are flattered 
by appearing on the same platform as college professors. 

The question remains whether this activity, anonymous, highly ramified, 
devoted to the interests of a foreign power, constitutes a fifth-column menace to 
the United States. No American Communist has publicly gone so far as Luis 
Carlos Prestes, leader of the Brazilian Communist Party, who promised to start 
a partisan movement in case of war between Brazil and Russia. Yet Canadian 
Communists in the Gouzenko spy case stated under oath that they had a 
loyalty which took precedence over their own country. Herbert ilorrison 
of the British Labor Government, pointing out that Communists had been 
involved in more than one case of espionage, added, "I personally would not 
feel comfortable * * * sitting in the same Cabinet where members of the 
Communist Party were participating in our discussions with access to secret 


Any fully logical American Communist is obligated to regard the interests of 
Soviet Russia, which he has succeeded in identifying with the interests of the 
international working class, as his highest loyalty. If the is.sue were ever 
pre.sented in this form, though, many fellow travelers and some party mem- 
bers would quickly get off the train. A great reason for Communist success 
has been the party's skill in presenting pro-Russian demands under cover of 
legitimate domestic issues. While the espionage threat cannot be shrugged off, 
it" cannot be solved ))y witch hunts or by un-American committees. It can 
safely be left to the competent hands of the FBI. 

Does the Communist Party present a revolutionary threat to this country? 
This is the specter raised so fervently by Dies and Rankin. It should be said 
in the first place that there is nothing un-American about revolution. James 
Wilson, who helped draft the Constitution and was a greater expert on these 
matters than Dies, wrote, "A revolution principle certainly is, and certainly 
should be taught as a principle of the Constitution of the United States." The 
Dies definition of un-Americanism would include George Washington, Thomas 
Jefferson, John Adams, Robert B. Lee, Jefferson Davis, and Scarlett O'Hara — 
all rebels, disloyalists, and opponents of constituted authority. 

A real revolutionary party in this country might be a good thing and, if con- 
ditions ever are allowed to develop which would make a revolution successful, 
we deserve to have one. Jefferson thought one should come about every 20 years. 
But to call the CPUSA a revolutionary party is an insult to the American 
revolutionary tradition. Its psendorevolutionary activities will be turned on 
and off as the interests of an external power dictate. When American and Soviet 
policies coincide, the CPUSA will tend toward the right ; when they diverge, to 
the left. 

The Communist party is no menace to the right in the United States. It Is 
a great help to the right because of its success in dividing and neutralizing the 
left. It is to the American left that communism presents the most serious 

On the record, Communists have fought other leftists as viciously as they 
have fought fa.scists. Their methods are irreconcilable witli honest cooperation, 
as anyone who has tried to work with them has found out the hard way. The 
left in Europe has known this for a long time, but, by the clandestine character 
of their operations and by the cynical denial of party affiliation, Communists 
have succeeded in hiding their true face from American liberals. They have 
stymied honest discussion of the Communist issue by raising the cry of "red- 
baiting"' and "Rankinism." They have imposed a false "either-or" definition 
of world issues by which anyone withholding approval from the U. S. S. R. is 
pronounced pro-Fascist. 

In its larger aspects the Communists are engaged in a massive attack on the 
moral fabric of the American left. The party has sought systematically to 
enforce the notion that writing must conform, not to the facts, not to the personal 
vision of the author, but to a political line. The substitution of any external 
standard for the truth as the writer finds it can result only in confusion and 
dishonesty — in the destruction of moral clarity and intellectual integrity. 

Albert Maltz, the novelist and Hollywood writer, recently wrote a piece sug- 
gesting that maybe Communist critics had employed political standards over- 
mechanically ; that the New Masses, for example, had panned Watch on the 
Rhine as a play but praised it as a film because the attack on Russia had inter- 
vened, and that writers like James T. Farrell and Richard Wright, even if 
anti-Stalinist, still might make valuable contributions. Isidor Schneider, liter- 
ary editor of the New Masses, sent ]Maltz a note of approval and printed the 

All hell broke loose. Week after week in the New Masses and Daily Worker 
Howard Fast, Mike Gold, Robert Thompson, even Foster himself denounced 
Maltz as a Trotskyite or a Browderite. Maltz's reply casts pathetic light on the 
Communist psychology of confession. Folding completely before the party dis- 
cipline, Maltz even castigated his sympathizers who had objected to the abusive 
tone in which correction had been administered. "What should be clear is that 
my article made fundamental errors. * * * a serious and sharp discussion was 

Maltz's protest had been a feeble attempt to free writing from political con- 
trol. Already the wildly enthusiastic Communist claque for certain types of 
phony folk art has lowered the standards of many Americans not themselves 
party members or sympathizers. The vogue of "Ballad for Americans," for 
example, or the radio plays of Norman Corwin, is a current byproduct of this 
general corruption of taste. 


As a college professor named Frederick L. Schuman recently put it with naive 
simplicity, "In 1946 all utterances and acts of politicians and publicists * * * 
will ultimately be weighed * * * in terms of this stark and simple issue: do 
they contribute to Ainglo-American-Soviet unity?" Facts, truth, and honesty 
become side issues. 

It is imperative for the American liberals, if they wish to avoid total bank- 
ruptcy, to get back to a sense of moral seriousness and of absolute devotion to 
the facts. The Union for Democratic Action is one leftwing group which has 
sought to combat the confusion and corruption coming inevitably in the wake of 
Communist penetration. Its national chairman, Dr. Reinhold Niebuhr, once ob- 
served, "I do not believe in the slogan, 'My country, right or wrong' — particularly 
when it isn't even my country." The ablest members of the Washington bureau 
of the New York newspaper "PM" have resigned, charging that Ralph Ingersoll 
has "continuously yielded to Communist pressure." The president of the United 
Furniture Workers, resigning in protest against the capture of his union by Com- 
munist invaders, said, "These people are dangerously vicious. Anyone who goes 
along with them on the theory that this is the liberal thing to do is a fool. I 
know because I have been one." 

The recent fight for control of the American Veterans Committee shows that, 
when they are alert to the situation, liberals can lick the Communists. But until 
the left can make the Communists and fellow travelers stand and be counted, its 
energies will be expended in an exhausting warfare in the dark. The Com- 
munists will not be able to maneuver the left into a positively pro-Soviet pro- 
gram. But they may well prevent the left from taking positive action which 
does not suit the party line. Communist influence immobilizes the United States 

The Communists are looking to a next depression as their happy hunting 
ground. The way to defeat them is not to pass repressive legislation or return 
Martin Dies to public service, but to prevent that depression and to correct the 
faults and injustices in our present system which make even freedom-loving 
Americans look wistfully at Russia. If conservatives spent more time doing this 
and less time smearing other people who are trying to do it as Communists, they 
would get much further in the job of returning the CFUSA to its proper place 
beside the Buchmanites and the Holy Rollers. 

Mr. Javits. I will say, if you will allow me, that I saw Dr. Dodd 
before that July date. I would think that the nominations, pri- 
mary, and so forth, wei^e pretty well crystallized along about May- 
June of 1946. 

Mr. Morris. Did you, or did Murray Baron, the chairman of the 
Liberal Party in New York County, make clear to you on several 
occasions that you would not be allowed to take the Liberal Party — 
retain the Liberal Party designation, if you had an ALP designa- 

Mr. Ja\t:ts. This meeting I referred to with Alex Rose, again in 
an effort to refresh my recollection, I talked with Mr. Baron, who 
was very active in the Liberal Party at that time. He tells me he 
attended that meeting, and remembers that I was so told. 

I have no doubt that on that occasion and other occasions the 
Liberal Party made it very clear to me they were completely at war 
with the ALP. I would assume, Judge, too, that having run on this 
ticket four times, they looked me over very carefully with X-ray 
eyes, and were pretty well convinced that I wouldn't be interested in 
the ALP. 

Mr. Morris. Did you not tell Murray Baron, in connection with 
the 1946 election, that you could have either the secret support of 
the ALP or they would remain neutral, depending on what you 
wanted ? Mr. Baron has told us that. 

Mr. Javits. I wouldn't challenge Murray Baron because I have 
the highest regard for him. 


I have no such recollection, and I would like to point out to you 
that the ALP candidate, a man named Connolly, tried to win the 
Democratic Party nomination in an election, so the facts are not 
consistent with that proposition. They did their utmost to knock 
me o& in 1946 and 1948, when they ran Paul O'Dwyer, and he almost 
defeated me. 

Mr. INIoRRis. Wasn't the problem to keep the ALP and Democratic 
candidate — the ALP and the Democrats from endorsing the same 
persQ]!, because they tooether Avould be an insurmountable block? 

Mr. Javits. This fellow Connolly ran in the Democratic Party 
primary. You couldn't do any more than that. He tried to capture 

]Mr. Morris. Subsequent to 1946, didn't you again tell Murray 
Baron that you had word from a man named Louis Merrill who was 
one of the leaders of one of the Communist-controlled unions, that he 
would help, if you wanted his assistance, in the forthcoming 1948 

Mr. Javits. Again, the last thing in the world I would want to do 
is challenge Murray Baron, who is a good friend of mine, and who 
has been swell. 

Incidentally, Murray Baron was one of the principal factors in 
winning the 1948 campaign for me. He campaigned personally in 
Inwood, which is a very tough part of my district, as a Liberal 
Party member. This was almost running a physical risk. I just 
remember no such conversation. 

I am sure I reported to Murray and to Alex Kose every conceiv- 
able political fact which came to my attention, because they were the 
people I looked to to guide and help me. 

]NIr. Morris. He has told us that this particular conversation about 
Merrill took place in a taxicab. You cannot recall that? 

Mr. JA^^TS. I am sorry. I wish I could. I can only give you the 
frame of reference. 

May I just add one further word, which my brother just handed 
me a note of, and I remember it, and I would like to state it for the 
record : 

Another one of the men who lielped me get the Liberal Party nom- 
ination and support was Eugene Lyons. 

Mr. Morris. Now, General Javits, in connection with the 1948 
campaign, wasn't there a discussion at the time that if the Democrats 
and the ALP would endorse the same candidate, the combination of 
the Republican and Liberal votes would be overcome by such a com- 
bination, and at that time did you not take up with Baron and with 
Alex Rose the possibilities of your having ALP support in the 1948 
campaign ? 

Mr. JA"^^TS. In the 1948 campaign there was unquestionably a con- 
versation about the fact that this was a very tough combination to 
beat, and that we probably might not be able to beat it, but I recall 
no discussion about my taking ALP. On the contrary, I am very 
clear, aside from the muddle I may have been in in the 1946 cam- 
paign, when I was new on the job, in a sense, I had no doubts about 
the ALP thereafter. 

By 1948 I had served 2 years in Congress, and I had encountered 
ALP doctrine in the shape of its Congressmen here. 


Mr. Morris. It is your testimony that you did not ask to have ALP 
support ^ 

Mr. Javits. I ha\'e no such recollection, Judge. The only thing 
one can do, like myself, who does so many things, is to try to get a 
recollection in the frame of reference, and this, it seems to me, to be 
absolutely inconsistent with everything I was doing at the time. 

I will tell you this: You can explore any number of things with 
your political confidants, and what recollection they would have 
about them, and I would have about them, would be very different, 
and yet one might not necessarily contradict the other. I would not 
contradict Murray Baron. I know the man and have the highest 
regard for him. 

Mr. Morris. Did the Liberal Party — Does a man, Sam Roman, 
work for you ? 

Mr. Javits. Sam Roman is the assemblyman of the Fifteenth As- 
sembly District who ran with me four times, the man I referred to 
before, and he is now one of my executive assistants. 

Mr. Morris. Did the Liberal Party object through you to a tribute 
that Sam Roman paid to Rose Russell, the legislative representative 
of the Teachers' Union, on November 20, 1954. 

Mr. Javits. Judge, I cannot — — • 

Mr. Morris. The protest was presumably because he was your 
executive assistant and that he should not • 

Mr. Javits. November, 1954 he was not my executive assistant. 
I took office as attorney general in January, 1955, and in November, 
1954, he Avas a defeated assemblyman. 

Mr. Morris. Was there a protest, did they protest to you that a 
man who was associated with you should publicly commend Rose 
Russell, was there such a protest? 

Mr. Javits. I have no recollection of it, but I do recall that I had 
to relegate Sam Roman to the Liberal Party to work out his own 
fortunes on occasions for one reason or another, whatever they might 
be, but I think it would be very unfair to Mr. Roman for me to say 
anytliing about that in this context. I just don't know. I don't have 
any recollection whatever of any such discussion, but he didn't work 
for me at the time, as I just made clear. 

Mr. Morris. "Well, General Javits, the question was based on the 
committee evidence and information that we have. 

Mr. Javits. Of course. 

Mr. Morris. As you know, as we made clear from the very begin- 
ning, we were having this hearing only to afford you an opportunity 
to give your version of the committee evidence and information. 

Mr. Javits. Certainly. Thank you. Judge. 

Mr. Morris. There are many things, Senator, that we could go into, 
that are not particularly important. We cannot trail this thing out 
to the very end. But what we have presented to you. General Javits, 
is for the most part the committee information and evidence which 
has been accumulated in the record of the committee during the course 
of our current investigation of Communist penetration into the politi- 
cal parties, and in no sense do we present this in any context other 
than in connection with your request for a hearing today. 

Mr. Javits. It is my duty as Attorney General, as a citizen, as a 
former Congressman, to come to you and do what I am doing here. 


I am deliohted to see this committee handlinja; matters with such 
meticiilousness and in any way I can contribute information, I want 
to, and if you feel I have left anything unsaid and you want to question 
me again,' go to it. I will be very pleased to do so. 

I woukthope that before we are tlirough with tlie hearings, you 
will allow me, and I know it is asking a great deal, to introduce into 
the record something of which I am very proud, my congressional 
record, which consists of letters and reports entered in the Congres- 
sional Record which I wrote twice a year, so that they were not done 
in preparation for this hearing, to all my constituents, where I stake 
my political neck, and I think, Mr. Chairman, with all modesty, that 
it represents an effective anti-Connnunist struggle, which I put up here 
as a Congressman and as a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee 
of which I am very proud, and I would consider it a great privilege 
from the Chair if the Chair would allow me to do that. 

Chairman Eastiand. Yes, I will permit you to place that in the 

Mr. Jawts. Tliank you. 

(The reprints from the Congressional Record were marked "Exhibit 
No. 405" and follow in chronological order:) 

[Congressional Record, July 24, 1947, pp. 10085-10087] 


The Speaker. Under previous order of the House, the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Javits) is recognized for 10 minutes. 

The Chair might state for the information of the House that the minority 
leader states that his objection will not apply to anyone who has a special 
order, as these special orders were granted before he announced his position. 

The 80th Congress, 1st Session, Record and Forecast 

Mr. Javits. Mr. Speaker, the 1st session of the 80th Congress is drawing to 
a close and it is now well to review what has been done during the session, so 
that we can best see what remains to be accomplished during the coming mo- 
mentous legislative year of 1948, before the 80th Congi-ess passes into history. 
The inscription on the National Archives Building in Washington is "What Is 
Past Is Prologue." As a Member of Congress I have learned to appreciate the 
wisdom and significance of those words. 

The 80th Congress had innumerable problems, both domestic and foreign, 
to cope with. It has done many things ; much still remains to be accomplished. 
When I campaigned in 1946 I had as my twin slogans "Peace and Jobs." Look- 
ing back on this session, I believe we have been greatly preoccupied with peace, 
because of our activities in the field of foreign affairs. Much time has been 
given to appropriations for the costs of Government, to labor legislation, to 
budget policy and taxes, and to wartime controls of rents, credit, and other 
commodities; but our hearts have been especially troubled by the problem of 
peace in a postwar, torn world. 

As a member of the House Committee on Foreign AfCairs, I have been privi- 
leged to be intimately concerned with every aspect of the foreign-affairs prob- 
lems which came before us. I believe that we have already made the greatest 
of our policy decisions in peacetime, and that though there will be, and should be, 
much debate on contents and procedure, and on other practical details of enor- 
mous significance, the basic issue has been resolved by this Congress. That 
resolution dedicates the United States to three principles in foreign affairs : 

(o) That we will particpate in the world's reconstruction with our vast tech- 
nical and material resources and with our skills and leadership ; 

( 6 ) That we shall insist from those we aid on self-help first, and on practical 
judgments and practical solutions equivalent to those we call good business ; and 
(c) That we will practice applied democracy in our own activities and will 
encourage it in the nations with whom we deal. 


By enacting the Greek-Tnrkisli assistance bill, the foreign relief bill, the 
resolntion to authorize United States participation in the International Refu- 
gee Organization, and finally by passing appropriations of almost $1,500 million 
to implement these and other foreign-affairs measures, this Congress decided 
that it was not isolationist, that the United States had a major role to play 
in the world by which peace and economic stability might be obtained, and that 
the Congress was determined that the United States should play it. 

But these accomplishments of the first session still leave much vital and neces- 
sary legislation in the field of foreign affairs to come. The Marshall plan is only 
a concept now, but by the time the Congress reconvenes on January 6, 1948, it 
is likely to be a very real thing. For we shall then have in hand the plan for 
their own economic rehabilitation of the 16 western European nations now meet- 
ing in Paris, and the results of the investigations of the Committee on Foreign 
Affairs and of the select committee on the needs of reconstruction overseas 
and on our capacity to meet them. Incipient in and running through the prob- 
lems of world reconstruction will be the twin problems of what to do with our 
defeated enemies, Germany and Japan. 

During the next session the Congress will have to deal with more problems in- 
volving foreign affairs than ever before in our peacetime history. Much of the 
work done by various agencies of the United Nations will come before us for 
approval. The extension of the reciprocal trade agreements program and the 
role the United States is playing in the International Trade Organization will 
come up for discussion. We shall be called on to decide on joining the World 
Health Organization. 

Great matters of hemisphere security will also come up for consideration. The 
House Committee on Foreign Affairs, after extensive hearings, reported favor- 
ably on H. R. 3836, a bill providing for inter-American military cooperation 
through standardization of military equipment and military training among the 
other American Republics and Canada. It will be brought up and acted upon 
in the next session. By the time we again convene two momentous inter-Ameri- 
can conferences will have been held. The conference at Rio de Janeiro, often 
postponed and required to be held by the Act of Chapultepec (adopted at the 
last Inter- American Conference held in Mexico City in March 1945), to consider 
an inter-American treaty whereby the American states may meet in common, 
"threats or acts of aggression against any American Republic" ; and the con- 
ference at Bogota on inter- American military defense. 

If these great challenging problems are not enough we have such issues as 
Palestine and the ferment in the Middle East to contend with, the problem of 
civil conflicts in China and of the new governments in India and the whole move- 
ment of pan-Asia. In Palestine, especially, the issue between international 
justice and decadent colonialism are sharply drawn. If in the face of solemn 
international covenants undertaken to the Jewish people — now martyred and 
desperate in Europe — the illegal barriers to full immigration into Palestine can- 
not be made to come down, then the cause of peaceful justice in the world has 
suffered a mortal blow. The United States is a party to this international 
covenant and will count heavily in the result, if it demonstrates a willingness to 
implement the United Nations recommendations on Palestine. We must see 
that our historic Palestine policy is translated into action. As is well known to 
this House, I have been working hard to bring this action about. 

Important international financial problems will be before us dealing with 
the operations of the world bank and of our own Export-Import Bank. The 
question of the St. Lawrence seaway is likely to arise — a matter which has 
been pending for 10 years and is critically important to the prosperity of millions 
of people around the Great Lakes and of great significance to Canada and other 

Yet our main challenge is likely to be the working out of our relations with 
Russia and with her satellite countries of Eastern Europe. For unless we can 
build a peaceful and prosperous world, and that is likely to mean one in which 
the Soviets are also included, we can have no real security at home ; and we 
must labor under enormous appropriations for our Military Establishment, 
the utilization of much manpower for this purpose and the uncertainty of liv- 
ing in a dangerous and explosive world. The greatest ingenuity and patience 
will be called for from us. We must, I am convinced, stand firmly by our prin- 
ciples of individual freedom, respect for human rights, the sanctity of contracts 
and international agreements, freedom of thought, religion, and communica- 
tion, the security of iirivate property and of our private economy and oppor- 
tunity for all nations to develop their own destinies peaceably. But at the 


same time, without appeasement or weak compromises, we must be trying to effect 
measures of cooperation — especially economic — with the Soviets. Our best 
chance to do this is through the medium of international organization furnished 
by the United Nations. But in so doing we must be watchful to preserve the 
national integrity and allow the development of higher standards of living for 
other peoples. In dealing with all of these problems we must understand and 
cling tenaciously to our declai'ed and historic policy that men ready for free- 
dom and self-government shall have them. It is a monumental task, yet one 
which we must successfully perform if we are to have peace. We cannot fear 
conflict, but we must move heaven and earth to avoid it. 

Our problems in the field of domestic affairs have been and will continue to 
be of enormous importance. They determine the basis of our daily lives and the 
extent of the strength which will enable us to help keep the peace and contribute 
tc our own and the world's prosperity. In this first session we have still been 
dealing with many of the economic and social dislocations caused by war, and 
with the challenge of making a private economy work for the benefit of all the 
people with a minimum of Government interference, after years under strict Gov- 
ernment controls. Congress passed legislation in the first session dealing with 
labor, taxes. Presidential succession, veterans, civil-service retirement, rent, and 
continuance of some other wartime controls, and a host of other bills. Con- 
gi-ess lifted many wartime regulations and restrictions, such as those on install- 
ment credit, reduced the scope and size of many Government agencies, like the 
Reconstruction Finance Corporation, provided for an Army-Navy merger under 
a single head of national defense, which I strongly supported, and dealt with 
economy in the operation of Government agencies and departments. 

A comprehensive labor bill, the Taft-Hartley bill, was enacted. I voted 
against it, as I believed that it was punitive and that on the subject of strikes 
threatening national paralysis — as in the coal scare — it was not effective. I had 
recommended provisions for permitting seizure by the Federal Government of 
struck essential national industries, and their operation on the minimal basis re- 
quired by the public health and safety. The next months should tell us how the 
Taft-Hartley bill will really work. My attitude on labor legislation may be 
summed up by a phrase I used in a speech on a labor bill. I said : "I consider it 
the duty of the Congress in legislation affecting labor to legislate with a scalpel 
and not a cutlass." 

Material reductions were effected in appropriation bills covering the ex- 
penses of the Federal Government. I voted for some and against others. On 
the whole, I would say as appropriations are a 1-year proposition, that whether 
Congress did the right thing or not — whether it cut too sharply — will be seen 
from how the departments and agencies operate in the coming fiscal year. The 
costs of Government had to come down after the war, and the people must be 
sympathetic to the efforts made to achieve economy by this Congress. 

An eft"ort was made by the Republican majority to reduce taxes to help those 
of modest income to meet the high cost of living. I voted for such tax reduction, 
but the whole effort failed due to presidential veto. The whole tax structure is 
being reviewed during the congressional recess and I shall strive to help bring 
about a more rational tax structure, helping especially those with modest in- 

Many wartime controls were abandoned, but some like rent and certain import 
and export controls were continued. I believe that we should have had a rent- 
cointrol extension to June 30, 1948 : but the law that was passed — after consider- 
able doubt that any rent-control bill would pass unless it carried an across-the- 
board increase — decontrols some types of housing and permits rent increases by 
agreement between landlord and tenant on the rest — the term of this law is to 
March 31, 1948. Maaiy problems have already arisen under this law and we shall 
know in the next months whether the situation can right itself through the action 
of States and municipalities and the discipline of landlords and tenants, or 
whether Congress will have to act. Certainly tenants need not be pressured 
into making ill-advised leases as I am convinced that rent control. State or 
Federal, must continue as long as the housing shortage remains acute. 

On the No. 1 domestic problem, and what I consider to be Congress No. 1 
"must" — housing — Congress did relatively little until the close of the session 
when a resolution passed for a joint House-Senate investigation of the national 
housing shortage. This was an investigation which I had demanded over a 
month earlier, by introducing House Resolution 247, when I became convinced 
that I could not get action at this session on the comprehensive housing bill, the 
Taft-Ellender-Wagner bill, which I had introduced in the House early in the 
session, March 12, 1947. 


I am confident that this housing investigation will show the catastrophic hous- 
ing shortage to demand a comprehensive housing bill like the Taft-EUender- 
Wagner bill. Had we passed that bill this session, I am convinced that the next 
6 months would have seen an enormous upward surge of housing construction. 
As it is the whole outlook for a greater number of permanent housing units to 
be built this year than last year, and for housing for moderate- and low-income 
families and urban redevelopment and slum clearance is uncertain at the least, 
unless private builders do miracles. The drive to pass the Taft-EUender-Wagner 
bill must continue. 

The housing investigation will serve a useful purpose as it should lay bare the 
causes for the vastly increased costs which have so impeded the construction of 
needed homes. This will require the investigators to proceed with an even hand 
in the fields of labor, materials, land costs and financial costs, and to expose the 
archaic municipal building codes, and any monopolies and trusts which have 
been contributing to the current high costs and the national housing shortage. 
We all have a right to expect that if, as I am convinced, comprehensive Federal 
housing legislation is found necessai'y by the investigation, it will be asked for 
frankly and at the very earliest day, which if we are not called back in the fall 
is at the opening of the next session on January 6, 1948. I shall continue to do 
everything I possibly can to help solve the housing shortage so that millions of 
our people including thousands in my own district, can live decently and health- 
fully, at rents that they can afford to pay, and in a manner commensurate with 
the resources of our country. 

Among other problems which should be dealt with at the next session of 
Congress aside from housing, are the national responsibility for health and for 
the education of our youth, the improvement and strengthening of the whole 
social-security system in terms of benefits, duration and types of coverage, and 
material increases in the level of minimum wages. 

The House of Representatives has passed the anti-poll-tax bill which is a 
measure of justice to millions of our fellow Americans in the Southern States, 
but much more needs to be done. The antilynching bill must be passed in the 
next session. The bill for a national Fair Employment Practices Commission 
must also be passed, to assure all of our citizens regardless of race, creed, re- 
ligion, or color of equal opportunity and security in employment. I am a cospon- 
sor of the Ives-Fulton FEFC bill now pending in the Congress (H. R. 3034). 

One of Congress' first obligations in the next session will be to see that the 
millions of people who suffer from lack of adequate medical care have an oppor- 
tunity to share in the benefits of medical science. The state of our national 
health is one of our principal natural resources, and I believe that we can work 
out a legislative plan which will neither be socialized medicine nor medical care 
only for indigents, and yet which will meet the general need for adequate medical 
care. I was successful during the session in my fight to have expedited the 
reports on overall research programs for heart disease, cancer, and polio called 
for from the special commissions to be created under the National Science 
Foundation bill, which was passed by the Congress. I also introduced a compre- 
hensive bill, H. R. 3762, for a great research program to find causes and cures 
for heart and cardiovascular diseases, which is sponsored by the American Heart 
Association, the leading professional agency in the field. 

Federal aid to education is also a primary obligation. The educational 
standards of our democracy will determine the caliber of our citizens, and with 
the problems which lie ahead it is in the national interest that that caliber be 
very high. 

Veterans' legislation will demand attention. Congress provided at this session 
for the cashing of terminal-leave bonds, a measure of simple justice for which 
I voted ; but much remains to be done on subsistence allowances for veterans 
who are studying under the GI bill, on veterans' housing, and on veterans' 

World humanitarian responsibilities will also demand our attention. During 
the first session of the 80th Congress I joined with Senator Ives, of New York, 
in introducing legislation to permit wai"-orphaned children to be admitted into 
the United States free of our quota laws, for adoption by United States citizens 
(H. R. 2446). I hope that we shall get action on this bill in the next session. I 
was also privileged as a member of the subcommittee of the Foreign Affairs 
Committee to be instrumental in getting House action just before the deadline 
which enabled the United States to join the International Refugee Organization, 
the inteiTiational organization for the care and resttlement of displaced per- 
sons and refugees. But the Stratton bill providing for the admission of 400,000 


•of the displaced aud persecuted persons of Europe into the United States over 
the next 4 years, without changing our permanent basic immigration quota sys- 
tem, failed to be acted on. I called these displaced and persecuted unfortunates 
the "walking dead"' of Europe in advocating the International Refugee Organi- 
zation resolution. By the next ses.sion of Congress the International Refugee 
Organization will be working on the resettlement of the displaced persons and 
will be seeking our cooperation in a resettlement plan. Whether through the 
Stratton bill or other suitable legislation, the most elemental dictates of human- 
ity as well as self-interest demand that we shall cooperate in the prompt reset- 
tlement of these unfortunates. 

Finally, one of the greatest challenges of our time is in our ability to make our 
private economy work in the United States, so that individual freedom is pre- 
served and economic security is afforded to our people. Heretofore, we have 
shown great ability in increasing production, and in establishing high standards 
of living, but we have been derelict in providing adequate security and conti- 
nuity for these conditions and have suffered terrible depressions which have 
shaken our society to its roots. 

We should be looking into our whole economic organization in business, in- 
dustry, finance, agriculture and government to determine how we may sta- 
bilize our economy to avoid or at least to cushion major depressions. This will 
involve herculean efforts to deal with the high cost of living. Our efforts must 
be to make higher incomes mean more goods and comforts and not higher prices 
for the same or less goods. 

Our greatest domestic threat lies in the present runaway cost of living which 
is jeopardizing our domestic prosperity and may engulf us in an awful depres- 

With all these problems to be dealt with, we must at the same time keep the 
foundations of our Nation secure, guard ourselves against subversives and totali- 
tariaus of the extreme left as in communism, or of the extreme right as in na- 
zism, preserve civil liberties and free institutioins and make our Constitution 
■work. In a defense of civil liberties on the floor of the House I said, "There can 
be a tyranny of the Congress, as there can be a tyranny of the President or of 
the Supreme Court." It is our solemn duty to guard against all tyrannies. 

The glorious history of almost 160 years under the Constitution gives us 
faith that with God's help we shall deal with our problems effectively and go on 
to the glorious future which is our destiny. 

[Congressional Record, June 15, 1948] 

Eightieth Congress Special and Second Session Record and Forecast. Exten- 
sion OP Remarks of Hon. Jacob K. Javits, of New York, in the House of 
Representatives, Tuesday, June 15, 1948 

Mr. Javits. Mr. Speaker, many of the problems which we faced on January 
3, 1947, when the 80th Congress convened have been dealt with during the 
past 18 mouths, but other serious problems will remain unsolved as we adjourn 
to prepare for the coming Presidential election. A review of the work of this 
Congress and its record and an assessment of what is likely to face the 81st 
Congress should prove useful information to all interested citizens. 

I campaigned on a platform of international peace through cooperation within 
the United Nations, and domestic prosperity and stability based on an ever rising 
standard of living for all of the people of the United States. 

first session recapitulated 

By the time the President summoned the Members of Congress back to Wash- 
ington on Noveml:)er 17, 1947, the 80th Congress had written a good deal of 
legislation on the statute books. It had extended Federal rent control, and 
acted on relief for European countries like Greece, Austria, and Italy, enacted 
tax reduction, unification of the armed services. Presidential succession, and 
had passed the imjxirtant appropriation measures affecting literally thousands 
of governmental activities. It had laid the groundwork for much of the action 
that has been taken during the 2d session of the SOth Congress. When the first 
session recessed on June 26, 1947, the Members dispersed to go home to their 
own districts to find out how their constituents felt about the momentous national 
problems confronting us. Other Members, including myself, took up committee 
assignments either in the United States or abroad. Everyone hoped that it 


would be unnecessary to return to Washington until the beginning of the 
new year. 


As a member of the Subcommittee on the International Refugee Organization 
and the International Trade Organization of the Committee on Fureign Affairs, 
I spent 8 weeks in Europe last summer visiting hundreds of DP camps, speaking 
to thousands of DP's and also to the men and women in the governmental and 
private agencies responsible for the care and resettlement of these people who 
had lived through terror and death sustained only by the hope that they would 
find a new life in a new land as soon as the shooting was over. 


While I was visiting DP camps and studying the ITO, others of my colleagues 
were making other investigations in Europe, South America, Asia, and other 
foreign teri-itories, too. More Congressmen went abroad last summer than at 
any other time in American history. I think this fact is of extreme importance 
because because it highlights the paramount role that foreign affairs plays in 
our domestic and personal lives. Even before all of the Congressmen had re- 
turned to the United States and had analyzed their experiences and reported 
them to the country, the foreign situation had become so serious in terms of 
American policy that the President of the United States asked the Members of 
Congxess to reconvene in November of 1947, in a special interim session to take 
action on a foreign-aid hill. This bill was designed to help the countries of 
western Europe avoid disaster and reject the grim alternative of the "police 
state" by providing them with enough food and other basic commodities to see 
them through until they could rehabilitate themselves economically, socially, 
and politically, fortify their democracy, and rebuild their resources and trade. 


Preliminary work had already been started by what are now known as the 
16 Marshall plan countries of Europe (Denmark, Austria. Belgium, France. 
Greece, Eire, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg. Norway, Netherlands, Portugal, United 
Kingdom, Sweden, Switzerland, and Turkey). As we all know, they are called 
the Marshall plan countries because they developed a plan of cooperative eco- 
nomic action as a result of a suggestion made by Secretary of State Marshall at 
the Harvard commencement in June 1M7. Secretary INIarshall said at that time 
if the countries of Europe would cooperate and draw up plans to help themselves 
in a free and democratic manner, the United States would back them up with 
money, men, and materials. 

The Committee on Foreign Affairs, of which I am a member, started hearings 
on the program for the Marshall plan early in November and carried on these 
hearings continuously for approximately 5 months. 

For 6 weeks during this time the Congress studied, debated, and finally passetl 
an interim foreign aid program preliminary to ^Marshall plan aid, to meet the 
immediate needs of foreign countries faced with starvation and the prospect of 
fuel shortages during the winter months. The vote was overwhelmingly in favor 
of such a program. As a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, resiwnsible 
for carrying this legislation through the Congress, I played an active part in 
writing this legislation which was so largely responsible for giving life and hope 
to the peoples of Europe in time to prevent them from plunging themselves and 
the United States into a new political and economic upheaval which could have 
led inevitably to war. 

Today the Euroiiean recovery program which was a blueprint for action only 
a few months ago. is a reality. The United States is appointing heads of mis- 
sions to all of the ERP countries and the Economic Cooi>eration Administration 
is being built up in the United States, but 3 months ago it faced a hard fight. As 
a memlter of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, I was one of the active partici- 
pants in the mighty effort to legislatively implement Secretary Marshall's 
momentou.s suggestion of June 4, 1947, and the monumental work of the 16 
European nations who joined together to work for their mutual economic recov- 
ery. The final vote in favor of the European recovery program was gratifyingly 
large. I believe it will prove to be one of the really great achievements of Amer- 
ican foreign policy as significant as the Monroe Doctrine in expressing our deter- 
mination to have world peace. 



The EuroiJean recovery program is but one example of the action that the 
United States has taken in the international sphere. The United States must 
actively work within the framework of the U. N. to achieve world peace, security, 
and prosperity ; much more can be done. For example, as a result of action 
recently taken by the Congress, the United States is now a member of the 
World Health Organization, a proposal which we in the Committee on Foreign 
Affairs worked for and supported for montlis. 

The UN has had to deal with many difficult issues, a very important one of 
which is Palestine. Last year during the interim session we had good cause 
for gratification when the United States through the UN adopted the partition 
plan of the U. N. General Assembly on Palestine on November 29, 1947. It seemed 
possible then that bloodshed would be averted through this timely and decisive 
action by the nations of the world. Unfortunately, however, the action of the 
UN on this issue never was implemented. Almost as soon as the decision was 
made it was repudiated by the very countries which should have breathed life 
into it. Both as a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and as one who 
had made a tremendous effort to get justice in Palestine so as to establish the 
true Jewish national home there, I tried to make a constructive contribution 
toward the education of the other Members of the House who I knew would 
inevitably have to become concerned with this situation since it affected the 
peace and securitv of the United States as well as of the other members of the 
U. X. 

With 30 of my colleagues, who acted together on this issue, I kept in constant 
communication with the President of the United States, the Secretary of State, 
and the United States representative to the U. N., on the Palestine issue urging 
that the United States actively work for the realization of the partition plan, 
the protection of the shrines of Christians, Moslems, and Jews, and peace in 
the Holy Land. When it became apparent that the UN could not and would 
not act swiftly enough to prevent the outbreak of war in Palestine, I united 
with my 30 colleagues in urging the lifting of the United States arms embargo 
in the Middle East which had been invoked by the President and which in 
effect was preventing only the Jewish people of Palestine from receiving arms 
to defend themselves, and not the Arabs, since it was an open secret that the 
Arabs were receiving arms and money from Britain to carry on a war of ag- 
gression for many months. I protested in speech after speech on the floor of 
Congress against this British double dealing and demanded that it be ended 
or that the whole United States policy of helping Britain be reconsidered 

When the new State of Israel was proclaimed on May 15, 1948, I introduced 
legislation authorizing the appropriation of $100 million so that the people of 
Israel could purchase military and other supplies to help them end the aggres- 
sion against their territory, rebuild their shattered economy, and realize the 
hopes and dreams that had been nurtured by the Jewish people for centuries. 

Recognition of the State of Israel by the United States which came almost 
immediately was the first real break in resolving the problem. 

Now that there is a truce in Palestine I have continued to expose Britain's 
support of Transjordan's Arab Legion in its attack on Jerusalem in the effort to 
get Britain to atone for her actions by calling off the Arabs, and, second. I have 
pointed out that the truce cannot be used to appease the Arabs, but that Israel's 
independence, won by much sacrifice, and the boundaries established by the 
United Nations partition decision must be respected. 

The Palestine situation demonstrated better than any other the present weak- 
nesses of the U. N. as well as its potential power and effectiveness. Ever since 
its inception the U. N. has been plagued by excessive use of the veto and by 
vacillation instead of determined action of its member nations. The great ten- 
sion that exists in the world today, especially between the two great powers of 
Soviet Russia and the United States (which is considered later in these remarks), 
had dwarfetl and almost paralyzed the functioning of the U. N. But on the 
Palestine issue both the United States and Soviet Russia were on the same side 
and still the new world organization was helpless to cope with the very threat- 
ening problem involving the peace of the Middle Eastern region. 


The enemies of the L^. N. and the skeptics of international cooperation used 
the Palestine situation as the occasion for condemning the whole organization 


and for seeking a reorganization so drastic in character as to have destroyed 
it in the attempt to rebuild it. Tliey based this demand also on U. N. failure in 
resolving the problem of control of atom bombs, or in settling the contentions 
between the United States and the U. S. S. R. As a result of the extensive 
hearings held by the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House and the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Relations of the Senate and the testimony presented by 
members of the State Department, especially Secretary Marshall and other 
vrell-informed witnesses, any precipitous action has been forestalled and serious 
and well-thought-out action will be taken by the Congress. 

I contributed to the discussion and resolution of the issue through participation 
in the Town Hall of the Air program on the reorganization of the U. N. and 
countless other radio and platform forums, as well as during the open hearings 
of the House Committee on Foreign Affirs. 

One of the most effective steps taken by the House Committee on Foreign 
Affairs has been the reporting of a bill on the U. N. providing, in addition to 
other things, a $65 million loan to the U. N. so that it can build a permanent 
home on the site selected in New York City. I introduced the legislation for the 
loan in the House of Representatives. 


These are fine people, skillful, productive, and anxious to work, about two- 
thirds of them from Eastern Europe of Catholic faith, about 10 percent from 
northern Europe of Protestant, and about 20 percent from many part of Europe, of 
Jewish faith — but all equally homeless and unhappy. They were faced with the 
prospect of spending years in almost the same concentration camps that had 
claimed their friends and families and imprisoned their souls and bodies. Labeled 
DP camps, they were no less deadly to the morale and spirit of already martyred 
peoples than when they were known as concentration camps. Armed with the 
knowledge that this could prove to be one of the worst reflections on the record 
of our own and the other United Nations, I came back to the United States from 
our investigation determined to do everything I possibly could to eliminate the 
problem of the DP's. Swift legislation action by the Congress was indicated 
to open the gates of the United States to our fair share of the DP's, so that instead 
of displaced persons they could become productive new citizens in the United 
States and in other peace-loving, democratic countries. 

So far the legislation enacted by the 80th Congress is against certain basic 
points I had worked for and effects a discrimination against certain groups in 
the DP camps which I consider fatal to its original purposes. The bill only 
provides for the admission of 220,000 DP's in 2 years, instead of 400,000 DP's in 
4 years, as did the Stratton bill. Also, it picks a date at which eligible DP's 
should be determined which discriminates most unfairly against the existing 
population of the DP camps, for it discriminates against deserving Catholics and 
Jews, and admits, for instance, not the actual percentage in the DP camps of 23 
percent but only about 3 percent of the DP's from Poland and eastern Europe of 
Jewish faith who escaped from the religious persecution of the months im- 
mediately following the war which had been left as a heritage by the Nazis. 
The only comfort we have left is the United States participation in and contribu- 
tion to the International Refugee Organization, for which I worked so hard, and 
the inclusion in the DP bill of the substance of the legislation introduced by Sen- 
ator Ives and myself early in 1947 to allow DP children who became orphans as 
a result of the war to enter the United States without regard to immigration 
quotas. The fight to eliminate discrimination in the DP bill must be constinued. 


While in Europe last year I had the opportunity to review at Geneva the be- 
ginnings of the International Trade Organization. This organization contains 
the basis for future world economic cooperation which is the necessary founda- 
tion for international peace. Representatives of the United States and 19 other 
nations sat together at Geneva to catalog the problems that plague international 
trade and weaken the economic structure of individual peoples. They sought 
to create machinery capable of dealing with these troublesome problems and pro- 
moting international trade through the elimination of artificially created trade 

Three months later as one of the United States delegates to the International 
Trade Organization conference in Habana, I again met with the draftsmen of 


the new ITO in Habana — representing 60 countries — and brought back to the 
Congress a report of the contribution that the United States delegates were mak- 
ing to the creation of this new organization. Although the United States has 
not yet formally ratified the new ITO charter, the way has been paved for doing 
so in the next Congress. 

V^^hen the extension of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act came up recently 
I supported and voted for the passage of a straight 3-year extension with no 
crippling restrictions and testified before the House Ways and Means Committee 
and the Senate Finance Committee to that effect, I also spoke in the House on 
the debate to warn my colleagues of the dangers to American business if the pro- 
gram were emasculated in favor of protectionism over reciprocity. I am grati- 
fied that the Congress has seen fit to continue the RTA program for another year 
without the congressional veto, although I preferred a straight 3-year extension. 


I have described at some length the action taken by the Congress in the field 
of foreign policy because the problems of world peace have lately overshadowed 
what are too, the pressing needs that our people face in the United States. 


Our people have been vitally concerned with the problems of housing and rent 
conti'ol as a result of lack of construction during the war and the increase of fam- 
ilies and marriages. The housing shortage became critical during the years 
when millions of American boys were living in foxholes and jungle huts dreaming 
of the day when they could return to the United States and live civilian lives in 
comfortable homes. Instead, when they returned they were confronted with the 
problem of finding any kind of shelter decent or otherwise, at a price they could 
afford. The long-dreamed-of privacy that so many veterans had lived for dur- 
ing the war years turned into a cruel joke. Instead of living with his buddies, 
the veteran found himself living with his in-laws under difficult and overcrowded 
conditions, or spending much of his income and savings earmarked for other 
essential commodities and services on providing living accommodations, gen- 
erally of an inadequate character, for his family. 

As a veteran myself I have been very conscious of the problems faced by mil- 
lions of veterans and their families throughout the country and I have worked 
diligently and ceaselessly for adequate rent control and housing legislation. 

Congress passed a rent-control bill again early this year. It was not as 
tightly drawn as I should have liked to see it, but we did manage to keep Fed- 
eral rent control. I fought for better controls to get tenants the painting, dec- 
orating, and building maintenance they were entitled to, to prevent unfair evic- 
tions of tenants by landlords, and against across-the-board rent increases. I also 
warned all the people of my district not to be pressured into making the so-called 
voluntary 15-percent rent increases. 

When it comes to housing, however, the story is not encouraging. Millions 
of Americans cannot afford to buy or rent houses built by private industry un- 
der existing costs unless they do so at the price of their standard of living. 

The Taft-Ellender-Wagner Housing Act, which I introduced in the House, was 
the legi-slation veterans and citizens looked to as a means to end the drastic hous- 
ing shortage. It was the only comprehensive long-range housing bill up for con- 
sideration. It had been before the Congress for more than 4 years, in one form 
or another, extensive hearings had been held on it by both the Senate and House 
Banking and Currency Committees, the Joint Committee on Housing which was 
created by the 80th Congress to make an exhaustive study of the housing situa- 
tion, had supported its main provisions, including federally assisted low-rent 
housing, Government-supported research to reduce housing costs, slum clearance, 
and farm housing and it had twice been passed by the Senate. 

Together with the gentleman from Massachusetts. Congressman Kennedy, 
and several other veterans representing all of the major veteran organizations, 
1 sponsored a veterans housing conference which was held in Washington on 
February 29 and March 1 for the purpose of marshaling support and getting 
action on the TEW bill from the 80th Congress. More than 1,350 veterans from 
all parts of the country representing all national veterans organizations attended 
this conference. The response was immediate and encouraging. Many Con- 
gressmen who had recognized the need for action in housing and who had not 
understood the overwhelming interest that the people of the United States have 

7272.3— 57— pt. 4.3 3 


in the TEW bill had their eyes opened, and it got many signatures on the dis- 
charge petition by which the bill could be brought up on the floor of the House. 
Despite the drive to bring the TEW bill up for action by discharge petition 
and the ceaseless efforts of those like myself in the Congress in behalf of the 
TEW bill, and although the bill was finally reported out by a majority of the 
House Banking and Currency Committee, it could not get action on the floor of 
the House. I pledged the House, however, that the fight for the TEW bill 
would continue and refused to compromise my position in support of this bill in 
any way. 


Housing is the country's No. 1 domestic issue, but the questions of health, 
education, social security, minimum wages, civil rights, have also demanded 
action by the 80th Congress. 

Few of these issues have been acted upon, yet it is very gratifying to me 
that after a year's work the Congress passed the bill H. R. 3792, which I intro- 
duced in June 1947, to create a National Heart Disease Institute within the 
Federal Public Health Service. There is no doubt in my mind but that heart 
disease, which is the Nation's foremost disease killer, will be dealt a body blow 
due to the research and clinical work that will be initiated as a result of this 


During the special session I introduced a bill to provide Federal financial 
assistance to State and local youth projects. In my own district of Washington 
Heights and Inwood in New York City, the problems of youth demand immedi- 
ate attention if they are to be dealt with in time to prevent broken lives. An 
outstanding citizens' organization, Youth Aid, Inc., has been working there and 
doing a great job on youth problems, under President Wright, of the College of 
the City of New York, Anne Lee Jacobs, Professor Shulman, of City College, 
and other leaders. But it needs financial help. This bill has met with a tremen- 
dous amount of enthusiasm among those engaged in the fight against juvenile 
delinquency because it provides what has been lacking for so long, the funds to 
carry out the many excellent preventative youth programs which never get 
beyond the blueprint stage, because of the lack of funds to carry them out. The 
very crowded schedule of the Committee on Education and Labor has prevented 
the consideration of this bill during the 80th Congress. From the ever-mounting 
support that this bill is getting, however, I feel confident that the 81st Congress 
will pass this or similar legislation. 


Ever aware of the burden that the high cost of living has placed upon the 
people of this country and my constituents, I have been engaged in the effort to 
stabilize and bring down the cost of living. I have already mentioned the fight 
to maintain rent control. This was a principal effort in behalf of stabilizing 
the cost of living since rents normally constitute 20 to 30 percent of the family 
budget. But the high cost of clothing, food, and taxes as well as shelter de- 
manded attention and I have tried in every way possible to meet these adver- 
saries of a high standard of living head on. I voted against giving special 
treatment and a subsidy to the wool growers. I campaigned for food-conserva- 
tion measures and succeeded in getting the House of Representatives to write 
such a provision in the interim-aid bill passed by the Congress in December 1947. 
I joined in the fight to eliminate taxes on oleomargarine. Together with Senator 
Flanders, of Vermont, I sponsored a meat-rationing bill. Although the bill 
never got out of committee I believe that Senator Flanders and I accomplished 
a great deal by warning the meat industry against the same squeeze on the 
public of which they had been guilty in the spring of 1946. This action aroused 
a great deal of discussion and although the bill did not pass I believe the public 
opinion created was an important element in preventing a complete runaway 
of meat prices during the ensuing months. 

When the controversial matter of tax reduction came up, I was guided pri- 
marily by the needs of the people of middle and low income in my district and 
all over the country to meet the high cost of living. As I said during the debate, 
"I voted for tlie reduction because the need of my constituents for some kind 
of help to meet the higli living costs is so great that I feel as their Representative 
that I must vote for this bill with its imperfections rather than to accord thera 


no help iit all at this time." It is my conviction that the people of my district 
will le willing to increase taxes again if necessary, but they want the reductioiii 
now wliile we can aliord it in view of the high living costs. 


The problem of safeguarding the cherished American tradition of civil liberties 
has loomed large on the congressional horizon during the second session of the 
80th Congress. The rL'port of the President's Committee on Civil Rights touched 
off a tremendous amount of discussion in this field. Legislation has been in- 
troduced to create a Federal FEFC, to abolish the poll tax, to make lynching a 
Federal offense, and to eliminate segregation in its many forms. 

Together with other Members I introduced legislation to create an FEPC dur- 
ing the 1st session of the SOth Congress, but unfortunately no action has been, 
taken on this measure on the House side and from all appearances nothing will 
be done on it during the rush to adjourn. But this is must legislation and I 
intend to work for its passage early in the next Congress. 

The dilemma of how to cope with the threat of communism in the United 
States was crystallized during the debate on the Mundt-Nixon Subversive Con- 
trol Act of 194S. This measure became one of the most thoroughly discussed 
pieces of legislation to come before the SOth Conaress and even was the subject 
of a great radio debate by two Presidential candidates. I am in accord withs 
those who believe that no stone should be left unturned in dealing decisively 
with any threat by subversive elements to American political and economic 
institutions. I had to vote, finally, against this measure because I believed witl» 
Governor Dewey and Senator Taft that the Mundt-Nixon bill did not accomplisii. 
the purpose we sought, but outla\s-ed the Communist Party, and thereby increased 
its threat because it would have gone underground. There is sufficient legisla- 
tion on the books, if vigorously prosecuted, to deal effectively with those domi- 
nated by a foreign government who seek to undermine American institutions. 
The Senate has shown that it agrees, for the Mundt-Xixon bill has died tliere. 
To strike a blow at totalitarianism with totalitarian weapons is to put a time 
bomb under the great American fortress of civil rights. 

I have stood against efforts to overthrow the guaranties of our Constitution, 
realizing that these guaranties must protect all if they are to protect any. 
1 showed my evenhaudedness in this by voting to punish those guilty of acts 
against our laws regardless of their politics, hence I voted to cite for contempt 
Messrs. Eisler and Josephson who had refused to answer the questions of a 
congressional committee. Disturbed by the manner in which the Committee on 
Un-American Activities was handling witnesses whei*e their reputation and 
character was at stake, I introduced by resolutions a plan to substitute for the 
House Un-American Activities Committee a new joint committee of the House 
and Senate to investigate all Communist, Fascist, or other extremist movements 
in the United States with the understanding that the committee would have 
rules of procedure which would give people whose character was on trial a fair 
opportunity to clear themselves. 

veterans' benefits 

The whole question of veterans' rights and benefits has also been a major 
consideration of the SOth Congress. The House Committee on Veterans' Affairs 
successfully sponsored through the Congress a bill increasing subsistence benefits 
•from $65 to $75 for single veterans, $90 to $105 for married veterans, and $90 
to $120 for veterans with more than one dependent. 

This Congi-ess took action to authorize the cashing of veterans' terminal-leave 

Legislation has been enacted in connection with the disposal of war housing 
and to arrange for putting up barracks and other temporary structures for 
housing students attending schools and colleges under the GI bill of rights. I 
supported all this legislation and worked for it. I also was able to get some 
Government buildings put up at ISTth Street and Amsterdam Avenue in my own 
district to help expand the facilities of Yeshiva University. 

There was also passed by the House a bill to increase the aUowances for de- 
pendents of disabled veterans and to help war widows and orphans. Also legis- 
lation was enacted to help with homes for paraplegics with Government assist- 


I believe that the 80th Congress has dealt with the most pressing of the vet- 
erans matters before it but there is still a tremendous backlog that will have 
to be taken up in the 81st Congress. 


Another subject which deserves special attention is that of a pay raise for 
Federal and post office employees. The high cost of living has been e.specially 
hard on those who have been receiving incomes fixed by law despite the fact that 
the cost of living has skyrocketed during the last 2 years. The postal employees 
have been particularly handicapped because their basic salaries are lower than 
most other Federal employee pay schedules to begin with. I have consistently 
worked for and supported a §1,000 Federal and postal employee pay increase 
which would be realistic in terms of the present cost of living. A bill has now 
passed granting the postal employees a $450 annual pay raise, and other Federal 
employees an average $330 per annum increase. That is not enough, but it will 

Some action has been taken, also, to help those Federal employees who have 
already retired through the enactment of the Stevenson retirement bill which 
increased the annuities of retired Federal employees by 25 percent or $300 a year, 
whichever was the smaller, made provisions for refunding retirement contribu- 
tions of employees who worked at least 5 years and less than 10 years, and 
generally made more flexible the retirement age of Federal employees. 


Every citizen will be giving the most serious consideration to the peacetime 
draft. People in my district are deeply concerned that the enactment of the 
draft at this time may be a measure in contemplation of war. The essential 
element in maintaining the peace must be our foreign policy, which should be 
a policy for peace. This policy consists of three parts : First, assisting in the 
economic reconstruction of the European democracies and other democratic na- 
tions provided that they do their best to help themselves and each other ; sec- 
ond, strengthening the U. N. to make it what we want — a true world organiza- 
tion for preserving the peace ; and, third, performance of our international 
responsibilities and assisting free peoples to be free. If we pursue this three- 
point foreign policy with vigor and faithfulness, we have a right to look with 
confidence to a time when this peacetime draft for present purposes will be no 
longer necessary. 

It is estimated that the draft will call up about 200,000 men between 19 and 
26 each year for 21 months' duty. There are restrictions in the law regarding 
the exemptions of veterans who have already served a year or more, those with 
dependents, and the deferment of young men attending schools or colleges until 
the end of the schoolyear, those taking professional training, and others. It 
will be up to us as legislators to guard carefully against any dominance of the 
country by the military and to insure that civilians at all times shall dominate 
the military forces and the Federal Government, in accordance with American 
tradition. We showed our ability to do this even in war, and we should be able 
to do it just as well in peace. 

The prize of peace, prosperity, and stability which the American people fought 
for at great sacrifice and which they thought they had won in 1945 still lies just 
beyond our reach, but with wisdom, responsibility, and generosity, we can go far 
during the next years toward really accomplishing the goals for which the 
recent disastrous war was fought. The 80th Congress made some good begin- 
nings, and there are also failures and frustrations to point to. I believe that 
in the 81st Congress, as in the SOth, the nettling problems of foreign policy will 
again be in the forefront of our consideration, and that the people of the United 
States will also want action on the social is.sues which were passed over by the 
SOth Congress. Together, we, people of the United States, will be building tomor- 
row as we are today a coiuitry capable of greatness and of leading toward a 
united and peaceful world organized democratically for its own salvation. 


Speci\l axd Final Session, Eightieth Congress: Record and Forecast— Ex- 
tension OF Remarks of Hon. Jacob K. Javits, of New York, in the House 
of Representatives, Saturday, August 7, 1948 

call for the special session 

Mr. Javits. Mr. Speaker, the President announced at the Philadelphia conven- 
tion of the Democratic Party that he was calling the Congress into special session 
primarily to deal with high prices and the housing shortage ; and added also a 
list of other matters such as the United Nations loan agreement and the displaced 
persons bill. It is true that calling the Congress together in this political way 
had a tendency to prejudice the atmosphere at once and was, therefore, not too 
advisable, if the President really wanted results. Nevertheless, I, as one Con- 
gressman, was entirely satisfied that the Congress should be asked to do some- 
thing tangible about these problems. 

For one, I was the sponsor of the Taft-Ellender-Wagner bill for a comprehen- 
sive national housing program insofar as the House of Representatives was con- 
cerned, and welcomed the opportunity to wage a further fight for this legislation. 
Also I wanted an opportunity to amend the discriminatory DP bill which had 
passed in June 1948. Finally, I had fought for the $65 million loan to enable 
the United Nations to establish its headquarters in New York, which had failed 
to get action in the regular session and I wanted it to pass. 

But beyond anything else, it was clear that the economic security of the people 
of the United States had to be protected. For the prime consideration in the 
mind and heart of every citizen was a desire for peace and economic security. 
If prices continued to run away in the United States, the ability of the people to 
buy must at some point end, and the resulting depression would shake our society 
to its foundation. Also, if we had a depression here our resulting inability to 
help other democratic nations to effect recovery would result in sweeping changes 
in their own governments which could lead to war. 

AVhen the official season opened it was also clear that there were no easy solu- 
tions to our problems. The President recommended rationing and price control 
over key items in the cost of living, and in industrial production. I showed my 
views by introducing again the bill which I had sponsored with Senator Flanders 
as far back as January 1948, when I saw runaway prices getting worse, for the 
rationing and allocation of meat with added powers. I stated, in connection 
with this bill, that I favored also controls over raw or unfabricated materials 
like steel, which affect the cost of living through the products which go into most 
manufactured goods. But none of us could forget at the same time, the rampant 
black markets and the flight of goods from the stores, which had induced the same 
President to lift all controls in June of 1946, because they could not be effectively 
administered in peacetime. Our citizens will long remember the artificial meat 
famine of that time when meat just left the stores and was unobtainable at OPA 
prices, but could only be found in the black markets. I believe that it would be 
proper to reimpose controls as a temporary expedient. I would certainly expect 
also that we could see our way through to a permanent solution. The President, 
though, did not .seem to be thinking beyond the coming election, for he gave no 
hope of anything but a continuing emergency which would require controls as far 
as he indicated forever, or until we got into a depression. 

rationing and control favored now 

My concern with the current price situation has been to endeavor to retain 
for wage and salary earners, the progress which was made during the war 
in attaining a higher standard of living. Because real wages — that is, wages 
expressed in terms of what the dollar will buy for one's family — increased by 
about two-thirds in 1946 over what they were in 1939 and even with the higher 
cost of living, there was still an absolute gain of about one-third. In other 
words, people were living one-third better than they had before the war. The 
key effort in prices, therefore, has to be to retain this advance in the standard 
of living for people with modest incomes and to make it permanent. 

The political atmosphere of the special session has been so great that no 
rationing, allocation, or price-control powers have been given to the President, 
and the only controls passed have been credit controls. The President asked for 
these, also, and they are useful, but their effect is not immediate. The failure 


to pass legislation for direct controls may not be due so much to opposition 
;to the program — fur this very Congress has twice passed rent control — but 
;rather a complete lack of confidence in the analysis of the situation and of suitable 
xemedies for it by the President and the administration, and in the ability within 
ithe last few months before a great election of the President and his administration 
to wisely administer such controls. 

Regardless of my own view that controls should be enacted into law at the 
'.special session, this has not been done. Congress will be back in session next 
January and action at that time on the price front must be sure and direct. 
There will no longer be any reason to delay due to lack of confidence in the 
President, as the people will have given a new mandate. It must be coupled, 
however, with action affecting not only prices but other Government as well as 
economic activities which keep prices high. 

So for example. Congress must review and overhaul the law providing support 
prices for agricultural products on which we are spending close to a billion 
dollars a year. We are supporting these prices at a time when the income of 
farmers is the highest in history. Great statesmanship on the part of the new 
President and the new administration will also be required to get management 
and labor together to stop the wage-price spiral which causes wages and prices 
to be running a continuous race and for every round of wage increases, brings 
<i)n an even greater price increase, leaving no benefit to anyone. Finally, we must 
establish some means by which we shall plan ahead with respect to production 
and other essential aspects of our economic life — as is done in any well-run 
business — and not rely on the cycle of prosperity and depression to work out 
our problems. I have said before that the people just will not take the punish- 
ment involved in that planlessness with its deepening depressions. I have intro- 
duced a bill for the establishment of a National Economic Commission which 
proposes a way in which this result can be effective while retaining fully our 
democratic processes. 


The President also called us back into session to deal with housing and as I 
have stated, as the sponsor in the House of the Taft-Ellender-Wagner compre- 
hensive housing bill, I welcomed this opportunity to fight for its enactment. To- 
gether with other liberal Congressmen similarly interested, I realized that only 
by getting the legislation on the floor of the House of Representatives for a vote 
could we be successful. For this legislation had been killed before through the 
action or inaction of committees. Accordingly, I joined with these colleagues 
In the fight to get a majority of the Members of the House of Representatives to 
sign a discharge petition which would have brought the TEW bill out for a vote. 
We fought hard and came within a very close margin of success, but did not quite 
make it. The housing bill finally passed by the House of Representatives at this 
special session is largely a bill to aid private construction in low-cost homes. 
The bill also picks up one important part of the TEW bill and makes it law — 
that providing for Government insurance of investments in medium rental hous- 
ing — which should be a powei'ful stimulus to this type of construction in large 
cities like New York by insurance companies and banks. Though I had worked 
on this yield insurance program for almost 2 years and was deeply gratified to 
see it enacted, I could not vote for the housing bill but voted "present," because 
it omitted federally subsidized low-rent housing and slum clearance. In this 
■way the bill discriminated against not less than 36 percent of the American 
people who live in families with incomes of $2,000 per year or less. On August 5, 
1J)4S, I made a speech in the House of Representatives answering the arguments 
made against the TEW bill. It is interesting to consider these arguments in 
view of the limited housing bill which was passed. As I stated during the debate, 
the fight for federally subsidized low-rent housing, slum clearance, and federally 
aided farm housing will go on and will be successful in the next Congress. I re- 
peat liere from my address referred to above, some of the answers to tlie objec- 
tions made to these features of the TEW bill. 

The TEW bill is also criticized because it will put the Government in the hous- 
ing business to compete for scarce men and materials. But it will do nothing 
of the kind. It provides for only a maximum of 100,000 units of public housing 
per annum ; this is 10 percent of present housing construction and would be 714 
percent of the construction expected under the TEW bill. That is the least 
which can be done to bring a share of the new housing within reach of those In 
the lower income brackets who need it most. TEW will reduce costs and accel- 
erate private construction; it will not compete with it. 


Second. Private industry is doing the job. Even if this were true, it is a fact 
that the housing produced is not within the price range, either for sale or rental, 
of those in the middle and lower income levels who need it most. The average 
price of a home around New York City is $13,000, veterans generally cannot pay 
more than $6,000. Housing starts in June 1948 decreased about 4 percent from 
those in May 1948. Not less than 30 percent of the housing construction in the 
country was done prior to March 31, 1948, under mortgage insurance provided 
by title VI of the National Housing Act. It is freely predicted even by real-estate 
interests that 100,000 additional home units will be lost this year because title VI 
went out March 31, 1948, and it is estimated that total housing completions this 
year will not be much more than 900,000 units. In the face of an immediate 
demand from 2 to 4 million veterans living doubled up with relatives, an answer 
from the housing-construction industry is hardly business as usual. 

Third. It is said that the TEW bill would be inflationary in its effect. This 
must be premised on the absolute expenditure involved. Commitments under 
the TEW bill are a maximum of $160 million of subsidies per year with a total 
of $1,610 million to $2,610 million of insurance authorization, and $1,310 million 
to $1,560 million of revolving loan funds generally considered collectible ; there 
is general agreement on the United States being committed for the insurance 
authorizations whether or not TEW passes. That leaves a maximum of $160 
million yearly in subsidies. There is no such outcry, however, as meets this 
expenditure for housing lower-income families, when it comes to aiding certain 
special interests. It is, therefore, interesting to compare the expressed fears of 
inflation due to a housing bill with the following appropriations made by the 
80th Congress: 

Rural electrification $636, 000, 000 

Soil conservation 203, 000, 000 

AAA farm-support program 265, 500, 000 

Reclamation projects 136, 000, 000 

Flood control, rivers and harbors 900, 000, 000 

Federal aid to highway construction 1, 117, 000, 000 

Foreign aid and the ERP 7, 000, 000, 000 

Total 9, 301, 500, 000 


Two Other subjects to which I have devoted myself in the special session have 
been the correction of injustice done by the displaced persons bill passed in June 
1948, and the consummation of the loan to enable the United Nations to build its 
home in New York City. 

