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Full text of "Scope of Soviet activity in the United States. Hearing before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-fourth Congress, second session[-Eighty-fifth Congress, first session] .."

POSITORY 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



HEARING 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 

ON 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE 
UNITED STATES 



FEBRUARY 28, 1957 



PART 55 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 

Q0VBRN3VIENT PRINTING OFFICE 

WASHINGTON : 1957 



Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

OCT 9 - 1957 



COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 

Robert Morris, Chief Counsel 

J. G. SouRWiNE, Associate Counsel 

William A. Rdsher, Associate Counsel 

Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 

n 



CONTENTS 



Page 

Anslinger, Harry J 3611 

Caldwell, John C 3633 

Tennien, Fr. Mark 3624 

m 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



THUESDAY, FEBEUABY 28, 1957 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration 

OF the Internal Security Act and Other 
Internal Security Laws, of the 
Committee on the Judiciary, 
Washington^ D. C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10 : 35 a. m., in room 
424, Senate Office Building, Senator Roman L, Hruska presiding. 

Present: Senators Hruska and Jenner. 

Also present : Jay Sourwine, associate counsel ; and F, W. Schroe- 
der, investigator. 

Senator Hruska. The committee will come to order. 

We are concerned this morning with making inquiry into the con- 
ditions and activities in Red China, and have called several witnesses 
for the purpose of testifying in that respect. 

The first witness will be Mr. Anslinger. Is he here ? 

Will you be sworn, please, Mr. Anslinger ? Raise your right hand. 

Do you solemnly swear to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing 
but the truth in the testimony you are about to give, so help you God ? 

Mr. Anslinger. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF HARRY J. ANSLINGER, COMMISSIONER, BUREAU 
OF NARCOTICS, TREASURY DEPARTMENT 

Senator Hruska. Give your name and address to the reporter, 
please. 

Mr. Anslinger. Harry J. Anslinger, Commissioner, Bureau of Nar- 
cotics, Treasury Department, Washington. 

Senator Hruska. Have you a prepared statement, Mr. Anslinger ? 

Mr. Anslinger. Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the 
committee, I have copies here of testimony that I am going to give 
if you would like to follow it. It comes in three parts. 

Senator Hruska. Very well. You may proceed with it. 

Mr. Anslinger. Well, the first document that I want to present is 
the report of the Committee on Illicit Traffic of the United Nations. 
This is dated April 28, 1956. This is fairly recent. 

Mr. Sourwine. Are you connected with that committee ? 

Mr. Anslinger. I am Vice Chairman of the Commission.^ 

Senator Hruska. How long have you served in that capacity? 



1 United Nations, N. Y., April 29 (INS). — United States Narcotics Commissioner Harry 
J. Anslinger today was unanimously elected chairman of the United Nations Commission 
on Narcotic Drugs. — Washington Post, April 30, 1957. 

3611 



3612 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Anslingek. Well, I have been tlie United States representative 
on that Commission since 1946 and I have at different times presented 
evidence, I believe beginning about 1952, about this situation in Red 
China. It has all been presented to the committee before,^ but now 
this is entirely new. This is all evidence in addition to that which I 
had presented before. 

These are the excerpts that have particular relation to the situa- 
tion as it affects the mainland of China. I tried to condense this as 
much as possible, but the Commission in this report went to the 
Economic and Social Council. 

Now, tlie Commission decided that the heaviest traffic, as in previous 
years, centered in the Far East. That is in relation to all illicit traffic 
in narcotic drugs. That would be opium, heroin, morphine; heroin 
being the deadliest drug. 

Now, the Commission was informed by the representatives of the 
United Kingdom that, owing to the geographical position of the terri- 
tory, there was a heavy traffic flowing through Hong Kong, particu- 
larly in opium and opiates. 

Now, the opiates were crude morphine and heroin. As in the past, 
the traffic seemed to be concentrated in the Far East, and the Com- 
mission viewed with concern the very heavy traffic in the Far East, 
and particularly noted that a quantity of 35,000 kilos of raw opium 
h.ad been seized in Tliailand. 

Now, that is 35 tons, whicli is a tremendous quantity of opium. 
The heaviest seizures were made in Thailand. 

Senator Hruska. Who made the seizures ? 

Mr. Anslinger. The Government of Thailand made the seizures. 

Now, the representative of the United Kingdom drew the Commis- 
sion's attention to the very difficult problems of control facing the 
Federation of Malaya, Hong Kong, and Singapore. He said that 
there was an appalling illicit traffic situation in these territories and 
their resources were being strained to the utmost in trying to deal with 
tliis problem. 

Then he goes on to say that in Malaya, a young country nearing in- 
dependence, the government has to deal with many problems and this 
just adds to the problems. In fact, the Chief Minister of the Federa- 
tion, on a recent visit to the United Kingdom, found it necessary to 
emphasize the extent of the illicit traffic in narcotic drugs. 

In respect of Hong Kong, the growing use of commercial aircraft 
by traffickers was noticeable and, apart from the opium that ]3assed 
through the colony for consumption as such, it was suspected that 
much of it was earmarked for transformation into crude morphine 
or diacetylmorphine, which is heroin. 

The British authorities there have uncovered some illicit factories 
which are processing crude mor])hine into heroin. 

The Government of the United Kingdom was gravely disturbed at 
the movement of opium from tlie interior of Asia, which means Com- 
munist China, through Thailand, whicli had greatly aggravated the 
illicit traffic in these territories, and there would have to be a pro- 
longed and concentrated effort to curb this traffic by the Government 
of Thailand, but it was facing great difficulties. 



3 See Communist China and Illicit Narcotic Traffic, pp. 1-14. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3613 

Then we go on to morphine base and crude morphine. That is a 
derivative of raw opium from wdiich heroin is made, and here we find, 
insofar as that traffic throughout the Avorld goes, the most significant 
feature was the existence of chmdestine manufacture in the Far Ea.st, 
and the Government of Thailand seized 81 Ivilograms of morphine 
hydrocliloride. Tliat is a new development in the Far East, and there 
was considerable traffic in the drug originated in the Far East beyond 
the frontier in the northernmost part of the country. That is the 
Commission's way of saying it came from Communist China. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You say it is a new development. You mean it is a 
new development that that particular drug is being made out there ? 
Mr. Anslinger. Yes, sir. Because heretofore this illicit traffic in 
morphine was centered more in the Near East and in Europe. In the 
view of some countries it was traffic in the drug from the mainland 
through Hong Kong, Macao, to Thailand, that is, Formosa and Japan. 
Japan has suffered particularly from the influx of heroin from Com- 
munist China and, of course, we have at different times reported the 
mainland of China as the source of heroin seized in this country and 
later on I shall give you a report on a development just 2 weeks ago 
in relation to that. 

The Commission considered the emergence of this heavy traffic in 
morphine which has just begun as one of the most sinister develop- 
ments in recent years. I would like the committee to realize that these 
reports are adopted after debate and opposition and with 15 countries, 
particularly the Iron Curtain countries objecting, it is, I think, rather 
remarkable that this kind of a report comes out. 

Senator Hruska. On what kind of basis do they object to the 
reports ? 

Mr. Anslinger. They object on the basis that it is slander and un- 
true, and so on, and they attempt to have some of these items stricken 
from the report, but we maintain that these are reports of sovereign 
governments and they are entitled to recognition just the sam-e as their 
own reports. 

Senator Hruska. Is the report of the Commission based on govern- 
ment reports ? 

Mr. Anslinger. It is based strictly on government reports. 
Senator Hruska. From the governments involved. 
Mr. Anslinger. From the governments involved, yes, sir, and they 
are only included when — the details are only put in there if there is 
proof, if the governments can show proof that these things happen. 

Now, here is the Government of Thailand which shows also this 
crude morphine traffic originating again in the forests beyond the 
frontier in the northernmost part of the country and, as the observer 
for Thailand indicated, his Government had received scant coopera- 
tion from the neighboring countries in the region. 

Despite the unhappy and desperate situation, he expressed the Gov- 
ernment's determination to continue its struggle and, of course, as 
usual, we express — the Commission, rather, expressed its sympathy 
with the difficult situation facing Thailand and wished to stress that 
the situation was one of serious danger to the international community. 
Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, may I ask that the full text of this 
excerpted report be put in the record at this point ? 
Senator Hruska. It will go in the record at this point. 



3614 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

(The report referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 439" and reads 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 439 

UNITED NATIONS COMMISSION ON NAKCOTIC DKUGS— 

ELEVENTH SESSION 

ItXICIT TEAFFIC 

BEPOET OP THE COMMITTEE ON ILLICIT TRAFFIC 

(P. 4) 

4. The heaviest traffic as in previous years centred in the Far East * * *. 
The Commission was informed by the representative of the United Kingdom 
that, owing to the geographical position of the territory, there was a lieavy 
traffic flowing through Hong Kong, particularly in opium and opiates * * *. 

(Pp. 5-6) 
Raw opium 

10. As in the past, the traffic seemed to be concentrated in the Far East * * *. 
The Commission viewed with concern the very heavy traffic in the Far East and 
particularly noted that a quantity of 35,524 kg. of raw opium had been seized in 
Thailand * * *. 

11. The representative of the United Kingdom drew the Commission's atten- 
tion to the very difficult problems of control facing the Federation of Malaya, 
Hong Kong, and Singapore. There was an appalling illicit traffic situation in 
these territories, and their resources were being strained to the utmost in trying 
to deal with this problem. The regular flow of opium and other drugs by land, 
sea, and air towards and through territories, and the significant quantities in 
individual seizures would seem to indicate the existence of a well-organized traffic. 
In Malaya, a young country nearing independence, the Government had to deal 
with many problems resulting not merely from the country's new status but 
also from the aftermath of war, occupation, and rebellion. The seriousness of the 
drug problem there might be judged from the fact that, despite the gravity of his 
other preoccupations, the Chief Minister of the Federation, on a recent visit to the 
United Kingdom, had thought it necessary to emphasize the extent of the illicit 
traffic in narcotic drugs * * *. In respect of Hong Kong, the growing use of com- 
mercial aircraft by traffickers was noticeable and, apart from the opium that 
passed through the colony for consumption as such, it was suspected that much 
of it was earmarked for transformation into crude morphine or diacetylmorphine 
(heroin) * * *. 

12. The Government of the United Kingdom were gravely disturbed at the 
movement of opium from the interior of Asia through Thailand, which had greatly 
aggravated the illicit traffic in these territories * * *. There could be no doubt 
that a prolonged and concentrated effort to curb this traffic would have to be 
made by the Government of Thailand in the face of great difficulties. 

(P. 10) 

Morphine base and crude morphine 

23. The Commission felt grave concern at the striking increase in seizures 
of morphine base and crude morphine hydrochloride as compared with 1954. The 
most significant feature of the traffic was the existence of clandestine manufacture 
in both the Far East and the Near and Middle East * * *. 

24. The Commission noted that the Government of Thailand had reported 
81.888 kg. of crude morphine hydrochloride. The observer of Thailand empha- 
sized that there was no clandestine manufacture of crude morphine in Thailand 
itself. However, there was a considerable traffic in the drug originating in the 
forests beyond the frontier in the northernmost part of the country. * * * a 
small part of the contraband was for illicit domestic consumption, but most of 
it was destined for illicit export to Singapore and Hong Kong. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3615 

(P. 11) 

Diacetylmorphine (heroin) 

30. In the view of some countries, there was traffic in the drug from the main- 
land of China through Hong Kong and Macao to China (Taiwan) and Japan. 
The mainland of China was also reported as one of the main sources of diacetyl- 
morphine for the United States of America * * *. 

32. North America continued to be the destination of much of the more highly 
organized traffic in this drug * * *. 

(P. 18-19) 
Thailand 

56. The Commission took a grave view of the situation in Thailand which, if 
anything, was more sombre than that reported last year. It noted that the Gov- 
ernment of Thailand had reported very heavy seizures of opium and crude mor- 
phine. The Commission considered the emergence of a heavy traffic in morphine 
as one of the most sinister developments in recent years. 

57-58. The observer of Thailand stated * * *. The bulk of the opium seized 
came over the northern land frontiers of Thailand and the presence of armed 
bands in that region who were using opium to defray their expenses had further 
complicated the situation. This traffic found a market, to some extent, within 
Thailand itself, but much of it was also destined for export to places such as 
Singapore, Federation of Malaya, and Hong Kong. 

59. * * * there was a considerable traffic in crude morphine hydrochloride 
originating in the forests at the frontier in the northernmost part of the country. 
The drug was being smuggled through Chiengrai to Bangkok by highway and 
railroad. A small part of it was for illicit domestic consumption, but most of it 
was destined for illicit export to Singapore and Hong Kong. 

60. * * * His country had received scant cooperation from the neighbouring 
countries in the common struggle against the illicit traffic * * *. However, he 
felt that international cooperation to curb the flow of narcotic drugs over the 
northern frontiers of Thailand was urgently needed. Despite an unhappy and 
desperate situation, he expressed his Government's determination to continue its 
struggle against the illicit traffic. 

62. The Commission expressed its sympathy with the difficult position facing 
tliat country. It wished to stress that the situation there was one of serious 
danger to the international community. 

Senator Hruska, Before you leave that section of the report, Mr. 
Anslinger, these seizures to which you refer in the one instance of 
some 35,000 kilos and the other of 81,000, is that a sum total of the 
seizures that were made from time to time ? 

Mr. Anslinger. In Thailand, itself, and that would be over a period 
of 1 year. 

Senator Hruska. How would that compare with seizures for the 
preceding year or any other comparable period ? 

Mr. Anslinger. Much larger than before, an increase in traffic. 

Senator Hruska. And are they being seized — these seizures, do they 
occur at various places within the country or are they concentrated in 
one area ? 

_Mr. Anslinger. They are seized all over the country. Most of the 
seizures take place up on the border. I will develop that in the next 
document here, which I have prepared, and this is information and 
evidence which is subsequent to this report. What I am trying to 
give you now is not included in the report of the Commission, but will 
be considered by the Commission at its next session in a short time. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. This is your own report ? 

Mr. Anslinger. This is my own report, which I will use as a basis 
for discussion at the next meeting of the United Nations. 

Senator Hruska. Very well. You may proceed, Mr. Anslinger. 

Mr. Anslinger. Well, I have called to the attention of the United 
Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs on several occasions the enor- 

93215— 57— pt. 55 2 



3616 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

mous illicit traffic in narcotic drugs flowing out from the Chinese 
mainland to many countries in the world, and at the present time we 
are able to bring the traffic originating in Communist China into focus 
more clearly than ever before by noting the seizures and enforcement 
conditions in countries directly affected by the overwhelming supply 
of illicit narcotics from this greatest source. 

In the United States, the availability of heroin from this source is 
felt and is a matter of concern. However, in this country we are 
showing improvement largely through the increased effectiveness of 
the weapons given us by the last Congress, and this most important 
weapon is the 5-year penalty for the sale of illicit drugs, and that 
applies whether it is far removed from the Communist source, with- 
out suspension of sentence, probation, or parole, and that has discour- 
aged a number of potential sellers who have withdrawn from the 
traffic, but it is a great weapon, which I point out to you later on in 
a specific case just a few weeks ago. 

Enforcement conditions in other countries are such that these coun- 
tries face the continuing deluge of narcotics from Red China only 
with great difficulty and with the danger of being overwlielmed, and 
I pointed out in this report here, the same as the Commission did, 
about Malaya, this new country just on the eve of independence, hav- 
ing this great problem in addition to the many others that they are 
faced with. 

The real fact is that a constant and increasing supply of opium 
from Yunnan — that is the southern Province [of China] from where 
most of this comes. I won't say all, but over 50 percent, comes out 
of Yunnan. In Malaya, harassed by the opium from Red China, Y46 
pounds were seized in the first months of 1956. That is very sub- 
stantial when you figure that enforcement officers, if they seize as much 
as 20 percent, feel very fortunate. 

Now, in Singapore, where the Government, the United Kingdom, 
the Government of Great Britain, had abolished all the opium smok- 
ing monopolies in Singapore right after the last war — but here ina 
6-month period in 1956, over 3,000 pounds of opium were seized in 
one 3-month period, 78 percent of the seized opium could be traced 
to the Yunnan area of Red China, and the authorities there are extend- 
ing every effort to combat the traffic as shown by 1,722 raids during 
that 6-month period. And many of these seizures here in lots of 200 
to 305 pounds — there is 1 seizure of 305 pounds that was of the Crown 
brand, and the Chinese inscription on the wrapping stated : 

Yunnan genuine quality pacliing ; always look for the Crown trademark. 
Customers please beware of imitation. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Anslinger, maybe you are going to deal with 
it later in your statement, and if you do, I don't want to disrupt the 
sequence of your testimony, but is there anything to indicate that 
the traffic in these narcotics is a policy of the Red Chinese Govern- 
ment? Is it an activity that is approved and it is, perhaps, even 
encouraged, or certainly tolerated ? 

Mr. Anslinger. Well, from what we can see at this end of the line, I 
we don't see anything being done by that government to discourage 
this traffic because it is increasing, and we have started on this cam- 
paign to try to get them to do something since 1952, and all we see 
is an increase. So we just have to draw our own conclusions as to 
whether they are even attempting to suppress this traffic. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3617 

They are probably suppressing the traffic within the country, but 
certainly, insofar as these exports go, which give them gold, probably 
one of the only ways they have of getting more gold, is through this 
ti-affic. 

Senator Hruska. Do their own laws proscribe the use of drugs 
within their borders in Red China? 

Mr. Anslinger. Oh, yes; they do. Their own laws prohibit the 
cultivation of 0]:>ium and all this comes from opium. There must be 
vast areas of opium poppy grown. 

Now, when the Nationalist Government, when they had the en- 
forcement of this act, which was taken over by the new government, 
there were a thousand executions a year for smugglers and traffickers, 
and I haven't heard of anybody being shot in China for trafficking in 
narcotics, but certainly, the Nationalist Government of China had 
taken such repressive measures that they had almost brought the situa- 
tion to a standstill, and that is why we commenced to find traffic 
originating in Mexico and in the Middle East, traffic increased there. 
Now, with the pressure off in China, the Nationalist Government be- 
ing out, this traffic resumed. Now, naturally, we take a lot of abuse 
fi'om the Russian delegates and from the Polish delegates, but all they 
can do is to cry slander, and when this report reaches the Peiping 
Government, all they do is usually attack me personally or just say 
that it is slander. 

There is nothing to it and you just get a denial. If they would only 
reply through their Russian friends, point by point to these seizures 
and show if they could offset some of this, but that is all you get, just 
vilification and abuse. 

Senator Hruska. You have indicated that this traffic seems to be 
on an export basis from Red China. 
Mr. AxsLiNGER. Yes, sir. 

Senator Hrttska. And presumably the incentive there is the supply 
of gold that it brings back in. Now, is tliere anything in your in- 
vestigations, or in the facts brought to you which would indicate that 
the Red Chinese government itself is participating in the profits of 
that traffic? 

Mr. Anslinger. Well, I submitted documentation on that at the 
United Nations, I think in about 1952 and 1953. I haven't had any- 
thing since that time, but I did show where the bureau was located, 
a government bureau that collected the revenue from this. 
Senator Hruska. From this traffic? 
Mr. Anslinger. Yes, sir. 

Senator Hruska. You have made no inquiries since that investiga- 
tion that you made at that time ? 

Mr. Anslinger. No, because we haven't any indication that that 
isn't the fact now, because it evidently is just a continuing — it must 
be a continuing organization because, certainly, this large traffic could 
not go on without government approval. Certainly, they have been 
able to stop this sort of traffic in other countries. 

Here is the Government of Iran today which has ordered complete 
suppression of the oi:>ium poppy, complete prohibition of consum])tion, 
and they are doing a magnificent job. The Red Chinese would be 
able to do that themselves if they tried. 

Senator Hruska, Have you something, Mr. Sourwine? You 
started to speak a little bit ago, and I interrupted you. 



3618 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The Senator covered the point. 

Mr. AiSrsLiNGER. Now, I am coming^ to that border situation in 
Burma and the Burmese Government is trying to do everything pos- 
sible to put an end to this traffic, but here they are with 360 seizures 
smuggled into Burma by land from China, and again, in 1955 with 
regard to the smuggling of opium by land, there were 500 seizures in 
the Bharmo district. That is the recent penetration of Communists 
down into Burma. That is the district; 500 seizures, which means, 
according to our calculations there were probably 7,000 sorties of 
smugglers down in that particular district. 

And here we have 562 pounds seized near Mandalay. In August, 3 
seizures at Kengtung totaling 3,000 pounds. That is a city of north- 
ern Burma and that is the hub through which most of the opium 
passes which is destined for southeast Asia from Eed China. 

The officials are quite alert, but they are facing a terrific problem. 

Now, we have Hong Kong and Japan which continue to be way-sta- 
tions through which heroin from Red China is reaching the United 
States. Right after the last war there was not one heroin addict in 
Japan, and I suppose today they have as many as we have, and a lot 
of that trafficking is in the hands of the Communists, members of the 
Communist Party. In one place in northern Japan, actually the head 
of the Communist Party Avas peddling the stuff for, as he said, funds 
to take care of the party's activities. 

In September 1956 a trafficker here, Leon King, was arrested in 
Japan after he had shipped several pounds of heroin to the United 
States which was obtained in China. Here is a seizure which reached 
Hong Kong from Bangkok, the origin, of course, being Red China, 
244 pounds. Here is 31 pounds of morphine. There was another large 
seizure which went by plane from Bangkok over to London, some 40 
pounds, and in Ceylon they are having difficulty. 

In February of 1956 the arrest of a Chinese in San Francisco and 
the seizure of 1 pound of heroin inicovered an organized group of 
traffickers dealing in heroin from Red China for 3 years. Members 
of the group included two merchant seamen couriers on crack Ameri- 
can passenger liners, and the leader was John Watson, a tavern op- 
erator in Hong Kong with connections in Communist China. 

In Vietnam illicit opium from Red China is reaching Saigon in 
half-ton lots. 

Mr. SoxjRwiNE. Commissioner, you mentioned Ceylon. Your fig- 
ures would appear to show a tremendous percentage increase from 1954 
to 1955 in Ceylon, actually, 400 to 1. 

Mr. Anslinger. The increase there is rather startling. 

Senator Hruska. Would it be apt to be a more vigilant folio wup 
by the Ceylon authorities or would it indicate a greater volume of 
imports ? 

Mr. Anslinger. Sir, it is both, because with this tremendous traffic 
increasing, they must become more alert and be on their toes to meet 
this problem, and that is the situation all through southeast Asia with 
enforcement officers. Some of the enforcement officers have been to our 
school here, which was set up under the recent act of Congress, and 
we are lending a helping hand wherever we can, but it is a very 
difficult proposition. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Anslinger, I think it would be a fair con- 
clusion on the basis of what you have said here, that there seems to 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3619 

have been a great stepup in the production and in the export of these 
drugs from Red China. Now, ^Yhat motives would they have? What 
would you say the motives are? You have already given one, and 
that is gold. That is a pretty universal incentive, but have they any 
other motives besides that ? 

Mr. Anslinger. We have felt certainly in the Far East in relation 
to, for instance, our personnel there, our troops, that it has done dam- 
age there. However, the Army has just about cleaned that situation 
up. They have done a remarkable job in keeping our enlisted people 
away from there. 

Senator Hruska. You mean the American troops that may be sta- 
tioned there ? 

Mr. Anslixger. Yes, sir. 

Senator Hruska. Stationed at any of those points accessible to 
these points of export ? 

Mr. Anslinger. That is right ; yes, sir. 

I pointed out, for instance, in South Korea the local police there had 
arrested 2,400 young agents who came down with heroin in one hand 
and gold in the other and were trying to corrupt our people there. 

Senator Hruska. Whose agents were they ? 

Mr. Anslinger. They were Commmiist agents, had been trained in 
a Communist school in Rashin. They are all young people. 

Now, if they arrested 2,400, you can imagine how many more were 
on the loose there with their efforts to corrupt troops or corrupt the 
civilians. 

In answering your question directly, sir, I think that anyone who 
sells poison to his fellow man knows exactly what he is doing. He is 
trying to destroy him. 

Senator Hruska. What measures is the United Nations taking on 
this whole subject, not only on this subject in general, but on account of 
this increase, this new impetus which it seems to have gained ? 

Mr. Anslinger. Well, sir, we have been trying to coordinate the 
efforts of the southeast Asia enforcement personnel and invite them to 
every meeting where this matter is discussed so they can see the whole 
picture. 

Now, the United Nations is not operational and naturally they can't 
go out and make these investigations. They have to depend on the 
local authorities for their reports. That is on the one hand. Now, 
on the other hand, for instance, this matter of synthetic narcotic drugs 
is becoming tremendously increasing throughout the world, and here 
the United Nations has done a wonderful job of controlling it. So far, 
these synthetic drugs have not been able to get intb this traflic through 
United Nations control, through a system of import and export cer- 
tificates and watching the limitation of manufacture, getting the esti- 
mates of all these countries. 

But, what I think the United Nations can do more than anything is 
to bring world opinion to bear on this, and that is just about our best 
weapon, sir. World opinion certainly is about the only thing that is 
effective here. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do these synthetics originate in Communist or non- 
Communist countries ? 

Mr. Anslinger. No; they have not appeared yet in Communist 
China. 



3620 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. SouRwiNE. In other words, the United Nations is able to exert 
some moral force which controls these synthetics which originate in 
non-Communist countries, but it is unable to exert such moral force to 
control the narcotics which originate in Communist China. 

Mr. Anslinger. That is a correct statement, sir. 

Now, this final document which I have here, which is just some- 
thing 

Mr. SouRwiNE. May I interrupt ? May I ask, Mr. Chairman, that 
the full text of the statement entitled "Red China and the Narcotic 
Traffic, 1956," concerning which the witness has testified, be put in the 
record at this point ? 

Senator Hrtjska. It will be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 440" and reads 

as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 440 

Red China and the Naecotic Traffic, 1956 

I have called to the attention of the United Nations Commission on Narcotic 
Drugs on several occasions the enormous illicit traffic in narcotic drugs pouring 
out from the Chinese mainland to many countries of the world. At the present 
time we are able to bring the traffic originating in Communist China into focus 
more clearly than ever before by noting the seizures and enforcement conditions 
in countries directly affected by the overwhelming supply of illicit narcotics from 
this greatest source. In the United States the availability of heroin from this 
source is felt and is a matter of concern. However, in this country we are show- 
ing some improvement, largely through the increased effectiveness of the weapons 
given us by the Congress. The most potent of these weapons is the minimum 
5-year penalty for illicit sale without any suspension of sentence, probation or 
parole. This has already discouraged a number of potential sellers who have 
withdrawn from the traffic. 

Enforcement conditions in other countries are such that these countries face 
the continuing deluge of narcotics from Red China only with great difficulty and 
with the danger of being overwhelmed. One of these countries, the Federation 
of Malayan States, has banned the smoking of opium and has waged relentless 
war against the traffickers with every resource available. They have made great 
progress, but are faced with the very real fact that a constant and incresing 
supply of opium from Yunnan and other neighboring Provinces of Red China 
makes enforcement very difficult. In Malaya, harassed by the opium from Red 
China, 746 pounds of opium were seized during the first 6 months of 1956. 

In Singapore an additional 3,364 pounds of opium were seized during the same 
period. In one 3-month period, 78 percent of the seized opium could be traced to 
the Yunnan area of Red China. The authorities are extending every effort to 
combat the traffic as shown by the 1,722 raids on smoking opium dens made during 
the same 6 months. Many seizures of opium are made in lots from 200 to 300 
pounds. One seizure of 305 pounds was of the Crown brand and the Chinese 
inscription on the wrapping stated, "Yunnan genuine quality packing. Always 
look for the 'Crown' trademark. Customers please beware of imitation." This 
transit point in world shipping is one of the principal points through which 
heroin, morphine, and opium flow out of Red China. 

Late seizures indicate the traffic through Burma from Red China has increased 
although the Government of Burma reported in 1954, "There were 360 seizures 
of opium smuggled into Burma by land from China," and again in 19.55, "with 
regard to the smuggling of opium by land, there were 500 seizures in the Bhamo 
District of opium smuggled into Burma from China." Now in 1956 we have the 
following reported seizures : In July an opium seizure of 562 pounds was made 
near Mandalay. In August 3 seizures of opium were made in Kengtung total- 
ing 3,010 pounds. Kengtung is a city in northeastern Burma and is the hub 
through which passes most of the opium destined for southeast Asia from Red 
China. The seizures show the officials are alert. They also show the terriffic prob- 
lem in this country lying adjacent to Red China. 

The production of opium has been prohibited in Thailand since 1949. Several 
hundred tons of opium from Red China annually are smuggled through Thailand, 
according to official estimates. This traffic is not limited to opium, since 1 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3621 

seizure in 1956 included 132 pounds of morphine, a development causing concern 
to the United Nations. 

Hong Kong and Japan continue to be way stations through which heroin 
from Red China is reaching the United States. In September 195G a trafficker, 
Leon King, from Seattle, Sun Francisco, and Los Angeles, was arrested in Japan 
after he had shipped several pounds of heroin to the United States. The in- 
vestigation, following his arrest in Tokyo, includes his activities on four trips 
to Japan by air since the end of 1955 to arrange for shipments of heroin from 
Hong Kong to Japan to the United States. 

One opium seizure which reached Hong Kong from Bangkok (evidently Red 
China was the source) totaled 244 pounds; 31 pounds of morphine arriving by 
the same route were seized. In May 1956 one seizure of 200,000 heroin pills and 
11 pounds of heroin pill mixture was reported by Hong Kong authorities who esti- 
mated the single illicit laboratory raided was turning out batches of 70,000 pills 
4 or 5 times a month. The Hong Kong authorities are exerting every effort to 
cope with the traffic. 

In Ceylon 23 pounds of opium were seized during 1954. In 1955 this increased 
to 1,022 pounds. One seizure alone was 850 pounds and the report from that 
country states that "this opium seizure has uncovered a big international ring 
who are using Ceylon as their base to receive and reexport narcotics to various 
parts of the world." 

In February 1956 the arrest of a Chinese in San Francisco and the seizure of 
1 pound of heroin uncovered an organized group of traffickers dealing in heroin 
from Red China for 3 years. Members of the group included two merchant sea- 
men couriers on crack American passenger liners, and the leader and brains of 
the conspiracy, John M. Watson, a tavern operator in Hong Kong with connec- 
tions in Communist China. 

In Vietnam illicit opium from Red China is reaching Saigon in half-ton lots. 
Communists maintain control of the sale of the opium whenever possible so that 
they obtain the major part of the profits. 

Mr. Anslinger. This is something that just happened a few weeks 
ago and I think, sir, this is right to the point, right to the point of 
your inquiry. 

The flow of heroin from Red China continues to find its way to the 
United States through our west coast ports, as aptly ilhistrated by a 
recent investigation completed by our San Francisco office. 

For a number of years George Douglas Poole was suspected of being 
the ringleader of a group of merchant seamen engaged in smuggling 
enormous quantities of heroin of Communist Chinese origin from the 
Far East to the United States. The scope of this smuggling activity 
was not fully appreciated until the story of their conspiracy unfolded 
in testimony given by two members of the ring, William and Thomas 
Moeller. 

The testimony of these two members of the group was obtained only 
through the use of a new and most potent enforcement aid recently 
given by the Congress — the immunity-of-witness provision of the 
Narcotic Control Act of 1956. In addition to the 5-year minimum 
penalty, that is our strongest weapon today, as you will see from the 
events that followed here. 

The heroin smuggling of this group began in 1948 and continued 
through 1956. Some 33 persons were involved. The smuggling ven- 
ture was started in 1948 by Anthony J. Longobardi, James Wood, and 
Gerald Williams, all merchant seamen. New members joined the ring 
and the tempo of their smuggling increased under the leadership of 
George D. Poole, who had joined the group shortly after its inception. 

The smuggling method of this group hinged on the fact that the 
majority were merchant seamen, shipping out from San Francisco 
to ports of the Orient. 



3622 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Prior to the time one of the ring was due to sail, members of the 
group placed equal amounts of money in a pool for the proposed 
purchase. The member acting as courier met the heroin source in 
Hong Kong and received delivery. 

During its operation the ring had access to three separate sources of 
this Communist Chinese heroin. These mysterious suppliers were 
known to the smuggling group only as Abdul, Calli, and Goldteeth. 
The quantities of heroin smuggled on each trip usually involved sev- 
eral kilogi-ams. A kilogram would be over 82 ounces and on the 
illicit market at the retail level, an ounce would be worth about $3,000 
or 100 times its weight in g-old. 

After obtaining delivery in Hong Kong, the courier returned to 
the ship and hid the contraband until the vessel cleared the last port of 
call, Honolulu. The heroin was then removed from its place of con- 
cealment and sewed to the inner lining of a parka, a jacket commonly 
worn by seamen. 

When the vessel arrived in San Francisco Harbor, King S. Eich- 
ardson, longshoreman and member of the gang, would board the ves- 
sel in the bay along with other longshoremen. While the ship was 
preparing to dock, Richardson would exchange the parka he was 
wearing for the parka containing the heroin and would eventually 
leave the vessel unmolested and free from search, carrying the heroin. 
The heroin was then distributed by the ring in wholesale quantities 
to dealers along the west coast. From time to time members of the 
ring would hold meetings to split the proceeds and arrange for 
additional heroin shipments. 

The quantity of heroin smuggled into the United States by this ring 
alone — and we are working on several other rings as a result of this 
immunity provision — has been estimated at 70 kilograms. 
Senator Hruska. Over what period of time ? 

Mr. Anslinger. I think from 1948. This one small group, until we 
took care of them the other day — from 1948 to 1956. 

Now, 70 kilograms of heroin is a tremendous quantity. We wouldn't 
seize that mucli heroin in a year in the United States. And when 
you get down to the retail level, the value goes into astronomical 
figures. 

A Federal grand jury in San Francisco currently hearing this mat- 
ter has already returned indictments against nine of the most im- 
portant members of the ring, and other indictments are expected short- 
ly. We have in the past also done work of this kind without the 
benefit of the immunity statute, and we indicted Juda Ezrin in Hong 
Kong, one of the big ringleaders who has a reputation for controlling 
heroin traffic out of Communist China. We were able to convict all 
the ringleaders in San Francisco, but we could not get hold of Ezrin. 
Senator Hruska. That 70 kilograms, is that what the quantity 
was over a period of 8 years ? 
Mr. Anslinger. Yes, by this small group of seamen. 
Senator Hruska. However, there would be no way of determining, 
then, the impact, if any, of this increased emphasis within Red China 
itself as you earlier described as being exported to neighboring coun- 
tries ? 

Mr. Anslinger. No. The activities of this small ring would not m- 
dicate that, but we certainly have seen the increase in the amount of 
heroin coming into the west coast from Communist China. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3623 

Senator Hruska. Not on the basis of this one estimate but 

Mr. Anslinger. Not on the basis 

Senator Hruska. But projected into the entire picture, you probably 
would have some grounds for drawing a conclusion ; is that right ? 

Mr. Anslinger. That is correct, and from the seizure reports that 
have reached the United Nations up to this time, I can see already that 
we will be very much disturbed at the increase over last year. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I would like to ask just one question. 

Senator Hruska. Before you do that, there will be included in the 
record at this point, the full text of this memorandum on George 
Douglas Poole and others. 

(The memorandum referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 441" and 
reads as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 441 

george douglas poole et al. 

The flow of heroin from Red China continues to find its way to the United 
States through our west coast ports, as aptly illustrated by a recent investigation 
completed by the San Francisco ofiice of the Bureau of Narcotics. 

For a number of years George Douglas Poole was suspected of being the ring- 
leader of a group of merchant seamen engaged in smuggling enormous quanti- 
ties of heroin of Communist Chinese origin from the Far East to the tjnited 
States. The scope of this smuggling activity was not fully appreciated until 
the story of their conspiracy unfolded in testimony given by two members of the 
ring, William and Thomas Moeller. 

The testimony of these two members of the group was obtained only thi-ough 
the use of a new and most potent enforcement aid recently given us by Con- 
gress — the immunity-of -witness provision of the Narcotic Control Act of 1956. 

The heroin smuggling of this group began in 1948 and continued through 1956. 
Some 33 persons were involved. 

The smuggling venture was started in 1948 by Anthony J. Longobardi, James 
C. V7ood and Gerald F. Williams, all merchant seamen. New members joined 
the ring, and the tempo of their smuggling increased under the leadership of 
George D. Poole, who had joined the group shortly after its inception. 

The smuggling method of this group hinged on the fact that the majority were 
merchant seamen, shipping out from San Francisco to ports of the Orient. 

Prior to the time one of the ring was due to sail, members of the group placed 
equal amounts of money in a pool for the proposed purchase. The member act- 
ing as courier met the heroin source in Hong Kong and received delivery. 

During its operation the ring had access to three separate sources of this 
Communist Chinese heroin. These mysterious suppliers were known to the 
smuggling group only as Abdul, CaUi, and Goldteeth. 

The quantities of heroin smuggled on each trip usually involved several kilo- 
grams. 

After obtaining delivery in Hong Kong, the courier returned to the ship and 
Ijid the contraband until the vessel cleared the last port of call, Honolulu. The 
heroin was then removed from its place of concealment and sewed to the inner 
lining of a parka, a jacket commonly worn by seamen. 

When the vessel arrived in San Francisco harbor, King S. Richardson, long- 
shoreman and member of the gang, would board the vessel in the bay, along with 
other longshoremen. 

While the ship was preparing to dock, Richardson would exchange the parka 
ho was wearing for the parka containing the heroin and would eventually leave 
the vessel unmolested and free from search, carrying the heroin. 

The heroin was then distributed by the ring in wholesale quantities to dealers 
along the west coast. From time to time members of the ring would hold meet- 
ings to split the proceeds and arrange for additional heroin shipments. 

The quantity of heroin smuggled into the United States by this ring has been 
estimated at 70 kilograms. It is believed, however, that this is a conservative 
figure, and that the actual quantity would greatly exceed that amount, as some 
of the members of the group were able to establish themselves in business from 
the proceeds of their heroin smuggling. 

A Federal grand jury in San Francisco currently hearing this matter has 
already returned indictments against nine of the most important members of 

93215— 57— pt. 55 3 



ger 



3624 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

the ring, and additional indictments are expected shortly. Also, several mem- 
bers of the ring are already in jail, serving sentences for narcotic violations 
resulting from this group's activity. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Anslinger, do you have knowledge of the Com- 
munist agents as such engaged in expanding the narcotics traffic? 
You spoke of one Communist leader whom you knew. Are there other 
instances ? 

Mr. Anslinger. In Japan we do know. We do know that that is a 
matter of record. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Would you say that makes a pattern. Mr. Anslin- 
? 

Mr. Anslinger. Well, I think tiiere is a pattern all through 
southeast Asia. Now, we have not seen that in this country except to 
this extent, that some of these seamen — and I would suppose that 
these men were a part of the seamen who usually went down to a hall 
where there are a lot — it was known as a Communist hangout in San 
Francisco. Seamen who were known to have Communist leanings, 
that is where they conducted their social activity, their meeting place. 

Now, we have not had any case here of a Communist agent as such. 
We could not identify him as being engaged in the traffic. However, 
the other people, that is, our other friends in Burma and Thailand and 
Japan, have had. 

Mr. Sourwine. They have had Communist agents? 

Mr. Anslinger. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Summarizing something you said earlier, do I un- 
derstand you correctly that you have testified that the Nationalist 
Government of China through enforcement of its own laws had prac- 
tically altered the export of opium and opium derivatives from China, 
but under the Ked regime it has increased and is increasing periodi- 
cally? 

Mr. Anslinger. That is a correct statement, and it is well docu- 
mented. 

Mr. Sourwine. Thank you, sir. 

Senator Hruska. Thank you very much, Mr. Anslinger, for your 
testimony and for the time that you have taken to be with us. 

Our next witness will be Father Tennien. 

Will you raise your right hand and be sworn, please? 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
vou God? 

Father Tennien. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF FATHER MARK TENNIEN 

Senator Hruska. Will you state your name and address for the 
reporter, please? 

Father Tennien. Father Mark Tennien, Maryknoll Missions 
Society. My present address is Maryknoll office, 121 East 29th Street, 
New York City. 

Mr. Sourwine. Father, just by way of identifying you for the 
record, you are a native of Pittsford, Vt. 

Father Tennien. Y^'es, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. You went to school in Montreal, at Holy Cross in 
Baltimore, and at Maryknoll. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3625 

Father Tennien. Eight. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You were ordained in 1927 and you taught at Mary- 
knoll Prep. 

Father Tennien. Yes, sir, for 1 year. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You went to China in 1928. 

Father Tennien. Correct. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. In Chungking, during the Second World War, you 
wrote Chungking Listening Post. 

Father Tennien. Just at the end of the war, after it was finished. 
The material, of course, was gathered during the war and assembled 
and written just at the end of the war, the last few months of the war. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You, yourself, were under house arrest for 2 years. 

Father Tennien. Right. 

Mr. SotJRWiNE. You spent 3 months in a jail cell with about 40 
Chinese ? 

Father Tennien. Unfortunately, or fortunately, yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. You went through the Communist indoctrination 
course ? 

Father Tennien. Yes. I passed the examinations. 

Mr. Sourwine. You were expelled from China in 1952. 

Father Tennien. That is right. The beginning. 

Mr. SouR"s\^NE. You returned as the director of the China Mission 
News Service and were stationed in Hong Kong. 

Father Tennien. Yes ; the last 4 years. 

Mr. Sourwine. You were editor of the mission bulletin in Hong- 
Kong from 1953 to 1956? 

Father Tennien. That is right. 

Mr. Sourwine. During that time you had an opportunity to inter- 
view a great many missionaries who were forced out of China by 
the Reds. 

Father Tennien. Yes. Probably 700 or 800, at least, who had gone 
through indoctrination or imprisonment or who had lived for several 
years under the Communist regime, and we have had to write that 
up more or less for history and as a documented report of the things 
which they had seen so as to have a record of it and a record of events 
in regard to mission history for the future. That is why I did that. 

Senator Hruska. And in point of time, when did these interviews 
occur. Father? 

Father Tennien. Well, it was more or less intermittent from week 
to week. Sometimes we would get 10 or 12 a week and sometimes they 
would go up as high as 25 and 30. 

Senator Hruska. Over what years ? 

Father Tennien. From the middle of 1952, when I went there, the 
end of 1952 when I went back, up until last August wlien I came back 
from Hong Kong. 

Senator Hruska. With a total of some 700 or 800. 

Father Tennien. At least. I haven't totaled tliem up. but roughly. 

Senator Hruska. But roughly. 

Father Tennien. Yes. There were 2,500 Catholic priests thrown 
out of China and during the first 2 years I was in China with them, 
and so I interviewed those only after 1952 and during the last 3 years! 
And I would make a rough estimate that there were probably 700 or 
800 priests and Sisters of different foreign nationalities who came 
out, and I interviewed them and got their storv. 



3626 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You are testifying, then, both from your own knowl- 
edge of conditions and from what you have learned through these many 
hundreds of interviews. 

Father Texxien. Yes; I think this could be called a confirmation of 
wliat I had seen, and it rather backs up the theories and conclusions 
that I had come to about communism myself because they are prettv 
mucli unanimous and pretty much the same of all the men who have 
come out. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Father Tennien. vTould you say that the Red enslave- 
ment of China is complete ? 

Father Tennien. Temporarily it is effective. I don't know whether 
you would call it complete or not, because in order to be complete en- 
slavement, you would have to silence every voice and squash every 
contrary opinion and, of course, that is humanly impossible. 

There is a, what would you call it, an opposing opinion, although it 
isn't very vociferous. It is certainly very strong, and people would 
talk to me during the period when I was under house arrest, both be- 
fore and after my imprisonment, to show you the actual viewpoint 
of the people, and their dislike of communism, because there wasn't, in 
my experience, one person who said he liked communism. So that is 
the conclusion that I would come to, that I have drawn from interview- 
ing and talking to these different people in Communist China. 

Mr. Sourwine. Does anv friendship for America persist among 
the Chinese people ? 

Father Tennien. Yes ; in prison I had these men who would whisper 
to you in the middle of the night. We were all crowded together in 
the cell and they w^ould ask you, "Is America coming to our help? 
America is our greatest friend." 

Coming down on the ship when I was expelled from Communist 
China, when the guard was away, these shipping people talked to me 
and they said, "Don't believe what these people are telling you. This 
man told me" — and he talked over the back of his hand like this, so 
that they would not watch and read his lips, and he said, "America is 
our friend and we are hoping for America to save us from what we 
are in now." 

I think that, generally, expresses the opinion of the Chinese people, 
because they have been friendly, as far as I know, always, and, of 
course, they can be swayed and can be held under the sway of com- 
munism to voice and parrot what they are told to say and do because 
they train people that way under their system of indoctrination. 

But when you get the unadulterated and uninfluenced opinion, there 
is certainly a strong influence, a strong friendship for America, and a 
hope that America will come to their rescue in the end. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is there a resistance movement in Red China ? 

Father Tennien. There is a desire for resistance, and it is very nu- 
merous, but I think the Communists have it under such strict control 
that it doesn't amount to very much, effectively. It would be there 
to depend on and count on if they ever wanted to use that. That is 
certain, because human nature can be pushed only to a certain extent 
and certain limits, and after that it begins to rebel and hate the sys- 
tem that is torturing it so strongly that it will then just break out the 
same as it has done in Hungary and Poland and other countries. 

That is there in China. It may take some time, but it certainly is 
going to break out and rebel against the system and, of course, that 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3627 

is our hope because when any government can't get loyalty — if we did 
not have loyalty of our people here in America, if we were holding 
them under a dictatorship, under a tyranny, when the occasion arose 
or when the opportunity or promise of relief arose, they would imme- 
diately take it and overthrow the government. 

That is the weakness, of course, of communism everywhere, because 
they cannot command and have any loyalty to the system. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are any of the so-called four freedoms protected 
in Red China, freedom of speech, freedom of press, freedom from fear, 
and freedom of worship ? Let's take them one by one. Is there any 
freedom of speech in Red China ? 

Father Tennien. There is no freedom of speech in Red China. 
There isn't, of course, in any Communist country. We used to think 
that Chinese communism might be a little diiferent, but, after watch- 
ing it in operation and action a couple of years, you come to the con- 
clusion that it is just the same there as anywhere. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is there any freedom of the press in Red China? 

Father Tennien. There is absolutely no freedom of the press. 
When I was under house arrest, I used to get magazines like Time, 
Saturday Evening Post, Life, and those magazines, but, immediately 
after the Communist took over, they took all those out of the mail and 
would not let me get any more except to show me some of the adver- 
tisements, like they had, I remember, a cover on one of Collier's maga- 
zines showing a picnic and showing the living standards of America — 
people dressed in sports clothes and the table piled high with fruits 
and sandwiches, and everything you could imagine, and the chief of 
police came in and said, "Is that actually true?" because they heard 
so much propaganda against America. "Is that actually true, that 
you people have all that prosperity and all that wealth and all that 
goodness?" 

I said, "Yes; that is an ordinary picture." And so they are looking 
and looking to America and looking at it as an ideal, perhaps rightly 
or wrongly, because some of our material prosperity isn't so much to 
the good as some other things, as our spiritual values, that we could 
give them. But they are looking to us. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have the Red Chinese done anything to bring about 
freedom from want in Red China ? 

Father Tennien. They have made a very strong effort. Now, they 
have accomplished quite a bit. I always try to look at these things 
objectively. I have been preparing to write something on it and so I 
would say that they have done quite a bit, but it is through their 
method of tyranny and force and a dictatorship which controls all hu- 
man effort and all activity and, therefore, they can accomplish a lot 
where we couldn't under another system of government. 

But you have to always counterbalance what they gain and what 
they lose in a system like this. 

Now, if they had gained in a material way, more business, which 
some people may think they have — I personally do not think they 
have — then they have lost by their freedom of thought, their freedom 
of expression, their freedom of press, and they are mere cogs in the 
wheel of communism to go along and do as they are told to do. 

Mr. Sourwine. Are you saying. Father, that they have traded their 
freedoms and their natural rights for a minimum of security, or do they 
have even that minimum of security in Red China today ? 



3628 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Father Tennien. Wliat kind of security ? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Physical security. 

Father Tennien. With inflation and all the other things, I think 
they have gained a certain material prosperity, a certain advancement.: 
But to do that they have surrendered and lost other balancing things. 
They have lost freedom and they have lost far more than they have 
gained. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. How about the fourth freedom, freedom from fear ? 
Do they have that in Red China today ? 

Father Tennien. I think that is one of the most difficult things 
under the Communist system, this great fear under which they live, 
because nobody can talk to his brother or sister without distrusting 
him and thinking that he will report on him, and they live in constant 
fear because they are spied upon and watched. Even when I was 
under house arrest, I would see the children who were taught to spy 
creep up to the windows and listen to any official who would come to 
talk with me when I was under house arrest, and he would be very 
cautious. He would never come inside unless he was with another 
official, because he would be reported and he wanted to have a witness. 

It is some kind of dog-eat-dog system and everybody is living in 
fear. 

Senator Jenner. How does that affect the family life? In other 
words, the family life was always a strong unit in China. 

Father Tennien. It is a strong unit. 

Senator Jenner. How was that affected ? 

Father Tennien. There has been quite a lot of disloyalty among 
family members, because the Communists work these people up by a 
system of indoctrination to thinking that the state is so glorious that 
it counts more than your family relations and you should, therefore, 
report on your father if he is saying something against the govern- 
ment, or the father should report on the mother, and vice versa, be- 
cause it is the glory of the state. 

They are aiming at the glory of this great new paradise, which the 
Communists want to bring about — this utopia. But the family, of 
course, is the great unit in China as it is everywhere else, and I think 
even more so in China, because they are not dissipated and not broken 
apart. They are more unified in China than they are, I would say, in 
a country like America where we are constantly moving to the cities 
and working, in industries. 

But. in China, the family unit of these farming people is very strong, 
great loyalty among the family members. 

Senator Hruska. Getting back to the freedom of the press that you 
talked about a little bit, are there any such things as outlawed news- 
papers or any such things as pamphlets which are printed which would 
indicate an underground or resistance movement? 

Father Tenxtex. That is not very evident. I don't think there are 
papers like this widely circulated. The "bamboo wireless" that they 
talk about in China is a Avonderful system of communicating. It 
brings true news, false news, rumors, and all sorts of things. So 
the news does get around. Even the news that is against Communist 
China and the news which is favorable to America does get around. 
Even the victories when the Korean war was gomg on — I was m 
prison and during the interrogation he would ask me how I knew 
about so many of these things. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3629 

These things pass around from one person to another and they 
are whispered to you in the day or in the night or even in a prison 
cell if the Communists failed in their objective in driving through 
Korea. 

So, that carries on, but nothing that you could see, no open papers 
carried on because it can't be done. 

Nationalists have dropped a great many pamphlets. They have 
made a great many excursions into China, and I think that is an 
excellent way of arousing dissatisfaction with the present govern- 
ment and giving hope to those people of relief at some future time. 

As far as radios and other communications, they are so rare and so 
few in China, except in the big cities, that you can't get very much 
news in through radio. But where they do have them in the cities, 
like when the Communists first came in when I was in Canchiang, 
south China, they regulated that radio. They took in all the others 
around the town and they had one in the central part of the town 
that everybody could listen to, and you could listen to Nanking, Peking, 
or Russian stations, but no others. If you were even reported to have 
listened to another station, it meant interrogation and probably a 
jail sentence. 

Senator Hruska. Is there any degree of religious freedom in Red 
China, would you say ? 

Father Tennion. There is a degree of religion in Red China. I 
think it is mostly for the window-dressing. They let religion go on 
to a certain extent in the big cities and they let religion operate, and 
the ministers and priests of religion operate as long as they are sub- 
ject to them, and that is why there has been a great conflict going on 
in China between a state-governed religion and the Roman Catholic 
religion. 

You see, it offers competition. They want loyalty only to them, and 
they want to be the idols and they want to be the people worshiped, 
the people obeyed, and if people are loyal to God and are really loyal 
to the Roman Catholic faith, it offers a very strong competitor which 
they are trying to ruin. 

Now, they are using various means, various ways to destroy religion. 
First of all, they started to close the churches in the country, and 
after that they closed a great many of them in the city. I had evi- 
dence of over 500 Chinese priests in jail last summer when I left, out 
of around 2,000 Chinese priests. There were something over 2,000 
Chinese priests but we had definite knowledge of over 500 of them that 
were in prison because we got letters from others and they used terms 
like, "He is in the hospital," or, "He is undergoing the Pauline Privi- 
lege," like St. Paul being jail, and things like that, the other priests 
would write out. 

And those were free, working on the lands, and in this increased pro- 
duction aim of the Communists, and they are able to carry on quite a 
bit of underground and quite a bit they are permitted to carry on, 
but it is not freedom of religion, not at all. 

Senator Hruska. Father, you have indicated that you were one of 
the so-called victims of indoctrination methods of the Reds and you 
have had many, many reports of those procedures. Could you de- 
scribe some of their methods and their techniques ? 

Father Tennien. Yes. I found that a most fascinating study. In 
Hong Kong during the last few years I have watched these people 



3630 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

come out and watched their reaction and then watched them get mi- 
wound, so to speak. They came out after, perhaps, 1 year, 2 years, or 

3 years of imprisonment, of intense indoctrination, having been cut 
off from the outside world and being fed only this Communist way of 
thinking. 

Now, many of them came out and they were mentally disturbed. It 
took them 3 weeks, 4 weeks, some of them even a month before they 
began to lose their fear and they began to get their balance. 

They would come out and want to write Mao Tse-tung thanking 
him for the nice treatment after keeping them in slave labor for 3 or 

4 years. And they would come out — they were thinking like Com- 
munists. They had been so brainwashed and so indoctrinated that 
they weren't normal. 

Senator Hruska. Is that achieved by classes or by any concentrated 
methods, or is it simply a way of life that they lead them through and 
get them to thinking in those terms ? 

Father Tennien. That is a universal system under commmiism. I 
think if you want to understand it, you have to look at it like this. I 
have thought about it a great deal since I have come out and thought 
about the Pavlov theory. You know, Pavlov, this Russian biologist, 
developed this theory after experimenting with rats, cats, and dogs, 
and saying that you could apply certain punishment, certain induce- 
ments, certain rewards, and you could get that animal to change its 
reaction from a normal reaction and follow out exactly as the person 
wanted that animal to do by certain training and punishment and 
discipline. 

The Communists, of course, believe that men are only animals, that 
we are without a soul, and that a man's reflexes can be so conditioned 
and so changed that he will think according to party-line thought. 

Now, in order to accomplish that, they have to indoctrinate the 
people. They have brought in indoctrinators from Russia. Many of 
their men studied in Russia and they follow the blueprint of what is 
to happen today and tomorrow and all the details of how it was done 
in Russia. 

Now, they start in by tackling the teachers. After the schoolteach- 
ers, then they indoctrinate the village leaders and these people of 
influence and this goes on for almost the first year after the system 
has come in. 

Then they take these men and they divide a whole country and with 
these leaders, schoolteachers, village chiefs, and county chiefs, and 
all, then they instruct the whole mass of people. 

Now, these people have to be changed so that they will think accord- 
ing to the Communist way of thinking, and that means, of course, that 
the Politburo and the other people are going to give the orders, are 
going to tell you what to think and what to say and what to do and 
that you are to follow that without any deviation, without any con- 
trary thought, without any contradiction, and that you will follow 
out and do. 

So, they have got to change everybody's reflexes and they do it by 
discipline and they do it by indoctrination, by teaching and by enforce- 
ment, by tyranny, and if you are under that system, you will see that 
it works, and it does work and it changes a person. They call it brain- 
washing, molding the mind, and all that, and it actually does work. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3631 

Senator Hruska. We hear terms like persuasion and also the rule 
of tlie liickory stick. Does that fall in that same category ? 

Father Tenniex. Well, nothing so gentle and. mild as a hickory 
stick. It is something more vicious and something that you can't see. 
If they are working on you, they will work on you by mental torture. 

Now, for instance, if you were guilty of some slight infraction, they 
would put you up before the interrogators and disclose all your faults 
and all your weaknesses and all your shortcomings, and so humiliate 
vou and embarrass you before the crowd. That would be the first 
step. All right. 

Then, if you went through it again you probably get a short jail 
sentence, a short jail sentence of 2 or 3 months, and you would go 
through a very serious indoctrination, and after that you either go to 
j ail for a few years or you would be liquidated. 

So, they use every psychological approach, every physiological, 
mental torture and physical torture and persuasion, intimidation, to 
create fear, the fear of reprisals and all that, to keep the people so 
worked up that they will follow out and think and do as they want 
them to do. 

Senator Hruska. Now, Father, we are also interested in any evi- 
dence that there might be of either independence or of control, as the 
case may be, as to the Kremlin itself in Red China . What observations 
would you have to make in that regard ? 

Father Tennien. Oh, the Russian influence is very, very definite 
and very evident. 

Senator Hruska. How direct is it ? 

Father Tenniek. Well, that is hard for one on the outside to ap- 
praise. But judging from their statements and their praise of Russia, 
of course, when I was there it was all Stalin, they had it in their songs, 
in their cheers, in their lectures, that Stalin was the great father and 
the great leader of communism, and he was the one that they were 
imitating. They said, for instance, in their song. Si Ta Lin tsan shi 
shing lei — Stalin is our leader. Mao Tse-tung tsan shi shing lei — 
Mao Tse-tung is our No. 2 leader, and they are the ones who follow out 
the party line, 1 side, 1 thought, no contrary thoughts, no contradictions 
at all to that way of thinking. 

Now, they are depending on Russia economically as well as ideal- 
istically and they are tied up and they cannot very well be torn away 
from them, as long as they are under the present condition of more 
or less being isolated. 

Senator Hruska. Who became, in these songs, No. 1 leader when 
Stalin was downgraded in Russia ? Was somebody put in his place, 
or did they leave the place void ? 

Father Tennien. Fortunately, I was in America at that time. But 
if you will notice, they haven't gone along. Red China was the first 
one to congratulate Gomulka in Poland when he declared a kind of 
independence. I think they are following that route of more inde- 
pendence from Russia than the others did. And I think they will do 
it because China, after all, is so much bigger than Russia, both in popu- 
lation and as far as tillable land goes, and her power and her influence 
if it comes up into its own, is what the Russians fear. Russia will 
become a satellite of China in the future. That is the way I see it. 



3632 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE "UNITED STATES 

Senator Hruska, Are they apt to continue that course of congrat- 
ulating Gomulka and all that sort of thing, if that sort of conduct 
reflects itself adversely in their economic relations with Russia ? 

Father Tbnnien. Well, they are getting on their feet a little more 
and a little better. They are not so dependent as they were. You see, 
they were almost bankrupt economically and every other way, espe- 
cially with the Korean war. That is why they said they had to stop 
their attack in Korea and make peace, because it was ruining them 
economically in China and their demands on the people, as I saw them 
go around to the villagers and tell them how much they had to give 
for the tanks, for the airplanes, and for the guns. 

Well, that has more or less passed. They have attained a little bit 
more stability, I would say, but on the other hand, the only outside 
nation now they can get machines from, the only way they can build 
up and get factories going, is from Russia and the satellite countries 
of Russia. They can't get them from us, which is right. They 
shouldn't get them. And that is why they are so dependent on Russia 
and they will be for the next 5 years. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Father, would recognition of the Chinese Red gov- 
ernment and its admission to the United Nations be an advantage or 
a disadvantage to the free world ? 

Father Tennien. I think it would be a great disservice to the free 
world. I would think it would be a terribly fatal mistake for us to 
recognize Red China. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Wliy? 

Father Tennien. Because Red China hasn't shown any indication, 
hasn't given us any indication of living in the family of nations as a 
person of our way of thinking. Without our way of justice, without 
our way of trials, without our way of freedom, and if we let them in 
with their ideals of communism and a dictatorship, then we are letting 
in, well, we are letting in the bandits and robbers and everybody else 
to live with us and take what they want from us and they can take 
the most precious thing we have, and that is our freedom and 
democracy. 

Senator Hruska. You were here when Mr. Anslinger testified, were 
you not ? 

Father Tennien. Yes. 

Senator Hruska. Wouldn't you say that one of the evidences of 
their lack of moral fiber or their desire to become a respected mem- 
ber of the family of nations would be found, certainly, in their toler- 
ance, to say the least, of the narcotics trade and export that they 
have? 

_ Father Tennien. That is true, and that is only one small indica- 
tion. If you run up against a people without morality, without the 
standards which we have, without the criterion of right and wrong, 
anything is right with them which is good for the advancement of 
communism. If you are dealing with a nation like that, you can't 
deal with them and you can't trust them. Never trust a Communist 
because they live on the policy of deceit and deception and they work 
by it. _ I always tried to look at the good side of people, but after deal- 
ing with them for 2 years and seeing the broken promises and the way 
they twist the truth and their deceit, we can't deal with them and 
we can't admit them to an equal basis of discussion with us, and we 
can't make any agreement with them and expect them to carry it out. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 363^ 

Tliey wouldn't, tliey can't. If they do it, it would be against the 
principles of communism which they have now. 

Senator Jenner. What was their reaction to the Korean truce ? 

Father Tennien. Well, they just considered that it was a victory 
and that, of course, they had gained a victory. 

That was the way they publicized it and gave it out, and in my own 
way of thinking, it was more or less a victory for us not to go on and 
conclude a victory in our own way. 

Senator Jenner. Did they brag about the fact that they have violat- 
ed the terms of the truce, and the United States doesn't do anything or 
say anything about it ? 

Father Tennien. No, they would not approach it that way. They 
wouldn't say they had violated the terms of the truce at all. They can 
just twist it so that it appears that the^^ are always right and they 
can twist and turn truths and half truths to make them look very palat- 
able and acceptable. That is the way they twist and turn everything. 
They are masters at propaganda. 

Senator Jenxer. We have lost face as a result of it ? 

Father Tennien. Of the Korean war ? 

Senator Jenner. Yes. 

Father Tennien. Yes, sir. 

Senator Jenner. And face is a great thing with the Asiatics. 

Father Tennien. It certainly is. A most important thing. People 
have committed suicide when they lost face, lost prestige. That is 
important. 

Senator Hruska. Have you anything further ? 

Senator Jenner. Nothing further. 

Senator Hruska. Thank you very much, Father, for coming before 
us. 

(Senator Hruska at this point left the meeting and Senator Jenner. 
assumed the chair.) 

Senator Jenner (presiding) . Call the next witness. ; 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. John C. Caldwell. 

Senator Jenner. Will you stand and raise your right hand, please? 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give will 
be the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so help you 
God? 

Mr. Caldwell. I do. 

Senator Jenner. Proceed, Mr. Sourwine, with the questioning of 
Mr. Caldwell. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN C. CALDWELL 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Caldwell, you were born in China ? 

Mr. Caldwell. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. Your home is in Nashville, Tenn. ? 

Mr. Caldwell. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. You are a former Director of the United States 
Information Service? 

Mr. Caldwell. In China. 

Mr. Sourwine. In China. You are a writer and a lecturer? 

Mr. Caldwell. That is right. 

Mr. Sourwine. You testified before this committee on a prior occa- 
sion, June 15, 1954. 



3634 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Caldwell. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouKWiNE. You make repeated trips to China ? 

Mr. Caldwell. Yes. Not to the mainland of China, but to the 

Mr. SouEWiNE. Far East ? 

Mr. Caldwell. All of the Far East. 

Mr. SouKwiNE. You have just returned from such a trip ? 

Mr. Caldwell. Tlie last week in November. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You were at one time head of the China Branch of 
the United States Information Service ? 

Mr. Caldwell. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sotjrwine. That was for a year and a half. 

Mr. Caldwell. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. You had charge of the whole China program for 
9 months ? 

Mr. Caldwell. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRAViNE. And all Far East operations for 9 months. 

Mr. Caldwell. Yes, sir, approximately. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Caldwell, in your prior appearance before this 
committee you told us about a study of Communist techniques and 
propaganda lines which were suppressed by USIA, because it might 
cause friction between the United States and the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics. What became of that study ? 

Mr. Caldwell. I would like to know myself where it is. I have 
never seen it since. 

Mr. SouR^viNE. Is it still suppressed, as far as you know ? 

Mr. Caldwell. As far as I know. 

Senator Jenner. Who did you submit it to ? 

Mr. Caldwell. It was submitted to the Department of State. That 
was in 1946. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Caldwell, when you appeared before us in 1954, 
you told us the Communist propaganda pattern in Eastern Asia had 
2 basic objectives; 1, to create in Asiatics the idea that American 
soldiers, sailors, airmen, and marines were brutal, corrupt, and im- 
moral ; and secondly, to develop among Americans the idea that our 
logical allies in Asia, that is, the Chiangs and the Rhees, were hope- 
lessly corrupt and dictatorial and without ability to command the 
respect of their peoples. 

Is that line still being followed ? 

Mr. Caldwell. Yes, but I would say there are very important addi- 
tions to the line now. 

Mr. Sourwine. Would you tell us about them ? 

Mr. Caldwell. Yes. Particularly in Southeast Asia, which is now 
the main target of the Conununist propaganda machine, there is an 
effort not only to discredit Nationalist China, but to completely keep 
out any information whatsoever about Nationalist China. 

There is an immense campaign to penetrate schools which has been 
very successful, to control newspapers and book stores, and this cam- 
paign has, I think, two immediate objectives. 

One, it is a rather soft campaign. It seeks to create an impression 
of a very peaceful China which has made tremendous material ad- 
vances so that the way into the U. N. can be eased and, of course, the 
long-range aim is obviously control of Southeast Asia with its tre- 
mendous natural and human resources. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3635 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Caldwell, you predicted in 1954, intensified Eed 
Chinese propaganda in the Philippines. Has your prediction come 
true? 

Mr. Caldwell. For only a short time, fortunately, because the new 
President of the Philippines has gone further than any other Asiatic 
leader, with the exception of Diem in Vietnam, to control communism, 
so that the focus has now changed, particularly directed against the 
newly independent states that were once under French Dominion. 
That is, Cambodia and Laos, toward Thailand, toward all the rest of 
Southeast Asia with, right now, a particularly virulent campaign 
against North Borneo which is a weak country but a very rich British 
colony. 

Mr. SoTJRWiNE. You also predicted, in 1954, a campaign headed 
from Red China to magnify the failings of French Colonialist admin- 
istration in Indochina. 

Did that come about ? 

Mr. Cald^vell. Yes ; there were failings which I think we must ad- 
mit, but the Communists have verj^ clearly used this legacy of colonial- 
ism in all of Southeast Asia. It is something they use constantly in 
their effort to create neutralism, first, and then outright interest in 
the Communist form. 

Senator Jenner. I would be interested in your observations on 
Indochina at the present moment. Have you been reading about it 
in the last few days ? Would you give us your version ? 

Mr. Caldwell. I think Indonesia is one of the most critical places 
now, and there, as in many places throughout Southeast Asia, the main 
focus of attack has been the overseas Chinese community. There are 
about 3 million Chinese who live in Indonesia. The schools of In- 
donesia, among which there are nearly 400 Chinese schools, are almost 
completely now under Communist control. 

There are literally hundreds of book stores which sell the very fancy 
Communist publications, some of which I have brought along. 

The press of Indonesia, as far as the Chinese are concerned, is now 
entirely under Communist domination, and I think those factors, since 
the Chinese control economic life, have a particular part to play in 
what is happening in Indonesia now, the switch the internal troubles. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Caldwell, you told us in 1954 that State De- 
partment files were, to use your words : 

Stacked today with anti-Chiang, anti-Nationalist material — 

and that — 

The same material prevails with respect to Syngman Rhee. 

You added this, quoting you — 

Until several years have passed, during which we have objective anti-Com- 
munist reporting, it will be difficult to expect decisions and actions favorable to 
our friends in Asia. 

I will ask you, has that situation changed, and if so, to what degree 
so far as you know ? 

^ Mr. Caldwell. I think it has improved to some extent, but very 
significant stories, for instance, such as Mr. Anslinger told, of the fact 
that the Nationalists were able to stamp out the opium business, which 
I know myself, having lived there during that period, and that the 
Chinese Communists have increased it many times ; things of that type 



3636 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

never get to the people of Asia who should hear them. So, there is still, 
I am afraid, too much bias, perhaps a legacy of the past. 

It is not only in the State Department, but you find it among editors 
throughout the country, a bitterness against the Nationalist Govern- 
ment and it is often not based on any facts. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, in that connection, you told us in 1954 that 
you believed that 75 percent of the editors, newspaper and magazine, 
in America were so prejudiced against Chiang Kai-shek and Syngman 
Rhee as individuals, that honest coverage of free Asia was almost 
impossible. 

Do you still hold to that belief ? 

j\Ir. Caldwell. I tliink there has been some improvement. If I 
were to apply a figure to it, I would say that perhaps 50 percent are 
still so prejudiced that it is very difficult to get the stories, for in- 
stance, of the tremendous progress of free China. You dont see too 
many accounts of that in our magazines and newspapers. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What can you tell us about the Communist Chinese 
press ? To what extent is that free ? To what extent is that controlled ? 

JNIr. Caldwell. Well, all of the newspapers in Communist China are 
actually party organs. There are now some 10,000 newspapers, count- 
ing those in small districts. They are all completely party organs, 
and publishing is operated entirely by the party. 

A recent Nationalist intelligence report that I saw in Hong Kong 
a few months ago indicates that there are a total of 3,600,000 Com- 
munist Party workers directly in information media alone. That 
is, radio, publications, and newspapers. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Would you say that there is a profession of journal- 
ism in Red China today ? 

Mr. Caldwell. No, sir, I would not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, how about journalism in the rest of Asia ? To 
what extent is that subverted or controlled? 

Mr. Caldwell. During the past 12 to 18 months there have been 
three primary Red campaigns. One, to control the press of South- 
east Asia. Two, to open vast numbers of book stores with as many as 
200 and 300 titles on Communist China in each store. Three, to pene- 
trate and control the one-thousand-nine-hundred-odd Chinese schools 
from Hong Kong southward. 

Now, to show you how this campaign has succeeded, during the last 
possibly 12 months, but let's say 18 months, of the 35 major newspapers 
of Soutlieast Asia, 27 have become either pro-Communist completely 
or neutralist. That has, as I said, mostly been accomplished in 1 year 
and it has been accomplished with a massive bribery campaigii. 
I have the exact figures on many newspapers, the exact amount paid 
to the editor as a downpayment to change his editorial line, the 
amount he gets each month or sometimes it may be that the news- 
paper is struggling and having financial difficulties and there are free 
gifts of newsprint. 

Now, both our intelligence and Nationalist intelligence indicate 
that in 1956, $3 million United States was spent on newspaper 
bribery alone, and it is through that, coupled with a sort of veiled 
threat. I have actually talked to editors who have been approached 
and along with the offer of money comes this little clincher. They 
say, and if you will play ball with us, we will take care of you when 
we take over here. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3637 

So, it is a promise of security plus money that has bought the 
press of Soutlieast Asia. 

Mr. SouRwiNE, You say $3 million United States. Are you using 
United States dollars as a standard or do you actually mean that 
United States dollars were used in this bribery ? 

Mr. Caldwell. No; I know that United States dollars are used, 
but I was using that mostly as a round figure of the total amount in 
our currency. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. The bribery is not, so far as you know, wholly in 
United States dollars. 

Mr. Caldwell. No, but in a place like Hong Kong, which is a free- 
money market, the United States dollar is usually quite stable. The 
Hong Kong dollar is slipping, particularly in the last 6 months. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Where does tliat money come from ? 

Mr. Caldwell. It is my guess that quite a bit of it comes from the 
opium business. The Eeds have tried something else new, of late. In 
Thailand, _ with Communist money, they have developed the dirty 
movie capital of the world now, with some 4,000 titles produced last 
year alone. 

Now, these are sent to Formosa, to Hong Kong, to Japan. They are 
sold for dollars. They have the same sort of dual purpose that opium 
serves, of bringing in dollars as well as corrupting morals. 

One little sidelight. It may mean absolutely nothing. Through 
my knowledge of Chinese, I was able to get into one of these studios in 
Bangkok, and I noted with great interest that all of the equipment 
was the latest model Russian equipment, that is, projectors and 
cameras of varieties I had never seen before. 

Mr. Sourwine. Yv^hat other information can you give us about Red 
China's propaganda machinery ? 

Mr. Caldwell. I would like to go just a little bit, if I may, into their 
publications. Now, I have brought a few typical ones here today. 
These happened to be in English, but others are published in 13 differ- 
ent languages. 

They start with simple cartoon books for the illiterate. Then there 
will be little storybooks like this, up to the very fancy, four-color jobs. 
_ Now, the effort in these publications is, well, what I would call a soft 
line. It attempts to create interest in Red China, a picture of tremen- 
dous progress, a country that has no problems. 

Now, their anti-American line has changed considerably. They 
don't ask a newspaper, for instance, any longer to actually attack 
America. Instead, they distribute Confidential magazine, and there 
is another one called Uncensored. 

Now, these magazines — I assume none of you gentlemen have read 
them regularly ; I don't, but I have looked at them and I know that 
they deal in divorce, sex, dope, all of the worst in America, and these 
stories are taken verbatim from Confidential and used as feature ma- 
terial in Bangkok, in Hong Kong, in Phnom Penh, which is the capital 
of Cambodia. 

So, many people are getting their view of America today via Con- 
fidential magazine. 

Mr. Sourwine. Does that conclude the additional material you can 
give us about propaganda ? 

Mr. Caldwell. No; I think the penetration of the schools is al«r> 
tremendously important. The Chinese in some places are even the 



3638 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

majority in southeast Asia. For instance, in Singapore they make 
up 80 percent of the population, and, beginning many years ago, they 
founded their own schools. 

Now, the Communists have penetrated these schools. In Singapore 
they are almost entirely in charge now. In Thailand perhaps one- 
third of the schools are under Communist discipline. 

They utilize the students to raise money. For instance, in Singa- 
pore they raise money for strikes through collecting dues from the 
Communist students. They have been able, on several occasions, to 
completely tie up Singapore. 

Along with this effort to penetrate and control all the schools in 
southeast Asia, there is a tremendous campaign to get young south- 
east Asians to go to Red China to study. Now, to do that they use 
these publications, magazines, very well-done movies. They promise 
free education. They promise the school of the person's choice and 
unlimited job opportunities after the student is finished. 

Since 1950,_ somewhere between 40,000 and 50,000 overseas students 
have been enticed to Red China through this campaign. 

Mr. SouuwiNE. Speaking of students, sir, what steps are being taken 
inside Red China to indoctrinate the youth of the country with com- 
munism ? 

Mr. Caldwell,. Well, it is an indoctrination program from the time 
the child is able to understand anything. During October and No- 
vember I interviewed a number of student escapees from China to try 
to get from them a blow-by-blow account of Communist educational 
methods. A tremendous part of the curriculum is taken by with com- 
pletely political discussions. At least once every week, and sometimes 
2 or 3 times, there is held what the students in their lingo call the 
"big class." 

Now, the big class is when an eavesdropper has been able to find some 
student saying something that was suspect. He is brought before the 
whole school body and, as Father Tennien explained, all of his faults, 
his background, are brought out, and sometimes the student body is 
just driven into a state of hysteria so that there is actually phj^sical 
beating of the person who is the center of the big class. 

But it is a program of indoctrination from beginning to end. 

Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Does that program involve efforts to make the 
youths of China inform on their friends and relatives ? 

Mr. Caldwell. That is a very definite part. I talked to one young 
man, for instance, who was talking to a friend of his one night in 
school and the friend admitted, or just said in conversation, that he 
had served once as an interpreter during the war with a United States 
Army unit since he spoke very good English. Another friend over- 
heard. There was a big class called the next day and this boy simply 
disappeared. So, telling tales is an integral part of the system of 
maintaining discipline over the students. 

Mr. Sourwine. To what extent are they successful in getting chil- 
dren to inform on their parents in contradiction to the age-old close- 
ness of the Chinese family ? 

Mr. Caldwell. I think in the first few years of Communist rule they 
were very successful, but then in the last few years I have noted, in 
talking to escapees, what I think is a tide of revulsion setting in. I 
think that is indicated by recent stories that have come out of Red 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3639 

China, renewed demands that everyone put the state above any family 
relationsliips. 

I think there are good things that we can see in Red China today. 
That is one of them. In talking to the escapees, I find there is grow- 
ing unrest among the young people. Just as in Hungary, it was the 
college students and even the high-school students who spearheaded 
the revolt, so, in China, the young people are fighting back to the ex- 
tent that there are a great number of, literally translated, roaming 
hard-labor corps, entirely made up of high-school students who have 
been recalcitrants, have fought back a little bit. 

I interviewed one boy who was in such a camp in which there were 
6,000 high-school students all put at hard labor because they have not 
knuckled down sufficiently to the regime. That is, I think, a rather 
hopeful sign. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Turning to another subject, what can you tell us, 
Mr. Caldwell, about the coexistence policy advocated bv Communist 
China? 

Mr. Caldwell. That, of course, is a crucial part of their campaign, 
particularly with the new nations, Indonesia, Burma, Cambodia, and 
Laos. They try hard to show through their propaganda and publi- 
cations that they mean no harm and that the best interests of these 
new nations will be served if they will maintain diplomatic relations 
with the Chinese Reds. 

In Cambodia they have recently offered, and it has been accepted, 
a $22 million economic-aid campaign to show their good will, so that 
they are directly competing with us in that country, offering rela- 
tively the same number of dollars that we give to that same nation. 
The coexistence and neutrality, I would say, are very important 
themselves at the present time. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Does the stress on that theme of coexistence indi- 
cate an abandonment by Red China of its ambitions to rule all Asia ? 
Mr. Caldmt^ll. No ; I don't think it does at all. I think that they 
are succeeding through subversion. They don't need, right now, to 
think in terms of any military action. I would doubt that there will 
be any military action, because they are doing extremely well through 
this vast campaign of subversion and propaganda. 

Mr. SoTJRwiNE. Are you familiar, sir, with the pressures originat- 
ing in Communist China for repatriation of Chinese students and 
Chnese residents in general who are now outside mainland China ? 