It will be recalled that the displaced persons bill through utilizing an eligibility 
date of December 1945 as against an eligibility date of April 1947, resulted in 
direct discrimination against Jews who had escaped from political and religious 
persecution in eastern Europe immediately following and as a result of the war, 
and Catholics who had similarly escaped from such persecution from eastern and 
southeastern Europe. For these tens of thousands of unfortunates had entered 
the DP camps after December 1945 but before April 1947. I set myself a limited 
objective during the special session to get this date changed. This alone would 
have meant the difference between hope and hopelessness for well over 50,000 
DPs out of the out of the 203,000 to be admitted from the DP camps in 2 years 
xmder the law. Though I fought hard, made a number of speeches on this point 
in the House of Representatives, fought the issue as well among my colleagues, 
getting, I am happy to state, the support of the Speaker of the House of Represent- 
atives and many Members, it was just impossible to get this amendment to the 
DP bill passed in this short special session. The Senate had inserted the 
December 1945 date and the House had used the correct April 1947 date, and it 
was impossible to get Senate action despite the best efforts of Senators Smith of 
New Jersey, Ives, Ferguson, Cooper, and others. The injustice is so apparent, 
however, that I have great confidence that we shall get such an amendment passed 
early in the next session, and I intend to make this one of my principal efforts at 
that time if I am returned to the Congress. 


The United Nations headquarters loan of $65 million was a business tx-ans- 
action on good security to enable the United Nations to build its headquarters 


on the East River in the Borough of Manhattan from 42cl to 48th Streets. 
The city and State of New York were cooperating to tlie extent of $20 million 
in expenditures, and the site, worth $8,500,000, had been donated. Here, too, 
I fought the battle through the conferences with my colleagues, througti the 
Foreign Affairs Committee, of which I am a member, and through the House 
of Representatives itself. I said in the debate that if we do not make this loan 
we will have in New York City "a black hole of Calcutta," the excavation for 
the United Nations headquarters, but without the headquarters itself. The 
House of Representatives passed the bill and the United Nations can now go 
forward with construction. I am proud of this achievement, not only because 
it will beautify a part of Manhattan Island with great structures but because 
it will center the United Nations, which is the world's best hope for peace, 
permanently in the United States, where I believe it has the greatest chance 
to succeed in its mission of abolishing war as a means for settling international 
disputes and substitute for it law. 


Other desirable legislation was called to the attention of the Congress by 
the President which I favor very much. I wanted to bring up this legislation 
and pass it. It may have been too much to expect within the few months pre- 
ceding a great national election that the Congress would act upon these great 
and permanent reforms, but I am disappointed that they were not acted on and 
the fight must go on and must be won. Primary among these measures is the 
fight for civil rights, the antilynching, anti-poll-tax, and FEPC bills. The House 
of Representatives passed the antilynching bill over a year ago and I voted for 
it. I am also a cosponsor of the FEPC bill in the House. The fight for these 
measures, essential to vindicate justice and the Constitution, must continue to 
success in the next Congress. 

Federal aid to education also failed of enactment in this Congress. Such aid 
must not be delayed. The problems of our days are too great and too complex 
to neglect the education of our youth in all the States, whether rich or poor, 
North or South. For the educational level of all Americans will determine the 
fate of our country for each American. 

A reform of the social-security system, particularly for old-age and survivors 
insurance is essential. The amount of insurance reserves already created indi- 
cates that benefits can and should be increased by 50 percent, and allowable 
earnings of beneficiaries from sources other than the social-security system 
should be materially raised. The country can afford to be fair to its faithful, 
aged citizens. 

The minimum wage at 40 cents an hour must be raised to not less than 75 
cents an hour. In terms of the pre.sent cost of living, the 40-cent rate is com- 
pletely unrealistic anywhere in the United States. 

Rent control, a critical item in the whole question of family life, must be 
continued by extending the Federal law after March 31, 1949, and must be 
strengthened to prevent improper increases. The hundreds and hundreds of 
cases in my own district in which my own office has had to prevent tenants from 
being victimized by some landlords through improper administration of the rent- 
control law, shows the need for a stronger law to protect tenants. I have 
fought before and will fight again to strengthen the law in this way. 


The country is at peace and is enjoying a high level of real prosperity but 
there are very serious problems which make us all feel that both the peace and 
the prosperity are in grave peril. Hence, we are proposing to take measures to 
deal with these problems. These measures will largely be taken in the next 2 
years. They will require vigorous independence, initiative, ideas, and character 
in our President and legislators, and a profound understanding of our Govern- 
ment and our Constitution. They will also require outstanding qualities of 
discipline, understanding, and patriotism among our citizens. It is the possession 
of these qualities which has made and will keep us great. The American people 
will be considering these problems with their heads and their hearts, fully 
cognizant of what is at stake, and with complete independence untrammeled by 
party allegiance or traditional connections with any group or any party, but 
with an eye single to the well-being of our Nation. It is for this reason that I 
have complete faith in the outcome. America will be greater tomorrow than it 
is today. 


[Congressional Record, October 13, 1949] 

The Eighty- First Congress, First Session — Final Report — Record and 


Mr. Javits. Mr. Speaker, the 81st Congress now reaches the halfway mark, 
and it is time to appraise what it has done and what its work portends for the 
future. The people have won public housing, a higher minimum wage, expansion 
and improvement of the social-security system. Government reorganization and a 
continuance of the bipartisan foreign policy for the maintenance of peace and 
security witli special emphasis on the economic rehabilitation of the western 
democracies. Other major legislation on civil rights, health, labor-management 
relations, housing, and technical assistance to underdeveloped areas, have not 
been acted on and await action in the next session. 

The news of an atomic explosion in the Soviet Union has stimulated all 
Americans to question the direction of our foreign policy. In the approval of 
appropriations for the European recovery program and of a program of military 
aid to the Atlantic Pact nations Congress showed that it believes in the American 
policy of support by self-help and mutual cooperation for the democracies, and. 
that their security is our security. Congress saw no reason as yet for under- 
taking a drastic change in our foreign policy. 

I have worked hard to insure that our policies shall seek justice at home 
and a better standard of well-being for our people, while we lent the great weight 
of our prestige and resources to the struggle for peace and freedom abroad. 


In my last report on this Congress I described in detail the provisions of Fed- 
eral rent control which expires June 30, 1950. At that time the legislation had 
just been passed. We now have had some experience with it and find that 
the formula — which I opposed putting into law — mider which landlords have a 
right to seek rent increases is not working proi)erly. Rent increases are being 
granted on the basis of a particular landlord's claims that he is not earning a 
fair net-operating income, and for other reasons in amounts which appear to 
tenants unreasonable considering what they are getting for their money. This 
formula is onerous enough but its effects are worsened by the failure or inability 
of the authorities to adequately enforce the new feature of the rent-control law 
sponsored by me which requires for the first time a sworn certification by the 
landlord that he is maintaining all services to tenants before he may apply for 
a rent adjustment. If landlords were rigorously compelled to give tenants the 
services in painting and decoration, refrigerator repairs, garbage collection, 
elevator and similar services, the operation of the fair net-operating-income 
formula might not be found so onerous. I am therefore making every effort to 
bring about strict enforcement of this new Javits amendment by the Office of the 
Housing Expediter. 

Under present conditions, it would be much better for tenants if we retiirned 
to the original OPA basis in effect during the war years, of granting rent in- 
creases only in the event of actual hardship. Unless there is a correction of the 
present situation this may well be necessary. 

In order to protect the people of our district against the new problems raised 
by the Federal rent-control law of 1949 the facilities of my Congressional Rent 
Clinic were expanded and branches are now operating throughout the district. 
A corps of lawyers is working in these clinics on a voluntar.v basis rendering 
excellent service to all the people of our district, and have already helped more 
than fi.OOO residents of the district with their rent problems. These lawyers 
function under the direction of Hyman W. Sobell, Esq., chairman of the clinic. 
A schedule is available upon application to my office regarding the location of 
these clinics, the hours of operation, and the lawyers in charge. 


A great victory for housing was scored in the 1st session of the 81st 
Congress in that 810,000 federally assi.sted, low-rent housing units to be built 
within 6 years — public housing — and a .$1,-500,000,000 slum-clearance program 
were approved. The people of our district have a right to be proud of the 
leadership which, with their support, I have been able to furnish in this fight. In 
order to pass tiie bill, the votes of 2-3 Republican legislators were absolutely 


essential and these were marshalled as a result of the activity in housing which I 
have engaged in in the Congress since I first came here in January 1947. 

Action has been taken also in the Congress to liberalize mortgage guaranties 
for veterans and other citizens renting or buying private housing under FHA. 
and to extend this program to March 31. 19.50. However, a great omission in the 
whole housing program has been the failure to take action for the benefit of 
families in the moderate income brackets who are caught in the squeeze of being 
ineligible for public housing — which indeed they do not seek — and being unable to 
buy or rent private housing within their means. Over .30 percent of all American 
families fall in the category, some 15 million of a total of 40 million families in 
the country. 

Together with 9 other colleagues I have sponsored and fought for a measure 
to make available $3 billion in direct, very low interest loans for the construc- 
tion of housing for families in the moderate-income bracket. This would make 
possible the construction of not less than 400,000 of such units in a space of 
6 years or less. With this impetus we could finally attain a balanced housing 
program for all elements in the community needing Government aid and reach 
our construction goal of 1,500,000 new home units per year which is essential if 
we are to lick the housing shortage in our time. This proposal for direct 
Government loans has obtained a great deal of support in the Congress and I look 
forward to the prospects of action in the next session. 


A great step forward was taken by the increase of the minimum wage in this 
session from 40 cents to 75 cents per hour. An effort, however, was made in 
the House of Representatives to restrict coverage of the law, the most im- 
portant item of restriction being to exclude workers unless they were indispen- 
sable — finally compromised to read "directly essential" — to interstate commerce. 
This was estimated to exclude 750,000 from the over 22,601,000—1947 estimate— 
at present under the minimum-wage coverage. Other specialized categories of 
workers were also excluded. I fought against these restrictions and sought to 
exclude them from the law but without success. Much has been achieved in the 
amended bill by raising the minimum wage, yet certain exclusions are unfair 
and the fight against them should continue. The least we can do for Americans, 
considering the magnitude of our production and national income, is to give them 
a concrete floor of $30 per week for a 40-hour week ; no American should be asked 
to live on less, not matter where located, under present costs of living. 

One of the grave defaults of this session of Congress has been the failure to 
take up FEPC legislation granting equality of job opportunity without discrimi- 
nation on account of race, color, creed, or national origin which has operated so 
successfully in New York and is long overdue nationally. I testified before the 
committee of the House considering this legislation in its support, and it has 
now been reported favorably to the House. Yet no action has been taken. 
Americans who believe in our constitutional democracy must fight vigorously 
for such legislation in the next session. We suffer at home and abroad from the 
absence of it and give Communist forces thereby a powerful propaganda weapon 
with which to try to destroy our society. 

In this respect I propose that the legislation be taken out of partisaji cousidera- 
ations and made a bipartisan issue, as indeed it must be if it is to be passed so 
that liberals and progressives of both major parties may combine to win this 
struggle for freedom of job opportunity to the limit of their abilities for all people 
regardless of color, national origin, or religious faith. 

The heated controversy over the Taft-Hartley law will now be transferred to 
the second session. I have made my opposition to this legislation clear many 
times ; and restate that my fundamental objective is to see that colloctivi? bar- 
gaining by employers and employees remains and is conducted fairlv and with 
the least interference save for the right of the Government to cope with national 
emergencies due to labor conflict in the interests of the Nation as a whole and 
without coercion. 


This Territory has special employment problems with which a considerable 
number of our citizens in the district are directly concerned. Citizens who have 
moved from Puerto Rico to New York City need assistance in getting settled so 
that they may have every opportunity to make the great contribution of which 
they are capable to our community. 


Also, residents, of Puerto Kite should uot be subjected to substandard economic 
conditions, and for that purpose Federal aid for economic betterment, education, 
and other assistance to Puerto Rico is necessary. I am engaged in helping m ith 
the solution of these questions. 


Two critically important fields of social-welfare action weie not touched in 
this session— legislation accepting the national responsibility for the people's 
health and providing Federal aid to education. These are very likely to come 
up in the next session. 

I have expressed myself before as being in favor of the acceptance by the 
Government of the national responsibility for the people's health. The Presi- 
dent's health plan, offered in the form of a compulsory payroll 1 ax— like social 
security — estimated at 3 percent per year, has encountered great opposition, espe- 
cially on the part of the medical profession. As our country enjoys a high quality 
of medical service today, considering the standard of medical care in other coun- 
tries, it shall be my aim to keep the quality high while increasing the quantity 
to provide adequate medical facilities for many of our citizens now deprived of 
them because of cost or because of their location in rural areas ; while, at the 
same time, to seek to retain freedom of choice of a doctor for our people and 
not mislead them with glittering promises of immediate large-scale services which 
cannot be performed because of shortages of doctors, nurses, dentists, hospitals, 
and facilities. It is gratifying to report that by action of the House of Repre- 
sentatives the Federal hospital-construction program shows promise of being 
doubled from .$75 million per year to S150 million per year. 

Federal aid to education has had no action due to the issue of whether the 
Barden bill should be passed which prevents States from using any of the Fed- 
eral aid for any services — even health services — except for public schools. I 
have expressed myself as being opposed to such a restriction. The Supreme 
Court has ruled that there should be an equality of service like bus service for 
all schools. In view of the very large number of children who attend other 
schools — that number in New York City, for instance, being almost 400,000 out of 
an aggregate elementary-school population of 1,300,000 — our States should re- 
tain this flexibility in the use of Federal funds the same as they have it in the 
use of their own funds for school purposes. I shall be guided by these principles 
in fighting for Federal aid to education. 


A great victory was gained by working people in the passage by the House of 
the broadened social-security bill. The retirement benefits were extended to 
some millions of the self-employed other than professional people, to employees 
of State and local governments and of nonprofit organizations on a voluntary 
basis — in the one case by action of the State and in the other by action of the 
employees themselves — to domestic servants who have reasonably steady jobs, to 
agricultural processing workers and to certain other employees including those 
in the Virgin Islands, and, if requested by the insular legislature, in Puerto Rico. 
Another important extension of the law was to make it apply to salesmen who 
by a law passed in the Eightieth Congress had been excluded — a law, inci- 
dentally, which I voted against. Benefits were also increased ranging from a 
50-percent increase for the highest pension groups to 150 percent for the lowest 
pension groups and increasing the minimum benefit from $10 to $25 and the 
maximum from $85 to $150 per month. Also, and very important, the amount 
which a beneficiary could earn and still not be deprived of his social-security 
payments was increased from $14.99 to $50 per month. 

These changes were not all which could be desired, but they go a long way 
toward answering the legitimate complaints of our citizens who had spent their 
best working years in the service of our whole community — every working per- 
son serves in this way. 

In the coming session I shall seek action on my bill exempting from Federal 
income taxes the pensions of Federal, State, and city employees up to $2,000 per 
year and also disability pensions. 

Also, while we are on the direct subject of taxes, I have made great efforts 
to relieve all of us of the wartime luxury taxes on such things as fur coats 
costing not more than a reasonably priced cloth coat, baby oil, inexpensive 
cosmetics, popular-priced handbags, etc. I propose to continue this fight as such 


taxes should be eliminated from the cost of living of moderate-income families. 
The efficient operation of Government makes for the economic utilization of 
the funds authorized by the Congress. To this end I did my utmost to see that 
the recommendations of the Hoover Commission on Reorganization of the Fed- 
eral departments vpere given full weight. To effectuate these savings Congress 
passed basic authority to the President and some progress has been made on 
unifying the armed services, also some departments, such as the Civil Service 
Commission, the Labor Department, and the Post Office Department have been 


The last weeks of this session were characterized by a struggle to get an 
improved vpage for postal and other civil-service employees. I joined in this 
effort by testifying before the appropriate committees, acting through discharge 
petitions to bring the necessary legislation up for consideration on the floor 
of the House of Representatives and by personal efforts with other Members. 
It was finally possible to make a beginning of reform in two ways : One, by 
the enactment of legislation increasing the salaries of postal employees by an 
average of $141 per year, and, two, by making some other reforms to eliminate 
inequities in pay schedules and conditions of employment. It was also possible 
to pass the Reclassification Act resulting in a general increase for civil-service 
employees of about $120 per year. These developments were very gratifying 


One of the important contests engaged in in this session was the effort to 
retain the vitality and position of small business while giving to large business 
legitimate relief from a decision of the Supreme Court seriously hampering 
its operations in respect of the right to charge delivered prices. This result 
was accomplished by carefully limiting the effect of the remedial legislation 
and the development of a suitable formula to protect small business, in which 
I actively participated in the House. The legislation will not come up in the 
Senate until January 1950. Every citizen and certainly every small-business 
man should take an interest in this legislation so important to the proper 
position of small business which is the backbone of our economy. 


The problems of our veterans have continued to be one of my foremost 
concerns. The continued rising cost of living was much felt among our disabled 
veterans of both wars, their widows and children. In an effort to alleviate 
this hardship I supported and worked for legislation granting a long-needed 
increase of these pensions commensurate with the added cost of living of the 
past years. 

As a result of the interpretation of certain provisions in an appropriation 
bill, the Veterans' Administration issued regulations seriously curtailing the 
educational benefits for veterans under the GI bill of rights. As a result of 
vigorous protests, many of these restrictions have been lifted. In addition, I 
have joined with others of my colleagues in introducing legislation which would 
assure to all veterans the educational benefits originally intended for them 
and I will continue to do my utmost to see that these GI rights are not 
infringed upon by arbitrary administrative decisions or by oversights in the law. 


In an effort to strengthen and buttress our American democracy I have fought 
hard this session on several fronts for the safeguarding of fundamental civil 
rights. In the spring of the year I protested vigorously and with some effect 
the segregation of Negroes practiced in V^^ashington. Much still needs to be 
done on this score until the blight of discrimination is totally eliminated from 
our Nation's Capital. I shall remain vigilant in this regard. 

At present I am working with the West Side Committee on Civil Rights 
making a survey in part of our community in this field. From this survey we 
hope to evolve an effective and strong program to meet local conditions and to 
gain facts for use in the fight for national legislation. 

The House passed an anti-poll-tax bill which is now before the Senate .Judici- 
ary Committee. This Senate committee has approved an antilynching bill but 
that measure has not yet come up for a vote in the House. Only by continued 


work among the people :md in the Congress can these civil-rights bills be enacted 
into law. 

The struggle for antilynching. anti-poll-tax, and FEPC legislation continues in 
the Congress. It is an' important battle from which there must be no retreat 
and no wavering until all our citizens, without exception due to race, color, 
creed, or national orgin. enjoy all the rights and freedoms which are their birth- 
rights as American citizens. 


One of the vitally important problems we faced in this session was the enact- 
ment of a bill renewing the support for prices of farm products. I vigorously 
opposed up to the last days of the session the inflexible 90 percent of parity 
guaranty to farmers, on the ground that this bore unfairly on the living costs 
of city consumers, a large proportion of which was for food, while it operated 
in favor of farmers who were enjoying almost four times their aggregate pre- 
war income, I believe in the need of the interests of our national economic sta- 
bility for a concrete floor under farna prices, but these supports should be flex- 
ible and not rigid in order to meet the needs of farmers without unduly 
penalizing city dwellers. 


Aside from social security, unemployment insurance and other types of 
protection, our people are critically interested in the stable operation of our 
private economic system to avoid the shattering impact of depressions. I liave 
introduced legislation seeking to give our economic system stability by bringing 
about better coordination between Government and business through self-help 
and mutual cooperation supported by law. I consider this one of the most 
urgent tasks before us and shall work on it diligently in the next session. 


I have continued to protest against the danger of the resurgence of Nazi 
activity in the management of German industry and of German economic and 
social life. I shall continue this protest, bringing before the Congress as I have 
in the past significant evidences of it. I am convinced that one of the grave 
dangers that we face is of a resurgence of militant nationalism in Germany and 
the danger that we may find the Germans a Soviet ally for a renewed effort 
at world aggression. I shall do everything possible to see that we insist on com- 
pliance with the occupation statute which is the overriding law over all west 
German governments and that we continue even if it takes some years the 
supervision of Germany to guard against a resurgence of militant nationalism. 

The people of our district may recall my fight with respect to the Bollingen 
poetry award to Ezra Pound under the sponsorship of the Library of Congress 
resulting in the abandonment of this practice by the Library. I fought this 
procedure because I did not believe that an agency of our Government should 
lend itself to rewarding a person charged with treason against the United States 
in World War II. 


The new displaced-persons bill for which I fought passed the House of Repre- 
.sentatives on .June 2. This measure liberalizes the definition of displaced 
pers )ns. requires nondiscrimination in their selection, increases the DP's eligible 
for admission to the United States to 337.000 over a 3-year period, includes 
5.000 war orphans and 4.000 anti-Communist European DP's stranded in China — 
points for which I have long worked — and improves the situation of inunigrants 
already here who have no place to return to. At present this measure is bottle- 
necked in the Senate and we must continue in January our vigorous efforts to 
get it passed there. 


The maintenance of peace and security in the world continues to dominate 
our work in the Congress. As a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs 
of the House of Representatives our district has had a great opportunity 
through me to contribute to our bipartisan foreign policy. 


It was necessary to support the morale of the democracies of Western Europe 
by giving them some means for defense of their own national integrity. It is 


not proposed to divert Western Europe from its efforts at economic rehabilita- 
tion and recovery to military preparedness. On the contrary, by this program 
the peoples of Western Europe are to be encouraged to proceed with their 
economic recovery with a sense of freedom, security, and national self-respect. 
That is the purpose which I have sought and which I will continue to endeavor 
to seek by this program. 


It is now recognized that the European recovery program for which appropria- 
tions were made in this session for the fiscal year ending .June 30, 1950, is but 
^ne part of a great effort of American foreign policy to enable our sister free 
nations and peoples to stand on their own feet as effective producers and to 
get and maintain a decent standard of living through their own efforts. The 
ERP was the first necessary step in the rehabilitation of these democracies. 

We are now engaged in trying to launch the next effort which must be initiated 
while the ERP remains in effect and gradually take over from it : First, the 
opening of the world to trade among the nations. In this re.spect, the renewal 
of the reciprocal trade agreements program in this session which I supported 
and for which I fought is most important. In the next session I shall do all 
I can to bring about membership of the United States in the International Trade 

Second, I have also worked hard to bring about a merger of the International 
Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the International Monetary 
Fund to make some $4 billion more available than is available today for sup- 
porting world economic recovery without requiring additional appropriations 
by the United States. 

Finally, there is the point 4 program, for which legislation is now before us, 
which seeks to make available American technical skill in the effort to develop 
underdeveloped countries, the principal efforts in the first instance to be directed 
toward agriculture, health, and education. Exports of our skill cost us little 
and can replace hundreds of millions in expenditure for assistance and recovery. 
Skill is the best export we have and I propose to support actively this program 
as the principal means for helping to attain a higher standard of living among 
the free peoples and therefore greater and more secure prosperity for us. 


This area has presented one of the gravest losses to democracy this year. 
It is now more essential than ever that the forces of democracy be strengthened 
in the whole area of Asia outside of China so that democracy may have new 
sources of strength with which to try to win back China to democi-acy. This 
can best be done by effectively helping to raise the standards of living of the 
peoples of India, Burma, the Philippines, Indonesia, and of the other Asiatic 
peoples outside of China and giving them a firm devotion to democracy because 
of its ability to greatly improve their own conditions. The same result can by 
these means be attained in those areas of China still free of Communist oc- 
cupation. The will to resist either Communist aggression or Communist en- 
croachment can be assured in this way. I have, therefore, advocated a program 
of far eastern economic cooperation as the most constructive policy we can 
pursue in that area at this time. The visit of the great statesman. Pandit 
Nehru, Prime Minister of India, has dramatized the practicability of this ap- 
proach for us. India can truly be the cornerstone of this structure for peace 
and improvement in Asia. 


The establishment of peace and security in the new State of Israel continues 
to be of direct concern in the interest and security of the United States. It is 
now clear that to bring peace to this area a program of economic recovery 
and development is the best means for binding the people of Israel and of the 
Arab States together in their common interest. I have supported, and shall con- 
tinue to support, the efforts of the United Nations in this regard, and to urge 
similar efforts on the part of the United States. I have opposed, and shall 
continue to oppose, any effort to charge Israel with an undue proportion of the 
responsibility of the Arab refugee problem which was brought on by the inva- 
sion of Israel by the Arab armies. 

It has been my constant care to see that the holy places in Palestine, includ- 
ing Jeruselem, are fully safeguarded imder international control and that ac- 
cess to them by all pilgrims be free and open, but this does not require the 


United Nations to undertake a radical and hazardous experiment in the munic- 
ipal administration of Jerusalem by separating the new city from Israel, 
which could well jeopardize the cessation of hostilities in the Near East. 


The strengthening of the United Nations to develop it into a world federation 
under law and with power to keep the peace gains renewed impetus from the 
announcement that the Soviet Union probably has the atom bomb. I have 
supported, and will continue to support, the movement toward encouraging 
world federation pending in the House of Representatives and am one of the 
authors of the resolution for that purpose. The terrible destructiveness of the 
atom bomb makes the surest means of attaining the United Nations goal of 
international peace and security an effective world federation and this should 
be the fundamental aim of our foreign policy. 

It continues to be a cause for regret that Eire is not yet admitted into the 
United Nations and that even yet this prevents a plebiscite from being taken of 
all Ireland under United Nations auspices for the purpose of bringing about 
its unification. 


The development respecting the atomic bomb in the Soviet Union and the 
controversy over the usefulness of the B-36 bomber have brought our national- 
defense policies to the fore. While continuing firm in the conviction that 
national security through our Military Establishment is only one element in our 
foreign policy and that economic development and cultural interchange are 
needed to make this policy one of peace, it is yet essential to see that both in 
size and in effectiveness our Military Establishment is adequate to our needs. 
I am being guided by two principles in my action here — first, that our Military 
Establishment shall be consistent with modern requirements of security in the 
atomic age which has completely changed the whole concept of defense : second, 
that we shall continue to have effective civilian control of our National Military 


Our problems continue to be highly complex and vast in their implications. 
Yet fundamental principles can be adhered to and remain an effective guide 
to action. Our constitutional institutions continue to show vigor and the flexi- 
bility and adaptability to deal with the challenges which face us as they arise. 
Our people retain the faith in our Republic and the independence of action so 
essential to lead us on the road of freedom and justice. They give every evi- 
dence of being fully able to make changes as changes are required. Under these 
circumstances, I am convinced that our Nation is equal to its great responsibil- 
ities and opportunities. 

[Congressional Record, May 12, 1949] 
Thubsday, May 12, 1949 

The Eighty-Fiest Congress — First Session — First Report — Record and Fore- 
cast, Speech of Hon. Jacob K. Javits of New York, in the House of Repre- 

Mr. Javits. Mr. Speaker, the first session is well past the halfway mark and 
it is a good time to survey where we stand. Only two major pieces of legislation 
have been completed with resulting Presidential approval making them law — 
the Housing and Rent Act of 1947, extended by Public Law No. 31 ; and the 
Economic Cooperation Act carrying the authorization for another year's continu- 
ance of the European recovery program. Public Law No. 47. 

Other major legislation, on social security, health, the Labor Management 
Act, increase of the minimum wage, housing, anti-poll-tax, and FEPC remain 
in different stages of the legislative process. It is fair to say that a Congress 
with a majority elected on what most of our people considered to be a mandate 
for a program of social welfare turns out to be so far a Congress of frustration. 
I have diligently devoted my efforts to trying to break this log jam and to trying 
to get legislation enacted which the people want and should have. 



The Housing and Rent Act of 1949 extends rent control for 15 months to June 
30, 1950. I took a most active part in the enactment of this legislation and 
offered various important amendments. 

The beneficial changes in the law may be briefly summarized as follows : 

First. Certification of services : This new feature of the rent-control law 
was sponsored by me and requires for the first time a sworn certification by the 
landlord that he is maintaining all services to tenants as a condition to obtain- 
ing a rent increase. This feature of the new rent law will redound to the bene- 
fit of all tenants in our district and in the country. One of the most serious com- 
plaints which has come to my attention has been the fact that landlords have 
been tiling for and receiving increases of rent while tenants complained the 
services they have been receiving have been reduced substantially. For the 
first time, tenants will be assured of adequate services if the landloard seeks an 
increase of rent. Nor does this prevent tenants from seeking proper redress as 
they could before, in the event of a decrease of services even though the landlord 
does not apply for a rent increase. 

Second. Fair net operating income : Instead of the former hardship provisions 
of the rent regulations, the housing expediter has set a formula with which the 
landlord must comply in order to seek relief. The landlord will have to submit 
records to show that his property is not showing, currently, a fair amount of 
receipts over expenditures, rather than compare his current income and expenses 
with previous years. 

Third. Evictions : Tightened eviction controls were restored to the housing 
expediter for the first time in 2 years. In New York we have had a temporary 
city rent commission in this connection and now there are controls both by the 
city and the Federal Government so that the tenants get greater protection 
against improper evictions. 

Fourth. Tenants' right to appeal : For the first time in the history of rent 
control the tenants have been granted the absolute right to appeal from any 
orders issued by a rent office. 

Fifth. Treble damages : The housing expediter is once again authorized to 
bring action for treble damages on behalf of tenants. The tenants, of course, 
still have the right to bring their own actions, in which event, the court is to 
award court costs and counsel fees besides treble damages. 

Sixth. Decontrolled apartments : Apartments which were formerly decon- 
trolled because of the termination of voluntary leases between December 31, 
1947, and April 1, 1948, are back under control at the lease rental. Apartments 
which were decontrolled because they had been vacant for a 24-month period 
between February 1, 1945, and March 30, 1948, or had been occupied or rented 
to a member of the landloi'd's immediate family are now recontrolled. As a 
result, many tenants who have been paying very high rentals because apart- 
ments had been decontrolled will now have their rents reinstated at rentals 
which prevailed prior to the decontrol ruling. 

Permanent residents in nontransient hotels are now back under control with 
the ceiling rent fixed as of March 1, 1949. 

Seventh. Converted dwellings : So-called conversions by landlords as a result 
of which additional housing accommodations are created are now subject to 
examination and approval by the rent office before decontrol takes effect. 

In order to protect the people of our district. I have expanded the facilities 
of the congressional rent clinic, which has helped more than 4,000 residents 
of the district, so that branches will be operated throughout the district. I am 
gratified by the very favorable response received during the past 2 years as 
a result of the work of this rent clinic, and express, too. my profound appreci- 
ation for the public-spirited group of lawyers in our district rendering this 
public service without fee under the direction of Hyman W. Sobell, Esq., chair- 
man of the congressional rent clinic. 


Housing continues to be our No. 1 domestic unsolved problem. Together with 
9 other Members of the House of Representatives I have sponsored a com- 
prehensive housing bill providing for the construction of 800.000 federally 
assisted low-rent housing units — public housing — a $1,500,000,000 slum-clearance 
program, .$3 billion in direct, very low-interest loans for the construction of 
housing units for families in the middle-income brackets and opportunities for 
1,500,0(K) new home units i>er year would be made possible. 


• The Senate has already passed a public-housiug and slum-cloarance bill aud 
I aiu now exerting every effort in cooperation with national civic and veterans' 
organizations to bring ai)oiit housing action for all inconae groups in the House 
of Representatives ; the chances for success with bipartisan support are the best 
since 1937. The catastrophic emergency remains as great as ever, with over 
2,500,000 families, largely those of veterans in the middle-income group, living 
doubled up with tlieir relatives or friends. 


Two other critically important -fields of social welfare await action l)y the 
Congress — legislation accepting the national responsibility for health, and pro- 
viding Federal aid to education. 

The President's health plan has been offered in the form of a compulsory pay- 
roll tax lilve the social-security tax estimated at 3 percent, for which medical 
and hospital services and eventually dental and nursing sei-vices are promised. 
Opposition on the part of the medical profession continues unabated. Our coun- 
try enjoys a high quality of medical service today considering the standard of 
medical care in other countries. It is important, therefore, that the quality 
remain high while the quantity is increased to provide for many of our citizens 
now deprived of adequate medical care because of cost or because of location in 
rural areas not now adequately seiwed by medical facilities. 

I have stated before and it continues to be my position that I shall support 
the acceptance by the Government of the national responsibility for the people's 
health without compromising freedom of choice. It must be made possible 
within this framework to provide for increased hospital and medical care for 
our people, and at the same time not to mislead them with glittering promises 
of immediate large-scale services which cannot be iierformed due to shortages 
of doctors, nurses, dentists, hospitals, and facilities. 

I have always advocated and continue to advocate Federal aid to education. 
The bill already passed by the Senate appropriates $300 million toward achiev- 
ing a minimum level of education in all the States, supplementing State funds 
with Federal grants based on State per capita income. It is important to be 
sure that each State is doing the limit of what can be expected of it for itself, 
and that this legislation shall not centralize authority over our educational 
system in the Federal Government or regulate State educational systems other- 
wise meeting fair standards. 


The heated controversy over the Labor-Management Relations Act of 1947 — 
the Taft-Hartley law — has not been disposed of, a stalemate having developed 
in the House of Representatives. 

I originally voted against the Taft-Hartley law and was pledged to its repeal. 
1 consider the recent effort to pass the Wood bill an effort to maintain the essen- 
tially punitive basis of Taft-Hartley by another name — an act which has evoked 
such violent protest from the 16 million hard-working, law-abiding Americans 
who are union members. Our fundamental objective must be to see that collec- 
tive bargaining between employers and employees remains and is conducted 
fairly, and with the least Government interference ; save the right of the Gov- 
ernment to cope with national emergencies due to labor conflict in the intei'ests 
of the Nation as a whole, but without coercion. 

Other fundamental issues with respect to labor are the increase of the mini- 
mum wage and the enactment of a Fair Employment Practices Commission law. 

We should expand the protection for employees made available by the Fair 
Labor Standards Act, as the act has been restrictive in its operations thus far. 
The cost of living and the general economic level of our country certainly dictate 
an advance to a minimum wage of 75 cents per hour as a fair one and I have 
supported such advance. 

FEPC legislation, which has operated so successfully in New York, is long 
overdue. Our constitutional democracy suffers at home and abroad from the 
absence of this legislation. We give thereby a powerful propaganda weapon to 
Communist forces seeking to discredit our system. 

I have offered an FEPC bill myself, H. R. 192, and have testified in support 
of it. I will continue to join without reserve in the struggle for one of the gi'eat 
privileges of our democracy for all i>eople, regardless of their color, their national 

72723— 57— pt. 43 4 


origins, or their religious faiths — freedom of job opportunity to the limit of their 


We are seeking a healthy citizenry with sufficient time for recreation, and fair 
compensation for our working people so that they may enjoy the satisfactions 
of which our industrial system is capable. Accordingly, I have offered and 
worked hard for a bill to ultimately bring about the establishment of a national 
theater, opera, and ballet, and a bill to help our youth avoid the pitfalls of 
juvenile delinquency. 

People everywhere have enthusiastically endorsed the aim to establish facili- 
ties for national theater and music, and to make them available to the tens of 
millions of Americans who do not now enjoy these arts. 


The National Youth Assistance bill seeks $50 million to assist States, munici- 
palities, and social-welfare organizations in their activities for prevention of 
juvenile deliquency and to afford recreational, educational, and citizenship 
orientation opportunities for our youth. 

I have just completed a countrywide survey of the youth activities sponsored 
by State and city governments like the activities of Touth Aid, Inc., an organi- 
zation of public-spirited citizens in our district, of which I am a director. There 
is agreement by most of the State and municipal authorities that Federal legis- 
lation of the character I have proposed is necessary. 


My concern with problems of employment, housing, health, youth, and recrea- 
tion has not, however, overshadowed my great interest in our veterans. A large 
amount of service continues to be given by my congressional office in individual 
veterans' cases. I have joined in efforts to assure veterans the utmost in satis- 
factory hospital and other service benefits. I am gratified that thousands of 
veterans in our district join me in considering the rejection of the first Rankin 
pension bill as being a service to the interests of our country, wiiich will re- 
sult in passage of a reasonable bill. 

The care and protection of our veterans remain to me, both as a citizen and 
fellow veteran, a subject of primary concern. 


I have worked, and will continue to work hard for a broadening and improve- 
ment of old-age and survivors' insurance benefits. The reserves in the Federal 
system are great enough to warrant at least a 50-percent increase in these 

In order to be helpful to our pensioners and retired citizens I have offered 
legislation exempting from Federal income taxes all Federal, State, and city 
employees' pensions up to $2,000 per annum and also disability pensions. 

And while we are on the subject of taxes, it is fair to consider the plight of 
the ordinary consumer 4 years after the war still paying what are called luxury 
taxes on baby oil, inexpensive cosmetics, popular-priced handbags, and, yes, on 
fur coats costing not more than an inexpensive cloth coat. Such taxes ought 
to be eliminated from the cost of living of the moderate-income family. 


As the postwar legacy of Nazi Germany we continue to harvest in our 
country a group of hatemongers and spreaders of malicious propaganda seek- 
ing to turn minority against minority, whether of color or religion, and the ma- 
jority against all minorities. Accordingly I joined with others of my col- 
leagues in introducing a bill making it unlawful to disseminate malicious and 
false statements prejudicing the public mind against minorities whether Ne- 
groes, Catholics, Jews, Greeks, Italians, or of other races, religions, or national 
groups. Such legislation is designed to keep our free speech unimpaired and 
our free press unsullied. 


In the past few months I have had occasion to protest vigorously against the 
resurgence of Nazi activity which has been permitted by the United States 


military government in Germany, in the management of German industry and 
German economic and social life. 

I protested against the participation by former Nazis and their sympathizers 
in the German Export Fair in New York City and succeeded in getting the lists 
of those German businessmen who sought to come over to the fair culled and 
culled again to eliminate many whose records were questionable. 

My efforts have also been directed toward fighting the Communist danger to 
our freedoms. I have not only fought it in the support of our foreign policy, 
but have also vigorously protested the outrages against justice such as the 
"trial" of Cardinal Mindszenty by the Government of Hungary. I introduced 
a resolution condemning this trial and as a member of the House Foreign Affairs 
Committee joined in bringing about action on the resolution reported by that 
committee and passed by the House of Representatives condemning the Minds- 
zenty trial as an outrage on the civilized world. I shall continue in this struggle 
against the forces of the extreme left and the extreme right, which meet in their 
efforts to extinguish our freedoms. 


I denoimced the Displaced Persons Act passed in 194S as brazenly discrimina- 
tory. It excluded tens of thousands of displaced persons who had really suffered 
under the Nazi terror while it admitted others who actually or ideologically 
played with the Nazi fifth columns. Great efforts have been made to amend this 
legislation in this Congress. I have introduced a displaced-persons bill to admit 
400,000 DP's on an entirely nondiscriminatory basis and without restrictions on 
rheir opportunities in the United States. I have also introduced again in this 
Congress the bill for the admission of war orphans for adoption by American 

A new DP bill has just been reported out and should in substance soon pass 
the House of Representatives from where it will go to the J^enate. This bill 
increases the aggregate number of DP's to be admitted from 205,000 in 2 years 
to 339,000 in 3 years, and provides for the admission of certain children adopted 
by American citizens. An especially pertinent amendment changes the cutoff 
date for DP status qualification which caused so much miscliief in the present 
law. from December 22, 1945, to January 1, 1949. The bill also allocates a quota 
of 4,000 to refugees from Shanghai, China, a recognition, even if only partial, 
of the critical situation there. 


As a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Repre- 
sentatives the great events since the Congress convened in January have been 
of fundamental concern to me. 

One of the major struggles in our foreign policy has been successfully sur- 
mounted in both the House and the Senate in the enactment of the authorization 
for another year of the European recovery program. 


The Atlantic Pact will soon be under consideration in the Senate which alone 
Avill be called upon to approve or reject it. I am assured that there will be full 
and complete opportunity for hearings in the Senate before the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee of all people and interests who seek to be heard, and that 
there will be a full debate in the Senate. Though the House of Representatives 
will not pass on the pact itself it will pass on implementing legislation. 


As we consider our foreign affairs and the effectiveness of these great policies 
to rehabilitate our sister democracies, we must look forward to the next step of 
their ability to stand on their own feet as effective producers with a decent 
standard of living through their own efforts. The United States has taken the 
lead in this respect in the setting up of the International Trade Organization 
designed to facilitate the most extensive and helpful world trade among the 

I represented the United States as a member of its delegation in Habana when 
the organization was formed, and I have introduced legislation in the Congress 
to bring about United States membership in the International Trade Organiza- 


It also must be recognized that the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act, the 
extension of which for 3 more years I supported, is one of the keystones in the 
edifice of economic and political freedom which we are trying to construct in 
the world. 


Finally, there is the "bold new program" referred to by the President in his 
inaugural address regarding the making available of American skill in the effort 
to economically and industrially develop underdeveloped areas. Exports of 
skill cost us little and are priceless to the recipients. In this way we help 
them best to help themselves. 


No discussion of our foreign affairs is complete without attention to the tri- 
umph of justice in which we had an important hand — the establishment of the 
independence, and now of peace and security in the new State of Israel. Early 
in the congressional session I fought any interference by Great Britain, out of a 
misguided sense of her interests in the Middle East, with the beginnings of a 
peaceful solution of the conflict between Israel and the Arab States. 

The valor of the people of Israel, the influence of the United Nations, and the 
material and moral suport of the people of the United States have won them 
their freedom and their opportunity. 


The struggle for the independence of Ireland bears many similarities to the 
struggle of Israel. Eire should be admitted into the United Nations and at 
the least a plebiscite should be taken all over Ireland under United Nations 
auspices for the purpose of bringing about its unification. 


The enhancement of the prestige of the United Nations resulting from its 
successful efforts with respect to Palestine and the admission of Israel to its 
membership, have contributed materially to the more optimistic views respect- 
ing its future. Under the conditions of the atomic and air age, and with geo- 
graphical boundaries materially reduced in importance, the development of the 
United Nations ultimately into a world federal government becomes the surest 
means of attaining its goal of international peace and security. 


I am convinced that in the interests of our Constitution and our freedom, 
civilian control of our national security and the limitation of military influence 
to the technical requirements of the services are essential. National security 
through our Military Establishment is only one element in our foreign policy. 
The solutions we seek in the world are solutions through peace. We nuist see 
that both in size and in effectiveness our Military Establishment is complete 
within these proper limitations, but that never shall the United States be 
rattling a sword in a scabbard. 

All of us are aware that in a world of realism while we engage in great 
efforts of foreign policy, we must also look to our national security. The mili- 
tary budget ccmstitutes about one-third of our total budget for the next fiscal year. 
The Hoover Commission on the Reorganization of Government has pointed 
out great wastes which exist in our Military Establishment. In common with 
others who have served in the armed forces, I am also aware of the need for 
constant modernization of our concepts of what is the best military posture 
for national security. These principles and efforts shall have my urgent 


This is a general review of what has been done in the Eighty-first Congress 
and what can be seen ahead for the future. Our people may rest secure in the 
fact that our democracy is working. There are many failures and insufficien- 
cies, much injustice which needs to be righted, and many challenging problems 
to be met, but our democracy and our people show the vigor capable of meeting 
them. So long as we remain steadfast in this position, our great Nation is safe. 


[Congressional Record, May 2, 1930] 

CAST, Speech of Hon. Jacob K. Javits of New York, in the House of 

Mr. Javits. Mr. Speaker, the second session of the Slst Congress is now at 
midpoint. In .this important election year Congress normally heads for an 
adjournment early in July. By now the extent to which a legislative pro- 
gram may he enacted becomes evident. So far in this session accomplishments 
have been meager in domestic affairs most important to the people. And in 
foreign affairs the Congress indicates it will in the main carry on already estab- 
lished programs. 

I have worked hard here to endeavor to realize for our people the objectives 
of decent housing, stable employment, reasonable security, the maintenance of 
international peace, and the preservation of our freedoms. Within the limits of 
the labors of one among 435 Representatives I have endeavored to reflect the 
needs, the ideas, and the aspirations of my district. 


The Federal rent-control law expires, by its terms, on June 30, 1950. In the 
State of New York we passed on May 1, from Federal to State rent control. As- 
semblyman Samuel Roman, of my own Washington Heights and Inwood, was 
one of the leaders in the fight for the New York State rent-control law in the 
State legislature this year. 

The Federal rent-control law, though it resulted in some drastic and uncalled- 
for increases due to the fair-net-operating-income provision, on the whole held 
the rent line within reason. My amendment requiring landlords to certify to the 
maintenance of all services before being entitled to apply for a rent adjustment 
was one of the most important phases of the law to protect the rights of tenants. 
This amendment is now in the New York State law. 

The State rent-control law rolls back rents to the amount actually paid on 
March 1. 1950. or March 1, 1949, whichever is lower. Increases ordered by the 
Federal housing expediter unless agreed to by the tenant or ordered paid by 
the city rent commission are not included. No restrictive increases are per- 
mitted under the new State law. It does not contain the fair-net-operating- 
income provision of the Federal law. It allows increases only after December 1, 
1950. for a hardship amounting to actual loss in operations only. This is the 
original OPA basis in effect during the war years. The New York State rent- 
control law gives tenants a right of hearing in regard to increases in rent. It 
has safeguards against evictions, and strict penalties against landlords violating 
its provisions. 

The State law permits increases, after December 1, 1950, due to severe hard- 
ship on grounds of comparability. Its administration under a distinguished 
public servant like the Honorable Joseph P. McGoldrick, former comptroller of 
the city of New York, however, should assure tenants against abuses of this 

In addition the facilities of my congressional rent clinics are being further 
expanded and additional staff added to the branches now operating throughout 
my district under the chairmanship of Hyman W. Sobell, Esq. 

In view of the importance of rent control to the economy of the country and 
therefore to the people of New York I shall work for and support Federal rent 
control here. Even with New York out of the Federal rent-control system there 
are still some 8 million dwelling units under Federal control. 


I cannot report any real victory for housing in this session nearly comparable 
to the authorization of 810,000 new Federal low-rent public housing units and 
a $1,500,000,000 slum-clearance program by the Federal Housing Act of 1949. 
The authority of the FHA to insure mortgages has been increased by about 
$2,250,000,000, and this will help materially the private construction industry 
and those who are out to buy homes of their own. But in the rental field, par- 
ticularly for the family in the $2,000 to $4,000 per annum income bracket — which 
includes most unhoused veterans' families — the problem remains almost as acute 
as it did in 1945. 


I fought very hard for approval this year of a Federal program of direct loans 
for long terms at very low interest, to assist the construction of rental housing 
for families in this middle-income bracket, in this way reducing rentals for the 
normal city apartment from $85 per mouth to about $63 per month. Even this 
program was defeated in both the House and Senate. 

Together with other Representatives here I shall continue this fight. 


The present unemployment recorded in the United States Employment Service 
offices is 3,515,000, which is not abnormal. Fears are expressed that this might, 
however, go up to 5 million before the year's end. That figure used to be a 
danger signal before the war. But at that time we had approximately 45 mil- 
lion Americans gainfully employed ; today we have almost 60 million gainfully 

Unemployment is certainly a bleak prospect, however, for the individuals con- 
cerned, and we must give them adequate aid. The unemployment insurance sys- 
tems will help, but these must be very much strengthened as the benefits differ 
widely between States and many give far less than the optimum 26 weeks of 

Also, we must consider other means for making our economic system more 
stable. I have proposed such legislation myself through the establishment of 
a Federal Economic Commission and of goals for our economy. 

AVe faced a crisis in the last few months in the coal strike which threatened to 
paralyze the whole country — and in railroads and telephones. These situations 
bear out what I have been strongly advocating — that Congress should give the 
President power to seize mines or facilities where essential to the public health 
and safety, but with the right to operate them only to the minimum extent 
required for such health and safety. 


The House of Representatives finally had its opportunity to debate a Fair 
Employment Practices Commission bill after monumental efforts to bring it up, 
providing for equality of job opportunity without discrimination on account of 
race, color, creed, or national origin. Such a law has been operating in the State 
of New York very successfully for 5 years, and is also in effect in 9 other 
States. Debate opened at the usual hour of noon on February 22, and continued 
until 3 a. m. the following morning. At that time, in spite of all of our efforts 
to the contrary, the House of Re])resentatives by a vote substituted for the FEPC 
bill with enforcement powers a bill with investigatory powers only. 

It is true that this was the first time in history that such a bill has passed 
the House at all, but the absence of enforcement, leaving only investigatory 
power, was a great disappointment to those of us who fought so hard for this 
bill. We were then faced with the dire alternative of voting down what the 
House of Representatives had passed and having no FEPC bill of any kind or 
voting to send even this inadequate bill to the Senate. I chose the latter course 
as did most of the liberal Members of the House in both parties. I am con- 
vinced this was the right course ; otherv.-ise, any hope for P^EPC legislation would 
have been killed for this session. 

The battle has shifted to the Senate, and I am continuing my work here to 
attain an FEPC bill with full enforcement powers. 


The Congi-ess continues to overlook urgently needed legislation in this field. 

No action has been taken on a national program for health either along the 
lines of the plan which I have offered, providing for Federal- State aid to co- 
operative plans, organized on a community and local level, or on the adminis- 
tration's own health plan financed by a compulsory payroll tax. 

No action has been taken either on Federal aid to education. I continue un- 
equivocally in favor of such legislation and do not consider help to school con- 
struction or health services already passed by the Senate — desirable as these 
are — to be a substitute. The terms of the Bardon bill, which prevents State* 
from using any of the proposed Federal aid for any services, even health serv- 
ices, except for public schools, is still an issue delaying the bill. I have ex- 
pressed myself as being opposed to the type of restriction imposed by the Barden 
bill. With the overwhelmingly complex problems which oiw young people will 


face when they become adults, fuiulaiiiental iuiprovenient in our educational 
system particuhirlv in States which are below par is vital. 

In the course of this session T have olfend a bill, H. R. 733G, to set up a Fed- 
eral Board of p]ducation as recomnieiuled by the Hoover Commission and also 
to abolish segresatioii and discrimiiuition in educational institutions receiving 
Federal aid. llight now this to apply to institutions of liipher learning, which 
received over $3,500,000,000 a year from the Federal Government in 1949. It Is 
high time that this essential reform was made nationally, just as we have al- 
ready made it in New York. 


The gains effected by H. R. 6000 in extending olil-age and siirvivors insur- 
ance to millions of self-employed, to employees of State and local governments 
and nonprofit organizations on a voluntary basis, to domestic servants, to agri- 
cultural-processing workers, and to certain other employees should pass at this 
session. Increasing benefits from 50 percent for the highest pension groups to 
150 percent for the lowest pension groups, and increasing the minimum monthly 
benefits from $10 to $25, and the maximum monthly benefits from $85 to $150 is 
a step in the right direction, although with present living costs far from ade- 

Such social-security improvement is good, but we must go much further. Our 
population is aging, job opportunities for older people are becoming less plenti- 
ful, living costs are advancing, and it is becoming harder to pile up private 
resources against advancing age. A strengthened social-security system upon 
which retired people can really live is a must for our society. 

There has been some criticism of H. R. 6000 as it could by a referendum of 
those affected supersede some State and city retirement plans, but both Senators 
from New York are trying to strike this out in the Senate. 


This session has been characterized by a great drive to relieve the people of 
the wartime luxury taxes on items entering into the ordinary cost of living which 
are not luxuries at all. 

The President has made certain recommendations regarding reductions of 
excise taxes but the items he covered are far more limited than the need of the 
moderate-income families indicates. 

I have been supporting and fighting for the consideration of measures which 
would effect this result. The committee has now tentatively acted in repealing 
excise taxes on electric-light bulbs, purses and handbags, and baby oil and 
powder ; and reducing them on motion-picture admissions, communications, 
transportation, jewelry, and furs. 

It will be said that excise tax reduction must be coupled with means for 
raising additional revenue through taxes. These should be sought from econ- 
omiesin the administration of government — recommendations of the Hoover 
Commission — savings on the farm price-support program, review of Federal 
charges for services to individuals and corporations, closing up tax loopholes', 
and consideration of a graduated income tax on corporate profits. All of these 
steps should be taken first before reconsidering the personal income tax. 

Revenue is raised to meet Federal Government expenses. I have favored 
major cuts in expenses in respect to basic items like high fixed farm parity 
prices which could reduce the budget by up to a ))illion dollars a year, and cuts 
in rivers and harbors projects which could reduce the budget by several hundred 
million dollars a year. I have not favored across-the-board slashes reducing 
essential Government services like those in the post office, without selectivity. 

I have been seeking action on my bill exempting from Federal income taxes 
the pensions of Federal, State, and city employees up to $2,000 a year and also 
disability pensions. Recently, I introduced a bill, H. R. 7448, allowing a de- 
duction from income subject to income tax to the extent of $600 per year, for 
those with serious physical handicaps — the same allowance made for the blind. 
The idea for such a bill came from a letter from one of my constituents. 


A storm of protest broke out over the drastic curtailment of mail deliveries 
to homes and offices announced by the Postmaster General as attributable to 
budget limitations on April 18, 1950; effective in New York, June 1. It subse- 


quently became clear that the Post Office Department had not asked Congress 
for the necessary deficiency money but had just gone ahead with this drastic 
move. With much support from my district I have vigorously protested this 
action, both in the House of Representatives and to the Postmaster General. 
So much opposition has been aroused that I belie\e corrective action will not be 
long delayed. 

The House passed H. R. 87, the military credits bill, affording to postal em- 
ployees a starting salary grade commensurate with their status after giving 
them credit for their war service. It is likely that this principle will be ex- 
tended to benefit all Federal employees. 


The fight to retain the vitality and position of small businesses while giving 
all business relief from a decision of the Supreme Court raising doubt as to the 
lawfulness of sales at delivered prices — not just f. o. b. prices — has been going 
on continuously. The effort to limit the effect of remedial legislation so that it 
would not jeopardize small business has resulted in a considerable struggle. 
Those of us who are deeply concerned about the small-business position, though 
we have been fighting as the opposition a rear guard action, have nevertheless 
had considerable influence in bringing about changes to protect small business. 
The President is recommending a small-business program which I am studying 
carefully with a view to its support. 


The House has approved by an overwhelming vote and sent to the Senate for 
action the addition of 16,000 beds for veterans' hospitals, 1,000 of these in New 
York. These include many urgently needed psychiatric facilities. 

One of the principal problems of veterans so far in this session has related 
to VA cuts in hospitals and medical and auxiliary staffs. I have protested 
these cuts and urged the Veterans' Administration to seek a deficiency appro- 
priation to avoid them. This is now being done with resultant withdrawal of 
reductions in medical and hospital staffs. 

Veterans who have suffered wounds in the protection of their country are 
entitled to the best we can offer, certainly in medical care and equipment. 
Many veterans are concerned about the recommendation of the Hoover Commis- 
sion which would eliminate a separate hospital and medical service for veterans. 
I share this concern and assure the veterans of my district that I will consider 
not only the economies involved in such a move, but would have to be shown 
affirmatively, that the veteran will get medical service equal to what he is get- 
ting now plus particular consideration for his care as a veteran. 

Veterans have also been concerned with VA regulations seriously curtailing 
their educational benefits under the GI bill of rights. I have introduced legis- 
lation similar to the Senate-passed Taft-Teague bill to give veterans their full 
opportunity for educational benefits, and I am working here to get it enacted 
and will guard against any effort to emasculate it by amendments. 


"We are all deeply concerned about exposing and rooting out disloyal elements 
who may be in our midst. AVe are also concerned about victory for the forces 
of freedom in the cold war. In order to effectuate both these aims, it is neither 
necessary nor wise to impair our constitutional freedoms which protect the 
innocent individual. 

It is essential that we hold the balance between the investigatory powers of 
the Congress which in the national interest we must protect, and the capability 
of destroying the reputations and the means of livelihood of innocent people. 

It is interesting at this point to quote the words of J. Edgar Hoover, the great 
director of the FBI, who said as recently as March 27, 19.50 : 

"I would not want to be a party to any action which would smear innocent 
individuals for the rest of their lives. We cannot disregard the fundamental 
principles of common decency and the application of basic American rights of 
fair play. 

I recognized this situation a long time ago, and saw how it was of great 
concern to all fair-minded Americans and could particularly concern large 
minorities like Catholics, Jews, and Negroes. For this reason I introduced 
last year House Joint Resolution 20. It calls for a joint Senate-House investi- 


gating committee aud incorporates the rules of procedure recommended by the 
bar association of tlie city of New Yorl<. 

Recently the Senator from Massachusetts, Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, has rec- 
ommended almost the same remedy. The very successful Canadian spy investi- 
gation by a royal commission a few years ago following this procedure 
certainly bears this out. I have had to withhold my support from the appro- 
priation for the existing House committee due to the foregoing circumstances. 
I believe that with the increased emphasis on reform of procedure, the necessity 
for withholding such support on my part may soon be ended. 

It is absolutely essential that all the facts be developed for the American 
people in the current investigation on disloyalty in the State Department and 
elsewhere. The inquiry should be pursued to the end under fair procedures, 
so that a final result may be arrived at. 

The danger is pointed out in a lead editorial of the Catholic Review, official 
organ of the Archdiocese of Baltimore and Washington, of Friday, April 14, 
which says : 

"The loyalty investigation bids fair to end in a lot of charges and countei-- 
charges which will leave the American public just as much in the dark as when 
the inquiry opened." 

Antilynching and anti-poll-tax legislation have been relatively overlooked by 
the Congress in view of the FEPC fight. However, we cannot rest until all of 
our citizens without exception and without segregation enjoy their full rights 
and freedoms as Americans of the same class. 


The work which I started last year of opposition to the inflexible 90-percent 
parity farm price program, which is helping to keep food prices up when I was 
1 of only 25 to vote against it, is beginning to show progress. These are signs 
of the times. The shocking experience of the potato price support program 
resulting in an expenditure estimated at over $350 million to date, and the 
piling up and wasting of 50 million bushels of potatoes, has sunk into the 
consciousness of most Americans. The investment in the farm price-support 
program on the part of the Federal Government aggregates over $4 billion, and 
the cost is running at about $1 billion a year. 

High Government supports for farm prices bear unfairly on the living costs 
of city consumers ; they are also unwise for the farmer who does not want a 
reaction to set in which may swing the pendulum too far the other wa.v. 

It is very much in the interest of city dwellers that agriculture should be 
prosperous and Government should help with that, but not that farmers should 
be a favored class. 


The issue of peace or war continues to dominate the minds and hearts of 
men and women in our own as well as in every other country. We are de- 
termined to win the struggle against the totalitarian ideology of communism 
whose aim is to enslave all men. As a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs 
of the House of Representatives, our district, through me, has had an excel- 
lent opportunity to participate in this cold war struggle in an effective way. 
I spent some time in November and December last in Western Germany, Berlin, 
Italy, Israel, France, and Great Britain with a mission from this committee 
working on these problems. 


Americans recognize by now that we cannot be prosperous or secure in a 
bankrupt world. For peoples who have no hope will flock to communism out 
of sheer despair. We may then flnd that we are isolated rather than isolationist, 
and face a hostile world with the choice either of giving in, or destroying our- 
selves in a war or in unbelievably large military expenditures. Hence, the billions 
we invest in international economic stability are primarily invested in the interest 
of our own securit.v and well-being. 

We are continuing the 4-year European recovery program — Marshall plan — 
this year into its third year with an expenditure which is likely to be about 

It is by now clear that even after 1952, when the European recovery program 
is due to end. Western Europe will still face a serious dollar shortage with which 
to feed and clothe itself even austerely, and get raw materials for its factories. 


To deal with this situation the United States should join the International 
Trade Organization— ITO — which will facilitate trade for all the free countries, 
including ourselves ; and undertake a vigorous development of the point 4 program 
to make available American technical skill to develop underdeveloped countries, 
concentrated in the first instance on agriculture, health, and education. 

I fought hard for this point 4 program when it passed the House after a 
very difiicult battle. It is one of the best answers we have to communism. 


Our policy in this area has been bankrupt of vigor and original ideas. The 
forces of freedom on the whole have suffered losses in this area, the gravest of 
vrhich is the loss of the mainland of China to the Communists. In the absence of 
a policy by the administration the Congress has itself stated a policy, which I 
have had a part in drafting. This policy calls on the peoples who remain free 
in Asia, southeast Asia and the western Pacific, and this includes as well such 
areas of China as are still free, Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines, to 
organize themselves in a new program of self-help and mutual cooperation and 
assures them of our aid if they do. The peoples of the great subcontinent of 
India are very important in this great effort. 

I also fought hard here for assistance to South Korea, one of the sturdy out- 
posts of freedom in Asia. 

There need to be no haste about recognizing Communist China, such as was 
shown by other nations. It is much too early to ji'.dge whether it is anything 
but a tool of the Soviet Union — another satellite. Our reverses in China have 
taught us how much the Far East really means to our own security, to the fight 
against communism, and to world peace. 


The whole world was outraged by news of the abduction of 28,000 children 
of Greece by the Communist guerrillas for training and indoctrination in coun- 
tries behind the Iron Curtain. In cooperation with the Honorable Frances P. 
Bolton, of Ohio, I was able to get favorable action on a resolution which I 
introduced and which unanimously passed the House of Representatives con- 
demning the brutality of this abduction, and demanding the restoration of these 
children to their homes. 


A new problem with respect to the establishment of peace and security in 
the Near East following the Arab-Israeli conflict came to my attention directly 
as a result of my visit to Israel in December last. The development of an arms 
race in the Near East brought about by continued and large scale shipments by 
Great Britain of jet fighter aircraft, tanks, and gunboats, and other arms capable 
of use for aggression against Israel, to Egypt, Iraq, and Jordan, and perhaps 
through them to other Near Bast states. 

When I returned to the United States I vigorously protested this British policy 
to the Secretary of State. His answer to me impliedly admitting the arms ship- 
ments started in train a current of protest from Members of Congress — includ- 
ing the majority and minority leaders of the House of Representatives — labor 
unions, including the AFL and CIO, and citizens' organizations of all kinds, 
which is still going on unabated. 

Our own national security which would be involved with any renewal of the 
war in the Near East is also affected. This British policy jeopardizes, too, the 
situation of Jerusalem, whei'e peace is so essential to the whole Western World 
concerned as it is with the protection of the holy places. 


Our national security continues to require between ,$13 billion and $14 billion 
annually for its protection. General Eisenhower has pointed out certain defects 
in our military preparations and has especially emphasized antisubmarine de- 
fense. Fortunately, the additional amounts required to tighten up these defi- 
ciencies is not excessive. Though our Military Establishment is only one element 
in our foreign policy, of which economic and cultural policy are the other parts, 
yet our Military Establishment must be effective and adequate to our needs. It 
must be dominated by modern concepts of security in the atomic age and also 
follow the traditional American pattern of civilian control. 


To emphasize the urgency of securing our own freedoms and our position in 
the world by eliminating segregation on grounds of race or color in the Armed 
Forces, I introduced House Resolution 328, seeking an investigation of such 
practices of segregation which persist, and urged an amendment to eliminate 


In an effort to focus attention on the problems of Irish partition, I intro- 
duced House Resolution 456, seeking a plebiscite under United Nations auspices 
of all Ireland so that the will of its people to end partition could be manfested 
:ind Ireland could join the Atlantic pact nations and be admitted to the United 
Nations. In the course of the debate on the European recovery program and 
the amendment on this subject offered by the Honorable John Fogarty, of Rhode 
Island, I was able to bring about hearings before the committee of which I am 
a member on the resolutions which would put the House of Representatives on 
record as favoring the unification of all Ireland. I am working for favoiable 
;acIion on such a resolution. 


The last few months have seen the United States decision to manufacture 
the H-bomb. The seriousness of this decision cannot be overemphasized. 

The Soviet walk-out from the Security Council over the failure to seat Com- 
munist China has greatly complicated the UN problems. We must remain 
serene and yet determined in the face of this threat and go about the business 
of the United Nations anyhow. The United Nations' Secretary General has 
spoken of a 20-year peace plan. It may be 20 years and we must have the 
courage and patience to see it through — it will still be infinitely better than 
war. The ultimate goal which promises peace in this dangerous world is the 
development of the United Nations itself into a federation with necessary 
powers and with adequate forces to keep the peace, and as the first step adop- 
tion of the United States plan for control and inspection of A-bomb materials 
and manufacture. 


I have long recognized this as the principal area in the struggle in the cold 
war. It is now becoming clear that the Communists in the eastern zone of 
Germany will use the ex-Nazis of the western zone which we and the French 
and British occupy in order to try to make a united Germany a new Soviet 

I came away from studying the situation in western Germany in November 
and December last, convinced that if we do not plan for a long-term occupation 
of western Germany, if we do not, with determination, fight against the recur- 
rence of ex-Nazis and ultra-nationalists in high places in government, business, 
and society there, and if we do not reform the educational system and insist 
on democratic procedures in all levels of government and society, we will be en- 
couraging a new Germany as aggressive a menace to humanity as before and 
this time in a league with the Soviet Union which may well be successful in 
overpowering the civilized world. I have helped to organize the introduction 
in the House of Representatives of the same resolution introduced in the Senate 
to investigate the whole German situation and our occupation policy there. 

I have vigorously opposed and will continue to oppose the remilitarization of 
western Germany. The hope for Germany and the hope for peace in Europe 
is a federation of western Europe, of which western Germany can be a part, and 
in this way to make of all the other Europeans, guarantors of a new Germany's 
peaceful intentions. 


The new displaced-persons legislation now passed by the Senate and House, 
a. measure for which I have been fighting since I first came to Congress in 1947, 
liberalizes the definition of those eligible and eliminates many of the discrim- 
inatory provisions found in the previous law. Provisions are made for the 
admittance of 344,000 displaced persons in 3 years instead of the present 
205,000 in 2 years ; among them 20,000 may be orphans admitted for purposes 
of adoption — legislation which, with Senator Ives, of New York, I pioneered in 
1947 — 4,000 may be anti-Communist refugees stranded in China — a provision 
which I initiated together with Representative Emanuel Celler, of New York; 
18,000 may be veterans who fought under the flag of the Polish Republic and 


cannot return to their Communist-dominated homeland ; 10,000 may be natives 
of Greece made homeless by the military operations of first the Nazis and later 
the Communist guerrillas; 5,000 may be from Trieste; and 5,000 may be eligible 
displaced orphans. 


From the above it can be seen that the world leadership which our power and 
resources have forced on us has enormously increased our responsibilities. 
The American people continue as always to want only peace, freedom, and the 
practice of the golden rule for themselves and others. This continues to be our 
greatest strength. Just as the minds and abilities of Americans are expanding 
to meet our new challenges, so I believe too that we will find our political 
institutions doing the same thing. 

[Congressional Record, September 14, 1950] 

Eighty-first Congress — Second Session — Final Report — Record and Forecast^ 
Speech of Hon. .Jacob K. Javits, of New York, in the House of 

I\Ir. Javits. Mr. Speaker, since my last report to the people of my district a 
great change has come about in the affairs of our country and in the hopes for 
peace in the world. This is due to the outbreak of armed aggression in Korea 
on June 25, 1950, in a shooting invasion by the North Koreans, puppets of the 
Soviet Union against South Korea, a republic organized under the protection 
of the United Nations. 

aggression in KOREA 

The American people being immediately faced with a momentous decision 
whether to stop Communist aggression or to consider South Korea as expend- 
able, took, through the President, the fateful decision of determining to stop it 
in Korea with the use of armed force. We were immediately fortified in our 
decision by the declaration of the United Nations Security Council condemning 
this aggression, invoking military sanctions and inviting all UN members to join 
with their forces in defeating the aggressor. This was the first time an inter- 
national organization had dared to take such steps, and it dared to take them 
only because it had the pledge of all-out sup] tort by the United States. 

I have consistently supported this decision by the President since. It repre- 
sented a decisive action by the United Nation? and the United States to stop 
exactly that kind of aggression which brought on World War II and which 
was started by Japan in Manchuria in 1931 and Hitler in the Rhineland in 1934. 
It was for this reason that I had consistently advocated and fought for aid to 
Korea, including such support for the first Korean-aid bill in January 1950, 
when the House of Representatives defeated it liy one vote. It was also for 
this reason that I have worked for a decisive Far East policy to sustain the 
morale of the free peoples of Asia and not to give the Communists of China, or 
elsewhere, free rein among the vast populations there because of the admin- 
istration's bankrupt policy. The State Department has been properly criticized 
for its failures in the Far East and must answer for what has been done and 
failed to be done there. 

The American people have been deeply shocked by our apparent unpreparedness 
to undertake military operations in Korea, though the United States has spent 
,$49 billion for the Armed Forces since World War II ended in 194.". The 
executive department must bear the major responsilnlity for this lack. Congress 
supplied in substance the money requested ; Congress even went further and 
on two separate occasions — which I supported — insisted on a TO-group Air 
Force as against our existing 36 to 48 groups, and appropriated the money for 
it, but the President impounded over .$735 million of these funds and would not 
spend it. Our policy of building up the Armed Forces Reserve was permitted 
to fall into disuse and other means for building up military manpower were not 
employed. New aircraft and new weapons existed only on the drawing board 
and not in being, though many in the Congress were ready and willing to sup- 
port such improvements. I have opposed appropriation cuts related to defense 
preparations ever since the beginning of this Slst Congress. 

Much criticism, and properly, has been directed at Secretary of Defense John- 
son for these failures. He is now about to be succeeded by General Marshall, 
one of our most highly respected soldiers. We certainly have a right to feel 


that lu' will do an effective job in this post, although his designation does raise 
troublesome problems involving the continued civilian control of the military 
which has been a basic principle in American government for many years. 


According to the general index of basic commodities compiled by the Bureau 
of Labor Statistics food prices have risen from an index number of 264 on June 
23, 1950, to an index number of 321.3 by September 1, 1950 (1935 to 1939 equals 
100). This jump of 57.3 points compares with a rise of only 16.4 points between 
the beginning of February 1950 and June 23. Hoarding also started as soon 
as the fears over the Korean operation spread around the country. Faced with 
a vastly increased defense program the Government became concerne<l about the 
diversion of steel, copper, and other metals for large-scale civilian use. 

Accordingly in the consideration of the Defense Production Act of 1950 I sup- 
ported stand-by control powers in the President with a residual control in the 
Congress, which we had learned to be required in World War II, over scarce 
materials, prices, hoarding, wages and profits, mobilization management, credit 
and commodity speculation. However, control over all real-estate credit was re- 
stricted by the bill only to new construction and control over commodity specu- 
lation which I supported was stricken from the bill. I supported the effort to 
get the principle of an excess-profits tax written into the law. I sought to bring 
about a rollback on food prices to the level of April 15, 1950, but I was not suc- 
ces.sful in this endeavor. Finally, I was successful in causing to be included in 
the bill provision for new agencies like the War Production Board of World War 
II, to handle mobilization. In this I was following out the proposals made by 
Bernard L. Baruch. 


If the vast production of the United States is harnessed to the equally vast 
responsibilities which we must carry during that time — and this involves an 
extraordinary effort particularly on the part of the working men and women in 
our mines, factories, oflSces, and communication and transportation systems, 
and of management — then I believe that the men in the Kremlin will not at- 
tempt all-out war. Should we fail in this effort they must very well attempt it. 

Our Armed Forces must be materially increased, doubling the size of the pre- 
Korean operation forces to upward of 3 million men and women. Our defense 
budgets for the Armed Forces alone are likely to run in the area of $25 billion 
to $30 billion per year. We must at the same time undertake a great program 
of economic development and reconstruction among the world's free peoples. 
The weakness of what we have been endeavoring to do to date has been our 
failure to recognize that as opposed to Communist promises, particularly in Asia 
of land reform and of more even distribution of income in return for a surrender 
of the people to slavery, we must actually deliver goods and well-being and a just 
economic order with freedom. This effort must also include continued assist- 
ance to Western Europe — which still remains our strongest ally — to follow the 
Marshall plan which ends in 19.52. I estimate that our total bill for foreign 
aid may add up to over $5 billion per year. In this way we should at least be 
able to pry loose enough of the satellites of the U. S. S. R. to end her powerful 
threat to peace and freedom. It may take 10 or more years, but this is still 
infinitely better than World War III in our time. 

In our endeavor to find allies, however, we must not lose more than we gain. 
This is the situation with regard to the loan to Spain. There is a right way to 
deal with Spain and that is by the western European nations themselves or- 
ganized in the Organization for European Economic Cooperation, once they are 
satisfied that Spain should be received back into the community of nations. 

With annual budgets in the magnitude of 50 to 60 billion dollars the progres- 
sive development of economic controls may well prove necessary to avoid a dis- 
astrous inflation. Our economy is producing at the current rate of $275,000,000,- 
000 a year. Provided that our people exercise an intelligent self-discipline which 
is already being manifested in the cessation of hoarding, panic buying and bid- 
ding for scarce commodities, all-out controls may be avoided. I am, however, 
not in favor of letting high prices and inflation sweep away standards of living 
for middle-income families or the savings and incomes of Government employees, 
pensioners, retired people, and beneficiaries of the social security system, but will 
urge tlie prompt and effective imposition of the necessary controls to prevent this 
from taking place. 


We must have a stepped-up campaign to reflect to the peoples of the world' 
the truth about our actions and our motives, by radio, television, through the 
printed vpord, and by worker, student, teacher, and other interchanges. 

Finally, in this day of the atomic and the H-bomb we must be prepared inter- 
nally against Pearl Harbors right on the mainland of the United States. Accord- 
ingly, I shall support full civilian-defense legislation so that an adequately 
trained civilian defense force and the necessary facilities — underground shelters, 
radar warnings, emergency evacuation centers, and fire, disaster, and hospital 
equipment and crews — may be available to us as soon as possible to the full limit 
of our capabilities. 


With these precautions taken, I believe that we have a good chance to avoid 
another world war and to put the whole world on a new plateau of peace and 
prosperity. The United Nations, due to the all-out support which we have given 
it in Korea, has an excellent chance to develop into a world federation with 
powers and forces adequate to preserve the peace of the world. The Soviet 
Union may sponsor aggression in other areas, in the Near East, in Iran, against 
Greece, against Western Germany, or in Asia, against Indochina, Malaya, Burma, 
or India, or even in the Philippines. The great increase in our own mobilized 
forces and the increase in the power of our allies should make this problem 
more manageable. Time, in this respect, is definitely on our side. Substantial 
United Nations striking forces, strategically placed by regions, should be able to 
cope with these menaces of local Communist aggressions. 

The issue has necessarily been raised of participation by other United Nations 
forces in this struggle against communism — today in Korea, tomorrow perhaps 
elsewhere. Many nations are already contributing fighting forces, notably 
Great Britain, Australia, and Canada, Turkey, and the Philippines. But these 
forces are not nearly great enough and we must constantly work to see them 
increased and to see a more equal sharing of the responsibility for maintaining 
the peace. 

I believe that in this respect we have two great hopes ; one upon which we are 
working actively and which I have continuously supported^the reestablish- 
ment of the forces of Western Europe through the mutual defense assistance 
program and the Atlantic Pact. The other is the development of a Pacific pace 
which will bind together the powers of all the free peoples of the Pacific — India. 
Pakistan, Burma, Thailand, Malaya, Indochina, Indonesia, the Philippines, 
Australia, and New Zealand — for their mutual defense with our help, and let 
them help decide about China and Japan. 

Talk may grow even louder of a preventive war against the U. S. S. R. as the 
economic impact on all of the big mobilization programs and as impatience 
with new Soviet aggressions and sabotage continue. I am unalterably opposed 
to such a preventive war. It could well mean the destruction of civilization 
or at the least twenty million or more casualties. It would create a postwar 
problem assuming we won — as I am sure we would — of refugees, and of physical 
destruction, which would keep us in poverty for decades, and it is morally in- 
defensible. In addition, such talk scares our European allies so badly — as they 
see a new possible occupation by the Russians — as to seriously impair their 
will to resist or to prepare against a new Communist drive. 


A new agitation has arisen to rearm Germany as a means for countering a 
Soviet aggression like that in Korea through its eastern German regime with its 
250,000 or more state police as the basis for an aggressor army. This is a 
real danger but it must not be used as an excuse for creating an even greater 
danger. Based upon my careful investigation of the situation in Western Ger- 
many as a member of a subcommittee of the Foreign Affairs Committee in 
November of 1949, I have opposed a new national army for AVesterii Germany — 
but that does not mean that it need be undefended. In the first instance the 
forces of Great Britain, France, and the United States there must be strength- 
ened as is now planned, as they are the only guaranty of the west German border 
for some time to come. 

Secondly, we are serving notice on the Russians that any move in Germany 
will be considered a move against the United States, France, and Britain. Fi- 
nally, we must work very hard for a European federation in which Western 
Germany and west German military manpower can be incorporated. This policy 


is the middle ground between encouraging a new remilitarized Germany which 
could again be an aggressive menace to the world and if it made a new pact with 
the Soviet Union repeating what happened in 1939, might even overwhelm the 
world — and a Germany which is an invitation to a new Russian aggression, 
Korean style. 

Efforts are being made to develop a peace treaty with Japan. The prospect 
of a Japan contributing fully to the economic and social development of the Far 
East is an attractive one. But great care must be taken that the basis for 
a new militarism or imperialism is not laid in this way. I believe this can best 
be avoided by making the free peoples of the Pacific the main arbiters of the 
destiny of Japan, coupling their views with our own security considerations in 
developing final terms for Japan's future. 


Together with other colleagues, I succeeded in making arrangements by which 
106 refugees from the Hitler terror who escaped to Shanghai were finally evacu- 
ated by the International Refugee Organization and passed through the United 
States by sealed train would be admitted to the American zone in Germany 
for processing only and for prompt return to the United States of those who 
were eligible. Similar arrangements are also being made for some 600 DP's, 
many parents and relatives of former DP's now resident in the United States, 
still marooned in Shanghai, who are also being evacuated by the IRO, The DP 
program under the new law passed this year to admit 344,000 is also working out 
better. Especially gratifying are the provisions for admitting orphans and 


Since my last report a three-power declaration was issued on May 25, 1950, 
proposing to end the Near East arms race and to provide that arms shipped into 
this area should not be used for aggression. The success of this move is still 
uncertain. It is my firm conviction that the protest against British arms shi]> 
ments to the Near East, which I issued upon my return from Israel in December 
1949, and the current of protest in the Congress from the great labor federations — 
AFL and CIO — and from citizens' organizations of all kinds which this set in 
train were the major impelling reasons for the three-power pact. 

Israel's problem of resettling vast numbers of harassed Jews from the Near 
East and from countries within the Soviet orbit is estimated to require provision 
for the settlement of some 600,000 to 800,000 in the next 3 to 4 years. It is 
my expectation that the needed resources will be forthcoming, and in the same 
spirit in which Israel's progress has so far been aided so materially in and by the 
United States. 


Great interest has been focused upon the effort to end Irish partition by the 
hearing before the House Foreign Affairs Committee for which I arranged, 
and which was held on April 28, 1950, and by the subsequent consideration by 
the Committee of the Fogarty Resolution expressing the sense of the Congress 
that all Ireland should be unified. This is a continuing effort until success is 
achieved, in which thousands of citizens directly and through their organizations 
are participating. The legitimate aspirations of the Irish people for unification 
are an essential phase in the whole world struggle for stability and peace. 


Increase in this item of the normal family budget accounting for as much as 
40 percent of it, is almost 3 times prewar costs. I have continued my fight 
on the inflexible 90 percent of parity farm price program of the Federal Govern- 
ment. Recently the Congress enacted a measure to give away vast surpluses of 
cheese, dried milk, and dried eggs to prevent their spoilage ; and to pay the cost 
of transportation in order to get them out of Government stocks. At a time 
when all nondefense expenditures must be scrutinized this is intolerable waste. 
The cost of this program is running between one billion and two billion dollars 
a year. The Government has invested almost $5 billion in surplus commodities 
on hand. 

City dwellers have a direct interest to see that agriculture should be prosperous 
and Government must help. We must never forget that the depression of 1932 
was materially induced by collapsing farm prices. But the situation of domestic 


and world demand is very different today, and though the Government should 
help, the interests of city dwellers and farmers should be balanced and there 
should not be any preferred class. I introduced a resolution calling for a special 
investigating committee to check on food-price increases while the Congress is 
in recess this fall. 

We must not forget in this whole question, about the already heavy charges 
of processors and middlemen which are figured in percentages and go up with 
the increased costs of farm products at the farm, in this way adding even more 
to high food costs. 


Just before the change was made from Federal to State rent control on May 1 
the Federal Housing Expediter issued orders retroactively increasing the rents 
of 4,(X»0 tenants in New York City by over $1 million a year. Such increases 
were directly contrary to the provisions of the State law which provided that 
rents should be controlled at the March 1, 19-50, or March 1, 1949, level, which- 
ever was lower. Large liabilities have been imposed on many tenants due to 
a decision of the Court of Appeals of New York holding these increases to be 
collectible for the period up to May 1, 1950, despite the State law. I immedi- 
ately protested these eleventh-hour rent increases and subsequently I introduced 
legislation to bring about their revocation. 

Since my last report the Congress has renewed the Federal rent-control law 
for a period ending December 31 of this year but subject to a 6-month extension 
up to June 30, 19.51, for any municipality which so elects. I vigorously sup- 
ported this extension, not because we need it in New York, our State law now 
in effect is a better rent-control statute than the Federal law, but because it is 
in the best interest of the whole country in fighting inflation. In view of the 
emergency brought on by the Korean crisis I have supported and will continue 
to support the reimposition of more stringent Federal rent control than is now 
in the Federal law. 

The facilities of my congressional rent clinics have been expanded, additional 
staff has been added, and operations are being continued throughout the district 
under the chairmanship of Hyman Sobell, Esq. These clinics are now engaged 
in helping tenants who have problems under the New Y'ork State rent-control 


Congress has acted on measures to expose and eliminate subversives and other 
disloyal elements. I have been faithful to the principle that there should be 
punishment for any acts or conspiracies of subversion no matter how subtle or 
indirect, and inexorable and public exposure of Communists and other such 
elements, but that punishment should not be administered just for thoughts. In 
this interest, I supported the measure giving Government officials the absolute 
right to fire security risks. I voted to punish for contempt those who refused 
to answer to congressional committees whether or not they were Communists 
and also to punish for contempt extreme rightists who refused to tell the House 
Lobbying Committee about the sources of their support. 

I felt it necessary, however, in the interests of our people to oppose a bill 
which would have given the Attorney General alone the power to incarcerate 
any person subject to a deportation order for as much as his natural life with- 
out recourse to a writ of habeas corpus or any other way of getting out. I also 
opposed a bill brought in by the Un-American Activities Committee which os- 
tensibly was for the purpose of registering Communists and fellow travelers 
but really contained a precedent most dangerous to all minorities by imposing 
grave disabilities on people solely because of their ideas rather than their acts. 
There is grave doubt as to the constitutionality of any such law. If such legisla- 
tion is to stand unchallenged then a majority in the Congress can interdict the 
communicants of any faith or church which is international, and any interna- 
tional fraternal order, business, or trade-union organization just by writing the 
proposition into a bill. 

Our laws against subversion and espionage are already strong, but I am fully 
in favor of strengthening them even further. Our laws against those advocating 
or seeking to overthrow the G(jvernment by force are already effective as shown 
by the conviction of the 11 Communists in New York. I favor also, as proposed 
in the Senate, incarceration of Communist operatives in the event of war or 
national emergencies under customary judicial procedures. 

As my district contains a composite of minorities, these considerations must 
be of primary importance with me as its representative. 


I continued my fight against segregation in the Armed Forces by frequent 
protests and by offering the same amendment to the renewal of the draft law which 
I had oflered to the original draft law. Real progress is being made in ending 
segregation in the Navy and Air Force, but we still have a struggle in the Army. 
The valor of the Negro regiment in Korea — Twenty-fourth — demands no less a 
measure of justice than an end to all Negro regiments and the establishment 
nnly of American regiments — regardless of color. 


Under Public Law 610, whch I helped to sponsor, the VA regulations which 
TuiUitied a good deal of what Congress intended for GI's in educational benefits 
have been canceled. 

Veterans' services require constant vigilance. For example, an effort to dis- 
mantle and disperse a hospital for paraplegics at Van Nuys, Calif., which would 
have displaced a substantial number of paraplegics who had established them- 
selves in that community and built homes was successfully resisted. I joined in 
and was part of the protest to the President which brought this result about. 


The House of Representatives has taken action to end the curtailment of mail 
service — including two-a-day deliveries in residential areas — effective in New 
York June 1 under an order of the Postmaster General of April 18. Concurring 
action is now up to the Senate. 

I supix)rted this anti-mail-service-curtailment legislation and was one of the 
sponsors of it, as I believe that this is a minor economy compared to the very 
great inconvenience caused to our citizens. I shall continue to fight against 
this curtailment of mail services until it is ended. 

The House of Representatives passed over the President's veto, H. R. 87 afford- 
ing to postal employees a starting salary grade commensurate with their status 
after giving them credit for war service, but the Senate sustained this veto. I 
will continue to fight for this principle to be applied to postal employees and also 
ro other Federal employees. 

Further civil-service i^roblems involve the integrity of the civil service at a time 
of national emergency like this when it can be disintegrated in the making of 
temporary against permanent promotions ; and also the establishment of an 
absolute right to retirement after 30 years' service, as it is my firm conviction 
that the service should be made an attractive and dependable outlet for the 
best efforts of those who are employed in it. 


The Social Security Act amendments of 1950, which I worked for, extend 
coverage to about 9,700,000 additional people — 7,650,000 on a compulsory basis 
and 2,050,000 on a voluntary basis. This expansion includes the self-employed 
other than certain professional people (doctors, lawyers, dentists, ministers, 
etc.), under specific conditions certain household and farmworkers and on a 
voluntary basis employees of nonprofit organizations and Federal, State, and 
municipal employees where they do not have a retirement system of their own. 
If a person is not now covered and believes he might now be included under 
the new law, I would suggest a call at the Social Security field office in our dis- 
trict at 334 Audubon Avenue (Wadsworth .3-6720) for full information as how 
to proceed, and also for the necessary forms to be filed. 

The benefits generally are increased from 50 to 100 percent for those receiving 
social security now. The minimum individual benefits are generally increased 
from $10 to .$20 per month, and the maximum from .$45 to $68.50 per month. 
For those who will receive social security in the future, the minimum is to be 
genei'ally $25 per month and the maximum .$80 per month ; for families, $150 
per month. These benefits went into effect September 1, 1950. 

In addition the allowable monthly earnings by one eligible to receive social- 
i-ecurity payments are increased from the present $15 to $.50. 

Future eligibility requirements are greatly liberalized and older workers —  
now over 60 — are given very liberal provisions to enable them to qualify for 
benefits — as little as six quarters of covered employment. 

72723— 57— pt. 43 T, 



The efforts, in which I joined, to bring about relief from wartime excise taxes 
on items entering into the cost of living of the middle-income family and which 
are not luxuries at all, have by the Korean crisis been temporarily made un- 
fruitful. However, the excise-tax inequalities and injustices still remain and 
we must not let the situation rest without continuing efforts to undo what 
is wrong. 

Great care must be exercised in nondefense expenditures. The added costs 
of our present military operations and foreign aid and defense expenditures 
must be met insofar as possible on a pay-as-we-go basis, as this is a time of the 
greatest national income our country has ever known. 

We should leave to our children the smallest possible legacy of debt. There 
should be an excess-profits tax and adequate corporation taxes. The House of 
Representatives has demanded such legislation and I support it fully. Profits 
are important to our economy but inflationary profits at a time like this are a 
disservice to the community and should be paid out in taxes. Personal income- 
tax increases can only be considered if excess-profits taxes plus adequate 
corporation taxes are levied. 


The coal strike, the recent threat of railroad strikes, and discussion of a 
no-strike pledge during the present emergency all emphasize the critical im- 
portance of sound labor relations at this time. Statesinanlike trade-unionism 
and trade-union leadership, which must have the utmost management coopera- 
tion, now should be afforded the opportunity to show their ability to attain that 
increased production without which the cause of freedom would be in grave 
danger indeed. 

Labor relations are generally better off without wage controls than with them. 
However, such controls will inevitably come if the principles of justice and dis- 
cipline are not followed, for in the final analysis it is the security of the Nation 
which is paramount to all other considerations. 


I supported and worked for a bill to give the people of Puerto Rico the power 
to draw up their own constitution with full opportunity for complete self-govern- 
ment. In this respect I got it clear in the Congress, and laid before the President 
the intention of the Congress, that the people of Puerto Rico shall have an 
absolute right to decide under this bill on what they want to be their government. 
The economic and social problems of Puerto Rico, though serious, are fully 
susceptible of solution within the context of the understanding that Puerto Rico 
is a part of our Nation and that Puerto Ricans are citizens of the United States. 


Alarmed by the diminution in voting participation I have offered a bill to 
investigate why Americans do not vote. This bill has aroused great public dis- 
cussion and also has developed a great many constructive movements in cities 
and States to deal with the situation. 

I supported suffrage for the District of Columbia, civil government for Guam, 
and statehood for Alaska and Hawaii, and shall continue to support the admis- 
sion of these two Territories to the Union. This is certainly important at this 
time when we are giving leadership to Asiatic and African people who have had 
experience with colonialism. 

In connection with my service on the House Foreign Affairs Committee an 
issue arose whether those who had escaped from the Hitler terror to the United 
States and were permanent residents but not yet citizens should be entitled 
equally with American citizens to the protection of the United States Govern- 
ment in claims against the assets of prewar enemy nationals. After a struggle 
the House passed a bill recognizing the justice of this principle. 

A proposed constitutional amendment to change the method of electing our 
Presidents failed before the House, known as the Lodge-Gossett Amendment. It 
proposed to divide the electoral vote in each State in proportion to the popular 
vote cast. I opposed it as I felt it would place too much power in the hands of 
the solid South where there is practically a one-party system. Progress is being 
made in the South to free Negroes from their voting disabilities whether prac- 


tical or lesal, aud I believe my district wants this effort to go forward rather thaa 
to be retarded. 


Our Nation finds itself in the period of a world crisis for peace. Our power 
and resources are greater than ever. I am confident that we can win the peace 
and put the whole free world on a higher plateau of economic, spiritual, social, 
and political well-being. This will take, however, an exertion of effort, an 
increased production and an output of our resources greater than any we have 
ever undertaken in peace or war and I estimate that this must continue, if we 
are to h;ive peace, for 10 years or more. I believe the end sought to be worth it. 
The American people are capable, I am confident, of the will, the patriotism, and 
the self-denial which the road to peace requires. 

[Congressional Record, May 9, 1951] 

Eighty-second Congress — First Session — First Report — Record and Fore- 
cast—Speech OF Hon. Jacob K, Javits, of New York, in the House of 

Mr. Javits. Mr. Speaker, since my last report to the people of my district 
we have begun to see better the extent of the emergency which we are facing in 
our country, the nature of the Communist threat to our national security and 
to the peace and security of the world, and the direction in which we must go to 
attain a climate of peace. 


This is the major field in which the American people are being faced with 
difficult decisions. Our country made great strides through the bipartisan 
foreign policy in winning World War II and in the establishment of the United 
Nations, the European Recovery Program, the Atlantic Pact, the Mutual Defense 
Assistance Program, and in the defense of Greece and Turkey against com- 
munism. It is unfortunate that the circumstances of recalling General Mac- 
Arthur, considered by the country an outstandingly successful commander and 
administrator of World War II, should have created an atmosphere so conducive 
to partisan strife. On one point we must be clear. The President has the 
power and the responsibility to act as Commander in Chief — that is the essence 
of civilian control over the military — and to conduct foreign affairs. The Cabinet 
is the President's; his responsibility is to the Congress and the people. It is 
my deep hope, and it shall be my constant effort to see, that the divisions 
which have been created by the recall of General MacArthur shall be bridged 
and that we shall be enabled again to go forward in broad areas of bipartisan 
cooperation on oxw foreign policy. 

General MacArthur has properly been afforded every opportunity to tell his fuU 
story to the people and the Congress. The airing of our whole Far East policy 
will turn out to be a distinct gain for the American people, as many of our people 
had seemed to be discouraged by the continuance of the conflict against the 
Communists in Korea because they did not recognize the objectives involved. 

fab east 

I am supporting fully our fight against aggression in Korea as a test to show 
that aggressors will be resisted by force and therefore vital to the maintenance 
of peace and freedom in the world. I have advocated and continue to advocate 
a Pacific Pact for self-help and mutual cooperation in the Far East, a Far East 
recovery program for economic reconstruction and development which I consider 
to be of equal importance, and the conclusion of a treaty of peace with Japan. 

It has appeared to me impractical to consider undertaking an invasion — as dis- 
tinguished from guerrilla activities — of China's mainland with our furnishing 
the air and sea power to back up the Chinese National troops considering our 
present military means and at the very time when we are putting on a great 
defense mobilization effort. On the other hand, I am firmly against appeasement 
of Communist China by admitting it to the United Nations or by giving it control 
of Formosa. Formosa must be maintained as a bastion. 

I joined in sponsoring a resolution — House Resolution 77 — which passed the 
House of Representatives on January 19 to get the United Nations to declare 


Communist China the aggressor in Korea, and this resolution subsequently 
passed the United Nations. 

The weaknesses in our Far East policy have been in the economic and ideo- 
logical field. It is the conditions of life of the 600,000,000 people in south and 
southeast Asia, outside of Communist China, which will determine whether we 
can keep them on the side of free institutions and of free peoples. 


It is because I believe so much depends on improving standards of living in 
Asia that I have been one of the most active in the fight to provide 2,000,000 tons 
of food grains to relieve the imminent threat of famine in India. I initiated 
this effort on December 26, 1950, and subsequently joined in putting together 
the India aid bill itself. 


The defense of Free Europe continues to be of paramount immediate impor- 
tance to our national security. Free Europe's industrial resources — 55,000,000 
tons of steel production per year, for example — and the skill of her 275,000,000 
people is so great that it remains the Communist's No. 1 target and of the great- 
est value to them in their effort to subject us and the rest of the world to com- 
munism. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization — Atlantic Pact — whose forces 
are commanded by General Eisenhower, is the most formidable force the Com- 
munists have to face. The Atlantic Pact and the Mutual Defense Assistance 
Program have given Western Europe the will to defeat communism. I would 
like to see Greece and Turkey included and the program extended to the eastern 
Mediterranean to include Israel and other states willing to join ; also by the 
acceptance of and on terms assuring their peoples of freedom — to be specified 
by the united action of all the Atlantic Pact countries — to include forces of Spain 
and, if possible, Yugoslavia, too, in an all-European integrated defense estab- 

We are in effect now and due to the state of our military preparations engaged 
in a holding action against aggression in Asia while we prepare to discourage 
it completely in Europe. Our own and European defense preparations should 
be such that within the next year or two we should no longer be faced with this 


Western Germany has continued as a special problem. Progress on integra- 
tion of the European economy have been made with Western Germany, particu- 
larly in the approval of the Schuman plan for pooling the coal and steel resources 
of Western Europe; also on integrated European defense. P.ut the infiltration 
of former Nazis into outstanding positions in government, business, and society 
continues; a trend shown to be so dangerous in recent German (Lower Saxony) 
and Austrian (presidential) elections. In addition, revelations of a Senate 
committee just released show shocking violations of law and policy in the con- 
tinuing and heavy deliveries of strategic and warmaking materials behind the 
iron curtain from Western Germany. For these reasons I reintroduced my 
resolution (H. Res. 115) calling for an investigation into the United States 
occupation policies in Germany. 


Low standards of living and economic insecurity throughout the world are 
seedbeds for communism. We must in parallel to our defense preparations under- 
take to do all we can to better the standards of living of the free peoples, partic- 
ularly in the underdeveloped areas of Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and the 
Americas. In most of these areas the standard of living is so low that the 
average per capita income of the individual is less than .$100 per year as com- 
pared with about $1,700 per capita per annum for the United States. We have 
just been given a blueprint of what can be done in economic reconstruction by 
the report of the President's Advisory Board on International Development 
headed by Nelson Rockefeller. I have supported and will continue to support 
these recommendations as an essential arm of our fight against communism. It 
is for this reason, too, that I supported the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act 
(H. R. 1612), to extend this law for 3 years, and thereby to facilitate greater 
world trade. 



Those who really want peace and are not taken in by Communist "peace pe- 
titions" intended to sap our will to resist communism know that we may have to 
fight more than one small war as we are now fighting in Korea to teach the Com- 
munist aggressors that aggression does not pay, in order to get peace. They 
know that peace calls also for condemning aggression and the emgargo of goods 
an aggressor could use for war — measures the United Nations is taking. We 
must strive in every way to get greater participation by the other free peoples 
in these efforts to punish aggressors. The fighting forces contributed notably by 
Great Britain, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Turkey, the Philippines, Siani, 
Puerto Rico, and others to the Korean struggle are yet not nearly great enough. 
We must see that the military capabilities for cooperation in the defense of 
freedom by the other free peoples are greatly increased, and that their coopera- 
tion in other measures to resist and punish the Communist aggressors is assured. 

We must resist all blandishments for a preventive war either against China or 
the U. S. S. R. Such action would put us in a bad moral position with the 
hundreds of millions of peoples in the world whom we wish to win over to our 
side, and would lead inevitably to world war III and the atomic, near destruc- 
tion of the civilized world which such a war would bring on. 

There is real hope for peace through strength, through broadcasting the truth 
about our policies, and through effective economic reconstruction and develop- 
ment. It lies in making the free peoples so successful and so strong that the 
satellites, including Communist China, will begin to be attracted away from the 
Soviet Union, will begin to follow the example of Yugoslavia and thus break the 
Communist threat. At that point, negotiation regarding the atom bomb, reduc- 
tion of armaments, world trade, world communications, and a United Nations em- 
powered to keep the peace under law without arbitrary vetoes are likely to prove 
feasible and fruitful. 


From the very first I contended that unified control required a Defense Mobil- 
izer with powers analogous to the War Production Board in World War II. Uni- 
fication has been achieved under Charles E. Wilson with price, production, and 
materials allocation controls under administrators subject to his general direc- 

Labor should have full representation in every phase of the mobilization effort. 
Without vigorous and effective workers of high morale well organized in success- 
ful trade unions led by labor statesmen, it would be difficult indeed to make a 
success of the defense mobilization effort or to maintain that labor-management 
cooperation and that industrial peace so essential to success. 


Failure to curb inflation could destroy our national morale and our national- 
defense capability. Inflationary forces were running wild until January, when 
the price-freeze order was first put into effect by the Office of Price Stabilization. 
Price rises have been somewhat tempered since, but prices are still so high as 
to imperil the standard of living of every moderate-income family. 

Immediately after Congress reconvened, on January 3, I introduced House 
Concurrent Resolution 4, demanding that the President impose price controls. 
Subsequently and on January 27 the price freeze went into effect, but the major 
deficiency in this price freeze which is undermining the whole infiation-control 
program is its inability to deal adequately with food prices. Food costs con- 
stitute 40 percent of the normal family's budget, yet food prices have risen almost 
5 percent since December 15, 1950, while farm prices average 25 percent higher 
than they were in June 1950, when the action in Korea started. The reason for 
this is the provision in the Defense Production Act, a provision which I strongly 
opposed, preventing food prices from being controlled before they reach 100 
percent of parity. As a result, a whole list of important foods like bread, grains, 
corn, citrus fruits, and butter are free to go up, while a list of foods already 
high in price like beef, wool, and cotton are controlled, but at the high prices. 

Announcement has recently been made of rollbacks up to 10 percent by fall 
on beef. Already we are hearing threats of farmers' strikes and black markets, 
though beef would still be selling one-third over the parity the farmer has always 
contended for. The Defense Production Act provision on agricultural prices 
must be amended. 


There has been much talk of wage stabilization and holding wages to a 
10-percent rise over January 1950, but obviously this is asking more than any 
worker or employee can agree to. With prices, and especially food prices, con- 
tinuing to rise and with an apparent lack of power to control them, wage stabili- 
zation properly will hinge vipon effective price stabilization. 

Price controls are only a means for giving our economic system the opportu- 
nity by increased production, credit control, adequate taxation, and economy in 
Government expenditures to exercise basic restraint over inflation. It is for 
this reason that I took a deep interest in the struggle on credit control between 
the Federal Reserve Board and the Treasury. The policy decision made as a 
result has brought about slightly higher interest rates for Government bonds, 
but has tended to restrict credit and to curb inflation. 

The privilege to retain United States savings E-bonds — acquired by many 
citizens under payroll-savings plans — beyond their 10-year due dates, generally 
from 1951 to 1955, for another 10 years at rates of interest equivalent to those 
previously earned, was recently enacted into law. This type of security is a 
patriotic investment and a fine provision for a rainy day. 


Despite the fact that we have a rent control law in New York State I have 
fought for and supported tighter Federal rent controls. This is essential to 
curb inflation in the country generally which would certainly be very harmful 
to the people of New York. New York Sfate rent control is not as good as the 
people in our district would like it, particularly in the possibility it allows to 
landlords of rent increases based on a fixed rate of return — 4 percent plus 2 per- 
cent depreciation — on the assessed value of their property. But I am convinced 
that New York State rent control still represents greater protection than the 
people of New York could get under the present or any Federal rent-control law 
likely to be enacted this year. 

It is easier for landlords to get more and greater rent increases under the 
Federal rent control law than under the New York law yet there will be another 
hard fight to get even this inadequate Federal rent-control law extended beyond 
June 30. The amendment which I sponsored requiring as a condition of any 
rent increases that landlords give all services to tenants they gave as of the 
rent freeze date continues in the Federal and New York State rent control 
laws — and is responsible for blocking many improper rent increases. My con- 
gressional rent clinics continue to function every week throughout our district 
under the chairmanship of Hyman W. Sobell, Esq., and staffed by volunteer 
lawyers rendering an outstanding public service in rent problems without charge. 


Extensions of the draft have been voted by both the House and Senate and the 
final terms of the law are becoming fairly clear. The draft will probably be 
extended to July 1, 1955, and the age limit be reduced to 18^4 years, but no 
draftee may be sent for overseas duty until he attains 19 years of age. The 
term of service will be 24 months. The law will contemplate that a plan for 
universal military training will be submitted to the Congress, but the Congress 
will have the right to accept or reject it so the question of whether we will have 
universal military training is still to be decided ; special recognition will be given 
to inactive and volunteer reserves recalled to duty and the bill will probably call 
for their release from duty in 17 months. In any community the drafting of 
those under 19 is not to be permitted until the 19 to 26 age group has been 

Provisions for students assure an opportunity for those under 20 and still in 
high school to be deferred until graduation. For college students the deferment 
to the end of the academic year in which called is retained, but the President 
may allow added deferment for those continuing the type of studies considered 
to be in the national interest. The scholarship tests recently inaugurated by 
the Selective Service Administrator will be a guide to local draft boards in 
deferring students beyond the required deferment period. 

A signal victory against discrimination and segregation was achieved in the 
House. By a concerted effort in which I took an active part we were able to 
defeat a proposal which would have enforced segregation on the grounds of 
color in the services. This represents the culmination of a fight which I have 
waged since 1948 against segregation in the armed services. 


The Congress also passed a new Renegotiation Act enabling the United States 
Government to recapture from any Government contractor excessive profits 
gained out of the defense effort. I also helped to obtain for servicemen on leave 
the same reduced rail fares which they enjoyed during World War II. There 
also became law a provision for the admission of alien wives and minor chil- 
dren of our troops serving abroad free of any quota restrictions. 


The President's budget contemplates appropriations of about $71,600 million 
for the next fiscal year. Our people appear persuaded to a pay-as-we-go basis 
for defense mobilization. This attitude will enable our children to develop the 
country further without an even greater load of debt. The national debt at $254,- 
727 million is $1,656 per capita. 

But a pay-as-you-go basis will call for increased taxes. The President suggested 
an increase of personal income taxes to raise $4 billion, an increase of 8 
percentage points on corporate income taxes to raise $3 billion and an increase 
up to 50 percent of excise taxes on liquor, transportation, films, leather goods, 
amusements, and so forth, to raise $3 billion for a total of $10 billion. He 
has also proposed that tax loopholes, among which are stated to be oil and 
gas depletion allowances, gift taxes, capital-gains taxes, and joint returns 
for husbands and wives, be closed in an effort to raise additional revenue. 

Considerable effort is being made by business interests to get a general sales 
tax. This I have opposed as a regressive tax bearing heavily on those with mod- 
erate incomes. It is for the same reason that I opposed the New York City sales 
tax increase of from 2 percent to 3 percent, and have also opposed taxes on 
such nonluxury items as baby powder, handbags, and cosmetics. 

We must increase taxes, but we should do so on the basis of capacity to pay, 
looking for increased revenue, first to excess profits from defense mobilization, 
corporate and personal, then to the recent heavier corporate profits, then to 
more taxes on luxuries and finally to the broad base of excise taxes and general 
income-tax increases, but being careful not to increase the already difiicult situ- 
ation of the people of moderate income. Taxes to be wise must be selective, too. 
For this reason I have introduced legislation to grant the same $600 additional 
exemption from tax for the physically handicapped as we give to the blind and 
to exempt the first $2,000 of income from pensions received by former Government 
employees and the disability payments to those disabled in Government service. 

We must cut the cost of Government where we can do so without material in- 
jury to our society or the defense mobilization effort. I have supported and will 
support cuts in new public construction like rivers and harbors, agricultural price 
supports, and overhead costs. I do not and shall not support cuts to deprive us 
ot* the full development of our power or other material resources, of needed hous- 
ing, of medical research, public health, or to deprive veterans of disability or 
other necessary benefits. 


Those over 65 now constitute 7.5 percent of our population ; and due to great 
progress in the medical sciences and in living conditions by 1975 will probably 
constitute about 15 percent of the population. A citizen who has given his best 
years to helping build our country is entitled to our solicitude in his later years. 
Social-security payments, payable after 65 years of age, average between $60 
and $80 per month for individuals, and for families between $100 and $150 per 
month. This is inadequate considering present costs of living. In addition, 
the social security system covers only those who pay in and their immediate 
families ; it does not cover almost one-half of the American people. These must 
depend on State and local old-age assistance if they do not have savings. 

I am applying myself to finding means, first, of extending to our older citizens 
greater opportunity for employment and, second, to seeing how we can provide 
for their economic security by a combination of private and public effort. 


The revelations of the Senate Special Committee To Investigate Crime in 
Interstate Commerce with Senator Kefauver, as chairman, and Senator Tobey, 
as senior minority member, following on the heels of the investigations of the 
RFC, 5-percenters, and ship sales, have shocked the country. The moral tone 
in Government in many quarters appears to have deteriorated seriously. 


Connections between public officials and underworld influences shown in the 
New York City hearings undermine the confidence of the citizen in government. 
Establishment of moral standards as recommended by Senators Fulbright and 
Douglas is one excellent approach. 

In 1950, with House Resolution G41, I began my one-man campaign to deter- 
mine why so many Americans do not vote, confident that if the great majority 
of our people are alert to government and participate in it, we shall have better 
and more decent government. My campaign was based upon the fact that on 
the average only 40 percent of the eligible voters participate in congressional elec- 
tions and 50 percent in presidential elections. This campaign is getting cooi>- 
eration from States, municipalities, civic, business, labor, and fraternal organi- 
zations. I have recently introduced H. R. 3309, the Voters Information Act of 
1951, which would permit information on oflBceholders to be posted in post 

In the same effort I introduced House Resolution 62 on January 12 authoriz- 
ing televising and broadcasting of important debates in the House of Repre- 
sentatives. The country was so aroused about the revelations of the Senate 
Crime Committee on the links between the underworld and politics because it 
saw and heard what went on. I believe the country should have the oppor- 
tunity to see and hear what goes on in the Congress, and I shall continue to fight 
for this measure. 


As we undertake defense mobilization it is more important than ever that our 
veterans know that we propose to discharge fully our responsibilities to them. 
National Service Life Insurance has been succeeded by free $10,000 life insurance 
for those in the armed services. Veterans holding NSLI policies may con- 
tinue to enjoy their benefits. If recalled to active duty they will get the benefit of 
free coverage while they are on duty and can resume the NSLI policies when 
discharged and returned to civilian life. 

I have introduced H. R. 1014 entitling the veteran to use his full $7,500 VA 
home-loan rights even though he has previously used the home-loan privilege 
in part. This is essential to take care of veterans who have had to change homes 
due to larger families or for other proper reasons. 


In connection with the continuing concern about subversives and other dis- 
loyal elements in our country, I have again offered House Concurrent Resolu- 
tion 56, my proposal to establish a joint committee of the House and Senate on 
national and international movements with full powers of investigation and 
with rules of procedure to protect the constitutional rights of individuals. 

To deal with evidences of discrimination and segregation on grounds of race, 
creed, color, and national origin and to preserve equality of opportunity for 
higher education, I introduced H. R. 3347 to deprive institutions of higher 
education — other than denominational institutions — practicing such discrimi- 
nation and segregation of Federal payments in any form through veterans' edu- 
cational benefits under the GI bill or otherwise. In addition, I continue to 
be the sponsor of FEPC legislation— H. R. 2092. 


The continuing curtailment of mail service is still attributed to an effort to 
economize in the post ofiice — a saving of $80 million per annum is claimed. It 
is true that the post oflSce deficit exceeds $500 million per annum and must be 
reduced but this can be done by appropriate rate increases, particularly for news- 
papers, periodicals, and other bulk mail now not paying its fair share of the 
postal cost and by organizational economies. 

Postal and other governmental employees dependent upon Congress for justice 
in their pay scales should have increases commensurate with the increased cost 
of living. People should not be deceived by the relatively few high bracket 
salaries in Government. The great bulk of Government employees get low 
salaries and have a hard time getting along today. 

In an effort to encourage the merit system in the Post Office I have of- 
fered H. R. 3398 to make promotions to supervisory positions on a merit basis. 

Other threats to the civil-service system continue like the freeze on perma- 
nent appointments or promotions, the efforts to reduce annual and sick leave, 
and opposition to retirement after 30 years of service. Governmeait service 


should be made an attractive outlet for the best efforts of those employed under 
it, and they should be encouraged to give outstanding service. 


Israel's problem of absorbing the added emergency immigration of 600,000 
Jews from Eastern Europe, the Near East, and north Africa will urgently 
require the assistance of the United States. This comes after the most heroic 
effort by the Israeli people themselves — who have already taken in almost 600,000, 
including 190,000 DP's since 1947 — living as they are under the most complete 
austerity and after scraping the bottom of the barrel for contributions in the 
United States and other countries. A bill seeking a grant of $150 million of 
assistance from the United States to Israel has been introduced by Mr. Mc- 
Cormack, the majority leader, and Mr. Martin, the minority leader of the House 
of Representatives, and by a distinguished bipartisan group in the Senate 
led by Senators Douglas and Taft. I have worked diligently in its behalf 
and will continue to do so. 

Israel is of the utmost importance to the national security of the United States 
in the Middle East both as an industrial workshop and the possessor of a most 
effective military force dedicated to fight against Communists or anyone else 
threatening that area's security and independence. Israel is truly a bastion of 
the free peoples in the Middle East. 


Efforts continue to get the House of Representatives to declare it as the sense 
of the Congress that all Ireland should be unified. Thousands of citizens di- 
rectly and through their organizations are participating. The current session 
of Congress is a renewed opportunity for raising this issue and for cooperating 
with others of my colleagues to help the Irish people realize their legitimate 
aspirations for unification. 


The national interests of the United States require that the people of Puerto 
Rico shall have full opportunity for self-government and for economic and cul- 
tural improvement. They vote June 4 on a constitution and as I pledged on the 
Enabling Act before the Congress, I shall do everything I can to see that the 
Puerto Rican people have a full and fair opportunity to express and to realize 
their own desires. 


The Displaced Persons Act was due to expire on July 1, 1951, and of the over 
300,000 DP's who were to be admitted over 40,000 were unlikely to be admitted 
by the expiration date. The House has passed an extension of the act to Decem- 
ber 31, 1951, to accommodate those who would otherwise be stranded. 

We need a whole new immigration policy for our country cognizant of the 
availability of skilled and useful immigrants in Europe and elsewhere, and of 
our need for them to make our country even stronger in the face of the challenges 
before us. We are still operating under an outmoded immigration quota policy, 
limiting immigration to about 154,000 a year of which only about half is used. 
Our law gives large quotas to Great Britain and other countries which do not 
use them, while allowing small quotas to Greece, Italy, Poland, and other coun- 
tries making prospective immigrants from there wait 5 or 10 years for a visa. 
Even with the DP law and nonquota immigrants we have only taken in 205,000 
a year for permanent residence on the average from 1948 to 1950. The law 
provides that housing and jobs shall be shown to be available for new immi- 
grants when they apply for their visas. Within the confines of these principles 
our immigration policy should be broadened. 

A very important aid to immigration was the recent amendment to the Internal 
Security Act (McCarran bill) which took effect March 28, permitting those who 
are neither Communists nor Facists or other totalitarians but who involuntarily 
had some connection with such organizations under coercion, to become eligible 
for immigration to the United States, an eligibility which had been denied to them 
heretofore by this law. 


At the very opening of the Congress an effort was made to reassert the power 
of the Rules Committee which can in effect block legislation from coming up for 


debate and vote. I opposed the grant of this power and supported the so-called 
21-day rule which broke this power in the last Congress. We lost this time, but 
I shall join with others of my colleagues in trying again. The way the bill to 
aid India with grain in its famine situation was delayed is one example of why 
this question is so important. 

I introduced again my national youth assistance bill to provide $50 million 
to aid youth programs in States and municipalities and by voluntary organiza- 
tions like Youth Aid, Inc., which functions in our district. I revised my bill in 
line with the recommendations of the Midcentury White House Conference on 
Children and Youth recently held and the new problems of youth arising under 
the defense mobilization program. 

I continued also my work in seeking to bring about modernization of the 
Republican Party. It is fundamental to the success of our constitutional society 
that both great parties be equally modern and have equal appeal to the people. 


Our Nation finds itself at the crossroads of world leadership. There are those 
who counsel retreat to a Western Hemisphere "Gibraltar." but the facts of the 
air and atomic age make this a counsel of fear, not of security. Our security 
is to be found in accepting the world leadership which by virtue of our moral 
and physical resources we have the responsibility to accept. I am confident that 
we wish to, and that we can, lead the world to a new birth of freedom, prosperity 
and security encompassing more of mankind than ever before and therefore 
deserving greater success than has ever been granted to any people. 

[Congressional Record, October 15, 1951] 
82d Congress — 1st Session — Final Report — Record and Forecast 

Speech of Hon. Jacob K. Javits, of New York, in the House of Representatives 

Mr. Javits. Mr. Speaker, since my first report on this session to the people 
of my district we have begun to see more clearly the sacrifices which will be 
called for to maintain our national security, peace, and free institutions. 

foreign policy 

During the past months the American people have been called upon again 
to make a great decision. The character of the negotiations for a cease-fire in 
Korea and the impossible claims for propaganda purposes made by the Com- 
munist Chinese and North Koreans have compelled us alternatively to break 
off and resume negotiations. Though these have been hard decisions the people 
have supported General Ridgway, confident in the fact that in dealing with 
the Communists we must neither be misled nor frustrated by chicanery or 
delay and judge the situation only on the facts. There is expectation of a cease- 
fire in Korea and we want one. We must also be fully prepared to move in 
any direction required by the situation. 

The people have just backed a large mutual-security program ($7,300 million) 
both of military and economic assistance, and finally have noted a signal vic- 
tory for our foreign policy in the overwhelming approval of the peace treaty 
with Japan at San Francisco with 46 countries for and only 3 Communist 
countries against signing this treaty. Equally important is the fact that seven 
countries of south and southeast Asia joined the other free nations in ap- 
proving the Japanese Peace Treaty, and that the efforts of the Soviet bloc to 
obstruct and delay were suppressed with the overwhelming support of the nations 
represented at the conference. 

Our major foreign problem aside from repelling the aggression by force, con- 
tinues to be to head off or counteract internal subversion. Here we are con- 
stantly challenged by the fact that a great deal of social and economic reform 
Is needed in depressed areas and yet is difiicult to attain under existing condi- 
tions. Education, economic reconstruction and development, and technical aid 
can form the seedbed for domestic changes in such areas. We must do all 
we can to eliminate conditions of oppression and injustice and to bring about 
conditions of hope, improvement, and justice. 



The Far East continues with Germany to be the focal point of the Communist 
drive at the moment. 

The struggle in Korea is at least as important as any struggle we have ever 
undertaken for it represents an effort to keep the peace against aggression 
before a major war can start and therefore to discourage those who are playing 
with the idea of aggressive war. I remain opposed to the admission of Com- 
munist China to the United Nations and joined in introducing House Concur- 
rent Resolution 231 on June G declaring that this in no case must be the price 
of a Korean ceasefire and also calling for the popular choice of a government 
on Formosa, now the seat of the Republic of China. 

The participation of other United Nations forces in the Korean fighting — 
aside from the valiant South Koreans — is still limited though British, Aus- 
tralian, Greek, Turkish, and Puerto Rican forces have made great contribu- 
tions. But we must remember that most of the United Nations are still fight- 
ing towering economic difficulties which we are trying to help them with ; are 
preparing their own defenses against communism as in Western Europe — - 
NATO — and that at least one, France, is fighting a full-scale war against the 
Communists in Indochina. 

Our far-eastern policy continues to require concentration upon a mutual- 
defense arrangement for the whole Pacific area — a Pacific pact — and upon an 
economic-development program for the whole area— a Far East recovery pro- 
gram. Steps toward the Pacific pact have already been taken by the mutual- 
defense agreements concluded between the United States and the Philippine 
Republic, with Australia andd New Zealand and with the new post-treaty 
Japan. Now all the other free people in the Far East — Indochina, Malaya, 
Thailand, Burma, India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Afghanistan — need to be tied to- 
gether for their mutual defense in a suitable defense compact. The Mutual 
Security Act for this fiscal year provides $237,.500,000 for economic aid alone 
and $535,250,000 for military aid in this area. This is the beginning of an 
economic development and military-aid program but still does not get the benefit 
of organized self-help and mutual cooperation among the far-eastern states 
themselves. This is a result which I believe we must continue to seek to attain. 

India remains a difficult factor in this area, having abstained from signing 
the Japanese Peace Treaty but I believe the recent United States food aid to 
India of $190,000,000 which I helped to sponsor has done much good. India 
belongs with the free peoples and will aline herself with them despite the 
vicissitudes of the hour. The important point is to maintain the stability of 
constitutional government there. 


Real progress is being made in the defense of Europe through the Atlantic 
Pact but much remains to be done and every effort is being made to stir up the 
laggards. The Mutual Security Act for this fiscal year carries $5,028 million 
for military and $1,022 million for economic aid to Europe. Europe's problem 
is not manpower for defense but military equipment for its manpower. Such 
equipment is just beginning to flow over there. It is openly and widely con- 
sidered that the next few years are the most dangerous for Europe. The an- 
swer is not, therefore, to quit but rather to accelerate our preparations and to 
try to bring the objective date nearer. It is for this reason that I have sup- 
ported so actively the whole mutual-security program. We are now empna- 
sizing military aid 5 to 1 — by 1he figures- — and ending the European recovery 
program (Marshall plan). I believe we must do what we are doing on military 
aid, but that we cannot afford to ctit so much on economic aid as to lay open 
great underdeveloped areas of the free world to Communist propaganda. 


A resolution has passed the Congress ending the state of war with Germany. 1 
voted "present" on this i-esolution in order to lend point to my warnings to my 
colleagues that it was premature. I urged that we be more sure than we are 
about what part the people of West Germany will play in the defense of Europe, 
how they will deal with the surge of former Nazi elements into high iwsitions in 
government, business, and society, the controls they will exercise over the ship- 
ment of strategic materials behind the Iron Curtain from West Germany and 
the extent to which justice would prevail in restitution and indemnification to 


the victims of Hitler, thousands of whom are now American citizens. General 
Eisenhower summed up the position that I have advocated on the German ques- 
tion when he spoke of "an earned equality on the part of that nation," in his 
address before the Members of Congress in February. 

I shall continue this policy of vigilance with respect to Germany with full 
recognition of the enormous part Germany can play in the economic and defensive 
power of Europe. I am anxious to see granted on a reciprocal basis all powers 
which are earned by the German people. There is much discussion of unitication 
between West and East Germany but knowing Communist chicanery as we do we 
cannot permit the understandable desire of Germans for unification to be used 
as a bargaining point by the Soviets to make the whole of Germany a satellite 
state. The unification of Germany cannot be isolated from other West-East 


The defense of this area is vit^l to the national security of the United States. 
It is vulnerable because of the feudal social conditions which are rife through 
the area, the high rates of illiteracy, depressed economic conditions, fanatical 
leadership in high places, and low state of health which prevails. It is also very 
attractive to the Communists because it has enormous oil resources. The failure 
of Great Britain and Iran to agree on oil and Egypt's defiance of the United 
Nations Security Council and struggle with Britain on the Suez Canal and Sudan 
shows the great conflict in this area. 

The admission of Greece and Turkey, with their effective and strong military 
defenses, into the Atlantic Pact establishes the basis for defense of this area. 
Israel is the hard core of defense and democracy in the other areas of the Near 
East. She is having tremendous difficulty absorbing an immigration which has 
already almost doubled her population in only ?, years. Accordingly I supported 
and worked for economic assistance to Israel which was just granted in the 
Mutual Security Act in the sum of .$50 million for refugee aid and a shared part 
of $160 million for economic development in the whole Near East area, including 
also the Arab States. I have also supported and worked for equivalent aid for 
the Arab refugees and Arab people recognizing that the Near East is a unit. Our 
first object in this area be peace between Israel and the Arab States and 
mutual developmont. We will gain it only by constructive action and not by being 
intimidated into doing injustice to Israel by Arab fanaticism. 


The Foreign Affairs Committee of which I am a member reported favorably 
at long last the Fogarty resolution seeking Irish unification. When brought up 
for consideration the House of Representatives refused consideration though 
I spoke for and voted for it. I believe the text of the resolution did not suit 
the House and this requires a new effort as the basic sentiment is, I believe, in 
sympathy with Irish unification as being in our best tradition. 


The release of Robert Vogeler, a United States citizen, who had been im- 
prisoned by the Communist Himgarian Government, showed that the Commu- 
nist governments are susceptible to world opinion and to countermeasures. I 
fought for Mr. Vogeler and was very gratified by his release. He is a living 
witness of the implacable cruelty of Communist dictatorship. In conjunction 
with the successful efforts to free Rol)ert Vogeler, I continued to work for the 
release of Cardinal IMindszenty and the cardinal's successor. Archbishop, 
for whose release I sponsored a resolution of protest (H. Res. 32.5). 

The problem of Spain has proved a very trying one, particularly in view of 
the aid given to Yugoslavia, a Communist country, while Spain is a Falangist 
country, both dictatorships. Aid to Spain is thought to be justified on the 
basis of her strategic position and military assistance. These must be weighed 
against the active opposition of the Western Euroi>ean allies upon whom we 
heavily rely in the NATO, particularly Great Britain and France. Spain should 
be first passed on for admission into the Council of Europe at Strasbourg and the 
Organization for European Economic Cooperation and that is the basis upon 
which proper terms can be made with Spain for any aid to be extended. 



Amendmeuts to the price-and-waffe control law were adopted in July. These 
weakened rather than strengthened the law, in my view. Agricultural prices, 
underlying: the cost of food, continued to receive preferential treatment in price 
stabilization. I sought to freeze agricultural prices the same as other prices, 
but without success. Other amendments are giving guaranteed profit margins 
to distributors and to manufacturers and sijecial provisions embargoing the 
import of fats and oils, cheese and other dairy products introduce new elements of 
inflation in the price-control situation. The failure of efforts to roll back the 
prices of meat to the consumer by 10 percent and to impose quotas on slaugh^ 
terers to control black markets in meat, both of which efforts I supported, fur* 
ther discourage the outlook for strong price and wage stabilization. 

I am convinced that working joeople would be glad to hold the wage line if the 
price line were hehX but are prevented from doing so by the weak price controls. 
I shall continue my fight for a strong and effective control program. 

The Consumer's Price Index of the Bureau of Labor Statistics is now at an 
all-time high of 186 (19.3.5-49=100) with an index figure of 227 for foods. 
This is the most disturbing sign of inflation danger ahead on our domestic 
horizon and demands urgent correction. 


I stated in my previous report that I consider New York State rent control 
as giving greater protection than the people of New York could get imder the 
present or any Federal rent control law likely to be enacted currently. This is 
proved in the extension of the Federal rent-control law. 

Decontrol of areas (except for military defense areas) was not only made 
easier but a new rent increase factor was introduced permitting landlords to get 
120 percent of their 1947 rents with a credit for voluntary rent increases taken 
by the tenant other than for increased services since that time. This is in addi- 
tion to the fair net operating income rent increase formula which still continues 
in the Federal rent control law and has resulted in widespread rent increases. 

I was successful in carrying over in substance my maintenance of services 
amendment in these new Federal rent-control provisions which has been re- 
sponsible for blocking many improper rent increases. 

My congressional rent clinics continue to function throughout our district in 
accordance with the published schedule, under the chairmanship of Hyman W. 
Sobell, Esq., and serviced by the volunteer lawyers who are doing such fine work 
on rent problems without charge. 

The publicly assisted low-rent housing program for which I fought in 1949 
called for the construction of 135,000 public-housing units a year for 6 years. 
Due to materials shortages resulting from defense mobilization the President 
recommended a cut to 75,000 of such units for the coming year and congres- 
sional committees cut it to 50,000 units. By an unexpected and untimely move 
it was further cut in the House of Representatives to only 5,000 units. The 
essential minimum for New York City alone was 15,000 units for the year 1951-52. 
After an extended and spirited struggle, featured by a splendid mass meeting 
in the city council chamber of New York (which I had the privilege of address- 
ing), we were successful in restoring the .50,000 unit figure for this fiscal year. 
This should allow 10,000 units for our city which, though far from adequate, is 
yet gratifying as compared with the prospects but a short time ago. 


The main problem has arisen in connection with the handling of reservists. 
It has been felt that the armed services have called many of such men without 
due regard for family or economic obligations or, in some cases, fitness for 
service. Also, it was alleged that no assignments for many in which they were 
really needed were available. Finally, the policy on reservists retention had 
been very unsettled despite the provisions in the draft law calling for the release 
from duty of reservists after 17 months of service unless retention is demanded 
in the national interest. The law has now been amended to provide for manda- 
tory release for reservist enlisted men in IG months if they have served a year 
or more in World War II, but the 17-months service still obtains for Reserve 
officers recalled to duty with 24 months for those in recalled organized units. 

I have helped many reservists and their families with these problems and will 
continue to do so. 


I testified before the committee considering tlae Armed Forces Reserve Act, 
just passed, urging that adequate consideration be given in recall and release 
to dependency status, hardship and reserve status. 

The new law creates Ready, Standby, and Retired Reserves. Only the first 
group is subject to call-up in emergencies declared by the President ; the others, 
only in the event of war. Into the Ready Reserve will go those in organized 
units and draftees who have served for 2 years ; the latter will remain in Ready 
Reserve for 6 years, which may be shortened to 3 years by satisfactory training 
with an organized unit. Four-year enlistees would pass directly into the 
standby Reserve. Anyone who had served 1 year in World War II and 1 year 
in the Korean action would be transferred into the Standby Reserve as would 
those who have served 8 years in a Reserve component since September 2, 

The problem of citizenship for aliens serving in the Armed Forces is impor- 
tant. Three years service is now required to make an alien eligible, while 
only 90 days service was required during World War II. I am doing my utmost 
to get this period reduced. 