Mr. Caldwell. Yes. That ties in, of course, with the campaign 
to get the overseas Chinese students all through southeast Asia to 
come back. When a student does go to Red China, a great deal of 
pressure is put upon him to persuade his parents to come back, and 
the interesting thing is that this pressure is only given when the 
parents are wealthy. They are most interested in getting wealthy 
overseas Chinese back into China. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What can you tell us, Mr. Caldwell, about Red 
Chinese efforts to use the 10 million Chinese now living in southeast 
Asia as a sort of huge fifth column ? 

Mr. Caldwell. I think that is their major effort. These Chinese 
actually number now — the latest census, I believe, is nearly 14 million 
because there have been a great many escapees from China and their 
major campaign is directed against the Chinese newspapers, the 
Chinese schools, against the Chinese banks, because these Chinese con- 
trol the economic life of the region. 



3640 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Now, in Rangoon, Burma, for instance, they gained control of the 
three main Chinese banks. Then they used that as a lever to force 
Chinese businessmen to send their children to a Chinese school. 
Chinese are speculators. They borrow frequently on a short-term 
basis. If a businessman comes in to try to borrow money from one 
of these banks, he is told he can't have his money unless he is willing 
to transfer his children from a non-Communist to a Communist 
dominated school. It is rather a striking double play they use in com- 
bining banking and education. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Can you tell us about any other trouble spots caused 
by Communist agitators in southeast Asia ? 

Mr. Caldwell. The most successful trouble spot has been, of course, 
Singapore. I think right now the main pressure is going to be against 
the three Buddhist nations, that is. Cambodia, Thailand and Laos It 
is my own opinion that Cambodia is going to be the focus of an attack 
because it is small. It is new and weak. Thailand is a much stronger 
country, but if they can gain control of Cambodia, they will have a 
strong foothold to put pressure against the other two Buddhist nations. 

In Cambodia they now control 4 of the 5 Chinese newspapers. They 
control one-half of the Chinese schools. They have this $22 million aid 
program administered b}^ a total of 120 technicians who began arriv- 
ing in November and who are all there now. 

Mr. SormwixE. What information can you give us about Red 
Chinese activity in Malaya and Indonesia ? 

Mr. Caldwell. It is the same pattern everywhere. In Malaya it 
has been very successful. It is hard to evaluate where there has been 
more success. I would say that probably Indonesia and Malaya have 
both been very well penetrated as far as the overseas Chinese are con- 
cerned. 

One way you can judge it is by the number of students who are going 
to Red China from these countries. Now, the number has dropped in 
the last 2 years, but in 1956, 1,200 went from Indonesia, 750 from 
Malaya, by far the largest than from any other country in southeast 
Asia, 

Mr. SouRwiXE. The Chinese, that is, the people of Chinese origin, or 
the Chinese race, pretty largely control business life in Malaya and 
Indonesia, don't they? 

Mr. Caldwell. Yes, and it is true in Thailand. It is true in Cam- 
bodia. They control the banks, the newspapers, publications, movies, 
the rice industry. They are the middlemen also in many other busi- 
nesses, 

Mr, Sourwine. The middlemen ? 

Mr. Caldwell. Middlemen. 

Senator Jenner. Merchants. 

Mr, Caldwell. Yes, sir. 

Mr, Sourwine, To what extent are those Chinese businessmen lined 
up with communism, do you know ? 

Mr, Caldwell, The further away you get from Communist China, 
the larger proportion of the Chinese are pro- Communist, That is 
simply because they are further away and they don't have access to in- 
formation, actual facts about Red China, 

Hong Kong, I would say, just using a round figure, is probably 70 
percent anti-Communist, Singapore, however, is 70 percent pro- 
Communist. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3641 

Mr. SouRWiNE. That is amone; the Chinese colony. 

Mr. Caldwell. Among the Chinese colony. And again that in part 
depends on how thoroughly they have controlled the press. 

Now, in Singapore, they have been in control of press and education 
for several years. But in Hong Kong not only do they get news of 
Red China right across the border, also they have had a somewhat 
more difficult time buying off the press. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Caldwell, is sheer fear of Communist China a 
major factor in the neutrality of India and Burma and Indonesia? 

Mr. Caldwell. I think that is a very correct statement. As Father 
Tennien pointed out, Korea was not a victory for the West. There 
has been to the average person of southeast Asia a succession of re- 
treats and there is fear that the Communists are going to win. 

I, myself, do not believe in my heart most of these people are pro- 
Communist, but they are trying to make a move which will keep them 
safe, their families safe, and they hope their businesses intact. 

Mr. Sourwixe. Mr. Caldwell, you said earlier in response to a ques- 
tion that you did not feel that Communist China's ambition to control 
all Asia had been abandoned, l^^lat evidence is there of that ambi- 
tion? 

Mr. Caldwell. For economic reasons it is tremendously important. 
We know that. For instance, Thailand has a surplus of 300,000 tons 
of rice which they will not sell to Red China, but which they desper- 
ately need. And also, throughout their internal propaganda you hear 
phrases that sound strikingly like Japan's old "coprosperity sphere." 

They are offering to become the big brothers of all these struggling 
nations. They offer it particularly, I think, now, in the campaign 
against the three little Buddhist nations. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Caldwell, do you know anything about the 
activities of Red Chinese agents outside China ? 

Mr. Caldwell. Well, of course, what I have been telling you deals 
with activities all through southeast Asia. Hong Kong has become 
pretty much their center. It is the center from which these publica- 
tions are shipped out, incidentally, to American schools, in large num- 
bers. It is the center into which the bribery money goes and is dis- 
bursed. 

From Hong Kong, which has direct shipping connections with 
Japan and Korea, as well as southeast Asia, the agents go to the rest 
of the area. It is the focal point, I think, of their attack, or the cam- 
paign headquarters today. 

Mr. Sourwixe. What can you tell us about the activities of Red 
Chinese agents in South Korea ? 

Mr. Caldwell. I haven't been in South Korea for a year and the 
biggest activity that I heard about at that time was one mentioned by 
Mr. Anslinger and that is the penetration of dope peddlers, large num- 
bers of them. Many of them are caught, but obviously, many are not 
caught, 

Mr. Sourwixe. Are you telling us that the dope peddlers in South 
Korea are Communists, that it is a Communist activity ? 

Mr. Caldwell. Oh, yes, sir ; I am certain of that. 

Mr. Sour^vixe. How about activities of Red Chinese agents in For- 
mosa, is there any ? 

Mr. Caldwell. Practically none. Formosa is probably as free of 
Communist activity as any nation in the world and it is kept under 



3642 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

control. The people are sold enough on their Government so that a 
rather unusual thing happened in October when pro-Communist 
Chinese from southeast Asia, for the first time, were openly invited to 
come there as a propaganda move to let them see for themselves the ad- 
vancement that had been made in free China. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. To what extent is that invitation being accepted, do 
you know ? 

Mr, Caldavell. I know of several. I know of one Singapore editor 
that came and, I believe, there were several from Hong Kong and 
Cambodia that accepted the invitation, and free China has relaxed 
very greatly its visa requirements during the last few months because 
they feel considerable strength. They have no fear that these people 
can cause trouble. In fact, they think that they can very easily be con- 
vinced of the error of their ways. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Caldwell, do Eed Chinese imperialistic aims 
extend outside Asia? 

Mr. Caldwell. I think Asia is their assigned sphere of influence, 
but because the Chinese are not white, I think they are being used 
more and more among other nonwhite peoples. They made, as you 
know, an offer of volunteers to Egypt. They have been sending trade 
missions all through the Middle East in countries that do not recog- 
nize Nationalist China, and this is an opinion only, but I believe the 
Chinese will more and more be used as agents in nonwhite parts of 
the world. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you include Africa ? 

Mr. Caldwell. Yes; I certainly do. North Africa, particularly. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you have any specific knowledge of their 
reasons ? 

Mr. Caldwell. I have knowledge of activities in Egypt, which has 
recognized Eed China, which has received cultural delegations and 
trade delegations. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have knowledge of any Red Chinese activity 
in Africa? 

Mr. Caldwell. Nothing beyond Egypt. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Caldwell, we had one witness this morning 
who testified concerning the effect of admitting Communist China to 

• • • 

the United Nations. We would like to have your opinion on it. 

INIr. Caldwell. I would like to confine my answer to the effect on 
southeast Asia where there is this tremendous struggle now to keep 
the nations free. There must be a China for the overseas Chinese to 
look to. If Red China is admitted, we will have, in fact, this two- 
China idea, and I am afraid there would be no chance whatsoever 
then to keep the nations of southeast Asia free. It could be a tragedy 
that could lose us an area that has something like 180 million 
population. 

Mr. Sourwine. How would there be two Chinas ? If Red China is 
admitted to the United Nations, doesn't that necessarily mean that 
the Nationalist Government will go out? 

Mr. Caldwell. The Nationalist Government would go out, so I 
have been told by President Chiang, himself, but it is an idea that 
has been expressed by several public leaders in America of admitting 
Red China and, at the same time, maintaining some relations with 
free China to establish, as far as we are concerned, two Chinas. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3643 

Now, althoiigli we might not recognize Red China, if she is in the 
U. N., Avith her representatives here in America, to many people 
throughout Asia it would be tantamount to recognition on our part. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, people talk about the two-China policy, but 
isn't that in itself propaganda? I mean this. Instead of simply 
bringing Red China into the U. N., and leaving Nationalist China 
there, which would be a true two-China policy 

Mr. Caldwell. Yes. 

Mr. SoTJEWiNE. Isn't all of the drive based on the representation, 
the admission angle, the question of who is China ? 

Mr. Caldwell. Yes. 

Mr. SoURWiNE. So that if Mao Tse-tung's government is allowed in, 
Chiang's government is forced out at one and the same time. 

Mr. Caldwell. That is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. So it is not really a two-China policy. It is a one- 
China policy at the expense of Nationalist China. 

Mr. Caldwell. It is actually eliminating free China. Thailand, 
for instance, at the present time maintains diplomatic relations with 
free China, not Red. I am sure if Red China was admitted to the 
United Nations that would be reversed. Thailand would be forced 
to recognize Red China. 

Mr. Sourwine. "Would that be true of other countries of southeast 
Asia? 

Mr. Caldwell. Most of them — Cambodia is sitting on the fence. 
They are recognizing both, and the British territories, of course, have 
no Chinese representation at all. 

Mr. Sourwine, Mr. Caldwell, I have no more questions along that 
line. I do want to ask you questions about one individual that the 
committee is interested in. Before I do that, I would like to give you 
an opportunity of adding anything you think should be covered in 
your testimony that we haven't asked you. We would be glad to have 
you tell us that. 

Mr. Caldwell. No, sir; I think we have covered particularly the 
propaganda campaign very clearly. 

Mr. Sourwine, Mr. Caldwell, when you were attached to USIA, did 
you have in your department a woman named Mary Barrett? 

Mr. Caldwell. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. To your knowledge, was Miss Barrett ever repri- 
manded for slanting OWI or State Department printed material or 
broadcasts in a pro-Communist way ? 

Mr. Caldwell. I have a memory of a reprimand which did not 
specifically deal with that, but with her effort to distribute certain of 
our publications in Communist areas of China which at that time was 
strictly against my policy and that of USIS in China. 

Mr. Sourwine. To your knowledge, did Miss Barrett live in Shang- 
hai with a woman named Sylvia Campbell before the latter married 
John W.Powell? 

Mr. Caldwell. Yes, sir ; she did. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you know how long that relationship existed ? 

Mr. Caldwell. I would say approximately a year. In 1945 and 
1946, possibly into 1947, but that I could not be certain of. 

Mr. Sourwine, Did Mary Barrett join the staff of China Review ? 



3644 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr, Caldwell. Yes. I believe she stayed in Shanghai for about a 
year, perhaps more, after the Communists took over, working on the 
China Review. 

Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Do you know anything, of your own knowledge, 
that would indicate the China Review was an official or semiofficial or- 
gan of the Chinese Communist government? 

Mr. Caldwell. I only know from American soldiers I have talked 
to, myself, and from testimony given before congressional committees, 
that that magazine was widely used in the indoctrination courses given 
to captured American soldiers. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, I have no more questions of this 
witness. 

Senator Jenner. I have no further questions. 

The committee will stand recessed. We want to thank you for ap- 
pearing before us and giving us this information. 

(Whereupon, at 12 : 20 p. m., the committee stood in recess.) 



INDEX 



Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance to 

the mere fact of the appearance of the names of an individual or an organization 

in this index. 

A Page 

Africa 3642 

Africa, North 3642 

America 3626-8628, 3631, 3637, 3641-3644 

American soldiers 3644 

American troops 3619 

Anslinger, Harry J 3611-3624, 3635, 3641 

Testimony of 3611-3624 

Commissioner, Bureau of Narcotics, Treasury Department 3611 

Vice Chairman, United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs 3611 

Anti-Chiang material 3635 

Anti-Nationalist material 3635 

Army, United States 3619, 3638 

Asia 3612, 3614, 3618, 3619, 3634, 3636, 3639, 3642 

Asia, Eastern 3634 

Asia, Southeast 3620, 3624, 3634-3638, 3640-3643 

Asiatics 3633 

B 

Bangkok 3615, 3618, 3621, 3637 

Barrett, Mary 3643 

Bharmo district 3618, 3620 

Burma 3618, 3620, 3624, 3639-3641 

Burmese Government 3618 

C 

Caldvpell, John C 3633-3644 

Testimonv of 3633-3644 

Born in China 3633 

Home, Nashville, Tenn 3633 

Former Director of the United States Information Service 3633 

Writer and lecturer , 3633 

Testified before subcommittee, June 15, 1954 3633 

Cambodia 3635, 3637, 3639, 3640, 3642 

Campbell, Sylvia 3643 

(Wife of John W. Powell) 3643 

Ceylon 3618, 3621 

Chanchiang (South China) 3629 

Chiang Kai-shek 3634, 3636 

Chiang, President 3642 

Chiengrai 3615 

China 3618, 3624, 3625, 3628, 3629-3634, 3638, 3639, 3642, 3643 

China mainland 3611, 3615, 3616 

China Mission News Service 3625 

China Review 3643, 3644 

Chinese 3637 

Chinese banks 3639, 3640 

Chinese colony _' 3641 

Chinese newspapers 3639, 3640 

Chinese priests 3629 

Chinese schools 3639, 3640 

Chinese Reds 3639 

Chungking Listening Post (publication) 3625 



n INDEX 

Page 

Collier's (magazine) 3627 

Committee on Illicit Traffic of the United Nations, report of 3611 

Communism 3626, 3627, 3630, 3633, 3635 

Communist/s 3618, 3626, 3628, 3629, 3630, 3632, 3634, 3635, 3638, 3641, 3644 

Communist agents 3619, 3624, 3641 

Communist China 3611-3613, 3616-3623, 3626-3629, 3631, 3632, 3635-3644 

Communist China and Illicit Narcotic Traffic 3612 

Communist, Chinese 3621, 3622 

Communist Chinese press 3636 

Communist educational methods 3638 

Communist money 3637 

Communist Party 3618, 3636 

Communist school, Rashin 3619 

Communist system 3628 

Confidential (magazine) 3637 

Crown trademark 3616, 3620 

D 
Diem 3635 

E 

Economic and Social Council 3612 

Egypt 3642 

English 3637 

Europe 3613 

Exhibit No. 439 — United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs — Elev- 
enth Session 3614 

Exhibit No. 440— Red China and the Narcotic Traffic, 1956 3620 

Exhibit No. 441 — Memorandum on George Douglas Poole et al 3623 

Ezrin, Juda 3622 

F 

Far East 3612-3614, 3619, 3621, 3623, 3634 

Formosa 3613, 3637, 3641 

Four freedoms 3627 

French Colonialist administration 3635 

French Dominion 3635 

G 
Gomulka 3631, 3632 

H 

Holy Cross, Baltimore 3624 

Hong Kong 3612-3615, 3618, 3620-3623, 3625, 3629, 3636, 3637, 3641, 3642 

Honolulu 3623 

Hruska, Senator 3611 

Hungary 3626, 3639 

I 

India 3641 

Indonesia 3635, 3639-3641 

Indochina 3635 

Iron Curtain 3613 

J 

Japan 3613, 3615, 3618, 3621, 3624, 3637, 3641 

Jenner, Senator 3611 

K 

Kengtung 3618,3620 

King, Leon 3618, 3621 

Korea 3629, 3^32, 3641 

Korea, South 3619, 3641 

Korean truce 3633 

Korean war 3628 

Kremlin 3631 



INDEX m 

L 

Page 

Laos 3635, 3640 

Life (magazine) 3627 

London 3618 

Longobardi, Anthony J 3621, 3623 

Los Angeles 3621 

M 

Macao 3613, 3615 

Malava 3614, 3616, 3640 

Malaya, Federation of 3612, 3615, 3620 

Chief Minister 3612, 3614 

Mandalay 361S, 3620 

Mao Tse-tung 3630, 3631, 3643 

Mao Tse-tung tsan shi shing lei (Mao Tse-tung is our No. 2 leader) — 3631 

Maryknoll 3624 

Maryknoll Mission Society 3624 

Maryknoll Office, 121 East 29th Street, New York City 3624 

Maryknoll Prep 3625 

Mexico 3617 

Middle East 3614, 3617, 3642 

Moeller, Thomas 3621, 3623 

Moeller, William 3621, 3623 

Montreal 3624 

Movie capital 3637 

N 

Nanking 3629 

Narcotic Control Act of 1956 3621, 3623 

Narcotics, Bureau of 3611, 3623 

San Francisco office 3623 

Nashville, Tenn 3633 

Nationalists 3629, 3635 

Nationalist China 3634, 3642, 3643 

Nationalist Government 3617, 3624, 3636, 3642 

Nationalist intelligence report 3636 

Near East 3613, 3614 

North America 3615 

North Borneo 3635 

O 

Orient 3621, 3623 

OWI 3643 

P 

Pauline Privilege 3629 

Pavlov 3630 

Pavlov theory 3630 

Peiping Government 3617 

Peking 3629 

Philippines 3635 

Philippines, President of 3635 

Pnom Penh (capital of Cambodia) 3637 

Pittsford, Vt 3624 

Poland 3626, 3631 

Polish delegates 3617 

Politburo 3630 

Poole, George Douglas 3621, 3623 

Powell, John W 3643 

Propaganda machinery. Red China's 3637 

Propaganda, Red Chinese 3635 

R 

Rangoon 3640 

Rashin 3619 

Red China. ( See Communist China. ) 

"Red China and the Narcotic Traffic, 1946" 3620 



rv INDEX 

Page 

Rhees 3634 

Rhee, Syngman 3635, 3636 

Richardson, King S 3622, 3623 

Roman Catholic religion 3629 

Russia 3630, 3632 

Russian delegates 3617 

Russian equipment 3637 

Russian stations 3629 

S 

Saigon 3618, 3621 

St. Paul 3629 

San Francisco 3618, 3621, 3624 

San Francisco Harbor 3622, 3623 

Saturday Evening Post (magazine) 3627 

Schroeder, F. W 3611 

Seattle 3621 

Second World War 3625 

Shanghai 3643, 3644 

Singapore 3612, 3614-3616, 3638, 3640, 3642 

Sourwine, J. G 3611 

South Korea. {See Korea, South.) 

Stalin 3631 

Si Ta Lin tsan shi shing lei (Stalin is our leader) 3631 

State, Department of 3634^3636,3643 

T 

Taiwan 3615 

Tennien, Father Mark r 3624-3633, 3638, 8641 

Testimony of 3624-3633 

Maryknoll Mission Society 3624 

Native, Pittsford, Vt 3624 

School — Montreal, Holy Cross in Baltimore, Maryknoll 3624 

Ordained in 1927— Went to China in 1928 3625 

Taught at Maryknoll Prep 3625 

Wrote Chuneking Listening Post 3625 

1952 expelled from China 3625 

Returned as director of China Mission News Service, stationed in 

Hong Kong 3625 

Editor of mission bulletin 1953-56 3625 

Thailand 3612-3615, 3620, 3624, 3635, 3637, 3640, 3641, 3643 

Time (magazine) 3627 

Tokyo 3621 

Treasury Department 3611 

Two-China policy 3643 

U 

Uncensored (magazine) 3637 

United Kingdom 3612, 3614, 3616 

United Nations 3615, 3617, 3619, 3620, 3621, 3623, 3632, 3642, 3643 

United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs 3611-3615, 3620 

Eleventh session 3614 

United States 3616, 3618, 3621-3623, 3633, 3634, 3636, 3637 

USIA 3634, 3643 

USIS (United States Information Service) 3633,3634,3643 

V 
Vietnam 3618, 3621, 3635 

W 

Watson, John M 3618,3621 

Williams, Gerald F 3621, 3623 

Wood, James C 3621, 3623 

Y 
Yunnan 3616, 3620 

O 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTRATION oFtHE INTERNAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 
UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 

ON 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE 
UNITED STATES 



MARCH 12 AND 21, 1957 



PART 56 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT FEINTING OFFICE 
93215 WASHINGTON : 1957 



Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

OCT 9 - 1957 



COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, JR., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois 

MATTHEW A. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administkation of the Internal Security 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

MATTHEW A. NEELY, West Virginia ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 

Robert Morris, Chief Counsel 
J. G. SODRWiNE, Associate Counsel 
William A. Rusher, Associate Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 

n 



CAd- 



CONTENTS 



Testimony of— Pa&e 

Emmerson, John K 3645 



rn 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

The following testimony was made public on March 14, 1957, by 
resolution of the subcommittee. 



TUESDAY, MARCH 12, 1957 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 

OF the Internal Security Act and other 

Internal Security Laws, of the 
Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D. C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2 : 15 p. m. in room 135, 
Senate Office Building, Senator William E. Jenner, presiding. 

Present : Senators Jenner and Watkins. 

Also present : Robert Morris, chief counsel ; William A. Rusher, as- 
sociate counsel; Benjamin Mandel, research director, and Robert Mc- 
Manus, investigations analyst. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Emmerson, will you stand to be sworn, please? 

Senator Jenner. Do you swear the testimony you give in this hear- 
ing will be the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I do. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Emmerson, would you give your name and address 
to the reporter? 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN K. EMMERSON, DEPUTY CHIEF OF MISSION, 
COUNSELOR OF EMBASSY, BEIRUT, LEBANON 

Mr. Emmerson. John K, Emmerson, my present post is the Amer- 
ican Embassy in Beirut; Lebanon. 

Mr. Morris. And what is your actual assignment at this time? 

Mr. Emmerson. I am deputy chief of mission, and counselor of 
embassy, at Beirut. 

Mr. Morris. Are you on a special assignment here in the United 
States ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I have been on a special assigmnent to the General 
Assembly in the United Nations with the United States delegation 
since the 1st of November. 

Senator Jenner. Let the record show Senator Watkins is now here. 

Mr. Morris. Senator Watkins, this is Mr. John K. Emmerson, our 
witness today, and these gentlemen are Mr. Cartwright and Mr. Hips- 
ley of the State Department. 

The witness has just now been sworn. Senator. We are asking his 
present special assignment here in the United States. 

3645 



3646 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Emmerson. I have been assigned as a member of the United 
States delegation to the United Nations and I am now proceeding back 
to my post in Beirut. In the meantime, I have been transferred to 
the Embassy in Paris where I expect to assume my duties toward the 
end of this month. 

Mr. Morris. You will be in Paris the next assigment? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Emmerson, what has been the nature of your as- 
signment at the United Nations ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I have been one of the liaison officers for the NEA 
area. That is the Middle East area, the Bureau of Near Eastern Af- 
fairs in the State Department. 

Mr. Morris. As such, what do you do ? 

Mr, Emmerson. My duties were largely liaison with the delegations 
from the Middle Eastern countries. We have representatives in each 
of the four geographic bureaus of the departments who serve in that 
capacity during the session of the General Assembly. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Emmerson, the reason the subcommittee has asked 
you to be here today is that there has accumulated in the public record 
of the Internal Security Subcommittee since 1951 statements, testi- 
mony about you and certain documents of yours, so we felt in order 
to have a full story, that it would be well if you would appear and 
give testimony on these various items. 

This testimony and these items relate to a period of time when you 
were- -and sliortly thereafter — in Yenan, which was the Chinese Com- 
munist headquarters in China during the recent war. I wonder if 
you could begin your testimony today J3y telling us about your general 
assignment to Yenan and the nature of your duties there. 

Mr. Emmerson. I was assigned toward the end of 1943 as a political 
adviser to General Stilwell. I was concurrently second secretary of 
Embassy in Chungking and political adviser to General Stilwell. 

As a Japanese language officer and Foreign Service officer who had 
had experience in Japan, my duties in the theater were concerned en- 
tirely with Japanese matters, interrogation of prisoners of war, psy- 
cholgical warfare particularly. 

In the fall of 1944 our Government, or the Army, the United States 
Army, established in Yenan, the Communist headquarters, a United 
States Observers' Mission. This was done with the consent of General 
Chiang Kai-shek, and consisted of an Army unit in Yenan. 

My assignment to the observers' section was concerned exclusively 
with phychological warfare matters. It was known that there was a 
group of Japanese prisoners of war who had been taken by the 
Chinese Communists and who were operating in Yenan. The head 
of this group was a well-known Japanese Communist by the name 
of Okano. That was the name he used at this period. He later used 
the name of Nozaka. It is one and the same person. So that, when 
I arrived in Yenan, the purpose of my assignment was to find out 
the kind of activities which were being conducted by this group of 
Japanese prisoners of war. At that time in 1944 we were, of course, 
concerned with the prosecution of the war against Japan. 

The presence, I think, of an American observers' mission in Yenan 
indicated that there was cooperation between the Chinese Communists 
and ourselves as far as the war against Japan was concerned, so that 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3647 

we were eager to find out the kinds of activities which the Japanese 
prisoners of war there were conducting, the psychological warfare 
that they were engaged in, and whatever information or intelligence 
they might have with respect to Japan. 

I think, Judge Morris, that is the background of my assignment to 
Yenan. 

Mr. Morris. You would report, would you not, back to your supe- 
riors on the activities of this Japanese Peoples' Emancipation League, 
isn't that what it was called ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. That was a Communist organization was it not? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes; that was the propaganda organization of the 
Japanese Communist prisoners of war. They called themselves the 
Japanese Peoples' Emancipation League, and they put out leaflets 
and pamphlets of various sorts which were distributed behind the 
Japanese lines or in the areas which were under Japanese control, 
purely a propaganda operation, but of course completelj^ under the 
direction of the Japanese Communist leader, Okano, who in turn was 
under the direction of the Chinese Communists. 

Mr. Morris. When you Avrote back to your superiors, you wrote 
generally sympathetically with the work that these people were doing, 
did you not ? 

Mr. EMMERSOisr. I was reporting on the kind of work they were 
doing, and it seemed to me that this was interesting to us in showing 
that it was possible to carry on psychological warfare against the 
Japanese, so if you use the word "sympathetically" to indicate that I 
felt that they were achieving some success in these lines, then that 
is correct. 

Mr. Morris. In that connection 

Senator Watkins. Let me ask a question there. 

I am a little at a loss to know what Japanese prisoners of war could 
do. Were they finally discharged as prisoners or were they under 
somebody's custody ? 

How did they get the appellation of being "prisoners of war" ? 

Mr. Emmerson. They were prisoners of war and they were in the 
custody of the Chinese Communists. They had been captured on the 
front lines in China by the Chinese Communists and they were kept 
in an area, an enclosed area. 

Senator AYatkins. A compound, a prison ? 

Mr. Emmerson. It was a sort of a very informal prison. 

They did not have actual barriers. They trusted most of these 
people, and Yenan was geographically situated so that they could 
capture them if they tried to run away. 

Senator Watkins. Did they have arms ? 

Mr. Emmerson. They had no arms. They lived in caves as most 
of the people in Yenan did, in the side of the mountain, but they 
were in a particular area of the town, and they also had what they 
called the Peoples Peasants and Workers School in which they con- 
ducted courses and carried on indoctrination programs of these 
prisoners of war. 

Senator Watkins. Were the Chinese Communists working with 
them at the time ? 



3648 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes; they were under complete control of the 
Chinese Communists, but the Chinese entrusted the actual operation 
to the direction of this Japanese Communist, Okano, 'who was then 
present in Yenan and who directed the whole operation. He was a 
Japanese himself, but again he was subject to the orders. 

Senator Watkins. What was the operation they were doing? 

Mr. Emmerson. It consisted largely of two things. One was the 
psychological warfare. 

Senator Watkins. Against whom? 

Mr. Emmerson. Against the Japanese. 

Senator Watkins. In the homeland ? 

Mr. Emmerson. In the homeland and in China ; that is, the Japa- 
nese Army operating in China and the Japanese homeland. ^ 

Senator Watkixs. These Japanese prisoners of war were conduct- 
ing a psychological campaign, according to what you have just said, 
against the Japanese at home ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Senator Watkins. And those on the mainland ? 

Mr. Emmerson. They had been indoctrinated to the extent that tney 
accepted the idea of the end of the war, opposition to militarism, and 
readiness to work for what they called a democratic future in Japan. 

Senator "Watkins. In other words, they were seeking to undermine 
the armed might of Japan at that time. 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Senator Watkins. And stop the war ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right ; exactly. 

Senator Watkins. I did not understand what you were talking 
about. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Emmerson, one document is in our record and I 
would like to ask you if it was prepared by you. It is only a page 
and a half, and, if you would read it for us, I would appreciate it. 
Read it and identify it. 

Mr. Emmerson. You mean read it aloud ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes, I think so. 

Mr. EiNtMERSON. And may I discuss it as I go along ? 

Mr. Morris. I wish you would. 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes. This is a report written in Yenan on Novem- 
ber 7, 19-1:4, a very short time after I had arrived in Yenan, and the 
title is "Proposed Projects Against Japan." 

Copies of all our reports went to the commanding general of the 
theater and to the Embassy in Chungking. [Reading :] 

My short study of the activities of Susumu Okano and the Japanese Peoples 
Emancipation League in Communist China convinces me that we can utilize the 
experience and achievements of this group to advantage in the prosecution of 
the war against Japan. 

Mr. Morris. May I break in? You knew it was a Communist organi- 
zation ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I knew it was a Communist organization. I felt 
that the fact that they had been successful in indoctrinating prisoners 
of war to the point where they were willing to participate in activities 
directed against the Japanese military and against the Japanese regime 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3649 

meant that the use of such people was a possibility, and, therefore, 
might contribute to our effort against Japan. [Reading :] 

Without going into the details of naethods and materials, all of which are 
being carefully investigated here, we can suggest the following proposals : 

"(1) Effect the organization of an international 'Free Japan' movement. 
The Japanese Peoples Emancipation League (Nihon Jinmin Kaiho Renmei) 
has an estimated membership of 450 Japanese prisoners in north and central 
China. Its declared principles are democratic. It is not identified with the 
Communist Party." 

I would like to j^oint out here I wrote a number of other reports 
which gave in detail the program and the principles of this propa- 
ganda ortranization. Thev were, to a large extent — if I can recall them 
after this period of time — antagonism toward the militarists, the 
ending of the war, peace, freedom, democracj^, that kind of thing. 

Now, I say these were the declared principles of this organization. 
It was obviously a Communist organization, and that was completely 
known to me at the time. 

Mr. Morris. But there is nowhere that you say that in that docu- 
ment ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I say, "Its declared principles are democratic." 
The next sentence I say, "It is not identified with the Communist 
Party." 

I might say here that the Communists deliberately did not identify 
it as being a Communist organization, because they expected that, by 
so doing, the effect would be greater among the Japanese, because, as 
I say, the leaflets, the material which they scattered and used in China 
contained the kind of platitudes which I have mentioned, "down with 
the militarists, surrender of Japan, democratic principles, peace," 
that sort of thing which, after all, in a general sense, were the same 
kind of things that we were talking about with respect to Japan. 

Upon completion of a course of indoctrination, the more able members volun- 
tarily prepare propaganda leaflets and engage in propaganda activities on the 
frontlines. There is no doubt that most of them are sincere converts to the anti- 
war principles of the league. 

In other words, that the war was a mistake and that they were 
willing to work to oppose war. 

Intelligence shows that the league is well known to the Japanese Army and 
its influence is respected and feared — 

because of the propaganda work they had already been doing with the 
Japanese Army. 
Then I say : 

Organization of chapters of this association, or a similar one, among Japanese 
prisoners, internees, and others, in the United States, India, Australia, and other 
countries, should be carried out. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, send some of these back to the United 
States? 

Mr. Emmerson. I say : "The organization of chapters of this associ- 
ation, or a similar one," among the Japanese prisoners and internees 
which were located in the United States and other areas. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, you would send some of the Japanese 
Communists back to the United States ? 

93215—57 — pt. 56 2 



3650 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES ' 

Mr. Emmerson. I do not believe I say that here. I say one might 
organize similar associations; that is, organize similar propaganda 
associations in the Japanese prison camps which then existed in these 
other countries. 

Mr. Morris. I don't mean to labor it, Mr. Emmerson, but you say 
there, do you not, either this organization or a similar organization be 
sent back to the United States ? 

Just read it again. 

Mr. Emmerson (reading) : 

Organization of chapters of this association 

Mr. Morris. That is the Japanese Peoples Emancipation League? 
Mr. Emmersox. That is right — 

or a similar one among Japanese prisoners, internees, and others in the United 
States, India, Australia, and other countries, should be carried out. 

I am talking about an organization for psychological-warfare pur- 
poses which would produce leaflets and other material. 

The result would be widespread dissemination of democratic ideas, the creation 
of a powerful Japanese propaganda organ. (It is indisputable that propaganda 
from a Japanese source and written by Japanese is more effective than that 
from enemy sources.) 

Mr. Morris. May I break in there ? Do you think that the Japanese 
Communists would dispense and propagate democratic ideas? 

Mr. Embierson. Certainly, not basically. As I said, the leaflets 
which they were disseminating, if you read the text, it is simply a 
matter of "down with the militarists" and "end the war" and so on. 

But, of course, knowing Communists, their objective would be quite 
different. So I would like to say right here that this suggestion was 
made when I was only in Yenan a short time, and was made on the 
experience of what they were doing, was made in the atmosphere of 
our great concentration upon the war effort against Japan, and our 
general desire to get collaboration and cooperation wherever it might 
be found, and I am quite aware that this does not indicate the ultimate 
objectives of the Communist move or of Communists anywhere. 

And I may say that, when I worked on this project a little later, 
and a few months afterward came to Washington and presented the 
project to the War Department and to the State- War-Navy Coordi- 
nating Committee, there was no suggestion of any participation by 
Communists or any use of Communists or Communist material what- 
soever; so I am quite aware the ultimate objectives of the Communists 
are far from democratic. 

I was not aware and did not express here the risks which would be 
involved in collaboration, close collaboration, with the Communists 
either in the war period or afterward. 

There were many people at that time who spoke in favor of the 
coalition governments in which Communists might participate. I 
think that there was a general feeling among many quarters, and 
some perhaps high statesmen, that collaboration with the Communists 
was possible. We later found out, certainly, that that was not possible, 
and that any collaboration with a coalition government in which 
Communists had a part was a danger and meant the eventual efforts 
of the Communists to dominate. 

Senator Watkins. Let me ask you a question. This must have been 
prior to Russia's entry into the war against Japan ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3651 

Mr. Emmerson. This was prior to Russia's entry in the war against 
Japan. 

Senator Watkins. How long had you been in China prior to your 
being assigned to this particuhar assignment ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I had been in India and Burma until about October 
of 1944; and I went to Chungking; was there just a brief time and 
then to Yenan, so I had only been in China a matter of a few weeks. 

Senator Watkins. Weeks ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Senator Watkins. And you were sent immediately from our own 
headquarters in China ? 

Mr. Emmerson. From Chungking, yes, to Yenan. 

Senator Watkins. We had an ambassador there at that time ? 

Mr. Emmerson. We had an ambassador and General Stilwell — I 
have forgotten the dates, but it was just about the time when General 
Stilwell relinquished his command to General Wedemeyer. 

Senator Watkins. Of course, at this time, the Russians entered into 
the war — I mean joined with us in operations against Germany and 
Italy. We, of course, came into the war sometime before you were 
there, but what I am trying to get is the background as to what was 
actually happening in the general conduct of the war, irrespective of 
Japan. 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes. Of course, the Soviet Union was our ally as 
far as the European war was concerned, and I think already by this 
time it was understood or believed that the Soviet Union would go to 
war against Japan. I believe that Stalin had already made that 
promise, if I am not mistaken. 

Senator Watkins. Had you been so advised by the State Depart- 
ment ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I don't believe so at this time; no. I don't be- 
lieve so. 

Mr. Morris. Proceed. 

Mr. Emmerson. This is No. 2. [Reading :] 

(2) Encourage the organization of cells within Japan to spread defeatism and 
thereby reduce resistance at the time of the invasion. 

Preparations are now being made to send agents directly to Japan from this 
(Yenan) area. 

The OSS had an operation in Yenan and they were engaged in ac- 
tivities of this kind. I, of course, had no responsibility for OSS and 
no relation to their activities. 

Simultaneous organization needs to be undertalien of underground cells within 
Japan on the same principles as the free-Japan group on the outside. Such 
activities would necessarily be on a small scale, but ample evidence exists that 
there are such elements which can be useful to us. Careful preparation is ob- 
viously essential. 

(3) Set up a radio transmitter in a Communist base area such as Shantung 
Province for broadcasts to Japan, Korea, and Manchuria. 

A transmitter on the Shantung promontory would be 400 miles nearer Japan 
proper than Saipan and 600 miles nearer than the northern tip of Luzon. 

The Japanese Peoples Emancipation League has a strong unit in Shantung 
Province and is now establishing a school there. Consequently trustworthy 
Japanese personnel is already on the spot to operate such a station. Additional 
trained personnel could be recruited from the school in Yenan and sent to any 
designated spot. 

Identification of the station with a free-Japan group would insure broad- 
casts of immeasurably greater effect than those of stated American (enemy) 
origin. 



3652 SCOPE or soviet activity m the united states 

Again it is obvious that I was thinking only of the short-term activi- 
ties in which propaganda in its content of a general nature calling for 
surrender, calling for the end of the war and abolishing of the mili- 
tary control, and I did not go into the risks or the long-range conse- 
quences of such an effort. 

(4) Train units of Japanese for activity witli American pacification operations 
and witli military government officials during occupation. 

Eighth Route' Army experience has clearly proved not only that .Japanese 
prisoners can be converted but that they can be satisfactorily and extremely 
effectively used in propaganda operations on the frontlines. Approximately 
.3.50 are now training and engaging in such activities on the north and central 
China fronts. . 

Such Japanese personnel, with invaluable knowledge of particular areas and of 
the language, could be extremely useful in assisting American Army officers in 
reestablishing order among the Japanese population. 

Recruitment of these persons can be made from the personnel of Japanese 
Emancipation League chapters in China, already trained, and from prison camps 
under American, Australian, or British jurisdiction. 

A course of training would be necessary. Issei — 

that is first-generation Japanese — 

and nisei in the United States could serve as instructors. Materials and the 
experience of the 8th Route Army would be of inestimable assistance in setting 
up such a project. 

Mr. Morris. Don't you think, in retrospect at least, to have Japanese 
Communists work in American occupation with military government 
during the occupation would be a hazardous thing ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I do indeed. I again was thinking — the emphasis 
here was on the fact that they would be Japanese, that if you were 
utilizing Japanese in these activities, they would be more effective 
than Americans or other foreigners, and I do say that issei, which 
means first-generation nisei-American citizens in the United States, 
should serve as instructors, the idea being that any of these people 
who were utilized would be instructed by Japanese of American citi- 
zenship or Japanese in the United States. 

But I should like to add that, in February of 1945, I returned to 
Washington on orders of the theater commander, and at that time 
presented to the Provost Marshal General, who was in charge of 
Japanese prisoners of war, a proposal that Japanese prisoners in the 
hands of the United States be given a program of reeducation or 
indoctrination for their possible use in our effort against Japan. 

That was accepted by the Provost Marshal General, and a camp was 
set up in Texas which was operating at the time of the surrender. 

Senator Watkins. What kind of an indoctrination ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That was indoctrination in American principles, in 
principles of democracy, in order to combat the ideas of militarism 
and totalitarianism which had been instilled into the Japanese Army. 

There was no suggestion of Communist indoctrination or training. 
And I may say that when we went into this whole matter in 1952 in 
the State Department, we presented a complete documentation of 
this particular project, and there is a history in the War Department 
which describes exactly what happened, including my own participa- 
tion. 

Mr. Morris. Did you bring any messages back from Okano with 
you? 

Mr. Emmerson. In February of 1945 when I came back to the De- 
partment, I came back on orders of General Wedemeyer for the spe- 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3653 

cific purpose of discussing these projects, the one for the education 
of Japanese prisoners of war, the other for an organization of Japa- 
nese for purposes of psychological warfare purposes, for purposes of 
psychlological warfare. 

May I just inject parenthetically that this project, the second proj- 
ect, was taken up first in the Far East Subcommittee of the State 
Department which discussed it and it went tlirough a number of 
revisions. Then it went to what was then called SWING — State- 
War-Navy Coordinating Committee, consisting of Secretaries of State, 
War, and Navy. 

The proposal was discussed and approved by that body, but the 
date by that time was, I think, August of 1945. The surrender came 
about and the project was never implemented, but, needless to say, 
there was no suggestion of any Communist participiation in that. 

The only connection was that I had concluded from my experience 
in China that these things, that psychological warfare by Japanese 
against Japanese was possible, and that it was something that would 
be useful for us to undertake. 

As a matter of fact, we already had an indoctrination camp for 
German prisoners of war which had been going for some time. So 
that was the conclusion of these two proposals. 

Senator Watkins. Did you have any instructions when you went 
into that area from the State Department or from General Stilwell ? 

]Mr. Emmerson. We had no specific instructions from the State 
Department. From time to time we would receive memorandums 
giving in very general terms the elements of the United States policy 
in the Far East, but there were no regular or systematic instructions. 

When I went to Yenan from Chungking headquarters, my travel 
orders were issued by the commanding general, and 

Senator Watkins. That was General Stilwell ? 

Mr. Emmerson. General Stilwell. I have forgotten the statement 
or the wording, but the idea was, the purpose of my trip up there, 
was to engage in these activities, study the psychological warfare 
activities of the Japanese in Communist China. 

Senator Watkins. Were you asked to make recommendations? 

Mr. Emmerson. I beg your pardon ? 

Senator Watkins. Were you asked to make recommendations? 

Mr, Emmerson. That was implicit, I think, in the assignment. I 
don't remember whether I was specifically asked to make any recom- 
mendations. 

Senator Watkins. What I was trying to find out is the scope of 
your official mission, and what did they want you to do, what were 
your orders, what was the whole purpose of being there? 

Mr. Emmerson. I think the purpose of the mission was, since I 
was the only Japanese language officer civilian attached to this group, 
that we would try to discover what intelligence of value was coming 
out of Japan, particularly for psychological warfare purposes, be- 
cause I had had special duties with respect to psychological war- 
fare in the theater, and my interrogations of prisoners of war, for 
example, were of course not directed to obtain military information 
but to obtain information on the attitudes in Japan of the Japanese, 
of their morale, of the status of their thoughts and the whole psy- 
chological climate, which of course would be useful to us in devising 
the methods of psychological warfare which we wished to use. 



3654 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Watkins. Did you speak the Japanese language? 

Mr. Emmerson. I speak Japanese, yes, sir, and in February 1945 
I presented a memorandum to General Wedemeyer and to General 
Hurley, who was then the Ambassador, suggesting that I return to 
Washington in order to discuss these specific ideas, the indoctrination 
program and the psychological warfare organization. 

This proposal was approved by both General Wedemeyer and 
Ambassador Hurley, and I returned to the State Department in 
February of 1945. 

Mr. Morris. At that time, I think I asked you a while ago, did you 
bring any letter from Okano back ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I brought, as examples of activities of this organ- 
ization, I brought back a number of materials including charts, pam- 
phlets, leaflets, as objects of the work they were doing. I also brought 
back 2 or 3 letters, as I recall, which were simply statements of the 
principles and ideas of these psychological warfare organizations. 

Mr. Morris. Okano gave you this before you left ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Did he tell you to deliver it to anyone ? 

Mr. Emmerson. As I recall it, there was one which had the name 
of a Japanese in the United States. 

Mr. Morris. Was that Fujii Shuji ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Fujii Shuji. 

Mr. Morris. He was a Communist. 

Mr. Emmerson. I did not know he was a Communist at that time. 
And when I got back to the State Department, Mr. Eugene Dooman 
was at that time in the Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs. I had known 
him in Japan and he is, of course, an outstanding Japanese scholar, 
so I took these materials and showed them to him and discussed them 
with him. He then told me there was a unit of OSS, at that time a 
very highly secret organization, in New York which was doing work 
on psychological warfare against Japan, and he suggested that I 
accompany him to New York to visit this unit and take these mate- 
rials with me, which I did, and I was asked by Mr. Dooman to explain 
to this group my experiences in China, and these materials which 
I brought were left, as I recall it, with this group. 

I had read all the materials. After all, they were in Japanese and 
I showed them to Mr. Dooman. It was my impression that he also 
read them. At any rate, they were left with this group, and I dis- 
covered then that this Mr. Fujii, I believe, was an employee of the 
OSS and a member of that group. 

Mr. Morris. Senators, for your information in the event that you 
were not present at the hearing, Mr. Fujii Shuji, the man we are 
talking about, the subcommittee received evidence that he was a Com- 
munist at the time of his work in the OSS, the time referred to. When 
we asked him about that during the past year he claimed his privilege 
against incrimination rather than answer the question. 

Senator Watkins. Is he an American citizen ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes. 

And Okano gave you these letters to be delivered to him. 

Mr. Emmerson. There was one letter which contained this plat- 
form in Japanese which had his name on it. 

Mr. Morris. Was there a man named Haga ? 

A Japanese ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I believe so. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3655 

Mr. Morris. Is he one of the New York group or was he working 
in OSS? 

Mr. Emmerson, I am sorry, I cannot remember that. I believe 
Mr. Dooman introduced me to Haga. Mr. Dooman had come in con- 
tact with him, and introduced me to him as a Japanese who was work- 
ing for our war effort. 

Mr. Morris. How about a man named Tamotsu ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I don't recall that name. 

Mr. Morris. Did Okano give you anything else to bring back to 
the United States? 

Mr. Emmerson. I don't recall that he gave me anything else, except, 
as I say, these charts, pamphlets, booklets, all of which were illustra- 
tive of the kind of effort they were putting forth against the Japanese. 

Mr. Morris. Did any of these Japanese Communists actually come 
back from Yenan to Washington ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Not as far as I know. 

Mr. Morris. They ultimately went back to Japan ; did they not ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes, from Communist China, so far as I know they 
all went back to Japan. 

Mr. Morris. Did you aid any of them in going into Japan ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No, I did not. 

Mr. Morris. You did not help Okano getting back to Japan ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No, I did not. 

Mr. Morris. How did he get back to Japan? 

Mr. Emmerson. That charge that I did help Okano get into Japan 
was made some years ago and again was taken up in great detail in 
my hearings before the State Department Loyalty Security Board 
in 1952, and I was in Japan at the time. Apparently — we are not 
sure how he got back but it seemed, as I recall from the records, we 
were able to discover at tliat time that he may have taken a United 
States Army plane from Yenan or may have been put on board a 
United States Army plane and taken into North China. 

From there presumably he got to Korea, and I believe he must have 
had the consent of the American general in charge of our forces in 
Korea in order to cross the boundary, and then he proceeded and ar- 
rived in Japan with great fanfare and publicity, I may say. 

Mr. JSIorris. Did you visit in Japan subsequently when you were 
General MacArthur's aide, the Japanese prisons there? Did you 
visit the Japanese Communists in their cells? 

Mr. Emmerson. Shortly after I arrived in Japan — this was un- 
mediately after the surrender in 1945— we heard that there were some 
Japanese Communists in a prison camp just outside Tokyo and at 
that time Mr. Herbert Norman, a Canadian diplomat, was working 
in the Counter Intelligence Corps. He is a well-known Japanese 
scholar and speaks Japanese, was born in Japan. He, as I say, was 
working for Counter Intelligence, and so, under orders of the Counter 
Intelligence Corps, he and I together, in an Army vehicle, went to the 
prison camp to find out whether in fact these prisoners were there. 

We discovered that they were, that there were two very prominent 
Japanese Communists, Mr. Shiga and Tokuda. After talking briefly 
to these prisoners, we returned to headquarters and reported this to 
the Counter Intelligence Corps. 

It was felt that perhaps these prisoners might have some intelligence 
value that might be worth while interrogating them, so it was ar- 



3656 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

ranged that military cars from the Counter Intelligence Corps should 
go out the prison, and again Mr. Norman and I went out, since we 
spoke Japanese. 

Prisoners were placed in the cars and were brought back to head- 
quarters where they were interrogated, an official interrogation in the 
headquarters itself by officers of the Counter Intelligence Corps. 

At the end of the interrogation, they were taken back to the prison. 
That is the complete extent of my association with the interrogation 
of those prisoners of war or any visits to Japanese prison camps. 

Mr. Morris. Are you acquainted with Mr. Dooman's testimony to 
the fact that these Comnuuiists were driven around in Tokyo in Army 
staff cars which was the equivalent of 100,000 votes to the Japanese 
Communists in their election? 

Mr. Emmerson. I have read that testimony, and all I can say is 
that the only time the prisoners were ever driven in Army cars was 
when this group was driven from the prison to the headquarters and 
back again. 

Mr. Morris. Were they observed, do you think ? 

Mr. Emmerson. There was no reason for them to be observed. They 
were in khaki-colored Army sedans and they went through the streets 
of Tokyo, but there was no reason for them to be remarked any 
more than any other Army cars would have been. 

Furthermore, Mr. Dooman, I believe, states that on October 10, I 
went out in an Army car and liberated these prisoners and drove them 
to their homes. That is completely false. I was not in the vicinity 
of the prison on October 10, and at no time ever drove these people 
to their homes. They were freed under the order of General Mac- 
Arthur which liberated all political prisoners under the date, I be- 
lieve, of October 4, 1945, and wdiat happened at the prison at the time 
of their liberation I am not aware. 

Mr. Morris. Do you have any knowledge that Mr. Norman, the man 
you talked about, was a Communist? 

Mr. Emmersox. I had no knowledge whatsoever. 

Mr. Morris. Senators, we have had testimony in our record that 
Mr. Norman, who was then the Canadian attached to SCAP Head- 
quarters, a professor of his, a man who was a Communist teacher at 
the time, has testified that while he was teaching a study group in 
Columbia, one of his students in this Communist group was E. Herbert 
Norman, the man we have been talking about. He was the man who 
made the trip with you at the time. You had, you say, no idea he was 
a Communist? 

Mr. Emmerson. I had no reason to think he was a Communist either 
then or now. He is presently Canadian Ambassador to Egypt. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, we have quite a few security reports which 
have a great deal of information to the effect that he is a Communist, 
that he was involved 

Senator Jenner. You say he is now Canada's Ambassador to 
Egypt? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes, sir. He has been their Ambassador to New 
Zealand and is now, I believe. I believe that in 1951 the Canadian 
Government issued a press release stating that he had been completely 
cleared of any charges made against him. 

Mr. McManus. Do you happen to know if he was in Egypt when 
Donald McLean was over there? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3657 

Mr. EMiNiERSOisr. That was some years ago ; wasn't it ? 

Mr. McManfs. Yes. 

Mr. Emmeeson. No, he just arrived in Egypt the end of October 
this past year, just recently has gone there. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, would you like to see these documents I am 
referring to about Herbert Norman and the evidence in the security 
files that he is a Communist ? 

I think it would be appropriate at this time. 

Senator Jenner. I think so. 

Senator Watkins. You say Herbert Norman is now an Ambassador 
from Canada to Egypt ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes, sir. 

Senator Watkins. From Canada to Egypt? 

Mr. Emmerson. He is Canadian Ambassador. As I say, he has 
been, as far as I know, cleared by the Canadian Government in 1951. 
I understood that there was a press release to that effect. 

Senator Watkins. I assume he had either been cleared or else they 
do not know anything about these charges against him if they send 
him over there now. 

Mr. Emmerson. He went to Japan again, after war I believe, as 
minister, and then he was in New Zealand as their chief of mission, and 
as I say, he has just recently been transferred. 

Senator Jenner. How recent? 

Mr. Emmerson. I believe it was the end of October. 

Senator Watkins. Of 1956? 

Mr. Emmerson. 1956. 

I happen to know because he is also accredited to Lebanon as minis- 
ter. He is assigned to Cairo and accredited to Lebanon. 

Senator Watkins. Are you and he friends ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I have known him since about 1940. 

Senator Watkins. Do you correspond ? 

Mr. Emmerson. We do not correspond ; no, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know of any effort that was made to have Mr. 
Norman serve as the official intelligence liaison between Canada and 
the United States ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No, I have never heard of that. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know of what I might call a campaign to effect 
that assignment for him ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No, I do not. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Norman was also head of the American and Far 
Eastern desk of the Canadian Foreign Office ; was he not? 

Mr. Emmerson. I believe at one time he was ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. ^Tien did you first meet Mr. Norman, Mr. Emmerson ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I think about 1940.^ It was prewar Japan. He 
was, at that time, at the Canadian Legation in Tokyo when I was at the 
American Embassy in Tokyo. He was already a well-known writer 
on Japan, has written a number of books on the Government of Japan. 
He was born in Japan and speaks Japanese, of course, fluently, and 
has always been widely known. 

Mr. Morris. Had he attended Columbia University ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I assume so. That I don't know. He was already 
in the Canadian Foreign Service in 1940, that is the prewar period. 

93215— 57— pt. 56 3 



3658 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

He is well known to anybody who has had anything to do with the 
Far East, because he has written on the Far East and is a very well- 
known scholar, but I just say I have no reason to think he was a Com- 
munist in my association with him. 

Senator Watkins. Did he ever give any indication in conversations 
with you that he was pro-Communist ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No, not to my recollection. I don't remember any 
conversation which would indicate that he was a Communist. 

Senator Watkins. At the times you were talking of, was there any 
suspicion then that the Communists had designs against the United 
States? 

Mr. Emmerson. I think that there was a general lack of understand- 
ing of Communist ideology and Communist aims and objectives at this 
early period. It seems to me the history of the war period and the 
postwar period shows that there was a good deal of misunderstanding 
and lack of appreciation of the Communist menace and the Communist 
aims and objectives, and as long as Kussia was in the war with us as an 
ally, that misunderstanding tended to continue. 

Senator Watkins. Did you ever serve in the underground in 
France ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No, sir, I liave not. 

Senator Watkins. Do you have any knowledge of that operation ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No, none whatsoever. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know a Dr. Chi ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No, I do not know him. 

Mr. jMorris. He and Herbert Norman, according to our records 
were associated, closely associated in Japan. 

Mr. Emmerson. No, sir. 

Mr. Morris. You never encountered him ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No, sir. 

Mr. Morris. He had been an American-trained Chinese. 

Mr. Emmerson. Chi? No. 

Mr. Morris. Did you meet Owen Lattimore in Japan? 

Mr. Emmerson. I met Owen Lattimore. 

Mr. Morris. He was also close to Norman and Chi. 

Mr. Emmerson. I see. 

Mr. Morris. '\Vliat was your experience with Mr. Lattimore? 

Mr. Emmerson. I can't remember when I may^ have first met him. 
Again he is another figure who is of course acquainted to anyone who 
has ever had anything to do with the Far East, his writings and all 
his associations with the Far East, and I may have seen him before 
the war on 1 or 2 occasions. He made a trip to Japan after the war. 
I believe I saw him once. 

Mr. Morris. What were the circumstances of your seeing him ? 

Mr. Emmerson. As I recall it, there was some kind of a dinner at 
which a number of people were present at the Imperial Hotel. I am 
sorry, I have a very vague memory of this. 

Mr. Morris. It was a meeting at the hotel ? 

Mr. Emmerson. It was not a meeting. It was a dinner as I recall 
it. There were a number of people present. 

Mr. Morris. Who was the host ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I am sorry ; I can't remember. 

Mr. Morris. And you can't remember who the people were that were 
there ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3659 

Mr. Emmerson. No. 

Senator Jenner, Was Norman there ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I just have a recollection of seeing Mr. Lattimore. 

Senator Jenner. Was Norman there ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I don't believe he was but, again, I am not sure. 

Mr. Morris. Subsequently you had an assignment in Moscow, did 
you not, Mr. Emmerson ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Were there ever any security charges brought up in 
Moscow against you ? 

Mr. Emmerson. There was one incident involving a document which 
disappeared. I was the one who discovered the fact that a document 
was missing. I reported it immediately to my superiors in the Em- 
bassy, and a search was made. 

The Ambassador at that time. General Bedell Smith, made an inves- 
tigation, wrote a report about this to the State Department which is 
in the files. 

Mr. Morris. And you don't know what happened to the document ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I do not know. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know a Gen. Patrick Hurley at all ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. What were your experiences with General Hurley ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Well, he, as you may recall, was first sent out to 
China as a special representative of the President in the fall of 1944, 
and I believe I first met him in Chungking. I was in Yenan at the 
time he made one of his visits to Communist China. He came up in 
the fall, I believe in November of 1944, to discuss with the Commmiists 
the matter of coalition or union with the Nationalist Government, and 
I was present in Yenan at that time. I met him again of course in 
Chungking a number of times, and I believe once in Washington after 
I had returned from China. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may I read this into the record because 
I think it is appropriate ? 

Senator Jenner. Yes, proceed. 

Mr. Morris. In an indirect way, if you will understand, Mr. Emmer- 
son. We are interested in the whole area, and as was made very clear, 
in no way are you here as an adverse personality but we are trying 
to learn from you the whole thing. 

This is a security report. Senator, and as you know, in security re- 
ports, very often the identity of the sources of the information are 
not known. 

I do know that as far as Mr. Norman is concerned, that there was 
this direct testimony by Professor Wittfogel, who is an outstanding 
Chinese scholar, that Norman was a student of his in a Communist 
group in Columbia while he was a professor there. 

Later when we looked into it we further learned that Herbert Nor- 
man was the secretary of an organization which was called the Amer- 
ican Friends of the Chinese People, which was also a Communist or- 
ganization, and they formed a Canadian affiliate called the Canadian 
Friends of the Chinese People, and Norman was the executive sec- 
retary. 

I thought that very significant because, on these Communist-front 
organizations, Senator, generally the executive secretary is someone 



3660 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

they can trust. But then, in the course of time, we have learned some 
of these things and I would like to read a few paragraphs from this. 
Mr. Morris [reading] : 

Dr. Norman, as was pointed out, is an outstanding Japanese scholar, a linguist, 
historian and authority on contemporary Japanese politics and affairs in general. 
Among his recent Japanese associates are Tsuru Shigeto — 

Do you know Mr. Tsuru by any chance ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I met him in Tokyo. 

Mr. Morris. He is in Japan now ; is he not? 

Mr. Emmerson. I believe he is in the United States now. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Where is he? 

Mr. Emmerson. Harvard University, I believe. 

Mr. Cartwright. Yes ; that is right. 

Mr. Morris. He is not working with the State Department ; is he ? 

Mr. Cartwright. He is on some kind of a fellowship or a year's 
service out there in some connection. 

Mr. MciSlANus. He was attached to SCAP. 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Mr. Morris [reading] : 

(Counsel then read from a United States Government executive 
agency security report which indicated that Dr. E. Herbert Norman 
had been recalled from Japan when his Government discovered cer- 
tain Communist connections, specifically with Israel Halperin, a 
Canadian citizen of Russian parentage, who was one of the principals 
implicated in the exposed Soviet military intelligence operation in 
Canada.) 

You will remember. Senator Jenner, when you tried to have Gou- 
zenko testify, that the Canadian authorities would not let you ask any 
questions whatever about anyone who was a Canadian personality. 

(Counsel Morris continued the reading.) 

When Tsuru Shigato, Japanese instructor at Harvard, was apprehended for 
repatriation purposes in 1942, the FBI was approached by Norman who repre- 
sented himself as an official on highly confidential business of the Canadian 
Government in an effort to take custody of Tsuru's belongings. 

One main item of these belongings was a complete record of the Nye munitions 
investigations, largely prepared by Alger Hiss. 

Norman later admitted to the FBI agents in charge that his was only a per- 
sonal interest, and that he was not representing the Canadian Government as 
stated. 

Another item among these belongings, as reported by the FBI, was a letter 
dated May 9, 1937, which related to a series of studies being promoted at Har- 
vard by Tsuru which provided for the study of American capitalists from a 
Marxist viewpoint. The studies were conducted by a group of young instructors 
and graduate students which had met five times. They discussed certain papers 
which included American Imperialism, by E. H. Norman. 

The report further indicated that Norman was identified in Feb- 
ruary of 1940 as a member of the Communist Party. 

One of the witnesses at the marriage of Norman to Laura Irene 
Clark on August 31, 1935, was one C. P. H. Holmes who has been iden- 
tified as Charles P. H. Holmes, born in Japan in 1910 and known as 
a Communist and active in the Communist underground in Ottawa. 

It goes on with quite a bit more about Herbert Norman. This is all 
in connection with an inquiry that there was an effort being made to 
have Norman given the assignment of being liaison between Canada 
and the United States Intelligence. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3661 

The association with Norman is something we would like to know 
as much as we can about. Can you tell us something about it ? 

It would seem from that that he is an important personality. 

Mr, Emmersox. lean 

Mr. MoRKis. The other thing, Mr. Emmerson, is that the Japanese 
Communist Party today, the main blood, is supplied by the Japanese 
prisoners who have been trained by Communists in Siberia and sent 
back into Japan. Senator Jenner, I think it was, who took the testi- 
mony, that the NKVD man who recruited most of them has now been 
sent into Japan after they preceded him, and they are now making up 
the Communist underground. 

So all this activity of Xorman with the Japanese prisoners is of great 
interest to the subcommittee. 

So we feel that you should be able to tell us great deal about this. 

Mr. Emmerson. I can say again that my prewar association with 
Norman was a social one, that we met occasionally and we knew each 
other. 

We both had interests in Japan, in Japanese culture, history and 
literature. 

The second time I met him was in Tokyo in postwar Japan when he 
was, as I say, a member of the Counter Intelligence. 

Now he had a great knowledge of Japanese history, of Japanese 
politics, of Japanese political parties. One would describe him, as 
far as his conversations with me were concerned, as one with liberal 
ideas. 

In searching my memory I simply cannot recall any statements, any 
conversations of his whicli would lead me to the conclusion that he 
was a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Morris. Y\^hen did you last see him? When did you last see 
Norman ? 

]Mr. Emmerson. He came to Beirut to present his credentials, and I 
saw him very briefly on about October the 27th, I guess. 

Senator Jenner. This last year, 1956 ? 

Mr. Emmerson. This last year, that is right. He was accredited to 
Lebanon. 

Senator Jenner. He presented his credentials at Beirut ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right, as Canadian Minister, although he is 
resident in Cairo. 

Senator Watkins. He serves in dual capacity. Minister to one coun- 
try and Ambassador to the other ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right ; yes. 

Mr. Morris. And there is nothing more about Norman ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I would be glad to give you any information I 
possibly might have. As I say, I have known him only as a person who 
is a well-known Japanese scholar and a person who is intelligent and 
was well thought of as far as his scholastic connections were concerned. 

Senator Jenner. In October when you saw him in Beirut when he 
came to present his credentials, did you have dinner with him or did 
you visit with him at any length ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Very briefly, because I was leaving the same day 
for the United States. 

Senator Jenner. Did he pass any opinion upon the problems con- 
fronting the world in the Middle East at that time ? 



3662 SCOPE or soviet activity in the united states 

This was in October 1956 ? 

Mr. EmmeksOjST. He was extremely concerned about the develop- 
ments in the Middle East, about the danger of an explosion taking 
place. 

As a matter of fact, I believe that this outbreak occurred while he 
was in Beirut and he was delayed in getting back to Cairo. 

Senator Jenner. Which outbreak now do you refer to ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I am referring to the Israeli invasion at the end 
of October, and the British and French action. 

Senator Watkixs. Did he go back there before the trouble? 

Mr. Emmerson. He could not leave because no one could go to Cairo. 
After the invasion had taken place there was no plane service between 
Beirut and Cairo. I am not sure how long he had to stay there, but 
no one could go from Beirut to Cairo. 

Senator Watkins. You left the same day that he came ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Senator Watkins. "VMiat were your duties in Beirut ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I am deputy chief of mission there, consular em- 
bassy. 

Senator Watkins. Is that in effect a deputy Ambassador ? 

Mr. EMarERSON. That is right. That is the No. 2 position in the 
Embassy. 

Senator Watkins. Yes. 

Senator Jenner. Did he criticize our country for the attitude we 
took on the English and French invasion ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No ; because that had not taken place. 

Senator Jennen. That was not discussed ? 

Mr. Emmerson. The British and French invasion had not taken 
place when I saw him. As I recall it, we discussed the general situa- 
tion in the Middle East. 

Senator Jenner. I thought you were referring to the outbreak when 
Israel broke into the Sinai Desert and so forth and at the same time, 
as I recall it, and I may be wrong, the French and British moved into 
Suez. 

Mr. Emmerson. As I recall the chronology, that did not happen 
until about the 30th or the 31th of October. I was in London, in fact 
I was in the House of Commons on the 30th, which was the day Prime 
Minister Eden presented his ultimatum, so that he did not know, at 
least in Beirut, about the Israeli — in fact, I think that mobilization in 
Israel had taken place, but we had not got that news yet when I left 
Beirut. 

Senator Jenner. So that matter was not discussed ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That matter was not discussed. 

Senator Jenner. Do you recall what you did talk about ? 

Mr. Emmerson. The general situation, and I am sure that we did 
discuss the general situation in the Middle East, and our concern about 
developments and about the dangers to western interests in the Middle 
East. 

I am sorry I cannot recall any specific statements that he may have 
made, but there was certainly nothing which would excite my curiosity 
or which would strike me as being strange or being pro-Communist. 

I am sure that I would have remembered any statement of that 
sort. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3663 

Mr. Morris. You said you met him briefly and shortly, I forget 
which was your expression. 

How long would that be ? 

Mr. Emmerson. He and his wife stopped by our house. 

Mr. Morris. You said briefly or shortly, whatever the expression 
was. 

Mr. Emmerson. For 2 hours, something of that sort. 

Senator Jenner. He knew that you were there ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes. 

Senator Jenner. How did he know that ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I assume that he learned it from friends. I don't 
know how he knew that I was there. 

Senator Jenner. He ascertained your address and came by your 
home with his wife ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Senator Jenner. How long did he stay ? 

Mr. Emmerson. About 2 hours. 

Senator Jenner. You have not been corresponding at all ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No ; we have never corresponded. 

Senator Jenner. In other words, he had to get your address from 
some other official or some mutual friend ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Senator Jenner. And you have many mutual friends, I take it? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right; we have many mutual friends be- 
cause we both served in Japan, and anybody who has served in the 
Far East knows other people who have served in the Far East, and 
as I say, if I had had any reason to suspect that he was a pro-Commu- 
nist I would have noticed it or I would have been conscious of it. 

Senator Watkins. Was there any indication in your 2-hour visit 
with him in Beirut that he was sympathetic with the Communists? 

Mr. Eimmerson. None whatsoever, absolutely none. 

Senator Watkins. If he is a Communist, secretly a Communist, he 
certainly has not any business being a representative of the Canadian 
Government. Of course I would assume that the Canadian Govern- 
ment, being probably just as much opposed to communism as we are, 
would take very efl'ective measures to determine whether he was or was 
not. 

Any man would have the right to assume, until the contrary was 
shown, that he was not a Communist, because of the well-known atti- 
tude of Canada with respect to communism and their close relation- 
ship with us in this fight in the cold war. 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

As I said before, I do know that when some question came up in 
1952, we discovered that there had been a press release, I believe in 
1951, issued by the Canadian Government which stated that charges 
had been made against Mr. Norman and that he had been completely 
cleared. 

Of course I have no further knowledge about his relations with the 
Canadian Government or any subsequent investigations and clearances 
which may have taken place. 

Senator Watkins. You are married, I take it ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I am married ; yes, sir. 

Senator Watkins. Do his wife and your wife correspond ? 



3664 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Emmerson. No ; they do not correspond. 

Senator Jenner. Did he say anj^thing about the reasons why he 
liappened to be assigned to the Middle East at that particular time, 
whether or not he was pleased or displeased by it ? 

Mr. Emuierson. He was very pleased, extremely pleased. He had 
been in New Zealand for I don't know how long, maybe 2 years or 
more, and I know he had very recently come to Cairo. 

As I recall it, he mentioned his starting to study Arabic and he was 
quite a linguist and had read a great many books on Egypt, on the Near 
East. He was intensely interested in the situation in Egypt, in the 
Nasser regime and what was going to come out of all this. That is the 
sort of thing that I recall being discussed. 

Senator Jenner, Proceed, Mr. Morris. 

Mr. Morris. When did you last see Mr. Tsuru ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I suppose I left Japan in February 1946. It was 
some time before then. 

Mr. Morris. You have not seen him since ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No, sir. 

Mr. Morris. You have not corresponded with him ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know Solomon Adler in the Far East ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I met him in Chungking. He was the Treasury 
attache in 1944. 

Mr. Morris. Did you see much of him at that time ? 

Mr. Emmerson. From time to time. The American colony was 
small there. I saw him on 2 or 3 occasions. 

Mr. Morris. What was the nature of the association that you had 
with him, was it all on an official basis ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. No private meetings ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No private meetings. I say I may have seen him 
socially once or twice, dinner. 

Mr. Morris. When did you last see Mr. Fujii? 

Mr. Emmerson. Mr. Fujii I only saw one time in my life which was 
this time when Mr. Dooman took me to New York. I had never seen 
him before and I have never seen him since. 

Mr. Morris. Just one other thing. 

You mentioned mutual friends of Norman. Who were those mutual 
friends ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Other people in the Canadian diplomatic service, I 
mean people in our service who had served in Japan. Mr. John 
Holmes, who was the Deputy Under Secretary of State for Canada 
and who is a friend of mine and whom I knew in Moscow and whom I 
have seen a great deal of at the United Nations General Assembly 
sessions. 

We have spoken of Mr. Norman on a number of occasions certainly. 

Mr. Morris. I think we have covered. Senators, the information that 
is in our public record with respect to Mr. Emmerson. 

Senator Watkins. Is there anything else that you want to ask him 
about ? 

Do you have any other information ? 

Mr. Morris. I will tell you. Senator, this was all prepared just with- 
in the framework of our going over what was in our public record. I 
have made it clear, Senator, this is not an adverse proceeding. We 
are not investigating Mr. Emmerson, but these things are in our record 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3665 

and we feel our record won't be complete unless we ask him about 
them. I think I have covered the important points that are in our 
records. 

If you can think of anything in our record that you would like to 

address yourself to 

Mr. Emmerson. If I could just say a few words about my subsequent 
service. 

Senator Jenner. You may. 

Mr. Emmerson. I would like to say that I have already stated that 
when I came back from China in 1945 I had already begun to learn a 
little more about communism and about the strategy and tactics of the 
Communist Party. 

I specifically, in 1945, sought out Mr. Eay Murphy, whom you gentle- 
men may know as a Soviet expert in the Department of State, and we 
discussed the matter at length. 

He was extremely interested in my experience in Coriinuinist China, 
and I was interested in talking with him. He gave me a nmnber of 
materials on communism which I read. All of this again is a matter 
of record in testimony whicli was given in 1952. 

Mv. INIurphy testified in person at my hearing. In 1947 I^ was 
assigned to INIoscow and I had 2 years experience in the Soviet Union 
which I think is the best course one can have in the practice of Soviet 
communism. 

Certainly in all of the period of my service since the war, I have 
been in positions where the Communist menace has been one of our 
primary considerations. 

I served for 21/^ years in Pakistan and I was charge d'affaires in 
Karachi for a period of more than 8 months, and I happened to be 
charge d'affaires when we signed the Military Aid Agreement with 
Pakistan. My signature is on that agreement as well as that of the 
Foreign Minister. 

I was extremely interested in the development of the Northern Tier 
concept. 

Senator Watkins. Did you take part in those negotiations ? 

]Mr. EmxAieksox. I took part in the negotiations in Karachi. 

Senator Watkixs. Did you work with Mr. Dulles ? 

Mr. Emmerson. J\Ir. Dulles visited Karachi while I was there in 
1953. 

Senator Watktns. Who carried the burden of those negotiations? 

Mr. Emmerson. I had been charge d'affaires between Ambassadors. 
Ambassador Warren left in November of 1952, and Ambassador Hild- 
reth did not take charge of the Embassy until August of 1953, so that 
I was in charge of the Embassy during that period, and whatever 
negotiations took place in Karachi I was the one who took charge of 
those negotiations. 

Senator Watktns. How old are you ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I am 49. I w-ill be 49 the I7th of March. 

Senator Watkins. How long have you been in service ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I have been in the service since 1935. 

Senator Watkins. You would have been about 28 when you were 
in China? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Senator Watkins. I would say this: It seems to me that if there 
is any susj^icion about you whatsoever th&j certainly' entrusted you 

93215—57 — pt. 56 4 



3666 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

with some very important matters in connection with the buiklino; 
up of the SEATO Pact. 

Mr. Emmerson. From Karachi I went to Beirut and certainly we 
in Lo])anon believe that that is one of the most important posts in the 
Near East. 

Everythino- comes in and out of Lebanon, and Lebanon is the mirror, 
the i-eflection of the political events. 

Senator Jenner. When did you go to Beirut ? 

INIr. Emaierson. In 1955 ; 1 went in May of 1955. 

Senator Jenner. 1955. After you left Karachi where was your 
service ? 

Mr, Emmerson. To Beirut, from Karachi I went directly to Beirut. 

Senator .Jenner. I misimderstood. 

Mv. Emmerson. I was in Karachi from October of 1952 until May 
of 1955. 

Senator Jenner. I see, 

Mr. Emmerson. Then I went to Beirut. I was again in charge of 
the Embassy for more than 6 months while the Ambassador attended 
the United Nations. That was tlie period of the Soviet arms deal 
with Egypt. It was a period of great tension in the Middle East 
when we were extremel}^ concerned with the Soviet penetration which 
had already started, and has been extremely active and very evident 
even in a country such as Lebanon. 

Senator Watkins. Did you know Cavendish Cannon? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes. 

Senator Watkins. How well ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I never served with him, but I saw him last in 
Athens about a year ago. 

Senator Watkins. Just about a year before he was transferred 
over? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes. I also knew him in the Department when he 
was serving on the policy planning staff. That was a period wlien 
I was the policy planning adviser for l>ureau of Far Eastern Afl'airs 
and had a good deal to do with the Policy Planning Board, appeared 
frequently there and got well acquainted with Ambassador Cannon 
at that time. 

Senator Watkins. You know him quite well ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes, sir. 

Senator Jenner. If there are no further questions, I will admonish 
everyone here that this is an executive session and this session was 
held for the purposes Mr. Morris explained, to complete our record 
on these very important matters, and we thank you for appearing here, 
Mr. Emmerson. 

]\Ir. Emmerson. Thank you, sir. 

(Whereupon, at 3:30 p. m., the subcommittee was adjourned.) 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

The following testimony was made public March 28, 1957, by resolu- 
tion of the subcommittee. 

THURSDAY, MARCH 21, 1957 

United States Sexati:, 
Subcommittee To In^'estigate the Administration 

or THE Internal Security Act and Other 

Internal Security Laws, of the 
Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10: 15 a. m., in room 
424, Senate Office Building, Senator Arthur V. Watkins presidmg. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; J. G. Sourwine, associ- 
ate counsel; William A. Rusher, associate counsel; Benjamin Mandel, 
research director; Robert Mcj\Ianus, investigations analyst. 

Senator Watkins. The committee will come to order. 

Mr, Morris. Senator, the witness has been sworn. 

Senator Watkins. In a previous session ? 

Mr. JSIoRRis. That is right. Senator. lie has come back to make 
certain changes in the record here today. Senator. 

Senator Watkins. All right. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN K. EMMERSON, DEPUTY CHIEF OF MISSION 
AND COUNSELOR OF EMBASSY, BEIRUT, LEBANON— Resumed 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Emmerson, what changes would you like to have 
made in this record that you made ? 

]Mr. Emmerson. Well, may 1 just say that after the session, first, 
I realized immediately I had made a mistake in dates, in saying that 
1 had left Beirut on the same day that I had the meeting with Mr. 
Norman. I believe I mentioned that to Judge Morris after the session. 

The fact is I left Beirut on October 28, and I saw Mr. Norman on 
October 27. 

Mr. NoRRis. Now, you say you told me tliat before, Mr. Emmerson ? 

Mr. EaiMERSON. I believe I mentioned to you in the corridor, right 
after the session — that I had recognized there w\as a mistake in date, 
and that I had not left Beirut on the same day as my meeting with 
Mr. Norman, but on the succeeding day, and I verified that with my 
persona] records. 

The other point is that, after I began to think over the testimony 
which I had given with respect to this meeting, I recognized that I 
had not given some of the details which would fill in the circumstances 
of the meeting, and therefore I wish to have the opportunity to am- 
plify, in order that there be no mistaken impression about the meeting. 

3667 



3668 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

In the first place, I was asked whether I had ever corresponded 
with Mr, Xornian, and I said that I had not. 

Mr. Morris. Yes. 

I think on page 2045 of the official transcript, Senator, Mr. Em- 
merson was asked by Senator Jenner : "You have not been correspond- 
ing at all?"' — and Mr. Emmerson said, "No, we have never corre- 
sponded." 

Now, you want to make a change in that ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I want to say that it is true we have never carried 
on any correspondence. But I would just like to make two points so 
there is no mistaken impression. 

In the first place, I think the Normans are on our Christmas card 
list, and I believe we have exchanged Christmas cards. 

In the second place, I completely forgot at the meeting that I had 
received a letter from him in the spring of 1956, written from Welling- 
tion. New Zealand, saying he expected to be transferred to Cairo, and 
that he looked f orA^'ard to seeing me in Beirut. 