The West Point explusion scandal has shocked all Americans. High character 
on the part of our professional military leaders is vital to national defense and 
national morale. No cadet involved was appointed from our district. I feel 
that all cases of this character should be considered individually and on their 
merits without wholesale condemnation or clearance. 

The contemplated size of our Armed Forces remains the same — 3,500,000 — 
and efforts are now going forward to determine its adequacy to the problems 
of modern defense in terms of air power and atomic weapons. These may well 
have a most constructive effect on the size of the Armed Forces we need, their 
cost and effectiveness. I shall support full modernization of the armed services. 


I have supported civilian defense which I consider to be vital to effective na- 
tional defense and have also worked for efforts to get Federal help to construct 
underground parking garages so important to New York, which could be used as 
defense shelters. The House of Representatives recently cut civilian-defense 
appropriations by 85 percent — cuts which I strongly opposed. I shall continue 
this fight to get adequate civilian defense ; otherwise our civilian population is 
dangerously vulnerable to atomic and other new weapons. 


Bills were passed recently in the House of Representatives increasing benefits 
for disabled veterans and their dependents and also widows and survivors' 
and beneficiaries' pensions. In addition allowable earnings for beneficiaries were 
increased but these bills have not yet had favorable action in the Senate. I 
supported also a bill to provide an increase in compensation from $65 to $120 
a month for veterans over 65 with nonservice-connected disability and require- 
ing an attendant. The President vetoed this bill but it was passed over his 

I am supporting legislation to extend GI educational benefits to children of 
World War II veterans killed in action ; also to extend to veterans of the con- 
flict in Korea the same benefits under the GI bill as those enjoyed by World 
War II veterans. 

I joined others of my colleagues in an effort to prevent the Veterans' Ad- 
ministration regional office in New York dealing with national life insurance 
and death claims from being moved to Philadelphia. 


Since my last reiwrt the fight for the elimination of segregation and discrimi- 
nation in the armed services has been marked by a major success — the elimi- 
nation of all segregated units abroad. Although segregation has been elimi- 
nated in many camps in the United States, it still persists in some. The effort 
to abolish it universally continues. 

The House rejected recently my amendment to prohibit segregation and 
discrimination in community facilities in defense housing, but I am endeavor- 
ing to secure these provisions through administrative means. I was compelled 
to vote against a bill to help communities with defense installations to meet their 


added school iiroblems for the sa,me reason — segregated schools — through it was 
a measure I would otherwise have supported. 

A major defect in the Internal Security Act — the McCarran Act — was the 
prohibition of entry into this country of persons who as children were forced to 
affiliate themselves with Nazi, Communist, and similar organizations in order 
to stay alive. This overstringent provision was keeping out some worthwhile 
potential citizens. The law was relaxed recently to permit the entry of those in 
this category. It demonstrated what I had contended about this act when I 
opposed it — that it is unnecessarily strict for any legitimate objective. 


For the current fiscal year $57,200,000,000 is being appropriated directly for 
the armed services plus an additional amount of approximately $17,500,000,000 
for other national and mutual security programs and the Korean conflict. 
Other Government programs, including veterans benefits, will require about 
$20 billion in appropriations. Actual expenditures, however, for all these pur- 
poses will probably be about $08,400,000,000 in the current fiscal year 1951-52. 

Our i^eople wish to be on a pay-as-we-go basis for defense mobilization. With 
the national debt at $275,386,206,53.5 — $1,659 per capita — this certainly seems 
only fair to our children and to our country's future. 

The President had suggested a total of $10 billion in new income taxes and 
the closing of tax loopholes. The House-passed tax bill proposed to raise $7,200,- 
000,000. The compromise tax bill passed will raise an estimated $5,700,000,000 
and is made up as follows : An increase in iiersonal income taxes of generally 
11% percent of existing rates (11 percent for taxable incomes of $2,000 or less), 
which will cause normal withholding to be 20 percent instead of 18 percent as at 
present ; corporate income taxes are generally increased from 47 percent to 52 per- 
cent ; the percentage used for computation of excess-profit taxes is increased 
from 62 to 70 percent and the base on which figured is raised ; and additional 
excises taxes are imposed on liquor, gasoline, cigarettes, and certain electri- 
cal appliances, while such items as baby oil and admissions to civic and com- 
munity concerts, including the Metropolitan Opera, are exempt from excise tax. 

Persons over 65 can claim an exemption on their income taxes for all med- 
ical expenses up to a limit of $2,500 a person or $5,000 for each married couple. 
Persons who qualify as single heads of households can receive half of the income- 
splitting benefits now authorized for married persons. Corporation taxes are 
to be levied on mutual-savings banks and building and loan associations after 
interest payments to depositors and 12-percent reserves, as well as on undis- 
tributed, unallocated income of nonexempt farm purchasing and marketing 
cooperatives. The Congress rejected a 20-percent withholding tax on dividends, 
interest payments, and royalties. 

I endeavored to have included in the tax-increase bill my measures — H. R. 
1284 and 2818 — to equalize the tax burden on those on retirement pensions, with 
those receiving social security by granting a $2,000 exemption and by giving 
the physically handicapped the same additional $600 exemption now extended 
to the blind. However, the Committee on Ways and Means rejected these pro- 
posals on the ground that they were only considering ways to increase revenue. 

A great many people have written me about economy in Government and 
keeping nondefense expenditures to an essential minimum. I have supported 
large cuts in rivers and harbors, conservation payments, and agricultural price 
support appropriations which would have saved hundreds of millions of dollars. 
I am not supporting cuts to deprive us of needed medical research, public health, 
or veterans' services or to jeopardize fair treatment for post oflice and other 
Federal employees. I believe this is false economy and these savings are 
meager compared with what could be saved where economy is justified. I do 
not consider armed services appropriations inviolate and I propose that demon- 
strated waste and inefficiency in these appropriations, too, should show in cuts. 


On July 9, I introduced the National Act Against Age Discrimination in Em- 
ployment to deal with the problem of older workers. It seeks to prevent dis- 
crimination in hiring of workers over 45 due to age. The bill has aroused an 
enormous interest in the country and I have pursued it diligently with respect to 
the hiring practices of the local governments and the Federal Government. I 
have also demanded that the Defense Mobilizer, the National Production Ad- 


ministration, and other defenes agencies give special attention to employment 
of older workers. 

No action has been taken on increasing social-security benefits or extending 
the system further as it covers today only about one-half of the American people. 

1 believe that this situation will and should be corrected. 


In order to reduce the Post Office's $500 million deficit at a time of unprece- 
dented budgets and to cover increased costs of operation, increases in postal rates 
calculated to raise $117 million are being made. The increase for postal cards is 

2 cents, and for second- and third-class mails (newspapers, periodicals, and adver- 
tising, but not books) is 30 percent at 10 percent a year and an increase to 
iy2 cents per item, respectively. 

During the debate on the measure to increase postage rates, I attempted 
to insert an amendment providing for the restoration of the postal services cur- 
tailed last year, but unfortunately this move did not succeed. I will, however, 
continue my fight for adequate postal services. I am also endeavoring to secure 
enlarged post office facilities for our community as many of the present post 
offices are undersized and overtaxed. 

Legislation to increase the pay of post office workers generally by a flat $400 
per annum and to eliminate the first two automatic grades has been passed, and 
the pay of classified civil-service workers has been raised 10 percent, with a mini- 
mum of $300 and a maximum of $800. I supported this legislation vigorously 
for workers who have only the Government to look to for justice. The amount 
of the increase is even now not adequate to deal with the cost of living but it 
will help. 

Graduated leave is replacing the other leave provisions for post office and 
civil-service workers, with a minimum of 13 days for those who have served up 
to 3 years and a maximum of 26 days for those who have served over 15 years. 
Sick leave is fixed at 13 days annually. 

Other civil-service problems relate to the need of increased retirement bene- 
fits for civil-service workers and the freeze on permanent appointments or promo- 
tions. I shall do all I can to help resolve these problems favorably to the Federal 
employees affected. 


Workers as the best example of the benefits inherent in the American system 
are extremely important to the defense effort. Their presence on defense mobili- 
zation agencies at home and in our diplomatic and economic agencies overseas 
is an important element in our strength. It should be encouraged in every way. 

I opposed the amendment to the price and wage control legislation which 
sought to reduce the position of labor on the Wage Stabilization Board as I 
consider the equal tripartite representation of management, labor, and the 
public to be essential to the hopes of labor-management cooperation. 

The Railroad Retirement Act was amended increasing payments to pensioners 
and annuitants by 15 percent and to survivors by 33% percent. 

In the closing days of the session. Congress enacted a labor-supported amend- 
ment to the Taft-Hartley Act to dispense with union shop elections and to legal- 
ize certain union shop agreements made necessary by a recent Supreme Court 


In an article published in the New York Times Sunday magazine (July 8, 1951) 
and later condensed and reprinted in the Catholic Digest (September 1951) I 
outlined a plan to provide for the admission of alien workers possessing skills 
needed in the United States, with a priority for the surplus working force of 
those European nations cooperating in the Euroi>ean recovery and mutual secu- 
rity programs. To implement this plan I sponsored the Selective Immigration 
Act of 1951. Domestic unemployment is down to the almost irreducible mini- 
mum in our defense mobilization program and several million additional workei's 
will be needed in the next few years. Strategic balance with the population 
of the Soviet Union in the next 20 years requires a better immigration policy. 


Disquieting revelations of corruption in Government and of slackness in the 
moral and ethical standards of officials have been coming out in volume. So, too, 


have charges and countercharges about Communist influences in Government. 
First, we should be clear that the great mass of Government officials are un- 
affected and function as loyal public servants. Second, while casting the rotten 
apples out of the barrel and supporting all legitimate investigations we should 
be careful to apply the time-honored safeguards of our society that no one is 
guilty until so proven and that punishment — swift and severe when merited — 
should follow, not precede, such proof. 

I have dealt with community problems concerning improvement of schools 
and playgrounds, traffic conditions, abatement of nuisances and the incidence of 
crimes of violence. In the latter, I have had the full cooperation of the police 
authorities of the 30th and 34th precincts. The correction of conditions is 
not easy but close cooperation between good citizens, public officials, and the 
police authorities can do much to help. Crime cannot stand up against an 
aroused community. 

Conservation of national resources is vital to our survival and our future. 
I opposed the tidelands bill which passed the House of Representatives granting 
the offshore oil reserves to the States, as I believe only in the Federal establish- 
ment can they be made to serve best the people's interest. 

Administration of the antitrust laws does not seem to have done much to pre- 
serve and develop small business while big business has developed its size and 
productivity. Accordingly, I have joined with Senator Morse, of Oregon, to 
introduce legislation for a national commission to review the antitrust laws. 

My campaign to get Americans to vote has continued. We cannot afford a 
society where only 40 percent of eligible Americans normally vote in congres- 
sional elections and only 50 percent in Presidential elections. I am also working 
toward the same end through my efforts to get broadcasting and televising of 
major debates in the Congress. 


At a time of world crisis we have cause for deep concern yet the strength 
of our country and the character of our i)eople give us real reason for optimism. 
In the days ahead we shall be sustained and we shall succeed because our free 
institutions are deeply imbedded in our hearts and we continue to have abiding 
faith in the human values. 

[Congressional Record, May 15, 1952] 

Eighty-second Congress — Second Session — First Report — Record and 


Speech of Hon. Jacob K. Javits, of New York in the House of Representatives 

Mr. Javits. Mr. Speaker, our people are on the threshold of great deci- 
sions. For this purpose they require the greatest amount of information and 
enlightenment. I consider it the duty of every public servant to afford this to 
the people he represents particularly, and to the country as a whole. 

prospects for peace 

The present temper of our country may best be described as perplexed. We 
face enormous problems and are in a questioning mood as to whether we are 
pursuing the right ways to deal with them. Our efforts to bring about peace 
in Korea and to assui-e peace for the rest of the world are based upon the 
following six points : 

First. Resistance to Communist aggression wherever manifested as in Korea. 

Second. Regional organization of the free world for defense as in the North 
Atlantic Treaty Organization, the Rio Pact, the mutual security treaties with 
the Philippines, Japan, Australia, and New Zealand, and the proposed Middle 
East Command. 

Third. Aid to other free peoples to arm themselves for defense against Com- 
munist aggression as in Indochina, Iran, and Formosa. 

Fourth. Economic and technical aid to underdeveloped areas notably in south 
and southeast Asia, the Near East, Africa, and Latin America, to improve 
standards of living and strengthen free institutions. 

Fifth. A campaign of truth through the Voice of America and other means of 
education and information. 

Sixth. Strong support of the United Nations to make it an effective organi- 
zation to preserve the peace, to provide international police forces, to establish 

7272.3 — 57— pt. 43 6 


workable control over atomic and other weapons of mass destruction, and pro- 
gressive disarmament. 

Two major problems have arisen in our carrying out this program : First, 
the extent to which we can follow our traditional policy of favoring self-deter- 
mination for non-self-governing peoples even though when they attain independ- 
ence they may not be able to meet the Communist challenge which faces every 
new nation nowadays. Second, to head off and counteract Communist internal 
subversion in areas which are underdeveloped and depressed and where a great 
deal of social and economic reform is needed. 


This area continues to be the focal point of Communist aggression. All 
efforts to bring about a truce in Korea have been frustrated by the Conmiuuist 
intransigeance and are apparently regarded by the Communists on a political 
level — a truce to be concluded only when it suits them. Neither the United 
States nor the United Nations can jeopardize the American or international 
forces there by inadequate or vulnerable truce arrangements nor jeopardize the 
action which has driven the North Koreans and Chinese Communists and their 
Soviet masters out of South Korea and deprived them of the fruits of the 
aggression they began in June 1950. I am for continuing efforts to conclude a 
truce while protecting our forces and checking the enemy from getting too 

Other United Nations forces in the Korean fighting than our own — British, 
French, Australian, Turkish, Greek, Colombian, Ethiopian, Italian, Puerto 
Rican, and others — have been somewhat augmented but are still limited. 
It is a fact, however, that these other countries are mounting defense efforts 
of their own — notably the NATO countries of Western Europe — that France 
is fighting a full-scale war against the Communists in Indochina and Great 
Britain is fighting a similar full-scale action against the Communists in Malaya. 
It is to be noted that the cost to France of the Indochina action, estimated at 
over $1 billion a year is alone more than the amount we provide for France 
under the mutual security program. 

Our Far Eastern policy urgently needs a Pacific pact, a mutual defense ar- 
rangement for the free peoples of the Pacific, and an economic development 
program, a Far East recovery program. 

The Japanese peace treaty and the security treaty between the United States 
and the new Japan providing for the maintenance of defense forces there have 
taken effect. The mutual security program for this fiscal year seeks .$408 mil- 
lion for economic aid and technical aid and $611,2.30,000 for military aid in the 
Far East. United States obligations to aid the Nationalist Chinese to defend 
Formosa continue. 

India remains a key factor in Asia as far as the United States is concerned. 
Should India go the way of China, it could very well mark the end of the free 
world in the Far East. It is for this reason that I have applied myself dili- 
gently to developing good relations between the United States and India. 


The mutual security program for this coming fiscal year 19.52-53 calls for 
$.3,360 million for military aid and $1,637,300,000 for defense support aid to 
Europe. Great progress has been made in building Europe's defenses through 
NATO under General Eisenhower. We have a right to look forward with con- 
fidence to the work of his successor. General Ridgway. United States equip- 
ment to the extent of over $3 billion has materially helped to build the NATO 
defenses. The NATO powers themselves spent over $8 billion for defense in 
the fiscal year 1950-51, will have spent over $11 billion in the fiscal year 
1951-52, and will spend over $14 billion for defense in the fiscal year 19.52-53. 
By the end of this year it is expected that Western Europe will have 25 
equipped and ready divisions of its own for defense, and by the end of 1953 
this is expected to be increased to 50 divisions. Defense support is aid with 
goods and materials instead of guns, ships, planes, and tanks designed to 
enable Europe to carry on its own part of the defense program. With the pro- 
gram going forward in this magnitude we ought to be over the hump in terms 
of Europe's vulnerability to aggression from the east by the end of 1953. 

West Germany is a necessary part of European defense so long as she can be 
made part of it without compromising free Europe's security. Great strides 


have been made in this respect with confirmation of German participation in the 
Schumau plan for the pooling of Europe's i-esources of coal and steel and in 
progress with the European defense commiinity for the pooling of the defense 
forces of France, West Germany, Italy, Belgium, Holland, and Luxembourg, 
and the contractual arrangement with the German Federal Government. 

"West Germany is gradually being brought by these means into terms of 
equality with the other European countries on a basis of regional organization 
which I believe goes a long way to prevent Germany's becoming again an ag- 
gressor threat in Europe. 

There are three points which still need careful attention : First, the recogni- 
tion by the German people of their obligations of restitution and indemnifica- 
tion to tlie victims of the Nazis or their families ; second, to guard against a re- 
currence of ultranationalist control in Germany by giving the allies the "re- 
serve power" to step back into occupation authority if this happens ; and, third, 
to prevent the Soviet offers of unification of East Germany with West Germany 
from blocking the cooperation of West Germany in free Europe's security. 


This is probably the tiuderbox area of the world. Tension exists in Iran 
over oil nationalization, in Egypt over the Suez Canal, and the Sudan and in 
Tunisia and Morocco over self-governing status. The failure of the Arab States 
to negotiate peace with Israel continues. Yet the proposal for a Middle East com- 
mand, the United Nations plan for aid to the Palestine Arab refugees, aid for 
refugees in Israel, and the technical assistance programs both of the United 
States and the United Nations offer a fundamental opportunity for stabilizing 
and vastly improving social and economic conditions in this area. 

United States aid to Israel and Israel refugees in the current fiscal year is 
$64,500,000 with an equal amount to the Arab States and Palestine Arab refugees. 
Israel continues to be the hard core of effective defense against aggression from 
the east in that area outside of Turkey. Until the Middle East command can be 
formed Israel should be invited to become a member of NATO like Greece 
and Turkey and for substantially the same reason. The mutual security pro- 
gram for 1952-53 calls for $79 million of assistance for refugees and technical 
aid to Israel and for $89,500,000 for assistance to Palestine Arab refugees and 
technical aid to the Arab States. It marks the backing by the United States 
of the $250 million United Nations program just promulgated for the resettle- 
ment of the Palestine Arab refugees. Our objective in this area continues to 
be peace between Israel and the Arab States and mutual development for so- 
cial and economic improvement. 

Nationalist aspirations like those in Iran and Egypt would have our sym- 
pathy provided they were responsible and did not endanger the free world. 
The Cairo riots were very disquieting. It is gratifying that the Egyptian people 
took measures to prevent a recurrence. A solution of these situations can be at- 
tained through mediation and the United States should use its best offices ac- 

In respect of self-determination in Morocco and Tunisia the United Nations 
has a great role to play as it had in establishing the independence of Libya 
and in dealing with Somaliland and Eritrea in other areas of Africa. It is for 
this reason that I questioned the abstention of the United States from voting in 
the United Nations Security Council which blocked consideration of the Tunisian 


The problems of Puerto Rico have been crystalized through the adoption by 
the people of Puerto Rico of a constitution putting them in the status of a fully 
self-governing territory, which is up for approval before the Congress. Without 
anticipating the result of the review of this document it is yet gratifying that 
the opportunity has been afforded to and availed of by the people of Puerto Rico 
to provide for their self-government. It is a test of the way in which we will 
run our whole policy for the Americas. 


The United Nations continues to be the world's best — perhaps last — hope for 
peace. I have supported the continuing efforts of the United States to bring 
about implementation of the resolution for the consideration of measures for 
disarmament passed by the last General Assembly. I have also urged our repre- 


sentatives to see if discussions for the control of atomic and otiier mass de- 
struction means of warfare cannot be resumed. 

The whole question of the veto in the Security Council should be reviewed in 
the United Nations, at least as it applies to the pacific settlement of disputes 
and a real effort should be made to set up international police forces, the need for 
which is so dramatically shown by the experience in resisting aggression in 
Korea. The United Nations should be encouraged to take a greater place in 
determining the destiny of non-self-governing peoples and those in colonial status. 
The United Nations has shown its flexibility through the regional organizations 
for defense which it has been possible to establish without violating its structure. 


Our Armed Forces ob.iectives continue to be about 3,700,000 men and women. 

A pay raise for military personnel has been voted which calls for a basic 
4-percent increase in pay, plus a 14-percent increase in allowances for subsistence 
and quarters. It will be of especial benefit to those with dependents. 

Implementation of the universal military training plan came up for con- 
sideration but was returned to the Armed Services Committee without action at 
this time. I supported this move because the legislation before us, due to a 
parliamentary situation which developed, had no terminal date and was other- 
wise of a kind not intended by a majority of the people. It is possible that the 
measure may be brought up again even this year and it will certainly be brought 
up again in 1953. 

I supported legislation, which passed the House, to enlarge the opportunities 
for citizenship of noncitizens serving in the armed services on or after June 25, 
1950, and not later than .lune 30, 1955, on a petition filed before December 31, 
1952. The bill awaits Senate action. Such citizenship may now be applied for 
only after 3 years of service. 


The law just passed authorizes a 5-percent increase in service-connected dis- 
ability compensation for veterans of all wars who are less than 50-percent dis- 
abled and a 15-percent increase for those more than 50-percent disabled. 

It increases from $60 to $63 and from $72 to $75 the monthly non-service- 
connected disability pensions available to 65-year-old veterans or disabled vet- 
erans of World Wars I and II and Korea. For veterans who require the constant 
aid and attendance of another person at all times, it provides for an increase 
from $120 to $126 in the monthly non-service-connected disability pension. 

The pension eligibility income limitations for a veteran without dependents 
or a widow without children are raised from $1,200 to $1,400. For a veteran 
with dependents or a widow with children the limitation is raised from $2,500 
to $2,700. 

Legislation, of which I am also a sponsor, is at long last about to come up to 
extend to Korean veterans similar benefits under tlie GI bill of rights to those 
enjoyed by World War I veterans. 


The price-wage control law is coming up for extension soon, as it expires June 
30, 1952. I shall support such extension while at the same time seeking to 
strengthen the law. The Consumers Price Index recently leveled vf£ and even 
receded a bit refiecting slight reductions in living costs, but this must be com- 
pared with the meteoric rise in the price index since the Korean action started 
in June 1950, which has placed grave disabilities on moderate income families, 
particularly attributable to the very high increase in food prices. I will also 
join in seeking to take out of the law provisions giving guaranteed profit margins 
to distributors and manufacturers — the Herlong and Capehart amendments. 

Wage stabilization has been gravely affected by the situation in steel which 
is discussed under the labor section of this report. I introduced legislation for a 
Joint Congressional Committee on Consumers as I consider the consumers'" 
interests to be the most neglected in the Congress. 

The bill permitting prices stipulated by the manufacturer or distiibutor to be 
charged for goods bearing a brand or trademark — fair trade — has passed. I 
supported it and endeavored to bring about an amendment which would have 
insured consumer protection while meeting the needs of small business. I have 
impressed upon retailer trade associations the obligation they have to protect 
the consumer. 



The peoiile of our district have now had experience with the New York State 
rent-control law and can appreciate my views expressed last year that it is liliely 
to give greater protection than the people of New York could get under the 
present or any new Federal rent-control law. This is proving out as the Federal 
rent-control law was greatly weakened in 1951 and is likely to be even more weak- 
ened again this year. I shall support Federal rent control and try to strengthen 
it, as it is badly needed in many areas not served by State rent-contrOl law as 
we are in New York. 

My congressional rent clinics continue to function throughout our district 
under a published schedule and the chairmanship of Hyman W. Sobell, Esq., 
serviced by volunteer lawyers who are serving thousands of tenants effectively 
without charge. 

As happened last year the program for federally-assisted low-rent housing 
was again cut in the House of Representatives to only 5,000 units for the whole 
country. I fought against this cut and will continue to do so and believe that 
it may well be restored back to 45,000 units. But this is still not nearly enough 
for our problems in New York City. It compares with 50,000 units finally 
authorized last year of which New York's share was about 10,000. The resulting 
diminution in publicly assisted low-rent housing can only be made up for by 
greater State and city housing activity and by a middle income housing program 
for the families earning .$3,500 to $4,500 per year who are caught in the squeeze 
due to high construction costs today. 

A housing development — of both pul)lic and cooperative housing — is proposed 
for the Morningside-Manhattanville area in our district and is pending before 
the city and Federal authorities. Naturally, we want to see our area improved 
liut this can and must be accomplished without serious hardship to the affected 
families and indeed with a view to materially improving their housing conditions. 


A resolution was adopted by the House to investigate the purposes for which 
tax-exempt educational and philanthropic organizations are using their funds. I 
opposed it as I felt it cax-ried implications that the social policies and objectives 
of the foundations might be in effect censored. 

The bombing which resulted in the death of Mr. and Mrs. Moore, at Mims, Fla., 
and the desecration of synagogues and Catholic churches in Miami and Phila- 
delphia occurring early in the year catised me to introduce at the opening of 
this session of Congress an omnibus civil-rights bill dealing with segregation 
and discrimination in opportunities for employment, housing, and education, 
and in interstate travel, segregation in the armed services, and antilynching 
and autipoU tax. Pr&senting as it did all the civil-rights issues under one cover 
it has had a marked effect here. 

I have also joined with a bipartisan group of my colleagues in reintroducing 
a bill making it unlawful to defame any racial or religious group of our citizens 
by material sent through the mails or .shipped across State lines. The United 
States Supreme Court has recently sustained an Illinois group libel statute 
and I believe this is a valuable means to protect our society against bigotry. 


The codification of the immigration laws recently passed by the House may 
become law this year. Though codification is desirable, I found it necessary 
to opix)se this bill because it contained a new emphasis on racial distinctions 
while purporting to deal with some of the old. The eligibility of all people from 
the Far East for citizenship was established by the bill, Init on a very limited 
quota basis for immigration of 100 per year for each countiy. In return, how- 
ever, the immigration laws were materially revised piitting Negroes from the 
West Indies on the same very limited quota of 100 per year per British colony 
instead of coming in as they have for years under the practically open British 
quota. The bill also created a special quota of 100 per year for any immigi-ant, 
no matter where born, if he had half or more Asiatic blood. In addition, changes 
were made by the bill in the quota system and in the laws regarding admission, 
deportation, and naturalization of immigrants, greatly restricting these oppor- 
tunities over even what they are now and jeopardizing the status of every immi- 
grant and making him subject to deportation even after he had been here for 


many years. I am continuing my fight in the expectation that the bill may 
be changed foi* the better before it becomes law. 


There are no material changes in the personal income-tax laws and the details 
regarding these laws detailed in my previous report remain in effect. Vital mat- 
ters still nee<l correction and these include equalizing the tax burden for those 
on retirement pensions with those receiving social security by granting the 
former a $2,000 exemption, giving the physically handicapped the same addi- 
tional $600 exemption now extended to the blind providing for the traveling ex- 
penses of working people to and from work and other reforms. It is unlikely 
that income taxes will be either decreased or increased this year. 

A very great problem remains the budget. The President's proposed expen- 
ditures of $8,500,000,000 against estimated receipts at $71 billion were figured 
to result in a likely deficit of $14,500,000,000. Present estimates indicate a defi- 
cit of about $5 billion and perhaps less. Our people still wish to be on a pay-as- 
you-go basis for defense mobilization ; hence further efforts are called for con- 
sistent with the national security to come as close as possible to bringing about 
budget balance. 

The major element in the budget, appropriations for the armed services, has 
already been passed by the House at approximately $46 billion. This repre- 
sents a cut of $4,713,945,216 from the budget request of $50,921,022,770. Also, 
expenditure for the armed services was limited by the House to $40 billion, 
I supported the cuts made and in fact voted for a cut of an additional $2,500.- 
000,000 which did not carry, but I opposed the expenditure ceiling because I 
felt it would result in making unavailable to us great amounts of defense 
material which we urgently need and payment for which would come out of past 
rather than present appropriations. 

The House has taken action on all appropriation bills except those for foreign 
aid, militaiw construction, and some miscellaneous items, and has cut about $6 
billion, 10 percent, from the total of $06,721,108,411 — the budget requests in these 
bills. Budget requests of over $12 billion remain to be acted on. I anticipate 
that final cuts will be about the same percentage. 

The aggregate of goods and service produced in the United States, our gross 
national product, is now running at an all-time high of .$.339 bilUion. The aggre- 
gate national debt of $258,336,700,000— $1,649.25 per capita— is of proper concern 
to every American, but comparison with oiir past indebtedness is not valid. This 
is so in view of the enormous increase in our gross national product, over three 
times what it was in 1939, when it was $91,339,000,000 and our national debt was 
$40,439,532,411— $308.98 per capita. While we make every effort in the highest 
spirit of patriotism to pay as we go in the defense mobilization, we should at 
the same time realize that our country is solid and carrying the defense mo- 
bilization effort very well indeed. 

True rather than false economy continues to dictate substantial cuts in rivers 
and harbors and pork-barrel projects generally — other than those needed to 
relieve the tragic Midwest river floods — cuts in agricultural conservation pay- 
ments and appropriations for agricultural price supports. I am not supporting 
cuts to deprive us of needed medical research, public health or veterans' serv- 
ices or to jeopardize fair treatment for post office or other Federal employees. 


Social security payments raised in the last Congress, but Inadequately, need 
to be raised again. The social security system should be extended to the self- 
employed, farm workers, and those in the armed services. The allowable 
monthly income limitations for social security recipients should be raised from 
the present $50 per month to $100 per month — I have joined in sponsoring such 
legislation — to make the situation reasonably conform to present standards of 
living. Legislation increasing social security payments by a $5 per month base 
increase with up to $18.75 per month increase in the higher brackets and making 
other needed reforms, including added protection for those serving in the Armed 
Forces, and increase of the income ceiling to $70 per month is likely to become 
law this year. 

Measures are pending to have the Federal Government supplement the re- 
sources of States threatening to exhaust their unemployment insurance reserves ; 
also, to add an additional 50 percent to State unemployment insurance benefits 


where unemployment is attributable to defense mobilization. There are also 
measures pending to enlarge the whole unemployment insurance system by 
including employees of practically all establishments and increasing the coverage. 
Unemployment insurance is one of the great reforms of our time. I am very 
sympathetic to making the system as beneflcial as possible. 

Problems of older workers are attracting increasing attention, resulting in 
the inclusion in an appropi-iation bill passed by the House of a provision wiping 
out age limitations for the hiring of employees by the Federal Government under 
civil service. My bill to prohibit age discrimination in employment opportuni- 
ties is gaining increasng support. 


The Post Office Department deficit for the current fiscal year is estimated to be 
$768,008,261 and for the ensuing fiscal year it is expected to be $669,332,000. How- 
ever, despite increased rates users of the mails are still faced with one-a-day 
home deliveries and other onerous restrictions in service. I have intensified 
my efforts to get adequate postal services restored. There has been an improve- 
ment of mail pickup service in the area north of West 125th Street which I believe 
was helped by this effort. Our postal employees are doing an outstanding job 
and are now obliged to work harder than ever. What the Post Office Department 
urgently requires is modernization, adequate pay and conditions, and merit 
promotion for its employees — a measure which I am sponsoring, H. R. 3398 — re- 
organization of the Department in accordance with recommendations of the 
Hoover Commission and realistic rates for third-class mail — newspapers and 

I have opposed curtailment of annual and sick leave granted Federal employees 
as this is a false economy which is in effect a reduction in wages. I have also 
opposed the Whitten amendment making promotions and appointments tem- 
porary. Government workers should have the opportunity for permanent pro- 
motion to higher grades now as before where their service and ability entitles 
them to it. 

The increasing cost of living imposes its heaviest burdens on those who live 
on fixed incomes and I am supporting increases in payments to those receiving 
annuities and pensions from the Federal Government. 

The seizure of the steel plants as the result of the inability of labor and man- 
agement to get together on wages and working conditions has profoundly dis- 
turbed our country ; the courts will probably have passed on the question when 
this report is received. 

I have repeatedly pointed out that Taft-Hartley injunctions are not neces- 
sarily a solution as a strike can still come at the end of the 80-day injunction 
period and such injunctions are also offensive to labor. Neither is an investiga- 
tion of the Wage Stabilization Board a soUition. I have sponsored for this 
reason the National Emergency Seizure Act of 1952 — H. R. 7449 — setting ihe 
conditions of seizure in a national emergency, providing that no one should 
profit from it and that operations only to the extent essential to the national 
security and health should be continued. I feel the responsibility in tiiis 
matter is that of the Congress and that Congress should take the authority and 
use it. 

A great many working people have felt that the Wage Stabilization Board is 
not acting quickly enough in passing on wage-increase cases requiring its deci- 
sion. I have made and will continue to make every effort to see that the Board 
gives prompt and realistic action in view of drastically increased living costs. 


More alarming revelations of corruption in the Federal Government have 
come out since my last report particularly in the Internal Revenue Bureau, 
the Commodity Credit Corporation, and the Department of Justice. Our higher 
officials cannot avoid the responsibility for shocking conditions under their ad- 
ministration even if not personally involved and must take the responsibility 
also for letting out the Honorable Newbold Morris. I am sponsoring a bill 
for an Office of Government Investigation to deal with this situation of honesty 
in Government on a year-round basis. 

The great interest in nominations for the Presidency, in both parties, has 
emphasized the value of presidential primaries now available in only 17 of our 
48 States. I have given support to the extension of this effort in addition to 
my continuing efforts to bring about televising and broadcasting of important 


congressional proceedings and to materially increase voting participation in our 
country. I have introduced new legislation to improve the opportunities for vot- 
ing by the men and women in our Armed Forces. 

Our national resources have suffered during the war years. "We must take all 
conservation measures to restore them and all measures to greatly increase the 
availability of raw materials from abroad. I am continuing my opposition to 
the tidelands bill granting the offshore oil reserves to the States rather than to 
the Nation. Our country must give very careful consideration to the St. Law- 
rence seaway and power development project as it is in the interest of all Ameri- 
cans to be sure that we do not overlook the potential inherent in the develop- 
ment of any great part of our country. 

New York City has suffered in certain of its major industries, like construc- 
tion, men's clothing, and other soft goods manufacturing due to defense 
mobilization. I have joined with others of my colleagues in vigorous efforts to 
get the Federal Government to take special measures to help with these 

In our local community problems we have been able to effect some reforms in 
traflSc conditions and to make some progress with crime conditions. But there 
is still a long way to go. The community has been aroused ; cooperation be- 
tween citizens, public officials, and police authorities has been better and these 
-will bring about increasing improvement. 


The exigencies which face us are so great that we cannot afford to pause. 
It is a tribute to the strength of our people and our institutions that few 
Americans doubt that we shall come to the great decisions on the Presidency 
without any lessening of our efforts to defend and preserve free institutions 
and human liberty. 

[Congressional Record, July 4, 1932] 

Eighty-second Congkess, Second Session — Final Report, Recokd, and Foeecast 

Speech of Hon. Jacob K. Javits, of New York, in the House of Representatives 

Mr. Javits. Mr. Speaker, as we prepare for great decisions on the Presidency 
we recognize that there must be no indecision in our national policies until 
the day the next administration takes over. The people are entitled to the 
maximum amount of information on which they can base their judgment in 
these days, and it is the responsibility of every public official, insofar as he is 
possibly able to accomplish it, to see that every citizen in his area is fully in- 

THE issue of peace 

Peace continues to be the dominant issue of our time. It is an issue which is 
being misused and abused by the Communists who suggest that anyone who is 
against their policy of surrender to anything the Soviet Union wants or to Com- 
munist pressure within any country is acting against peace. Resistance to 
Communist aggression against weaker peoples and subversion within free states 
does not mean war ; it means only honesty in the quest for peace. It seeks to 
avoid the mistakes which the free world made when it pei"mitted Japan to take 
Manchuria in 1931, Hitler to march into the Rhineland in 1934, and Mussolini to 
seize Ethiopia in 1936. Once such actions were permitted to go unpunished they 
assured the start of World War II. Similar actions like armed aggression in Ko- 
rea, unchecked now, will just as surely lead to world war III. 

A great deal is made by Communists and Communist sympathizers about the 
immediate calling of a five-power conference between the United States, Great 
Britain, and France on the one side and the Soviet Uni(m and Communist China 
on the other. In principle there is no inconsistency between being always will- 
ing to talk and at the .same time establishing our defense capabilities. Yet we 
always have before us the examples, first, of the Deputy Foreign Ministers Con- 
ference in Paris in 1951 which was used as a sounding board for Communist 
propaganda for over 3 months, and then came to nothing ; second, the truce ne- 
gotiations in Korea which are being cynically used by the Communists for world 
propaganda about such barefaced frauds as "germ warfare" while covering up 
greater military preparations to endanger our and the other U. N. forces in 


Korea. The right course is to be willing to meet with the S'oviet Union under fair 
conditions and an agreed-upon agenda for the discussion of all major causes of 
friction but not relax our preparations for defense until the Communists show 
by their deeds that they really seek peace. Such a meeting should be held 
under the auspices of the United Nations as the best way to inspire confidence 
in the nations which do not participate. 

The whole United Nations structure has the greatest potentiality for securing 
the peace. In too many circles it is becoming popular to condemn the United 
Nations without recognizing that it is a world forum where words, not bullets, 
can be exchanged, and which remains mankind's best, perhaps last, hope for 

The Soviet Union and the Communist bloc insist on seeking to frustrate the 
will of the free peoples in the United Nations at every turn with vetoes, delays, 
false propaganda, and finally with insults and falsehoods. So long as this 
effort to sabotage the United Nations from within continues, no fairminded 
person can believe the protestations of the Soviet bloc about peaceful intentions 
or even of sympathetic interest in the problems of men and women everywhere. 


As permitted by the United Nations Charter, regional organization for self- 
defense has been strengthened through the North Atlantic Pact, by our mutual 
security treaties with Japan, the Philippines, Australia, and New Zealand, and 
by the Rio Pact with our Latin- American neighbors. 

A large part of the foreign policy of the United States is expressed today by 
the mutual security program. Under this program, there has been appropriated 
for the current fiscal year $6,031,947,750, a reduction from the $7,900,000,000 
requested by the President. Of this amount, $3,415,614,750 is for military aid 
and $1,282,433,000 for defense-support aid to Europe; $560,316,500 is for mili- 
tary aid to Greece, Turkey, and Iran ; $.50,822,750 is for technical and economic 
assistance to the countries of the Near East, and for the relief of refugees there 
$130,291,250 is provided. For the Far East there is provided $564,807,500 in 
military assistance to Indochina, Formosa, and the Philippines, and $321,412,500 
for economic and technical assistance to these countries and to India, Pakistan, 
Burma, and Thailand. In Latin America the mutual security program provides 
$57,685,750 in military aid and $20,329,000 in technical assistance. 

Funds are also provided by the defense appropriation bills for United States 
forces which are now stationed in Europe and in Japan and which are engaged 
in the fighting in Korea. 


As this is written, efforts to bring about a truce continue to be frustrated by 
the Communists. It has been one excuse after another with them ; now the 
Communists state that all prisoners, whether or not they wish to go back into 
Communist hands, must be delivered to them. This means to thousands almost 
certain death to themselves and destruction to their families. If we wish ulti- 
mately to win the world away from the Communists, people must first be con- 
vinced that we can be trusted not to deliver them back to the Communists once 
they are free. We must also be extremely vigilant about the safety of United 
States prisoners of the Communists. 

We are fighting in Korea to punish armed aggression against peaceful people 
and to deprive the aggressor of the fruits of his aggression. This we have done 
successfully, so far. It is not necessary to become involved in a major Asiatic 
war on the mainland of China into which millions of Americans could be drawn, 
to accomplish this purpose. 

The other non-Korean U. N. ground forces in Korea are only 20 percent of 
our own and we need all the help possible from the other free peoples. But 
those best able to supply forces, like Great Britain and France, are already 
fighting full-scale actions against Communists in Malaya and Indochina, re- 
spectively, and are suffering great losses in the process. They are protecting us 
in those areas just as we are protecting them in Korea. Almost half of the 
fighting in Korea is being done by the South Koreans themselves in the ROK 
divisions while our divisions are 50 percent of the total ground forces engaged. 

Other powers which have military potential are either too poor economically 
or too disturbed internally to make their contribution to the Korean action. 
What we have to do is to help them straighten out some of their problems, eco- 
nomic, social, and political, to get more aid in Korea. 


Korea ties down the Communist Chinese and means they cannot move else- 
where in other parts of Asia as easily. In the meantime we should seek greater 
contributions from the other United Nations in relieving our manpower in Ko- 
rea. This can work as effectively as our own present rotation policy is working 
in Korea in keeping the morale of our troops there very high. 


The contractual arrangement with the German Federal Government will in all 
likelihood be approved, and this is tied in directly with the participation of Ger- 
man military formations in the European Defense Community — European Army. 

There is reason for deep disquiet in the contemplation of any German mili- 
tary formations, but a study of the European Defense Community agreement 
shows that real efforts are being made to pi'eveut German domination either of 
the European army or of its directing staff and to prevent the danger of Ger- 
many's withdrawing and utilizing the forces which it contributes for its own 
purposes. The United States, Great Britain, and France have given guaranties 
that this will not be permitted and these guaranty agreements are to be approved 
at the same time as the agreement with the German Federal Government. 

This contractual arrangement with the German Federal Government is weak 
in many respects, primarily as to the dispositions regarding the Nazi war crimi- 
nals, restitution of property taken away by the Nazis, indemnification for suffer- 
ing in concentration camps to the victims of the Nazis and their families and 
effective control against any threatened return of ultranationalist excesses. 
The agreement is strong in maintaining allied authority over West Berlin, over 
any agreement for the unification of East and West Germany and over any final 
settlement of German frontiers. The Soviet Union continues its propjiganda 
efforts i-egarding German unification with the intention of making all Germany 
a Soviet satellite. The United States, Great Britain, and France have indicated 
their willingness to discuss German unification but only and necessarily on the 
basis of free all-German elections under international supervision. 


This area is troubled by two major problems — ultranationalism and refugee 
resettlement. United States aid is mainly directed toward dealing with ref- 
iigee resettlement, but the United States lacks a positive policy for dealing 
with ultranationalism. Our Government has apparently been content to fol- 
low the British lead. Britain's difficulties in Egypt and Iran and its grave 
errors and injustices in seeking to block Jewish immigration and the establish- 
ment of Israel in 1946 and 1947 have shown that the United States must have 
a policy of its own in this area. This policy should be built upon aid to resettle- 
ment of the refugees who are the most nettling problem in the whole area and 
defense based on dependable factors in tlie area. 

Our 1952-5.3 mutual security appropriations provide $60,06.3,250 for resettle- 
ment of the Palestine Arab refugees — the United States contributions for this 
year to the 3-year $250 million U. N. resettlement program — and $70,228,000 
for the resettlement of the Jewish refugees in Israel. There is also provided 
for the Arab States over $20 million in technical assistance, while for Israel 
$3 million is provided for technical assistance. Vigorous efforts, with the full 
aid of the United States, with the surrounding Arab countries in the imple- 
mentation of the United Nations resettlement plan, is essential for the resettle- 
ment of the Palestine Arab refugees. Continued United States assistance to 
Israel, which has been performing so magnificently in this field, is necessary 
to help with the Jewish refugees. 

Peace is most ui-gently needed between Israel and the Arab States, which are 
still practically at war, being only under existing armistice agreements. Israel 
wants to negotiate for peace, but the Arabs are seemingly unwilling. We must 
make every effort to bring about a just and lasting peace, recognizing the per- 
manency of the brave, young State of Israel. 

As the Middle East Command for the defense of this area cannot be formed, 
due to the unwillingness or unreadiness of the Arab States to participate, pro- 
tection of the area should be extended by Greece and Turkey, which are already 
members of NATO, joined by Israel. Israel admittedly has the most effective 
military forces there, outside of Greece and Turkey. The vital character of 
this part of the world, considering its enormous oil resources, the fact that the 
Soviet Union is very short of oil, and the social and political ferment and dis- 


order in the Near East, are all signals of danger there. Vital defense measures 
can no longer be deferred. 


Together with a bipartisan group composed of members of the Senate Foreign 
Relations and the House Foreign Affairs Committee, I sponsored a resolution 
expressing our country's concern in India and Pakistan and our desire to extend 
economic and technical help for their plans to improve food production and 
living conditions. This has a vital bearing upon the kind of society and govern- 
ment vrhich will exist in this area. 

India and Pakistan are vital elements in the free world's security. They have 
taken careful note of the fact that Communist China has already swallowed up 
Tibet, right on their border. They know the cynical disregard shown by the 
Communists for India's famine-relief needs last year. A resolution of this 
kind is the only way under our constitutional processes in which the American 
people can express to the people of India and Pakistan a continuing interest in 
their development. It will be an important matter before the new Congress. 


Congress has approved, with certain reservations, a constitution for Puerto 
Rico giving that territory full self-government. These reservations brought 
into question certain of the social aspirations of the Puerto Rican people regard- 
ing full employment and higher living standards as expressed in this document. 
I believed that the Puerto Rican people were entitled to full expression of their 
aspirations in their constitution so long as they had representative and free gov- 
ernment. A needed reservation to protect the right of parochial-school children 
to continue to attend the schools of their choice was in another category. Puerto 
Rico accepted the reservations and they do not seem to have diluted the self- 
government the constitution gives to Puerto Rico. It is another expression of 
a great American policy toward its Territories and possessions — both peoples 
are to be congratulated on the outcome. 


The new Korean GI bill of rights provides for servicemen who have at least 
90 days of service subsequent to June 27, 1950 — not necessarily in Korea — up to 
36 months of free schooling with monthly allowances, on-the-job and farm train- 
ing, home and business loan guaranties up to $7,500, niustering-out pay and rights 
to unemployment compensation. Basic allowances to veterans taking education 
or training are $110 per month for single veterans, $135 per month for married 
veterans, and $160 per month for veterans with more than 1 dependent. Benefit- 
ing from the experience of the World War II GI bill, the law is designed to 
minimize education and housing frauds which have victimized so many veterans 
in recent years. Education payments are made directly to veterans, and loan 
guaranties may be refused on homes built by persons who had previously sold 
defective housing to veterans. 

I have done my utmost to encourage voting by our troops on active service 
through the introduction of legislation to that effect, by communicating with the 
President, who sent a special message to Congress on the subject, and by other 
means. In the State of New York such voting is relatively simple. The service- 
man — as well as his family living out of the State with him — should make appli- 
cation before October 24 to the division of soldier voting in Albany or on standard 
form 76 provided at all military installations. I strongly urge that all who have 
relatives or friends serving in Korea urge them to vote in this vitally important 
presidential election year. 


The wage-price stabilization law has been extended in the main until April 
30, 1953. Changes made in the law have weakened, not strengthened, it. Fresh 
and canned fruits and vegetables are exempted from all price controls dof-'pite 
strong opposition in which I joined. Guaranteed profit margins to distributors 
and manufacturers are raised, not lowered. 

The preferences to the prices of agricultural products which have resulted 
in record highs for food prices are further raised by inserting a floor in the shape 
of a guaranteed price support of 90 percent of parity for major farm products. 
I fought against such a guaranty both in the Defense Production Act and in the 
bill to amend the Agricultural Adjustment Act. Notice is gradually being served 


on the representatives of agricultural districts in the Congress that the consumer 
is waking up to the meaning to him of unjustified and unreasonable agricultural 
price preferences and guaranties, much as we favor basic and needed protection 
for farm families. 

Only two gains were obtained for consumers in the price-wage stabilization 
law. One was to open our markets to the admittance of cheese from France, 
Italy, and Denmark to a greater extent than the law had previcusly allowed. 
The second, under an amendment I sponsored was to require a report to be made 
by a congressional committee on how the law will be affecting prices for con- 
sumers, the first time consumers have been specifically mentioned in thi.^ law. 

Wage-stabilization procedures have caused some delays in the decision of cases 
by the Wage Stabilization Board granting wage increases, thereby holding up 
wage adjustments for many workers whose families were affected seriously l»y 
the high cost of living. I have worked with some success to break the logjam on 
such applications. 

The Federal fair-trade law, permitting prices stipulated by a manufacturer 
or distributor to be charged for goods bearing his brand or trademark in States 
having State fair-trade laws, will be law when this report is issued. It is a meas- 
ure of vital importance to every small-business man and therefore businessmen 
should insure that it is utilized with fairness to the consumer. 

I fought against the effort to prevent American participation in the Interna- 
tional Materials Conference which, though a foreign-policy and defense question, 
was tacked onto the Defense Production Act. As we import all or much of — about 
two-thirds, the strategic items of material we need for defense, fair international 
allocations of these materials at fair prices are vital. 


The new wage-price stabilization law also extended Federal rent control. This 
law has been covering 8 million American families in other States which, unlike 
New York, do not have their own rent-control laws. But Federal rent control 
was further weakened at this session by an automatic decontrol provision. It 
provides that unless the aff'ected town or city, if it is not a critical defense area, 
specifically requests Federal rent control to continue, it ends as of September 30, 
1952. This again demonstrates my conviction that the people of New York are 
getting and can continue to get better protection through the New York State 
rent-control law than they could hope to get under Federal law. People in my 
district with rent problems continue to be welcome at my free congressional rent 
clinics about whicli information may be obtained by writing to me. 

Despite a great struggle, the Federal publicly assisted low-rent housing program 
again suffered in the Congress. It took almost superhuman effort to win back 
35,000 units for this year as against the 5,000 which was at first voted by the 
House of Representatives. This means that New York City can only be allotted 
under 5,000 Federal public-housing units this year despite the urgent shortage, 
though it had been hoped to make this figure 10,000. 

I joined with others of my colleagues to sponsor Public Law 370, which facili- 
tates slum clearance under title I of the Housing Act of 1949 by permitting mu- 
nicipalities to collect assistance payments on account from the Federal Gov- 

In recognition of the fact that middle-income families earning $3,500 to $4,500 
per year are the worst off in getting new housing as they do not qualify for public 
housing and cannot afford high priced newly built private housing, I introduced 
the Middle Income Housing Act of 1952. Tliis bill seeks to provide $3 billion 
in very low interest rate loans by the Federal Government for middle-income hous- 
ing that cannot otherwise be obtained and provides other aids for slum clearance 
and to reduce construction costs. The $3 billion in lovz-interest loans could pro- 
vide upward of 400,000 additional units at rents middle-income families could 
afford to pay. The issue is so vital that it must be kept before the country during 
the coming election campaign to be sure it gets attention early in the next 


Civil rights promises to be one of the burning issues of 1952. Our country's 
position in the world which will be so heavily determined by the colored races 
and the vindication of our own Constitution require us to act on complete civil- 
rights legislation in the next Congress. I have introduced an omnibus civil- 
rights bill for this purpose, H. R. 5945. Almost at the very end of this session 
a subcommittee of the Senate's Conmiittee on Education and Labor reported 


out the Ives-Huiiiplirey FEPC bill, sponsored by Senator Irving M. Ives, of 
Xew York, and Senator Hubert Humphrey, of Minnesota, which provides for 
an FEPC with full enforcement powers and which is the most promising FEPC 
bill to have come before the Congress. 

Federal civil-rights legislation, including a Federal Fair Employment Practices 
Commission with enforcement powers, anti-poll-tax and antilynching legislation, 
legislation against discrimination and segregation in housing, education, trans- 
portation, and public facilities and to eliminate the last vestiges of segregation 
in the Armed Forces have generally been made almost impossible by the rule of 
imlimited debate in the Senate. It is vital that the fight be made on this rule at 
the opening of the new Congress. Debate in the House of Representatives is in 
The control of a majority and this should be generally so in the Senate. In this 
way the people's will cannot be frustrated. 

The end of filibusters in the Senate and the enactment of civil-rights legisla- 
tion can be the soonest obtained by a coalition of progressive elements in the 
Congress regardless of party. 


We now have a new immigration bill, the result of the overriding by the 
Congress of the President's veto of the bill. I voted to sustain this veto and 
have fought consistently against this law as being a step backward. First, it 
establishes a color line on immigration from the Caribbean, bi-eaking down the 
long-established practice by which people from the West Indies were admitted 
under the British quota. Second, it aggi-avates discrimination against immigra- 
tion from southern and southeastern Europe inherent in the quota immigration 
law by adding new preferences to those already existing. Third, it jeopardizes 
the status of l:hose who come in as immigrants, making them liable for deporta- 
tion or even loss of nationality for years to come. It will be necessary in the 
new Congress to do everything possible to bring about amendment of this law 
to correct its glaring deficiencies. 

Though the law lifts the ban on the entry and eligibility for naturalization of 
Asiatic peoples, it does so under minuscule quotas of 100 per year per state of 
origin for an aggregate of only 2,000 per year, and makes those of one-half or 
more Asiatic blood, no matter where born, subject to those quotas. A final end 
to oriental exclusion is highly desirable, but could have been effected under 
.separate legislation which was before the Congress. 

I consider the liberalization of our immigration policy to be required also by 
the need for cooperation with the other free peoples for the absorption of the 
surplus working populations of Europe. Such a program, so important for the 
free world, cannot be realized without the kind of American leadership which 
resulted in the settlement of the DP problem — by our taking our fair share. 


The Congress has enacted into law a measure increasing social-security bene- 
fits by an estimated $540 million yearly. This bill increases monthly old-age 
and survivors insurance benefits by $5, or I2V2 percent, whichever is greater ; 
increases to $75 the amount a person may earn each month and still qualify for 
old-age and survivors insurance payments ; gives those serving in the Armed 
Forces an automatic social-security credit on the basis of $160 monthly earn- 
ings ; increases to $25 the minimum benefit payable to a retired person, and in- 
creases the maximum benefit payable to a family from the present $150 to 
S168.75 a month ; increases by $5 a month the Federal share of direct assistance 
payments to the needy aged and persons who are blind or totally disabled and 
increases by $3 a month Federal grants for dependent children. While I be- 
lieve the limitations on earnings should have been eliminated entirely and bene- 
fits should have been increased more in line with living costs, this bill is a step 

Also enacted into law, as a part of the independent oflSces appropriation bill, 
was a provision seeking to eliminate age qualifications for employment under 
the Federal civil service. I fought for this measure as part of my efforts to 
secure equal opportunity for workers over 4.5 — the subject of my bill, H. R. 4731. 


Though personal income taxes were not increased in this session, they are 
already so high that every citizen is necessarily interested in Government ex- 
penditures nnd economy. In addition, the heavy deficits, even under present 


high taxes, contribute further to inflation and reduce the value of savings and 
the purchasing power of those living on fixed incomes. 

The deficit for the current fiscal year was about $4 billion, and the deficit for 
the fiscal year which began July 1, 1952, and which will end June 30, 1953, is 
estimated at $10 billion. Congress cut appropriations from the amount re- 
quested by the President by over $8 billion, granting approximately $80 billion, 
as opposed to requests of approximately $88,500 million. Essential appropria- 
tions for defense and veterans are the biggest part of these figures. 

Injustices and false economy need to be righted iust as forcefully as true 
economy needs to be imposed. Agricultural conservai ion payments costing $250 
million could be drastically cut, even according to the leading farm organiza- 
tions themselves ; so could the cost of agricultural price supports. "Pork barrel" 
projects for rivers and harbors could be sharply reduced without disturbing 
urgently needed fiood control. Defense Department's appropriations, essential 
as they are, aggregating over $46 billion, with an additional amount of over 
$4 billion for construction, still have some water in them. On the other hand, 
the denial of $300 million for Federal aid to schools, $30 million for Federal 
aid to college students, the drastic cut in the publicly assisted low-rent housing 
program, and the cuts of appropriations for conserving national resources where 
they were needed were ill advised. 

There are loopholes and inequities in the personal income-tax structure which 
urgently need righting by the next Congress. It is estimated variously that 
$1 billion to over $3 billion in additional tax revenue a year is lost. 


Pensions for retired civil-service employees have been raised, beginning 
September 1, 1952, and ending June 30, 19.55, by $36 for each full 6-moDth period 
between the date of retirement and October 1, 1952, with a ceiling of $324, 
or 25 percent, whichever is the less. The increase when added to the present 
annuity must not exceed $2,160 annually. This increase will be discontinued 
on June 30, 1954, unless Congress appropriates money by that date for the 
fiscal years 1954 and 1955. This increased annuity also applies to those re- 
ceiving survivorship benefits, becoming effective September 1, 1952. The Congress 
set up a committee to make a study of the various Government retirement 
systems and report back to Congress not later than December 31, 1953. 

The Whitten rider making appointments and promotions temporary only, 
has served, I believe, as a serious block to the merit system. It has been 
modified to permit permanent promotions under some circumstances, to give 
consideration to all prior service in promotions instead of only service imme- 
diately prior to the proposed promotion, and to permit the Civil Service Com- 
mission to make exceptions to the promotion restrictions of the law in order 
to avoid undue hardship or inequity. 

The shortsighted policy of the Post Office Department in curtailing mail de- 
liveries and other postal services continues despite many protests. This has 
resulted in an actual increase in the aggregate number of employees — substitute, 
temporary, and regular — rather than a reduction and has markedly increased 
the ninuber of disability retirements among postal workers. I am continuing 
my fight against the curtailment and for justice in earnings, conditions, job 
security, and retirement for postal employees. 


Due to the increasing rate of motor-vehicle traffic accidents and fatalities 
and the rising rates for automobile liability insurance, I introduced a resolution 
calling for an investigation by the Congress of laws regulating the operation of 
motor vehicles and motor carriers, auto liability and insurance rates and meas- 
ures which the Federal Government can take in these matters. This bill 
has received a tremendous response as it brought forcibly to attention a sit- 
uation which has been gradually created due to the vast increase in interstate 
travel by auto and in which the Federal Government could, therefore, take a 
useful part. It is probable that there will be action on it in the new Congress. 


Man does not live by bread alone. For this reason I introduced a bill to 
establish as a branch of the Smithsonian Institution an American Academy 
of Music, Drama, and Ballet, as part of a National War Memorial, for the educa- 
tion of selected pupils in the various phases of these arts. 


I did my utmost to save Champlain College at Plattsburg, N. Y., from being 
taken over by the Air Force for use as a military installation as it is so im- 
portant to encourage low-cost, nondiscriminatory education, an opportunity for 
which is being denied so many young people. Though the fight was lost for 
the moment in the Congress so much interest was stirred up that I believe 
some way will be found to continue to make these facilities for higher education 
available iu New York. 

The effort to televise and broadcast important congressional sessions upon 
which I have been working is being confirmed by current political experience. 
It is becoming inevitable that broadcasting and televising of important con- 
gressional sessions will soon be considered a "must" by the American people. 

Individual instances endangering our moral strength constantly arise. I 
fought against the retention by the Air Force of a German doctor it had hired 
alleged to be implicated in the .shocking medical experiments conducted by the 
Nazis during the war. I am glad to say that this doctor's contract was not 
renewed and that he has left the country. 


We are facing as important an election as we have ever had in what is not too 
accurately called peacetime. The collective judgment of all our people and no 
less is required in fairness to ourselves and our posterity. A new President 
and a new Congress will make decisions involving peace and the economic, 
social, and political future of our people which will determine the course of 
our lives for decades — and probably of the lives of other free peoples. It is 
the duty of every citizen to make it his business between now and election day 
to read, to listen, to observe, and to consider our national issues, tlien to register 
and to vote with the dignity and responsibility that such interest will bring,, 
on election day, November 4, 1952. 

[Congressional Record, May 5, 1953] 

Eighty-Third Congress, First Session, First Report — Record and Forecast 

Speech of Hon. Jacob K. Javits, of New York, in the House of Representatives 

Mr. Javits. Mr. Speaker, the new administration under President Eisenhower 
has been in office about 3 months. I believe that it has been characterized by a 
sense of responsibility rather than by virtuosity or improvisation. It is a proper 
time to take stock of what has been done and to determine what is forecast for the 


The death of Stalin marked the end of one era in the prospects for peace. 
We have been treated lately to more temperate language from the Soviet Union 
and the Communist satellites but by small evidences of an actual change of posi- 
tion. Whether even the softer words are dictated by internal weakness or a 
struggle for power between the Big Three who succeeded Stalin — Malenkov, 
Beria, and Molotov — the free world does not know. In any case, our real desire 
for peace and world settlement requires us to take at face value any Soviet over- 
tures toward peace and world settlement while at the same time we do not 
slacken our efforts for the common defense of the free world and for major im- 
provements in its economic and social position. This has been, generally, the 
policy pursued by the new administration and was dramatized in the President's 
speech before the American Society of Newspaper Editors on April 16. 

There has been new consideration of a four-power conference between the 
United States, Great Britain, and France on the one hand and the Soviet Union 
on the other to deal with East-West frictions. The right course is to be willing 
to meet with the Soviet Union under fair conditions and, if it will not drag out the 
situation interminably as it did in Paris in 1951, to agree upon an agenda for the 
discussion of all major causes of friction. Such a meeting should be held under 
the auspices of the United Nations as the best way to inspire confidence in those 
nations which do not participate. The President has already pointed out that 
Korea is a problem of one piece with the struggle in Indochina and Malaya ; that 
the unification of Germany is a problem of one piece with the whole security of 
Europe and that trade between the free world and the Communist bloc is a prob- 
lem of one piece with all of world trade. On this basis, under U. N. auspices. 


negotiations may prove fruitful. I shall endeavor in every way to help in for- 
warding this kind of policy. 

The Soviet Union and its satellites initiated a wave of anti-Semitic persecution 
with the accusations against the nine doctors in Moscow and purges in Hungary 
and Czechoslovakia. I introduced a resolution urging the United States vigor- 
ously to protest, worked to get the administration to issue such condemnation 
which President Eisenhower and Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., United States repre- 
sentative to the U. N., did most eloquently, and joined in numerous protests at 
meetings and over radio and television. These persecutions ceased soon after 
Stalin's death, as suddenly as they began, but Jewish people and all Americans 
are not being taken in, knowing that under a Communist regime such persecutions 
can start, be stopped suddenly, and start again. The Communist bloc can only 
prove its good faith by lowering the Iron Curtain and letting the tens of thousands 
of Jews who wish to emigrate, most of them to Israel, to leave the Iron Curtain 
countries. The persecutions should certainly have persuaded any remaining 
muddle-headed idealists that the Soviet Union and its satellites are just another 
totalitarian regime like the Nazis and Fascists. 


The U. N. remains the great world forum where words, not bullets, are ex- 
changed, and is therefore mankind's best — perhaps last — hope for peace. The 
Soviet Union has made a few conciliatory gestures like not vetoing the election 
of a new Secretary-General, Dag Hammarskjold to replace Trygve Lie, and 
supi>orting a resolution urging the end of the Korean conflict, but the false 
charges of germ warfare continue and there is little diminution except for the 
fact that the language is less strong, in the Soviet and satellite charges of war- 


The mutual-security program remains the main support of NATO as well as of 
military assistance to Indochina, Thailand, Malaya, and other parts of south 
and southeast Asia, and to the Philippines, the Middle East, and Latin America, 
as well as of the economic aid and technical assistance activities of the United 
States. For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1953, appropriations for this pro- 
gram totaled $6,031,947,750. The previous administration requested $7,600 
million for this program for the fiscal year beginning July 1, 1953. President 
Eisenhower's administration cut this by $1,800 million and recommended $5,800 

It is proposed that the procurement of military materials for our partners 
overseas, known as offshore procurement, will largely replace economic aid 
to Europe. The program is expected to concentrate technical assistance in those 
areas and on projects where American and other free world business and pri- 
vate investment cannot do the job while at the same time a drive is made to 
encourage overseas private investment. 

As the chairman of the Subcommittee on Economic Policy of the House 
Foreign Aifairs Committee, I have been presiding over a series of hearings de- 
signed to develop a foreign economic policy for the United States. We have 
heard a good deal about the slogan of trade, not aid, and this is indeed sound. 
American business can do much to improve standards of living and therefore 
the opportunity for freedom in many parts of the free world. But the continuing 
high-tariff structure of the United States, the Buy American Act, and the com- 
plexities of our customs procedures as well as the outright embargoes and 
quotas resiiecting agricultural products figuring into our export and import trade 
mean that we shall have to do a lot of straightening out before an appreciable 
amount of trade can replace aid. I have introduced legislation to extend the 
I'eciprocal trade agreements program for 1 year without amendment, and I 
am supporting the President's request for a bipartisan commission to review 
our foreign economic policy. 