To the best of my recollection, I acknowledged that letter and said 
that I would be happy to see him when he came to Beirut and hoped 
that lie would spend considerable time there during the course of his 
duties. 

Then, I would like to give a little more of the details with respect to 
my seeing him on October 27. I do not Ivuow how he first learned 
that I was in Beirut, but I assume that he had learned it from col- 
leagues. 

I may say also that at the same time, either before or after the letter 
from Mr. Norman, I received another letter from Mr. Brewster Morris, 
who is a Foreign Service officer, and who was detailed as an inspector 
in New Zealand, at that time, saying he and his wife had met the 
Noimans, and that the Normans were coming to Cairo and would 
also be coming to Beirut. 

]Mr. oVroRRis. Did he say when ? 

Mr. Emmersox. I think he may have said after home leave, within 
a few months, because I believe the Normans proceeded to Canada 
and spent some time there before they arrived in Beirut — I mean, in 
Cairo — and I am not sure that they did not arrive in Cairo. 

But may I say that the Canadian Legation in Beirut is normally 
in charge of a resident Charge d'Affaires, the Minister living in Cairo. 
The present Charge d'AlTaires is Mr. Lionel Roy — R-o-y — and, of 
course, I see him very frequently at diplomatic functions, both of- 
ficially and socially. So that I learned from him that Mr. and Mrs. 
Norman were arriving by ship on the morning of October 27. 

Then, when I found out that I had orders to come back to the 
United States for the United Nations and would be leaving on the 
28th, I mentioned to Mr. Roy that I had known the Normans before 
and that we would be happy to see them, if it were possible, on the 
day of the 27th. And I believe that on probably the 26th I sent a note 
to Mr. Roy, and whether I enclosed a note to Mr. Norman inside or 
not, I cannot remember. 

In any case, I suggested that the Normans drop by our house for 
lunch, if possible, on the day of October 27th. 

So that, during the morning of the 27th, we received word by tele- 
phone or note, I cannot remember — and also, my wife may have gone 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3669 

to the boat that morning, although that I cannot verify. She is in 
Beirut. 

In any case, we received word that they would come by, and they 
did at about 1 o'clock. We live in a penthouse apartment, and we 
showed them around the apartment, and we had cocktails, w^e had 
lunch, and they left, I think about 3 o'clock. 

Now, I just wanted to be completely sure that the details of this 
meeting were clarified so that there would not be any miscomprehen- 
sion about the nature of the occasion, which was entirely a social one. 

And so far as my conversation with Mr. Norman is concerned, it 
is generally as I reported it the other day. I cannot recall any signifi- 
cant points in the conversation. I do remember that he referred to his 
clearance in 1951, and that he referred to the fact that he had supplied 
an affidavit with respect to this interrogation of Japanese prisoners of 
war, which I spoke about to the committee the other day. 

Mr. Morris. You mean, you discussed the clearance at that session ? 

Mr. Emmerson. It was mentioned, yes; that is right. And I got 
the impression from him that as far as he was concerned, he assumed 
that the matter was closed and there would be no further developments. 

I may say it has been about 10 years smce I had seen Mr, Norman 
before this occasion in Beirut. 

Senator Watkins. How well did you know him when you were in 
Japan ? 

Sir. Emmerson. Well, I knew him fairly well in the period from 
September of 1945 until February of 1910, because, as I said before, 
he was in the counter intelligence section, working on Japanese af- 
fairs, and I was in the political adviser's office. We had a great 
many 

Senator Watkins. Well, now, was he in the same service that you 
were in ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No; he was lent by the Canadian Government to 
SCAP, to MacArthur's headquarters, to the counter intelligence sec- 
tion of MacArthur's headquarters. 

Senator Watkins. And you were working in that same 

Mr. Emmerson. No. I was in the political adviser's office, but also 
attached to MacArthur's headquarters. We were in two separate 
sections, but both under the direction of General MacArthur, of 
SCAP. 

Senator Watkins. Well, how closely were you associated in those 
duties ? 

Mr. Emmerson. We were associated because we were working on 
similar projects. That is, you may recall that in the first months of 
the occupation, the whole emphasis was on determining the individuals 
who had been responsible for the prosecution of the war, and on fer- 
reting out the organizations which had contributed to the war. 

The war crime trials were in the process of preparation, and the 
headquarters was engaged in carrying out what was known as the 
purge directive, in which all those persons who had occupied positions 
of leadership in Japan, which had prosecuted the war, were purged 
from public office. 

So that the Counter Intelligence Corps, naturally, had considerable 
duties with respect to reporting on political developments and on 
individuals. 



3670 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

I, as a member of the political adviser's office, had the responsibility, 
which was by specific directive of General MacArthur, to write a 
weekly report on political party developments in Japan, which meant 
that it was necessary for me to find out as much as I could about the 
differcMit political personalities and the different parties, from the 
right to the left. 

So that, because of the similarity of our duties, and the fact that 
both of us spoke Japanese, we did come into very frequent contact. 

Senator Watkins. Well, you had known each other previously ? 
^ Mr. Emmerson. We had known each other previously ; that is 
right. 

Senator Watkins. Well, now, you know about the testimony of 
Mr. Dooman ? 

Mr. Emmerson. With respect to the prisoner-of-war interrogation; 
that is right. 

Senator Watkins. And the fact that these prisoners of war had 
been paraded through the streets ? 

Mr. Emmerson. 'Well, I think I spoke of that the other day in the 
hearing. 

Senator Watkins. You said the statement of Mr. Dooman, about 
certain elements of that, was completely false ? 

Mr. Emmerson. The fact that we were supposed to have liberated 
prisoners of war and driven them to their homes, that is false. I did 
not participate in any operation of that sort. 

I think that his testimony arises out of a misunderstanding of what 
was an official interrogation operation. And the only association I 
had with that was two trips to the prison, the first one to find out 
whether indeed there were political prisoners. I may say here these 
were not all Communists ; part of them were Communists, part were 
members of religious sects, other organizations, that had been in 
prison for political reasons. 

We then returned to headquarters and reported the fact that these 
individuals were there. The suggestion was made that they be brought 
to headquarters for interrogation, and that order was given by General 
Thorpe, who was in charge of counterintelligence. 

Senator Watkins. Were you canning out those orders to bring 
them up there ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Senator Watkins. Who did you take up there to the headquarters ? 

Mr. Emmerson. You mean, the names of the prisoners ? 

Senator Watkins. Yes. 

Mr. Emmerson. I can only recall the names of two, Tokuda— 
T-o-k-u-d-a — and Shiga, S-h-i-g-a — who were very prominent, well- 
known Japanese Communists. There were others there who were 
not labeled as Communists. I have forgotten exactly the names. I 
think there may have been 4 or 5 individuals who were interrogated. 

Now, those interrogations were conducted in headquarters by 
officers of headquarters. Mr. Norman and I participated, since we 
both spoke Japanese, and it wns felt more desirable to have interro- 
gations by Americans, or Mr. Norman, who was a Canadian, but was 
assigned to headquarters, than nisei — that is, the second-generation 
Japanese. 

Reports of all those interrogations were, of course, made to the^ 
headquarters and are a matter of record. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3671 

Senator Watkins. Well, now, let me ask you : 

Did Mr. Dooman have any part in this activity ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No, Mr. Dooman was not in Japan, and I think he 
so testified — that this information had come to him from second- or 
third-hand sources. He was not in Japan at that time. 

Senator Watkins. He was not in a position to see what went on ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right ; he was not in a position to see. 

Senator Watkins. Had no active connection with it whatsoever, as 
far as you are concerned ? 

Mr. Emmerson. As far as I am concerned, he had no active con- 
nection with it whatsoever. He was not in Japan, and I believe he so 
states in his testimony. 

Senator Watkins. I have not read his testimony for a long time, 
and I do not remember what he said. 

I noticed in your statement you called to the attention of the witness 
that Mr. Dooman said that he was 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Dooman said he had not been there, and he heard 
it after he arrived in Japan. 

And I think the two Japanese Communists who had been liberated 
have written about this episode in a book, haven't they ? 

Mr. Emmerson. They have ; that is right. 

Mr. Morris. Do you remember what they said in that book ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I recall, I believe, Shiga wrote a book — and a quo- 
tation is included in Mr. Dooman's testimony — and he mentions the 
fact that their first contact with the outside world after the end of 
the war was with the 2 or 3 correspondents — an American, Mr. Harold 
Isaacs, and two others were French. Their names I cannot recall. 

And he said tliey came to the prison and talked to him. Then he 
said next, I believe he says — he mentions my name, I believe — he 
mentions Mr. Emmerson, Mr. Norman, and Lieutenant Colonel Davis 
came. And he does not describe this interrogation in the head- 
quarters, and he does not say, so far as I recall he does not say, any- 
thing about our liberating them or driving them to their homes — 
any thing of that sort. 

Now, I have refreshed my memory on the dates. The directive — 
General MacArthur's directive which liberated all political prisoners 
and established freedom of speech and press, and so on, was issued 
on October 4, 1945. As I recall, our first visit to the prison was on 
October 5, after the directive had been issued. 

And Shiga says something in his book, that "Mr. Emmerson and Mr. 
Norman told us about the policies of SCAP," and Mr. Dooman seems 
to put some special significance to that. 

Well, the policies of SCAP had been published, tliey were on the 
radio the night before, and were in the papers that morning with this 
directive. So that if we told them about that, we were telling them 
something which had been published. 

So that I do not believe there is any mystery about this operation. 
It was fully documented in the headquarters of SCAP, and I wrote a 
special to the State Department about it describing it in detail, and 
including copies of the interrogations in which I participated. 

Mr. Morris. That is your testimony, Mr. Emmerson; you did not 
bring the Japanese Communists in staff cars, you did not drive them 
in staff cars ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I did not drive them. Now, they were brought 
from the prison to the headquarters in staff cars. 



3672 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIYITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. You did not accompany them ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I was in one of the cars when it came back. 

Senator Watkins. How many, would you say, were brought up to 
headquarters ? 

Mr. Emmerson. As I recall it, maybe 5, 5 or 6. 

Senator Watkiks. These prisoners were all together ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Were they all Communists? 

Mr. Emmerson. I do not believe so. I think that about three were 
Communists, and maybe one was Korean. Whether he was a Korean 
Communist or not, I do not recall. 

Mr. Morris. Do you remember his name ? 

Mr. Emmersox. Kim — I cannot remember exactly. 

I think there was another one who belonged to one of these sects 
which had been outlawed by the Japanese. 

Senator Watkiks. Well, now, with reference to Mr. Norman, I think 
this committee wants to know, and the country wants to know, at 
least the representatives of the country charged with the responsi- 
bility, if there is anything about his conduct that would indicate 
that he was a Communist and was v\-oi'iv;in.g on behalf of the Connnu- 
nist nations, or the Communist conspiracy as they sometimes call it. 

I assume you would be just as interested, as a loyal American, in 
finding that out and giving us any information that you would have. 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Senator Watkins. Any information with respect to his conduct that 
might indicate that he was not what he pretended to be. 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right ; I certainly would. 

Senator Watkins. Can you think of anytliing now in your relation- 
ship with him that would indicate that he was not loyal to his country, 
or loyal to the free nations of the world ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I have thought a great deal, naturally, about my 
associations with him and about the conversations I have had with 
him. 

I can recall one conversation in Tokyo, which for some reason has 
stuck in my mind, which I had in the meantime forgotten. 

We were interviewing a Japanese, and — I cannot remember^ his 
nam.e — I believe he was a Socialist, a member of one of the factions 
of the Japanese Socialist Party. He was not identified as a Commu- 
nist. Of course, one can never be sure whether a person is a Commu- 
nist or not. But as I recall it, he declared himself to be a Socialist, and 
he was giving us a history of the Japanese Socialist movement and 
its various factions and the personalities involved. 

And I recall at one point in the conversation that Mr. Norman made 
some statement which appeared to agree with the general thesis which 
this man was proposing. I have tried to reconstruct this conversation, 
and I do not believe I can be any more specific. 

I know that it struck me, because it never occurred to me, in any 
interview with a member of any political party, to express any view 
whatsoever concerning what he was saying. I mean, I have Jiad as- 
sociation with a great many people of all political hues, and it never 
would occur to me to express agreement with some political view 
which the other individual is pointing out. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3673 

And I do remember that one occasion, when this struck me as being 
unusual. But it did not indicate to me that Mr. Norman was a member 
of the Communist Party, or that he was a Communist. 

I have said in m}' testimony that he seemed to be a person of "liberal 
ideas" — you have to put that in quotation marks — he was interested in 
lef twing movements in Japan. 

Again, I say that durhig that period the entire emphasis was on 
finding out what the rightwing people were doing, and that the shift 
to an interest in communism occurred, I think, in 1946, or in the early 
part of 1946. 

Senator Watkins. jSTow, this matter of your relationship with Dr. 
Norman has been gone into, has it not, in the hearings that were held 
in the State Department ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right; in 1952. 

Senator Watkins. Did they go into that very fully ? 

Mr. Emmerson. The}^ went into it- 
Senator Watkins. Completely ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Fairly completely. 

As I said then, and as I have said now, I am sure that if there had 
been any incident or expression of his which indicated that he was a 
member of the Communist Party, or that he was a Communist, I 
certainly would have noticed it, and, of course, it would have been 
my duty to report it. 

Senator Watkins. Now, going back to this visit you had with him 
and his wife in Beirut 

Mr. Emmerson. In Beirut ; that is right. 

Senator Watkins. "Wliat did you talk about ? Can you recall what 
the substance of your conversation was during the period of time that 
he was visiting at your home? 

Mr. Emmerson. Well, in addition to the usual amenities and discus- 
sion of our posts in the meantime, since we had not seen each other for 
about 10 years. I can recall that we did discuss the general situation 
in the Middle East. And he had been in Cairo only a short time, and 
had therefore very brief experience in the Middle East. 

I cannot remember any specific opinions of his which would have 
struck me as being unusual. 

I know that several weeks previous to this meeting I had met Mr. 
Joseph Fromm, who was a correspondent for U. S. News & World 
Report in Beirut. He had just come from Cairo. He had seen Am- 
bassador Norman, whom he had known in the Far East, and he men- 
tioned to me that Mr. Norman, with his usual scholarly interest, 
had already learned a great deal about the Arab world, that he had 
read widely in the literature of the Near East, and that he already 
had a very broad knowledge of the background of the Arab world. 
He did not mention anything or indicate any expression which would 
have borne on this problem of Mr. Norman's Communist sympathies. 

Senator Watkins. You did get into a conversation about the charge 
that had been made against Mr. Norman, did you not ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Since we had not seen each other for about 10 
years, and he had furnished this affidavit with respect to the prisoner 
of war interrogation, that was mentioned. 



3674 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Watkins. Well, you see, as I understand, both you and 
Mr. Norman have been under some criticism, the subject of some 
criticism 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Senator Watkins. Because of the charge that you were either a 
Communist, or had been favoring the Communist cause, or had simi- 
lar views to the Communists. The whole subject had been investi- 
gated, both in the United States with respect to you, and in Canada 
with respect to Mr. Norman ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Senator Watkins. Now, you did have a conversation about that 
situation, didn't you ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes. He mentioned the fact that there had been 
charges made against him, that he had gone through quite a period 
of investigation, and that he had been cleared and that he assumed 
the situation was closed. 

Senator Watkins. Did he say anything to you about charges that 
had been made by Professor Wittf og:el ? 

Mr. Morris. Senator, Professor Wittfogel did not make any charges. 
He was testifying. 

Senator Watkins. I mean, a statement made that Dr. Norman, as 
a young student, had been a member of a Communist cell at Columbia 
University ? 

Mr. Morris. The professor was a teacher of 

Senator Watkins. Yes ; he was a teacher of the group. And he was 
in the cell with him, wasn't he ? 

Mr. Morris. No ; he had been a Communist, and when he came to 
the United States, because he was such a specialist and the Com- 
munists still considered him very favorably, they used him to teach 
their young groups, young Communist groups, on Far Eastern affairs. 

Senator Watkins. Well, I have not reviewed the testimony recently, 
only what mention was made the other day 

Mr. Morris. He said expressly. Senator — we asked him at great 
length and with great precision whether or not. in fact, Norman was 
at that time a member of the Communist Party, and he said in great 
detail, yes, he was. 

Senator Watkins. Now, was Professor Wittfogel a member of the 
Communist cell himself ? 

Mr. Morris. No ; he was the teacher that the Communists assigned 
to teach the cell. 

Senator Watkins. I realize that, but was he at anv time a member 
of that cell? 

Mr. Morris. He was a professor ; he was not in the cell. It was a 
cell of students. 

Senator Watkins. The reason was, I wanted to find out the basis 
of his knowledge, just what he did know about it, and how much was 
hearsay and how much was his own knowledge. 

Mr, Morris, He was the teacher that went to the cell ; he was the 
one who taught the group, day to day or week to week, whenever meet- 
ings were held. 

Senator Watkins, Well, I will have to go back to his testimony. 
But I want to be sure about this, because it was rather a grave charge, 
and, since we have not had the man who was named before us, we 
have had to rely pretty much on what the professor said about it. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3675 

Mr. Morris. The only thing, Senator, is that, since this is a record, 
I would not like the record to show this was a charge, because Pro- 
fessor Wittfogel is a very distinguished professor, and he was here 
under subpena, responding to questions. So he was not making 
charges; he was answering the questions of the subcommittee. 

Senator Watkins. I referred to it in the sense that ;i man would 
say, "This man is a Communist," and "So-and-so is a Communist." 
When you say that, that is in effect making a charge, under modern 
conditions and under the general feeling of the public. 

Mr. Morris. But, on behalf of his academic career, I think the 
record should indicate 

Senator Watkins. Maybe so. Maybe there is a distinction.^ 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I also think it is appropriate at this time to 
mention that I have since spoken to Professor Wittfogel, since last 
week, and he said that to this day no official of the Canadian Govern- 
ment has ever called him up or asked him whether or not any of his 
testimony was, in fact, accurate. 

Senator Watkins. I see. Well, that is very interesting. It may 
have some significance. 

Mr. Morris. In connection with that, did he ever say — that is, Mr. 
Norman — in connection with his conversation that he had with you, 
did he say that he had been asked whether or not he had ever been a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I do not recall that he said that. I think he spoke 
in very general terms about charges having been made against him, 
and it was his attitude that these were completely unfounded charges 
and that he had gone through a period of investigation and been 
cleared. And I cannot specifically remember that he mentioned Pro- 
fessor Wittfogel's name. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, in that connection, we asked the State Depart- 
ment if the decision of the Canadian Government ever was — the com- 
munication from the Canadian Government ever was to the effect that 
they discovered that Norman had been a Communist and that he is 
no longer one. The Department has informed us that that has never 
been the effect of any advice given to them by the Canadian Govern- 
ment. 

It would be two entirely different things. Senator, if the answer was 
"Yes; he was a Communist, but he has reformed." That would be 
very different from saying, "No ; this was never true." 

Because, if it is the latter, then it means that this security memo- 
randum — I understand that the State Department has now asked the 
FBI for this particular information, and apparently the FBI informa- 
tion that they have given them does confirm the security report that we 
put in the record. 

So, if it is the latter. Senator, not only would they be saying Profes- 
sor Wittfogel's testimony was false; they would be saying that this 
FBI information that has been delivered to the State Department is, 
by the same token, false — which is entirely different. 

' Senator Watkins. Of course, the FBI had to talk to people. They 
do not get this, ordinarily, from documents or circumstances alone; 
they get it from humans. And these people are the original source 
of the testimony, the evidence, and not the FBI. So we have to draw 
on the conclusion that it is still passing on hearsay evidence. 



3676 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

But that is neither here nor there. We are not trying anybody in this 
type of a proceedino;. 

However, we certainly ouf^ht to get whatever information we can 
that would help our own country and its actions with another nation. 
What we do about it after we get that information — how we handle 
it, and so on — that is another matter, entirely a different matter. But 
there is no reason why we should not get as much information as 
we can, and th-it is the reason I am querying you about this; to see 
if there is anything about his conduct that would indicate to you in 
any way that he was not loyal to his own country — that he was friendly 
to the Communist group, or to the Communist philosophy, or to Russia. 

Now, that is what we are trying to find out. And, of course, I think 
it would be your full duty to disclose anything you would know of 
that matter, because it is your own Government now, and Norman's 
Government, asking for that information, if you have it. And you can 
understand, can you not, that some suspicion would be aroused by 
reason of the fact that you had both been under some of these charges, 
and that you met in Beirut and had a rather — you said it was brief, 
but depending on the way you look at it — you had a conversation, a 
rather lengthly conversation, with him, 2 hours or more that he was at 
your home. 

Mr. EiMMERSOX. I am sure that I was alert and cautious during^ 
this conversation, and that, if anything had occurred or any state- 
ment had been made which was unusual, I would have noticed it. 

As far as meeting him is concerned, I believe it was in the normal 
course of one's social duties. We, of course, meet a great many people, 
diplomats of other countries, in the course of our duties in the Em- 
bassy, and since I had known him previously, and was leaving the next 
day, it would have been normal to have met them on that occasion. 

Now, I am sure that he called on the Ambassador later on, and that 
there must have been a great many associations during that period he 
was in Beirut after I left. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I think I broke in on a question of yours a 
while ago, when you asked him if he discussed Professor Wittfogel 
at all. 

Senator Watkins. Yes; I wanted to find out if he said anything 
about any testimony Professor Wittfogel had given with respect to 
him. 

Mr. Emmerson. I just cannot remember that he mentioned Dr. Witt- 
fogel. It was in the context of general charges which had been brought 
against him, and I just cannot remember whether Dr. Wittfogel's name 
was mentioned. 

Mr. Morris. Would it have been logical, Mr. Emmerson, if two old 
friends met, and there has been this public testimony by a college pro- 
fessor that he had been a teacher of a Communist study group, that 
that might have been discussed specifically ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Well, I do not believe, necessarily, because, of 
course, I did not know Mr. Norman at that period. I have no knowl- 
edge of his experience at Columbia University, or of any of his uni- 
versity career. 

I met him first in 1940 in Japan. So that I do not think, necessarily^ 
that would have come up. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3677 

Senator Watkins. Had you heard of this testimony of Professor 
Wittfogel that had named Mr. Norman as a Communist — member of 
a Communist cell ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I have heard of testimony with respect to Mr. 
Norman because, as I say, we obtained from the Canadian Legation, 
or Canadian Embassy, in 1952, this press release which stated that 
Norman had been cleared. So I knew there had been some charges. 
Wliether I was aware specifically of Dr. Wittfogel's charges, I can- 
not remember that I have heard about them since — I think, probably, 
that I had heard that that was the testimony. I am not sure when 
he made those statements. 

Mr. Morris. Well, how much of this conversation was devoted to 
this discussion of his having been cleared and your having been 
cleared ? 

Mr. Emmerson. A very small part of it. It was mentioned 

Mr. Morris. Five or ten minutes ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Five or ten minutes. 

Senator Watkins. Were your wives present during all this time ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right ; during all of the conversation there 
was no separation. 

Mr. Morris. But there was no discussion of the specifics in either 
case, in your case or his case ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No. 

Mr. Morris. What, specifically, was the evidence that appeared in 
the record, or 



Mr. Emmerson. No ; there was no discussion of the specific evidence. 

Mr. Morris. Now, you said this was primarily a social visit ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. Yet you did discuss the situation generally; did 
you not ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right ; certainly. 

Mr. Morris. I think you have so testified. 

Mr, Emmerson. Which would be a normal thing to do. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you could recapture again as much of the 
detail at that time about this conversation — how much of the 2 hours 
was devoted to a discussion of the situation that existed at that 
time 

Mr. Emmerson. Well, I could not specify exactly the time. 

They came up to our apartment, and they came in and sat down. We 
had a cocktail, we showed them around the apartment — we have a view 
of the Mediterranean from our terrace — we talked about where we had 
been in the meantime, what our assignments had been. 

As I recall, for about maybe 5 minutes or more we did discuss this 
matter of clearances, and then we got into the Middle East situation. 

This, as I testified the other day, was, of course, before the Israeli 
attack or before the French and British attack, so none of those mat- 
ters came into it. We were concerned with the general developments 
in the Middle East. 

I had been to Israel a few weeks before, and I am sure that I must 
have talked about my experiences in Israel, my observations down 
there of the situation, and I had had several interviews there. 



3678 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE msriTED STATES 

And I am sure that he spoke about the situation in Egypt. I be- 
lieve he referred to the economic situation there, and about the Suez 
Canal problem which, of course, was concerning everyone. 

But as 1 testified previously, I have tried to go over this to the very 
best of my memory, and I cannot recall any categorical statements, 
any statements, that would be considered slanted in the pro-Communist 
sense, which he made. 

Mr. Morris. You did discuss your official business over there, and 
things you had been doing ? 

Mr. Emmerson. We discussed the general situation in the area, 
which Foreign Service officers always do when they get together. 

Senator Watkins. Did you discuss the part that apparently Russia 
was attempting to play in the Mideast ? 

Mr. Emmerson". I am sure we did, because that is the one thing in 
Beirut which concerned us most; the penetration of the Communists. 
And he asked a great many questions of me about Lebanon, because 
he was coming there for the first time ; I am sure I talked about the 
Communist efforts, which had been quite considerable even in the small 
country of Lebanon — that is, to try to infiltrate by cultural means and 
commercial means, to get an influence in the country by indirect 
methods. 

Mr. Morris. And you answered all those questions fully — you did 
not have any reservations in your answer ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Well, I answered them. I certainly did not divulge 
any classified information, but I answered them to the best of my 
ability. 

Mr. Morris. I mean, the point is, you had no reservations in answer- 
ing questions; he was an old friend whom you trusted, and you re- 
sponded completely to his questions ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I had only the normal relations, which any Foreign 
Service officer has, if he is discussing something with a person outside 
his own Government and his own Department of State. 

Senator Watkins. Well, you would not discuss it as confidentially 
with him as you would have done with the Ambassador ? 

Mr. Emmerson. With my own ? 

Senator Watkins. Your own Ambassador. 

Mr. Emmerson. No, certainly not. There is, of course, a great dif- 
ference. 

Senator Watkins. I have talked with quite a number of ambas- 
sadors, and I did on that trip I had over there in 1953, but I never 
knew how much they were keeping back from me. I didn't know 
whether they ever told me all thej^ knew about these things or not, 
and whether they would discuss with me classified matters. 

Mn Morris. You mentioned Joseph Fromm. Had you known him 
in the Far East ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I cannot remember whether I met him. He was 
stationed in the Far East at the same time I was, but I had met him 
on previous occasions, and he came to call on me specifically at the 
Embassy. 

Senator Watkins. All the times that you knew him, was he rep- 
resentative of the U. S. News & World Eeport? Is that the one? 

Mr. Emmerson. He is now. Wasn't he with Newsweek before? 
I am sorry, I cannot remember. But I do not know him well at all ; 
I have only seen him two or three times. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3679 

Mr. Morris. I have only one more question. 

How much of that time, of the 2 hours, did you discuss the political 
situation in the Middle East ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I should say it might have been 20 minutes or 30 
minutes, because we then went into lunch and sat around the table, 
and I am sure at the lunch table we did not carry on this discussion. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I think Mr. Sourwine has some questions. 

Senator Watkins. Mr. Sourwine. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Emmerson, you have told us, I assume now, 
all of the changes that you desire to make in this transcript after read- 
ing it ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes, I believe 

Mr. Sourwine. I just want to be sure you have the opportunity 
fully and had not been sidetracked by other questions. 

Mr. Emmerson, There is only one other minor detail. 

Senator Watkins, on page 2051, says, "You would have been about 28 
when you were in China," and I replied, "That is right." 

Well, I was 28 in 1936, when I entered the Service, when I first went 
to the Far East. But in 1944, that is the period that you are referring 
to, I was, of course, 36. 

Mr. Sourwine. You had been in the Far East 8 years then, as a 
Foreign Service officer ? 

Senator Watkins. I probably miscalculated; I just did it in a 
hurry. 

Mr. Emmerson. I did not recount correctly. 

Mr. Sourwine. I think this illustrates, Senator, that IMr. Emmerson 
has gone through this transcript very carefully to make any notes. 

Senator Watkins. I think that would be a considerable discrepancy. 
I asked him if he was 28, and he said, yes he was 28. 

Mr. Sourwine. He might have misunderstood your question at the 
time, and then, in reading it, noted it. 

Does that include everything that you wanted to volunteer with re- 
spect to changes or emendations of what you testified ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes, I believe it does. 

Mr. Sourwine. There is a point in that record where you testified 
with respect to the military mission which w^as sent to i enan. Do 
you remember talking about that? You said, I believe, that this was 
with Chiang Kai-shek's approval. How do you know that, or how 
was that evident to your knowledge ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Well, I was in Cliungking before going up to Yenan, 
and I was aware that, as is common knowledge in headquarters, that 
when Vice President Wallace made his trip to China, he specifically 
requested Chiang Kai-shek to permit the United States to send an 
observer mission to Communist China, and that is my recollection — 
that consent was given at that time by the generalissimo, and the mis- 
sion was later established. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you know, Mr. Emmerson, that the generalissimo, 
Chiang Kai-shek, sent for the American Ambassador to protest this 
mission in Yenan ? 

Mr. Emmerson. After it was established ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. 

Mr. Emmerson. No ; I do not know. 



L 



3680 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Going back to the question of the occasion of Mr. 
Norman's visit to Beirut, when you saw him on October — I think you 
said the 27th 

Mr. Emmerson. Tlie 27th. 

Mr. SouRwiNE (continuing) . Do you know what time of the morn- 
ing the boat docked ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I think it must have been early in tlie morning, 
probably 8 o'clock, although I am not sure. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, you had, on the day before, telephoned the 
attache and had talked to him, and through him had extended an oral 
invitation to Mr. Norman to visit ? 

Mr. Emmerson. A written note. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. It was. 

And you had also talked to him on the 

Mr. Emmerson. No; I had talked to him previously on social oc- 
casions. When I learned they were coming on the 27th 

Mr. Sourwine. Oh, yes. 

So you had supplemented that earlier oral invitation with a written 
note on the 26th ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Mr. Sourwine. And then you had been on the telephone on the 
morning of the 27th and confirmed the arrangements that they were 
going to visit you ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I cannot remember how the word came to me. I 
assume it was by telephone during the morning. 

Mr. Sourwine. These are matters which had escaped your recollec- 
tion when you testified earlier ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is is right. I was concentrating on the sub- 
stance of the conversation, and I simply did not recall these arrange- 
ments. 

Mr. Sourwine. The specific question, I think, was who had gotten 
in touch with whom first. 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Mr. Sourwine. And these matters escaping your recollection, you 
just assumed that it had been he who had gotten in touch with you ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That was the assumption from reading the testi- 
mony afterward, and that is why I wanted at once to clarify the record. 

Mr. Sourwine. It must have been your assumption at the time, 
because that is the way you testified ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I forgot 

Mr. Sourwine. You were testifying according to the best of your 
recollection ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right, and I completely forgot this ex- 
change of correspondence. 

Mr. Sourwine. And when you were asked how he got in touch with 
you, you assumed it must have been through mutual friends, and you 
had forgotten the matter of your previous contact with the 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Mr. Sourwine. Can you recall, in your conversation with Mr. Nor- 
man, who brought up the matter of clearance ? Did he bring it up, or 
did you ask him about it ? 

Mr. Emmerson. It seems to me that he brought it up first. That is 
best of my recollection. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3681 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did he bring it up by asking you about your own 
situation, or by way of volunteering with respect to his own status ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I do not remember how the conversation was intro- 
duced. I believe he probably referred to this affidavit. I had never 
had any personal contact with him at that time, and the Canadian 
Embassy had contacted him at Ottawa and furnished him with this 
affidavit. And I believe that he mentioned that first, and then went on 
to speak about his own clearance. That is the best of my recollection. 

Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Yes. 

What affidavit do you mean, Mr. Emmerson? I do not have 
clearly in mind the affidavit j^ou speak of. Was it an affidavit given 
by Mr. Norman ? 

Mr. Emmersox. That is right. When the charges were made with 
respect to this interrogation of Japanese prisoners of war, in order to 
complete the documentation, which we tried to get together for my 
hearings in 1952, in addition to getting affidavits from the officers of 
SCAP, who had personal knowledge of this, we asked for an affidavit 
from Mr. Norman, since he participated, and he supplied that through 
the Canadian Embassy. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. It was, then, an affidavit which, through official 
channels, was supplied to the United States State Department? 

Mr. Emmersox. That is right. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That is how you came to know about it ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is how I came to know about it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. It was not an affidavit he gave to the Canadians, to 
defend himself there ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No, no ; not at all. 
_ Mr. Sourwixe. Going back, sir, to the question of the military mis- 
sion, and Chiang Kai-shek's interest therein, were you aware of this 
report — with the chairman's permission — I should have handed it to 
the chairman first, but it just came to me. May I read it into the 
record ? 

Senator Watkins. What does it purport to be ? 

Mr. Sourwine. It is the text of one of the documents which was 
found in the Amerasia papers. It was a State Department report, so 
far as the indications are, which had been giv^n to Mr. Jaffe from some 
source, and was one of the papers that was seii:ed. 

Senator Watkins. Before reading the whole thing to him, can you 
determine whether or not he knows anything about the general sub- 
ject matter? 

Mr. SorRwiNE. Yes; I have already done that, sir, in asking him 
whether he knew of Chiang's protest to the Ambassador about the 
military mission in Yenan. 

This is what purports to be a copy of a State Department report 
about that matter, and I wanted to attempt to refresh the witness' 
recollection by asking him if he saw this State Department report. 

Senator Watkins. You may do so. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. IMay I read it, sir ? 

Senator Watkins. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine (reading) : 

Chinese Communist problem. — On August 30, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek 
sent for the American Ambassador and for an hour and a half discussed the Com- 
munist problem. He said that the American Government does not understand the 
problem and that it was the duty of the Ambassador to explain it efCectively. 



3682 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Besides charging the Communists as usual with treachery and bad faith, the 
main points of Chiang's argument which lie stressed and repeated constantly are : 
On world problems China is disposed to follow the United States. Suggestions 
by us that the Chinese Government should improve its relations with the Soviet 
Union are not an unfriendly act on our part. With regard to the domestic 
problem of Chinese Communists, our Government should fully sympathize 
with and support China. The attitude which we assume may result very serious- 
ly for China. In urging the Chinese Government to resolve its differences with 
the Communists, we are only strengthening the Communists in their recal- 
citrant attitude. When we ask that China agree to the demands of the Com- 
munists, it is the same as asking China to surrender unconditionally to a group 
which is known to be under the influence of a foreign government (the Soviet 
Union). We should tell the Communists to come to an agreement with and sub- 
mit to the Chungking government. The Communists are growing arrogant and 
refuse to go on with negotiations since our observer group arrived in Yenan. 
(This message from Chungking is incomplete, only one section having been 
received. ) 

I show it to you as purporting to be a copy, not an original, and sim- 
ply for the purpose of refreshino; your recollection as to whether you 
have ever seen or heard about that report. 

Mr. Emmersox. Is this supposed to be a message from the Embassy 
in Chungking ? 

Mr. SouRwixE. It is supposed to be a message to the State Depart- 
ment. I would presume it is from the Embassy. I do not know 
whether it is from the Embassy. 

Mr. Emmerson. No ; I have not seen this document before. At least, 
I have no recollection of having seen it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Which bears out what you said earlier, that you 
had no knowledge of any such protest ? 

_Mr. Emmerson. I did not go up to Yenan until October, and the 
mission had been in place for some time. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. So that is what you were talking about earlier — 
the consent which, you say, was extended to Mr. Wallace when he 
was there? 

Mr. Emmersoist. That was in July. 

Mr. Sourwixe. And that was all you knew about any question 
about the establishment of the mission ? 

Mr. EiMMERSox. Yes. I knew the mission was established, and I 
proceeded there under official orders. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes, sir. 

Do you know, Mr. Emmerson, do you recall whether, in your dis- 
cussion with Mr. Norman, there was any discussion of the imminence 
or probability of British action, or joint British-French action? 

Mr. Emmerson. No ; I am sure there was no discussion on that. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you make any report to the Department of your 
conference with Mr. Norman ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I did not make any report. I considered this was 
a social occasion of the type which we have constantly, and since 
there was no significance in the conversation I did not make a report. 

Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Mr. Emmerson, back in the time when you and Mr. 
Norman were both attached to SCAP in one way or another, were you 
engaged in counterespionage work? 

Mr. Emmerson. I was not ; no. 

Mr. SouR^vINE. You were not. 

You had mentioned counterespionage, and I wondered if you had 
counterespionage duties. 

Mr. Emmerson. I had no duties with that. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was Mr. Norman in counterespionage work ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE IHSTITED STATES 3683 

Mr. Emmerson. I do not think so. He was in the section of the 
Counter Intelligence Corps which I believe was called Research and 
Analysis. It indicates it was the research side of the CIC operation. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. But he was under CIC ? 

Mr. Emmerson. He was under CIC. 

Mr. Sourwine. And you were not ? 

Mr. Emmerson. And I was not. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did your official duties require you to confer with 
one another ? 

Mr. Emmerson. They did, on several occasions when we would be 
working on a paper which was affected by the reports that we were 
making, and vice versa. 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. 

That is, you were sometimes ordered or requested or required, in 
line of duty, to confer with him ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right ; yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. And presumably, he with you ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were your offices, that is, your office and his office, 
physically close in SCAP headquarters ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No. Our offices were in the Mitsui Building, which 
was in one part of Tokyo and, as I recall, his was in the Dai Ichi Build- 
ing, or in a building near the Dai Ichi Building, which was some dis- 
tance from ours. 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. 

That is a matter measurable in miles, isn't it ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes ; I would say maybe 2 miles. 

Mr. Sourwine. When you did confer, did you go to his office or did 
he come to your office, or did you confer at some middle 

Mr. Emmerson. I would go to his office, and sometimes he would 
come to mine. 

Mr. Sourwine. Both ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. When you drove into Tokyo with prisoners of war, 
were you and Mr. Norman both in the same automobile ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I do not believe so. I think he was in one and I 
was in another. 

Mr. Sourwine. Wlio was with you — Shiga or Tokuda, or both ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Well, I really cannot remember. There were, I 
think, two cars 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. 

Mr. Emmerson (continuing). And I cannot remember whether 
Shiga was in my car or the other car. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was Tokuda with you or in the other car ? 

Mr. Emmerson. To the best of my memory now, it seems to me I 
have the impression that Tokuda was in the car where I was. But that 
is, again, simply an impression ; I have not thought about this since 
the time. 

Mr. Sourwine. Well, I thought you might remember inasmuch as 
you probably had some conversation on the way, and you might know 
with whom you talked. 

Mr. Emmerson. I recall that coming into Tokyo that Shiga, I be- 
lieve, got carsick and we had to stop the cars and get out for a few 
minutes. 



3684 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The two cars were in a convoy, so that when the car 
Shiga was in stopped, you had to stop, too ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes. 

Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Now, after the interrogation, what happened to 
these two men, Shiga and Tokiida, if you know ? 

Mr. Emmerson. After the interrogation we delivered them, the cars 
delivered them, back to headquarters. On October the 10th they were 
released from prison. 

Mr. SouRwiisTE. Well, what was the day of the interrogation ? 

Mr. Emmerson. To the best of my knowledge, it was about October 
6, October 6 or r. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. So that on this occasion, in spite of the fact that 
SCAP had issued orders freeing all political prisoners, when you fin- 
ished the interrogation you took them back to the prison ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes; because the date of their actual liberation 
was October 10. 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. 

Did you drive with them when they went back to prison ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I do not believe I did. I have no recollection of 
that. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you know whether Mr. Norman did ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No ; I do not remember. 

Mr. Sourwine. Well, you do not know, then, what route was fol- 
lowed in taking them back to the prison, or how directly they went, or 
whether they might have driven around Tokyo at that time? 

Mr. Emmerson. No ; I do not. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were any instructions given in that regard, as far 
as you know ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Instructions were to take them back to the prison. 

Mr. Sourwine. Who gave those instructions ? 

Mr. Emmerson. Counter Intelligence people. I cannot remember 
the individual 

Mr. Sourwine. And Mr. Norman did not ? 

Mr. Emmerson. No ; they were entirely under the direction of the 
Counter Intelligence Corps. 

Senator Watkins. They were still in their custody, were they not ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Senator Watkins. Even when they were up there for investiga- 
tion ? 

Mr. Emmerson. They had not yet been released from prison. 

Mr. Sourwine. The route they took was not under Mr. Norman's 
control or under Mr. Emmerson's control ? 

Senator Watkins. I assume that would be true, if they were in the 
custody of the Army people — whoever had them. 

Mr. Sourwine. That is right. They do not even know what route 
they took, or whether or not they drove around Tokyo after the in- 
terrogation. Is that right ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. It is your testimony that you did not know ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I did not know. 

Mr. Sourwine. When you came in from the prison to headquarters, 
what route did you follow, sir ; do you remember ? 

Mr. Emmerson. I do not remember. Fujii is a suburb of Tokyo, it 
is out quite a little distance. I cannot remember how many miles, but 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3685 

it is some little distance from Tokyo. It must have taken 45 minutes 
or an hour to drive in. 

Mr. SouKwiNE. As far as you know, was it a direct route which you 
followed ? 

Mr. Emmerson. It was the direct route ; yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. \Vlien you came in ? 

Mr. Emmerson. When we came in. 

Mr. SouEwiNE. And as you say, you do not know what route was 
followed when they were taken back ? 

Mr. Emmerson. That is right. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman and Mr. Morris, I do not know 
whether it is desirable this morning — I know the chairman said he did 
not have too much time 

Senator Watkins. I had an Interior meeting at 10 o'clock, and 
when I came up here I intended to stay a few minutes and go down 
there, but since you did not have anyone here to preside, I stayed on. 
There is a very important project up for one of my sister States. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, as you know, the purpose of this session today 
was to give Mr. Emmerson a chance to correct the record. 

Now, we have some more reports and things we would like to ask him 
about, but we were not prepared to do that today, sir. 

Senator Watkins. Well, if you are not prepared to do it today, 
then let's recess. 

Mr. Morris. And you are satisfied now, Mr. Emmerson, that the 
corrections have been made, the changes have been made in your 
answers, as set forth in connection with this testimony which appears 
at pages 2044, 2045, and 2047 of the official transcript? 

Mr. Emmerson. Yes. 

Senator Watkins. It would be fair also to say that in addition to 
the changes, there was some amplification. In other words, he went 
into it more fully. 

Mr. Emmerson. That was my intention ; to amplify the testimony. 

Senator Watkins. The committee will be in recess. 

(Whereupon, at 11 : 05 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned.) 



INDEX 



Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance to 

the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organization 

in this index. 

^ Page 

Adler, Solomon 3664 

Amerasia papers 3681 

American Embassy (Beirut) 3645 

American Embassy (Chungking) 3646,3648 

American Embassy (Moscow) 3659 

American Embassy (Paris) 3646 

American Embassy (Tokyo) 3657 

American Friends of the Chinese People 3659 

Arab world, the 3673 

Army (United States) 3646 

Athens, Greece 3666 

Australia/n 3649, 3650 



Beirut, Lebanon 3645, 3646, 3661-3663, 3666-3669, 3673, 3676, 3678, 3680 

British 3652, 3662, 3677, 3682 

Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs 3654, 3666 

Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs 3646 

Burma 3651 

C 

Cairo 3657, 3661, 3662, 3664, 3668, 3673 

Canada 3657, 3660, 3663, 3664, 3668, 3674 

Canadian 3660, 3664, 3670 

Canadian Ambassador 3656, 3657 

Canadian Embassy 3677, 3681 

Canadian Foreign Office : 

American desk 3657 

Far Eastern desk 3657 

Canadian Foreign Service 3657 

Canadian Friends of the Chinese People 3659 

Canadian Government 3656, 3657, 3660, 3663, 3669, 3675 

Canadian Legation 3677 

Canadian Legation (Beirut) 3668 

Canadian Legation (Tokyo) 3657 

Canadian Minister 3661 

Cannon, Cavendish 3666 

Cartwright, Mr 3645 

Chi, Dr 3658 

Chiang Kai-shek 3646, 3679, 3681, 3682 

China 3646-3649, 3651-3654, 3659, 3665, 3679, 3682 

China, Communist 3653, 3655, 3659, 3665, 3679 

Chinese 3648, 3659 

Chinese Communist/s 3646-3648, 3681, 3682 

Chinese Nationalist Government 3659 

Chungking 3646, 3648, 3651, 3653, 3659, 3664, 3679, 3682 

Clark, Laura Irene 3660 

Columbia University 3656, 3657, 3659, 3674, 3676 

Communist/s 3648-3654, 3656-3663, 3665, 3670, 3672-3678, 3682 

Communist headquarters (Yenan) 3646 

Communist Party 3649, 3660, 3661, 3665, 3673-3675 

Counter InteUigence Corps 3655, 3661, 3669, 3683, 3684 



II INDEX 

D 

Page 

Dai IcM Building 3683 

Davis, Lieutenant Colonel 3671 

Deputy Under Secretary of State for Canada 3664 

Dooman, Eugene 3654, 3655, 3656, 3664, 3670, 3671 

Dulles, Secretary 3665 

E 

Eden, Prime Minister 3662 

Egypt 3656, 3657, 3664, 3666, 3678 

Eighth Route Army 3652 

Emmerson, John K. : 

Testimony of 3645-3666, 3667-3685 

Deputy chief of mission, counselor of embassy, Beirut, Lebanon 3645 

On special assignment to General Assembly of TJ. N 3645 

Liaison officer to U. N. for Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, State 
Department 3646 

F 

Far East 3653, 3658, 3663, 3664, 3674, 3678, 3679 

Far East Subcommittee of the State Department 3653 

FBI 3675 

Federal Bureau of Investigation 3660 

Foreign Service 3646, 3668, 367S, 3679 

France 3658 

French 3662, 3671, 3677, 3682 

Fromm, Joseph 3673, 3678 

Fujii (suburb of Tokyo) 3684 

G 

Germany 3651, 3653 

Gouzenko 3660 

H 
Haga 3654,3655 

Halperin, Israel 3660 

Harvard University 3660 

Hildreth, Ambassador 3665 

Hipsley, Mr 3645 

Hiss, Alger 3660 

Holmes, Charles P. H 3660 

Holmes, John 3664 

House of Commons 3662 

Hurley, Patrick J 3654, 3659 

I 

Imperial Hotel (Japan) 3658 

India 3649, 3650, 3651 

Isaacs, Harold 3671 

Israel 3662, 3677 

Italy 3651 

J 

JafEe, Mr 3681 

Japan 3646-3655, 3657, 3658, 3660, 3661, 3663, 3664, 3669-3671, 3673, 3676 

Japanese 3646-3657, 3660, 3661, 3669, 3670, 3672, 3681 

Japanese Army 3649, 3652 

Japanese Communist/s 3646-3650, 3652, 3655, 3656, 3670, 3671 

Japanese Communist Party 3661 

Japanese Peoples' Emancipation League (Nihon Jinmin Kaiho Ren- 

mei) 3647-3652 

Japanese Socialist Party 3672 

Jenner, Senator William E 3645 



INDEX in 

K 

Page 

Karachi 3665, 3666 

Kim 3672 

Korea/n 3651, 3655, 3672 

Korean Communist 3672 

L 

Lattimore, Owen 3658, 3659 

Lebanon 3657, 3661, 3666, 3678 

London 3662 

Luzon 3651 

M 

MacArthur, General 3655, 3656, 3669-3671 

Manchuria 3651 

Mandel, Benjamin 3645, 3667 

Marxist 3660 

McLean, Donald 3656 

McManus, Robert 3645, 3667 

Mediterranean 3677 

Middle East 3646, 3661, 3662, 3664, 3666, 3673, 3677-3679 

Military Aid Agreement 3665 

Mitsui Building (Tokyo) 3683 

Morris, Brewster 3668 

Morris, Robert 3645, 3667 

Moscow 3659, 3664, 3665 

Murphy, Ray 3665 

N 

Nasser regime 3664 

Navy, Secretary of 3653 

Near East 3664, 3666, 3673 

Newsweek 3678 

New York 3654, 3655, 3664 

New Zealand 3656, 3657, 3664, 3668 

Nihon Jinmin Kaiho Renmei. (See Japanese Peoples' Emancipation 
League.) 

NKVD 3661 

Norman, B. Herbert 3655-3661, 3663, 3664, 3667-3677, 3680-3684 

North China 3655 

Northern Tier 3665 

Nozaka (see also Okano) 3646-3648 

O 

Okano, Susumu (also known as Nozaka) 3646-3648, 3652, 3654, 3655 

OSS 3651, 3654, 3655 

Ottawa 3660, 3681 

P 

Pakistan 3665 

Paris 3646 

Peoples Peasants and Workers School 3647 

Policy Planning Board 3666 

"Proposed Projects Against Japan" 3648 

Provost Marshal General 3652 

B 

Research and Analysis (CIC) 3683 

Roy, Lionel 3668 

Rusher, William A 3645, 3667 

Russia/n 3650, 3651, 3658, 3660, 3676, 3678 



IV INDEX 

S 

Page 

Saipan 3651 

SCAP 3656, 3660, 3669, 3671, 3681-3684 

SEATO Pact 3666 

Shantung Province 3651 

Shiga, Mr 3655, 3670, 3671, 3683, 3684 

Shuji, Fujii 3654, 3664 

Siberia 3661 

Sinai Desert 3662 

Smith, Gen. Bedell 3659 

Sourwine, J. G 3667 

Soviet Union 3651, 3665, 3666, 3682 

Stalin 3651 

State Department 3645, 3646, 3651-3654, 3659, 3660, 

3665, 3666, 3671, 3673, 3675, 3678, 3681, 3682 

State Department Loyalty Security Board 3655 

State, Secretary of 3653 

State-War-Navy Coordinating Committee (SWING) 3650, 3653 

Stilwell, General 3646, 3651, 3653 

Suez 3662, 3678 

SWING (State- War-Navy Coordinating Committee) 3650, 3653 

T 

Tamotsu : 3655 

Texas 3652 

Thorpe, General 3670 

Tokuda, Mr 3655, 3670, 3683, 3684 

Tokyo 3655-3657, 3660, 3661, 3672, 3683-3685 

Treasury Department 3664 

Tsuru, Shigeto 3660, 3664 

U 
United Nations 3646, 3664, 3666, 3668 

United Nations General Assembly 3645, 3646, 3664 

United Nations, United States delegation to 3646 

United States Intelligence 3660 

United States Observers' Mission 3646 

U. S. News & World Report 3673, 3678 

W 

Wallace, Vice President 3679, 3682 

War Department 3650, 3652 

War, Secretary of 3653 

Warren, Ambassador 3665 

Washington 3650, 3652, 3654, 3655, 3659 

Watkins, Senator Arthur V 3645, 3667 

Wedemeyer, General 3651, 3652, 3654 

Wellington, New Zealand 3668 

Wittfogel, Professor 3659, 3674-3677 



Yenan 3646-3648, 3650, 3651, 3653, 3655, 3659, 3679, 3681, 3682 

X 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTKATION OF THE INTEENAL SECUEITY 

ACT^AND OTHER INTERNAL SECUEITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIIEY 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 

ON 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE 
UNITED STATES 



MARCH 26, 27, AND APRIL 4, 1957 



PART 57 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
33215 WASHINGTON : 1957 



Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

NOV 18 1957 



COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

BSTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, Soutli Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming EVERETT MCKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

SAM J. ERVIN, JR., North Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 

Robert Morris, Chief Counsel 

J. G. SoDRWiNE, Associate Counsel 

William A. Rdsher, Associate Counsel 

Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 

u 



CONTENTS 



Witness : ^^^^ 

Niebyl, Karl H 3760 

Tsiirn, Shigeto 3687 

III 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



TUESDAY, MARCH 26, 1957 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee to InvestiGx\te tpie 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security.' Laws 
OF THE Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 11 : 15 a. m., in room 
424, Senate Office Building, Senator Olin D. Johnston, presiding. 

Present : Senators Johnston and Jenner. 

Also present; Robert Morris, chief counsel; J. G. Sourwine, asso- 
ciate counsel; William A. Rusher, associate counsel; and Benjamin 
Mandel, director of research. 

Senator Johnston. The committee will come to order. Attorney 
Morris will take charge. 

Mr. Morris. I think it best that Mr. Tsuru be sworn again. 

Senator Johnston. Do you swear that the evidence you give before 
this subcommittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but 
the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Yes, I do. 

TESTIMONY OF SHIGETO TSUEII, CAMBRIDGE, MASS., ACCOMPANIED 
BY CHARLES GLOVER, HIS ATTORNEY 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Tsuru, will you give your name and address to the 
stenotype reporter ? 

Mr. Tsuru. My name is Shigeto Tsuru — S-h-i-g-e-t-o T-s-u-r-u. At 
present my address is 18-A Forest Street, Cambridge 40, Mass. 

Mr. Morris. What is your business at this time, business or pro- 
fession ? 

Mr. Tsuru. My profession is professor of economics at Hitotsubashi 
University, Tokyo. I am on the permanent staff of this university. 
CJurrently I am at Harvard University as a visiting lecturer, invited 
by the Ajnerican-Japan Intellectural Interchange Committee for the 
term of 1 year. 

Mr. Morris. And what do you do, do you teach at Harvard ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Under the terms of this invitation, my main job at 
Harvard is research. But I assist occasionally in a number of courses, 
to give sort of guest lectures. 

Mr. Morris. Now you also, I think, as you told me in that letter, 
you are also doing broadcasting on the Voice of America ? 

3687 



3688 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. TsuRiT. I have made an appointment with Voice of America to 
broadcast on April 18 on my impressions of the United States after 
visiting this country after 15 years. 

Mr, Morris. Now what other cultural exchange are you engaged in 
at this time ? 

Mr. TsuRu. Aside from doing research at Harvard University and 
giving lectures there, I participate occasionally in academic confer- 
ences, such as the forthcoming conference of Asian studies to be held 
in Boston in the first week of April, where I shall present a paper on 
the problem of employment in Japan. 

I have also agreed to participate in the student conference of Colum- 
bia University student council, also in the first week of April. When 
I am invited by university communities to give lectures on my own 
special subject, so far as my time permits, I accept invitations and 
give such lectures. 

Mr. Morris. Now is there anything else. Senators, about the present 
activities that you would like to know ? 

Senator Johnston. Any questions ? 

Senator Jenner. No questions. 

Mr. Morris. Where were you born, Mr. Tsuru ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I was actually born in Tokyo, Japan. However, tech- 
nically, I was born in Usa — that happens to be the same as USA — 
Oita prefecture in Japan. 

If you would like me to, I shall explain the difference between actual 
and technical ? 

Mr. Morris. I do not think it is necessary in this case. 

Will you tell us briefly what your education was in Japan ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I had the normal experience as a Japanese student, to 
go through grade school, what we used to call middle school, and 
higher school. Middle school usually takes 5 years, but I finished it 
in 4 years, and entered tlie Eighth Higher School of Nagoya, in 1929. 
However, I did not finish the Eighth Higher School. I left Japan 
in 1931 and came to this country for study. 

Mr. Morris. I see. What year were you born, Mr. Tsuru ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I am sorry, 1912. 

Mr. Morris. And you came to the United States for the first time 
when? 

Mr. Tsuru. September 1931. 

Mr. Morris. And how long did you stay at that particular time ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I entered Lawrence College, Appleton, Wis., as a fresh- 
man, stayed there for 2 years, and transferred myself to Harvard 
College in the fall of 1933 as a provisional junior and returned to 
Japan for a temporary stay in tlie summer of 1934. I came back to 
the United States again in September 1934. Would you like me to 
continue ? 

Mr. Morris. I think that is satisfactory at this point. 

In other words, you would make intermittent trips back to Japan ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I did make a number of trips back to Japan, for each 
one of which I had a special purpose. 

Mr. Morris. Now what university did you attend in the United 
States? 

Mr. Tsuru. As I mentioned, I was at Lawrence College, Appleton, 
as a freshman and sophomore, and then Harvard University where I 
got my bachelor's degree, master's degree, and doctor of philosophy. 



SCOPE OP SOVIET ACTIVITY EST IHE UNITED STATES 3689 

Mr. Glover. Could he amplify an earlier answer ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes. 

Mr. TsuRU. I mentioned about my returning to Japan intermittent- 
ly, and each time I had a special purpose. I did not amplify it, but 
I should like to say the occasions and purposes of my return were 
such as my mother's death, marriage 

Mr. Morris. AVho did you marry, Mr. Tsuru ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Miss Masako Wada. 

Mr. Morris. She is the niece, is she not, of the Lord Keeper of the 
Privy Seal? 

Mr. Tsuru. The former Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, Koichi, 
K-o-i-c-h-i, I believe — K-i-d-o, 

Mr. Morris. Now when were you at Harvard University ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I was at Harvard University from September 1933 to 
June 1942. 

Mr. Morris. And what did you do during that period ? 

Mr. Tsuru. At first I was a college student, junior and senior, and 
then became a graduate student in economics, I received my masters- 
degree in 1936, and then I had some research assistant's jobs, odds and 
ends, and in a subsequent period worked for my doctor of philosophy, 
which I got in 1940. However, I remained at Harvard University 
until June 1942. 

Mr. Morris. And then in June 1942 what did you do ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Previously Mrs. Tsuru and I had applied for repatria- 
tion. However, we were told, I believe by the State Department, that 
since we were living unmolested in the United States, we shall be on 
the low priority list so far as repatriation is concerned. Thus we 
were reconciled to the idea of staying on in this country for further 
years, but suddenly, I believe it was June 2, if I remember correctly, 
we received a telegram from the State Department that we shall be 
repatriates by the first boat for repatriation, Gripsholm, and we were 
to report ourselves at Ellis Island, I believe, by June 7. 

So we did so, and we were repatriated by the Gripshohn. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Chairman and Senator Jenner, the purpose 
of this hearing today is to ask Mr. Tsuru to identify for the public 
record, which he has already done in executive session, portions of his 
papers and books which he left behind at the time of his repatria- 
tion in 1942, about which he has just told us. 

I would like to offer for the record the following documents : 

A letter dated August 31, 1936, signed by Tsuru — who gave as his 
address : "At present : Madison but please answer care of the Interna- 
tional House, 1414 E. 59th Street, Chicago, Illinois" with the saluta- 
tion : "Dear Bill" and, in parentheses, "W. T. Parry." 

Mr. Glover. Mr. Morris, as each one of these comes up, we would 
like to check it over. 

Mr. Morris. Maybe, while I am putting these in the public record 
now, we will get back to them together. 

Mr. Glover. We may want to object to some of them going into the 
record. 

Mr. Morris. You have acknowledged they are his documents. 

Senator Jenner. He acknowledged they are his documents. He ex- 
amined them and said he recalls them. 



3690 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. TsuRU. Excuse me, I said in executive session, when this group 
of records was presented to me for the first time, I skimmed through 
very quickly, and I felt they either belonged to me, or were written 
by me. 

Mr. Glover. But I think, now they are going into the record, that 
we should have a change to 

Mr. TsuRU. I should like to make certain. 

Mr. Morris. Wliy don't you read it aloud, this first one we are 
talking about, Mr. Tsuru ? Will you do that for us ? 

Senator Johnston. Read it, then. 

Mr. Morris. And then you can tell us if it is not yours. 

Mr. Glover. Now, we have had a chance to look at this one. 

Mr. TsuRU. The first one, I think, was written by me. 

Senator Johnston. You think ? You know your own handwriting, 
don't you ? 

Mr. Morris. It is typed. 

I wonder if you would read it aloud? Senator Johnston, unlike 
Senator Jenner, has not read this one. Would you read it aloud 
for us ? 

Mr. Tsuru. You know, I have been speaking from this morning — 
I may get tired. If you order me to, I shall be willing to read it. 
But for one thing, my pronunciation may not be quite correct. Since 
I have already admitted it is mine, could not one of your 

Mr. Morris. Senator, in order to relieve Mr. Tsuru, maybe Mr. 
Mandel, our research director, could read the first letter for us. 

Senator Johnston. Mr. Mandel, will you read the letter? 

Mr. JSIandel (reading) : 

At present : Madison 

But please answer care of The International House, 1414 E. 59tli Street, 

Chicago, 111. 

August 31, 1936. 

Dear Bill 

Mr, Morris. You knew Mr, Parry at this time ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Yes ; I did know Mr. Parry then. 

Mr. Morris. Who was Mr. Parry at that time ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I believe Mr. Parry was an instructor of philosophy 
at Harvard University. 

Mr, Morris, And you knew him at the time ? 

Mr, Tsuru. Yes ; I did know him at the time. 

Mr. Morris. And what was the nature of your association with 
him? 

Mr. Tsuru. I cannot be exact because I do not remember exactly, 
but most likely from around 1934 to around 1940 or so. 

Senator Johnston. That is after you finished your bachelor of arts 
degree ? 

Mr, Tsuru. I finished my bachelor of arts degree in 1935. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know him well ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I knew him well enough to call him by the first name, 

Mr, Morris, But your association was not what you would call an 
intimate association ? 

Mr, Tsuru, I would not call it a very intimate association, 

Mr, Morris. Mr. Chairman, for the record, I would like to identify 
Mr. Parry. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE "UNITED STATES 3691 

Mr. Parry is Mr. William T. Parry, who was identified before the 
House Un-American Activities Committee by Richard G. Davis, a 
colle<?e professor who had been a Conmiunist in the past and testified 
as to the makeup of certain Communist cells in the area of Boston. 

One of the persons he identified as a Communist on the Harvard 
faculty was William T. Parry. 

When Mr. Parry was called before the House Un-American Activ- 
ities Committee, he refused to answer, claiming privilege under the 
fifth amendment, as to whether or not he had been a member of the 
Communist Party. 

The date of that testimony, Senator, was May 19, 1953. 

Senator Johnston. Proceed. 

Mr. Mandel (reading) : 

Thus far I have not reported to you anything concerning the matter of the 
Association of Marxian Studies, mainly because the entire matter in this district 
has been only in the formative stage both with respect to its theory and practice. 
It still is. For a definite reason, however, I feel it necessary to report immedi- 
ately the major problems which have arisen here in connection with the matter 
of organizing the association. 

First, I shall try to formulate my understanding of the nature of the educa- 
tional activities centered around the magazine. The publication of the maga- 
zine itself, without the association or study groups around it, has its educational 
•significance. 

Mr. Morris. Excuse me, Mr. Mandel. 

What magazine are you talking about there, Mr. Tsuru ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I believe science and society. 

Mr. Morris. I see. What was your connection with Science and 
Society ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I think it was also around 1936, this Mr. Parry ap- 
proached me, asking me if I would not cooperate in the publication 
of this magazine, Science and Society, since they did not have suffi- 
ciently good men in the field of economics, and 1 was known to him, 
I believe, as a student of economics who knew Karl Marx — I do 
not mean I knew Karl Marx myself, but Marx's writings. 

And he approached me if I would not cooperate, so I told him "I 
shall be willing to do so, if it is not to be as a member of the editorial 
board or such things, but simply to give advices on articles which 
appear, or the kind of things which might be proposed for publica- 
tion, that is, the kind of subjects which might be dealt with in this 
type of magazine." 

I agreed to do so. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you ever write for the magazine ? 

Mr, Tsuru. Not that I recall, but I may have written one book 
review. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Did you use your own name or did you use an- 
other name ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I used the name of Alfred Z. Lowe. 

Mr. Morris. What is the meaning of Alfred Z. Lowe, what is the 
significance of that name ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Well, if you write AZL in capital letters, those of the 
members of the committee who know the Japanese characters would 
be able to tell those three letters in capital letters look very much like 
Japanese characters Bon, in phonetics, TO, and the Japanese char- 
acter Jin. 



3692 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Bon-To-Jin used to be my pen name from my early school days. 

Mr. Morris. Would you tell us what that is for the record — spell 
that for the record ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Bon-To-Jin, B-o-n — T-o — J-i-n, a pen name which I 
started using in my high-school days in Japan, and which I still con- 
tinue to use when I write in Japan for light materials. And Bon 
means common or ordinary, To means urbane or urban, and Jin means 
man. To happens to be the first character of my name and Jin 
happens to be the last character of my name in Japanese. 

Mr. Morris. Now Mr. Lowe was not your Communist Party alias, 
was it ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Oh, no. I am sorry, I have never been a member of th** 
Communist Party, nor am I. 

Mr. Morris. Well, Mr. Tsuru, had you not been a member of the 
Young Communist League in Japan prior to your coming to the 
United States? 

Mr. Tsuru. No; I was never a member of the Young Communist 
League in Japan. I think Japanese authorities will verify that for me 
if necessary. 

Mr. INIoRRis. Well did you organize the Anti-Imperialism League ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I was a member of the Anti-Imperialism League when 
I w^as in 

Mr. Morris. What is the Anti-Imperialism League? That was a 
form of the Communist organization in Japan, was it not? 

Mr. Tsuru. Well, one is free to interpret that if you like. I personal- 
ly do not think so ; 1929 and 1930, when I was a member of this Anti- 
Imperialism League in Japan, was the period when Japan was about to 
start the invasion of Manchuria. And we younger students wanted to 
oppose that invasion, and we voluntarily organized what we called the 
Anti-Imperialism League. When I say "we", actually I was not the 
first one to do so, but I came in right after it was organized in my 
school. The main purpose was to oppose the Government policy as 
regards China. 

Mr. Morris. Well now, you were arrested in connection with this 
activity, were you not ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I was arrested in December 1930 in connection with this 
activity but released without indictment after about 2 months and 
a half. 

Mr. Morris. Now were you also associated with the International 
Communist Belief Corps, which is a part of the overall MOPR — 
Soviet Relief Organization ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I do not believe I was. 

Mr. Morris. Did you have any dealings with that organization at 
all? 

Mr. TsuRiT. I do not think I ever did. 

Mr. Morris. How about the Senki ? Senki, which translated means 
warfly, which is a national organization of the Japanese Communist 
Party. Were you ever associated with that in any way? 

Mr. Tsuru. Senki ? 

Mr. Morris. Senki. 

Mr. Tsuru. Oh, Senki. It is pronounced Senki. I was never as- 
sociated with that magazine, although I read some numbers of that 
magazine. 

Mr. Morris. But you did not write for it ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3693 

Mr. TsuRU. I never wrote one, wrote any, article or review or any- 
thing for that magazine. 

Mr. Morris. All right. Now in connection with your activity at 
Harvard, did you join the Communist Party while you were at Har- 
vard? 

Mr. TsuRU. I never joined the Communist Party anywhere in the 
world. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

The reason I asked. Senator, if you come to know these documents, 
some of these paj)ers are obviously the detailed arrangements that are 
being made by a group of people to further the work of the Commu- 
nist Party in the United States. I think, Senator, as we go through 
these particular documents, that will become apparent. 

Mr. Glover. Mr. Morris, I think Mr. Tsuru may want to respond 
to your characterization of these letters. 

Mr. Morris. Even before we finish the reading ? 

Mr. TsuRU. You have already characterized the letter in a certain 
way. So since it is the letter I wrote, if I may, I should like to 

Mr. Morris. Why don't we wait until the Senator hears it, and then 
you may say anything you like about it ? 

Senator Johnston. Proceed with the reading of the letter. 

Mr. Mandel (reading) : 

The prospectus is sufl3ciently clear in this regard. It is as regards the aspect 
in the use of the magazine as an active propaganda weapon that I should like 
to develop further. We have already various forms of organization for the edu- 
cational purposes, for example the Worker's School. 

Mr. Morris. Now when you say "We have already various forms 
of organization for the educational purposes, such as the Worker's 
School," what do you mean by "We have," Mr. Tsuru ? 

Mr. Tsuru. May I amplify my answer, first, by giving the back- 
ground of this letter so that I can explain what I meant by "we"? 

Besides attending Lawrence College and Harvard University, I 
also attended, I think on three different occasions, summer sessions of 
the University of Wisconsin, Madison. I also attended, not regular 
sessions but occasional lectures, at the University of Chicago, and I 
came to know a number of people in Madison and Chicago around 
1934 to 1937-38, I believe. And at the time, of course, Japan was 
preparing its China war, I was very critical of the Japanese Govern- 
ment policy as regards China, and I was very eager in my own personal 
way to bring about a situation which would stop Japan's invasion 
of China. 

I had no organizational relations with any political parties, or po- 
litical organizations, but I came to know a large number of people 
who expressed the same opinion as I did as regards Japan's policy on 
China. Among them I believe there were a number of Communists, 
although I never attempted to identify them. It was not necessary 
for me to do so for the intellectual purpose I had in mind. 

So among the people I knew in Madison, Chicago, and Cambridge, 
there were a large number of people who had, let us say in general, 
leftist tendencies. And in association with them, and in connection 
with the publication of Science and Society, when I traveled, I saw 
them and discussed the question of the use of the magazine Science 
^nd Society. 



3694 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

So in a personal, informal letter like this, I miglit have said "we" 
without in any way trying to say that "we, some organization." 

Senator Jenner. Who were some of these Communists then that you 
referred to as "we" ? Name them. 

Mr. TsuRU. Well, I want— pardon me, I was not referring to Com- 
munists when I said "we." 

Senator Jenner. Well, left wingers? 

Mr. TsuRU. People whom I knew. 

Senator Jenner. You called them left wingers. Communists. "V^^io 
are they ? Name them ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I was presented with this letter just this morning, and 
I shall try my best 

Senator Jenner. You have had the letter, you have studied the 
letter. Now you are making explanations about what you meant by 
"we", and we want to know who "we" is. 

Mr. TsuRU. Actually, I may have written some names in one of the 
letters, you know 

Senator Jenner. Let's talk about this letter, now. 

You were trying to explain what the "we" meant in that letter, let's 
talk about this letter. 

Mr. TsuRTT. Well, since you asked the names, in order to enable me 
to recollect best, if I can look through the letters and refresh my mem- 
ory about the names, I may be able to answer this question better, I 
think. 

Mr. MoRRTs. You mean you cannot recall for the Senator now who 
the people you refer to as Communists a short time ago are ? 

Senator Jenner, In Wisconsin and in Chicago and at Harvard? 
You cannot recall a single name ? 

Mr. TsuRTJ. Pardon me. At Harvard — let me start at Harvard, 
shall I? 

Senator Jenner. Well we were out in Wisconsin and Chicago, I 
thought. 

Mr. TsTJRTJ. You see, my association was not very close to the people 
there, and the names have dropped out of my mind a long time ago. 
Now, if I can refresh my memory by going through all these letters, 
then it may come to m.y mind. That is why I suggested it. 

Senator Jenner. You will have a chance. 

Go on and read the letter. 

Mr. Morris. May I ask a question? 

You see. Mr. Tsuru, you said this "we" was used in a very loose 
sense, but I think that very sentence we are talking about here says 
"We have already various forms of organization" with the word 
"organization" underlined, "for the educational purposes, such as 
the Workers School." 

Senator Jenner. And the Workers School is the Communist school 
in Boston ? 

Mr. Morris. And it was right in Communist Party headquarters, 
was it not? 

Senator Jenner. Does that refresh your memory ? 

Mr. Morris. 1919 Washington Street, Boston. 

Senator Jenner. Does that refresh your memory as to who "we" 
was? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3695 

Mr. TsuRU. I was writing from Madison. I do not know what 
Workers School I refer to. I may have referred to the Workers School 
in Boston. 

Senator Jenner. You did, the Workers School. 

Mr. TsuRU. I may have referred to the Workers School in Chicago. 
I do not know whether a Workers School existed in Chicago. 

Senator Jenner. It was also a Commmiist school in Chicago, 
wasn't it ? 

Mr. TsuRTj. Well, Senator, if I may 

Senator Jenner. You are a well educated man, don't try to banter 
this committee around, just tell us the truth. 

Mr. TsuRU. I am not going to avoid any questions. I am trying my 
best to reconstruct the circumstances which made me write these letters, 
and trying to explain. 

As I said earlier, I was opposed to the Japanese invasion of China, 
and probably I deliberately sought for people who were opposed to 
the same and also, and I had a share of youthful adventure, and I am 
sure I overstepped the limits of propriety in my association. 

I do not deny it. However, I was confident in my own mind what I 
believed in, and I thought I could cope with — probably I was over- 
confident — I thought I could face anyone and resist any temptation of 
being led into something. So I was ready to talk with Communists, 
ready to talk with Fascists, ready to talk with anyone. 

So, my association, you might say, was generally free, so I came 
in contact with these people also. But those whose friendship I 
cherished best, I do remember — even though a long time ago — their 
names and so on. A large number of people I came into contact with 
while I was in this country last time, and in certain moments of 
stresses, I may have clone something which, in my own deep reflection, 
I should not have done. And I regret it if I find any of these mistakes. 

The very fact I have left these letters back in my apartment, with- 
out even taking carie of them, is, I think, an indication that my records 
were open for anyone to see. 

I was willing to answer the questions 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Tsuru, you sent someone back to retrieve the let- 
ters, didn't you ? 

Mr. TsuRU. No ; I did not. Would you like me to explain the cir- 
cumstances of my 

Senator Jenner. Mr. Chairman, don't you think we ought to get this 
one letter in the record so we will have some idea of what we are 
driving at, and then we can take this up ? 

Senator Johnston. Yes ; let's go ahead with the letter. 

Mr. IVIandel (reading) : 

The existing forms are adapted mainly for the members of the working class 
and the lower middle class or for the members of the party and YOL — 

that means Young Communist League — 
Senator Jenner. What party were you referring to there ? 
Mr. TsnRu. I believe this reference is to the Communist Party. 
Senator Jenner. For the party. All right, go ahead. 
Mr. Mandel (continuing reading letter) : 

for the fairly large group of professionals and the majority of the middle class, 
however, we either have not developed an effective organization or have tried 
to develop one without success. 



3696 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. There, again, you use the word "we," do you not, Mr. 
Tsuru? 

Mr. Tsuru. Well, you keep on pressing me on that. 

Mr. Morris. Here you are talkmg about "we" you are using the ex- 
pression "we," Mr. Tsuru, and you are talking about "we" have need 
of a certain organization. 

Senator Jenner. The party, the party has the need for it. 

Mr. Tsuru. Mr. Chairman, may I respond to this question? 

Senator Johnston. Proceed. 

Mr. Tsuru. If you are trying to establish the fact that I was a 
member of the Communist Party or the YCL, as I am under oath, I 
can truthfully say I never was. But if you are trying to establish the 
fact that I had associations with persons who were known to me as 
either members of the Communist Party, or at least pretty close to 
the Communist Party, then I think I did associate with such people. 

Senator Jenner. Name some of them. 

Senator Johnston. Didn't you go just a step further than that? 
You aided them and advised them how to organize and go forward. 
Didn't you also do that ? 

Mr. Morris. I call your attention, Senator, to the fact the word 
"organization" in that 1 paragraph is underscored 3 times. 

Mr. Tsuru. As I said earlier, under the circumstances of the 1930's, 
I may have gone beyond the limits of what I considered to be my 
proper action. I was quite young, sort of adventurous, so I can well 
imagine myself in making such mistakes. But I was never a member 
of the Communist Party. 

I have become increasingly critical of Marxism, let alone the Com- 
munist political policies, and such critical attitudes of mine are a matter 
of public records in Japan. 

Mr. Morris. On that point, Mr. Tsuru, may I just mention here: 
You know the book the Theory of Capitalist Development by Paul 
M. Sweezy ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Yes; I do. 

Mr. Morris. You wrote part of that book ; did you not ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I did write an appendix to that book. 

Mr. Morris. That has just been republished, has it not, by the 
Monthly Review Press here in the United States ? 

Mr. Tsuru. So I understand ; yes. 

Mr. Morris. And hasn't Maurice Dobb, the famous economist in 
England, just written a very favorable review of that book? 

Mr. Tsuru. I have not read any book review by Mr. Dobb recently. 

Mr. Morris. I read here from this book for which you have written 
an appendix : 

This is the first comprehensive study of Marxian political economy in English. 
Out of print for several years, it is reprinted because of increasing demand. It 
should lead to better understanding of an enormously influential current of 
social thought which has often suffered from ignorant and superficial treat- 
ment. 

I also might point out, in the accompanying circular there is a 
book recommended by Solomon Adler. 

Mr. Tsuru. May I comment on this point ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes, Mr. Tsuru. 

Mr. Tsuru. The appendix I wrote for Mr. Sweezy's book I be- 
lieve is called On Reproduction Schemes. It is a comparison of re- 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3697 

production schemes of three economists : One is Quesnay, another is 
Karl Marx, and another is John M. Keynes. And it is extremely, as 
I consider it, a technical treatment of the manner in which three 
economists in the past have dealt with the question of social flow of 
commodities in a simplified form, 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, will you continue reading the letter, 
please ? 

Mr. Mandel (reading) : 

It seems to me that the main cause of this failure lies in the fact that the group 
in question generally abhors organization and that we did not accommodate our 
policy to that characteristic. Tied up with their abhorrence to organization is the 
fact that most of them have very specific organization is the fact that most of them 
have very specific interest, especially in the case of professional groups. Engi- 
neers are first of all interested in engineering. Social case workers are interested 
more in psychiatry than in dialectic materialism in general. Now, to meet this 
special circumstance, the flexible form of study groups, in my opinion, is a most 
appropriate answer. These study groups shall originate, needless to say through 
our initiative, along the most natural and easy tie of association. For instance, 
the Korb's group in Cambridge arose among those who were dissatisfied in the 
Marx seminale. Lunning's group arose among the members of the law school. A 
group may originate through the fact of professional homogeneity, like in the 
case of social caseworkers. A group may originate through the preexisting 
social ties. A study group on Plato may turn into a study group on Marx, as 
has been done this summer in Madison. In short, study groups will avoid the 
formal aspect of organization as much as possible and make use of the special 
interests which professional groups possess. The Association of Marxian 
Studies can come only after this. It will turn out to be harmful or ineffective 
if we organize the association too prematurely in any particular locality. In 
either case, the magazine serves as a weapon for promoting, as well as in con- 
ducting and developing, such study groups. 