Our whole country is deeply grateful that the exchange of sick and wounded 
prisoners was consummated effectively and on time — and deeply saddened by the 
tragic story of those who perished by primitive maltreatment of POW's and 
by the typically Communist holding out of thousands of others. Truce negotia- 
tions are now proceeding. A little relaxation of the previous Communist 
intransigence is indicated by the concession that prisoners of war who do not 
wish to be repatriated to North Korea and Communist China be placed in the 


custody of neutrals uuder agreed-on conditions. All our people are very anxious 
for a truce, but they recognize, too, tliat our forces in Korea miTst be protected 
and that the U. N. mission to repel aggression such as started the Korean war 
and to discourage aggressors is fully justified. Nor do we wish to see a truce 
which will only enable the Communists to fortify their position for new aggres- 
sive attacks. In fact, a new naked international aggression of the Korea type is 
already going on in Laos, gravely threatening Thailand, the rice bowl of south 
Asia, as well as Burma, India, and Pakistan. We also do not wish to see long- 
drawn-out negotiations such as we had in 1952 in Korea, which only enabled the 
Communists to strengthen their position and cause our troops more casualties. 
With these cautions in mind, we should go forward to negotiate a truce in the 
utmost good faith on our side and to the best of our ability. 


There is real disquiet over the continued delay in the approval of the European 
Defense Community agreement, to organize an all-European — free Europe — army 
for defense, the means by which the German military potential may be utilized 
without the danger of a recurrence of German dreams of world domination. 
We must continue our elforts to bring about consummation of this plan, with 
especial emphasis on the importance in it of the German Federal Republic and 
of France. 

The situation of France is seriously affected by continuing financial troubles 
and governmental instability as well as by the drain of the struggle in Indochina, 
estimated to cost the French people over $1 billion a year as well as thousands 
of casualties. 

The German situation shows elements of assurance as well as elements of 
danger. Optimistic evidences are approval of the agreement for indemnification 
of Israel and for assistance to persecutees made between Israel and the German 
Federal Government and amounting to payments in goods of $822 million over 
a period of 12 to 18 years ; approval by the Bundestag, the lower house of the 
West German Parliament, of the European Defense Community agreement, and 
arrests and prosecution of neo-Nazis by the German Federal Government. On 
the other hand, delay on the European Defense Community in German constitu- 
tional courts, a renewed interest in the cartelization of industry in West Germany 
and proposals pressed on President Eisenhower to again review the sentences 
of Nazi war criminals, as well as the grave injustice of returning the Krupp 
family's fortune are pessimistic signs. In the field of relations with Germany, 
progress was made in the signing of the debt-settlement agreement on February 
27 in London which provides for the settlement of Germany's external debt 
involving payments of $3,270 million to creditors in some 30 countries. The key 
to the German problem still remains the German reaction to the Soviet offers of 
unification of East and West Germany which are sure to come. This will be 
a great test for us. 


Recent months have been signalized by the continued failure to make progress 
toward peace treaties between Israel and the Arab States, due to the refusal of 
the Arab States to negotiate to i-esettle the Palestine Arab refugees in the Arab 
States and further efforts by the Arab States to impose economic strangulation 
«pon Israel. In March Israel agreed to release $2,800,000 of blocked bank 
accounts of Palestine Arab refugees and has again evidenced its intention of 
giving full cooperation in their resettlement and of negotiating compensation for 
Arab properties abandoned in Israel. 

Israel has also made overtures to the Arab States by subscribing to the prin- 
ciple of treating the Near East as a regional area and of economic and social 
improvement in that area. 

Efforts to establish the Middle East command for the defense of this area 
have been bogged down due to ultranationalist sentiment in the Arab States. 
The current negotiations between Great Britain and Egypt regarding the defense 
of the Suez Canal area (not going too well now) and the increasing recognition 
of the importance in the defense of the area against external aggression of 
Israel's armed forces will determine if there is any hope for improvement this 

'- Mutual security appropriations provided $160 million for assistance to refugees 
and for economic and technical assistance in the fiscal year ending June 30, 
72723— 57— pt. 43 7 


1953. About the same amount is expected to be provided for the next fiscal year, 
except that this time it is likely to be in one fund to be allocated by the President 
and to presage a maximum effort to bring about peace in the area without, of 
course, impairing the security and independence of any state there. The vital 
strategic character of this area, with its vast oil reserves, is well known and it 
is essential that important United States attention be fixed on it. 


I urged consideration of the whole Indochina question in the United Nations 
with a view toward assuring that the future of the states of Indochina will be in 
the hands of their people and of removing any fears of foreign administration. 
It should be our objective in Indochina to get its people to defend their own 
freedom as effectively as the ROK divisions are doing in Korea. 

Pakistan, the largest IVIoslem state and one of the largest and most important 
states in south Asia, has suffered serious drought during 2 years, is short 1,500- 
000 tons of wlieat to feed its people, and has applied to the United States for 
assistance to acquire 1 million tons. We have a great surplus of wheat in stor- 
age and I have offered legislation and have urged that we consider immediate 
appropriate assistance to this great friendly people. The new Prime Minister 
of Pakistan has expressed gTeat friendship for the United States and a desire 
to work with us. 


I have again introduced a resolution expressing the sympathy of the United 
States for the unification of Ireland through a free opportunity to express the 
Irish people's will for union by a plebiscite of the people of all Ireland under 
the auspices of a U. N. commission. 


I have had the privilege of a visit to tlie Commonwealth of Puerto Rico in 
February last and have been greatly impressed with its progi-ess, its people and 
its government. I believe industrialization and more eflicient agriculture will 
enable it to turn the corner economically in 5 to 10 years at the present rate of 

In addressing the Commonwealth's joint session of the Legislative Assembly 
on Lincoln's birthday, I urged that it is a Federal Government problem to assist 
those seeking to migrate from the Commonwealth, to go to areas anywhere on 
mainland and to seek opportunities of their choice rather than to be com- 
pelled to go only to New York City because they lack friends or finances to go 
elsewhere in the United States. Of course, as United States citizens they have 
full right to seek opportunity wherever they wish throughout the United 
States. The Department of Labor of Puerto Rico has done remarkably well in 
settlement and employment activities on the mainland and should be encouraged. 

I had the opportunity of voting for statehood for Hawaii which passed the 
House of Representatives and is now awaiting action in the Senate. Hawaii 
has proven its right in World War II to be a State and President Eisenhower 
has recommended statehood for Hawaii now. 


Congress enacted legislation and it became law authorizing the payment of 
family allotments to dependents of enlisted members of the Armed Forces. 
The law which was due to expire April 30, 1953, was extended to July 1, 1955, 
and a law also was enacted covering similarly dependents of servicemen or 
civilians missing in war. 

Liberalization of rules for naturalization of any person serving in the Armed 
Forces since the start of the Korean war and before July 1, 1955, has passed 
the House of Representatives and is pending in the Senate. No specific period 
of residence within the United States or any State is required. Just so long 
as the service man or woman earns an honorable discharge after completing 
service, the naturalization so obtained remains irrevocable. 

Cuts made last year in medical staffs and hospital services have been keenly 
felt by veterans and their families. I joined in an effort here to restore these 
cuts on a supplemental appropriation bill which was for the moment unsuc- 
cessful, but I shall certainly keep on trying. There is a great issue with 
respect to hospitalization for veterans with non-service-connected disabilities. 


Though all agree that these are not to be classed with service-connected dis- 
abilities they ought still to be given some consideration on the same theory 
that Congress has provided a pension for certain veterans permanently disabled 
for non-service causes. 

After considerable controversy aboxit the drying up of the sources of mort- 
gage money on GI housing loans an increase to 4% percent allowed interest has 
now been ordered. The Government must give consideration to means for 
keeping interest rates down and mortgage money available through establish- 
ing a secondary market for mortgages, if necessary through veterans' direct 
loans for the purpose or other means. 


Federal rent control has been extended until July 1, 1953, affecting almost 5 
million housing units, about one-third of all rental housing units in the United 
States. At the same time there have been warnings from the Congress that it 
will not be extended again except for strictly defined defense areas in which 
there are actual military establishments — not including defense plants — and 
that local communities must arrange for their own rent-control laws. I sup- 
ported Federal rent control which is vital under existing housing shortages. 
The Federal law, with its 20 percent across-the-board rent increase has made 
for higher rentals even in controlled areas than will be made by the new New 
York State law. 

New York City is not now under Federal rent cuntrel but under State rent 
control. The New York State law was renewed for 2 years ending June 30, 1955. 
In the course of its renewal, however, an across-the-board 15 percent rent in- 
crease was included applicable to 1943 rentals which liad not been increased by 
as much as 15 percent since 1943 when rents were first frozen. Though as a 
Federal legislator I did not have direct participation in this law which was en- 
acted by the New York State Legislature, I nevertheless did all I could to oppose 
an across-the-board rent increase, and my opposition was publicly made and 
noted in the press. 

During the struggle in the New Y'ork Legislature over rent-control reneAval 
I introduced a bill to extend Federal rent control to New York if the State did 
not act. However, there are various aspects of the New York State law which 
require interpretation, notably the provisions entitling tenants to maintenance 
of services and to rent decreases if they do not get the services. Also the condi- 
tions under which a tenant who has paid some rent increase since 1943 and who 
has received some added facilities in return can credit such increase on the 15 

People in my district with rent problems may receive service without charge 
from my congressional rent clinics about which information may be obtained by 
writing to me. 

The Congress is in the midst of a struggle on the Federal publicly assisted 
low-rent housing program. The recommendations of the administration that 
35,000 units be again authorized for the coming fiscal year — which means 10,000 
units for New York City — have been defeated so far. I joined with others of 
my colleagues in a spirited fight for these 35,000 units and I hope that they 
can be saved. I was successful in receiving assurances which are reflected in the 
reported debate that TO.OCK) units already iinder annual contributions contracts 
will receive the necessary aiipropriations to enalde them to be built and occupied. 
This includes General (Jrant Houses, constituting over 1,900 units, located in 
our district. 

For a long time I have been concerned witli the grave shortage of housing for 
middle-income families earning ■$3,.">(X» to .$4..500 per year who do not qualify for 
public housing and who cannot tiftord high-priced newly built private housing. 
I have proposed a new plan for middle-income housing in the Middle Income 
Housing Act of 19.53. which includes $3 billion at a 4 percent interest rate on 
the mortgage debt, long-term mortgage financing, low-cost operation and high 
loan values. 

Congress passed Public Law 5 benefiting small home owners by adding $.500 
million to the FHA's authorization for insiiring home repair and" improvement 
loans and credits. 


On the whole there is not too much change since the big rise took place after 
June 1950. Prices of items in the cost of living are about twice what they were 
in 1939. 


One of the major probleins here is adequate protection of the consumers' 
interests. For that purpose I initiated a movement, joined in by 24 of my col- 
leagues of both political parties. Together we introduced legislation seeking the 
appointment of a congressional committee on consumers to protect their interests. 

We are fixing attention particularly on the farm price support program about 
which so much is heard currently. 

Farmers' prices and incomes have fallen but still remain over 2^/^ times what 
they were in 1939. Government price supports of farm products are very high 
and very complete. The worst feature of such high price supports is shown in 
the current situation regarding butter, with the Federal Government having 
150 million pounds on hand taken under price support programs, while the con- 
sumption of butter has dropped by 50 percent due to a great extent to high prices 
and to some extent to margarine competition. In addition, consumers have been 
much concerned about the embargo on the admission from abroad of cheese, 
butter, and other fats and oils. This embargo has complicated our foreign rela- 
tions and hurt the American consumer 


One of our great natural resources is the oil under the sea close to our shores. 
This is particularly extensive off the coasts of Florida, Texas, Louisiana, and 
California, as well as other Gulf States. Potential reserves are estimated as 
high as 16,906 million barrels, with a value of $42,265 million. I joined in the 
fight against giving the tidelands to the States and voted against the bill in the 
House of Representatives. The measure will probably become law, but I still 
believe that all efforts must be made to do all we can to sustain the principle of 
the right of the whole Nation to enjoy the benefits of this national resource. 
The Siipreme Court has decided just that. 


I have introduced omnibus legislation— the first time that this has been done — 
to deal with segregation and discrimination in employment, education, housing, 
transportation, and public facilities ; to establish a Fair Employment Practices 
Commission with enforcement powers ; to provide anti-poll-tax and anti-lynching 
laws ; and to eliminate the last vestiges of segregation in the Armed Forces. I 
have also sought to strengthen the civil-rights enforcement activities of the 
Federal Government. 

The dangers to our liberties arising in congressional investigations impose 
grave responsibilities upon the Congress. Investigations of higher education 
and threatened investigations of religion have properly been of grave concern to 
outstanding Americans. I have introduced legislation to establish a code of 
rules to protect witnesses and to safeguard investigations against imposition on 
the individual. The right of the Congress to investigate is precious to the Amer- 
ican people, but if abused its essential worth can be nullified. Accusations 
directly or by implication cannot be substituted for proof, and if the rules of 
evidence are not followed as they would be in court, charges should not be aired 
as facts in the absence of proof. 

A considerable storm was created in the Congress early in the session by 
evidence of an alleged "understanding" between the New York City Police 
Department and the Federal authorities that the FBI would not investigate 
directly charges of excessive police action. I participated in a full investigation 
of this matter and believe that it was most constructive in making clear that 
civil rights must be safeguarded for all — and particularly by the police officers 
charged with directly protecting them — against violence. 

Announcement has been made that all schools serving families of military 
personnel which are operated by the Army will be completely integrated when 
the fall term begins. 

The Supreme Court is presently considering the Thompson Restaurant case 
in which the Department of Justice is seeking to bring about enforcement of 
laws, dormant since the 1870's, the effect of which would be to eliminate dis- 
crimination against the serving of Negro patrons in restaurants in the District 
of Columbia. I have called on the District of Columbia Commissioners to act to 
eliminate all elements of District of Columbia segregation. 



At the very opening of the Congress I introduced a resolution calling for a 
rewriting of the McCarran Innnigration Act in accordance with the very words 
used by the President in his campaign speeches. The President has again 
requested recently that the Congress rewrite the law to eliminate injustices, 
and I shall do everything I can to bring this about. There is certainly some 
ground for the expectation that the worst features of the act will be changed 
before long. 

The dramatic escapes from behind the Iron Curtain, and United States par- 
ticipation in the deliberations of PICME, an international organization seeking 
to deal with the burdens upon free Europe of an excess of workers, have now 
produced recommendations by the President for the admission of 240,000 of these 
refugees, escapees, and surplus workers into the United States as special immi- 
grants in the next 2 years. This is in reality a continuation of the displaced- 
persons program which began in 1948 and ended in 1951 and was such an out- 
standing success. I have joined with Senators Ferguson, Ives, Hendrickson, and 
Watkins in sponsoring legislation for this emergency immigration program. 


Early this session I introduced legislation to eliminate entirely the present 
earnings limitation of $75 monthly placed upon recipients of old-age social- 
security benefits. There seems little justification for the imposition of a ceiling 
on the earnings of those who wish to continue in gainful employment after 65, 
considering the $48 monthly average payments now being received. 

I have reintroduced my bills to exempt from income tax the first $2,000 of 
pensions received by retired Federal, State, and local employees as well as my 
measure to give to the physically handicapped the same additional $600 income- 
tax exemption now granted the blind. 

I have also introduced this year legislation affording income-tax relief to an 
estimated 9 million working mothers. My bill would permit a working mother 
to deduct from her gross income, in computing her income tax, the necessary 
expenses incurred to care for her child or children under 16 while she is at work. 

Hearings have already been held on the elimination of the 20-percent excise 
tax imposed on motion-picture admissions, but no decision has yet been reached. 


The best opinion is that tax reduction and budget reduction should go together 
and that we cannot allow huge deficits which only go to increase the public debt — 
now at $1,662 per capita and to make our burdens permanent. The previous 
administration recommended a budget of $78,600 million. This was calculated 
to result in a deficit of $11 billion. The present administration expects to 
bring this budget down by some $8,200 million. Actual expenditures estimated 
at $74,100 million and income at $67,500 million are estimated to leave a cash 
deficit of $6,600 million. Major cuts will be in defense expenditures for which 
the request of the previous administration was $46,300 million for the ensuing 
fiscal year and in foreign aid. 

In the perfectly proper efforts for economy we must be sure that we are not 
getting false economy or perpetrating injustices. Aside from defense, great 
savings are possible in agriculture conservation payments now costing $250 
million a year and in agricultural price supports for which we appropriate about 
$1 billion a year. Pork-barrel projects for rivers and harbors can be sharply 
reduced without disturbing flood control, reclamation projects, and necessary 
power extensions. On the other hand, the denial of Federal aid to schools and 
school construction. Federal aid to deserving college students, drastic cuts in 
Federal publicly-assisted low-rent housing and similar savings cannot be justified. 
There are, also, still loopholes and inequities in the income and excise tax 
structure which urgently need righting. 

The excess profits tax on corporations expires on July 1, and the 10 percent 
increase in income tax on individuals expires on December 31. I believe that we 
cannot reduce taxation either by expiration of the law or otherwise until 
it is clear that adequate budgetary reductions can be made. I believe also that 
elimination of the excess profits tax and reduction of the personal income tax 
should move together when the time comes. 



I have introduced legislation to restore the postal services, including 2-a-day 
deliveries in residential areas, which were drastically curtailed by the Post- 
master General's order of April 18, 1950. The Postmaster General is presently 
conducting nationwide studies on postal services and has already restored some 
of the cuts previously made. Congressional committees are also active. 

I have also reintroduced my measure calling for merit promotions in the Post 
Office Department. 

I am supporting legislation to make postal workers' salaries compatible with 
the requirements of the increased cost of living and with what they would earn 
in private business. 

The House passed legislation barring high-ranking Government officials from 
drawing large lump-sum payments for accrued annual leave, payments which 
have been as high as $10,000 in individual cases. Hearings have begun on the 
entire questicm of leave for civil-service employees, including amendment of the 
Thomas rider by which a Federal worker can lose earned leave if he does not 
use it within a specified time. 


I have again introduced a resolution calling for an investigation by the Con- 
gress of laws regulating the interstate operation of motor vehicles and motor 
carriers, auto liability insurance rates, safety and road construction and meas- 
ures which the Federal Government can take in these matters. The latest 
figures sliow 38,000 fatalities and 1,330,000 personal injuries in the United States 
last year due to auto accidents, far more than our fatalities in Korea. This 
bill is receiving increasing public support. 

I have again introduced the bill to allow important congressional sessions 
to be televised and broadcast. The demand for this opening up of the public 
galleries of the Congress into 15 million living rooms in the country is bound 
to become well-nigh irresistible. 

I am sponsoring again a bill to prohibit discrimination in employment on ac- 
count of age. This bill has helped fix attention on a major pi'oblem in American 
life — the population's age increase which will almost double in 25 years the num- 
ber of those over 65, many still anxious to continue productive employment. 

I have introduced legislation to provide for an Office of Government Investi- 
gation to maintain a continuing watchfulness against corruption in all Govern- 
ment departments. 

There has been established as a department of the executive branch the 
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, a proposal which I supported. 


Out of a sen.'ie of outrage and humiliation at the deplorable condition to 
which New York City has been brought by uninspired and machine politics ad- 
ministrations since 1945, I announced my availability as a candidate for mayor 
if desired b.v the good government forces. I wish to emphasize here that such 
contribution as I can make in bringing about a new administration of New York 
dedicated to efficient and honorable service to New Yorkers will be made only 
as consistent with my responsibilities in the Congress and to the national issues 
v.'hich affect so vitally the people of my district. New York is the queen of 
America's — indeed the world's — cities and deserves the pride, the affection, and 
the close cooperation of the whole Nation; it is in this spirit that I may be 
able to contribute to the solution of its problems. 

[Congressional Record. August 1, 1953] 

Eighty-third Congress, First Session — Final Report 

Extension of remarks of Hon. Jacob K. Javits, of New York, in the House of 


Mr. Javits. Mr. Speaker, as the 1st session of the 83d Congress closes, marking 
a milestone in the history of our country — the first Republican administration 
to hold office nationally for 20 years — it is fair to say that for an adequate 
appraisal the full record will have to be judged, including the work of this Con- 
gress, at the end of the second session. 



The overshadowiug event of recent weeks was the signing of a truce in Korea. 
The truce agreement settles none of the political questions which first brought on 
the Korean war, the principal issue being the effort to make all Korea a Commu- 
nist satellite. It provides for a cease-flre, for an exchange of prisoners, and the 
supervision of this cease-fire. The fundamental issues are to be settled by a 
political conference to start before October 27. There is no question about the 
participation in this conference of the United States and the other members of 
the United Nations who are represented by fighting troops in Korea, nor about 
the inclusion of the Republic of Korea (free South Korea) and the other bel- 
ligerents. North Korea, and whether directly or indirectly, Communist China and 
the Soviet Union. 

The truce agreement represents a victory for the United Nations and only its 
enemies are likely to consider it a defeat or even a stalemate. When Communist 
aggressors are stopped it is a victory for the free peoples. It is of tremendous 
significance to the peace of the world, for by having acted against Communist 
aggression in Korea we have a real chance to avoid world war III. 

The United States should not permit its policy or its commitment to undertake 
armed defense against aggression to mislead it into endeavoring to unify Korea 
by force. It may be necessary to endure the present stalemate for some time 
until fundamental social and economic forces bring about Korea's unification. 
We should insist on an absolute and complete repatriation of all our prisoners 
who wish to be repatriated. We should participate actively in the reconstruction 
of South Korea whose people have suffered so much. 

Naturally the main defense of South Korea should be in the hands of its own 
forces and they should be trained and equipped for that purpose. But United 
Nations forces will have to be there for a considerable time to be sure that the 
United Nations authority with respect to the unification of Korea is enforced. 
The United States must make a great effort to see that there is widespread sharing 
by all the United Nations of these military responsibilities. 


Just as the death of Stalin marked the end of one era in the prospects for 
peace, the purge by Malenkov, the new boss of the Soviet Union, of Beria, his 
No. 2 man, may mark the opening of another era. The Russians have accom- 
panied this action by widespread propaganda in their own country about supply- 
ing more butter than guns from their own productive resources, and have adopted 
ostensibly a more conciliatory note in international affairs. 

The Soviet Union has announced, however — and this has been aflSrmed by the 
Atomic Energy Commission in our country — that they have the hydrogen bomb, 
the most devastating weapon known to man. There is also the matter of Amer- 
ican aircraft flying over a neutral sea being shot down by Russian planes in the 
Far East. 

The policy of the Soviet Union has certainly given ample notice that it is 
dedicated to the world triumph of conmiunism. It is inherent in the Couiniunist 
philosophy that this be accomplished by internal revolution, if possible, (n- by 
world revolution — which means armed aggression — as the result of widespread 

It would be fatal for the free world to let down its guard or to neglect its 
preparations until we see practical deeds on the part of the Soviet Union seeking 
an end to the international tension it has created. Deeds include cooperation 
in the political conference on Korea, on free elections to unify Germany without 
at the same time stripping Germany of the right to participate in the defense 
of the free world, a peace treaty for Austria, and the general lessening of Soviet 
obstruction by veto in the efforts at disarmament and collective security in 
which the United States is taking the leadership in the United Nations. 

It must never be forgotten that the Soviet Union and its satellites constitute 
a fantatical Communist group with iron control over 800 million people in Europe 
and Asia. 

President Eisenhower spelled out, in a speech before the American Society of 
Newspaper Editors, just how permanent peace could be achieved and the whole 
world greatly benefited. 



I have vigorously supported iu the Congress measures having to do with 
greater cooperation by the United States in the United Nations. These include 
the comprehensive resolution coiuaiitting the United States, in company with 
other members of the U. N., to utilize a part of tlie great savings in defense 
expenditures which can be effected through universal disarmament for the 
purpose of world reconstruction and development, economically and socially ; 
second, the maintenance of the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), as 
well as the work of other specialized United Nations agencies in food and 
agriculture, labor, education, technical assistance, and cultural and scientific 
exchange ; third, helping with the rehabilitation of Korea, the care of the Pales- 
tine Arab refugees, and peace in the Near East. 

I introduced a resolution for a Pacific pact to provide for the mutual security 
of free Asia, the Pacific Ocean area, and Oceania through a regional organiza- 
tion within the framework of the United Nations Charter and for participation 
by the United States therein. 


A significant victory in the struggle for international cooperation is contained 
in this year's mutual-security program. For the fiscal year ending June 30, 
19.34, appropriations for this program have been made totaling $4,531,507,000. 
This is a reduction of over .$3 billion from the amount requested by the previous 
administration, and of $1,300,000,000 from the amount recommended by this 
administration, but despite deficiencies, it permits us to carry on the mutual- 
security program. 

It includes, to support the anti-Communist struggle in Indochina, a special 
fund of $400 million : $135 million in special economic assistance for the Near 
East, largely for Israel and the Arab States, and to aid in the overall economic 
pr )grams of India and Pakistan, now the greatest aggregations of the free 
peoples in Asia, $75 million. 


One of the major achievements of this session of the Congress was the authori- 
zation of a Presidential-congressional commission to study the foreign economic 
policy of the United States aud to make recoiiuiiemlations by March next as 
to v\^hat should be the foreign economic policy of the country. The reciprocal 
trade-aureeinents program was finally renewed for 1 year, based upon the ex- 
pectation of the study by this commission. An effort to include protectionist 
[u-ovisions, like limiting the amount of fuel oil which could be imported into 
this country, was defeated. 

The aggregate of the exports and imports of the United States today are 
something around $25 billion a year. Over 4 million American workers are 
estimated to be benefited by the export trade of the United States. Some indus- 
tries legitimately fear imports. But workers involved in these industries are 
only 10 to 15 percent of those who benefit from the export industries. We 
must find a way to enable industries which have benefited from tariff pro- 
tection to make the transition to more open trade, but we must not permit them 
to jeopardize lower costs and a higher standard of living for consumers, the 
success of the "trade, not aid" policy of the administration, and the expansion 
of world trade upon which the success of the United States and the whole free 
world must ultimately be based. 


Financial troubles and labor troubles, as well as the grave strain of the 
struggle in Indochina and France's troubles in North Africa are bedeviling the 
French iieople who should, by location and natural talent, be the leaders of the 
free peoples of Europe. These difficulties interfere seriously with the consum- 
mation of the European Defense Community agreement, the only practicable 
means by which the German military potential may be utilized without the 
danger of a recurrence of the German dreams of world domination. They are 
.•ilso interfering very seriously with continuing progress toward the economic 
unification of free Europe so auspiciously begun with the Schuman plan now in 
operation for the pooling of the coal and iron resources of France, Germany, 
Belgium, Holland, Luxembourg, and Italy. 


It is our responsibility to be of the maximum sympathetic help which we 
can to France in the present situation. Also to follow our traditional allegiance 
to freedom for all colonial peoples and the right of self-government at the 
earliest possible time at which they are capable of it. 

A resolution passed by the Congress, of which I was a cosponsor, declared the 
vigorous condenuiation by the American people of the persecutions of .Jews, Cath- 
olics, and Protestants behind the Iron Curtain and of the inhuman and brutal 
methods of suppression taken against workers in East Germany and against 
millions of slave laborers behind the Iron Curtain, despite the vaunted claims 
of the C^^mmunists to be the friends of workers. 


The confidence vested by the Congress in the administration by a grant of a 
$135 million fund for special economic assistance to the Near East area, includ- 
ing Israel, places special responsibilities upon the administration with respect 
to this area. I took a very active part in this whole effort and shall make it my 
ob.iective to aid in every way possible to see that the administration policy is the 
most conducive to peace between Israel and the Arab States, resettlement of 
the Palestine Arab refugees, and area development. 

The Congress voted 1 million tons of wheat to help Pakistan with its famine 
problem, a measure of which I was an original proponent and sponsor. Con- 
gress gave the President authority to use farm surpluses to the extent of $100 
million to alleviate hunger or similar suffering in earthquakes and similar 
catastrophes overseas. 

There is a good deal of controversy in the Congress about the Bricker amend- 
ment to restrict the power of the Executive to act in foreign policy matters 
affecting the United States. It would be a mistake to overturn the time-honored 
and thoroughly interpreted practices of the United States on treaties. 


I supported actively the fight for Hawaiian statehood in the bill which passed 
the House of Ptepresentatives. It is vital that approval be given to this measure 
in the Senate in the next session of this Congress. The same is true of state- 
hood for Alaska. In the modern jet and atomic world we must break the bond 
which confines statehood only to the continental United States. 

The Commonwealth of Puerto Rico is making great strides. It is entitled to 
aid in developing agriculture and industry, and aid to train and educate its people 
so that they may seek opportunities anywhere with full freedom of choice and 
without being under the lash of any necessity to leave Puerto Rico. 


Federal rent control ended as of July 1, 1953, in all but strictly defined critical 
defense areas where it has been extended to April 30, 1954. As a result the 
number of housing units affected by P^ederal rent control has decreased from 5 
million to 90,000. Rent control is accordingly now left to the States and the 
municipalities. There are relatively few States and communities which have 
their own rent-control system. New York and New Jersey are distinct excep- 
tions. With the Federal law removed, for all practical purposes from New York 
as even a possibility, the State law, despite its faults, which require corrective 
action, as described in my first report of this session, is as favorable a law for 
tenants as exists in the counti'y. 

People in my district with rent problems may continue to receive service with- 
out charge from my congressional rent clinics about which information may be 
obtained by writing to me. 

The struggle with respect to the Federal publicly assisted low-rent housing 
program has finally been resolved and I regret to state unfavorably to an ade- 
quate Federal public housing program. The administration asked that 35,000 
units be authorized, but after a considerable struggle, only 20,000 units were 
authorized and these to complete annual contributions contracts already made 
and practically providing for liquidation of the Federal public housing program. 
I had obtained assurance in the course of the debate with respect to the ful- 
fillment of these annual contributions contracts, which include General Grant 
Houses located in our district, constituting over 1,900 units. I am now con- 
vinced that this project will be built though it will probably be slowed up by 

72723 — 57 — pt. 43 8 


a year or two. The Federal public housing program is badly needed, and I will 
continue to work hard for it. 

In another significant housing action, the President was given authority to 
lower downpayment requirements on properties covered by FHA-insured mort- 
gages to as low as 5 percent. An increase of $1,500,000,000 in the FHA funds for 
mortgage insurance on new private homes was authorized and the Congress 
provided an additional $100 million for direct home loans to veterans, extending 
that program for 1 year. 

There is continued failure to make a major effort on behalf of middle-income 
families, who do not qualify for public housing and who cannot afford high- 
priced newly built private housing. A housing program for middle-income 
families for which I have introduced the IMiddle Income Housing Act of 1953 is 
urgently needed. 


Practically all controls on wages and prices have been lifted. About only the 
authority to allocate and give priorities over scarce defense materials for defense 
remains. To replace the controls system, Congress has set up a Small Business 
Administration with a lending authority of $275 million to make loans up to 
$150,000 each to small companies wiio cannot obtain private credit. 

The liquidation of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation has been provided 
for as of June 30, 1954. I opposed this liquidation because I believe this is a 
very important standby agency for the Government to deal with questions of 
depression and recession. 

The Government now has about $3,250 million invested in farm products as 
a result of the high fixed farm price supports and spends $125 million yearly 
for their storage alone. The butter support program continues to be scandalous 
with about 270 million pounds on hand taken under these price support pro- 
grams while the consumption of butter has dropped 50 percent. I have de- 
manded that this butter be made available for relief purposes and to the public 
at lower prices. 

The formulation of a farm price-support program will be a major issue before 
the next session of the Congress. I shall use all my efforts to see that the 
present high fixed farm price-support program is abandoned in favor of a flexible 
program which will give the farmer reasonable assurance that he will not be 
subjected to economic disaster but also will not tax the consumer as it does 
today, by the taxes needed to support the program and by high food prices. 

The cost of living is inching upward again with the Consumers' Price Index 
for June showing foods at 113.7 (1947-1949=100), the highest in 1953. The 
Consumers' Price Index on all items is 114.5, an all-time high. I am continuing 
vigorous efforts for the establishment of a joint congressional committee to 
especially protect the consumers' interests. 


I voted against the bill dealing with the Federal Government's administration 
to. the off-shore petroleum resources beyond the tidelands which were ceded to 
the States — a measure I also opposed — because the whole of the tidelands re- 
sources should be the property of all the people of the United States. I supported 
the so-called Hill amendment to give a substantial portion of the avails of these 
developments for education. 

Efforts are also being made in the Congress to invade the rights of the people 
in forest and grazing lands, especially in the western areas of the country, and 
these public lands must be protected. 

I voted and fought against the bill to grant the right to develop the power of 
Niagara Falls to private companies. This bill was opposed by Governor Dewey 
and the State of New York which favored State operation. This fundamental 
re.source belongs to all the people and should continue to be owned and developed 
for their maximum benefit. The measure is now pending in the Senate, where 
great opposition to it has already arisen. 

I supix)rted the disposition by the Federal Government of the plants which it 
owned, acquired under wartime necessities, for the production of artificial rub- 
l)er. The legislation contains very definite safeguards to see that the Govern- 
ment gets full value, that the plants are put to productive use, and that monop- 
oly is not encouraged by their disposition. 

The basic principle, as I see it, therefore, is that in power, water, irrigation, 
reclamation, and similar developments the Government should continue to own 


the fundamental resource, giving private interests full opportunity to contract 
fairly with the Government to use its facilities. Where the Government owns 
something like a factory, which is not part of the operating defense establish- 
ment, which can legitimately and without endangering the national interests 
be owned and operated privately, the Government should make that possible. 


The controversy with respect to the handling of congressional investigations 
continued during the latter part of the first session. 

I joined with another one of my colleagues, the Honorable Kenneth B. Keating 
of New York, in a special drive to get the House of Representatives to adopt 
rules of procedure for all its investigating committees. This reform is one 
of the most effective that can be made by the Congress itself. The power to 
investigate is vital to Congress, but it is entirely practicable to safeguard indi- 
vidual rights in the process. 

I introduced the District of Columbia Anti-Segregation Act specifying in de- 
tail all the laws which must be repealed in order to eliminate all vestiges of 
discrimination and segregation in the District of Columbia. I shall continue 
unremittingly to fight against segregation and discrimination in Washington, an 
issue to which this administration is pledged. 

The Thon^3Son Restaurant case was decided affirmatively by the Supreme 
Court and this has struck a real blow against the practice of discriminating 
against serving Negro patrons in restaurants in the District of Columbia. 

It seems clear now that the President will appoint an antibias commission 
effectively to see that discrimination and segregation on grounds of race, creed, 
or color do not occur in ajiy businesses or industries which have the benefit of 
Federal contracts. 

This struggle against discrimination and segregation is a struggle for the soul 
of our country and for the validation of the Constitution and it is upon these 
principles that I have and shall continue actively to engage in it. 


Determined administration leadership produced the Special Migration Act of 
1953. Under this legislation the United States takes its fair share of urgent im- 
migration as it did under the displaced persons law, in order to induce other 
countries to also take their fair share and thus deal with the whole problem. 
The law provides for the admission of 214,000 escapees from behind the Iron 
Curtain, refugees and orphans. Of these, 45,000 are to be from Italy, 55,000 
from West Germany, Berlin, and Austria, 15,000 from Holland, and 15,000 from 
Greece. In addition certain relatives of persons in the United States to the ex- 
tent of 15,000 from Italy, 2,000 from Holland, and 2,000 from Greece are also to 
be granted admission on a nonquota basis. Also 9,000 visas are allowed for 
Asiatic and Arab refugees, 4,000 visas are allowed for children under 10 who are 
to be adopted by United States citizens, and 5,000 visas are allowed to regularize 
the immigration status of aliens legally within the United States who cannot 
return to their place of origin due to fear of persecution on political or religious 
grounds. Housing and a job must be assured to every alien coming in under 
this special law without displacing any other American. 

There is also a real chance for modernization of general immigration policy, 
and the urgently needed rewriting of the McCarran Immigration Act to deal with 
the discriminations and injustices in it. I have already introduced such a 
measure in accordance with the President's campaign statements. 

Social security, pensions, and tax exemptions 

Congress is considering a revision of the revenue laws. I have joined with 
others of my colleagues in pressing action to remove the present earnings limita- 
tion of $75 monthly placed upon the recipients of old-age social security benefits, 
the exemption from income tax of the first $2,000 of pensions received by re- 
tired Government or private employees as well as my measure to give to the 
physically handicapped the same additional $600 income exemption now granted 
the blind and my measure to afford income tax relief to an estimated 9,000.000 
working mothers for income up to $1,500 a year utilized by them as necessary 
expenses in taking care of their children under 16 while at work. There is con- 
siderable support for the last of these measures. 


A bill passed the Congress to eliminate the 20 percent excise tax imposed on 
motion-picture admissions, but failed by virtue of a Presidential veto. A national 
sales tax is regressive and our main dependence for revenue must continue to be 
placed upon the individual and corporate graduated income taxes. Accordingly 
I shall support the removal of excise taxes upon necessities while supporting 
excise taxes upon high-priced and luxury items. 

The President sent Congress a message urging the extension of social security 
to 10,500,000 persons, including self-employed farmers, additional farm and 
domestic workers, doctors, dentists, lawyers, architects, accountants and other 
professional people, many State and local employees, clergymen, and other 
smaller groups. I shall support these efforts. The extension of the social secu- 
rity system is one of the strongest bases for the peace of mind of our people. 


The Congress appropriated $64 billion as against the recommendations of the 
Truman administration of $78.6 billion, a cut of about $14 billion, and a cut 
also of $4 billion below the recommendations of President Eisenhower's adminis- 
tration. The major cut was made in defense expenditures and the principal 
controversy revolved around a cut of about $5 billion in appropriations for the 
Air Force. It was eminently right to rely upon President Eisenhower's assurance 
that the military forces, including the Air Force, were being dealt with entirely 
consistent with the national security. Because of expenditures resulting from 
previous appropriations the Government operated at a deficit of over $9 billion in 
1952-53, and the deficit for the next fiscal year is estimated at slightly less than 
$4 billion. 

I voted to support the renewal of the excess-profits tax on corporations until 
the end of this year. A reduction of about 10 percent in individual income taxes 
is due to take effect January 1, 1954. Also a reduction of wartime increases in 
excise taxes is due to take place April 1, 1954. All these will reduce tax income 
by an estimated $5.5 billion to $6.5 billion per year when fully effective. 

The position of the United States in the world and insuring our own and the 
free world's security against the Communist threat require that we must be 
ready to support with money as well as with ideas, morality, and men the security 
and national interest of the people of the United States. It is for this reason 
that I voted to raise the debt limit from the present $275 billion to $290 billion 
which was needed to realistically meet the fiscal situation in our country. 

In the perfectly proper efforts for economy we must always be sure that we 
are not getting false economy. Even this year we appropriated $150 million 
for soil-conservation payments for practices which farmers would do for them- 
selves anyhow. We have $3,250 million tied up in a farm-price-supDort program. 
Pork-barrel projects for rivers and harbors are still taking too much. On the 
other band big cuts in the Federal publicly assisted low-rent housing program 
and no appropriation for Federal aid to schools and school construction or 
Federal aid to deserving college students can hardly be justified under present 
conditions, nor can we short-change flood control, reclamation projects and neces- 
sary power extensions to realize the full wealth of our country. 


The authority to induct physicians and dentists into the armed services was 
extended to July 1, 1955. The new law corrected many inequities that had pre- 
viously existed in the doctors draft law by crediting past service, permitting 
commissions to be terminated, providing for the proper grade of officers commis- 
sioned as physicians, dentists, or veterinarians, and permitting their release in 
accordance with amounts of previous service. 


I have continued my fight to restore the postal services, including two-a-day 
deliveries in residential areas, and there have been some results in the improve- 
ment of hours at local post offices, in mail deliveries, and similar measures. 

I urged the appropriate committee of the House of Representatives to hold 
prompt hearings upon legislation to make postal workers' salaries compatible 
with the requirements of the increased cost of living and with what they would 
earn in private business, also upon my measure calling for merit promotions 
I also intend to support increases in postal rates, especially in second- and 
third-class mail where bulk mailers and periodicals are getting the benefits while 


the taxpaj^ers pay heavy deficits incurred iu the Post OflSce and postal workers 
receive less than their due. 


Extensive reorganization of Government departments has taken place, and 
I have generally supported these efforts. There has been established a Foreign 
Operations Administration to take under one heading all foreign aid operations 
of the Government and an International Information Administration to take 
over the Voice of America and other information and education functions. 

I introduced a bill to establish a United States Arts Foundation to stimu- 
late and encourage theater, music, and the associated live arts. 

Amendment of the Taft-Hartley Labor Management Act will come up in 
1954. I was opposed to and voted against this act on the ground that it 
was considered punitive by the great trade-union movement in the United 
States having over 16 million members. In cooperation with the trade unions I 
have already offered amendments — on the definition of agency — and will co- 
operate in the liberalization of this law. 

I joined with my colleagues in introducing legislation to provide for a ter- 
centenary coin to commemorate the 300th anniversary of New York City. I 
sponsored also a new law to signalize the 200th anniversary of the founding of 
Columbia University in our district, 


Out of a sense of duty to our city, because of the dreadful situation to which 
our city has been brought, I had announced my availability as a candidate 
for mayor if desired by the good government forces. I did my utmost to bring 
about such a coalition, and as this proved impossible, I am not a candidate in the 
coming municipal elections. I wish to thank so many of the citizens of our 
district who evidenced their support of the position I took in behalf of good gov- 
ernment for our city. What we did has already had an effect in concentrating 
attention upon the real issues before the people of the city. My basic activity re- 
specting the city will be to do all I can to see that New York deserves and re- 
ceives the affection and the close cooperation of the people of our State and 
Nation as the queen of cities, and the home of the U. N., the capital of the free 

[Congressional Record, May 5, 1954] 

Eighty-third Congress, Second Session, First Report 

Speech of Hon. Jacob K. Javits, of New York, in the House of Representatives 

Mr. Speaker, it is widely recognized that the record of this Congress remains 
to be written within the coming few mouths. Momentous issues are before the 
country and the world for consideration, and from these governmental policies 
are developing, and specific legislation by the Congress is in the process of being 


The dreadful implications of the H-bomb, which we are informed is so power- 
ful that one bomb could wipe out most of New York City, are beginning to have a 
deep effect upon the thinking of our people. The Communist bloc, under its new 
leader, Malenkov, has advised the world that it is ready to retaliate with similar 
weapons should there be any World War III. The President, in his historic 
declaration before the United Nations asking the Soviet Union to discuss the 
pooling of means for the peaceful development of atomic energy, has set the tone 
for the whole free world. Despite the turmoil in which the Communist bloc is 
keeping the whole world through its aggression and subversion, it is still neces- 
sai'y to explore every avenue for agreement upon the control of weapons of mass 
destruction and for the peaceful uses of atomic 

In addition, we must constantly strive, as we did in the I'ecent four-power 
negotiations at Berlin and in the conference at Geneva, to deal with the problems 
of the Asian conflict to find some grounds for agreement, if at all possible, w^ith 
the Communist bloc and ways and means for relieving international tension. 
The willingness to talk and negotiate does not imply appeasement or a Munich, 
which, it must be clear, could only lead more certainly to another world war. 



We are firmly committed to bringing about freedom and independence for the 
Indochinese people. The struggle in Indochina may well prove to be a struggle 
for the whole of the 600 millon people of south and southeast Asia, which includes 
also Thailand, Malaya, Burma, India, Pakistan, and Indonesia, and which will 
have the most profound effect upon the future of Japan. Formosa, and the Philip- 
pines. It must be constantly emphasized that should the Communists be suc- 
cessful in taking this whole area they would for the first time have a greater 
concentration of population in the Communist bloc tlian there is in the free 
world. The grave dangers to our national security in such an eventuality would 
present a crisis equaled only by the sneak attack on Pearl Harbor. We must 
recognize at the same time that it is too late for the Indochinese people standing 
alone to be able to muster an adequate defense against Communist aggression 
even though we were successful in bringing about their complete freedom and 
independence at this time. I believe that the realistic lines of our policy must 
be to see that freedom and complete independence for the people of Indochina is 
trusteed either with the United Nations or, if the Russians make that impossible, 
with an international group of nations so that the people are sure they will get it ; 
second, that we seek first through the United Nations and, if the Russians make 
that impossible, then by international action the assumption of the responsibility 
for the defense of this whole area by substantially the whole free world in which 
we will do our share. 

France should be encouraged to continue to carry a large share of the 
burden in Indochina as her situation there is analogous to the situation which 
we faced as having the preponderant free world forces outside of the indige- 
nous forces in Korea. This can be done by assuring her of massive material and 
technical assistance which we are indeed already giving — an estimated $800 
million for the next fiscal year as part of the mutual-security program — and 
also of the security and defense of Western Europe. This the President has 
done with the assurance to France that if she ratifies the proposal for the 
European Defense Community- — European army — United States forces will 
maintain their position in assuring the security of Western Euroi)e until major 
threats to that security have been dispelled. Coupling these actions with 
every effort which we are making as at Geneva to bring about a conclusion of 
hostilities in Indochina, consistent with the security of the free world, this is as 
constructive a policy as we could pursue in that area to avoid for ourselves the 
suffering of another Korea and for the world another world war. 

It is well nigh vmiversal opinion in our country that Communist China can- 
not be permitted to shoot its way into the United Nations as it tried to do in 
Korea and as it is again trying to do in Indochina. We have every reason 
to believe that over 900 American soldiers taken prisoner in Korea are still 
being held by the Communist Chinese without any disclosure of their where- 
abouts or the fact that they are being held and that a reported 32 American 
civilians are languishing in Communist jails in China or their equivalent with 
an absolute refusal to return them to us though they have committed no crime 
of which the civilized world takes cognizance. 

Another development of the momentous character is the step initiated by 
our Government to bring about a Pacific treaty organization for the self-help 
in their own security of the people of south and southeast Asia and the Pacific. 
At present it is contemplated that 10 nations shall be in this organization 
and it is not expected that India, Burma, and Indonesia will participate. Yet 
they belong in such an organization in their own interest as do all the coun- 
tries in this area and our policy must be directed toward showing them that this 
is the right course for them in their own interest and in the interest of the 
whole free world. 


The report of the Presidential Commission on the Foreign Economic Policy 
of the United States has now come in and the struggle in the Congress to im- 
plement this policy will shortly ensue. The Commission recommended that the 
i-eciprocal trade agreements program he renewed for 3 years with the right of 
the President to reduce tariffs on a reciprocal basis .5 percent a year for 3 years 
or a total of 1.5 percent on active items of United States imports. The report 
also made various other recommendations including recommendations for en- 
couraging overseas private investment which is very important to our foreign 
policy and for stimulating international travel. The report also supported the 


views of the admiuistiatiDU with regard to trade in nonstrategic materials be- 
tween the free world and the Communist bloc. 

I have introduced legislation to stimulate the development of international 
travel and have conducted extensive hearings on this subject. It has capabili- 
ties for implementing the slogan of "trade — not aid" to the extent of $1,300 
million in trade to the other free peoples which will have a very material effect 
on American prosperity through building up their capability to buy from us. 

As the chairman of the Subcommittee on Foreign Economic Policy I also con- 
ducted a series of hearings on East-West trade. They demonstrated that such 
trade in nonstrategic goods is not a threat to our security ; the free world 
gets more out of it than it gives to the Communist world because it enables 
especially the nations of Western Europe to get foodstuffs and raw materials 
which they urgently require and reduces the need for United States foreign aid 
which would otherwise be much greater. Despite all the talk about trade with 
the Communist bloc — including Communist China — it is not very large, consti- 
tuting only 3.2 percent of the exports and 3.4 percent of the imports of Western 


The principal foreign policy issue in Europe and our No. 1 objective continues 
to be the European Defense Community. This is the project for the six-nation 
European army which is to become part of the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza- 
tion — NATO. It is the best means which has been devised for utilizing the 
defense potential of Western Germany without incurring the danger of renewal 
of German militarism through making this defense potential part of an all-Euro- 
pean army. This project has now been approved by West Germany, Belgium, 
Holland, and Luxembourg, and awaits only enactment by France and Italy. 
The principal sticking point is France, which is very fearful of German domi- 
nance in the European Defense Community. The British have endeavored to 
reassure the French by undertaking extensive commitments for the coordination 
of the British military effort with that of the proposed European Defense Com- 
munity. Our country has taken a great step in this regard by its commitments 
to maintain forces in Western Europe, too. 

It is no small element in the need for approval of the European Defense Com- 
munity that there are constant reminders of the Nazi days in West Germany 
which indicate how very urgent it is that Germany be cemented into free Europe. 
Among these are the recent appointment of a former Nazi Party member as the 
observer for West Germany at the United Nations, an appointment which I 
strongly protested ; the reported agreement to grant further amnesty to major 
war criminals and the continued unsatisfactory nature of the arrangements for 
restitution and compensation of persecutees and refugees from the Nazi terror, 
obligations which are those of the present German Federal Government. 


The situation in the Near East is critical and explosive. With serious border 
incidents between Israel and the Arab States of almost daily occurrence, the 
intransigent refusal of the Arab States even to meet to discuss peace or enfoi'ce- 
ment of the armistice terms with Israel, and the continued boycott and blockade 
of Israel by the Arab States all contribute to the serious situation. Our Gov- 
ernment has now announced that it is going to furnish arms to one of the Arab 
States — Iraq. This extremely serious decision immediately raises the question of 
how our Government intends to see that these arms are not used for aggression 
either by Iraq directly or through some other Arab State against Israel, with 
which Iraq is technically at war and to which all the members of the Arab 
League, of which Iraq is a member, are extremely hostile. I have joined with 29 
other Representatives and 6 Senators in the most urgent protest to the State 
Department against supplying arms to any Arab State. In addition, the grave 
problem of resettlement of the Palestine-Arab refugees within the Arab countries 
continues to be a nettling problem urgently requiring permanent solution. 

Our Government has taken a real step forward in the security and defense of 
the critical Middle East area through our undertaking to supply arms aid to 
Pakistan and the conclusion of an agreement for the defense of this area between 
Turkey and Pakistan. This only emphasizes the inadvisability and danger of 
furnishing arms to Iraq or any other Arab State. 



The Inter-American Conference at Caracas again revealed the essential unity 
of the Americas except for the two extremes of Argentina on the right and 
Guatemala on the left which continue to seek to bedevil free institutions in this 

I have introduced legislation to establish a Foreign Service Academy to train 
officers for the diplomatic and international technical-assistance activities of the 
United States and giving it a broad citizen participation. Appointments to the 
Academy would be made in the same way as appointments to West Point and 

The Bricker amendment to greatly restrict the power of the President to act 
in foreign-policy negotiations has been settled by its defeat in the Senate. 

The right of persecutees to file claims against German, Japanese, or other bel- 
ligerent property sequestered in this country was extended by appropriate legis- 
lation until February 9, 195.5, or 2 years from the vesting of the property, which- 
ever is later. 


There has been great concern in the country about recession and indeed this 
concern was fully justified by the rapid increase of unemployment beginning in 
January. The last reported figure on March 31 shows 3,725,000 unemployed or 
5.8 percent of the civilian labor force. Since that time the situation has leveled 
off and as far as we can ascertain there was an April decrease in unemploy- 
ment. The production and income in the country continues at near record levels 
exceeded only by those of 1953 with a gross national product as of March 31 of 
$359 billion and personal consumption expenditures plus capital investment of 
$277,500,000,000 annually. 

There is no room for complacency. We must be sure that the Federal Gov- 
ernment does everything which it possibly can to avoid a serious economic 
decline. The President has properly stated that it will do so and implied that 
the Federal Government will accept deficits rather than mass unemployment. 
Full implementation of the whole program of the President by the Congress 
will be the greatest antirecession effort. This includes the improvement and ex- 
pansion of the concrete base of greater social security and unemployment insur- 
ance coverage including higher benefits, major encouragement to housing con- 
struction, liberalization of foreign trade and investment opportunities, a national 
health program, and aid to hospitals, schools, and road construction. The 
House of Representatives has already passed the bill for aid to highway construc- 
tion of $966 million a year for 2 years which is twice the previous rate. In 
addition, we must be prepared to take other measures in terms of making credit 
readily available at low interest rates, undertaking further public works and 
tax reduction progi-ams should these additional measures be indicated by any 
further softening of the economic situation. A hopeful feature is the leveling 
off in the consumers' price index presenting the opportunity to our people of a 
stabilized cost of living and a higher living standard without the danger of a 
runaway inflation. 


There is a struggle going on in the Congress between the advocates of high 
fixed farm price supports and of flexible price supports determined by the extent 
to which the supply of farm products is meeting the demand, the system 
advocated by the Secretary of Agriculture. It is heavily in the interest of the 
city consumer that there be flexible price supports, and it is in the interest 
of the farmers, too. The high fixed farm price supports make the consumer 
pay two ways — one, in higher food prices, and, two, in taxes to sustain the 
Government program. The United States now has over $6,750 million tied up in 
agricultural surpluses and commitments undertaken with respect to them and 
is paying for commodities on hand alone about $500,000 a day in storage charges. 
Despite the claims of the farm bloc here, while this high fixed farm price 
policy has been in effect the farmer's income has fallen by 13 percent in the 
last 2 years. This has been largely attributable to heavy inroads into export 
markets due to the distorted economic situation in agriculture. 

I also v.aged a fight here on a scandalous situation under price supports 
which resulted in the piling up in Government store of over a billion pounds 
of milk products, including 300 million pounds of butter in which the Govern- 
ment had invested over $2.50 million which was in danger of spoiling. The 


Secretary of Agriculture on April 1 cut the support price to 75 percent of parity 
and brought about a price reduction in butter available to the consumer by 
about 10 cents a pound. It is strongly urged that the consumer by the increased 
use of butter should show to the farmer that lo\Yer prices will increase con- 

The price of coffee has been going up very rapidly, it is claimed, due to 
shortages occasioned by adverse growing conditions ; nevertheless, the Senate 
has passed a measure to bring trading in coffee under Government regulation. 
I favor this as an elementary precaution. 

The full school-lunch program for $83,464,000 was recently voted in the 
House and $100 million in surplus agricultural commodities were set aside 
to be used at the discretion of the President in aid of the foreign policy of 
the United States. 

I opposed the bill dealing with the entry into the country of laborers from 
Mexico, the so-called wetback bill, on the ground that this is the kind of 
program which should be effected in agreement with the Government of Mexico 
and with adequate precautions against abuse. 


One of the most bitterly fought struggles in the Congress concerns the con- 
troversy about the excesses in the course of investigations of communism and 
subversion by congressional committees. It is alleged on the one side that these 
investigations must be pursued to root out Communists who would otherwise be 
left in key places and on the other side that the excesses in the investigations 
have done violence to national security, to higher learning, to religion, have 
seriously impaired the morale of Government employees and have hurt our 
foreign policy and the morale of the defense forces. I have taken the position 
that the power of the Congress to investigate is essential to freedom in our 
country but we do not have to pay a price of serious jeopardy to the civil 
liberties of individuals or to our national interests in connection with it. It is for 
this reason that I have worked hard for rules of fair procedure for con- 
gressional investigating committees and that I have finally developed a plan 
for a joint committee of the House and Senate to replace existing committees in 
this field as designed to give the highest prestige and the greatest assurance of 
fairness to this kind of investigation. Such a joint committee vv'ould not create 
the divisiveness which has resulted from the Senator McCarthy-Secretary Stevens 


The administration budget for the next fiscal year is estimated at $65,600,- 
000,000 ; tax revenue is estimated at about $62 billion, leaving an expected deficit 
of about $3 billion. It is generally considered that this is an extremely economical 
budget with the New Look in our defense preparations taking account of modern 
ideas in defense, accounting for a reduction of about $5 billion in defense ex- 
penditures and with a material reduction in estimates of foreign aid of over 
$1 billion, bringing the figure for 1954-55 down to $3,500,000,000. 

Taxes have come in for extensive consideration so far in this session. Excise 
taxes have been cut, in the main, in half on such things as home appliances, 
toilet preparations, luggage, jewelry and furs, theater and other admissions, 
reduced still further on long-distance telephone calls, and eliminated entirely 
upon moving-picture admissions of 50 cents or less. It is estimated that the gain 
to consumers — and expansion in purchasing power — in New York City alone from 
these excise-tax reductions will amount to $50 million a year. In addition, the 
10-percent reduction in the personal income tax was permitted to take effect on 
January 1. The combination of these reductions in taxes to the individual con- 
sumer amount to about $4 billion a year. The excess-profits tax on corporations 
also expired on the 1st of January. 

A general tax revision bill has passed the House of Representatives which 
continues at the present rate of 52 percent the corporate tax which was to have 
been reduced by about $3 billion on April 1. In addition, this bill makes certain 
other desirable provisions, such as exemption of $1,200 of the income of annuitants 
from income tax, increase of the exemption for medical expenses from the excess 
over 5 percent of income to the excess over 3 percent of income, granting up to 
a $600 reduction for working parents paying for the care of dependent children 
under 10 years of age, and dealing realistically with the earnings of college 
students who are dependents by granting the parents the allowance of $600 
where the taxpayer supplies more than half the child's support. 


I could not, however, support this bill because, on the one hand, it was sought 
to use the bill for purely political purposes by seeking to increase income-tax 
exemptions by $100 which would have doubled the expected deficit in the opera- 
tions in the Federal Government this year and was an impossible situation if 
we expect to meet our obligations in terms of national security, housing, a 
national health program, expanded social security and unemployment insur- 
ance, foreign aid, increased aid to schools, roads, and hospitals, immigration, 
and liberalized foreign trade policy. On the other hand, while it dealt with 
the unfairness of double taxation of corporate dividends, it did so at a time 
when nonsecurity holders could not be similarly helped. 

I appreciate the attractiveness to our community of income-tax reductions, 
but I know, too, that our people love their country and i)ut our national interest 
above every consideration and that they rely upon me to represent the best inter- 
ests of our community both for today and for tomorrow. I am pledged to see 
that if there is to be income-tax reduction it is fair and neither jeopardizes our 
national security nor prefers any class in the community above any other. I am 
very hopeful that when the measure comes back from the Senate it will be 
possible to support it and that its objectionable features will have been elimi- 
nated. The per capita debt of our country is now $1,674.16 per person. We are 
not afraid of this per capita debt, and, indeed, will increase it, if we have to, to 
deal with emergencies. But we certainly cannot do it in terms of a play at tax 
reduction for purely political purposes. 


It used to be considered adequate to plan for 1 million housing starts per year ; 
we now recognize that our objective must be at least 1,500,000 housing starts per 
year. A fair proportion of these housing starts must consist of public housing. 
The Federal law authorizes as many as 13.o,000 Federal public housing units per 
year, but there has been continuing great opposition to this program in the Con- 
gress and it has been continually cut until last year it was down to 20,000 uni-ts. 
This means only about 4,000 units for New York City at the most. The Presi- 
dent has asked for 35,000 public housing units, which is a modest enough figure, 
but even this has been stricken out by the House of Representatives despite 
the strong fight put up by me and others. Federal public housing is vital as a 
lead for States and cities and in slum clearance. The fight is continuing in the 
Senate, and I am very hopeful that not less than 35,000 public housing units will 
be authorized, providing over 7,000 for New" York. 

One of the major achievements in the House of Representatives on the pend- 
ing housing bill was in the reduction of downpayments on new housing for non- 
veterans to as little as $1,000 on a $12,000 and $500 on a $10,000 FHA mortgage 
loan, in view of the fact that most housing due to the high downpayments was 
being sold only to veterans. 

The big lack continues to be in middle-income housing and measures to extend 
mortgage maturities, reduce interest rates, and otherwise encourage middle- 
income and cooperative housing need ui'gently to be undertaken. Adequate 
mortgage financing is vital and for this purpose new areas for mortgage financ- 
ing must be found. The mortgage banking industry, which includes also life- 
insurance companies, savings banks, and pension funds, must recognize this 
urgent need. The Congress has authorized the extension of the program of 
direct loans to veterans for housing to June 30, 1955, and an additional $100 
million of allowability, making a total of $476,231,400 now authorized. 

Interest is at this time centered on the administration's proposal for reinsur- 
ance for some 90 million Americans who belong to plans like Blue Cross and Blue 
Shield which mainly deal with hospitalization and surgical attention, the pro- 
posal seeking with the help of the Federal Government to make the benefits which 
they afford more adequate to the need. A bill to encourage medical group prac- 
tice units is also receiving attention. The problem is a very urgent one as about 
$10 billion per year is spent for medical care and hospitalization. The House 
of Representatives has passed a program of expanded aid for hospital construc- 
tion and the construction of diagnostic centers, nursing homes, and rehabilita- 
tion facilities. I still believe that a national health program is essential and 
that the best one is the National Health Act which I sponsored, together with 
others, to give Federal-State aid for local cooperative health ))lans sustained by 
payment of a premium based upon income and giving complete coverage for 
hospitalization as well as ordinary medical care. 


I am vsponsoring legislation to devote a part of the excise taxes realized on 
cigai'ettes and liquor for emergency cancer and heart disease research for a 2- 
year special program to deal with these the Nos. 1 and 2 killers of our time and 
to devote $20 million a year in special research funds for this purpose. 

The administration's proposal to extend social-security coverage to ministers, 
lawyers, doctors, farmworkers, and similarly excluded categories, expanding the 
number covered by 10 million is deserving of full support. So too is the admin- 
istration's program for extending unemployment insurance coverage to em- 
ployees in establishments having one or more employed, as in many States, 
there are restrictions to establishments with 4 (New York) or more or 8 or 
more employed which are much too high. We must give urgent consideration to 
increasing the benetits available under social security and under unemployment 
insurance coverage to make them more realistic in terms of the present-day cost 
of living. It is essential to eliminate or materially raise the earnings limitation 
of $75 monthly for social-security recipients under 75. Americans covered by 
social security have shown remai'kable cooperation in accepting without com- 
plaint the increase for both employees and employers in the social-security tax 
from 11^ percent to 2 percent on earnings up to $3,600 per year. What we must 
do in the Congress is to see that the social-security system fulfills its complete 
national objectives. 


Developments under this heading continue to be the urgency for adequate medi- 
cal care for veterans and vigilance to see that it is no way impaired. I am doing 
all I can to help with the increase of pensions for disabled veterans and the 
raising of the earnings limitation for beneficiaries who are receiving pension 
benefits in view of living costs. 

There is a considerable amount of interest in the increase of the pension now 
fixed at $63 per month for veterans over 65 and this, too, is related to a realistic 
appraisal of present-day living costs. 

Armistice Day has been established as Veterans Day. The right to file POW 
claims against segregated assets of belligerents in World War II has been ex- 
tended to August 1, 1954. 


One of the pledges of the President in his campaign of 1952 was to see that the 
McCarran-Walter immigration law was rewritten to eliminate discrimination and 
injustice. I have just joined with others here in introducing a new immigration 
bill to eliminate such injustices and discrimination and to provide for a modern- 
ization of the immigration laws. It permits quota immigration on the basis of 
the 1950 instead of the 1920 census, as is presently the law. It will increase ad- 
missions into the United States from 1.54,000 to an estimated 216,000 per year 
and provide for a redistribution of unused quotas among the quotas which are 
heavily oversubscribed — Italy, Greece, Baltic States, and Central Europe — in 
view of the fact that we have averaged about 65,000 unused quota numbers i)er 
year .since the end of World War II. 

I have been working to see that there is effective implementation of the 
Refugee Relief Act of 19-53 for the admission to the United States as nonquota 
immigrants of 209.000 refugees and escapees from behind the Iron Curtain 
and also for help with the immigi-ation problems of those from Italy, Greece, 
Holland, and West Germany, as only a handful have been admitted mider it. 


Postal employees are suffering seriously now, their compensation having 
lagged behind realistic co.sts of living. Favorable action on a satisfactory in- 
crease is urgently required and I have supported this effort vigorously in the 
Congress. As has been the practice, increase to meet li\ang costs for other 
Federal employees will be correlated with the increase for postal employees. 