No less important than the foregoing point, however, is the necessity of leading 
ordinary members of these study groups into a more mature form of organization 
or of activities. To be a member of a study group may be a step toward enrolling 
the worker's school ; it may be a step toward joining the American League Against 
War and Fascism ; it may be a step toward becoming a member of TCL or of the 
party. It is absolutely necessary to keep a study group from becoming a self- 
perpetuating, stagnant cloister for the few. 

As to the relation between the educational activities centered around the 
magazine and those of the worker's schools, I do not think there is any conflict 
or duplication. The former apply to those groups which usually cannot be 
reached by the worker's school on account of their abhorrence to organization 
or of their too speciflc an interest. 

Now, as to what has been done i/n Madison and Chicago. In Madison, the 
practical step has been already taken, although the major portion of it will 
not be effected until the university opens in September. At present, there are 
three study groups going. Two among members of the Farm Labor Progressive 
Federation, one using Corey's The Decline of American Capitalism, aind the other 
Engels' Anti-Duhring. The first group consists mainly of clerical workers. The 
third group is among students of the university ; it has been carried on during the 
summer session in the form similar to that of the group on dialectic materialism 
in Cambridge. The teacher's unit appointed a special committee headed by the 
agent for the magazine to outline concrete avenues of approach in the educa- 
tional activities centered around the magazine. The report has been submitted 
and the discussion on it is going on. In Chicago the practical step has not yet 
been taken. There the question of cooperation with the worker's school has to 
be settled. In fact, a member of its staff, I am informed, has expressed in his 
casual talk a sense of alarm at the possibility of duplication. I think that suc"h 
an alarm is largely based upon the misunderstanding of the nature of study 
groups which the association is to organize. Miss Constance Kyle, who probably 
will act as the main agent for the magazine in the Chicago district, tells me 
that there are many possibilities of study groups among those people whom the 
school will not be able to reach effectively. The association will not go beyond 
filling such a gap. On this matter, I shall try to discuss with the staff of the 



3698 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

school when I go to Chicago in a few days, and shall report to you on the result. 
But meanwhile, I think it will help a great deal toward clarifyi-ng the matter here 
if you let me know as soon as possible your reaction to my report above. In 
the matter of the association, as well as in that of the magazine, I have constantly 
asked for suggestions of K. H. Niebyl. 
In order to facilitate 

Senator Johnston. Wait a minute. Who was Niebyl ? 

Mr. TsuRTJ. Mr. Niebyl was an economist whom I met for the first 
time, I think, in the summer of 1933 in Madison, Wis. He was stucl}^- 
in^ economics at the University of Wisconsin at the time. 

IMr. INIoRRis. Did you know him to be a Communist ? 

Mr. TsTjRU. I had suspicion that he was pretty close to — I knew 
he had come from Germany after Hitler's coming into power, so 
anyone who has been sort of ousted, or came out of Germany under 
Hitler, I interpreted it to be sort of leftish. And from conversations, 
I gathered that he was pretty close to the Communist activities. 

Mr. Morris. To answer your question. Senator Johnston, Karl H. 
Niebyl is a director of economics section and publication sections of 
the Editor Review and Forecast ; has a Doctor of Philosophy degree 
from the University of Wisconsin; INIaster of Arts degree from the 
University of Frankfurt; was a fellow in economics. University of 
Wisconsin ; has also done graduate studies at the University of London, 
London School of Economics, and the University of Paris, University 
of Frankfurt, and University of Berlin. He became assistant pro- 
fessor of economics in Carleton College, and later on he became the 
economic adviser on monetary and fiscal policies for the Advisory 
Commission to the Council on National Defense. He is an associate 
professor of economics and chairman of the graduate department of 
economics at Tulane University, where we presume he now is, Senator. 
I do not know exactly. And his name appears in the Abraham Lincoln 
School catalog in the fall of 1943, whence this information I have 
just read is taken. 

Senator Johnston. Fine. Proceed. 

Mr. Mandel (reading further) : 

In order to facilitate the task of the agent in Chicago in coordinating the 
campaign in the adjoining districts, I should like you to send us immediately 
the list of names and addresses of those persons in the Middle West district 
whom you have already contacted. Especially persons connected with the 
universities. 

All the subscribers around here are eagerly looking forward to the appearance 
of the magazine. I hope that the first issue will be published in October as has 
been promised, and not in November or December ! 

Signed "Sincerely, Tsuru." 

Mr. Morris. Now, Senator, I think the answer from Mr, Parry 
to Mr. Tsuru to that letter is important, particularly because of this 
paragraph. I would like this to be offered with that first letter, 
Senator, because the two are together. 

If I may read this one paragraph ? 

Senator Johnston. Proceed. 

Mr. Morris (reading) : 

On the matter of the study groups discussed in your last letter especially 
Mr. Glover. Mr. Morris, could you tell us which one- 



Mr. Morris. This is the answer of September 6. This is the letter 
that is probably appended to the first one. [Reading :] 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3699 

On the matter of the study groups cUscaissed in your last letter especially: 
I do not see how there can be any doubt that such study groups are a very desir- 
able thing. Unquestionably they can bring in many people who would not go 
to the workers school. They do not conflict with the workers school. It is the 
duty of the more advanced members of the groups to dravr the others closer to 
the\-evolutionary movement by involving them in activities, as you suggest; 
If anyone raises any objection to these study groups 

Seiicator Johnston. Wait a minute. What do you mean by "revo- 
lutionary movement" ? _ 

Mr. TsuEU. This is not my writing. 

Senator Jennek. This is in reply. 

Senator Johnston. It is an answer to you, though. He is talking 
to you about the matter, and he expects you to understand what it 
means. 

Mr. TsuRU. I do not think I mentioned about revolution m my 

letter. 

Senator Johnston. I know you did not, but he is writing back to 

you. 

Mr. jMorris. xlnd attributing it to you. 

Mr. TsuRU. Well, if it is iii^ answer to my letter, you see, he is at- 
tributing something which I did not mention. 

Senator Johnston. I know, but how do you answer that ? 

Mr. TsuRU. He is attributing more than 

Senator Johnston. That shows what he is thinking about the 
letter which you wrote to him. 

Mr. TsuRU. I cannot conjecture about his own mind. 

Senator Johnston, ^^liat is that ? 

Mr. TsuRU, I cannot conjecture as to Mr. Parry's 

Senator Johnston. I do not think there is much conjecture in 
there. I think he realizes what he is talking to you about, and I think 
you realize what he is talking about, too. 

Mr. TsuRU. I think my intention at the time, if you would like me 
to answer as fully as I can, was to make Science and Society a success 
as a magazine. And once I set my mind to doing so, I did it as 

Senator Johnston. Success for whom ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Success — well, from my own point of view, I think I 
have already said it before, but, I was very much interested in up- 
setting the Japanese program of invasion in China, and I was quite 
adA^enturous in that respect. 

If you ask me about the positions I did take in those days, or earlier, 
some of these letters which I just left back, it is very_ difficult for me 
to justify now because I entirely take a different position at present. 
And at present, you see, my views on these matters are so different 
that it is really painful for me. I know it is a duty for me to answer 
your questions but it is painful for me to try to develop all the ramifi- 
cations of those excesses which I committed. 

If you ask my present views, then it is much easier for me. And 
especially, Mr. Parry says, "revolutionary movement"; I did not say 
it. What I was trying to do, I think, in this exchange of letters with 
Mr. Parry was to make Science and Society a success. That was — I 
think that must have been, my intention in writing such letters. 

Mr. Morris. When you refer in your article, of January 1954, as 
to the "stealthy footsteps of America," what do you mean by that? 
You took a position, Mr. Tsuru, did you not, opposing the position 

93215— 57— pt. 57 2 



3700 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

of the United States in implementing the United Nations Resolution 
on Genocide and criticizing the Anglo-Americans for deliberately dis- 
torting the not unreasonable reply of November 1954 of the Soviet 
Union. 

Do you remember that article ? 

Mr. Glover. Do you have a copy of it, Mr. Morris ? 

Mr. Morris. Not with me. I will have it for you tomorrow. 

Mr. TsuRU. I think I do remember it. 

May I answer that question ? 

Senator Johnston. Surely. 

Mr. TsuRu. I think Mr. Morris has referred to two aspects of the 
article. One was the question of genocide ; the other was a question 
of the failure of the United States and United Kingdom Government 
to reply to the Soviet note of November 1954 — failed to reply 
promptly. 

Now, as to the question of genocide, we are very much concerned 
about that question in Japan. The Japanese Army itself has been 
suspected of trying to develop the genocide weapon during the Second 
World War, and I have no authentic proof, but I have a suspicion 
that at least they tried to do so. 

So, when various indications arose as to the use of genocide 
weapons — I am sorry, the genocide weapon is the weapon which kills 
a large number of people 

Mr. Morris. The genocide resolution is, of course, the resolution to 
the eliminating of a whole nation. 

Mr. TsuRU. May I retract what I said ? I was under a misunder- 
standing. 

Mr. Morris. Perhaps you would like to let your answer go until 
you see the article fully. Mr. Tsuru.^ 

Mr. TsuRU. I think I can recall, however, because I think I can guess 
what you are trying to make me answer. 

I have been known as an anti-American in Japan in the postwar. 
Because I think I have expressed my views publicly as regards a num- 
ber of problems to which America has been closely connected. 

One is the question of experimental explosion of nuclear weapons; 
the other the question of the political restrictions on Japan's trade 
with mainland China. Another is the question of the United States 
foreign policy as a whole. 

Mr. Morris. Mainland China being what we know as Red China ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I use the words "mainland China" because the United 
Nations use that expression in referring to the Continent of China. 

And another one is with respect to the question of so-called strings 
attached to the American aid. 

On these number of questions I have expressed my views in public, 
and the passage which Mr. Morris read refers to, I believe 

Senator Johnston. When you say "strings attached to foreign aid" 
what do you mean there ? 

Mr. TsuRU. You would like 

Senator Johnston. I would like to know just what you mean. 

]\Ir. TsuRU. I criticized that aspect especially in connection with 
what we call mutual security agreement between Japan and the 



1 Following the hearing Mr. Tsuru furnished the subcommittee with a copy of the article 
which was placed in the files. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3701 

United States. We received aid of wheat in the first instance from the 
United States under the mutual security agreement. Subsequently, 
such aid of wheat shipment was formalized in the form of surplus agri- 
cultural disposal, and which I think the Japanese Government nego- 
tiated already about three times. 

The mechanism of the aid is to ship, let us say, American wheat or 
cotton to Japan, sell these products to the Japanese against Japanese 
local currency, and this local currency is accumulated as a counterpart 
fund, and this counterpart fund is used to fill various purposes for the 
development of Japan. 

Now the part I objected to most was the degree of control which 
America seems to have insisted on on the disposal of the counterpart 
funds. I felt, if it was to be an aid f i-om the United States, and it was 
called an aid, I felt it would be best for the mutual relations between 
the United States and Japan if the disposal of the counterpart fund 
was entirely left in the hands of the Japanese Government, whereas, 
the use of the counterpart fund, to a greater degree, was controlled by 
the United States, especially in the direction at first of expanding 
Japanese armaments. 

I hold the view, even now, that Japan should not arm too fast, and 
I had various indications that the United States Government was 
pressing the Japanese Government to arm beyond what I would con- 
sider the proper limit at the present time, especially in view of the 
fact we have the article IX in our Constitution which clearly states 
that we renounce war and have no armaments, either of land, sea, or 
air, in the future. 

So I called such a degree of controls over surplus disposal counter- 
part funds as "strings" attached." 

Senator Jenner. Counterpart fund, though, is a fund owned by 
the United States Government, isn't it? They belong to us, why 
should you have the say about spending our money ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Excuse me. Senator. According to the agricultural 
surplus disposal negotiations, I believe the counterpart fund is re- 
garded as a loan by the United States Government to the Japanese 
Government. It is a loan, a loan repayable either in yen or dollars. 
If it is to be repaid in dollars, then the rate of interest is lower than 
if we repaid in yen. But it is a loan. 

Senator Jenner. INIr. Chairman, I would like to ask this witness a 
question. He says he is going to be on the Voice of America program 
right away. 

Have you prepared your manuscript yet for the Voice of America ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I have not — the suggestion came to me, I believe, before 
I received a subpena from your committee. I agreed to do so, and 
the date was set for April 18. So I thought it was a very good oppor- 
tunity for me to express my 

Senator Jenner. Anti -American views ? 

Mr. TsuRU. No, sir. 

Senator Jenner. Well you said you were known as an anti- 
American. 

Mr. TsuRU. I said I was known, but I was trying to explain what 
my position was, and I was sort of interrupted. 

Senator Jenner. I do not quite understand some of your explana- 
tions. Are you here on a United States Government grant? 

Mr.TsuRU. No, sir. 



3702 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Jenner. How are you here at Harvard University now? 

Mr. TsuRTT. Well I think I explained it at first. I am on the 
American- Japan intellectual interchange program. 

Senator Jenner. Would you tell us a little more about that ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I personally do not know the details of this program. 

Senator Jenner. Who furnishes the money ? 

Mr. TsuRU. It is operated by Columbia Universit3\ 

Senator Jenner. Columbia ? 

Mr. TsuRu. And I think it is — well, since I do not know the details 
probably I should not say so. That is the extent I needed to Imow. 
And under this program, I was to be a visiting lecturer at Harvard 
University. 

But^ Mr. Chairman, I was trying to explain earlier my position and 
I was niterrupted. I would like to finish it if I may ? 

Senator Jenner. Your position on what ? 

Senator Johnston. On what ? 

Mr. TsuRU. On what I was called or regarded as an anti- American 
in Japan, and also the question 

Senator Jenner. But you are not anti-iVmerican ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Not anti-American. You see, I have been criticized 
as being anti-American. 

Senator Johnston. Who criticized you as being anti-American ? 

Mr. TsuRu. Well I have indications — I do nof recall any definite 
printed version of this, but I have indications that I have been re- 
garded as an anti-American. But I just wanted to finish it very 
briefly, what I was trying to say 

Senator Johnston. So much so as to have nivited you into the 
Communist Party, isn't that right ? 

Mr. TsuRu. The Communist Party ? 

Senator Johnston. They never did invite you to join the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. TsuRu. Never. 

Senator Johnston. No one? No one ever discussed anything 
about that? 

Mr. TsTjRu. No one did. 

Mr. Morris, Senator, may I just finish that last sentence that I 
was reading here ? [Reading :] 

It is the duty of the more aclvanced members of the groups to draw the others 
closer to the revoutionary movement by involving them in activities, as you 
suggest. If anyone raises any objection to these study groups, see to it that his 
position is corrected, if necessary appealing to the district leadership. 

_Now isn't that advice to you to take the problem up with the dis- 
trict leadership of the Communist Party if you have any dissention 
whatever in following out your plan ? 

Mr. TsijRU. Well here again, the only way I can answer, I think, 
is I committed excesses, and I had committed mistakes in widening 
too much my association with various people, and probably I was too 
eager to make Science and Society a success at the time. But truth- 
fully, I never was a member of the Communist Party ; I never identi- 
fied anyone as a member. 

Senator Jenner. When you got a letter like that, referring to tak- 
ing it up with the district leadership, to whom did you think he was 
directing his remarks ? Was there any doubt in your mind, did you 
question him about it? l^^io was the district leadership he was re- 
ferring to in his reply to your letter ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3703 

Mr. TsTJKU. I was concerned only Avitli Science and Society, and I 
suppose I interpreted this 

Senator Jeniv^etj. Did you tell him that you were not interested in 
district leadership, you were only concerned with Science and Society? 
Did you tell this gentleman that ? 

Mr. TsuKTJ. No. 

Senator Jennt:r. No ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Excuse me, may I answer it ? 

Senator Jenner. Yes. 

Mr. TsTTRu. I was interested in Science and Society, mainly, so 
probably I interpreted the sentence to mean so far as Science and 
Society is concerned. 

Senator Jexner. Did the Science and Society have a district 
leadership ? 

Mr. TsuRu. No, it did not, sir. "Well, we had a number of people 
who were interested in developing this magazine, Science and Society, 
in different districts. 

Senator Jexner. Yes. a journal dedicated to the growth of Marxism 
scholarship. Isn't that the purpose of Science and Society, a journal 
dedicated to the growth of Marxian scholarship ? 

Mr. TsTJRU. I think that was the purpose of the Science and Society 
at the time. But may I say, as I understand Marxism, and as I un- 
derstand it now — Marxism, I understand it as a body of doctrines 
which contains a number of elements. I was interested mainly in the 
economic analysis part. I should say that Marx's contributions can 
be generally classified into three parts : His vision, his analysis of the 
society, and his political programs. I was mainly interested in the 
analysis of the society part, and so far as Marx's analysis of social 
development was concerned, I was a student of it. 

I did make various studies myself. I tried to test hypotheses of 
INIarx as regards the development of society, especially in terms of 
Japan. And I found some of these hypotheses applied to the case of 
Japan, especially during the period of development from feudalism 
to capitalism in the mid-19th century. As a man in the profession of 
scholarship, I wanted to keep on testing the hypotheses on various 
parts of the world. But I have taken the position, even then and now 
much more strongly than before, some of the hypotheses, even in this 
economic analysis part of Karl IMarx, were entirely wrong. For ex- 
ample, the thesis that the working class would become increasingly 
poor as capitalism develops. I hold the view that his diagnosis in this 
regard is entirely wrong, opposite to the fact. 

Marx says that there is a tendency toward a falling rate of profit 
under capitalism. I also question it. 

Mr. IMoRRis. You question it now, or you questioned it then ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I question it now, yes. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I think maybe Mr. Tsuru misunderstands our 
asking about these particular memorandums. We came upon these 
recently. Senator, in connection with another inquiry that is going on, 
and they reflected the intimate detailed organization of an important 
portion of the Communist Party as operating in the late 1930's and 
1940's in the United States. 

One of the persons that we have seen so far, at least went on to what 
seems to be an important Government office from there. There are 
names throughout these papers that are of great interest to us. Some 



3704 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

of these people have been, in the late 1950's, witnesses before the com- 
mittee, and apparently, were still then Communists. It details a great 
deal of information and evidence which is going to be very helpful to 
the committee. 

Now it occurred to us. Senator, that the man who wrote these letters, 
particularly later on when he talks about comrades and party fac- 
tions, that obviously such a man writing these letters must, himself, be 
right in the middle of the whole thing. 

So, we want from Mr. Tsuru, a detailed expression as to what went 
on. Perhaps his information will tell us a great deal about the present 
Communist organizations now going on. 

x\nd I think that your reference to what your present position is 
now in connection with Marx or something, is nothing, Mr. Tsuru, 
that is of interest to us. "Wliat we are interested in is the Communist 
Party as it is now operating in the United States. 

Mr. Tsuru. Now operating in the United States ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes, as reflected by these papers that you have identified 
are yours, and with the aid of which, I think you told us, you were 
going to tell who the Communists were whom you knew and worked 
with at that time. 

Mr. Glover. Mr. Morris, if I may, there is a 20-year interval between 
these letters, and now 

Mr. Morris. They were left in 1942. These letters go up to 1942. 

Mr. Glover. The ones we are looking at now are dated 1936. 

Mr. Morris. This particular one. Now, as you know, Mr. Parry 
was teaching at Harvard in 1953, and, apparently, the evidence indi- 
cated he was still a Communist. Now, Mr. Niebyl, you indicated you 
suspected was a Communist ; is that right ? 

Mr. Tsuru. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. And there is, as you will notice back here later on, a 
whole breakup of 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 study groups which you were then 
writing to Mr. Niebyl about — I do not know whether that was up in 
Cambridge — which included over 100 ]3eople. Now, perhaps you will 
tell us about all those things. 

Senator Johnston. I would like to call attention to the attorney 
that the Senate is in session and is really meeting right now. I suppose 
this might be a good place to break and come back tomorrow, and it 
will give him time to read his manuscripts here, and identify them for 
the record tomorrow. 

Mr. Morris. All right, Senator. I would like to offer for the record 
at least those two letters, the letter of Mr. Tsuru and the reply from 
Mr. Parry. I would like those to go into the record before we adjourn. 

Senator Johnston. Tliey shall become a part of the record. 

(The letters referred to were marked "Exhibit Nos. 442 and 443" 
and are as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 442 

At present : Madison 
But please answer care of The Interna- 
tional House 1414 E. 59th Street, 
Chicago, Illinois 

August 31, 1936. 
Dear Bill (W. T. Parry) : "Thus far I have not reported to you anything 
concerning the matter of the Association of Marxian Studies, mainly because the 
entire matter in this district has been only in the formative stage both with re- 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3705 

spect to its theory and practice. It still is. For a definite reason, however, I 
feel it necessary to report immediately the major problems which have arisen 
here in connection with the matter of organizing the Association. 

First, I shall try to formulate my understanding of the nature of the educa- 
tional activities centered around the magazine. The publication of the magazine 
itself, without the Association or study groups around it, has its educational signi- 
ficance. The prospectus is sufficiently clear in this regard. It is as regards 
the aspect in the use of the magazine as an active propaganda weapon that I 
should like to develop further. 

We have already various forms of organization for the educational purposes, 
e. g., the Worker's School. The existing forms are adapted mainly for the mem- 
bers of the working class and the lower middle class or for the members of the 
party and YCL. For the fairly large group of professionals and the majority 
of the middle class, however, we either have not developed an effective organiza- 
tion or have tried to develop one without success. It seems to me that the main 
cause for this failure lies in the fact that the group in question generally abhor? 
organization and that we did not accommodate our policy to that characteristic. 
Tied up with their abhorrence to organization is the fact that most of them have 
very specific interest, especially in the case of professional groups. Engineers are 
first of all interested in engineering. Social caseworkers are interested more in 
psychiatry than in dialectic materialism in general. Now, to meet this special 
circumstance, the fiexible form of study groups, in my opinion, is a most appro- 
priate answer. These study groups shall originate, needless to say, through 
our initiative, along the most natural and easy tie of association. For instance, 
the Korb's group in Cambridge arose among those who were dissatisfied in the 
Marx seminale. Lunning's group arose among the members of the Law School 
A group may originate thru the fact of professional homogeneity, like in the 
case of social caseworkers. A group may originate thru the preexisting social 
ties. A study group on Plato may turn into a study group on Marx, as has been 
done this summer in Madison. In short, study groups will avoid the formal 
aspect of organization as much as possible and make use of the special interests 
which professional groups possess. The Association of Marxian Studies can come 
only after this. It will turn out to be harmful or ineffective if we organize the 
Association too prematurely in any particular locality. In either case, the maga- 
zine serves as a weapon for promoting, as well as in conducting and developing 
such study groups. 

No less Important than the foregoing point, however, is the necessity of leading 
ordinary members of these study groups into a more mature form of organization 
or of activities. To be a member of a study group may be a step toward enrolling 
the Worker's School ; it may be a step toward joining the American League 
against War and Fascism ; it may be a step toward becoming a member of 
YCL or of the party. It is absolutely necessary to keep a study group from be- 
coming a self -perpetuating, stagnant cloister for the few. 

As to the relation between the educational activities centered around the maga- 
zine and those of the Worker's Schools, I don't think there is any conflict or dupli- 
cation. The former apply to those groups which usually cannot be reached 
by the Worker's School on account of their abhorrence to organization or of 
their too specific an interest. 

Now, as to what has been done in Madison and Chicago. In Madison, the 
practical step has been already taken, although the major portion of it will not 
be effected until the Univereity opens in September. At present, there are three 
study groups going. Two among members of the Farmer Labor Progressive 
Federation, one using Corey's The Decline of American Capitalism and the other 
Engels' Anti-DiiJiring. The first group consists mainly of clerical workers. 
The third group is among students of the University; it has been carried on 
during the summer session in the form similar to that of the group on dialectic 
materialism in Cambridge. The teacher's unit appointed a special committee 
headed by the agent for the magazine to outline concrete avenues of approach 
in the educational activities centered around the magazine. The report has been 
submitted and the discussion on it is going on. In Chicago, the practical step 
has not yet been taken. There the question of cooperation with the Worker's 
School has to be settled. In fact, a member of its staff, I am informed, has ex- 
pressed in his casual talk a sense of alarm at the possibility of duplication. I 
think that such an alarm is largely based upon the misunderstanding of the 
nature of study groups which the Association is to organize. Miss Constance 
Kyle, who probably will act as the main agent for the magazine in the Chicago 
district, tells me that there are many possibilities of study groups among those 



3706 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

people whom the School will not be able to reach effectively. The Association 
will not go beyond filling such a gap. On this matter, I shall try to discuss with 
the staff of the School when I go to Chicago iu a few days, and shall report to 
you on the result. But, meanwhile, I think it will help a great deal toward 
clarifying the matter here if you let me know as soon as possil)le your reaction 
to my report above. In the matter of the Association, as well as in that of the 
magazine, I have constantly asked for suggestions of K. H. Niebyl. 

In order to facilitate the task of the agent in Chicago in coordinating the 
campaign in the adjoining districts, I should like you to send us immcdiaiely 
the list of names and addresses of those persons in the Middle Vfest district 
whom you have already contacted, especially persons connected with universities. 

All the subscribers aroimd here are eagerly looking forward to the appear- 
ance of the magazine. I hope that the first issue will be published in October 
as has been promised, and not in November or December ! 
Sincerely, 

(TSUKU). 

Exhibit No. 443 
Science and Society: A Marxian Quabteklt 

Q^y Holyoke Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts 

Sept. 6, 1936. 

Dear Tstjru : Please do not think from the fact that we have been somewhat 
negligent about answering your letters that we do not appreciate them, and 
your numerous activities for the magazine, On the contrary, we find them to be 
very valuable. However, Kenneth and I have been out of town now and then ; 
and, with most everyone away, I have not been able to get anyone to do typing, 
etc., for me most of the time. Also, we have a last-minute rush at present, since 
the magazine is going to the printer this week. I can assure you, therefore, by 
the way, that the first issue will actually appear in October — in fact, about the 
first of October. 

On the matter of the study groups discussed in your last letter especially : 

1 do not see how there can be any doubt that such study groups are a very desir- 
able thing. Unquestionably they can bring in many people who would not go 
to the Workers School. They do not conflict with the Workers School. It is the 
duty of the more advanced members of the groups to draw the others closer to 
the revolutionary movement by involving them in activities, as you suggest. If 
anyone raises any objection to these study groups, see to it that his position is 
corrected, if necessary appealing to the district leadership. 

The organization of these study groups, I think, should be flexible, following 
natural lines as you indicate, and the Association should not be too^ formal at 
first. Such study groups and Science d Society will mutually help one another's 
development. 

We have not very many people iu the Middle West who have agreed to work 
for the magazine besides tho.se you and Niebyl know about. Miss Constance 
Kyle can count on help from Joseph Dooh (math.), also of Univ. of Illinois. 
Prof. J. F. Brown, Univ. of Kansas, Lawrence, Kan. (psych.) will help. These 

2 we know to be reliable people. Brown has given us names of psychologists, to 
whom we have sent prospectuses. (In the Midwest, he listed the following as 
"probably very sympathetic": I. Krechevsky, U. of Chicago; N. R. F. Maier, 
Univ. of Michigan ; Ross Stagner, Univ. of Akron, Akron, O. ) 

Frederick L. Ryan, Assoc. Prof, of Economics, Univ. of Oklahoma (Address : 
Faculty Exchange, Norman, Okla.), wrote us that he will help, and will try to 
start a gi'oup to support magazine. 

Mins may have some other names. But I suggest one of you write to him, 
stating a little more exactly what sort of information you need (e. g., do you 
want lists of subscribers?), and what territory is included. 

With regard to Great Britain, J. D. Bernal of U. of Cambridge (68 Walnut 
Tree Ave., Cambridge, Engl.) has agreed to be our agent. H. Levy of Univ. of 
London is also acting as a Foreign Editor. We have written to (or will write 
to) about a dozen outstanding Marxists. However, we can always use more 
contacts. But I suggest that any extensive campaign for subs, or any suggestions 
for articles, be first discussed with us, or directly with Bernal (preferably the 
former where possible) . 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3707 

Will you please make it clear to the people you communicate with who are 
serving as agents for the magazine that we prefer to have business matters (in- 
cluding subs.) sent directly to Mins, at 10 Fifth Ave., N. Y. C, and editorial 
matters left to this office. (But they may send us a single letter if they have to 
deal with both kinds.) (Book reviews may be handled thru either office.) 
Thanks for all your assistance. I shall be seeing you soon. 
Yours, 

/s/ Bill Pabey ( William T. ) . 

Mr. Glover. Is there any possibility, Mr. Chairman, since this wit- 
ness is from out of town, that we could continue this afternoon ? 

Senator Johnston. It will be impossible. Here is the trouble, we 
have a rule that we are not supposed to meet while the Senate is in 
session. I do not believe so. What do you think ? 

Senator Jenner. I would not think so. 

Senator Johnston. As for me, I just do not think it would be 
possible. 

Mr. TsuRU. If you are going to recess, may I just say a word ? 

Senator Johnston. Yes, sir, but try to be brief, because we do have 
to leave here. 

Mr. TsuRU. Yes. 

I have agreed, as I wrote to Senator Eastland by personal letter, 
that I am willing to testify, cooperate with the committee to the best 
of my ability. And I have tried to do so this morning, and I shall 
continue to do so in the future. However, I am here on the American- 
Japan intellectual interchange program, which I consider to be very 
important. 

And — I was interrupted earlier — on the Voice of America pro- 
gram, I was going to say my impressions of America, in which I was 
going to include my sense of surprise about the vigor of the economic 
development, the degree of prosperity you have. In general, I was 
going to do my best to cement and promote the interests of the cultural 
interchange between our two countries. 

Now, Iconsider my job as such, a cultural interchange man, quite 
important. So, though I shall be at your service any time you would 
like me to come, I would appreciate very much if you could also let 
me carry out some of the commitments I have under this program. 

Senator Johnson. We will try our best to finish tomorrow. 

Mr. Morris. Particularly, Mr. Tsuru, if you will look at these let- 
ters, so we can go through them all at great length. 

Senator Johnston. The committee stands adjourned until 10 : 30 
tomorrow morning. 

(Whereupon, at 12 : 30 p. m., the committee recessed to reconvene at 
10 : 30 a. m., Wednesday, March 27, 195Y.) 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



WEDNESDAY, MARCH 27, 1957 

United States Senate, 
subcommtttee to investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws, 
OF THE Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D. G. 
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10 : 45 a. m., in room 424, 
Senate Office Building, Senator Jenner, presiding. 

Also present : Eobert Morris, chief counsel ; William A. Eusher, 
associate counsel ; J. G. Sourwine, associate counsel ; Benjamin Mandel, 
director of research. 

Senator Jenner. The committee will come to order. 
Proceed with the testimony of the witness. The witness was sworn 
yesterday so this is a continuation. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Tsuru has requested an opportunity 
to read a statement here. 

Senator Jenner. You may proceed. 

]\Ir. Tsuru. IMr. Chairman, at yesterday's hearings the questions 
asked me ranged over a time span of more than 25 years, often with- 
out regard to chronology. To put matters in perspective, I would 
like to make this statement at the beginning of today's hearing. 

1. I am a Japanese citizen, and a professor of economics at 
Hitotsubashi University in Tokyo. I took my undergraduate and 
graduate training in the United States, receiving the following degrees 
from Harvard University in the years indicated (bachelor of arts, 
1935; master of arts, 1936; doctor of philosophy, 1940). In 1941, 
when war broke out, I was a research assistant in the economics 
department at Harvard. My wife and I were not interned but were 
subsequently repatriated on the Gripshohn in June, 1942. 

2. I am ciu'rently on leave of absence from Hitotsubashi University 
in order to come to this country under the American-Japanese intel- 
lectual interchange program, a privately sponsored program, to do 
economic research at Harvard, give some guest lectures, and generally 
reacquaint myself with a country which I have not seen for 15 years. 

Senator Jenner. You will furnish this committee the method by 
which you came here, who is financing it, and so forth. 
Mr. Tsuru. I will do so, sir.^ I shall continue reading. 

3. In the postwar years in Japan I served as an economist in SCAP 
(1946-47). 



1 A statement regarding the Intellectual Interchange program, which Mr. Tsuru said was 
prepared by Prof. Hugh Borton, chairman of the American committee, is printed as 
appendix I of this volume. 

3709 



3710 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Jenner. That was under General MacArthur ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Yes. When a coalition Cabinet was formed in 1947 
under Premier Katayama, I was asked to become Vice Minister of 
Economic Stabilization. In that capacity I helped to initiate measures 
to curb inflation in Japan, measures which, incidentally, were vigor- 
ously opposed by Japanese Communists. 

4. I am not "anti- American" unless that term can be extended to in- 
clude one who, as a Japanese citizen, on occasion publicly differs with 
specific United States policies, such as the test explosion of nuclear 
bombs in the Pacific, severe restrictions on trade between Japan and 
mainland China, and emphasis on Japanese rearmament. 

Senator Jenner. May I interrupt right there ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Yes, sir. 

Senator Jenner. You have made public statements, I assume, in re- 
gard to the explosion of nuclear tests by the United States Govern- 
ment. 

Mr. TsuRTj. I have written articles for publication on the opinion 
of mine regarding this question, not only the tests by the United States 
Government, but by all the governments. 

Senator Jexner. In other words, it is public knowledge you have 
written on it. 

Mr. TsuRU. Yes. May I continue. 

Senator Jenner. Sure. 

Mr. Tsuru. Since my return to the United States I have become 
aware, through firsthand observation, of the vitality and the poten- 
tiality for growth of the American economy and have written, for ex- 
f.mple, an article for ASAHI, Japan's leading newspaper, reporting, 
from an economist's viewpoint, the extremely high standard of living 
in the United States, and the increasing emphasis of American con- 
sumers on quality, rather than quantity. I am extremely grateful for 
the opportunity provided me by the exchange program to reacquaint 
myself with the United States, and I am sure I shall have occasions 
to prove this gratitude through my lectures and writings while in this 
country and after I return to Japan this fall. 

5. As I have testified, I am not and never have been a member of 
the Communist Party. Attention has been called to a handful of let- 
ters written by, and to, me in 1936-37, some 20 years ago when I was a 
student at Harvard. These letters were apparently among the pos- 
sessions which I left behind in my apartment in Cambridge when I 
was repatriated on the Grifsholm. During that period of time, as 
these letters indicate, I was acquainted with some individuals who 
were Communists or Communist-sympathizers, and, for a brief while 
I showed interest in the publication, Science and Society (some of 
whose editors were Communists), and in groups in Cambridge which 
discussed, among other things, Marxist doctrine. 

Looking back over 20 years, I can only explain such interests dur- 
ing my student days in terms of youthful indiscretion of which I am 
ashamed. 

I soon lost interest in Science and Society and saw less and less of 
those individuals in Cambridge and elsewhere who had been active in 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3711 

it. As I matured, my attitudes changed. One of the major factors 
which influenced me in the direction of my current beliefs, which I 
would characterize as democratic socialism, was my realization, after 
the bold economic measures taken by the United States Government 
to curb the 1937-38 recession, of the constructive j)romises which the 
American system of economy seemed to hold for the future. 

Although I would not in any way condone my youthful indiscre- 
tions during my student days, I consider that this experience enables 
me to hold to my present views with greater strength and confidence 
and to challenge Communist doctrines more effectively. 

]\Ir. Morris. Mr. Chairman, that this hearing may be kept in per- 
S]5ective, I would like to bring into the record the evidence which Mr. 
Tsuru has been identifying, which indicates a very widespread and 
rather formidable infiltration in Americans, which is apparently con- 
tinuing down to date. 

Mr. Mandel has compiled a list of professors and their universities 
which indicates the spread with which Science and Society, the maga- 
zine. Science and Society, has been operating on our American 
campuses. 

Also, we are not dealing here, Senator — these papers don't reveal 
youthful indiscretion or any such thing. The witness, in his own 
statement yesterday, was talking of the necessity of leading ordinary 
members of study groups into a more mature form of organization 
or activities. He went on say that to be a member of a study group 
may be a step toward enrolling in the workers' schools ; maybe a step 
toward joining the American League Against War. and Fascism. It 
may also be a step, he said, toward becoming a member of the Young 
Communist League or of the party. "It is absolutely necessary," said 
Mr. Tsuru, "to keep a study group from becoming a self-perpetuating 
stagnant cloister for the few." 

I think, at the outset of the hearing today. Senator, ]\Ir. Mandel 
should offer, for the record, a list of individuals with their colleges 
listed, who have been contributing editors — or let him furnish the 
description — to the publication Science and Society. 

Mr. TsTJEu. JNIay I interrupt a second ? 

Senator Jenner, Yes. 

Mr. Tsuru. I think Mr. Morris started out by saying, "Mr. Tsuru 
said yesterday" — now the letter was read yesterday in which the quota- 
tion was contained. The letter which I wrote in 1936. 

Mr. Morris. Yes ; you acknowledged you had stated in 1936 

Mr. Tsuru. Yes 

Senator jE>rNER. All right ; proceed, Mr. Mandel. 

Mr. Mandel. The attached list of contributors to Science and So- 
ciety shows the spread of the magazine among American colleges and 
universities. The tabulation is necessarily incomplete because we do 
not have all copies of the magazine available and because, in some in- 
stances, no college or university connection is given. It must be kept 
in mind that contributors listed may or may not be presently con- 
nected with the magazine and that they may or may not be presently 
connected with the college or university listed. Persons who con- 
tributed on more than one occasion are not repeated in the list. 



3712 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

(The doc^^ment referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 444" and reads 

as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 444 

Writers for Science and Society 



Issue 



Winter 1939- 




Spring 1939- 



Summer 1939. 



FaU 1939. 



Wiater 1940. 



Sprins 1940- 
Do 



Summer 1940. 



Winterl942.. 
Spring 1942-.- 
Summer 1942, 

rani942 

Spring 1943-.- 



Summer 1943- 
Winter 1944.. 



J. W. Alexander 



Francis Birch 

Tiieodore B. Brameld 

Dorothy Brewster 

Ralph J. Bunche 

Addison T. Cutler 

E. Franklin Frazier 

Louis Harap 

Granville Hicks 

Eugene C. Holmes 

Leo Huberman 

Oliver Larkin 

Herbert M. Morals 

Broadus M itchell 

Brooks Otis 

Herbert. I. Phillips. 

Samuel Sillen 

Harry C. Steinmetz 

Paul M. Sweezy 

Louis Weisner 

Edwin Berry Burgum... 
Vladimir D. Kazakevich. 

V.J. McGill 

Margaret Schlauch 

Bernhard J. Stern.- 

D.J. Struik- 



Spring 1944-.- 
Summer 1944. 



Samuel Yellen 

Lester Taraopol 

Charles Obermeyer 

Irving Mark 

Howard Selsam 

Lewis S. Feuer 

C harles Hughes. 

Bailey W. Diffie 

Kingsley Davis 

Leopold Infeld 

Harry Slochower 

KarlH. Niebyl 

H. V. Cobb 

Francis Ballaine 

M. F. Ashley Montagu. 

Mitchell Franklin 

George Herzog 

Marion Hathway 

Alice D. Snyder 

.A.lan R. Sweezy 

Robert A. Brady 

Leslie C. Dunn 

Vernon Venable 

Carl O. Dunbar 

Norman Levinson 



Frank E. Hartunj 

Lillian Herlands Hornstein. 
S . Stanfleld Sargent 



University or college indicated 



Robert K. Merton 

Walter B. Cannon 

Curtis P. Nettels. 