A great effort is being made to eliminate the deficit in the operations of the 
Post Office which now stands at an estimated $425 million for the coming fiscal 
year through the increase in postal rates. If this effort be made, it must be fair. 
This is especially true as it is claimed that first-class mail is carryins itself but 
the second- and third-class mail, especially by magazines and periodicals earn- 
ing large sums of money, is not paying its way but is showing very heavy deficits. 
It is essential, too, that service be given by the Post Office Department to realize 


the reasonable expectations of the American people and this is one of the reasons 
for my fight for the restoration of two-a-day residential deliveries. 


I am deeply appreciative of the solicitude of many people in our district who 
expressed their concern for my safety in the shooting which took place in the 
House of Representatives on March 1. It should be gratifying to every Ameri- 
can to know that Members of Congress realize this dreadful outrage was the act 
of irresponsible fanatics and that there was no vindictiveness, only the deter- 
mination that the guilty who promoted this outrage be punished, and that great- 
er security precautions be taken. 

The House of Representatives has passed a bill to legalize wiretapping sub- 
ject to court order and confined only to treason and espionage cases. Under 
court order this has been possible in New York for a considerable nimiber of years 
and has worked out reasonably. I supported the incorporation in this measure of 
the court order provision. 

As a result of the revelation of fraud and other excesses in solicitations for 
charity disclosed by the outstanding work of the Tompkins-Rabin Committee 
of the New York State Legislature, I have introduced Federal legislation both 
to implement the law in New York requiring greater public accountability by 
organizations which engage in such solicitations and for stricter supervision by 
the Post Office Deiiartnient to avoid fraud and to protect the legitimate charitable 
institutions soliciting contributions from the public. 

I continue to be strongly in favor of statehood for Hawaii and for Alaska, 
which has passed the Senate while only statehood for Hawaii has passed the 
House, and will support both measures. 

Interest continues in my resolution on the unification of Ireland. 

In the controversy over whether private utility companies or public agencies 
should develop the power potential at Niagara Falls, I have supported develop- 
ment by the public agencies which, in turn, can undertake, where appropriate, 
distribution through private utility companies undertaking to pass on the bene- 
fits of low-cost power to the public. The cooperative development between the 
United States and Canada of the St. Lawrence seaway I believe to be entitled 
to support as it involves the full development of our country and of much needed 

I have received many letters about our natural resources and will continue 
my efforts to see that the resources of our country are developed in the public 
interest and that the national parks and monuments are maintained for the full 
enjoyment of our people. 

Puerto Rico continues to develop under the unique commonwealth form of 
government its people have chosen giving it both independence and attach- 
ment to the United States. Our national objectives there should continue to be to 
develop the economy and to help train and educate the people so that they may 
seek opportunity anywhere and without being under any necessity to leave 
Puerto Rico in order to realize their full opportunities in life. 


The understanding of what is going on in the country by the people of our 
community and the expression of their views is indispensable to the effective 
carrying out of our part in the development and progress of our country and 
in its security and integrity as what we believe is the most ethical and moral as 
well as the greatest Nation on earth. 

[Congressional Record, August 16, 1954] 
Eighty-third Congress, Second Session — Final Report 

The Speaker. Under special request heretofore entered, the gentleman from 
New York, Mr. Javits, is recognized for 20 minutes. 

Mr. Javits. Mr. Speaker, here is the record as finally completed of this Con- 
gress. There will be much controversy as to the sufliciency of the accomplish- 
ments of this Congress. I believe that on the whole it has done many worth- 
while things which needed doing, but there is much that is undone or only partly 
done. Progress toward peace, security, and higher standards of living is 


heavily dominated by world events and more strongly influenced by sections in 
the United States than by party alinement. 


The two dominant recent considerations have been accentuated understanding 
by the free Avorld, of the mortal peril inherent in A-bomb and H-bomb war, and 
free discussion of the idea of coexistence with the Communist bloc. The ac- 
centuation of the danger from the A-bomb and H-bomb is likely to prove a benefit 
to the free world which normally moves more slowly than it should in reaction 
to peril and the peril is the possible elimination of all civilization in such a war. 
The hope of coexistence may be a pleasing illusion to the British or any other 
people, who we understand are so much closer to the dread nightmare of a 
sudden Communist attack with A-bombs and H-bombs of which dictators like 
those in the Kremlin are always capable, but it is certainly not the stuff of which 
liolicies for world peace can be made. The fundamental dynamics of the Com- 
munist system, which are the same for any totalitarian system, for Hitler as 
well as Malenkov and company is such that it must constantly expand for it is 
unsuccessful in getting the cooperation of its own people and in doing an effective 
internal .lob. Its only hope for survival, therefore, is to continually scare its 
own people with the fact that they are being threatened by external enemies, to 
continually expand by infiltration, aggression, or any other means no matter how 
inmioral and, if possible, to overwhelm all opposition and to rule the whole 
world as one totalitarian system. Coexistence is an acceptance of conquests 
already made and presumes that we will not protest the Communist Chinese 
ill-gotten gains in North Korea and northern Vietnam, or the Soviet Union's 
ill-gotten gains in East Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Rumania, 
and Albania. It would be the height of folly in terms of policy and immoral 
as well to concede the legality or permanence of the fruits of these aggressions. 
But it is entirely practicable to take this attitude without going to the other 
extreme of inviting a preventive war. I am convinced that the Congress and 
the American people will not tolerate any such eventuality. 

The program vrhich appears best for us in the quest for world peace is to 
place even greater reliance on the collective action that can be attained in 
the United Nations, even though the Russian veto and other delaying tactics 
may prove very nettling and disrupting at times. Second, that we should have 
a formula to deal with colonialism and the tens of millions of people who need 
to be brought to independence and self-government, and who have heretofore 
been non-self-governing. Regional organization is the best way to inspire con- 
fidence in former colonial areas and to give them the greatest amount of internal 
strength during the formative period of self-government. 

If we are to avoid world war III, the competition between the free and the 
Communist world will be ultimately resolved by attracting from behind the 
Iron Curtain many of the peoples and states now enslaved there. With our 
genius for production of our magnificent traditions to advance the dignity 
of the individual we should at once undertake with vigor the offensive in the 
economic, social, education, and information fields. I believe also that in this 
way we can be successful in attracting from behind the Iron Curtain many of 
the peoples and states now enslaved there. 


There is no question that the free world suffered a serious reverse when 
the Red River Delta of Indochina fell into Communist hands. The Commu- 
nists have gotten a foothold in south and southeast Asia from which they can 
now threaten Thailand. Malaya, south Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, Indonesia 
and Burma, India, Pakistan, and Ceylon and have also a new window on the 
Pacific. Anyone who had the idea that the Communist aggression in Indochina 
was some kind of an effort by Indochinese nationalists to drive out the French 
will soon see that the Communists will do nothing but enslave the population of 
northern Vietnam. Under these circumstances, the action of our Government 
in not recognizing the armistice agreement between France and the Commu- 
nist forces in Indochina insofar as it partitioned the country but stating that 
force would not be used to undo the armistice agreement seems exactly 

We have suffered in Indochina from the failure to organize the region of 
southeast Asia for its own security and to sponsor self-government and inde- 


pendence for non-self-governing peoples there, and see now that such regional 
organization cannot be improvised when aggression comes despite the fact that 
we have mutual-security arrangements with Japan, the Philippines, New Zealand, 
and Australia. 

I joined in assisting in the adoption of resolutions first refusing to recognize 
any conquests by Communist aggression in this area of the world. This was the 
proposal of British Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden for a Locarno pact for 
this area. Also, the Congress reaffirmed its strong opposition to the admission 
of Communist China as the representative of China in the United Nations, 
emphasizing its conviction that brigandage and aggression should not be a way 
to get into the United Nations. The policy of our Government must now be to 
strive to establish the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), thereby 
paralleling the situation in Europe where we have a North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization, NATO, of 14 nations organized for their own security and coopera- 
tion. In southeast Asia there should be heavy emphasis also upon regional eco- 
nomic cooperation through such an organization and in addition remaining 
problems of independence and self-government in that area can be dealt with 
most effectively through the intermediation of such a regional organization. 


The Congress has passed the mutual security program for 1954. This embodies 
the foreign policy of the United States. The bill provides for overall foreign 
aid of about $3 billion of which 85 percent is directly and indirectly for military 
assistance to our allies and to regional security organizations of which we are 
members and 15 percent is for technical and economic assistance. Other inter- 
esting features of the bill required that 50 percent of United States aid material 
be transported in American-flag vessels. About $700 million is provided for 
assistance against Communist aggression in the area of Indochina in oi'der to 
deal with the situation which now faces us as a result of the cession, in effect, 
of North Vietnam to the Communists. Another important provision is one 
to stimulate overseas travel by United States citizens and by foreigners in the 
United States following generally the lines of a bill which I introduced, and 
which received widespread support in the Congress and the country. About 
$70 million is to be provided for special economic aid to India in its 4-year 
development plan, $115 million is provided for special economic aid in Israel and 
the Near East, and $9 million for special economic aid in South America. About 
$110 million is provided for the technical-assistance programs in countries of 
the free world and a United States contribution to the U. N. multilateral tech- 
nical assistance program of about $9 million adequate to December 31, 1954, 
is also provided. About $28% million is provided for other humanitarian pro- 
grams like the United Nations Children's Fund, the Intergovernmental Com- 
mittee on European Migrants, transportation overseas of relief packages, and 
others. Two hundred million dollars is provided for relief and reconstruction 
in the Republic of Korea and $30 million is authorized for the support and re- 
settlement of the Palistine-Arab refugees. 

The mutual security program marks the continuance, in 1954—55, of the policy 
of erecting a shield of military security of regional organizations, alliances, 
and bases throughout the free world ; behind this shield we pursue programs of 
economic and technical assistance and cooperation with these same allies and 
carry on the interchange of students, professors, trade unionists, businessmen, 
and civic leaders among the countries of the free world and explain the posi- 
tion of our country through the mediums of the United States Information 
Agency. The policy is sound but needs to be pursued with greater resources, 
vigor, and initiative than we have yet shown to meet the magnitude of the Com- 
munist challenge and competition with which we are faced in the free world. 


An enlightened economic policy is essential to our country's free world lead- 
ership for peace. The report of the Presidential Commission on Foreign Eco- 
nomic Policy early this year urgently recommended extension of the Recipro- 
cal Trade Agreements Act for 3 years with certain liberalizing features. This 
I supported, but the Congress has refused it and extended the Reciprocal Trade 
Agreements Act only for 1 year with the present restrictive clauses still con- 
tained in it. There are also grave signs of a return to protectionism in the 
country. This is against our interests in terms of foreign policy and also against 


the interest of consumers in our country. So for example, a great effort is being 
made to put a tariff on lead and zinc in order to favor uneconomic production of 
some lead and zinc mines in this country wliicb could better be put on a standby 
basis with some Government help. Also the President materially increased the 
tariff on Swiss watch movements, and a drive is being made in the Congress to 
double the tariff on hardboard with a resultant material increase in cost to the 
consumer of this important building and packaging material though domestic 
competition is flourishing and only 1 company produces 70 percent of the domestic 


There has been considerable discussion about East-West trade in nonstra- 
tegic goods— strategic goods directly useful for war are under generally success- 
ful controls— with constant appeals to the emotions that it should be completely 
embargoed. This trade today amounts to less than 2 percent of the whole ex- 
ternal trade of the free world which gets more out of it than it gives to the Com- 
munist world, because it enables the nations of Western Europe to get foodstuffs 
and raw materials which they urgently require. Should we embargo this trade 
the United States would have to make up the difference of some $2% billion 
a year in some kind of aid. There may be very sound military reasons for such 
an embargo even on nonstrategic goods, but we cannot ask for an embargo on the 
ground that this is a good way to additionally implement the cold war unless 
we are ready to pay the cost, and from all indications in the Congress, we are 


In late November, there will be an economic conference of the American States 
at Rio. Our country has a great opportunity there to present an enlightened, co- 
operative, and forward looking economic policy for raising standards of living, 
improving the flow of capital investment funds, both public and private, and 
expanding technical assistance and the interchange of peoples, skills, and ideas 
with the Latin American countries. It is essential that we make the greatest 
use of this opportunity especially in view of the serious Communist thieat which 
we have just faced in Guatemala. 


What the dire threat of Communist infiltration means right on our doorstep 
was shown by the suspension of constitutional guaranties by the Communist in- 
filtrated government of Guatemala. This was almost immediately followed by 
a revolution against the Communist dominated government which ended quickly 
with its decisive defeat as it obviously did not have the support of the people of 
Guatemala. Our problems there now are to insure recognition for the broad 
social and economic development of Guatemala and for the firm establishment of 
constitutional guaranties and free institutions there. In attaining these abso- 
lutely vital objectives, the collective action of the American States is essential 
and It is a great challenge to us as the leader in this hemisphere to he sure the 
Organization of American States fully measures up to its responsibilities. 


With France's disengagement from the 7-year-old conflict in Indochina, and 
the continued lag in its National Assembly ratifying the treaty for the European 
Defense Community, the question of Germany comes strongly to the fore again. 
The EDC is the best means which has been devised for utilizing the defense 
potential of Western Germany without incurring the danger of a renewal of 
German militarism. This project has been approved by West Germany, Belgium, 
Holland, and Luxembourg and looks in a fair way to be approved by Italy. The 
principal sticking point is France which is fearful of German dominance in the 
EDC, and has now set many conditions reducing the effectiveness of EDC as a 
means to integrate free Europe, as the condition to even considering EDC. Pres- 
sure upon our Government to turn the German Federal Republic loose in terms 
of rearmament must be sternly resisted. The danger of some new German-Soviet 
approachment must be constantly borne in mind especially while the Soviet has 
the absolute power to hold out the bait of reunification upon Communist terms 
of AVest and East Germany. The government of the German Federal Republic 
and the German people have so far shown themselves; on the side of the free 
world. It would be most unwise to expose them to Soviet blandishments by a 
surrender to the pressures for complete sovereignty and rearmament for West 
Germany at this time. The policy indicted by our Government may necessitate 
a grant of further sovereignty to the >uerman Federal Republic but with the 


continued maintenance of United States, British, and French troops there for the 
defense of Western Germany and without allowing West Germany to rearm 
a national force. This is an unhappy compromise but one forced upon us by 
the situation. It may be necessary to do without the utilization of the West 
German military potential for a time (until we can work out EDC) rather than 
to incur the grave dangers of a renewed German national military establishment. 


The situation there still remains tense. It is constantly aggravated by serious 
border incursions, ambushes, and clashes engendered by continued Arab hos- 
tility against Israel. The fundamental policy of our Government must con- 
tinue to be strict adherence to and implementation of the Three Power Pact 
between the United States, United Kingdom, and France guaranteeing against 
aggression in that area, while at the same time we make a regional effort at 
economic cooperation and development and resettlement of the Palestine-Arab 
refugees. It is for this reason that it is so important that Israel continue to 
participate in the mutual-security program in generally the same magnitude in 
which she has participated in it for the last 3 years. Provision in the just- 
enacted mutual-security program allows $115 million for economic development 
for Israel and the Arab States. 

In no case, however, is it consistent with the policy of our Government to 
give arms aid to the Arab States. I joined with others in the Congress to 
protest against supplying arms to the Arab States at a time when such supply 
was first contemplated to Iraq as it is now said to be contemplated to Egypt. 
I successfully urged an amendment in the Mutual Security Act which provides 
that no arms may be furnished in any case which could be utilized for major 
external military operations to any country unless earned by it as a member 
of a regional security organization. This provision will very considerably mod- 
erate the situation. If arms are to buttress the regional security of the Near 
East, Israel with tough and effective fighting forces and a fine strategic position 
must be considered on high priority. 

The recent settlement of the Suez questions between Egypt and the United 
Kingdom providing for the evacuation of British forces from the Suez under 
certain conditions Avill contribute to the pacification of this area but I have 
joined with others in the Congress to insist that the United States see that 
Egypt as a result of this arrangement no longer continues to violate the reso- 
lution of the United Nations Security Council of September 1, 1951, to refrain 
from an interference with shipping to Israel through the Suez Canal. Such 
a blockade by Egypt has been causing grave economic difficulties to Israel 
which it and the free world cannot afford in view of its own efforts to settle 
immigrants and refugees. 

Considerable progress has been reported on the possibility of working out 
the Jordan River Valley development scheme for which President Eisenhower 
sent Ambassador Eric Johnston into the Near East. It is certainly to be 
desired that an economic bridge be found which could lead toward some peace- 
ful relationships toward Israel and the Arab States as the diplomatic bridge 
seems impossible at this time. 


Efforts are being made in the Congress to bring about a return of German and 
Japanese property of private individuals and corporations seized during World 
War II in the United States by the Alien Property Custodian and which by law 
had been earmarked to be devoted to the claims of Americans who were prisoners 
of war and for injuries done to them. It is opposed by the President and the 
Department of Justice. It is argued by others that this would be a good public 
relations move. I opposed the return of German property very strongly upon the 
ground that the German Government had already undertaken by treaty — Bonn 
agreement — to pay damages for the property of its nationals which was seized 
during the war in the United States, that much of the property or its proceeds had 
already been utilized for war claims, that United States taxpayers should not be 
called upon to reimburse for property in view of what Nazi Germany was guilty 
of in outrages against the world in World War II, and that there are some thou- 
sands of claims pending by persecutees of Nazi Germany, now residents and 
citizens of the United States, against these very assets which in all morality and 
decency were entitled to first and highest priority and should not be relegated to 


the German forum. The legislation is unlikely to pass in this Congress though it 
is likely that the drive for it will be renewed in the next Congress. 

An amendment to the War Claims Act was passed this session which extended 
the period for filing claims for compensation by World War II prisoners of war 
to August 1, 1954. 

I introduced a resolution protesting the kidnaping by the Communists in East 
Germany of people and officials from West Berlin. This is barbarism — not 
civilized conduct — and deserves the condemnation of the world. 

I introduced a resolution hailing the new governments of the Gold Coast and 
East Nigeria in West Africa, formerly colonial areas of the British and now 
gradually emerging into self-government and independence. This resolution was 
enacted by the House of Representatives and the Senate, and will be signed by the 
President of the United States. I consider it vital that we strongly support 
local independence movements which are attained through the utilization of free 
institutions and where the capability is shown for protecting and safeguarding 
such independence against some new Communist imperialism. Through such a 
policy we can show a leadership and statesmanship in Africa which is moving 
rapidly toward self-determination and avoid the mistakes for which the free 
world paid so heavily in China and Indochina. 


This was the first time that legislation upon this momentous subject came be- 
fore the Congress since the original Atomic Energy Act passed in 194() which 
gave the Government full control over all atomic matei'ials and develoiied both for 
weapons and civilian uses. The purpose of the legislation was to permit our 
country to share atomic information more widely v.-ith its allies, to ipermit 
greater private-enterprise participation in the development of atomic energy for 
electric power and to make provisions for patents in respect to atomic energy 
for civilian uses. There was no dispute about the sharing of limited atomic in- 
formation with our allies — on the use and characteristics of weapons and civilian 
uses — but there was very great dispute about the electric power and patent 
phases of the law. The law as finally enacted will undoubtedly permit the 
Government, if necessary on a yardstick basis, to go into the atomic power gener- 
ating field, but will give the priority in the development of atomic energy for 
power to private enterprise, provided it meets the conditions established by the 
Atomic Energy Commission. This is certainly a conservative compromise. 
When the bill was in the House, I voted against keeping the Atomic Elnergy 
Cominission entirely out of the generating of electric power from atomic 
energy. Also, I voted to require the compulsory licensing of patents with proper 
compensation to inventors, as this atomic field is altogether too new to give an 
opportunity to some few peoples or companies to get a monopoly on new patents. 
A momentous step will have been taken in the enactment of a new Atomic 
Energy Act heralding a new revolution in the world of production when the 
atom is available for generating electric power. This, too. is a great competi- 
tion between the free and slave Communist worlds in which it is essential that 
our country lead. 


Since my last report, the employment situation has stabilized with a reduc- 
tion of about 400,000, bringing the figure of unemployed to 3,.347,000 at June 30, 
1954; and with over 62 million Americans gainfully employed. Other reassuring 
factors in the economic situation are the relative stability of consumer prices 
which has continued quite consistently now since the summer of 1953 and the 
material reduction of inventories in the hands of manufacturers since the sum- 
mer of 1953. The latter is a helpful sign for the future as it shows that the con- 
sumption is keeping up and that one of the major indicators which gave the 
greatest fear of recession early this year is gradually coming into better adjust- 
ment. The purchasing power of the dollar has varied by only one-half percent in 
the last year and a half. 


The aggregate productive power of our economy is running at the rate of about 
.$356 billion a year which, though not as high as it was in 1953, when it reached 
an all-time high, or up to our potential at full employment, is still well above 
the figure for any year other than 19.53. New housing construction which repre- 
sents such an important part of our economic base is continuing at a relatively 
high rate with about a million two hundred thousand units indicated for 1954, 


but this is still a half million starts per year less than we ought to have consid- 
ering our housing needs and our economic capabilities. 

A national health program failed of enactment but Federal aid to hospital 
construction, nursing homes, and so forth, aggregating $96 million was on the 
modest basis, and only meager progress was made toward urgently needed P^ed- 
eral aid to education and school construction. There was enacted a $96 million 
Federal-aid-to-roatl-construction program which is being implemented. 

By enacting an improved social security law, effecting some improvement 
in the unemployment insurance system and keeping consumers' prices stable, 
the Federal Government has .sought to put some concrete base under the econ- 
omy. On the whole, the picture though not what it ought to be shows elements 
of great strength and there is a real feeling that we have gotten over the worst 
of our recession anxieties. International uncertainties being what they are, 
of course, these must always be borne in mind in appraising the economic situa- 
tion. So, too, must the need for dynamic planning and initiative especially 
in foreign trade opportunities, use of leisure time and attaining of full employ- 
ment be constantly before us. 


Farm price policy has loomed very large in this administration's program 
in view of its determination to give some attention to the consumer by insisting 
upon a system of flexible farm price supports rather than the high fixed farm 
price supports which have been in effect now since the war. Under high fixed 
farm supports, the consumer is made to pay in two ways. One in higher food 
prices and second in taxes to sustain the Government price support program. 
The United States now has over $7 billion tied up in agricultural surpluses and 
commitments undertaken with respect to them, is paying for commodities on 
hand alone about $.500,000 a day in storage charges and has vei-y recently had 
to increase borrowing power for absorbing farm price surpluses to $10 billion. 
All of this despite the fact that the farmer's income has fallen by 13 percent 
in the last 2 years and that his export markets though at the moment showing 
some recovery, have fallen by almost twice that during the same period of time. 
I have fought hard here for flexible price supports and also have opposed in- 
creases in borrowing power to maintain the high farm price parity program. 
The effect of such a program was seen when on April 1, the Secretary of Agri- 
culture cut the support price on butter to 75 percent of parity and brought about 
a price reduction in butter available to consumers by about 10 cents a pound. 
Meanwhile, the Agriculture Trade Development and Assistance Act providing 
$700 million for the sale of agricultural surpluses to cooperating nations for 
local currency plus authorization to utilize $450 million of such surplus under the 
Mutual Security Act of 1954, represents an effort to dispose of some of the 
enormous surpluses created by the Federal Government's high fixed farm price 
support operations. 

Investigations are continuing into the rapid rise in the price of coffee. The 
latest is a report from the Federal Trade Commission on monopoly controls. 
This should be pursued as we must assure that American consumers are treated 
fairly in this the greatest single import item — other than international travel — 
of our country. 


The historic unanimous decision of the Supreme Court holding segregation on 
grounds of race, creed, or color, in public education and in public housing to be 
contrary to the Constitution is a historic event in our national history. It is the 
greatest single action in decades to demonstrate the determination of our people 
that all shall be citizens of the same class. This decision now needs to be 
effectively implemented and extended into other fields where there is still seri- 
ous discrimination and segregation. It should resiilt in a renewal of the drive to 
eliminate segregation in railroads, buses, and other means of interstate trans- 
portation. I testified in favor of the Heselton bill which was reported favorably 
by the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce but was caught in the 
closing logjam and in a renewed drive for a Federal Fair Employment Practices 
Act with enforcement powers. 

I took up the fight to insure fair treatment in the investigation by the Special 
Committee To Investigate Tax-Exempt Foundations. The activities of this spe- 
cial committee in cutting off public hearings before the foundations could be 
heard threatened serious injustice to many foundations which have done much 
for our people and our country. My resolution sought a review of the work of 


this special committee by the House Kules Committee as it is my conviction 
with respect to all congressional investigations that there must be some way of 
maintaining control over them on the part of the authorizing House so that 
they deal justly both with individuals and the matters which they are investi- 

I testified before the Senate Rules Committee in favor of my bill to estab- 
lish a Joint Committee on Internal Security to replace existing committees in 
this field — the House Un-American Activities Committee, the Senate Subcom- 
mittee on Investigations (McCarthy) and the Senate Subcommittee on Internal 
Security — and alfeo to establish ruies of fair procedure ana means for enforcing 
those rules. I believe that the hearings before the Senate Rules Committee 
made it very clear that such a plan as this would enable such congressional 
investigations to be effective in pursuing the effort to expose communism in key 
places without engaging in excesses doing violence to our national security, 
higher learning, religion, or the morale of Government employees and Armed 
Forces or to affect adversely our foreign policy. Excesses in these congressional 
investigations harmful to our national interests have shown that reforms are 
essential. I shall continue to fight for these reforms. 

I called for an investigation and for furnishing of information on the anti- 
religious, anti-Catholic, anti-Pi'otestant, and anti-Jewish hate propaganda which 
is going through the mails exploiting the anti-Communist feelings of our peo- 
ple in a fraudulent effort to seek the cover of the internal anti-Communist 
campaign. I named specifically 10 such hate publications purportedly of general 
circulation which were violations of the spirit of our laws and Constitution. The 
Postmaster General in response advised that much as the distribution of hate 
propaganda through the mails is deprecated the law as it is at present cannot 
reach them. I am convinced that new law is needed for this purpose and shall 
do everything that I can to see that the Federal Government is enabled to meet 
this grave aspersion on our free institutions. 


In the fiscal year ending July 31, 1954, the deficit was somewhat over $3 billion 
instead of an anticipated $9 billion. This was brought about through a $7 billion 
reduction in exi)euditures. Budget receipts remained fairly constant at about 
$64,600 million. Tax cuts of $7i/^ billion were achieved in this fiscal year in- 
cluding a reduction estimated at about $4 billion per year in taxes payable by 
individuals through the maintenance of the 10 percent personal income tax cut 
which took effect on January 1, 1954, a cut of about a billion dollars in various 
excise taxes which generally were paid by consumers and favorable provisions 
for medical expenses, working mothers, those who draw retirement compensa- 
tion, parents with children at college, and others estimated at $827 million. 

The most important development in the field of taxation was in the enact- 
ment of the tax revision bill, the first full codification of Federal tax laws for 
75 years. In addition to rewriting and simplifying the tax law the purposes of 
the bill were to continue the corporate income tax at 52 percent and to deal with 
tax inequities which concerned individuals. Primary among the individual ben- 
efits are allowed deduction of medical expenses above 3 percent of taxable in- 
come instead of 5 percent as at present, exemption of the first $1,200 of retire- 
ment income annually from taxable income after attaining the age of 65 or for 
retired Government employees before that age, reductions of taxable income 
up to $600 annually for expenditure for child care by single working mothers or 
those with an incapacitated husband or life if the family's income is less than 
$5,100 a year, and deduction for a child as a dependent even if the child is earn- 
ing more than $600 a year provided the taxpayer is responsible for more than 
half of the child's support or the child is attending college. Other improve- 
ments include nontaxability of income from health or accident plans or death 
benefits, right to report as the head of the household for and to receive the 
benefit of income splitting 2 years after the death of a spouse and to half the 
benefit if single and maintaining a home for a dependent parent, increase in al- 
lowable deductions of charitable contributions and similar benefits. The new 
tax law provides that the first $50, plus 4 percent of dividend income, may be 
deducted from taxable income but not in excess of 4 percent of such income. As 
noted in my previous district report, I opposed at one and the same time addi- 
tional exemptions for individuals over and above the tax reductions already 
made on the ground that they were entirely political in nature and not war- 
ranted by our financial situation and also credits for dividend income on the 


ground that this was unfair to wage and salary earners who would not receive at 
this time any increase in exemptions. I voted accordingly in the various stages 
of the tax revision bill. 


Forecasts are that new housing construction is running at the annual rate of 
1,206,000 units per year, a high since 1950, but the problem is that a balanced 
national housing program is made even more difficult by the failure to include 
adequate public housing in the housing bill which was recently enacted and by 
the continuing failure to find a solution for the problem of middle income hous- 
ing. The whole situation has been further troubled by the Senate investiga- 
tion of "windfalls" defined as the excess of FHA guaranteed mortgages over the 
cost to build middle income rental property and the fact that the mortgage 
principal rather than the cost of construction is reflected in the established 

I fought hard for the President's minimal program of 140,000 federally aided 
low-rent housing units to be constmcted in 4 years but this failed of enactment. 
The only result of the struggle was an authorization of 35,000 new public-hous- 
ing units for 1 year but with such restrictions as to its being utilized only for 
urban redevelopment as to make it unlikely that many more than 10,000 to 
15.000 of the public-housing units will actually be started. New York City will 
probably do better than most places in respect of the authorization of 35,000 
getting an estimated 15 percent of all units so authorized, but the country's 
housin^g needs cannot be justly met on this minimal and truncated program. 
The housing bill also liberalized mortgage credit for single-family homes mak- 
ing it possil)le now even for nonveterans to acquire a $10,000 home with an FHA 
mortgage for a downpayment before closing expenses of $750. Also FHA mort- 
gages are made available for the first time on existing housing. 

A strong effort was made to begin to establish some responsibility in the Fed- 
eral Government for the people's health through an administration bill for a 
$25 million fund for the reinsurance of voluntary healtli plans like Blue Cross 
and Blue Shield in order to enable them to establish broader coverage and in- 
crease their benefits. The bill failed because some thought it did too little and 
others were not willing to do anything. I supported at least the effort on the 
ground that it was a beginning in accepting the national responsibility for the 
people's health. I continue as the sponsor of the comprehensive national health 
program for substantial Federal-State aid to voluntary health programs and 
this is now being hailed as the most logical solution by important trade union 
and other civic union organizations. It is unfortunate that a reverse has been 
suffered in the first instance but a national health program is vital to our country 
and tile Federal Government must come to it. 

A bill was enacted into law which I supported aaithorizing Federal spending 
of $30 million a year for 3 years to aid State and local communities in expand- 
ing hospital and clinical facilities for the chronically ill, aged, and physically 
disabled. This aids further the remarkalily successful Federal hospital con- 
struction — Hill-Burton — program. 

A bill was passed which T strongly supported extending greater Federal aid to 
State rehabilitation programs for the crippled and handicapped. A great many 
people — estimated at approximately 2 million — require vocational rehabilitation 
in this country each year. We have heretofore been able to help by rehabilita- 
tion only 60.000 annually. By the terms of the new 5-year comprehensive voca- 
tional rehabilitation program, the Federal Government will ultimately aid the 
States in the rehabilitation of over 200,000 of the handicapped per year. It is 
estimated that for each dollar spent in Federal aid under this program, ap- 
proximately $10 will be returned in taxes from the productive work of the handi- 
capped person rehabilitated under this program. 

Three resolutions were adopted regarding the participation of the Federal 
Government in education. First, to establish a National Advisory Committee 
on Education, second, to assist cooperative research in educational problems, 
and third, and most important, to authorize a "White House conference on edu- 
cation to anal.vze the problems of Federal aid to education and school construc- 
tion and see what the Federal Government can do to help meet it. These are but 
mild steps toward affirmative Federal aid to meet the very serious classroom 
shortage, shortage in funds for teaching, and similar school expenses and other 
educational problems in the country. I supported these moves, however, as at 
least some effort in the right direction. The measure which has the best chance 


in the Cougress is Federal aid to school construction. I am supporting a hill to 
provide ifoOO million for this puriHise over a 2-year period. A bill has also been 
authoritatively introduced to provide Federal participation of .$;"> billion, which 
is estimated to be about one-half of the aggregate requirement of .$10 billion 
for school construction for the Nation. I shall give most earnest support to 
these efforts which I believe to be vital to the future of our country. 


The most signal achievement of this administration is the expansion and 
improvement of the social-security law. An estimated additional 10 million are 
expected to be covered by the Social Security System, including farm work- 
ers, various groups of professional men — with the notable exception of doctors — 
including lawyers, dentists, and ministers ; employees of State and local gov- 
ernments on an optional basis ; employees of the Federal Government not covered 
by retirement systems; United States citizens employed outside the United 
States and certain persons employed in fishing and other activities. 

One of the very important provisions is to raise the ceiling of allowable earn- 
ings for social-security beneficiaries to .$1,000 a year with 1 monthly benefit check 
withheld for each additional $80 or fraction of $80 earned from any type of em- 
ployment. This is the principle for which I have contended for a long time. 
Efforts must continue to afford even greater relief as older people should be 
encouraged to work and to supplement what they receive under the Social Secu- 
rity System rather than be discouraged from doing so. The wage base for the 
payment of the 4-percent social-security tax divided equally between the em- 
ployee and the employer is raised from $3,600 to $4,200 a year. Benefits were 
increased on an average of about $6 a month per beneficiary. 

The minimum benefit is increased to $32.50 from $27.50 and the maximum 
benefit is increase from $85 to $108.50 a month for single persons and from 
$127.50 to $1G2..50 for married persons. 

Approval was given to extending unemployment compensation coverage to 
employers of 4 or more workers, the previous standard having been 8 work- 
ers under the Federal law and also bringing Federal employees in States under 
unemployment compensation into the system. I supported a more liberal un- 
employment comp -nsation bill seeking to provide coverage for all employers of 
1 or more employees, to establish minimum benefits payments of 26 weeks and 
to make the maximum weekly benefit not less than two-thirds of average weekly 
earnings. This was defeated, though I introduced legislation for it and, with 
others, fought for it. 

Social security, unemployment compensation, and a national health program 
are the fundamental concrete base for all American working people and self- 
employed, dependent upon their earnings and every effort must be made to build 
them up, strengthen them, and make them comprehensive. 

Efforts to enact amendments to the Taft-Hartley law, even those which were 
generally agreed upon as vital, failed in both Houses when the Senate turned 
down its own amendments bill. I have joined with others of my colleagues here 
in sponsoring legislation in consultation with the great national labor federations 
of amendments urgently required to maintain the integrity of labor-management 
collective bargaining and I have also opposed efforts to have government, by 
injunction, or to otherwise, coerce this typically American process of adjusting 
relations between management and labor. Also it proved impossible to get con- 
sideration of an increase in the minimum wage, now 75 cents per hour, under 
the Federal Fair Labor Standards Act, which should be realistically $1.25 per 

Some concrete gains were made, however, in this important area of national 
life, notably the passage of the improvements to the Railroad Retirement Act. 
This measure was strongly backed by all the railroad unions, and provided for 
an increase in retirement annuities, a reduction of the eligibility age for various 
benefits, increases in unemployment benefits, and other changes urgently required 
to bring the railroad retirement system more nearly in line with present condi- 
tions and costs of living. Of equal significance was the passage of an act imple- 
menting the Railroad Retirement Act by permitting individuals to receive bene- 
fits under both the Railroad Retirement Act and the Social Security Act. I sup- 
ported and worked for both these measures. 

I opposed, however, the so-called wetback bill to admit Mexican workers for 
seasonal work on farms in the Southwest on the ground that there is no adequate 
supervision or enforcement contained in this legislation for those from Mexico 


entering the United States for temporary farm work and because it tended to 
embarrass our relations with Mexico. 


It has been necessary to be eternally vigilant in respect of veterans' benefits, 
veterans' compensation, veterans' hospitalization, and veterans' rights generally. 
Korean veterans were given an additional 1 .vear to take advantage of the GI 
education benefits. The principal measure passed with respect to veterans 
was an increase by 5 percent in the monthly benefits payable to veterans with 
service-connected disabilities, their widows, survivors, and beneficiaries. A simi- 
lar increase was granted to veterans entitled to benefits imder the program for 
those over 65 or permanently and totally disabled but not service-connected. In 
addition, an act was passed extending the direct loan program of the Veterans' 
Administration with an approprition of $100 million to aid veterans in the 
financing of home mortgages : a law was enacted providing for the quick 
naturalization of aliens who had served in the United States Armed Forces 
from June 24, 1950, to July 1, 1955 ; while social-security wage credits for mili- 
tary service were extended for 18 months. 

Other veterans' measures remain urgent but that is all that it was possible 
to accomplish despite an outstandingly brilliant effort by the chairman and 
members of the Veterans' Affairs Committee in this Congress. 


There has been a classic struggle going on here regarding pay increases for 
post-oflSce and classified civil-service employees. There is no question about the 
fact that a raise is urgently required by existing costs of living. The difficulty 
has been in the economy drive and the Post Office's effort to reduce its deficit by 
further increases in rates. After fighting for the Withrow bill, I supported the 
Corbett bill to give the post-ofiice workers a 7 percent across-the-board increase 
with a minimum of $240 and a maximum of $480. The opportunity was given 
to vote for a 5-percent pay raise with a minimum of $180 and without a maximum, 
tied to a bill to increase mail rates. I supported this measure also, upon the 
ground that it was essential to make provision for a postal pay increase through 
willingness to be realistic in the matter of postal rates. 

A pay raise, which is essential to Federal classified employees, will stem 
directly from a pay raise for the postal workers, and therefore a fight for one 
is a fight for the other. 

Desirable legislation is being enacted for "fringe benefits," such as group in- 
surance to Federal employees, a repeal of the Whitten rider which I opposed from 
the very beginning, which has blocked promotions and an adequate personnel 
system, revisions in annual leave and sick leave practices and similar matters. 
In every way it is essential that personnel relations be considered by the Gov- 
ernment on the highest priority. Ours is a government of laws not men, but it is 
the men who administer the laws and the Fedei*al Government must show its 
sense of justice to those who work for It. 


We have had submitted a number of bills labeled anti-Communist. It has 
been necessary not to be taken in by the labels but to carefully analyze each 
bill to be sure that it constitutes a material factor in the anti-Communist struggle 
and that we were not paying too high a price for it in terms of American 
freedoms. I supported bills depriving of citizenship those convicted under the 
Smith Act of seeking to overthrow our Government by force ; establishing con- 
dign punishment for peacetime espionage ; ruling out the Communist as a political 
party and various contempt citations putting up to the courts the issues of wit- 
nesses' refusals to answer legitimate questions of congressional investigating 
committees. I also supported a bill to allow congressional committees to take 
such cases into court at once so as to get the maximum number of answers to 
their questions and to make punishment for contempt assured for failure to 
answer, and I supported the move to amend the wiretapping bill by requiring a 
court order first. On the other hand, I opposed a bill giving congressional 
committees the power to grant immunity, and thereupon to require testimony of 
a witness pleading self-incrimination on the ground that this would not advance 
the anti-Communist struggle but would, on the contrary, represent an invasion 
of one of the fundamental historic freedoms of all the American people and one of 


a very special significance to minorities of religion or race, while putting into the 
political arena a power to let rogues go free and to punish innocent men. 

There have been a great many bills before us to establish dams to produce 
power and aid navigation as well as reclamation and irrigation projects involv- 
ing substantial extensions of credit by the United States. I have proceeded 
generally upon the basis that we must help in the development of our country 
according to established patterns, preserving and improving our natural resources 
for the public interest, being careful that our national parks and our national 
monuments are not compromised or invaded, and guarding against "windfalls" 
to a few. 

There has been a greatly renewed interest in the problems of youth and juvenile 
delinquency in our dangerous world. I have been working hard f(u- the National 
Youth Assistance Act to develop a $50 million national youth program. I also 
endeavored to bring about an appropriation of $165,000 for the Children's Bureau 
of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare for the purpose of coor- 
dinating the activities of State and local youth commissions throughout the 

I have made every effort to get consideration of the essential revision of our 
immigration laws to make them accord with wise United States leadership of the 
free world. I have joined with others of my colleagues in seeking hearings on 
a bill which I sponsored entitled "The Immigration and Nationality Act Amend- 
ments of 1954" to liberalize the immigration laws. I have also continued my 
work to see that there is effective implementation of the Refugee Relief Act of 
1953 and am glad to say that better progress is being made with 7,287 visas 
granted under this act as of July 30, 1954, and with the enactment of legislation 
which will pool the aggregate 209,000 quota numbers available for refugees and 
escapees from behind the Iron Curtain and those for preference immigrants from 
Italy. Greece, Holland, and West Germany. The authorization to continue 
United States participation in the intergovernmental committee for European 
migration is expected to resettle several hundred thousand of the excess working 
population of free Europe in this fiscal year. I believe, however, that we must 
declare the rewriting of the basic immigration law, the McCarran Act, to be a 
primary objective of our foreign policy. 

A constitutional amendment giving IS-year-olds the right to vote failed in 
the Senate. I hope that it will be brought up again as I favor it. It may be 
trite, but it is true that those old enough to defend our country with their lives, 
should have something to say about how it is run. 

Interest continues in my resolution for the unification of Ireland. 

I testified in support of a bill with others of my colleagues for a United States 
Arts Foundation to assist college, cooperative, and voluntary nonprofit eft'orts in 
the fields of theater, music, and art. This is an area in which we are far behind 
practically all the other countries of the free world. Such activities are essential 
to us as our time for recreational and cultural enjoyment increases and as our 
world leadership becomes essential in these fields, too. 

Grants of statehood to Hawaii and Alaska got lost in the legislative logjam 
with contrary bills coming out of the House and Senate. This is a must for 
our country and I have and will constantly and actively support statehood for 

I have also sponsored and worked for a United States Travel Commission 
to develop for all our people including those in the moderate income level — $3,500 
to $5,000 a year — the opportunity for overseas travel which I believe is entirely 

I have introduced legislation and worked to enable members of the Armed 
Forces to vote for candidates for Congress in national elections without regard 
to State laws relating to registration and without payment of any poll tax and 
to recommend to the States a better and more effective absentee voting procedure 
for civilians who are necessarily serving abroad. The broadest possible franchise 
for all our people is vital in our national interest. 


This completes the record of the 83d Congress. As is always true, much has 
been done, not always adequately and a good deal of what is essential has been 
left undone. On the whole it is not an untypical American congressional record 
of achievements and shortcomings. The people will judge as to whether a dy- 
namic and progressive program, to use the words of President Eisenhower, has 
been enacted. It is vital to us in public office to be sure that they have all the 


facts upon which to judge. This I consider to be my highest duty and this I have 
sought to accomplish to the best of my ability. 

Chairman Eastland. Anything else? 

Mr. Morris. I have nothing else. 

Chairman Eastland. The committee will stand adjourned. 

Mr. Javits. Thank you very much. 

(Whereupon, at 12: 45 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned.) 


Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance to 
the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organization 
in this index. 

A Page 

African Affairs, Council on 3008 

American Communications Association 3019 

American Communists 3016 

American Federation of Labor 3014 

American Labor Party (ALP) 3010,3013,3014,3022-3024 

American Veterans Committee 3022 

Amter, Israel 3015 

Argentina 3014 

Army 3004, 3007, 3009 

Attorney General (United States) 3008 


Balkans 3014 

Ballad for Americans (song) 3021 

Baron, Murray 3022-3024 

Belous, Charles 3013 

Berkeley, Calif 3006 

Berman, Louise {see also Bransten, Louise) 3006-3009 

Boys High School 3011 

Bransten, Louise 3006-3009 

Brazilian Communist Party 3020 

Bridges, Harry 3018, 3019 

British Labor Government 3020 

Broadway, 1440 or 1441 3012 

Brooklyn 3011,3013 

Browder, Earl 3014, ,3017, .3018 

Browderite 3021 

Brown, Mr. (cover name for Gregori Makovich Kheifetz) 3006 

Cacchione, Peter V 3013-3015 

Cafe Society Uptown 3020 

California 3009 

California Committee on Un-American Activities 3008 

California Labor School 3008 

Chiang Kai-shek 3014 

Chicago 3003 

Chinese Communists 3014 

Churchill .3018 

Communists 3004, 3006, 3008-3010, 3012, 3016, 3017, 3019, 3020, 3022, 3024 

American Communists 3016 

Chinese Communists 3014 

Communist infiltration of the motion picture industry 3006 

Communist International (Comintern) 3006,3017-3019 

Communist leaders at a rally (photograph) 3015 

Communist Party 3004, 3006, 3009, 3012-3014, 3016-3018, 3020-3022 

National Committee of 3004, 3012, 3016, 3018 

National Secretariat 3015-.3017 

State Committee of 3004 

Communist State Convention at Manhattan Center 3013 

Communists Delay Having Own Ticket (article) 3012, 3013 

Congress 3004, 3010, .3011, .3023 



Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) 3014 

Political Action Committee 3014 

Congressional Committee Investigating Un-American Activities 3014 

ConnoUv, Mr 3023 

Constitution 3009 

Corwin, Norman 3021 

Criminal Courts Building 3011 

Crosbie, Paul 3013 

Crow, Jim 3016 

Crown-Zellerbacb Corp 3007 

Curran, Joe 3019 


Dailv Peoples' World (publication) 3009 

Dailv Worker (publication) 3006,3009,3013,3021 

U. N. editor to 3006 

Damon, Anna 3020 

Davidson, Mr 3011 

Davis, Benjamin J., Jr 3013-3015 

de Gaulle 3018 

Democratic 3010,3013 

Democratic Party 3004, 3014, 3023 

Dennis, Eugene 3015, 3017, 3018 

Dewey, Governor 3012, 3013 

Dewev Republicans 3018 

Dies Committee 3014, 3016, 3021 

Dies-Rankin 3019 

Dodd, Dr. Bella V 3004, 3010, 3012-3015, 3022 

Dubinski, Dave 3011 

Duclos, Jacques 3018 


East Side (New York) 3011 

Eastland, Senator James O 3003 

Ehrlicb, Philips 3007, 3009 

Europe 3004,3013 

European theater 3004 

Exhibit No. 402 — New York Times article: Communists Delay Having 
Own Ticket: Foster Savs Main Aim Now Is to Help Elect "Progres- 
sives," Defeat "Reactionaries"' 3012, 3013 

Exhibit No. 403 — New York Times article: Foster Bids Reds Vote for 

O'Dwyer 3013, 3014 

Exhibit No. 404 — Life magazine article: The United States Communist 

Party 3015-3022 

Exhibit No. 405 — Congressional Record reprints of speeches and remarks of 
Hon. Jacob K. Javits of New York on — 

July 24, 1947 3025 

June 15, 1948 3029 

August 7, 1948 30;37 

May 12, 1949 3047 

October 13. 1949 3041 

May 2, 1950 3053 

September 14, 1950 3060 

Mav 9, 1951 3067 

October 15, 1951 3074 

Mav 15, 1952 3081 

July 4, 1952 3088 

May 5, 1953 3095 

August 1, 1953 3102 

May 5, 1954 3109 

August 16, 1954 3116 


Farrell, James T 3021 

Fast, Howard 3021 

Federal Bureau of Investigation 3006. 3021 

Field, Frederick V 3005, 3006 


Fifteenth Assembly District (New York) 3010,3024 

Florida 3003 

Foreign Affairs Committee 3025 

Foster Bids Reds Vote for O'Dwyer (article) 3013, 3014 

Foster, William Z 3012-3018, 3021 

Franco 3016 

French Communist Party 3018 

Fur and leather workers 3019 


George Washington High School 3011 

Gold, Mike 3021 

Goldstein, John 3011 

Goldstein, Judge Jonah J 3013 

Gouzenko, Igor 3006, 3020 

Gouzenko spy case 3020 

Greater New York Industrial Union Council of the CIO 3020 

Groat, Bill 3011, 3012 


Hague, Boss 3016 

Hedley, David 3008,3009 

Herudou, Angelo 3020 

Hitler 3017 

House Committee on Un-American Activities 3006, 3009 


lekes, Harold 3020 

Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions 3020 

IngersoU, Ralph 3022 

International Labor Defense 3020 

International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union (ILWU) 3019 

Inwood (New York) 3023 


Japan 3014 

Javits, Hon. Jacob K. ( attorney general. New York) : 

Testimony of 3003-3128 

Speeches and remarks (reprints) 3025-3128 


Kheifetz, Gregori Makovich 3066 

Koenig, Sam 3011 

Laski, Harold 3019 

Liberal Party 3010-3012, 3022-3024 

Life magazine 3015-3022 

Leppler, Sam 3012 

"Louise." (See Bransten, Louise.) 

Lyons, lOugene 3023 

MacArthur, General 3014 

Madison Square Garden 3013 

Maltz, Albert 3021 

Mandel, Benjamin 3003 

Manhattan 3013 

Manhattan Center 3013 

Manuelski, Dimitri 3006 

Mark Hopkins Hotel 3007 

Marxism (Marxist) 3013. 3014 

Merrill, Louis 3023 

Mikhailov, Pavel 3006 

Molotov-Ribbentrop pact of 1939 3016 

Morris, Newbold 3013 

Morris, Robert 3003 



Morrison, Herbert 3020 

Moscow 3006, 3016-3018 

Murray, Philip 3019 


National Association for tlie Advancement of Colored People 3020 

National Committee to Win the Peace 3020 

National Maritime Union 3019 

New Masses (publication) 3021 

New York 3003-3006, 3010, 3011, 3013, 3014, 3016 

New York County 3011, 3022 

New York State Communist Convention 3020 

New York State Communist Party 3014 

New York Times (Publication) 3012, 3013, 3014 

New York World-Telegram (publication) 3018 

Niebuhr, Dr. Reinhold 3022 


Oakland, Calif 3005, 3008 

O'Dwyer, Paul 3023 

O'Dwyer, William 3013, 3014 


Pacific theater 3004 

Pittman, John 3009 

Pittman, Nancy 3009 

PM (publication) 3022 

Political Affairs (publication) 3009 

Pravda (publication ) 3017 

Pressman, Lee 3019 

Prestes, Luis Carlos 3020 

Queens (N. Y.) 3011, 3013 

Eadin. Max 3009 

Rankin, Congressman 3016, 3021 

KCMP 3006 

Red Armv intelligence 3006 

Republican 3010-3012 

Republican-Liberal-Fusion candidate 3011 

Reuthei-, Walter 3019 

Robles, Gil 3018 

Roman, Samuel 3010, 3024 

Roosevelt 3018, 3020 

Roosevelt policies 3014 

Rose, Alex 3010-3012, 3022 

Rosenberg Bros 3007 

Rosser, Louis 3009 

Rusher, William A 3003 

Russell, Rose 3024 

Russia 3014 

Russian Revolution 3016 


San Francisco 3005-3008, 3011, 3014 

San Francisco Bay 3008 

Schneider, Isidor 3021 

Schumau, Frederick L 3022 

Schwartz, Arthur 3011, 3012 

Scottsboro ease 3019, 3020 

Social Democrat Liberal Party 3013 

Society for Cultural Relations With Foreign Countries 3006 

Soviet Consul General 3006 



Soviet Embassy 3006, 3007 

Government 3006 

Union 3006, 3018-3021 

State Department 3006 

Steelworkers 3019 


Teacliers' Union 3024 

Thompson, Robert 3014, 3015, 3017, 3021 

Tom Mooney School 3008 

Transport Workers 3019 

Trotskyite 3021 

Truman administration 3014 

Twenty-first Congressional District (New York) 3010 


Ukraine S. S. R 3006 

Union for Democratic Action 3022 

United Auto Workers 3019 

United Electrical Workers 3019 

United Furniture Workers 3022 

United Nations Conference on International Organizations (San Fran- 
cisco) 3005, 3006 

United Nations Organization 3004 

United Office and Professional Workers 3019 

United Public Workers 3019 

University Place (New York) 3007 

U. S. S. R 3016-3018 


War On Korea, a Point 4 in Action (article) 3009 

Washington, D. C 3003, 3007 

Washington Heights (N. Y.) 3004,3011,3012 

Watch on the Rhine (article) 3021 

Williamson, John 3015, 3017 

Wilson, James 3021 

Wright, Richard 3021 

Yergan, Dr. Max 3007, 3008 

Zubelin, Vassili 3007 




BEFORE THE • fJ<^*8oJj 









NOVEMBER 21, 1956 

PART 44 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 

72723 WASHINGTON : 1957 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

g^^.^ JUL 25 1957 


JAMBS O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 


OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 






Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Sectjbitt 
Act and Other Internal Secubity Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 




Robert Morris, Chief Counsel 

J. G. SouRWiNE, Associate Counsel 

William A. Rusher, Associate Counsel 

Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 



Testimony of— Page 

Hageman, E. L 3129 

Wilcox, J. L 3141 




United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 

OF THE Internal Security Act 
AND Other Internal Security Laws, 
OF THE Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. G. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 12 : 05 p. m., in the cau- 
cus room, Senate Office Building, Senator William E. Jenner pre- 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; Jay Sourwine, asso- 
ciate counsel; and William A. Rusher, administrative counsel. 

Senator Jenner. The committee will come to order. 

The last time I presided at this subcommittee as acting chairman 
we were dealing with the matter of the kidnaping of the little girl 
Tanj^a Romanov, and at that hearing I directed that our records be 
forwarded to the State Department and action be taken to remove 
Mr. Ekimov. 

I have heard since the hearing that the State Department had acted 
and demanded his removal from the country. I want to make inquiry 
this morning as to whether or not Ekimov has left the confines of the 
United States. 

Mr. IMoRRis. Senator, I understand he has not yet left. But I will 
make a formal inquiry some time this afternoon and give you an 

Senator Jenner. Do that, please. 

Is the witness ready to be sworn ? 

Mr. Morris. Will you stand and raise your right hand. 

Senator Jenner. Do you swear that the testimony you will give in 
this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Hageman. I do. 


Mr. INIoRRis. Will you give your full name and address to the official 
reporter here ? 

Mr. Hageman. My name is E. L. Hageman. My office address, 
union headquarters, is 918 Dupont Circle Building, Washington, D. C. 

Mr. Morris. AVliat is your official title? 

Mr. Hageman. My official titles are, national president of the West- 
ern Union division. Commercial Telegraphers' Union, AFL-CIO ; and 



I am also chairman of the national bargaining committee, Commercial 
Telegraphers' Union, AFL-CIO, which represents all of the Western 
Union telegraph workei-s in the United States except in the New York 
metropolitan area, and which bargains for a national contract for 
those workers. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Hageman, how long have you held that 
position ? 

Mr. Hageman. I have been in my present position since October 

Mr. Morris. How long have you had experience in that particular 
field which you have just described ? 

Mr. Hageman. I have been active in union work for years, but I 
have held a full-time union position with the Commercial Teleg- 
raphers' Union, AVestern Union division, for 10 years. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chaii'man, I would like by way of background 
to this hearing this morning to read from our annual report of 1953, 
at a time when you, Senator Jenner, were the chairman. 

Senator Jenner. Proceed. 

Mr. Morris. The report on Interlocking Subversion in Govern- 
ment Departments, at page 42, took cognizance of a letter that you, 
Senator, had sent to the chairmaii of the Senate Labor Committee. 

The pertinent parts of that letter which summed up the situation 
at that time are as follows : You said : 

In 1951 the Internal Security Subcommittee of the Senate Committee on the 
Judiciary held extensive hearings on the American Communications Associa- 
tion. In those hearings the Commimist control over the labor organization was 
amply established. This American Communications Association is now the cer- 
tified bargaining agent for some approximately 5,000 employees of the Western 
Union Telegraph Co. in the metropolitan area of New York City, and some 200 
employees of the Western Union Cable Co. of New York City, for RCA Com- 
munications on the east and west coast, and for employees in certain broad- 
casting stations, mostly in New York and in Philadelphia. 

You went on to say : 

The main oflSce of the Western Union Telegraph Co. is located in the Western 
Union Building at 60 Hudson Street, New York. Telegraph circuits to all 
major cities in the United States terminate or relay through this building. 
Telegraph messages of all kinds are handled by the employees, the majority of 
whom are members of and under the control of the American Communications 
Association. Many of these messages are Government messages. For example, 
the following Government agencies are served by telegraph circuit "tie lines" 
connecting the main Western Union oflBce and the agency oflBce. 

The following is a partial list of these circuits : The United States Defense 
Department Signal Center of the First Army Headquarters, Fort Wadsworth ; 
The United States Naval Air Station at Floyd Bennett Field. Brooklyn, N. Y. ; 
New York Port of Embarkation, in Brooklyn ; The United States Naval Ship- 
yards, Brooklyn ; Sea Transport Station, Atlantic Division, Army Piers 1, 2, 3, 
and 4 ; United States Navy Communication Service, 00 Church Street, New 
York, N. Y. ; Governors Island and Fort Jay, Second Service Command. 

And then you went on to say. Senator, that the whole Internal 
Security Subcommittee came to a unanimous conclusion that this 
particular situation posed a tlireat to the intei-iial security of the 
United States. 

Now, Senator, more than 8 years have passed since that time, and 
in connection with the forthcoming report that the subcommittee 
will make to the Senate on the Communist potential in the United 
States, we are reexamining the situation to find if this threat still 
continues, even though 3 years have elapsed. 


Now, are you acquainted with the American Connnunications As- 
sociation, Mr. Ilaoenian? 

Mr. Hageman. Yes, I am. 

Mr. Morris. Now, the ACA, the American Connnunications Asso- 
ciation, is not a member of the AFL-CIO, is it t 

Mr. Hageman. No ; the ACA was kicked out of the CIO in 1950, 
along with other Communist-dominated unions, for foHowing tlie 
Communist Party line, and for disloyalty to American trade-union 

Mr. Morris. Now, as far as you know, Mr. Ilageman, has there 
been any change in the political complexion of the American Com- 
munications Association ? 

Mr. Hageman. No ; not that I know of. 

Mr. JNIorris. Now, Mr. Hageman, we are talking about Communist 
control of the ACA. Now, they roughly organize about 5,000 work- 
ers, do they not, the ACA ? 

Mr. Hageman. In the Western Union, what we call the landlines, 
in the New York metropolitan division of Western Union they rep- 
resent about 4,500 or 5,000 employees. 

In addition to that, they represent in Western Union cables a few 
hundred employees. They also represent the employees of RCA 
Comnnniications, which handles mostly international telegraph traffic. 
And they may have contracts with some radio stations, and a few 
other smaller organizations. 

Mr. Morris. Koughly, how many employees are thus organized on 
an overall basis ? 

Mr. Hageman. I am not very well informed on the figures. I 
would say at this time the maximum would be 8,000. I doubt if it 
would be 10,000. 

Mr. Morris. We have some figures from Mr. Wilcox, the vice presi- 
dent of the Western Union, Senator, which we can come to later, for 
a portion of the total that we are talking about now. 

Now, when the American Communications Association is con- 
trolled, as the evidence seems to indicate, by Communists, that does 
not mean, by any means, that the members of the American Com- 
munications Associations are themselves Communists; does it, Mr. 
Hageman ? 

]\Ir. Hageman. No; it does not. And I wish to emphasize at this 
point, if I may, that there are large numbers of Western Union Tele- 
graph workers in the New York metropolitan area who are as strongly 
anti-Communist as any American citizen; they are loyal Americans, 
and many of them have endangered themselves by fighting the Com- 
munists for years. And we still have many AYesterii Union workers 
in New York who are carrying on that fight at this time. 

Mr. Morris. For instance in 1953, I notice, the vote there was 2,421 
for the ACA, and 1,619 against the ACA. Does that roughly coin- 
cide with your estimate or how the employees vote for bargaining? 

Mr. Hageman. I would prefer to refer to the figure in 1952. At 
that time the Commercial Telegi-aphers' Union, Western Union Di- 
vision, had better than 1,800 votes, and ACA had 2,200 votes. 

Mr. Morris. So, in the first place, all of the employees don't vote, 
obviously, from those figures, if you have only 4,000 voting. 

Mr. Hageman. That is correct. 


And I would like to add this: that in 1952 it is our firm convic- 
tion that we lost the election because our union, CTU, was on a 
nationwide strike against Western Union, and we had picket lines in 
front of 60 Hudson Street at the time the people were voting on 
whether to authorize our union to bargain for them. 

Mr. IMoRRis. Now, as a result of that election— and you say you 
prefer to use the 1952 figures, because the figures there were 2,200 
to 1,800, roughly— as a result of tliat election, the ACA is certified, 
has been certified by the National Labor Relations Board as the bar- 
gaining agent for the Western Union employees in New York City ? 

Mr. Hageman. Yes; they have an official certification from the 
National Labor Relations Board of the United States Government. 

Mr. Morris. And they still have it? 

Mr. ILvGEMAN. And if I may add, that is something which the Com- 
munists use. ISLany rank-and-file workers will ask the ACA officers 
about the Communist charges, and the Commies tell them : 

Well, we have an official certification from the United States Government; if 
there was anything wrong with us, why hasn't something been done? 

Mr. Morris. Now, after they are certified, what then can the ACA 
leadership— some of whom we have talked about in individual cases— 
what are they empowered to do ; what is their power ? 

Mr. Hageman. They are authorized to bargain under the law for 
a contract, bargain for wages, hours, and working conditions for the 
Western Union workers they represent. And as a part of that bar- 
gaining process, they have the organization, and they have the right 
to strike. 

Mr. I^IoRRis. Now, do they therefore control the shop stewards i 

Mr. Hageman. The word "control" is not one that I would use. 

Mr. :Morris. I am sorry. You use the word, then, Mr. Hageman 

Mr. Hageman. In previous hearings the question has come up be- 
fore this committee when you have had ACA witnesses on the stand, 
the question has come up aloout the control over the stewards by ACA, 
and ACA has told this subcommittee repeatedly that they had no "con- 
trol" over them, because they were elected by the rank-and-file em- 
ployees of the Western Union Telegraph Co. 

According to all the information we can obtain, they have had no 
elections in the New York metropolitan area of any of the stewards for 
years. They are appointed. 

Mr. Morris. iVppointed by the leadership ? 

Mr. Hageman. That is correct. . . 

Mr. Morris. That is based on vour own observation of the situation ? 

Mr. Hageman. That is the information I get from people who work 
in New York— maybe their bylaws or constitution requires election 
of stewards, but, according to the best information I received from 
people who know, there have been no elections of stewards in any 
group in the New York metropolitan area for years. And there was 
testimony before this subcommittee as to the way the top officers ot 
ACA were elected. Sworn testimony before this subcommittee showed 
that those elections were crooked. j x - 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Hageman, what can a shop steward, tor in- 
stance, or workers organized by shop stewards, the shop stewards being 
designated in the way you described— to what extent do these shop 
stewards and other people so organized have access to these trunklmes 


that we have been talking about; for instance, the trunkline from the 
Pentagon through New York overseas, which we will go into in greater 
detail later on; Vvhat can they do with respect to those wires, ISli'. 
Hageman ? 

Mr. Hageman. Well, any employee of Western Union in any tele- 
graph office in the country, New York as well as others, has access, 
according to his duties and his job, to every tiling that goes through 
that telegraph office. Theie are telegrams, thousands of them, going 
through any large telegraph office in this country, {ind the employees 
who work in that office in the line of their duty would be able to read 
those telegrams. In many cases, it is a part of their duty to read 
the telegrams to be sure that they are accurate. 

Mr. MoKRis. And in many cases they have to type it up originally, 
and then still others have to transmit it i 

Mr. Hageman. That is correct. An operator, for example, would 
transmit a message — we call it "punch a message" — on a perforator, in 
the same manner that you would write a letter on the typewriter ; it 
has a standard keyboard, and the message is punched on tape, per- 
forated tape; the operator handles that message. The same is true 
in receiving messages; the operators receive the messages, and they 
are compelled to read them in the line of their duty. That is true of 
all Western Union employees, not only those who may be union stew- 
ards or ACA stewards or just rank-and-file employees. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do classified messages go through Western Union 
in this way ? 

Mr. Hageman. Well, I believe that a Government official would 
have to answer that question as to whether they are sending classified 
or top-secret messages over the wires. I do know that, in the early 
1940's, I was a telegraph employee in the Washington office, and we 
had hundreds of messages of all kinds from the United States Gov- 
ernment, and many of them were clearly confidential messages. 

Mr. Morris. Now, even if these messages were sent in code, at least 
in their coded form they would be accessible to the Western Union 
employees ? 

Mr. Hageman. They would have to be transmitted ; yes. 

Mr. Morris. And if somebody else could supply— if, for instance, 
Soviet espionage were able to decode some of our messages and get the 
key to our codes, then, if that key were placed in the hands of someone 
manning the Western Union wires, he could decode the messages as 
they came through, if he had the key from other sources? 

Mr. Hageman. If the Soviet espionage system had {mx'css or contact 
with a hard-core Commie — and in my mind a hard-core Commie will 
do whatever the Communist Party tells him to do — if the Soviet es- 
pionage system had access to a hard-core Commie in a telegraph office, 
there is no question but that they could get information Avliich might 
be valuable. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you could — let's take the occasion of — we 
have here in the next part of the evidence, Mr. Hageman, a siatement 
that the Department of External xlffairs in Washington, D, C, has a 
circuit to the Canadian Government in Ottawa which goes through 
New York, and therefore goes through employees who are organized 
by the ACA. I wonder if you could take that concrete case — that is 
only the first one on a long list that we have here — what, for iiLstance, 

72723— 57— pt. 44 2 


could be done in a physical way — I wonder if you could trace through 
that particular tie line, going through New York as it does, according 
to Mr. Wilcox, and tell us who would have access to the thing, and 
how it could be done. 

Mr. Hageman. A wire running from Washington to Canada through 
New York — and it would run through other points, too, a wire that 
length — it is necessary to have certain points where the technicians 
and the wiremen in the telegraph business can cut in and test the wire 
and clear trouble if there is trouble. If a wire was running from here 
to Canada and went through New York, I don't believe there is any 
question that in New York it might be necessary at times to cut in to 
clear trouble. And any employees working in the wire and repeater 
department in the New York office would have continual access to 
those wires. 

Mr. Morris. So, really, then, almost anybody in the office who has 
the assignment you say, would have access to anything that goes 
through that particular line ? 

Mr. Hageman. That is correct. For example, I will cite you a case 
from my own experience. During the early part of the war there was 
a wire running from the State Department to the headquarters in 
London. We could cut in on this State Department wire at the Wash- 
ington main office, and they could cut in at other points along that 
wire before it went into the cable, to test for trouble. I was one of 
the employees, as well as others in the office, who had access to a wire 
which we knew was highly secret ; we had access to a wire which went 
from our State Department to the highest officials in London who were 
working on our war plans at that time. 

Mr. Morris. And therefore, any Communist with the necessary tech- 
nical ability — which presumably they have if they hold that job — can 
at any time break into these wires ? 

]SIr. Hageman. A Communist Party member who is under the di- 
rection of the Communist Party would be, if he is working on such a 
job, in an excellent position to turn over information to the Soviet 

Mr. Morris. Wouldn't it seem, Mr. Hageman, therefore, that the 
particular assignment of the people who have access to these highly 
sensitive wires should have some kind of security clearance ? 

Mr. Hageman. Well, I live in Washington, and I have read the 
papers about security clearance, and I have seen some pretty terrible 
injustices occur because of false rumors about peo]3le. 

Mr. Morris. That is right. But, when we talk about a security clear- 
ance, we mean on a very efficient and very sophisticated level. You 
hesitate to go that far. But the point is, will you say this : Do you feel 
that people who are working and whose positions may have been 
selected by Communist leadership, that the Government should cer- 
tainly be concerned with that particular possible security threat? 

Mr. Hageman. Well, I certainly think the Government should be 
concerned about a Communist-dominated organization. And I would 
like to go a little further on that line right now, if you will permit me, 
with respect to our own experiences in the telegraph business. I have 
worked for Western Union since 1920. I have been in the telegraph 
business, the telegraph-union business, since that time. I have worked 
a lot of positions in the telegraph offices in various cities. For 20 years 


in Western Union we had an organization that was set up by the 
company ; it was obviously a company union. I was one of those who 
bucked that company miion and helped get rid of it. 

Xow, it took the United States Government, the NLRB, about 2 
years after the Wagner Act was passed, to disestablish that company- 
dominated union. And as an American citizen, and I know I am 
speaking for lots of Western Union workers around the country when 
I say this, we don't understand why it takes so long to get rid of a 
Communist-dominated union. 

We were glad to get rid of the company miion, it was the greatest 
blessing that ever occurred for the Western Union workers, and we 
have made wonderful progress in our wages and working conditions 
in the past 10 or 12 years, but we can't understand why there can be 
so fast action on getting rid of a company union, and there has nothing 
been done yet about a Communist-dominated union, which is as great 
a danger, certainly any day, as a company union. 

Mr. Morris. May I spell that out a little bit, Mr. Hageman. Under 
the NLRB, there was a provision which implied that, if it could be 
established by a preponderance of the evidence, by an NLRB trial 
examiner, that there was company influence over that particular union, 
which influence extended to what they call domination, the Board then 
could hold that the union was company dominated and it would be 

Mr. Hageman. That was my understanding. And I understand 
that, there were a number of company unions disestablished by the 
NLRB, by the United States Government, during the late thirties. 

Mr. ]\IoRRis. And one of them was the Western Union Association ? 

Mr. Hageman. One of them was the Association of Western Union 
Employees. It was disestablished by the NLRB in 1939, I believe 
it was, and the circuit court of appeals upheld that disestablishment, 
it was completely wiped out of existence. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Hageman, your recommendation, therefore, 
is that there be a similar action taken by the National Labor Relations 
Board, but that the issue to be determined, however, be not whether 
the union is company-dominated but whether it is Communist-domi- 
nated, and on the basis of the accumulation of the evidence, which 
could be done in this particular case, that the NLRB could therefore 
disestablish the ACA because it is in fact Communist-dominated. That 
issue never came up in 1953 w^hen you sought to prevent the certifica- 
tion by the NLRB, that was not the issue ? 

Mr. Hageman. That is correct. 

Answering your question, Judge Morris, I am not a lawyer, but I 
am told that, the way the law reads, it would not be possible to 
disestablish a Communist-dominated union in the same way that a 
company-dominated union was disestablished. Of course, I am 
familiar with the law as it now reads where the SACB can declare that 
an organization is Communist-dominated and that organization event- 
ually, after it goes to the Supreme Court, loses its bargaining rights 
or its prestige before the NLRB. 

]Mr. SoFRwiNE. That is a different situation, somewhat, from what 
you had in the case of the disestablishment provision in a company 
union situation, isn't it? 

Mr. Hageman. As I say, I am not a lawyer, and I am not familiar 
with the differences in the wording, but I am told that the law these 


days does not permit any sucli action as they took against company 

Mr. SouRwiNE. In the case of the company unions, the law gave the 
NLRB the right to make a determination of company-dominated 
.union; isn't that right? 

Mr. Hageman. That is my understanding.^ 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The present law does not give the NLRB the right 
to make a determination of Communist domination; is that right? 

Mr. Hageman. That is my understanding. 

Mr. Sourwine. Where there was a determination of company domi- 
nation under the old law, tlie NLRB ordered the disestablishment of 
the union; isn't that right? 

Mr. Hageman. That is right. 

Mr. Sourwine. Where there is a determination by the Subversive 
Activities Control Board today that there is Communist domination, 
instead of ordering disestablishment, they simply withdraw the bene- 
fits of Wagner Act privileges; isn't that correct? 

Mr. Hageman. That is my understanding. 

Mr. SouinviNE. So that, if a union can get along without the Wag- 
ner Act 

Mr. Hageman. You mean without the NLRB ? 

Mr, Sourwine. That is correct. 

Mr. Hageman. If they can get along without the NLRB services, 
the action taken by the SACB and upheld — say it is upheld in the 
higher courts, in the Supreme Court — wouldn't make much difference 
to that union. 

Mr. Sourwine. The point I am trying to make for the record — and 
I am sure you will agree that there is no argument about us between 

Mr. Hageman. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is that the NLRB is not in a position to do any- 
thing about a Communist-dominated union, because they are not the 
forum to make the decision, and when the decision is made by the 
forum that Congress has established, which is the Subversive Activi- 
ties Control Board, the NLRB simply has nothing to do with the 
union ; so far as they are concerned, it no longer exists, they can't 
recognize its petitions, tliey can't certify it, they can't do anything 
about it, for or against it, so that the NLRB is not in a position, under 
the existing state of the law as Congress has fixed it, to do anything 
about a Communist-dominated union? 

Mr. Hageman. That is my understanding. And I also understand 
that they tried to do something, and the courts overruled them. 

Mr. Morris. Also, is it your recommendation, Mr. Hageman — are 
you conceivably making the recommendation to us that the law be 
changed so as to give the NLRB additional powers with respect to 
disestablishing Communist unions? 

Mr. PIageman. Well, I am not making any recommendation, and 
on this particular thing I am speaking personally. I most certainly, 
as a trade-union officer, member, would not want to see anything in 
any law which would enable anybody to weaken or destroy the genuine 
trade unions in this country. I consider those the bulwark of democ- 
racy. And evidently, Hitler considered them and Stalin considered 
them as such, because they didn't have real trade unions in Hitler 
Germany, and they don't have them in Soviet Russia or Hungary. 


I ■wouldn't want to see anytliin^ in our laws v/hich would enable 
anybody to get at the real trade unions in this country. But it seems 
to me that we should liave enough brains in the legislative luiUs and 
in the courts oi" our land to write laws which will take care of this 
danger to our country — and I consider the Communists as a danger, 
and I consider them enemies of the trade-union movement, too, as well 
as to our country. 

Mr. Morris. Thank you very much, Mr. Hageman. 

Now, Senator, I have here a record of an interrogation between 
Nelson Frank, of our staff, in New York City, and Mr. J. L. Wilcox, 
who is the vice president in charge of employee relations. Western 
Union Telegrapli Co., 60 Hudson Street, New York. 

Now, this was taken in New York City on last Friday. That would 
be November 16. There are a couple of sections here. Senator, that 
I would like to read, and then I would like to offer the whole thing 
for the record. 

Senator Jenntsr. It may become a part of the record, and you may 
proceed to read it. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Frank asked Mr. Wilcox : 

How many employees were organized by the ACA in New York City? 

Mr. Wilcox answered : 

It is approximately 1,000 less now [than in 1951]. The testimony at that 
time read 5,500 Western Union employees represented by the ACA, but at the 
present time it nins about 4,500, the difference in the number of personnel being 
due to mechanization, with a possible loss by some diminution in the load. 

That 4,500 people does not include the RCA people you men- 
tioned, in addition ? 

Mr. Hageman. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. So, just as far as the ACA organization in New York 
is concerned, the figure, according to Mr. Wilcox, is 4,500 instead of 
5,500 for 1953? 

Mr. Hageman. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And that does not include the Western Union cable 
employees, which number about 300 ? 

Mr. Hageman. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. I believe Mr. Wilcox goes on to say that : 

The cable is about 300, and the difference are all landline people. 

Wliat are cable people and what are landline people, Mr. Hageman? 

Mr. Hageman. The cables, as we use the term, go overseas. There 
is a Western Union cable that goes to London, and Paris. Tlie land- 
lines are the wires running on land throughout the United States. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Frank went on to ask Mr, Wilcox the fol- 
lowing question : 

Do the ACA members and leaders have any access to and be in contact with 
any governmental departments or any governmental circuits? 

Mr. Wilcox answered : 

Yes, there are ACA members who do regulatory work in connection with 
Government circuits which terminate or are routed through New York. 

Mr. Frank went on to say : 

I note that in your previous testimony, you stated that stewards of ACA 
within Western Union would know the intimate details of the work such as 
the mechanism, the machinery of the company ; is that true? 


Mr. Wilcox said : 

That is still true. That is, the technicians or regulatory people that I refer 
to in the previous answer. 

Mr. Frank said : 

I note that it was stated that if a person has communistic leanings "he would 
be in a good position to know where to hit us where it would do the most 
damage." Is that still true? 

Mr. Wilcox : 

Yes, the source of danger is through knowing where the plant could be 
damaged most effectively. In time of conflict, well-placed acts of sabotage could 
cripple our plant if the individual was so inclined to do so. 

There he brings up the possibility that, if the Connnunists wanted 
to cut off communications, all the communications that we have said, 
then they would be in a position to know where to do the damage and 
cut off the wires that we may have with the Canadian Government, 
the British Government, and the others that you mentioned. 

Is that so, Mr. Hageman? That is another issue that he raises 


Mr. Hageman. Well, once again, I want to say that I am very 
careful in not trying to put a cloud over a group of workers because 
they are stuck with Communist leadership. As I stated previously, 
many of these New York Western Union workers, I think the over- 
whelming majority of them, are loyal, patriotic American citizens, 
and I wouldn't want to say anything here which would cast a cloud 
on their loyalty. 

But it is a fact, as I stated previously, if a hard-core Communist 
were working in wliat we call the technician group and had access 
to these wires in testing, he could get at valuable information which 
goes over those wires, many of them Government wires, and if such 
a hard-core Communist were in that group he would know what the 
vital points were, and he would be a very effective saboteur if the 
Communist Party and Soviet Russia ever decided to sabotage. 

Senator Jennisr. At this point, I think the committee ought to 
produce for our record, to make this record complete, a Government 
witness who could tell this committee just exactly what goes over 
these wires, because from what this gentleman has said and the previ- 
ous testimony this committee has had, this country's communications 
are in a very precarious position. 

In view of the tensions all over the face of the earth at this time, 
I think this matter should be looked into thoroughly. And from 
what this witness has said, if the NLRB, under tlie present law, can- 
not disassociate a Communist-dominated union from being the bar- 
gaining agent, certainly we need legislation to see that the NLRB 
does have the authority to disassociate a Communist-dominated union 
from being a certified bargaining agent for the laboring organiza- 
tions of tliis country. 

That is tlie purpose of these legislative committees, the primarj^ 
purpose, to get the facts, so that we can have intelligent legislation. 
And certainly, there is a weak link here someplace in the law. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, would you also want the staff to have present 
here one of the officers of the ACA, to give their version of the story? 

Senator Jenner. Yes, I think that would be very helpful. 


Mr. Morris. Senator, may I just read a few more passages from 
the Wilcox letter? It is very brief. 
Senator Jenner. Yes ; proceed. 
Mr. Morris. Mr. Frank : 

I wonder if you could tell me what circuits ACA members handle. 

Mr. Wilcox answered : 

Members of the ACA handle international traffic to and from our offices in 
London, Paris, and other continental points, as well as domestic circuits ter- 
minating in New York. 

The last exchange was as follows. Mr. Frank said : 

In other words, if I might sum up, the situation is now as it was in 1951, 
and again in 1953, when the subcommittee's summary report on subversive in- 
filtration in Government departments was publicized. That is, despite what 
is known about them and despite the refusal of its president, Mr. Selly — 

that is Mr. Joseph Selly ? 

Mv. Hageman. Pie is the president of the ACA. 
Mr. Morris (continuing) : 

and others, to answer questions about their communistic connections and related 
matters, the Labor Board still requires you to treat the ACA as you would 
any legitimate union and that the ACA is still the bargaining agent for all 
of these workers dealing with traffic circuits and tie lines which handle various 
United States circuits? 

The answer of Mr. Wilcox is : 

The situation has not changed in any material respect since I last gave my 
testimony before your committee. The ACA has again been confirmed to the 
Western Union Telegraph Co. as the authorized bargaining agent for our em- 
ployees in the metropolitan area. In this respect, the company feels it must 
meticulously obey the law and deal with the bargaining agent as certified by 
the appropriate Government agency. 

And then, Senator, he gives a very valuable appendix, tliree pages, 
in which he lists the Government circuits going througli the New 
York office, and in addition, those of foreign governments. We have 
the Pentagon, we have Andrews Field, we have the Loring Air 
Force Base in Limestone, Maine, the United States Department of 
Agriculture, the British delegation to the United Nations, and vari- 
ous other wires which obviously must carry some kind of sensitive 
information — whether it would be coded or uncoded I cannot say, 

Senator Jenner. Is the State Department in there ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes, the second item in here, the United States State 
Department in Washington, D. C, to Ottawa. And then there is 
the Netherlands Embassy in Washington, to New York. There is the 
Department of Defense Production in Washington, to Ottawa, and 
the United States Information Agency— apparently, most of their 
wires seem to be going through there, eight United States Informa- 
tion Agency wires to New York. 

Senator Jenner. The entire document will go into the record and 
become a part of the official record of this committee. 

(The document referred to follows the interrogation of Mr. Hage- 

Mr. Morris. Senator, we have here 8 or 9 exhibits which I would 
like to put into the record. I think. Senator, they all speak for 
■themselves, and they relate to various investigations which are now 


going on, which we would like to have in the record for the annual 

Senator Jenner. They may go into the record and become a part of 
the record at the proper point. 

(The exhibits referred to were made a part of the record, and will 
be found in the files of the subcommittee.) 

Senator Jenner. Any other questions ? 

Mr. Morris. I have no other questions. I would like to thank Mr. 
Hageman, who rearranged his schedule to make possible this hearing 
this morning. 

Mr. Hageman. I wonder if I could add one thing. 

Mr. Morris. By all means, Mr. Hageman. 

Mr. Hageman. I would like to add that, in our telegraph field, we 
have found that this Communist-dominated ACA has not been a help 
in our fight to better the wages and working conditions of the Western 
Union workers. 

In 1951, our union was after a 25-cent-an-hour wage increase for 
the Western Union workers nationwide. And at the very time we 
were asking for that money and putting up arguments for it and 
threatening to strike for it, Joseph Selly, the president of the ACA, 
went to a Western Union stockholders' meeting and told Walter Mar- 
shall, the president of Western Union, that they would settle for less 
than half of that. 

During our 1952 strike, when the Western Union workers nationwide 
were on the picket lines for 53 days fighting for the 40-hour, 5-day 
week, ACA crossed the picket lines and didn't help the Western Union 
workers win the 40-hour week. 

Those are two instances of the kind of situation we have in our 
bargaining with Western Union. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did the members of that union benefit by the hours 
and wages which your union secured ? 

Mr. Hageman. ACA has become a coattail rider, as far as we are 
concerned. We do all the fighting, all the bargaining, and, as soon 
as we have signed the agreement, they rush in and demand that the 
company give them the same thing. In 1951 we won 17 cents an hour 
wage increase for the Western Union workers. ACA had signed up 
the day before for 16y2 cents, so they went in and persuaded Western 
Union to tear up the agreement and give them one for 17 cents. But 
they have ridden on our coattails for 10 years, and we are getting tired 
of the burden. 

Mr. MoKRis. That is very interesting, Mr. Hageman. 

Senator Jenner. Thank you, Mr. Hageman. 

If there are no further witnesses, the coinmittee will stand in re- 

(Wliereupon, at 12: 50 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned, subject 
to the call of the Chair.) 

1 -t V 1 I. . \ . »,  



New York, N. Y., Novemher 19, 1956. 

Held Pursuant to the Request of the Internal Security Sub- 
committee OF THE United States Senate Committee on the 
Judiciary in the Office of J. L. Wilcox, Vice President of the 
Western Union Telegraph Co., for Employee Relations, 60 
Hudson Street, New York 

Present : Mr. Wilcox, Subcommittee Consultant Nelson Frank, and 
Mrs. Hilda Kuebler, secretar}^ to Mr. Wilcox. 

Mr. Frank. Mr. Wilcox, this hearing is being held as a means of 
avoiding your being subpenaed or called by the committee because 
most of the information which we may obtain was probably given 
by you when you appeared as a witness before our committee some 
years back. Do you remember, Mr. Wilcox, your testimony at that 


Mr. Wilcox. Yes; I have reviewed the testimony many times, but 
I must confess I have not gone over it recently. 

Mr. Frank. Well, if I show you a copy of it for your perusal, 
would you say that the situation has changed any since your testimony 
at that time ? 

Mr. Wilcox. I am familiar enough with the testimony to say that 
the situation is very much the same in all important respects as when 
I testified before the committee in 1951. 

Mr. Frank. At that time, I believe, you gave figures about the 
number of employees. 

Mr. Wilcox. It is approximately 1,000 less now. The testimony 
at that time read 5,500 Western Union employees represented by the 
ACA, but at the present time it runs about 4,500, the difference in 
the number of personnel being due to mechanization with a possible 
loss by some diminution in the load. 

Mr. Frank. With that 4,500 figure, can you break it down among 
landline and cable employees? 

Mr. Wilcox. The cable is about 300 and the difference are all land- 
line people. 

Mr. Frank. 'Have you seen any indication from members of the 
American Communications Association or its leadership with respect 
to their alleged activities that is any different than it was in 1951? 

Mr. Wilcox. None whatsoever. As far as I am concerned, I have 
seen nothing which would prove or disprove any of the former alleged 
activities of the ACA. 

Mr. Frank. Do the ACA members and leaders have any access to 
and be in contact with any governmental departments or any Govern- 
ment circuits? 

Mr. Wilcox. Yes ; there are ACA members who do regulatory work 
in connection with Government circuits which terminate or are routed 
through New York. 

Mr. Frank. I note that in your previous testimony you stated that 
stewards of ACA within Western Union would know the intimate 


details of the work such as the mechanism, the machinery of the 
company ; is that true ? 

Mr. Wilcox. That is still true. That is, the technicians or regula- 
tory people that I refer to in the previous answer. 

Mr. Frank. I note that it was stated that if a person had commu- 
nistic leanings "he would be in a good position to know where to hit 
us where it would do the most damage." Is that still true? 

Mr. Wilcox. Yes ; the source of danger is through knowing where 
the plant could be damaged most effectively. In time of conflict, well- 
placed acts of sabotage could cripple our plant if the individual was 
inclined to do so. 

Mr. Frank. Since you last testified, there has been another National 
Labor Relations Board election governing the employees within the 
area covered by AC A ? 

Mr. Wilcox. That is correct. 

Mr. Frank. The Commercial Telegraphers' Union, AFL-CIO, lost 
to the ACA at that time ? 

Mr. Wilcox. That is correct. The ACA was again certified by the 
NLEB as the authorized collective-bargaining agent for our employees 
in the metropolitan area. 

Mr. Frank. And there has been no change in the decision of the 
NLEB granting full status to ACA to use the full facilities of the 

Mr. Wilcox. There has been no limitation placed on the ACA by 
the NLRB as the authorized bargaining agent. 

Mr. Frank. And this is true, despite the fact that Mr. Joseph P. 
Selly, the president of ACA, and others, who had signed affidavits 
claiming they are noncommunistic, declined to state for the 1951 
hearing as to their affiliations ? 

Mr. Wilcox. As far as I know, the NTiRB has taken no action 
because of Mr. Selly's and others' refusal to answer certain questions 
before your committee. In this connection, I would like to point out 
that Mr. Selly and Mr. Joseph F. Kehoe, international secretary- 
treasurer of the ACA, do not now, nor have they ever worked for the 
Western Union Telegraph Co. 

Mr, Frank. So far as you know, no effort has been made to act 
under the portion of the new Butler-Brownell Act permitting the 
Attorney General to petition the Subversive Activities Control Board 
to include unions among the organizations which must register their 
affiliations ? 

Mr, Wilcox. To the best of my knowledge, no action has been 
taken along tliis line by the Attorney General's Office. 

Mr. Frank. I wonder if you could give me or could make available 
to our committee a list of the cable circuits from Washington to or 
through New York which would be accessible to members of the 

Mr. Wilcox. I have had such a list prepared as of November 15, 
1956, and I am furnishing you with a copy. 

Mr. Frank. Enter this into the record and annex it to the record 
of the hearing, at the end. 

Just a final point for the record. It is my understanding that the 
CTU (AFL-CIO), about which there has never been, as far as I 
know, any similar accusation, is the bargaining agent for the remain- 
ing members ? 


Mr. Wilcox. Yes; the CTU is the bargaining agent for the ma- 
jority of onr people in the United States. In fact they represent 
six-sevenths of the employees, about 83,000 including messengers. 

Mr. Frank. iVnd CTU does not come in contact with cable circuits 
in New York City ? 

Mr. Wilcox. That is correct. 

Mr. Frank. I wonder if you could tell me what circuits ACA 
members handle. 

Mr. Wilcox. INIembers of the ACA handle international traffic to 
and from our offices in London, Paris, and other continental points 
as well as domestic circuits terminating in New York. 

Mr. Frank. Am I correct in saying that the ACA also deals with 
KCAC, has a contract with KCAC and thus handles correspondence 
practically covering the globe ? 

Mr. Wilcox. Yes; ECAC's situation with respect to ACA is no 
diiferent than ours since the ACA has been certified as the authorized 
bargaining agent by the NLE.B. 

Mr. Frank. And they, too, must negotiate and sign contracts with 
ACA under penalty by the NLRB ? 

Mr. Wilcox. Yes ; in that respect the RCAC situation is no different 
than our own. 

Mr. Frank. Can you give me the approximate number of employees 
with RCAC? 

Mr. Wilcox. I understand they have approximately 1,500 employees. 

Mr. Frank. I understand that ACA also has a contract with the 
French Cable Co. 

Mr. Wilcox. Yes ; about 100 employees including messengers. 

Mr. Frank. In other words, if I might sum up, the situation is 
now as it was in 1951 and again in 1953 when the subcommittee's 
summary report on subversive infiltration in Government depart- 
ments was publicized. That is, despite what is known about them and 
despite the refusal of its president, Mr. Selly, and others, to answer 
questions about their communistic connections and related matters, 
the Labor Board still requires you to treat the ACA as you would 
any legitimate union and that the ACA is still the bargaining agent 
for all of these workers dealing with traffic circuits and tie lines which 
handle various United States circuits ? 

Mr. Wilcox. The situation has not changed in any material respect 
since I last gave my testimony before your committee. The ACA 
has again been confirmed to the Western Union Telegraph Co. as 
the authorized bargaining agent for our employees in the metro- 
politan area. In this respect the company feels it must meticulously 
obey the law and deal with the bargaining agent as certified by the 
appropriate Government agency. 

Mr. Frank. The answers to the questions that you have given, Mr. 
Wilcox, would have been the same in all cases had they been given 
under oath before one of the Senators of the committee? 

Mr. Wilcox. That is so. 

Mr. Frank. Thank you very much, Mr. Wilcox. 
(The list of circuits accessible to ACA members, supplied by Mr. 
Wilcox, follows :) 




Department of External Affairs XlOO, Washington, D. C.-Ottawa 
United States State Department X1660, Washington, D. C.-Ottawa 
Netherlands Embassy X1527, Washington, D. C.-Kew York 
Netherlands Embassy X1628, Washin.uton-New York 
Department External Affairs X297, Washington-Ottawa 
United States State Department X9Sfi, Washington-New York 
Department of Defense Production X202, Washington-Ottawa 
Department National Defense XlOl, Washington-New York 
British Joint Committee Office Tie Line CD, New York-Washington 
State Department Tie Line CD, New York-Washington 
British Embassy Tie Line CD, New York-Washington 


United States Information Agency XllSC, Washington, D. C.-New York 
United States Information Agency X1232, Washington, D. C.-New York 
United States Information Agency X630, Washington, D. C.-New York 
United States Information Agency X1008, Washington, D. C.-New York 
United States Information Agency X913, Washington, D. C.-New York 
GSA No. 7, Washington, D. C.-New York 

United States Information Agency X1443, Washington, D. C.-New York 
United States Information Agency X841, Washington, D. C.-New York 
United States Information Agency X1291, Washington, D. C.-New York 


Royal Canadian Air Force X565, Washington, D. C.-Ottawa 


USAF 1593, Andrews Air Force Base-USAP Highcombe, England 

USAP 921, Pentagon-Brooklyn, N. Y. 

USAF 1065, Pentagon-Portsmouth Air Force Base, N. H. 

Other services at Plattsburgh, N. Y. 
USAF 1041, Pentagon-New York 
USAF 925, Pentagon-Brooklyn, N. Y. 
USAP 507, Andrews Air Force Base-London, England 
USAF 585, Andrews Air Force Base-CO New York 
USAF 592, Andrews Air Force Base-CO New York 
USAF 902, Washington, D. C.-New York and Roslyn, N. Y. 

USAF 1513, Andrews Air Force Base-Loring Air Force Base, Limestone, Maine 
USAF 715, Pentagon-Mitchell Field 
USAF 719, Pentagon-Stewart Air Force Base, Newburgh 
USAF 721, Pentagon-Westover Air Force Base, Chicopee Falls 
USAF 71G, Pentagon-Mitchell Field 
USAF 598, Andrews Air Force Base-New York 
USAF 515, Andrews Air Force Base-New York 

USAF 1029, Andrews Air Force Base-Harmon Air Force Base, Newfoundland 
USAF 1514, Andrews Air Force Dase-Loring Air Force Base, Limestone, Maine 
USAF 480, Andrews Air Force Base-Harmon, Newfoundland 
USAF 1051. Pentagon-Westover Air Force Base 
USAF 947, Pentagon-Brooklyn, N. Y. 
USAF 946, Pentagon-Stewart Air Force Base 
USAF 1053, Andrews-Carswell Air Force Base 


USA AY1577, Pentagon-Brooklyn, N. Y. 

USA AY1521, Arlington-Patches to International facilities at New York 

USA AY1578, Pentagon-Brooklyn. N. Y. 

USA AY476, Arlington-CO New York 

Other service at Pentagon and Port George Meade 
USA 559, Pentagon-CO New York 
United IStates Army AY1580, Washington-Asbui*y Park, N. J. 


United States Army iri76, Washington-Brooklyn, N. Y. 

United States Army 1579, Washington-Brooklyn, N. Y. 

United States Army 1591, Washington-Brooklyn, N. Y. 

United States Army AY568, Pentagon-Hammels 'i 

United States Army AY1590, Pentagon-Brooklyn, N. Y. 

United States Army AY544, Pentagon-Davis Air Force Base 


United States Naval Communications XG95, Arlington-Leitram, Ont 

GROUP 7 "on call" CIECUITS (USA) 

545, Washington-Davis. Calif. 

AY510, Cincinnati Diversion Cable Office 

AY539, Washington-CO New York 

AY.542, Washington-San Antonio 

AY54G, Wasbington-ACS Seattle 

AY547, Washiugton-ACS Seattle 

AY557, Washington-CO New York 

AY55S, Wa.shington-CO New York 

AY1604. Baltimore-Washington-CO New York Talking Circuit 


AF 1575, Washington-Montreal 


United States Department of Commerce VPX 101 
British Delegation to U. N. VPX 206 


AY160, Arlington-Hammels 

AY218, Fort George Meade-Fort Wadsworth 

AY456, Arlington-Hammels 

AY4G0, Arlini-'ton-Hammels 

AY457, Washington-Hammels 

The following comment by J. B. IMatthews on "the Attorney Gen- 
eral's list" of organizations he believes to be Commimist enterprises 
was ordered into the public record today : 

August 7, 1956. 
Digest of Current Communist Activities 

A highly important volume recently appeared under the title of "The Federal 
Loyalty-Security Program." This 301-page book is the report of a special com- 
mittee of the Association of the Bar of the City of New York. 

This memorandum deals only with that section of the book which is entitled 
"The Attorney General's List" (pp. 154-157). 

In the bar association's report, some of the criticisms of the Attorney Gen- 
eral's list (authorized under Executive Order 9835, of 1947) are clearly valid. 

For example, the bar association's report holds, with good reason, that "the 
list should be kept up to date." Otherwise, it can be misleading and highly 
detrimental to an understanding of the current operations of the Communist 
apparatus. Some 200 Communist organisations have been placed, to date, on 
the Attorney General's list. Only a few of these 200 Communist organizations 
are still in existence. The majority of them were already defunct when they 
were placed on the list. 

Valid commonsense reasons, within the purposes of Executive Order 9835, 
justify the Inclusion of defunct organizations on the Attorney General's list. A 
Federal Government employee's security suitability may properly be judged, 
in part, by his support of a substantial number of Communist organizations, 
even though these organizations are now defunct. 


The inadequacy of the Attorney General's list may be seen when we consider 
the fact that there have been at least 10,000 Communist organizations, commit- 
tees, and other enterprises — all of comparable importance with the 200 which 
have been listed. 

Because the Attorney General's list is not kept reasonably up to date and 
because it is far from complete, it serves little or no purpose, even for depart- 
mental heads of the Federal Government; and its publication is woefully mis- 
leading for private organizations and citizens. Many American citizens have 
seriously proposed that the Attorney General's list and other official citations 
of Communist organizations be made available in all public libraries, so that 
the average citizen might have a responsible and official guide on what to support 
and what not to support. The fallacy of this proposal lies in the fact that, when 
the Communists first launch one of their enterprises, they at once solicit signa- 
tures and support. Naturally, the name of a newly launched Communist enter- 
prise would not be found on any list which could be placed in a library. To 
reason that, if an organization is not on the Attorney General's or some other 
official Government list, it therefore represents a worthy cause, would be to 
display a complete ignorance of the operations of the Communist apparatus. 
The life of the average Communist-front organization is less than 6 months, 
which means that it would already be defunct by the time a citizen could obtain 
guidance from any list which could be made available in a public library. ' 

The conclusion of this matter, given the obvious limitations of the Attorney 
General's list and congressional committees, is simply that the citizen must rely 
upon his own resources of infoi'mation and intelligence in determining which 
cause or organization to support and which not to support. He cannot, in the 
nature of the case, rely upon any official Government crutch. The Attorney 
General's list was never intended to aid the private citizen in determining what 
he should and what he should not join. It was intended solely for the guidance 
of departmental heads of the Federal Government in passing upon the security 
suitability of Federal Government employees. 

In another criticism of the Attorney General's list, the bar association's report 
is unrealistic with respect to the nature and operations of the Communist-front 
apparatus. The report says : 

"Another weakness is that the list was originally compiled with no opportunity 
for a hearing by the organizations included. No such list should be made public 
unless the organizations on it have had notice and an opportunity to be heard 
by an administrative tribunal, with a further opportvmity for judicial review 
of the administrative determination (p. 156)." 

This proposal for hearings and judicial review may be perfectly sound and 
equitable from a legal point of view; but, if this is the only method of giving 
effect to the requirements of "due process," the situation is hopeless so far as 
an Attorney General's list is concerned. 

Tlie Internal Security Act of 1950 provides for hearings and judicial review 
for Communist-action and Communist-front organizations. Let us see how it 
has worked. 

The Internal Security Act has been on the statute books ror 6 years, but to 
date not a single Communist-action or Communist-front organization has been 
required finally to file a registration statement with the Attorney General. 
"Due process," as outlined in the Internal Security Act and as proposed for the 
Attorney General's list by the bar association's report, cannot catch more than' 
a negligible few of the Communist culprits. 

In the first place, a long period of time is required by the FBI to amass the 
evidence against a Communist organization and to find competent witnesses 
through whom to present it to an administrative tribunal. By the time these 
initial steps have been taken, the majority of Communist-front organizations 
have gone out of existence. 

In the second place, a minimum of several years is usually required for 
the machinery of judicial review to reach a final determination of the issues. 
In the cases which have been presented to the Subversive Activities Control 
Board to date, this snail's pace of "due process" has been amply illustrated. 

In April 1953, after long amassing of evidence and finding of witnesses, the 
Attorney General petitioned the SACB for orders requiring 12 alleged Com- 
munist-front organizations to register with the Attorney General. The twelve 
organizations were as follows : 

Council on African Affairs 
International Workers Order 
United May Day Committee 


Civil Riglits Congress 

Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy 

American Slav Congress 

Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee 

Labor Youth League 

American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born 

Jefferson School of Social Science 

Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade 

National Council of American-Soviet Friendship 

The first seven of these alleged Communist-front organizations have gone 
out of existence, and compliance with an SACB order to register would, there- 
fore, be Impossible. In the case of the five organizations which are still 
functioning, the processes of judicial review are far from complete. If and 
when judicial review is finally completed, the Communists need only to dis- 
band the organizations in order to escape registration with the Attorney Gen- 
eral. They would then proceed to set up new organizations. Even without 
the Internal Security Act, the Communist conspiracy normally disbands its 
fronts and sets up new ones when public opinion catches up with them. 

"Due process," as defined in the Internal Security Act of 1950 and as pro- 
posed by the bar association's report, cannot cope with the maneuvers of the 
Communist apparatus. 

The following correspondence relative to the situation of 10 Amer- 
icans held by the Chinese Communists was ordered into the record 

Back of the Yards Neighborhood Council, 

Chicago, III., June Jf, 1956. 

Dear Senator Eastland : Last year at this time we wrote to you asking your 
strong endorsement of the State Department's efforts to negotiate with Red 
China for the release of a former Back of the Yards clergyman, Father Harold 
Rigney, S. V. D. As a result of your help and the assistance of many others. 
Father Rigney was released September 16, 1955, according to the terms of the 
Geneva talks. 

Officials of Red China in these talks agreed to release all American prisoners. 
This they have failed to do. There are 13 Americans in captivity today. 

Just as we have done before on countless occasions, I am asking for your 
help to bring about the release of these Americans suffering the hardships of 
Chinese prison life. I am enclosing a copy of the Freedom Crusade fact sheet 
which Father Rigney himself is sponsoring. 

The American Broadcasting Co. is presenting a 13-week broadcast of Father 
Rigney's Freedom Crusade in the Chicago area. We feel that through your 
influence a letter to the president of the American Broadcasting Co., 7 West 
66th Street, New York City, will convince Mr. Robert E. Kintner that every 
American in every section of the country is just as interested in working toward 
the release of the 13 Americans in Red China as the people of Chicago. I am 
asking also for your help to spread the letterwriting campaign among your 
constituents and on the floor of Congress as well. 

You did it before in the case of Father Rigney and the job will be complete, 
with the help of God and with your help, when we bring the 13 Americans 
back home. May we expect your help again please? 
Sincerely yours, 

Joseph B. Meegan, 
Executive Secretary. 

The fact sheet, prepared by the Very Rev. Harold W. Rigney, 
and referred to in the letters, described the 13 prisoners as "business- 
men and missionaries, Protestant and Catholic," and lists them, with 
their home cities, as follows : 

Rev. John William Clifford (Jesuit), San Francisco, Calif. 

John Thomas Downey, New Britain, Conn. 

Richard George Fecteau, Lynn, Mass. 

Rev. Fulgence Gross (Franciscan), Omaha, Nebr. 

Rev. John Alexander Houle (Jesuit), Glendale, Calif. 

Paul J. Macken.sen, Jr. (Lutheran Missionary), Baltimore, Md. 

Robert E. McCann, Altadena, Calif. 


Rev Charles Joseph McCarthy (Jesuit), San Francisco, Calif. 
Rev. Joseph Patrick McCormack (MaryknoU), Palmyra. N. Y. 
Rev. Thomas Leonard Phillips (Jesuit), Butte, Mont. 
Bishop Ambrose Henry Pinger (Franciscan), Lindsay, Nebr. 
Hugh Francis Redmond, Yonkers, N. Y. 
Rev. John Paul Wagner (Franciscan), Pittsburgh, Pa. 

June 26, 1956. 
Mr. Joseph B. Meegan, 

Executive Secretary, Back of the Yards Neighborhood Council, 
Chicago, III. 

Dear Mr. Meegan : Thank you most sincerely for your letter of June 4, 1956, 
€nclosing the Freedom Crusade fact sheet concerning the 13 Americans still held 
captive by the Chinese Communists. 

I want to assure you that I will do everything in my power, both as chairman 
of the Senate Judiciary Committee and as chairman of the Subcommittees on 
Internal Security and Immigration, to expedite the return of these American 
citizens to their homeland. 

Never before in the history of civilization has an armed political conspiracy 
claiming membenship in the community of nations acted with such brazen 
effrontery and been received with such obsequiousness as the Communist despots 
of China. 

It has always seemed outrageous to me that the Red Chinese, whose daily 
violations of the fundamental principles of human freedom elo(iuently proclaim 
how totally unfit they are to take a place among the civilized nations of the 
world, should receive the deference that the United Nations persists in shower- 
ing upon them. 

Time and again the highest officials of the United Nations, as well as the 
leading diplomats and potentates of the rest of the world, have begged these 
bloodstained warlords to exhibit the most elementary respect for universally 
recognized human rights. And yet today, after years of such groveling, the foot 
of Mao Tse-tung remains firmly planted on the collective necks of 13 Americans 
whose only crime is that they have loved freedom and their God. 

I am sending your letter, together with a copy of this reply, to Secretary of 
State Dulles and to Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, with a request that they 
renew their hitherto persistent efforts to free those Americans still being held 
by the Soviet forces presently occupying China. Additional copies will be sent 
to every member of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee and, as you 
suggest, to Mr. Robert E. Kintner, president of the American Broadcasting Co. 

Please do not hesitate to call upon me for any further aid I may render your 

W^ith my personal good wishes, I am 
Sincerely yours, 

/S/ James O. Eastand, 
Chairman, Internal Security Suhcommittee. 

June 26, 1956. 
Hon. John Foster Dulles, 

The Secretary of State, Washington, D. G. 
Dear Mr. Secretary : I am transmitting herewith, for whatever action you 
can take to supplement your actions in the past on behalf of Americans still 
held in occupied China, a copy of a letter which I have received from Mr. Joseph 
B. Meegan, executive secretary of Back of the Yards Neighborhood Council, 
together with a copy of my reply. 
Sincerely yours, 

James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee. 

Department of State, 
Washington, August 25, 1956. 
Hon. James O. Eastland, 
United States Senate. 
Dear Senator Eastland : The Department regrets its delay in acknowledging 
your letter of June 26, 1956, with which you enclosed a copy of a letter addressed 
to you by Mr. Joseph B. Meegan, executive secretary, Back of the Yards Neigh- 


borhood Council, 4600 South Ashland Avenue, Chicago 9, 111., and a copy of your 
reply regarding the American citizens still in prison in Communist China. 

The Department of State knows of the Freedom Crusade and the letter-writing 
campaign to try to influence the Chinese Communists to release the 10 Americans 
who are still being detained in Communist China. It is possible that the cam- 
paign fostered by Father Rigney may serve a useful purpose in pointing out to 
the Chinese Communists that the American people, as well as this Government, 
are outraged by their failure to fulfill their commitment. 

When Mr. Meegan and Father Kigney visited the Department in April to ex- 
plain their campaign they were assured that the United States Government is 
continuing to press the Chinese Communists to release the Americans whom they 
are holding in violation of their promise made publicly at Geneva on September 10, 

Sincerely yours, 

/s/ RoDERic L. O'Connor, 

Acting Assistmit Secretary 
(For the Acting Secretary of State) . 

June 26, 1956. 
Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., 

The Repref<c7itfttive of the United States of America to the United Nations, 
If etc York, N. T. 

Dear Mr. Ambassador: I am transmitting herewith, for whatever action you 
can take to supplement your actions in the past on behalf of Americans still 
held in occupied China, a copy of a letter which I have received from Mr. Joseph 
B. Meegan, executive secretary of Back of the Yards Neighborhood Council, to- 
together with a copy of my reply. 
Sincerely yours, 

James O. Eastland, 
Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee. 

United States Representative to the United Nations, 

New York, N. Y., July 2, 1956. 
Hon. James O. Eastland, 
United States Senate. 
Dear Senator Eastland : Thank you for your letter of June 26, enclosing a 
letter from Mr. Joseph B. Meegan about the continued detention of 13 Americans 
by the Chinese Communists. 

Since Mr. Meegan wrote I understand that two of these Americans have been 
released. The State Department's efforts are continuing through Ambassador 
Johnson at Geneva, to bring about the release of the remaining 11. I fully share 
the sense of outrage which all Americans feel over the uncivilized behavior of 
tne Chinese Communists in this regard, and will lose no opportunity to help in 
any way I can toward their liberation. 
Sincerely yours, 

/s/ Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. 


Note. — The Senate luternal Securit.v Subcommittee attaches no significance to 
the mere fact of the appearance of the names of an infUvidual or an organiza- 
tion in this index. 


ACA. {See American Communications Association.) Pa&e 

AFD-CIO 3129-3131 

Agriculture, Department of (United States) 3139 

American Broadcasting Co 3147, 3148 

American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born 3147 

American Communications Association 3130-3133, 3135, 3137-3143 

Communist dominated 3140 

"Kicked out" of CIO, 1950 3130 

American Slav Congress 3147 

Andrews Field 3139 

Association of the Bar of the City of New York 3145-3147 

Association of Western Union Employees disestablished by NLRB in 1939_ 3135 

Attorney General's list 3146 

"Attorney General's List, The", section of book. The Federal Loyalty secu- 
rity Program 3145 

Back of the Yards Neighborhood Council 3147-3149 

Bar Association, New York 3145-3147 

British delegation to the United Nations 3139 

British Government 3138 

Butler-Brownell Act 3142 

Canada 3134 

Canadian Government 3138 

Canadian Government, Ottawa 3133 

Chicago 3147, 3148 

Chinese Communists 3148, 3149 

Civil Rights Congress 3147 

Clifeord. Rev. John William, S. J 3147 

Commercial Telegraphers' (AFL^CIO) .3129-3132, 3142, 3143 

Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy 3147 

Communists 3131, 3132, 3134, 3137, 3138, 3142, 3145-3147 

Communist-dominated organization 3134 

Communist-dominated unions 3131, 3134-3136, 3138, 3140 

Communist Party 3131, 3133, 3134, 3138 

Communist potential 3130 

Congress 3136 

Council on African Affairs 3146 

CTU. (See Commercial Telegraphers' Union.) 


Defense Department Signal Center, Fort Wadsworth 3130 

Defense Production, Department of 3139 

Digest of Current Communist Activities 3145 

Downey, John Thomas 3147 

Dulles, John Foster 3148, 3149 



B Page 

Eastland, James O 3147-3149 

Ekimov, Mr 3129 

Executive Order 9835 of 1947 3145 

External Affairs, Department of 3133 


FBI. {See Federal Bureau of Investigation.) 

Fecteau, Richard George 3147 

Federal Bureau of Investigation 3146 

Federal Loyalty-Security Program, The (book) 3145 

Floyd Bennett Field 3130 

Fort Jay 3130 

Fort Wadsworth 3130 

Frank, Nelson 3137-3139, 3141 

Freedom Crusade 3147-3149 

French Cable Co 3143 


Geneva 3149 

Germany 3136 

Governors Island and Fort Jay, Second Service Command 3130 

Government circuits 3139, 3141 

Government wires 3138 

Gross, Rev. Fulgence, O. F, M 3147 


Hageman, E. L 3129 

National president, Commercial Telegraphers' Union, Western Union 

division, AFI^CIO, Washington, D. C 3129 

918 Dupont Circle Building 3129 

Hard-core Communist 3133, 3138 

Hitler 3136 

Houle, Rev. John Alexander, S. J 3147 

Hungary 3136 


Interlocking Subversion in Government Departments 3130 

Internal Security Act of 1950 3146, 3147 

International Workers' Office 3146 


Jefferson School of Social Science 3147 

Jenner, Senator William E 3129 

Johnson, Ambassador 3149 

Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee 3147 


Kehoe, Joseph F., international secretary-treasurer of the ACA 3142 

Kintner, Robert E 3147, 3148 

Kuebler, Mrs. Hilda 3141 

Labor Committee, Senate 3130 

Labor Youth League 3147 

Limestone, Maine 3139 

List of circuits accessible to ACA members 3143-3145 

Lodge, Ambassador Henry Cabot 3148, 3149 

London 3134, 3137, 3139, 3143 

Loring Air Force Base 3139 


M Page 

Mackensen, Paul J., Jr 3147 

Marshall, Walter, president of Western Union 3140 

Matthews, J. B 3145 

McCanu, Robert E 3147 

McCarthy, Rev. Charles Joseph, S. J 3148 

McCormack, Rev. Joseph Patrick (MaryknoU) 3148 

Meegan, Joseph B 3147-3149 

Morris, Robert 3129 


National Council of American Soviet Friendship 3147 

National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) _ 3132, 3135, 3136, 3138, 3139, 3142, 3143 
Naval Air Station, United States, at Floyd Bennett Field, Brooklyn, N. Y.__ 3130 

Naval Shipyards, United States, Brooklyn 3130 

Navy Coniuiunication Service, United States, 90 Church Street, New York__ 3130 

New York 3130, 3132-3134, 3137, 3139, 3142, 3143 

New York Port of Embarkation, Brooklyn 3130 

New York Western Union workers 3138 

NLRB. (See National Labor Relations Board.) 


O'Connor, Roderic L 3149 

Ottawa 3133,3139 


Paris 3137, 3139, 3143 

Pentagon 3133, 3139 

Philadelphia 3130 

Phillips, Rev. Thomas Leonard, S. J 3148 

Pinger, Bishop Ambrose Henry 3148 


RCA Communications 3130, 3131, 3143 

RCA 3137 

Red China 3147-3149 

Redmond, Hugh Francis 3148 

Rigney, Father Harold, S. V. D 3147-3149 

Romanov, Tanya 3129 

Rusher, William 3129 


SACB. (See Subversive Activities Control Board.) 

Sea Transport Station, Atlantic division. Army piers 1, 2, 3, and 4 3130 

Selly, Joseph (president of ACA) 3139, 3140, 3142 

Shop stewards 3132 

Sourwine, Jay 3129 

Soviet agent 3134 

Soviet espionage 3133 

Soviet Russia 3136, 3138 

Stalin 3136 

State, Department of 3129, 3134 

Subversive Activities Control Board (SACB) 3135, 3136, 3142, 3146, 3147 

Supreme Court 3135, 3136 


Thirteen prisoners in Red China 3147, 3148 

Tse-tung Mao 3148 


United May Day Committee 3146 

United Nations 3148, 3149 

United Nations, British delegation to 3139 

United States Information Agency 3139 




Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade 3147 


Wagner Act 3135, 3136 

Wagner, Rev. John Paul 3148 

Washington 3134, 3139. 3142 

Western Union 3131-3135, 3137, 3140 

Western Union Association 3135 

Western Union Building, 60 Hudson Street, New York 3130, 3132, 3137 

Western Union cable 3137 

Western Union Cable Co., New York City 3130 

Western Union Division (CTU) 3129-3131 

Western Union employees, report by the ACA 3141 

Western Union Telegraph Co 3130, 3132, 3137, 3139, 3142, 3143 

Western Union telegraph workers 3130, 3131, 3138, 3140 

Wilcox, J. L 3131, 3134, 3137-3139 

Vice president in charge of employee relations. Western Union Tele- 
graph Co 3137 

Testimony of 3141-3149 


t^l- DEPOSITORY /C>C50 Jjti 














OCTOBER 24 AND 30, 1956 

PART 45 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 

72723 WASHINGTON : 1957 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

JUL 2 5 1957 


JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, UAoirnion 


OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 






Subcommittee To Investigate the Administkation of the Internal, Secubitt 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 




ROBERT MORRIS, Chief Counsel 

J. G. SODRWiNE, Associate Counsel 

William A. Rdshek, Associate Counsel 

Benjamin Mandkl, Director of Research 



Witness : Page 

Andriyve, E 3175 

Bialer, Seweryn 3151 

Rastvorov, Yuri 3169 




United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 
OF THE Internal Security Act and Other Internal 
Security Laws, of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D. G. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 12 : 55 p. m., in room 
318, Senate Office Building, Senator William E. Jenner presiding. 

Present : Senator Jenner. 

Also present : Kobert Morris, chief counsel ; J. G. Sourwine, asso- 
ciate counsel; William A. Kusher, administrative counsel; and Benja- 
min Mandel, director of research. 

Senator Jenner. Mr. Karski, will you be sworn ? 

Do you solemnly swear that you will truthfully translate the 
questions and answers put to the witness, so help you God? 

Mr. Karski. Yes, Senator. 

Mr. Morris. Wliat is your name? 

Mr. Karski. Jan Karski, professor, Georgetown University. 

Mr. Morris. You have acted as interpreter for Mr. Bialer; have 
you not ? 

Mr. Karski. Yes, sir ; I did. 

Mr. Morris. All right. 

Now, Senator, will you swear in Mr. Bialer ? 

Senator Jenner. Do you swear the testimony given at this hearing 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God ? 

Mr. Bialer (through interpreter) . I do. 



Mr. Morris. Your name is Seweryn Bialer. 

Mr. Bialer, the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, in connec- 
tion with its activities in trying to understand the full nature of 
Soviet activity, Soviet and Communist activity here in the United 
States, is particularly interested in knowing something of the develop- 
ments that are now taking place in Poland. 

Among other things, we noticed that the American Communist 
Party, through its official organ, the Daily Worker, is applauding the 
activities of Gomulka and other Polish Communists who are taking 
what appears to be an independent course of action from the Soviet 



Now, because events abroad and events here in the United States 
are so closely interrelated, as you well know, we would appreciate, for 
our official record and under oath and based on your own long 
experience in the Polish Communist Party that you have related to 
us, we would like your interpretation of these events. 

Off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

(Whereupon, at 1 p. m., the subcommittee recessed.) 



United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws, of the 

Committee on the Judiciary, 

WashiTigton^ D. C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2 : 55 p. m., in the 
caucus room, Senate Office Building. 

Present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; J. G. Sourwine, associate 
counsel; William A. Rusher, administrative counsel; and Benjamin 
Mandel, director of research. 


Mr. Morris. Mr. Bialer, I think you have made clear to us that 
there are two forces at work in Poland today. One is a force gener- 
ated by the people and the workers for a liberalization, a relaxation 
of the heavy control on the part of the Soviet-controlled Polish Com- 
munists that has existed. 

That is one trend ; is it not ? 

Mr. Bialer. Yes, basically, although I would add to it that this 
force wants not only a liberation from the Soviet Union but is also 
basically anti-Communist. 

Mr. Morris. And then you have also told us, have you not, of a 
second force, and that is a force that operates within the Politburo 
of the Polish Communist Party, which tends to bring the Polish Com- 
munist Party more and more away from the tight central control that 
has existed in the past ? 

Have I stated that accurately ? 

Mr. Bialer. Basically, yes ; but I would add too that it is not only 
within'the Politburo but within the whole party. 

Mr. Morris. The international party, you mean ? 

Mr. Bialer. The Communist Party in Poland. 

Mr. Morris. From the Politburo down? 

Mr. Bialer. Yes ; down. 

Mr. Morris. At the present time, Mr. Bialer, which is the predom- 
inant of those two forces ? 

Mr. Bialer. I think that the direct cause of the present situation 
in Poland was the first cause, the popular movement, the popular feel- 
ing ; and because of the strength of that force the present party lead- 
ership could emerge. 



Mr. Morris. And you have testified to that effect in your previous 
appearances before the Internal Security Subconunittee, have you not? 
Mr. BiALER. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And since your last appearance you fiind that the trend 
which you forecast at that time is becoming even more pronounced ? 

Mr. BiALER. Yes ; except that I was not so sure that Gomulka would 
come to power. 

The fact that he came to power means a basic change in the reality 
in Poland. 

Mr. Morris. Since your last appearance, then, the change that has 
emerged has been the growth of Gomulka ? 

Mr. BiALER. Yes. The most important event which took place in 
Poland in the last month was that the popular movement became even 
stronger and gave opportunity to Gomulka to get power within the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Gomulka has always been a hard-core Stalinist 
Communist, has he not ? 

Mr. BiALER. I don't think one could say this. I think that in the 
years 1945-48 Gomulka held views which later on were strengthened, 
and those views could not be branded as Stalinist views. 

At that time, in the years 1945^8, there was no possibility for his 
views to be implemented. 

Naturally, basically he was always a Communist, always he was for 
dictatorship ; but on very many issues he held views which could not 
be branded as Stalinist. 

Mr. Morris. Now, I noticed the other day, Mr. Bialer, that there 
was a reported phone conversation between Mr. Khrushchev and Mr. 
Gomulka on relations between the Polish Government and the Soviet 
Government. Isn't it an unusual development that they should have 
released the text of a phone conversation between Mr. Khrushchev and 
Mr. Gomulka ? 

Mr. Bialer. It is a very extraordinary event and I understand it in 
this way : Gomulka, realizing the anti-Soviet feelings among the 
Polish masses, wanted the Polish masses to learn about the tenor of the 
conversation, knowing that it would strengthen his prestige and power. 
Mr. SouRWiNE. Isn't it equally possible that Mr. Khrushchev would 
have had to assent to the making public of this telephone conversation 
before it would be done ? 

Mr. Bialer. One should not exclude any possibility, although as far 
as I know this is basically against the rules, which are that this kind of 
relation between the Commmiist leaders should not be known to the 
general public. 

Now, the second proof is that, although the text of the convei'sation 
became known in Poland, it was withheld from the Soviet public 

Mr. Morris. You have prepared for us, have you not, Mr. Bialer, a 
short paper, 9i/^ pages of which I would like to make reference to at 
this point, and that is a sort of a sketch, a historical sketch of events 
leading up to the present crisis ? 
Mr. Bialer. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. I would like to place in the record at this time this 
paper which I now show you, and let it appear at the conclusion of 
the witness' direct testimony. 

You have prepared this ; have you not ? 


Mr. BiALER. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Bialer, I know that you are uniquely qualified to 
testify about events in Poland because of your long experience in 
Poland, but in view of the fact that you also are a student of Com- 
munist affairs generally I wonder if at this time you would be will- 
ing to answer a few questions on the Hungarian situation ? 

Mr. Bialer. If I can, naturally it would be my pleasure to. 

Mr. Morris. In your opinion has there been a trend developing in 
Hungary similar to that you have outlined in this paper here today ? 

Mr. Bialer. Yes, I am convinced that it applies also to the situ- 
ation in Hungary, and this I say on the basis of my acquaintances 
with the Hungarian Communist leaders, as well as my status with 
respect to present reality. 

Naturally, the basic difference is that in Hungary at the last mo- 
ment, in the last days, a bloody revolt took place which did not 
take place in Poland. 

And, of course, I would like you to keep in mind the basic 
difference between the two situations. I would put it in this way : 
In Poland the present Commimist leadership got to power half an 
hour before the revolt was to take place, and in Hungary half an 
hour after the revolt actually did take place. 

If Gomulka had not taken power m Poland exactly at that time, 
most probably the same revolt would have taken place in Poland. 

Mr. SouKwiNE. Are you saying, in other words, that the accession 
of Gomulka prevented a revolt in Poland, whereas the accession of 
Nagy followed a revolt in Hungary ? 

Mr. Bialer. Yes, sir, exactly. 

Mr. Morris. Therefore, it would seem to have the effect — the im- 
position of the Gomulka government on the one hand and the Nagy 
government on the other hand were really attempts to put, as it were, 
a stove lid on this uprising that has taken place ? 

Mr. Bialer. Yes; both Gomulka and Nagy, identifying them- 
selves with the anti- Soviet feeling among the masses, were a form 
of isolation against anti-Communist movements. 

Mr. Morris. And in the case of Hungary the thing got completely 
out of hand ; did it not ? 

Mr. Bialer. Yes; in Hungary Nagy came to power too late, you 
might say. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, this device of keeping the lid on a 
popular insurrection succeeded in Poland and did not succeed in 
Hungary ? 

Mr. Bialer. I would say that in Poland it worked and in Hun- 
gary apparently it did not. 

Mr. Morris. Do you feel that this trend, which you have told us 
about in your previous testimony and again here today, as well as 
in this short paper that you prepared for us — would you say that 
this trend is still operative in Poland ? 

Mr. Bialer. Yes. You mean independence from the Soviet 
Union ? 

Mr. Morris. No. By "this trend" I meant this drive on the part of 
the people to demand a certain amount of freedom and relaxation of 

Mr. Bialer. Not only am I sure, that this continues, but it will gain 
in strength in time because there are better conditions for it. 

72723— 57— pt. 45 2 


Mr. Morris. Do you mean that as more relaxation of controls is 
granted to the people, the stronger will be their demands? 

Mr. BiALER. Yes, sir, you are correct. 

I would add this, that the Polish people for the first time have 
learned that they are strong, that they can win certain of their de- 

Before they were as if asleep under the Communist terror. Now 
they are as if awakened. 

And I do believe that, once being awakened, they will continue this 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you feel that this device of, as it were, a stove- 
lid government, used to keep this thing under control, was something 
initiated by Khrushchev ? 

Mr. Bialer. I don't think so. 

As far as I understand the situation it worked this way : Indeed 
after the death of Stalin, Khrushchev and the Soviet leadership 
wanted certain minor changes which would deceive world public 
opinion as to the nature of the Soviet methods. However, once they 
started this, it got entirely out of their control and assumed such pro- 
portions that I could not identify the present state of affairs with their 
original initiative. 

I would go further. I think that the present Soviet leadership will 
have to recognize the developments in Poland and in Hungary, al- 
though certainly it will not mean that they are satisfied with it. 

They realize that they are too weak to put it down. 

Mr. Morris. But they do have, as it w^ere, the situation under control 
in Poland? 

Mr. Bialer. I don't think that they have the situation in Poland 
under control presently. 

I believe that Gomulka has under his control, at least partially, the 
situation in Poland. This does not mean, however, that it is the 
Soviet leadership which has it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. If, as you have described them, botli Gomulka and 
Nagy are a sort of i)rophylactic against freedom, or as Mr. Morris has 
said, stove lids on the flame, if Khrushchev did not apply the prophy- 
lactic or put on the stove lid who did? 

Mr. Bialer. Well, I would put it this way : I think that the leader- 
ship of the Polish Communist Party, all the leadership of the Commu- 
nist Party — and for that matter also of the Hungarian Communist 
Party — do not like Gomulka or Nagy. They probably consider them 
as precisely stove lids, in tliis situation which has emerged in Poland. 

However, they are forced by circumstances to recognize them. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. They are using them for their own purposes, in 
other words ? 

Mr. Bialer. Yes. These people, they pushed Gomulka in order 
to save the situation, but they do not have any intention of indentify- 
ing themselves with what Gomulka really is. 

I consider that Gomulka really wants more freedom from Russia 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You make a distinction between wanting freedom 
and wanting freedom from Russia ? 

Mr. Bialer. Yes, yes, I think this is a big difference. Wliat is 
freedom? It is freedom from communism. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Go ahead and explain that a little bit, will you ? 


Mr. BiALER. Gomiilkii is a (^onniuiiiist, but lie wants the Polisli 
Communist Party to be as much independent from tlie Soviet Union 
as possible. He wants to be a master in his oAvn house and he wants 
his party to be a master in their own house. 

However, this I would dif!'erentiate from givinjj freedom, since 
he wants commmiism to dominate in Poland, and this means the 
dictatorship of one Conununist Party in Poland. 

Mr. SorR"\viNE. AVould you say that Gomulka is interested in Polish 
freedom from Soviet domination if it does not also involve power for 
Gomulka ? 

Mr. BiALER. Yes; 1 think that such is the reality, such was the 
development of events. 

Althou<zh he came to power originally thanks to the support of the 
Soviet Union, finally he assumed the position which you defined. 

Mr. SouRw^NE. I am afraid 1 don't have an answer that I under- 
stand yet. 

I am trying to find out if you think that Gomulka divorces his own 
ambition for powder from his desire to have the Communist Party 
of Poland sever its ties with Russia. 

Mr. BiALER. Yes, sir ; this is as you say. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Nagy, the counterpart of Gomulka in Hungary, 
is the one who called on the Red army to keep himself in power. 

Would not that reflect a relationship, if Nagy is the counterpart 
of Gomulka, which would be slightly at variance with w^hat you 
have told us today ? 

Mr. BiALER. Well, I don't think that I am at variance with my 
previous statement, since I maintain that the problem concerns only 
power, and both Gomulka and Nagy are prepared to use Soviet 
forces in order to maintain themselves in power. 

The best proof is that in the years 1945-48 it was exactly due to 
Soviet support that Gomulka got power in Poland. 

But there is a difference of circumstances in Hungary and Poland. 
In the case of Nagy, in order to obtain power, he needed Soviet 
forces. Gomulka had a different situation. He got power without 
the help of Soviet forces, and having actually achieved power he does 
not need any more the Soviet forces. 

Mr. SorRAViXE. In other words, you are saying that the mainte- 
nance of themselves in power is the miportant thing, the most im- 
portant thing to both of these men ? 

Mr. BiALER. Yes, undoubtedly. 

"WHiatever differences they have with the Soviet Union, they have 
one thing in common : it means maintenance of communism. 

Mr. Morris. Have you read the statement of Tito which is reported 
in the morning papers today ? 

Mr. BiALER. May I see it ? 

Yes, I read it before. 

Mr. Morris. It would appear from the account of that statement 
which I have just shown you, Mr. Bialer, which appeared on page 20 
of the New York Times for October 30, 1956, that Tito is opposed to 
the uprisings in Hungary. 

Mr. Bialer. I understood it the same way. 

Mr. Morris. The basis of his opposition to the developments in 
Hungary is that the developments, such as they were, in his opinion 
damaged socialism in general, as well as peace among nations. 


Mr. BiALER. Yes. As far as I understood Tito's statement he con- 
demns everything which took place in Hungary which would under- 
mine the position taken by Nagy, which means everything that would 
undermine basically the Communist regime in Hungary. 

Mr. Morris. Excuse me, did I understand you to say that Tito's 
position would be opposed to Nagy's position ? 

Mr. BiALER. No ; Tito would oppose in Hungary all those forces 
which wanted to undermine basically the Communist regime as such— 
the national Communist regime. 

Mr. Morris. But to speak concretely, the Nagy regime? 

Mr. BiALER. The Nagy regime. 

Mr. Morris. So that anything that went further than the imposi- 
tion of the so-called stove-lid government of Nagy in Hungary was 
the thing that drew opposition from Mr. Tito ? 

Mr. BiALER. As I understand it, Tito realizes that in Hungary 
there are two streams— one powerful stream supporting a national 
communism independent from the Soviet TTnion, and represented by 
Nagy, and the second stream which opposes communism as such. 

Tito supports the first force, which means national communism 
headed by Nagy, and violently opposes all other forces which would 
like to strive against communism. 

This is what I understood from Tito's statement, (^f course, I do 
not know if from one article we can understand the position of Tito 
as such, basically. 

Mr. Morris. Yes, I understand the limitations, but Tito in the state- 
jnent refers to "reactionary elements that use the present events for 
their antisocial aims. By those he means the people that would upset 
Nagy ? 

Mr. BiALER. That is the second stream I was speaking about, against 
which Tito pronounced himself. 

Mr. ISIoRRis. Yesterday afternoon I had a session with a person 
who was a very important Soviet official but who defected from the 
Soviet organization. His defection, however, considerably antedates 
yours. But he did know on a very personal basis all of the top 
functionaries of the present Russian Communist Party. He interprets 
the present developments in this fashion. May I present his views 
and get your comments on that ? 

He believes that the top councils of the Soviet Union decided that 
they would be more effective in their efforts to control the whole world 
if they use the device of independent Communist Parties. By using 
independent Communist Parties they would be able to carry on their 
insurrectionary work in the various countries of the free world without 
the stigma of Moscow. And it is his contention that a very small 
group being privy to this plan could carry on and accom]i]ish the 
present results, whereas at the same time the rank and file of the party 
would not necessarily have to be privy to that development. 

I wonder, Mr. Bialer, if you could give your view, in juxtaposition 
to this other view ? 

Mr. BiALER. I find one weakness in this type of s]ieculation. This 
speculation takes it for granted that a kind of a plot in an elite group, 
a small number of ])eople, can decide the issue, while as we know the 
masses came into play presently and of course the masses complicated 
entirely the picture. 


It does not work as that small group of people planned it to work, 
even if it was true that they did it. 

However, I must stress that the gentleman is absolutely correct 
when he says that such were the plans of the Soviet leadership. 

I remember in 1954, w^hen still I was in Poland, that the official line 
was: Poland is an independent country. That means that we were 
required to say to the world that Poland is an independent country. 
However, the difference is that at that time Poland was not an inde- 
pendent country, while today there are certain changes in Poland. 

So, I would conclude in this way: Whatever were the plans — and 
plans there were, as that gentleman told you — the reality developed 
in a different way. It got out of control. The masses entered the 
picture and now the situation is not as planned but as the masses 

The strategy of Khrushchev basically wanted events to go in this 
direction, but the reality got out of control, new factors entered the 
picture, and things w^ent much further than they wanted them to go. 

This is why I doubt if what is actually happening behind the 
Iron Curtain could be called Soviet strategy. 

Mr. Morris. We had an instance last week of a refugee, a Polish 
refugee, returning to Poland, and we noticed that the arrangements 
for that were handled by the Soviet Embassy here in Washington. 

That situation, Mr. Bialer, points up the primary concern of the 
Internal Security Subcommittee with these developments. It is of 
prime importance to the subcommittee that we analyze the various 
activities of the officials in the Plungarian Legation, the Soviet Em- 
bassy, and the various delegations to the United Nations- 

Don't you think that the fact that the Soviet Union handled the 
redefection of a Polish immigrant was of some significance at this 

Mr. Bialer. I couldn't give you, sir, any specific answer, since I 
I would have to know who the immigrant was, what the circumstances 
were, and so on. Perhaps such a procedure was necessary. 

I have not enough material to pronounce myself one way or the 

Mr. Sourwine. I should like to ask this: First, as a preliminary 
matter, we all know it's very difficult to know what a political reality 
is. If Mr. Gomulka does something which we presume Mr. Khru- 
shchev wants him to do, we never know whether he does it because Go- 
mulka wants to do it or because Klirushchev wants Gomulka to do it. 

On the other hand, there is a reality which we can look at, and that 
is the matter of military control. The Soviets control the military 
in Poland, and they control the military in Hungary. Their own 
forces are in Hungary. They have Kokossovsky in charge of the 
Polish Army. They massacred the flower of the Polish Army at 

The purpose obviously, or a major purpose, at least, was to emascu- 
late the Polish Army as a Polish force and to create a situation in 
which Soviet officers would be in the top echelon. And that situation 
has been created. 

Now, would you agree that as long as the Soviet Union controls the 
military with its own forces or, as in the case of Poland, with its own 
officers, there can be very little freedom in that nation from the Soviet 
Union, in the last analysis? 


]Mr. BiALER. Yes, I understxind your reasoning, sir, where yon are 
chiving- at, and I am in full agreement with you. 

But the situation in Poland, as I see it presently, does not respond 
to your description. Rokossovsky is no longer minister of defense 
and commander in chief of the Polish Army. He left. He left yes- 
terday. His successor is dehnitely Gomulka's man. 

The control of the Polish Army is no longer exercised by a man who 
is outside of the Polish Communist Party, as was Rokossovsky; it is 
directly under the leadership of the Polish Communist Party. 

As far as we can suppose from Gomulka's statements, the so-called 
Soviet experts are in the stage of leaving Poland. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You say that Roko.ssovsky is no longer connnander 
in chief of the army ( 

Mr. BiALER. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who took his place ? 

Mr. Bialj:r. Bordzilowski, and above all Spychalsiki, both Go- 
mulka's supporters. 

Spychalski was in jail several years for anti-Stalinism and Bord- 
zilowski is a genuine Polish general — well that word "genuine" — I 
do not remember now exactly his past, but I am sure I could put it 
this Avay : he is not a Soviet general. 

Mr. SouRwaxE. Would you say that this presages the withdrawal of 
the Soviet officer corps in the Polish Army and the turning over of 
top command throughout the army to Polish officers ? 

Mr. BiALER. I am deeply convinced of this. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. If that is done what would you say it means? 

Mr. BiALER. I interpret it this way : that indeed Gomulka and his 
followers want a genuine internal independence from the Soviet Union 
and want to have full control of the Polish armed forces themselves. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. In the same vein, do you foresee the withdrawal of 
Russian armed foi'ces from Hungary? 

Mr. BiALER. I think that this is more than probable. 

Mr. JSIoRRis. At any rate, a gage of your view will be whether or 
not there will be an early evacuation of Soviet forces from both those 
countries, will it not? 

Mr. BiALER. I didn't understand. 

Mr. Morris. A gage of your interpretation will be whether or not 
there is an early withdrawal of Soviet forces from those two countries ? 

Mr. BiALER. We are speaking about Hungary and Poland now? 

As far as Poland is concerned, I do not believe that the Soviet diyi- 
sions will be withdrawn from Poland. 

But I believe that the leadership of the Polish Army will be taken 
hy the Polish Communists. 

As far as Hungary is concerned, it seems to me that the Soviet forces 
will indeed leave Hungary. 

As for the degree to which the reality proceeds as I thought, I re- 
member around 1 week ago there was a general conviction here that 
Rokossovsky would be Minister of Defense. I was stating publicly 
that he would not l)e Minister of Defense, that they would liquidate 
liim completely. And it happened yesterday. Although I must say 
that I did not foresee that the process would take place so soon. I 
thought that it would take place 3 months after the general elections, 
which are supposed to take place in January. Well, it took plac€ yes- 


;Mr. MoKius. Thank yon very nnich, Mr. Bitiler. 
Thank yon, Professor Karski. for assisting ns once again. 
(Wliereupon, the subcommittee adjourned.) 

(The portion of Mr. Bialer's statement phiced in the record by Mr, 
Morris at p. 3154 appears below :) 

Development of Events 

The begiuuings of the most recent events in I'olaud are t<j be found in the 
second half of 1J>.")3. The development of events during the years lU'tS-^Ai can 
be divided into the following periods : 

First period: Second half of 1953 until the end of 1954 

During this period, discussions within the Polish United AVorkers' Party 
(PZPR) began, regarding errors in economic policy and, above all, the police 
methods of ruling the party and the country. These discussions were not widely 
made public. There were not even mass discussions within the party. The party 
leadership was not personally attacked. The party leadership, following the 
example of the Soviet Union, began limiting the power of the secret police. 
Even in this period these limitations were greater in Poland than in Russia. 

Second period: The end of 1954 until the hegimiing of 1956 

This period saw the ideological crisis within the party develop with great force. 
Above all, this encompassed the party intelligentsia. The discussions in the 
Party Activ began to develop even at official meetings. The voices of criticism 
began to reach the press. The criticism was very frequently directed personally 
against individuals from the party leadership. The power of the security ap- 
paratus lessened even more. To a great degree it became isolated from the 
party itself, where the concealed aversion to the security apparatus began to 
break out to the surface. The party leadership was forced under the pressure 
of the Party Activ on the highest levels to declare democratization and a change 
in policies, but it retreated, only step by step and began to introduce these 
changes into life only with great delays and inconsistencies. Frequently the 
attempts made by the party leadership to restore calm to the Party Activ were 

During the period 19-5.5-56, opposition to the party leadership grew significantly. 
Within the party, the Party Activ achieved a rather large measure of freedom of 
activity in comparison to Russia and the other satellite countries — this despite 
the wishes of the party leadership. The following convictions resulted in the 
Party Activ : 

Either Rusisa takes a serious step ahead, on the road to de-Stalinization. and 
in the meantime that which has already changed in the party in Poland be 
sanctioned and develop further, or else nothing will change in Russia and in 
the meantime there will be a rightist-nationalist deviation in the Polish party. 
It should be stressed that both in the first and in the second period, the movement 
against the party leadership, and in part, against the Soviets, embraced in a mass 
fashion only the Party Activ and, above all, the party intelligentsia. The 
party masses did not emerge from their lethargy and the overwhelming portion 
of the bureaucratic party apparatus continued in its practical work forward, 
however, even to a lesser extent than was postulated in the speeches of the old 
leaders of the party. The people just began to feel certain changes in the situa- 
tion. Most of all they began to become less afraid — this because of the great 
lessening of police terror. They, however, were still distrustful of these changes. 
They saw no conditions permitting action and they did not know how to over- 
come their many years of silence. The crisis which was developing within the 
party was concealed from the people by various means. 

Third period: From the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union until June 195S 

Krushchevs anti-Stalinist campaign which developed in a controlled, predeter- 
mined manner in the Soviet Union, evaded the control of the leadership in 
Poland. The internal party crisis broke through to the top and encompassed the 
entire party. Bierut's absence increased the crisis. The chief force in the 
party stepping out against the leadership continued to be the party intelligentsia. 
For the first time, however, in the whole post-Stalin period the masses began to 


move. The distressing economic situation which resulted from the 6-year plan 
and the frequent promises of improvement after Stalin's death was especially 
felt as the police terror was fundamentally weakened. 

Fourth period: June 1956 to October 1956 

At the Eighth Plenum of the Central Committee of the party in October 1956, 
the Politburo presented its resignation to the Central Committee. Personnel 
changes in the Politburo were not accomplished through the removal of certain 
members and co-opting new ones, but in the form of removing the existing 
Politburo and electing a new one in its entirety. This is a fact of great im- 
portance, characterizing the situation which unfolded in Poland from June to 
October 1956. The form in which the election of the new Politburo was ac- 
complished is unheard of. With this it should be remembered that a party 
congress is to be held in March. Hence there was the possibility of a painless 
evolutionary changing of the Politburo. The change was accomplished, how- 
ever, in the severest form. This in reality rules out an evaluation of these 
events which would state that this was a predetermined plan. This was a 
change resulting from a struggle and a critical situation. 

What forced the Politburo to a collective resignation — in other words, what 
developed in the period from Jime to October 1956? It appears that the fol- 
lowing were the factors : 

(o) A basic undermining, and in many aspects, loss of control by the party 
over life in Poland : The most active strata of nonparty individuals ceased being 
afraid. The Poznan events were only a small example of the tremendously ex- 
plosive popular sentiment which arose in connection with political and economic 
matters, and was approaching the point of explosion. The hatred of the Polish 
people existed even in past years but, for the first time, conditions arose which 
threatened its explosion. The decline of the authority of the State and of the 
leadership of the party among the people on the basis of the bankrupt policies of the 
leadership during the past 10 years, the weakening of terror as well as irresolu- 
tion in its present policies, was tremendous. It appears that this was the basic 
fact, without which Gomulka's return as first secretary, in the fashion in which 
it was accomplished, would not have been possible. 

(6) The decline of the Politburo's authority in the party itself: The dis- 
solution of party discipline had gone so far that the principle which is the con- 
dition of the existence of the party, namely, the principle that, despite various 
views, once resolutions were made they must be followed, was undermined 
publicly. The dissolution of party discipline and the decline of the Politburo's 
authority led not only to the fact that the control of the party slipped out of 
the hands of the leadership but it also made the mastering of the situation 
among the people unusually difficult. The party was no longer a well-oiled ma- 
chine executing orders of the leadership against the people. If we speak of the 
rank-and-file of party members, of whom the overwhelming portion was never 
Communist but entered the party either under force or for economic gain or 
for career purposes, then this mass of the membership diffused, so to speak, 
among the people and lost its separate identity. 

(c) The decided opposition against the party leadership on the part of the 
party intelligentsia which, in many articles in the press expressed in reality a 
vote of no confidence regarding the leadership, did not recognize its leadership, 
and more important, passed from discussion to practical activity. The party in- 
telligentsia transformed itself from being a connecting link between party lead- 
ership and the party and the people, to a group separating the Politburo from 
the party and nonparty individuals. 

(d) There was lack of unity in the Politburo, divergence of opinion, lack of 
a figure with sufficient authority and popularity who could unify the Politburo. 
In such an intense period, the Politburo did not have a clear program of action 
or a platform for change. The situation demanded— if everything was not to 
disintegrate — a decisive program, even a Stalinist one, which with the aid of 
terror could attempt to master the situation, or a program of far-reaching 
changes which would prevent an outburst and would eventually permit the re- 
covery of leadership within and beyond the party. In the meantime, the policies 
of the party leadership during the period June to October was a policy of sta- 
bilization. Hence, a policy which was not one in favor of withdrawal, but at 
the same time one indecisive in regard to further developments. Hence this was 
not a policy of real power. It appears that the wavering and lack of a platform 
of action by the Politburo resulted among other things from divergence within 
the Politburo, indecision, the burdens of the past and lack of strength in itvS va- 


rious comptinents. Beyond this, even if some group or individuals in tlie Polit- 
buro had a decisive program for change, perhaps one no different than the 
present platform of Gonmlka, it is possible that they lacked authority to bring 
about its realization. 

(e) The lack of unity in the Central Committee and the decline of authority 
of the Politburo in the Central Committee. The Central Committee could be 
persuaded but it could be no longer dictated to. A part of the Central Commit- 
tee stopped believing that the situation in Poland could be mastered by the 
directorship of the tlien reigning Politburo. 

(/) The actual situation in Poland and in the Soviet bloc had immense signifi- 
cance. First, the crisis of the Polish economy and the political forms of ruling 
Poland were revealed with great force. Secondly, the weakening of Soviet con- 
trol and the decline of the authority of the Soviet leadership had developed to 
the point where publicly announced orders by the Moscow dictators were some- 
times disregarded (for example, Bulgauin's command, included in his speech 
of July 22, 1956, in Warsaw) . 


In the present situation in Poland, two dynamic forces led to the existing state 
of affairs. 

The first force is the active pressure exerted for the iirst time since the war 
by large groups of people, especially factory workers and working and univer- 
sity youth. The basic character of this pressure is anti-Soviet, favoring full 
independence of Poland from the Soviet Union. It is also anti-Communist. It 
should be stressed, however, that the anti-Soviet sentiment in Poland is of 
greater strength than anti-Communist feelings. At the present time, the chief 
enemy is the Soviet Union. 

The second force is the pressure exerted by a large segment of the party 
against the Soviet Union for the acquisition of independence from the Soviet 
Party in internal matters. Its aim is greater freedom within the party in public 
life and a serious reorganization of the economic structure of the country. The 
main stress is on internal reforms. The question of separation from the Soviet 
Union is only a necessary precondition for this. 

The two dynamic forces came together and, in some cases, blended under the 
impact of present incidents in Poland. For a certain period of time, their 
interest became the same. In practice, a temporary alliance was concluded 
joining both forces in the matter of gaining a greater measure of independence 
from the Soviet Union. The degree to which both of these forces want independ- 
ence from the Soviet Union is different. The reason why both of these forces 
want independence from the Soviet Union is also different, but for the present 
moment they have a common avenue of action. 

The objectives of these two forces in internal matters are, generally speaking, 
completely different, but again the direction of their activity has, at the present 
moment, a number of common points. These are not opposed to the objectives 
of the people, that is, the internal changes in the economy and the political life 
which are desired by groups in the party who have come out in favor of changes. 
The people do not want to stop at these changes, because they are opposed to 
communism even if it is improved. 

The two forces which were mentioned above are not isolated from each other. 
They mutually react on one another. The principal directions of this reaction 
could be described in the following manner : 

The influence of the attitudes and activities of the people on the changes de- 
sired by groups in the party depends primarily on the fact that, as to date, the 
party is being forced in the direction of more responsible activity. Proposals are 
put forth which go further than the party itself would want. This favors putting 
forth at the lead the most radical elements in the party and in the leadership 
who, without the existence of the first force, would never so easily have obtained 
their present position and would not have so strong a position. As far as Go- 
mulka is concerned, it would seem very unlikely that, without the existence of the 
tremendous pressure of the first force, he could have aciheved his present position. 
Hence, with the existence of this first force, he found support not only from 
the side of his adherents in the party but also from the side of many opponents 
who saw in him a lightning rod which could absorb the more threatening inci- 
dents and could weaken the anti-Communist pressure of the first force. Paren- 
thetically speaking, the difference between Hungary and Poland is based, among 
other things, on the fact that in Poland Gomulka achieved power before the rev- 

72723 — 57 — pt. 45 3 


olutionary outbreak in the capital and fulfilled to a large extent the role of a 
lifrhtning rod. In Hungary, on the other hand. Imre Nagy was brought to power 
in the course of the revolutionary outbreak and was incapable of mastering the 
.situation. Beyond this, the influence of the first force results in the fact that 
the party has a stronger position in dealing with Moscow. (This applies, above 
all, to such a situation where the first force does not lead to mass anti-Communist 
uprisings. ) 

The opposite influence of the activity and work of segments of the party who 
desire change, on the activity and attitudes of the population is such that, if the 
desired changes favored by elements of the party come to the fore and are suffi- 
ciently radical, they will ameliorate the anti-Communist activity by the popu- 
lation. This is for the short run at the present time. By placating certain de- 
mands of the people and setting forth prospects of righting the political and eco- 
nomic situation, they help neutralize the anticommunism of the first group or, 
strictly speaking, defer its expression to the future. It seems, however, that 
the long-range effect of deferring the solution of this problem, can be different in- 
asmuch as it will embolden the first force and create a better climate for its 

Inasmuch as in the present situation in Poland there occurred a temporary 
alliance of both forces, it is certain that, together with this development, a 
moment must come when the first force will press forv/ard and the second force 
will not want to move ahead. And hence, the time will come when the perma- 
nent contradictory interests outweigh the temporary coalescence of interests. 
It seems that, given the situation which now obtains, it cannot be said that there 
must come at this moment a stoppage of further changes by the party. Under 
the constant pressure from the bottom and in strengthening the rightist forces 
in the party, it is possible that there will be an evolutionary development which 
will transform Poland into a country of ever-increasing elements of real 

It appears that for the most desirable development of events in the future, 
that is, such which could harm a retrogressive trend and simultaneously press 
the leaders continuously forward in the direction of change, it would be necessary 
to have a sitiaation where the uprising of the masses would be a primary poten- 
tial threat but that the movement of the masses would take a peaceful form but 
in general. The following are a few of these views : 

When one speaks of Gomulka's views in this period, a very important factor 
must be considered, namely, that those views were in reality just forming and 
absolutely not yet fitted into some kind of finished system. He did not yet 
state them in their entirety or, all the more, introduce them into life, nor, I am 
convinced, did he think them through himself. The entire period of his power 
in the party falls in the years of a fight for power, and building the very bases 
of Communist rule in Poland. It was only the last period of his leadership (the 
second half (»f 1947 and the first half of 1948) that there was a beginning in 
deciding how the economic structure and the political system in Poland would 
look. And Gomulka was not a theoretician. His views were primarily based 
on practice. Even then, however, there were in his views clear elements of 
contradiction not only with Soviet policies but also with the Communist ideology 
in general. The following are a few of these views : 

(a) Gomulka had a negative attitude in regard to the activity of the Com- 
munist Party of Poland during the prewar period and to the activity of its 
predecessor, the SDKPIL. This negative attitude resulted from liLs critical 
evaluation of the fact that these parties subordinated the national Polish 
prolilems to the affairs of the international Communist movement. Gomulka 
thought that the policies of tlie Polish Socialist Party (an anti-Conununist 
Party) were lietter in many regards, in any event, better from the point of view 
of national considerations. He wanted to separate the party he directed from 
the traditions of the Polish Communist Party. So far, that for the members 
of the party he did not want to use the name, "Communist," since this in Poland 
signified sometliing Muscovite, something anti-Polish. This was not just a 
tactic with Gonmlka. His colleagues in the Politburo and Moscow agreed to 
this in the early period because of tactical considerations since a battle was 
being waged for power where no political trick could be neglected. But in 
1947-4S, other leaders of the party and Moscow considered that it was time to end 
this tactic, Gomulka, however, regarded this matter seriously and not just as 
a tactic. 

<h) Gomulka regarded the matter of alliance with Russia as a state prob- 
lem. He explained the need for this alliance by the German question. He put 
national considerations at the forefront in this alliance saying practically noth- 


ing of a common-party ideology of both countries. The entire tenor of his 
speeches and views was permeated with caution in a positive evaluation of Rus- 
sia, mistrust in relation to Russia as well as constant stressing of the unsuit- 
ableness of the Soviet example for Poland. In the meantime, the impression 
arose that he was for Soviet troops in I'oland and for Russian intervention in 
Poland since this was necessary for him to come into power, but that after 
getting power he would gladly get rid of the protectors. 

(c) Gomulka was an opponent of the collectivization of agriculture. He 
did not feel this suitable given Polish conditions. He did not have any positive 
program of transforming the Polish villages. He was concerned with retaining 
the status quo. Apparently he was an opponent of violent measures in the in- 
dustrial field. He attached many hopes to cooperatives in trade. 

In short, it can be said that in his views Gomulka differed from his colleagues 
in the leadership and in Moscow mainly in that he wanted to wield control over 
Poland himself without submitting reports to Moscow, that he wanted to de- 
velop communism in Poland in a more evolutionary manner, that he wanted to 
avoid those forms in the building of conununism which in his opinion were con- 
trary to the national Polish character. He wanted to feel less a leader of the 
party and more a director of the state. 


Both the movement within the party which began after the death of Stalin 
as decreed by Moscow, as well as the movement within the party which began 
to develop at the same time, went much further than Moscow wanted and was 
a kind of rebellion against the leadership of the party and the ideological 
dictatorship of Moscow. It was not a Gomulkaite movement inside the party 
and particularly in the Activ. The slogan "democracy" was not associated 
with Gomulka whom the Activ knew to be a dictator from 1945 to 1948. The 
attachment to Leninist tradition and outbursts of hatred toward Russia in con- 
junction with the revelation of the Polish Communist Party affair (KPP) 
(i. e., its destruction by Stalin after 1938) was also different than the attach- 
ment by Gomulka to the traditions of socialism and his nationalistic anti- 
Russian stand. As far as the leadership of the party is concerned, which to an 
overwhelming extent retained its leading functions up to the present within 
the scope of a Gomulkaite Politburo and government, it appeared a month or 
two ago that it maintained the basic accusations leveled against Gomulka in 
1948 and did not intend to return the leadership of the party to him. It is 
doubtful that in the intervening 2 months that their basic views of Gomulka 
and his past errors could be so generally revised that the party high command 
would voluntarily relinquish to Gomulka the leadership of the party. I believe 
that it is more sound to say that a majority of the party high command was and 
is negatively predisposed to Gomulka and gave him power under the pressure 
of a threatening situation, of their own irresolution and the conviction that he 
is capable of mastering the situation. It appears that the initiators of this move 
was that more clever (or perhaps that supporting) group of the leadership who 
even before the Plenum (Ochab and Cyrankiewicz) had already come to an 
agreement with Gomulka and in this way saved themselves with the rest. How- 
ever, it also appears likely that Moscow was warned by the stubbornly Stalinist 
part on the party leadership. It therefore appears that in the party leadership 
and present setup Gomulka has more enemies and wavering supporters than 
decided friends. This situation will however probably change. 

First. Gomulka already has introduced some of his people into the Politburo 
and central committee, for example, Loga-Sowinski, Kliszko, and Spychalski. 

Second. It will be easier for the Polish Socialist Party portion of the party 
leadership to work with Gomulka than with the former leadership. They have 
more points in common in the past as well as now. 

Third. I doubt that the majority of the present members of the leadership, 
who were simultaneously favored in the years 19.50-.55, will long remain in the 
leadership. Gomulka has already proposed the creation of an impartial com- 
mission that will occupy itself with an examination of who is responsible for the 
the crimes of the past; that is, crimes not committed by Gomulka. 

Fourth. In March there is to be a party congress. Gomulka, who at the 
present time wields enormous authority and power, will undoul)tedly utilize this 
congress for selecting a central committee favorable to himself. 

As far as the Party Activ and the party intelligentsia are concerned, it appears 
that while supporting the main points which he accepted in his policy speech 


(independence from Russia, putting a brake on collectivization, production of 
consumer goods), they are not tied to Gomulka but approach him with many 
reservations. The main strength of Gomulka is the basic party organizations. 
It appears that his support here is enormous. This also applies, so it would 
seem, to the workers, youth, and military organizations. Their attitudes differ 
from the feelings of the people primarily, and sometimes only in that they want 
the party to continue to rule in Poland. For that reason their support of 
Gomulka will most probably continue as distinct from support of the people, 
v/ho want independence from the Soviet Union, internal reforms, and are 
simultaneously anti-Communist. 


At the VII plenum of the central committee of the party, 3 months ago, when 
it was decided to reinstate Gomulka in the party, this was no doubt done on the 
condition that he accept the existent political platform of the party. However, 
Gomulka became the first secretary of the party despite the ruling of the VII 
plenum without accepting the party line which was confirmed at that time by 
the central committee and the politburo. From this first policy speech it is 
evident that he considers as improper the resolutions of 1948 and 1949 which 
condemned his position despite the fact that these resolutions are formally bind- 
ing since they have never been revoked. Gomulka made it clear that he still 
maintains the position he held then in matters to which Moscow and the Polish 
central committee were opposed. 

Second. Gomulka made it very clear that he considers the general party line 
not only in the years 1948-53 but also the years 1955-56 (and hence from Stalin's 
death until he (Gomulka) took power) as fallacious. This is at the same time 
a condemnation of the slowness and half measures of the changes which were 
accomplished in Russia since the death of Stalin. 

Third. On the basis of Gomulka's first speech, it is difficult to estimate exactly 
what his general line will be, that is, how far he has progressed in the views he 
held in 1948. Such an estimate can only be made after the elections in January 
and the party congress in March. 

The following factors might be of primary importance in influencing the 
difference in Gomulka's position and views as compared to his position and 
views in 1945-48 : 

In the yeai's from 1945 to 1948 Gonnilka ruled Poland under conditions of com- 
plete Soviet control over the life of the country. This control hampered the 
freedom of his moves and views. Presently, under conditions of basically 
weakened or perhaps even severed direct Soviet control, Gomulka has a freer 
hand to vent his views and bring them to life. 

Second. The years 1945-47 were a period of struggle for power in Poland. 
At that time it was a question of life or death for the Communist Party in 
Poland. In such a period tlie differences of opinion between Gomulka and the 
Soviet Union as well as the pro-Soviet Polish Communist leaders had to give 
v/ay to the more important pressing problem of getting and retaining power. 
The present period in this regard does not hamper Gomulka as it did then. 

Third. After Gomulka personally experienced the full meaning of 
Stalinism and the Soviet system. He went to prison. He had tlie incentive 
and time to think through and examine tlie differences between Polish interests 
and those of the Soviets and traditional Communist ideology. 

Fourth. In 1948 Gomulka did not have any support in the party. The party 
accepted his removal with hardly any resistance. At the present time Gomulka 
has certain groups of activists who support him because of his views. He has 
certain groups of activists who support him because of fear of the return of 
Stalinism. At the same time, he has strong backing among the mass of rank- 
and-file party members who for the first time in party history pulled themselves 
out of their lethargy and bonds of party discipline. This strengthens the posi- 
tion of Gomulka and should have the effect of making him stronger in his 

Fifth. In view of the fact that in the years 1945-48 Gomulka fought against 
the people, he did not have their support. At the present time however, he has 
their support. Thanks to this support, above all, he was able to achieve the 
position of ruler of tlie country. This support which at present is his strength 
and trump, simultaneously limits liis freedom of movement and rather presses 
him to a position of supporting tlie most far-reaching changes in internal policies 
as well as in relations with the Soviet Union. 


.Sixth. lu the years 1945^8, Gomulka helped create the Stalinist system in 
Poland. He himself later became a victim of this system. In coming to power 
in 1956, Gomulka found a basically weakened and disorganized power of the 
secret police, an awakened active public opinion, and full discussions in the 
press. He rose to power on the wave of a general conviction tliat he will want 
to further develop these beginning elements of change. It is doubtful if in these 
conditions he will want or could return to such a system as he built in Poland 
in 1945-48. All of these above factors rather press Gomulka in a direction 
further differing from the traditional Soviet-Communist views than the views 
lie held in the period 1945-48. 



United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 
OF THE Internal Security Act and Other Internal 
Security Laws, of the Committee on the Judiciary, 


The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 3 : 35 p. m., in the office 
of Senator William E. Jenner, Senate Office Building. 

Present: Senator Jenner (presiding). 

Also present : Robert Morris, chief counsel. 

Senator Jenner. Mr. Rastvorov, do you solemnly swear the testi- 
mony you are about to give will be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Rastvorov. I clo. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, at the last appearance of ]Mr. Rastvorov be- 
fore the Senate subcommittee, he told us in his testimony that he knew 
Sergei Tikhvinsky, a member of the NKVD, an official whose job it 
was, according to his own direct knowledge, to recruit Japanese pris- 
oners into the Soviet apparatus and then send them back into Japan, 
and at the time of his appearance he said Mr. Tikhvinsky had just 
been appointed by the Soviet Government as the head of the official 
trade mission to Japan and it was thought at that time that he would 
be the Soviet Ambassador to Japan. 

Now, from our point of view, it was an extremely important intelli- 
gence development, that we have the spectacle of a man that trains 
Japanese into Connnunist agents from among Japanese prisoners, 
sends them back to Japan after they are trained, and then that he is 
sent there as the head of a mission, so that he is in a foreign country 
working with agents of his own organizing and training. 

Xow, in following up the particular point, we noticed here last week 
that the son of Prince Konoye died in a Japanese prison camp, and we 
asked Mr. Rastvorov if he knew anything about that particular devel- 
opment and he said he did, and we are asking him to give testimony 
on that particular subject. 

"\^niat do you know about the son of Prince Konoye ? 


Mr. Rastvorov. The Soviet Intelligence Service had a very special 
group organized in 1947, 1948, to recruit a number of Japanese prison- 
ers of war held in prison camps all over the Soviet Union — — 

Mr. ]\Iorris. Excuse me. What position did you occupy at that 
time ? You were then in the Soviet Military Intelligence ? 



Mr, Kastvorov. At that time I was an officer of the MVD. I my- 
self was engaged in tlie recruiting of Japanese prisoners of war. 

The Soviet Intelligence Service was interested in Japanese prisoners 
who occupied important positions in their country, as I testified before. 
All of those people were targets for recruitment. Among them were 
several prominent Japanese, including the son of Prince Konoye. 
Officers whom I know personally, for instance. Colonel Vashkin, par- 
ticipated in the attempt to recruit him. 

The son of Prince Konoye, in spite of the persistent attempts to 
recruit him, did not collaborate, and refused to act as an agent of the 
Soviet Intelligence Service in Japan. 

Mr. Morris. There were oilers that he would be repatriated if 

Senator Jenner. If he collaborated ? 

Mr. Rastvorov. If he collaborated, but he would not. After they 
failed in their recruitment attempt, they tried him and sentenced him 
as a war criminal. I don't know what the sentence was, but he would 
get a long term in prison. 

Mr. Morris. How do you know that, Mr. Rastvorov ? 

Mr. Rastvorov. I know it from people who were engaged in this 

This man I mentioned, a Colonel Vashkin, participated in the at- 
tempted recruitment of the son of Prince Konoye. I know Vashkin 
personally ; when he was in Tok5^o I worked with him. He was chief 
of the ]\IVD group in Tokyo, where he worked under the cover name 
of Volgin. 

Mr. Morris. And what was his cover assignment ? 

Mr. Rastvorov. His cover assignment was chief of consulate of the 
Soviet mission in Japan. 

To continue, I learned from Vashkin and others that the Soviet 
Government refused to free the son of Prince Konoye, and decided to 
keep him in the Soviet Union in order to avoid revelation of all that 
had happened to him in connection with attempts to recruit him. The 
Soviets realized the reaction of the Japanese people and people of the 
free world if Prince Konoye revealed his experiences, so he was sen- 
tenced as a war criminal and, I assume, reduced to living conditions 
which would shorten his life, following the principle that "Dead men 
tell no tales." 

Mr. Morris. That is an assumption on your part, that they delib- 
erately shortened his life ? 

Mr. Rastvorov. Yes, that is my assumption on this particular case, 
based on my personal experience in the MVD. 

Mr. Morris. Now, are there any developments since our last session 
about Sergei Tikhvinsky. 

Mr. Rastvorov. No; I don't know all the recent details about Tikh- 
vinsky. I know only that he continued to stay in Tokyo in spite of 
the fact that the Japanese knew his real assignment is to expand 
Soviet intelligence operations in Japan, and to recruit new agents, 
to replace those who were uncovered by my defection. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Rastvorov, since your last testimony there 
have been reports that Col, Gen. Serov, who I think you told us is 

the ranking MVD officer now 

Mr. Rastvorov. Yes ; the press announced the appearance in Hun- 
gary of General Serov, chairman of the KGB, formerly called the 
MVD. He was appointed chairman of the KGB after the arrest of 


Beria, and since then has held this position. Previously, in 1943, he 
headed the special task force which was engaged in the deportation 
of national minorities in the Soviet Union from the Caucasus area, 
such as the Kalmiks, Chichans, Ingushi, Crimean Tartars from their 
homeland to the interior of the country, mainly to Kazakhstan. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, in 1943 his assignment was to specialize 
in mass deportations and mass relocations of populations 'i 

Mr. Rastvorov. He was in charge of the operation. 

Mr. Morris. How do you know that ? 

Mr. Eastvorov. Because I participated myself. 

Mr. Morris. With him ? 

Mr. Rastvorov. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And what was his rank at that time ? 

Mr. Rastvorov. At that time, he held the same rank, General, and 
was deputy of the minister of MVD. 

Mr. Morris. What was your rank at that time ? 

Mr. Rastvorov. At that time I was a captain. 

Mr. Morris. And you w^ere one of his assistants, and, therefore, 
you knew ? 

Mr. Rastvorov. No ; I was not one of his personal assistants. I was 
a member of a huge group established for the deportations of national 

Senator Jenner. You were an officer in that? 

Mr. Rastvorov. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And General Serov is now in Hungary ? 

]VIr. Rastvorov. According to newspaper reports, which have been 
confirmed several times. 

Mr. Morris. Senator Jenner, the Internal Security Subcommittee 
today took testimony from several Hungarians who have been in the 
country less than a week, that they witnessed and experienced the ef- 
forts on the part of the Soviet Union to effect extensive deportations 
from Hungary to the Soviet Union, and in view of that development 
and the reported arrival of General Serov there, we were particu- 
larly interested in getting Mr. Rastvorov's testimony about this 
specialty of Serov. 

Mr. Rastvorov. For that particular job — to continue my state- 
ment — after the successful deportation of the whole population from 
one area to another he was awarded several decorations. 

Serov also was head of a special group which was organized after 
the defeat of Germany. The task of this group was to arrest and 
deport to the Soviet Union so-called Fascist elements and anti-Soviet 
persons. This also involved rounding up German scientists, especially 
nuclear scientists, who now are helping them to build atomic weapons 
in the Soviet Union. 

For all of these operations he was decorated as a hero of the Soviet 

Mr. Morris. And you know all of this from your own experience. 

Mr. Rastvorov. From my own experience ; yes. 

Serov was also in charge of the liquidation of rebel groups in the 
Ukraine who fought against the Soviet regime during and after the 

I can add also that Serov was called the master of depoi'tation, be- 
cause of his experience in this particular job. I also have assumed 


because of my experience as a former NKVD officer, that the Soviet 
Government sent him to Hungary to liquidate revolutionary resistance 
against the Soviets who dominate Hungary and would like to add 
that special MVD divisions, called divisions of special assignment, 
were established during the war and participated in the liquidation of 
these nationalistic groups in the Ukraine and the deportation of mi- 
norities from their homelands. I assume that these divisions are now 
active in Hungary, along with Soviet Army units. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know Ambassador Rodionov ? 

Mr. Eastvorov. He is an admiral of the Soviet Navy. He was ap- 
pointed as Ambassador to Sweden in 1948 or 1949. 

Originally, he was one of the deputies of the chairman of the Com- 
mittee for Information, and I worked under him at that particular 

He went to Sweden as the Ambassador of the Soviet Union, and 
stayed there until recently, when he was forced to leave by the pressure 
of Swedish public opinion, in connection with his espionage activity 
in that country. 

He started in this profession in the early 1940*s, as one of the lead- 
ing figures of the Navy Intelligence Service of the Soviet Union 

Mr. Morris. Was he head of the Navy Intelligence Service? 

Mr. Rastvorov. Yes; at one time before the establishment of the 
Committee of Infornuition. 

In 1948, after the merger of all the military intelligence services of 
the Soviet Union and the intelligence service of the MVD, he was 
appointed a deputy of the chairman for the Committee on Informa- 
tion. At that time, the chairman of the Committee of Information 
was Molotov, who was succeeded by Vishinsky and then by Zorin, for- 
mer ambassador to Bonn. 

Mr. Morris. So Zorin, too, was an intelligence man acting under 
diplomatic cover? 

Mr. Rastvorov. Yes; he worked as an intelligence officer under 
diplomatic cover in Germany. 

Mr. Morris. xVnd I think that you told us previously that Ambassa- 
dor Panyushkin was, to your knowledge, a high-i'anking official of 
the Soviet intelligence service. 

Mr. Rastsorov. Yes; I know liim personally as a high-ranking in- 
telligence officer. 

Mr. Morris. What was his military rank? 

Mr. Rastvorov. He was a major general, and after he returned to 
the Soviet I'nion he was appointed as a deputy of the chief of the 
P'oreign Directorate of the Central Committee of the Communist 
Party. We can say that this directorate is the same thing as the Com- 
intern — in other words, it functions as a clandestine Comintern. 

Senator Jenner. Was the Comintern dissolved during the war? 

Mr. Rastvorov. Yes; it was. 

Senator Jenxer. Well, was it actually dissolved? 

Mr. Rastvorov. No; not actually. Only nominally. 

Senator Jexxer. It went ahead functioning? 

Mr. Rastvoron. Yes; just the same, basically. 

Mr. Morris. In fact, is there any diU'erence whatever in their activi- 
ties before the so-called dissolution, and after dissolution? 

Mr. Rastvor(jv. No ; they continued to work the same way, using the 
same methods. 


Mr. Mourns. Mv. Tiustvorov, it l\:is l>eeii suirjiested that the pre.sent 
policy of the Tnited States vis-a-vis the Soviet T^nion at this time 
slioiild be one of assist ino- the Soviets in etiectinir a series of detach- 
ments of the satellites from the Soviet I^nion. The Ignited States 
Government is being nrged to lend its good offices to aiding the Soviet 
Union in negotiating these detachments of the satellites from the 
Soviet I'nion and that bv so doing we wonld be contributing to the 
peace of the world. The reason for all of this being that the satellites 
have become a liability to the Soviet Union, 

Air. Rastvoro\. Well 

Mr. M(»Ki!is. Ivet me linish. 

Based on your long experience as a Uonnnunist and particularly as 
an officer of political intelligence, can yon tell us what your analysis 
is of events in the satellites and generally the meaning of Soviet 

Mr. Ras']'voko\'. The Westein world has welcomed de-Stalinization 
with a mixture of confusion and wishful thinking, the recent form of 
which may be more aptly termed an indulgence in "gi-eat expecta- 
tions." The belief that the present Kremlin leadership has inaugu- 
rated a departure from Stalinist terror and brutality has been de- 
stroyed by the recent events in Eastern Europe. 

a" key to the present situation was Khrushchev's conditional con- 
demnation of Stalin for such acts as the extermination of many lead- 
ing old Bolsheviks, while conveniently ignoring the forced collectivi- 
zation of the Russian peasantiy through mass annihilation. The 
])ractical nature of the Communi'^t system was thereby shown. A 
leader was condemned for certain errors alone, his general policy of 
oppression was not rejected, in either internal or external matters. As 
far as the latter is concerned, the expansionist policies of the Soviet 
Union were entirely in keeping with Lenin's philosophy, and certainly 
not attributable to Stalin alone. The present leaders of the Kremlin 
will continue to advocate the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism, 
without the limitations imposed on them by the reactionary brutality 
of Stalin. 

De-Stalinization can be considered as the basis of the policy bemg 
applied at present by the Soviet regime in its efforts to seek new, flexi- 
ble political forms in relationship to its own people, the satellite popu- 
lations, and the inhabitants of the Western World. This has been 
inade necessary by the realization that there is evolvhig a growing 
opposition to connnunism and its leadership. The denunciation of 
Stalin was forced by the realization that his methods, essentially rigid 
and reactionary, were not consistently applicable in present circum- 
stances. They have realized that a more elastic political form was 
long overdue, in which they could appeal to the wishes of the populace 
by the institution of temporary and artificial reforms. This must be 
recognized as not l>eing a departure from the basic principle of control, 
the very essence of the Soviet system. 

The entire program of de-Stalinization has been projected on a 
barrage of propaganda designed to create the illusion of the advent of 
a new era devoted to the pure form of communism. However, so- 
called de-Stalinization does not mean a departure from the central 
theme of communism, the basic tenet of which is "the dictatorship of 
the proletariat,'* or more correctly stated, "dictatorship of the party 
henchmen over the working masses." This dictatorship is impossible 


without the application of the identical methods of Stalin— terror and 
oppression. This same resort to violence will be foimd in the new, 
flexible political policies of the collective leadership. A perfect exam- 
ple of the application of this flexibility can be shown in the develop- 
ments in Poland and Himgary. In the first case, control has been 
maintained by the application of this rapid political maneuvering 
called for in Leninism, the use of the principle of retreat m order to 
regi'oup and reorganize preparatoiy to advancing. The political and 
economic domination of Poland by the Soviet Union is unchallenged 
to this moment, despite the liberal refonns attributed to the Gomulka 
regime. Should the situation in Poland have presented an opportun- 
ity for the emergence of an opposition party, the Soviets would not 
have hesitated in the application of the violent elements of their new 
policy of flexibility. 

In the case of Hmigary, the world has witnessed a perfect example 
of the more practical aspects of the new Soviet flexibility. Unen- 
ciunbered by moral principles, the Soviet regime set about systemati- 
cally to liquidate an entire nation. The Kremlin leadership quickly 
recognized the appearance of new political forces, representing a 
fatal threat to the strategic position of the Soviet Union in Hungary. 
The end result was inevitable. Despite resolutions of condemnation, 
protestations, and appeals to moral principles, I believe that the 
Kremlin leadership under no circumstances will relent from its com- 
plete domination of Hungary. In reference to the possibilities of 
liberating Eastern Europe by peaceful means, may I quote Khrush- 
chev, to the effect that the Soviet Union will depart from the princi- 
ples of Marxism-Leninism when "the shrimp learns to whistle." The 
Western World must recognize that de-Stalinization is nothing more 
than a reaffirmation of the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism, and 
is essentially a much more cynical and complete system, embodying 
both the ruthless oppression of Stalinism and the more subtle means of 

political manipulation. 

Keeping this situation in mind, I believe that the Kremlin, in spite 
of its saber rattling, is genuinely concerned with the preservation of 
peace — for a limited time. It must be noted, however, that peace is 
desired by the Soviets and the Western World for completely differ- 
ent reasons. The high ideals of the West fit precisely with the prac- 
tical considerations of the Kremlin. The biggest factor in the plan- 
ning of the Soviet Union is time. They need time to build, time to 
consolidate, and time to establish a state of preparedness, from which 
they can enter the inevitable conflict with a reasonable hope of success. 

Mr. Morris. I think that is all. 

Senator Jenner. Off the record. 

(Discussion off the record, following which, at 4 p. m., the subcom- 
mittee recessed, subject to call of the Chair.) 

(The following testimony by E. Andriyive, a Soviet defector, on 
Mav 16, supplementing a previous excerpt which appears in part 21 
of Scope of Soviet Activity in the United States, was ordered into' 
the record by Senator Arthur V. Watkins, presiding, at a hearinu: on 
February 20, 1957:) 




Mr. Morris. How do you interpret recent events in the Soviet 
Union based on your experiences as you liave set them forth? 

Mr. Andriyve. You obviously refer to "de-Stalinization," sir, to 
tlie famous Khrushchev's speech of February 24, 1956. It seems that 
the meaning of the "new Soviet turn," as far as the West is con- 
cerned, has been correctly understood liere. Khrushchev did not 
change a bit the old Soviet ultimatum to the West: Capitulate or 
perish. His "new" line is not to abandon the old Stalin policies but 
to make them more efficient. 

On the other hand, the reasons why the "de-Stalinization" cam- 
paign has been launched are being explained here in various equally 
unconvincing ways. Yet, to understand the functioning of the Soviet 
system it is very important to know those reasons. I claim no patent 
for knowledge of the Soviet system, but still have a sort of my own 

Some experts say that the "de-Stalinization" is a consequence of 
acute internal troubles and that Stalin was sacrificed as a scapegoat 
in view of the prevailing well-known mass discontents in the Soviet 
Union and in satellites. 

It is easy to expose the inconsistency of such explanations. The 
mass discontents have been deeply rooted in Russia and in the satel- 
lite countries; they are an inalienable part of the Soviet system. 
Unless the 300 million people were taken for morons, the Kremlin 
gangsters could not even dream of alleviating those discontents 
merely by using Stalin's corpse as a "scapegoat." Consumer's goods 
and some human rights could have done the job, nothing else. And 
precisely these things the Kremlin gangsters could not give the people 
witliout midermining the very basis of the Soviet system. On the 
other hand, unless they were suicides, the Kremlin clique could have 
never tlirown their most valuable Stalin's icon overboard, and face 
innumerable (and easily predictable) difficulties just for try. 

I know some of the Kremlin gangsters personally and know their 
modus operandi very well. There must have been some imperative 
reasons for them to do such a disadvantageous thing. 

Let's establish a few basic points that could easily be proved by 
facts and on which most observers apparently agree : 

1. The present Kremlin masters, as past accomplices in all Stalin 
crimes, are just criminals themselves, with characteristic absence of 
morals, honesty, conscience, or pity; they are guided by Communist 
expediency only. 

2. Under Stalin they lived in constant fear of physical extermina- 
tion by him. They are prepared to go to any length to prevent a 
reestablishment of that sort of personal terror. 

3. There has been going an acute struggle for the supreme power 
among them. 

4. Being the disciples of the same Marxist-Communist school, they 
fear each other and distrust each other. 

5. Terror has been the only principle of Soviet succession to the 

These features will help in discerning their motivations. 


Stalin used his secret-police machine for two distinct purposes: 
(1) As a weapon of his government against the people; (2) as his 
personal weapon against any of his henchmen. Historical facts as 
well as the structure and organization of Soviet police amply prove 
this assertion. 

After Stalin's death, Beria, holding this dual weapon tried — quite 
logically — to seize the throne. Unfortunately for him, his comrades 
were alert enough to forestall the trouble by killing him off first. It 
is interesting to note in this connection that there is not a slightest 
proof to the official contention that Beria was tried in December 1953 
and subsequently executed. On the contrary, many facts indicate 
that he was killed off' on the spot in June 1953, and that the sham 
trial (in absentia) was staged half a year later for propaganda 

Should Beria have grabbed the supreme poAver he would undoubt- 
edly have liquidated some of his comrades as the latter would not 
have left his position unchallenged. That's why murder of Beria 
was an act of preventive self-defense on the part of his comrades. 

The comrades jealously watching each other decided, for the sake 
of their mutual security, to truncate the secret-police machine so that 
it won't be able to perform its function No. 2. No. 1 fimction was 
left intact. As outward manifestations we saw reshufflings and 
shooting on the highest level of the police. Two chiefs of the Inves- 
tigative Section of the Division for Protection of Leaders ( Ryumin, 
Vlodzimirsky) were shot. Precisely this section was instrumental in 
liquidation of the comrades in arms by Stalin. V. S. Abakumov, one 
of the police chiefs, was shot for fabrication of cases against party 
leaders. Many lesser figures in the police Avere shot. 

The propaganda line at the time was: "Beria — the Fascist dog and 
agent of imperialists,'' his police machine is being reorganized to 
provide better "justice'' for citizens. Beria agents were extirpated 
everywhere. A typical Stalin pattern of handling the two lines — 
words and deeds — separately and independently. 

Lacking legal successor and rivaling with each other, the comrades 
agreed on the idea of committee rule — the famous collective leadership. 
Reluctantly they agreed to recognize Malenkov as their No. 1 man. 
The choice of Malenkov could not be accidental, however. It meant 
that Malenkov was the most influential man at the moment ; he had 
greater backing from the comrades themselves and from the Central 
Committee than any other member of the clique. He had strong and 
long-established connections with the party and its Central Commit- 
tee, the fact dangerous in itself. So the comrades put the old blabber, 
demagog, and alcoholic Khrushchev between Malenkov and the party. 

But Malenkov clearly was not satisfied wnth his position : he maneu- 
vered further. He was first to condemn Beria and his inadmissible 
methods, and thus capitalized on the universal hatred against Beria 
and his methods. Then Malenkov offered a program of boosting the 
production of consumers' goods at the expense of heavy industry, 
thus striking at the most sensitive point of the people and gaining 
exce])tional popularity. That was a real danger to the comrades and 
to the system. They began to realize that without the police Malenkov 
could demote them one by one and subsequently do away Avith them. 
By raising the real wages of Soviet workers from their normal below- 


subsistence level Maleukov eoiild shatter the very i'oumlations of the 
Soviet s^^stem. He became too dangerous. 

Now, l3_y all Stalin canons and by their own standards the comrades 
had to shoot Malenkov with or without a frameup. Yet he was only 
moderately disgraced and demoted. He publicly read his uniit-for- 
leadership confession, and was appointed as a minister of electric 
stations. Thus he disqualified himself for any future bid for the 
supreme power. Wh}' the comrades spared Malenkov ? 

Apparently because by that time (February 1955) all comrades 
deeply realized that the committee rule in earnest was the only way out 
for all of them. No more killings among the members of the gang; 
there were enough enemies and capitalists aromid to be killed. They 
were watching with schadenfreude us and discussing our "struggle for 

Each member of the Kremlin gang knew others as crooks and was 
suspicious of them. Each was equally determined to prevent any 
comrade from grabbing the throne. This was not a case of mutual 
rivalry so common in the Western cabinets. It was a case of survival 
for every member of the gang. This unusual situation has resulted in 
an unusual decision. Two least capable and least influential members 
of the gang were selected as outward representatives : Bulganin for 
the "government," Khrushchev for the party. 

With all important governmental matters discussed in the Presid- 
ium and decided upon by majority vote, the rule of the two represent- 
atives could seemingly be reduced to that of announcers of the will of 
the Presidium, and the setup looked safe. 

The two clow^ns we immediately recognized in the West as the 
Premier and the party boss. Conditioned by long years under Stalin 
the people at home have also recognized them as the head of the gov- 
ernment and the head of the party. Perhaps unwittingly the clowns 
from the very start got more recognition than their comrades had 
planned. They began their extensive travels at home and abroad, for 
the first time enjoying some of the freedoms they had been denied by 
Stalin. Despite their butiooning, alcoholic blab, and tactless pranks, 
their prestige steadily rose as they were the recognized representatives 
of the all-powerful Communist empire. Such occasions as the Geneva 
Conference only boosted their prestige. 

We do not know how far their personal feelings about their impor- 
tance had gone, nor what sort of designs for the throne they had made, 
but we do know that their comrades in the Presidium got worried 
again. Besides, the safeguards already taken were felt inadequate 
anyway. A situation could easily develop when an influential member 
of the Presidium (say Molotov, or Mikoyan, or Kaganovich) using his 
personal prestige and comiections and intriguing within the Central 
Committee could gain an exclusive support of that body. With no 
police support, without palace revolt, he still would eventually be able 
to climb the throne. 

Additional safeguards were in order to repel early all such attempts. 

The Central Committee had to be permanently attuned for rebuff. 
Hence repeated denunciations of the cult of personality which the 
comrades had practiced in general terms for some time. But tlie 
comrades got themselves into an untenable situation. All right, the 
cult of personality was wrong. Was it wrong under Stalin ? Presum- 


ably, yes. Then, what Stalin had done was wrong? Apparently no ; 
because the post-Stalin changes were insignificant. Or a part of Stalin 
deeds was wrong? Which part? Or the cult was right under Stalin 
and wrong ? Why ? 

Combined with the profound genuine hatred toward Stalin in prac- 
tically all strata of Soviet society, such questions prompted anti-Soviet 
fermentation. Stalin's crimes against many party chieftains were 
fresh in the memory of their pals in the CC. Some of his victims were 
still alive in jails and camps. A number of slandered innocent victims 
were released. Cases of others were reviewed. Some were not re- 
leased, not exonorated. Why? Were they Stalin's enemies or also 
the present gang's enemies? Unhealthy talks began at home and 
abroad. And what was most important, how could the CC positively 
react against a concrete carrier of the cult when the cult was so loosely 
defined? Was one-half of the Stalin cult OK? Was three-fourths 
of Khrushchev's cult and a little of Bulganin's OK ? 

Something unequivocal and drastic had to be done. Not only the 
departed leader had to be mentioned by name but a definite part of his 
crimes had to be clearly exposed and condemned ; the exact degree of 
allowed criticism (for party members so-and-so much, for the rest 
so-and-so much) had to be clearly announced. That was a very difH- 
cult decision to make. Between February 19.55 and February 1956, 
the comrades apparently discussed the burning problem many times, 
Pravda reflecting the situation by on-and-off references to the great 
leader or total omissions of the controversial name. January 23, 1956, 
Pravda used the term "party of Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin" for the 
last time. Since then Stalin's name was dropped. 

To be sure the adverse consequences of an anti-Stalin course loomed 
clearly on all sides. The comrades were to sacrifice the icon of their 
demigod which was most valuable for the central control of the 
empire. They could safely go on using the icon for justification of 
practically any policies; for, after all, what Stalinism was? Just 
anything designed or used to help the Kremlin and to destroy the 
West. Communist dialectics could explain away anything. 

Yet in spite of the adverse forebodings the comrades decided to do 
away with the Stalin icon. Many facts indicate that the decision was 
not unanimous. Yet, the majority drive to enlist the full power of the 
CC against any member of the gang who might attempt to grab the 
power singlehandedly has finally prevailed. The cult of personality 
had to be condemned in theory and in practice in the strongest terms 
and at any price. Vital personal interests, bare instinct of self- 
preservation, not the supreme Communist motivations, lay at the root 
of the anti-Stalin campaign. Comrades, let's preserve our hides what- 
ever losses to the cause. Should we lose our hides, the cause will be 
lost completely. 

But there were some brighter aspects, too. Deep hatred toward 
Stalin could be conveniently exploited. Many little palliations (intro- 
duced for improving the operational efficiency of the regime) could 
be presented as a proof of benevolence of the new line. The approach 
to the neutralists and liberals in every noncommunist country seemed 
t/O become easier. As to the diehard imperialists, they won't bother 
us. Not only would they miss the opportunity to rout us at this criti- 
cal moment, they will fail to comprehend the nature of our difficulties. 


We need to recall only the words of our great leader and master Lenin : 
"The bourgeoisie is organically incapable to combat communism"; 
which the bourgeoisie has been beautifully proving the last 39 years. 

Such were the reasons — as we see them — for the famous Khrushchev 
speech of February 24, 1956. 

In the light of subsequent serious losses communism suffered 
throughout the world, was the Khrushchev s])eech a mistake? We do 
not think so. The partial exposure of Stalin had only one aim: To 
stabilize the Kremlin gang. So far that aim has been fully achieved. 
No external or internal vicissitudes have shaken the gang. And that 
is the main thing. Western press predicted many times a fall of 
Bulganin's cabinet, or a fall of Khrushchev, and so forth. Nothing of 
the kind happened. The reason has been simple: The Bulganin 
cabinet in the Western sense does not exist in nature. On the other 
hand, many powerful means that the West really possesses have never 
been used against the Kremlin gang. 


1. The present Soviet regime is of necessity a genuine committee 
rule, the collective leadership. It has been successful, so far, and it 
may be successful for many years to come. 

2. Khrushchev and Bulgaiiin are not the bosses of the Kremlin gang, 
but only its outward representatives. They can be substituted by 
other members — the fundamental course of the regime will not change. 
The Kremlin crooks can abandon their great final plan no more than 
the Americans can abandon dollar. 

3. Although there surely exist factions within the gang, they settle 
their differences by frank discussions and majority vote. It would 
be wrong to take reshufflings that sometimes occur in the Kremlin 
for indication of a major irreparable split. 

4. The Soviet Armed Forces are organized on an entirely different 
basis from those in the West. The '"army*' (a favorite term of western 
columnists) did not and could not have an}' significant influence in the 
Kremlin changes. 


Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to the mere fact of the appearance of the names of an individual or an organiza- 
tion in this index. 



Abakumov. V. S 3176 

Aiidriyve, E. (testimony resumed) 3175-3179 

Anti-Communist 3164, 3166 

Anti-Soviet 3154 

Anti-Stalin 3161,3178 


Beria 3171,3176 

Bialer, Seweryn (testimony of) 3151-3167 

Statement of events in Poland 3161-3167 

Bolsheviks 3173 

Bonn, Germany 3172 

Bordzilowski 3160 

Bulganin 3163, 3178, 3179 


Central Committee 3162, 3163, 3176-3178 

Eighth Plenum of 3162 

Seventh Plenum of 3166 

Chichans 3171 

Comintern 3172 

Communists 3155-^158, 3164, 3106, 3169, 3173, 3175 

Polish 3151,3153 

Communist Party 3154 

American 3151 

Hungarian 3156 

Polish 3152, 3153, 3156, 3157, 3160, 3164-3166 

Russian 3158 

Crimean Tartars 3171 

Cyrankiewicz 3165 


Daily Worker 3151 

De-Stalinization 3161, 3173-3175 


Europe, Eastern 3174 


Geneva Conference 3177 

Germanv 3171, 3172 

Gomulka 3151, 3154. 3155, 3157, 3159, 3160, 3162-3167, 3174 

And hLs strength in Polish Party 3165 

Government : 

Polish 3154 

Soviet 3154 


Hungarian Legation 3159 

Hungary 3155, 8157, 3158, 3160, 3163. 3164, 3170-3172, 3174 



Ingushi 3171 

Investigative Section of Division for Protection of Leaders 3176 

Iron Curtain 3159 


Japan 3169,3170 

Japanese prisoners 3169, 3170 

Jenner, William E 3151,3169 


Kaganovich 3177 

Kalmiks 3171 

Karski, Jan, interpreter for Seweryn Bialer 3151 

Katyn, Poland 3159 

KGB (formerly called MVD) 3170 

Khrushchev 3154, 3159, 3161, 3173, 3174, 3176-3178 

Speech of February 24, 1956 3175, 3179 

Kliszko 3165 

Konoye, son of Prince 3169,3170 

Kremlin 3173-3175, 3178, 3179 

Lenin 3173, 3179 

Leninism 3174 

Leninist 3165 

Loga-Sowinski 3165 


Malenkov 3176 

Mandel, Benjamin 3151, 3153 

Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalip 3178 

Marxism-Leninism 3173, 3174 

Mikoyan 3177 

Minister of Defense (Polish) 3160 

Molotov 3172,3177 

Morris, Robert 3151, 3153, 3169 

Moscow 3158, 3163-3166 

Muscovite 31(>4 

M\^D 3170-3172 


Nagy, Imre 3155, 3157, 3158, 3164 

Navy Intelligence Service of Soviet Union 3172 

NKVD 3169. 3172 

Ochab 3165 

Panyushkin, Ambassador, Deputy Chief of Foreign Directorate of Cen- 
tral (.'onimittee 3172 

Party Activ 3161, 3165 

Plenum 3165 

Poland 3151, 3153-3155, 3157, 3159, 3160, 3162-3167, 3174 

Polish Army 3159. 3160 

Polish refugee 3159 

Polish Socialist Party (an anti-Communist Party) 3164,3165 

Polish United Workers Party (PZPR) 3161 

Politburo 3153,3162-3166 

Poznan 3162 

Pravda 3178 

Presidium 3177 




Rastvorov, Yuri (testimony of) 3169-3176 

Officer of MVD 3170 

Red Army 3157, 3172 

Rodionov, Ambassador (to Sweden) 3172 

Rokossovsky (in charge of Polish Army) 3159, 3160 

Rusher, William A 3151 

Russia 3161, 3164^3166, 3175 

Ryumin 3176 


Serov, Colonel General, ranking MVD officer 3170, 3171 

Sourwine, J. G 3151, 3153 

Soviet Ambassador to Japan 3169 

Soviet armed forces 3179 

Soviet bloc 3163 

Soviet defector 3158 

Soviet Embassy in Washington 3159 

Soviet forces 3160 

Soviet Intelligence Service 3169, 3170 

Soviet Union 3151, 3153, 3155, 3157, 3158, 3160, 

3161, 3163, 3166, 3169-3175 

Spychalski 3160, 3165 

Stalin 3162, 3165, 3166, 3173-3176, 3178, 3179 

Stalinism 3166 

Sweden 3172 


Tikhvinsky, Sergei 3169, 3170 

Tito 3157, 3158 

Statement in New York Times October 30, 1956 3157 

Tokyo 3170 


Ukraine 3172 

United Nations 3159 

Vashkin, Colonel, chief of MVD group in Tokyo (Volgin, cover name) 3170 

Vishinsky 3172 

Vlodzimirsky 3176 

Volgin (cover name of Colonel Vashkin) 3170 


Watkins, Senator Arthur V 3174 

Western World 3173, 3174 


Zorin 3172 



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