Horace B. Davis 

Abraham Edel ^ 

Paul BirdsaU 

Elton P. Guthrie 

William O. Brown 

Alfred Lowe 

Leslie Reade 

Harold Chapman Brown 

Henry David 

Benjamin Paskofl 

Louis C. Hunter 

A. D. Winspear 

Lyman R. Bradley 

Alexander Sandow 

Katharine De Pre Lumpkin.. 
Joseph Kresh 



Institute for Advanced Studies, 



Princeton. 

Harvard. 

Adelphia. 

Columbia. 

Howard. 

Fisk. 

Howard. 

Harvard. 
Do. 

Howard. 

Columbia. 

Smith. 

Brooklyn. 

Johns Hopkins. 

Hobard. 

Washington (State). 

New York. 

San Diego State. 

Harvard. 

Hunter. 

New York. 

Columbia. 

Hunter. 

New York. 

Columbia. 

Massachusetts Institute of Tech- 
nology. 

Harvard. 
Do. 

Wisconsin. 

Simmons. 

City College of Xew York. 

Williams. 

Washington (State). 

Howard. 

New York. 

Stanford. 

Queens. 

City College of New York. 

American. 

Wisconsin. 

Brooklyn. 

New York. 

Smith. 

Brooklyn and City College of New 

York. 
Indiana. 
Kentucky. 
Columbia. 
Biooklyn. 

Do. 
City College of New York. 
Hunter. 

City College of New York 
Pennsylvania State. 
Toronto. 
Brooklyn. 
Carleton. 

Do. 
Adelphi 

Hahnemann Medical. 
Tulane. 
Columbia. 
Pittsburgh. 
Vassar. 
Williams. 
California. 
Columbia. 
Vassar. 
Yale. 

Massachusetts Institute of Tech- 
nology. 
Wayne. 
New York. 
Columbia. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3713 
Writers for Science and Society — Continued 



Issue 



Fall 1944 

Spring 1945 

Summer 1945. . 

Fall 1945 

Spring 1947 

Summer 1947. . 

Spring 1948 

FaU1948 _. 

Winter 1948-49 
Spring 1949 

Summer 1949.. 

Falll949 

Spring 1950 

Summer 1950- . 

Fall 1950 

Winter 1950-51 

Spring 1951 

Fall 1951 

Winter 1951-52 
Spring 1952 

Winter 1953.., 

Fall 1953 

TMnter 1954... 
"Winter 1955... 



Name 



T. Addis 

Frederic Ewen 

Barrows Dunliam 

Selden C. Menefee 

Charles E. Trinkaus, Jr 

Ernst Riess 

Joseph W. Cohen 

John A. Wolfard 

Hans Gottschalk 

Oliver O. Cox 

Norman Cazden 

William Mandel 

Meyer Reinhold 

Morris Swadesh 

Perez Zagorin 

Surendra J. Patel 

Shou Shan Pu 

Ralph H. Gundlach 

Wallace W. Douglas 

Kemieth May 

Bernard F. Reiss 

W. T. Pany 

Kirtley F. Mather 

Ray H. Dotterer 

Alvin W. Gouldner 

Henry Aiken 

E. Burke Inlow 

Russell B. Nye 

G. M. Gilbert 

Lullian Gilkes 

G. W. Sherman 

David V. Erdman 

Otto Nathan 

Robert B. MacLeod 

Frank S. Freeman 

Alfred Young 

Vera Shlakman 

Eda Lou Walton 

Keimeth Neill Cameron 

Ray Ginger 

Henry Pratt Fairchild 

Arthur K. Davis 

Ernest F. Patterson 

Norman Cazden 

Ray Ginger 

Philip 'Morrison 

V'llliam Appleman Williams 

Vernard Mandel 

L. R. Lind 



University or college indicated 



Stanford, School of Medicine. 
Brooklyn. 
Temple. 
National. 
Sarah Lawrence. 
Hunter. 
Colorado. 
Montana State. 
Iowa. 
Tuskegee. 
Harvard. 
Stanford. 
Brooklyn. 

City College of New York. 
Amherst. 
Pennsylvania. 
Carleton. 

Washington (State). 
Northwestern. 
Carleton. 
Brooklyn. 
Buffalo. 
Harvard. 

Pemisylvania State. 
Buffalo. 
Harvard. 
Princeton. 
Michigan State. 
Princeton. 
New York. 
Montana State. 
Minnesota. 
New York. 
Cornell. 
Do. 
Wesleyan. 
Queens. 
New York. 
Indiana. 

Western Reserve. 
New York. 
Union. 
Alabama. 
Illinois. 
Harvard. 
Cornell. 
Oregon. 
Perm. 
Kansas. 



Mr. Morris. Now, Senator, I might point out that in this list are 
people who have been identified as members of the Communist Party, 
many of whom, when asked under oath whether the specific evidence 
is accurate or inaccurate have claimed privilege under the fifth amend- 
ment. I might point out, Senator, that that process of congressional 
committees learning the identity of these men is something that has 
taken years to ascertain. 

In a letter which has already been submitted to Mr. Tsuru on 
February 22, 1937 

Senator Jenner. Do you want to offer this list for the record ? 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel has offered it. 

Senator Jenner. It may go into the record and become an official 
part of the record. 

Mr. Morris. Science and Society is still published? 

Mr. Mandel. Yes. I have here three issues of 1956 and if I may 
mention some names which appear in these issues 

Mr. Morris. Just offer them for the record. 



3714 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Jenner. They will go in to the record by reference and be- 
come an official part of this committee's record. 

(The issues above referred to were numbered "Exhibit No. 445, 
445-A and 445-B may be found in the subcommittee files.) 

Mr. Morris. I would like to read from your [Tsuru's] letter of 
February 22, 1937, page 3. 

Connie — 

Wlio was Connie ? 

Mr. TsuRU. This is Miss — she was then Miss — I don't know what 
happened to her subsequently, Miss Constance Kyle. 

Mr. Morris. And she was a professor of psychiatry at the Univer- 
sity of Illinois, was she not ? 

Mr. TsuRU. University of Illinois or Chicago. 

Mr. Morris. On that memorandum we come to later 

Mr. TsuRU. Yes, I believe it says 

Mr. Morris. It says department of science at University of Illinois. 

Mr. TsuRu. Yes, Mr. Morris. 

Mr. Morris. May I continue reading ? 

Senator Jenner. Proceed. 

Mr. Morris (reading) : 

Connie had expressed her anxiety, when she received a letter of acknowledg- 
ment from Miss Olson (a secretary to Mins) — 

Now Mins is Henry Felix Mins, is he not ? 

Mr. TsuRu. Mr. H. F. Mins, I don't know his second name. 

Mr. Morris. There is a Mr. H. F. Mins associated with the maga- 
zine who has been identified in our record as a Communist and was 
called as witness in late 1952 and rather than answer, claimed his 
privilege under the fifth amendment. He was then a New York 
schoolteacher. I think the board of education subsequently took 
action and brought about his removal if he didn't resign. 

And who was Miss Olson ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Miss Olson, I do not know. 

Mr. Morris (continuing) : 

as to the care with which the fraction and the official body are being distin- 
guished. Not only your letter made it clear that the memorandum is addressed 
to the fraction, but I also repeated it verbally to Parry. Parry explained to me, 
however, practically all of the members of the editorial board either are or once 
were members of the party, and that the fraction and the editorial board are 
almost identical. 

This fact itself reveals a shortcoming in my mind. Most concretely, the short- 
coming came into light at the time our memorandum was brought down to New 
York. At that time most editors were terrifically busy in other duties of theirs 
(in connection with the fight against Trotskyists) and, according to Parry, were 
not in the position to take up our memorandum for discussion immediately. My 
concrete suggestion is : the S. and S. should be able to enlist progressive intel- 
lectuals (who are not party members) who could make their activities in the S. 
and S. as their primary task. (The success of Left Book Club in England seems 
to me to be partially due to this factor.) I do not mean to say that our memor- 
andum would have received a faster response had there been such persons active 
for the magazine ; but I mean to say that the magazine and all other words con- 
nected with it (e. g. study groups) should not be solely in the hands of party 
members who are very often called to their duties even when they are needed 
in the magazine. 

(The letter of February 22, 1937, was marked "Exhibit No. 446" 
and reads as follows :) 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3715 

Exhibit No. 446 

36 Claveelt Hall, Cambridge, Mass., 

February 22, 1937. 

Deab Karl-Heinkich (Niebyl) : Connie has written me from Washington, 
telling me that Gertrude had returned to Chicago though not with complete 
recovery. At least, I am glad that her sickness was not very serious, but I hope 
she will take a good care of herself not to invite a relapse. You have been well 
as usual? 

I remember that I promised you in my long letter of about three weeks ago 
to let you know about the situation in Cambridge more in detail so far as the 
matter of S»&S is concerned. 

At the beginning of the current schoolyear (October 1936), the situation was 
as follows : questions directly concerned with the magazine (such as, subscrip- 
tion, contribution) were almost exclusively in the single hands of W. T. Parry 
with some assistance from L. Harap, a contributing editor. Parry was doing 
even such things as contacting with, and carrying magazines, to various news 
stands. There was in existence, at that time, a very informal, loose organiza- 
tion called The Association of Marxist Studies which consisted of representatives 
(either approved or nonapproved) from each study group. Following study 

groups were represented in the Association : 

Attendance 

SGI, white collar workers' group socialists predominating text — Leontiev's 
Pol. Ec 10-15 

SG2, a group branched off from SGI because the number of SGI became 
too large text — the same as above 5 

SG8, graduate students and instructors in the Economics Dept. text — 
Capital 5-8 

SG4, graduate students and instructors in the Ec. Dept., some overlapping 
with SG3 seminar "Economics of Socialist Society" 5-8 

SG5, graduate students from various depts. text — Lenin's works 5-10 

SG6, graduate students from various depts. seminar "Dialectic Material- 
ism 5 

JRSl, John Reed Society classes, mostly undergraduates topic "Historical 
Materialism" 20-30 

JRS2, John Reed Society class; mostly undergraduates topic "Current 

Events" 20-30 

Except SG2 which emerged at the beginning of this current academic year, all 
the above groups existed during the last spring. As far as I know, the Associa- 
tion was the only place where various problems connected with study groups were 
discussed 

After the first issue of the magazine came out, it was suggested that the Asso- 
ciation be transformed into Science and Society Club, especially because the lead- 
ership in the Association then was of stultifying type. The fact that the Associa- 
tion did practically nothing in the way of cooperating with S&S is to be explained, 
in my opinion, both in terms of the shrinking questism of the Association leader- 
ship and in terms of insufficient realization on the part of S&S of the necessity of 
cooperation with the Association. Through the transformation of the Association 
into the SSC, it was deemed that new blood could be injected into this sphere of 
activity, fusing more intimately the Association and S&S. 

The first meeting of SSC was called at the beginning of December to discuss 
the first issue and S&S in general. Burgum came from New York to represent 
editors. There were about 20 people present. But because of the technical error, 
the matter of SSC was not broached until a few minutes before the closing hour 
of the Hall. Thus this meeting remained merely as a meeting called by the editors 
of S&S to discuss the magazine. At that time the number of subscribers in the 
state of Massachusetts was 101, according to the list submitted from New York. 

During the month of January, the old members of the Association met a few 
times and voted to hold the second meeting of the subscribers and the SG 
members and their friends. At the beginning of February, the situation was as 
follows : As regards the matter of S&S, Parry was not completely single-handed, 
because Harap headed the committee on "A Guide to Marxian Studies," the 
bibliography projected. Following study groups were in existence : SGI ; SG2 
(now, taking up Lenin's Teachings of Karl Marx with sufficient amount of refer- 
ence readings; the number of participants increased to 10) ; SG3; SG5 and SG6 
combined into one dwindling in number and taking up the question of Fascism and 

93215— 57— pt. 57 3 



3716 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Social democracy ; both JRSl and JRS2 nominally existed but had not yet started 
their activities for the semester. In other words, no new groups and two less 
than before. But SGI and SG2 not only grew as time went on, but also developed 
politically. SGI is again ready to undergo "cell division." 

The second general meeting to discuss S&S was held on Feb. 12. (The list 
of subscribers at that time numbered 128 in the state of Massachusetts, Cam- 
bridge accounting for about one-half of the number.) The discussion with the 
participation of Struik, Sweezy brothers, and Professors Leontief and Mason was 
quite lively. There were about 30 people present (two undergraduates, two or 
three uou-University middle class intellectuals, the rest was graduate students 
and instructors of the University). But again the matter of SSC was not effec- 
tively brought up ; thus the Club was not organized. Those undergraduates and 
white-collar worlvers who were present and could be taken as typical of their 
respective groups voiced the identical opinion after the meeting that both 
the magazine and the meeting were too "high brow" for them. The white-collar 
worker who voiced this opinion was one of the ablest members of SGI. He 
was the only one present out of all the members of SGI and SG2. 

In view of the above situation, I have made the following practical con- 
siderations : 

(1) So far as Cambridge is concerned, what is most important is the draw- 
ing in of new blood. For this purpose, the unit which has been and still is 
somewhat aloof to the question of SG should reconsider its policy. Whether 
we shall form SSC or not is not so important as the question of the drawing 
in of new blood into the theoretical front and the question of the thorough- 
going reconsideration of the policy on study groups. 

(2) As to the S»&S as a whole, I should not like to make any additional 
remarks to what we said in our memorandum until we receive an answer from 
New York. But I am beginning to feel more strongly than before that present 
editors do not regard the S&S as a political weapon. 

Connie had expressed her anxiety, when she received a letter of acknowledg- 
ment from Miss Olson (a secretary to Mins), as to the care with which the 
fraction and the oflBcial body are being distinguished. Not only your letter 
made it clear that the memorandum is addressed to the fraction, but I also 
repeated it verbally to Parry. Parry explained to me, however, practically 
all of the members of the editorial board either are or once were members 
of the Party, and that the fraction and the editorial board are almost identical. 

This fact itself reveals a shortcoming in my mind. Most concretely, the short- 
coming came into light at the time our memorandum was brought down to 
New York. At that time most editors were terrifically busy in other duties 
of theirs (in connection with the fight against Trotskyists) and, according 
to Parry, were not in the position to take up our memorandum for discussion 
immediately. My concrete suggestion is : the S&S should be able to enlist 
progressive intellectuals (who are not party members) who could make their 
activities in the S&S as their primary task. (The success of Left Book Club 
in England seems to me to be partially due to this factor.) I do not mean 
to say that our memorandum would have received a faster response had there 
been such persons active for the magazine ; but I mean to say that the maga- 
zine and all other works connected with it (e. g. study groups) should not 
be solely in the hands of party members who are very often called to their 
duties even when they are needed in the magazine. 

I wish to get your reaction to these problems, as well as to previous letters, 
as soon as you get some moments to scribble down. I am sending a copy of 
this letter to Connie. 

Warmest greetings 

(TSUBU). 

Mr. Morris. Now, you wrote that, did you not, Mr. Tsuru? 

Mr. Tsuru. Mr. Chairman, since this is a copy, I cannot absolutely 
identify it but from internal evidence I am certain I wrote it. 

Mr. Morris. And that would make it very clear that at that time 
you knew that the makeup of the board of Science and Society was 
made up virtually of members of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Tsuru. That is the way Parry told me, and since I have no way 
of checking on the matter and I was not especially interested on 
checking the matter at the time, I more or less took Mr. Parry's word 
for it. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3717 

Mr. Morris. Now, earlier in that memorandum you make 

Mr. TsuRU. Memorandum ? 

Mr. Morris. Letter, I am sorry, February 22, 1937, letter, you men- 
tion the makeup of study groups in what you call the association. 
And there you mention, as follows : 

Attendance 

SGI, white-collar-workers' group, Socialists predominating; text — ^Leon- 
tiev's Pol. Ee 10-15 

SG2, a group branched off from SGI, because the number of SGI became 
too large ; text — the same as above 5 

SG3, graduate students and instructors in the Economics Dept. ; text — 
Capital 5-8 

SG4, graduate students and instructors in the Ec. Dept., some over- 
lapping with SG.3 seminar — Economics of Socialist Society 5-8 

SGo, graduate students from various depts. ; text — Lenin's works 5-10 

SG6, graduate students from various depts. ; seminar — Dialectic 
Materialism 5 

JRSl, John Reed Society classes, mostly undergraduates ; topic — His- 
torical Materialism 20-30 

JRS2, John Reed Society class, mostly undergraduates; topic — Current 

Events 20-30 

Now, that totals more than 100, does it not, Mr. Tsuru? 

Mr. Tsuru. There might have been overlapping ones. 

Mr. Morris. These are study groups that generally include material 
about Science and Society. You were then writing to Mr. Karl- 
Heinrich Niebyl at this time ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Yes. I am not quite sure because as I recall, there was 
an attempt to organize this Association of Marxist studies which 
would not necessarily confine the attention to Science and Society. 
I personally felt at the time that Science and Society could be used 
for the association, as sort of rallying point, but certainly other books 
and magazine materials could be utilized for the purpose of study. 

Mr. Morris. And as you said earlier in your letter — "with these 
study groups, however,'' of which you wrote in in your August 31 
letter, August 31, 1936 

Mr. Tsuru. Yes. 

Mr. Morris (continuing) : 

is the necessity of leading ordinary members of these study groups into a more 
mature form of organization or activities. To be a member of a study 
group may be a step toward enrolling the Worker's School : it may be a step 
toward joining the American League Against War and Fascism ; it may be a 
step toward becoming a member of TCL or of the party. It is absolutely nec- 
essary to keep a study group from becoming a self -perpetuating, stagnant cloister 
for the few. 

In other words, as you suggested in your February 22 letter, were 
these people to be directed toward the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Tsuru. May I answer this question 

Senator Jenner. You may. 

Mr. Tsuru (continuing) . In slightly amplified form? 

Senator Jenner. Certainly. 

Mr. Tsuru. From my experience in Japan as a member of the Anti- 
Imperialism League about which I related yesterday, I had a certain 
preconception about the publication of a magazine like Science and 
Society. That is to say to publish such a magazine and do nothing 
else would be meaningless. That was my idea. And I felt that if we 
are going to publish a magazine like Science and Society at all, we 
should do our utmost to introduce people into Science and Society and 



3718 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

through that association with Science and Society go into more po- 
litical activities. That is a preconception which, I might say, I 
learned from my experience in the Anti-Imperialism League. That is 
the way I operated, for example, "operate" is not a very good word, 
but I worked in the Anti-Imperialism League, first introduced students 
into study groups, and then tried to persuade them to come into more 
active works like fighting against war in China. 

Now, I carried over these preconceptions and at the time these let- 
ters were written, I can now see, although I did not remember 
before these letters were shown to me, I can now see I was strongly 
convinced of the importance of such matters. Therefore, I do not 
make any attempt to deny that in this period of 1936 — •, in particular, 
I acted like a Communist, I spoke and wrote like a Communist. But 
as I said yesterday, I should like to state again, I never was a member, 
either of the Young Communist League or the Communist Party any- 
where in the world. 

In philosophic terms, I should consider myself that I was then a free 
agent, a free agent is a philosophical term, so do not misunderstand me 
if I use the word "agent" — free agent, I was free to decide on my own 
actions and ideas, not subject to any discipline by any organization. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer for the record, 
I would like to have go into the record — I haven't finished examining 
the witness on this point — the letter of September 6, 1936, to Mr. Tsuru. 

Senator Jenner. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
official record. 

(The document referred to is printed as exhibit 443 at page 3706.) 

Mr. Morris. I would like to have go into the record the letter of 
December 14, 1936, to Mr. Karl-Heinrich Niebyl. 

Senator Jenner. It may go into the record and become a part of 
the official record. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 447" and reads 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 447 

36 Claverly Hall, Cambridge, Mass. 

December 14, 1936. 

Deae Karl-Heineich (Niebyl) : I write this letter with eager hope that I shall 
be able to see you in Chicago sometime during the Christmas vacation and to dis- 
cuss some of the matters I mention below. I expect to arrive at Chicago on 
December 24th and to stay there or thereabouts at least until January 3rd. 

As you might have heard, the subscription to S&S has gone over the figure 
of 1,500 and the total sale is exceeding 8,000, although the sale of over 10,000 
seems to be necessary to make the magazine self-sustaining, (the above figures 
from the Managing Editor.) One piece of information, however, has "dis- 
turbed" us a little. That is, that most of the subs coming in recently are from 
the Middle West and Far West. Although some editors are commenting on 
this fact as 'a welcome good sign,' I observe two things. Firstly, we have failed 
in the eastern part of the country in organizing and systematizing the subscrip- 
tion drive. Knowing the way Connie was doing in Chicago or the way Herman 
and Cookson were doing in Madison, I think that the extent to which we paid 
our attention in the east to the question of subs has been extremely inadequate. 
(In November, it was estimated that about 30 percent of the total sub was from 
the state of New York and about 10 percent from that of Massachusetts.) I 
am trying my best within my power to mend this shortcoming. Secondly, the 
increasing subscription from the Middle West suggests to my mind immediately 
the lack of adequately coherent contacts between New York (which is now the 
headquarter for the magazine) and other districts throughout the country. In 
this connection, these specific problems come to my mind: 

(1) the problem of Science and Society Clubs: you undoubtedly know 
the decision of the editorial board on the question. There has been a 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3719 

new development in Cambridge, and S. S. C. has been organized. I should 
like to discuss with you further on this question when I see you. 

(2) the nature of the magazine S&S : it is being discussed in Cambridge 
whether the primary emphasis is on the educational significance of S&S 
to the intelligentzia or on the academic research of Marxists. 

(3) the problem of establishing the mechanism of contacts between N. Y. 
and other districts : I have suggested to W. T. Parry to bring this matter 
concretely at the next editorial meeting. I suggested that we should en- 
courage in all the districts to establish a responsible agent whose primary 
task is to serve as a channel between the editorial board on the one hand 
and readers and contributors on the other. Such channels from all the 
districts are directed to N. Y. like spokes of a wheel ; and there shall be a 
committee in N. Y. to receive them for coordinating purposes. 

As to my article on Lange and Sweezy, I didn't hear from N. Y. for long time. 
So, I finally went down there to find out what's the matter with it. They seem to 
be agreed on publishing it with slight alterations, but apparently didn't take any 
action toward publishing it in the second issue. The article is now floating 
somewhere, and we are unable to trace it thus far. In any case, since the time 
I wrote that article, there has appeared Mises' book on Wirtschafts-rechnung 
in English translation and another article of Lange's in the October issue of 
The Review of Economic Studies on The Economic Theory of Socialism. Mean- 
while, S&S has accepted, I hear, the review of Mises's book (above mentioned) 
by Paul Sweezy — the review which merely restates what Lange says in the above 
article. Thus, the extensive rewriting of my original article and publishing 
it in the third issue of S&S seems to me to be necessary. I hope I shall be 
able to prepare a rewritten manuscript before I leave here for Chicago, so that 
I can again call your assistance in straightening out my ideas. 

As I hope you have been informed, the editorial board is planning to prepare 
A (hiide to Marxist Studies. It "will serve to. indicate the best expositions of 
Marxism and its implications for the special branches of knowledge. The Guide 
will therefore be neither exhaustive nor for the advanced student as such, but 
for the ordinary intelligent student of socialism." (quoted from the prospectus) 
The classification of contents, indicated in the prospectus, seemed to me to be 
very unsatisfactory. Thus we called a meeting in Cambridge to discuss that 
matter, and arrived at an alternative suggestion to which the Chairman (for 
preparing this Guide) still disagrees. The original classifications is in outline 
as follows : 

1. General introduction 

2. The United States : 

a. History 

b. Labor Movement 

c. Political theory 

d. Literature 

3. The History of Socialism : 

a. Doctrine 

b. Revolutionary movements in Europe 

c. Socialism in practice 

4. Philosophy of Dialectic Materialism 

5. Political Economy 

6. The Sciences : 

a. The Physical sciences 

b. The sciences of human life 

7. The Arts: 

a. Literature 

b. The fine arts 

c. Music 

d. Drama 

e. Film 

8. Law 

9. Education 

10. Periodicals 

11. Index of Authors 

The alternative I suggested is as follows : 

1. Introduction 

2. Dialectic Materialism : 

a. Philosophy 

b. Applications in natural sciences 



3720 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

3. Historical Materialism : 

a. Theory 

b. Application in general history 

c. Applications in Special fields of superstructure 

( 1 ) Political theory and law 

(2) Sociology and anthropology 

(3) Education 

(4) Arts 

4. History of Socialist Movements 

5. Political Economy 

6. Contemporary W^orld Problems : 

a. Imperialism and colonial problems 

b. Fascism 

7. Tactics of Revolutionary Movements 

8. Socialism in Practice : U. S. S. R. 

9. Periodicals 

On this question also, I should like to have a discussion with you when I see you 
in Chicago. 

I regret very much that I have not been able to fulfill the promise of sending 
you the list of whatever worthwhile references and materials which came to my 
attention. The reason for my failure is that I myself have been too busy during 
the semester to keep such things up to date. 

Best wishes to Gertrude and Connie. 

Looking forward to seeing you soon. 

TSURU. 

Mr. Morris. I would lilve to have go into the record the letter of 
August 31, 1936, to Mr. Bill Parry. 

Senator Jenner. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
official record. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 442" and ap- 
pears at p. 3704). 

Mr. Morris. I would like to have go into the record the letter of 
April 9, 1937, to Constance Kyle. 

Senator Jenner. It may go into the record and become a part of 
the official record. 

(The document referred to was marked "'Exhibit No. 448" and reads 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 448 

36 Clavekly Haxl, 
Cambridge, Mass., April 9, 1937. 

Dear Connie [Constance Kyle] : Have you received an answer from N. Y. 
to our memorandum? I have repeatedly inquired Parry about it, but no avail. 
Finally I suggested that I shall go down to N. Y. in the weekend of April 10 
to discuss the matter. Parry, who is now in N. Y. wrote me to-day that "I don't 
think it's worth your while to come down to N. Y. so far as S&S is concerned." He 
does not mention about the memorandum at all. Instead, he tells me that "Con- 
stance Kyle has only paid five dollars and some cents for 100 copies of the first 
issue, and is vague about the rest of the money. She doesn't seem to know even 
whether the copies have been sold or not." This is not the first time that my men- 
tion of memorandum was responded by their reference to you in one way or an- 
other. I have persistently repeated to Parry that the matter of the memorandum 
is of immediate and primary importance and that according to my impression 
their slow response is partly due to their slipshodness with which they distinguish 
the party fraction from the editorial board. The memorandum is addressed to the 
fraction ; and it seems to me that it is a breach of discipline for them to have laid 
it aside for more than two months. I have no authority to say anything further 
on this matter. So, I hope that you and Karl-Heinrich will press this matter and 
work toward dispelling any misunderstandings. 
With warmest regards 

TSUEU. 

Also a copy to K. H. N. [Karl Heinrich Niebyl]. 

Mr. Morris. I would like to have go into the record the letter of 
April 14, 1937, to Shigeto. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3721 

Senator Jenner, It may go into the record and become a part of 
the official record. 

(The docmnent was marked "Exhibit No. 448-A" and reads as 
follows :) 

Exhibit No. 448-A 

1430 Hyde Pabk Blvd., Chicago, Illinois, 

April 1^,1937. 

Deak Shigeto : I am enclosing a copy of the letter to Mins as the simplest way 
of showing you the present status of business aspect of SandS. This checks with 
New York accounts and settles funds to date. I don't know what you think of 
local sentiment on the single copy question but there is nothing final about it and 
we're open to suggestions and your opinion. It's quite possible that the senti- 
ment among local agents suffers from some of the same difficulty as you mention 
in the Editorial Board — to many diverse demands on the time of our own people. 
However, I doubt if agents work will be taken on by any but our own people 
and it will certainly simplify the business details with the New York office if subs 
are sent from us and single copies are regarded as the province of regularly con- 
stituted book stores. 

The following is a quote from Miss Olson's letter of Feb. 4th and the only 
reference I have received to the memorandum : 

"The long letter of criticism, of which you were one of the signers, has just 
come down to the New York Editors. It will be considered very carefully by 
them and will undoubtedly be answered. They wish to thank you in advance 
for your part in the criticism, and to express their appreciation of your 
cooperation." 

You'll know best how much they should be pushed for such an answer. The 
material included there on the contents of the first issue is of course more or 
less out dated by now. We would like to know of it if there has been any exten- 
sive use made by study groups elsewhere, and especially if any other Workers' 
School has some experience accumulated by now. 

I've never been very clear as to what might be expected of us in the way of 
taking responsibility for territory outside of the city of Chicago. Frankly, 
Shigeto, it's a physical impossibility unless we can get more personnel involved. 
Let me know what you think should be done so that I can use it as a basis for 
discussion with responsible people locally to determine how they think we can 
manage it. It's highly probable they will veto any consideration of my dropping 
other work to follow this up in other cities. But lets get clear first on what needs 
to be done. 

Hope we can look forward to your coming to the middle west as vacation time 
rolls around. 

Sincerely, 

/s/ Constance (Kyle). 

Mr. Morris. I would like to have go into the record the letter of 
January 31, 1937, to Karl-Heinrich, 

Senator Jenner. It may go into tlie record and become a part of the 
official record. 

(The docmnent referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 449" and reads 

as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 449 

36 Claverly Hall, Cambridge, Mass., 

January 31, 1937. 

Dear Karl-Heinrich : I received your letter and the memorandum yesterday ; 
and after going through it again, I handed the memorandum to Parry. I should 
like you to let me know whether you can use your own name as an editor. I un- 
derstood you to say so, but I should like to make certain of it. 

After I came back here in the middle of the month ( I was detained in a hospital 
in Pittsburgh for influenza), I found the situation here to be very unsatisfactory, 
so far as the matter of S&S is concerned. No inroad had been made into under- 
graduates ; efforts expended were scattered and unco-ordinated ; study-groups 
were waning both in number and vigor ; and so on. Tightening up will follow, 
at least I shall see to it that all the efforts be made to that end, when and as soon 
as our memorandum is discussed here. So, as to the situation here, I shall let 
you know on the next occasion. 



3722 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

The project of compiling "A Guide to Marxian Studies" has been progressing 
rather f alteringly. Harap, the chairman, aslied Webbs to take one assignment ; 
but they, as could have been expected, refused. Some of the completed assign- 
ments were discussed by the committee in Cambridge last week. Salient con- 
tradictions in the original plan came out concretely into relief ; such as, the lack 
of care concerning the personnel, the nature of the guide, etc. Harap explained 
to me that (1) as to the inadequate choice of personnel, we can mend it by 
checking and recheeking, and (2) as to the vagueness of the nature of the 
Guide, we might as well pool all the informations first and later use knife and 
scissors. I did not raise any problems, because I thought that the memorandum 
would. Undoubtedly, we shall have a discussion on the matter of the Guide soon. 
Meanwhile, Harap has repeatedly urged me to hasten whomever I have asked to 
take the assignment on Political Economy to finish it and send it to Cambridge. 
This "whomever," as I hope you remember, means you yourself. 

Although I trust the truth of Parry's explanation, I feel very much annoyed 
about my article. I handed in two copies. And now I am told that the only 
person who read it in New York is Ramsay (and a few others whom Ramsay 
showed). Both copies are "lost." Since the editors never broach the subject 
to me unless I do it first, I gather that they are not, according to their editorial 
policy, very eager to have the article in the magazine at this moment. Although 
I could not very well emphasize the timeliness of the topic (Laski stressed the 
necessity of the Marxian critique on the problem in his recent article in The New 
Statesman and Nation) because it concerns my own article, I suggested to 
Parry that I shall rewrite it again as soon as possible so that it will be in time 
for the third issue, if the editors want me to. Parry thinks that the editors 
wish me to do so. While we are tarrying, two more articles have appeared on the 
subject of economic planning in a socialist society; one by Alan Sweezy in the 
volume in honor of Taussig (Alan is the elder brother of Paul Sweezy) and 
another by Darbin in the current issue of Economic Journal. Lange's concluding 
article will appear shortly in the February issue of the Review of Economic 
Studies. (By the way, when you get through with the last copy of R. E. S. 
which I left with you in Chicago, I should like you to send it back to me. I wish 
to use it in rewriting my article. ) 

As to Paul Sweezy's review of von Mises's book on economic planning. Parry 
does not know precisely why it was left out of the second issue of S&S. I am 
not quite certain whether the second issue is really very much of an improve- 
ment over the first. I haven't read all the articles, though. As to Darrell's 
article: (1) His exposition of Keynes' ideas, in spite of covering such a wide 
space, is inadequate in the sense that it does not bring out the salient points 
into relief and further that it is almost incomprehensible to non-economists. (I 
have found this out by talking to those who have read the article). (2) Points 
of agreement between Marx and Keynes which Darrell finds are superficial. In 
Keynes, the matter of talking in terms of homogeneous labor and of calculating 
cost by the unit of such homogeneous labor alone is only a technical device suited 
for his own convenience and is not an essential element. Perhaps the most likely 
similarity between Keynes and Marx, if at all, is their theory of the rate of in- 
terest (distinguished from the rate of profit). (3) Too many running comments 
of quibbling nature. Often these hide behind them very important questions. 
(4) Darrell's major criticism thus far (because this is only the first installment) 
is that the Keynes's method essentially concords with a subjective theory of 
value. (He calls in the authority of Hicks who only says that Keynes's technique 
is the technique of Marshall.) Though Keynes resorts to "a fundamental psy- 
chological law" and uses a number of quasi-psychological terms, I feel that the 
weakness of Keynes lies not in "psychologizing" (Darrell) but in inventing those 
categories which, by taking care of imponderables in a bundle fashion, enable 
him to render his theoretical formulation precise and to give the appearance of its 
usability in prediction and control. Before I see the second installment, I could 
not say, of course, that Darrell has not dealt with the fundamental weakness of 
Keynes. To my knowledge, Leontief in Q. J. E. and Schumpeter in Journal of 
American Statistical Asso. have done more damage on Keynes than Darrell. It 
is unfortunate that Darrell's review had to come in two installments. Parry 
tells me that he did not even read the article because it came in too late. 

As to Hogben's article: (1) First of all, I must report to you that this article 
has been received rather favorably by a large number of my university acquaint- 
ances around here. (2) I have a serious objection to this article. When Hogben 
shows concretely the relation between ideology and basic structure, I only ap- 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3723 

plaud. But when he comes, in the last third of the article, to condemn "the 
obsessional Germanophilia" and ask for the acceptance of the limitations im- 
posed by a common linguistic culture, I feel he is overanxious to the extent of 
clouding the element of truth which his message contains. His overanxious- 
ness in this regard goes so far that in the first part of his article he gives the 
credit of being a pioneer in the labor theory of value to William Petty by quot- 
ing a sentence which does not have an intimation of the labor theory of value 
(cf. p. 142) and then makes alluding remarks here and there to the effect that 
Anglo-American scientists of the 18th century were already historical mate- 
rialists (cf. p. 143 11.13-17, p. 146 1.29), and finally attributes erroneously the 
formalism of Robbins to the scholastic tradition of English universities (p. 144). 
The upshot is to call the method of dialectic materialism as "a foreign creed" 
or "a pot of message." One gets the impression as if he were saying that we 
in England and America have scientists who were the pioneers in the labor 
theory of value and historical materialism, why should we bother reading Hegel 
or even Marx ! To criticize formula-ism is one thing ; to condemn the study of 
the method of dialectics by studying Hegel is another thing. It is not "our 
social ( ?) heritage" which we must nurture and develop (in fact, we must revo- 
lutionize much of our social heritage), but it is the application of the new 
method (in understanding our heritage and in deriving whatever fruits we may 
derive) that we must learn and learn it despite the bourgeois heritage. 

As to the review by Kuznets, I feel that it does not have a place in Science 
and Society. A Marxist review should take its place on those books of the 
Brookings Institution. 

As to the review by Schuman, I feel very sorry that the editors had to cater 
to those intellectuals who are awed by the name of Schuman, if such was the 
reason (since I do not see any other reason) of including this review. On the 
books of Grover Clark also, we can afford to have a Marxist review ; and there 
are more than a few persons who can do it. 

I also read Leo Roberts' article. It starts out well with promises attractive 
enough (cf. p. 169 1.30). But the whole thing is a disappointing muddle. 

I am sending you, under a separate cover, the January issue of The Left News. 
You may have seen it. But just in case you haven't. And I enclose here four 
coupons. Though Americans are not eligible as members, you can get around 
it by writing to G. C. MacLaulin as is indicated on the coupon. MacLaulin, like 
Ralph Fox, was killed in a battle near Madrid recently. But his friends are 
taking care of this agent-job. In the Left News, read especially an account 
"The Groups Month by Month" by the organizer of the local groups. Dr. John 
Lewis. 

As we say in our oriental proverb, we may learn from them though they are 
"stones from other mountains." 

Do take care of your health. And warmest regards to you and Gertrude. 

(TSITBU) 

Mr. Glover. Mr. Morris has promised to obtain for us the docu- 
ments from which these copies were made. 

Mr. Morris. He didn't promise. 

Senator Jenner. He said he would attempt to. 

Mr. Glover. Because the comments Mr. Tsuru made with respect to 
this first letter are applicable to the other letters. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I respectfully suggest that if counsel is going to 
testify, he be sworn. 

Senator Jenner. If you want to confer with your client at any time, 
permission will be granted, but we want no further interruption. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like to call the witness' atten- 
tion to the reference to the memorandum in the letter of February 22, 
1937, last large paragraph : 

This fact itself reveals a shortcoming in my mind. Most concretely, the short- 
coming came into light at the time our memorandum was brought down to New 
York. 

Then in the letter of April 9 you write : 

I have persistently repeated to Parry that the matter of the memorandum is 
of immediate and primary importance and that according to my impression their 



3724 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

slow response is partly due to their slipsliodness with which they distinguish 
the party fraction from the editorial board. The memorandum is addressed to 
the fraction ; and it seems to me that it is a breach of discipline for them to have 
laid it aside for more than 2 months. 

You mean it is a breach of Communist Party discipline ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I think that is the implication I gave at that place. But 
please look at the following sentence where I say, "I have no authority 
to say anything further on this matter." 

Mr. Morris. That seems to say there is a limitation in your 
authority ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I was not a member of the Communist Party although I 
was aware that the memorandum was to be addressed to the fraction I 
could not bring the matter into, in the Communist organization per- 
sonally. 

The only thing I could do w^as to speak to Mr. Parry and I think 
that is the reason I 

Senator Jenner. Now, Mr. Parry was a Communist. 

Mr. TsuRU. That is my understanding at the time. If you ask me 
what I think of him now, I haven't seen him since about 1940 so I 
cannot testify anything about him since 1940. 

Senator Jenner. You don't even know where he is ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I don't even know where he is. So the very fact that I 
was not a member of the Communist Party made it necessary for me, 
under the circumstances, to press Parry constantly on the matter, and 
I wrote to Miss Kyle that I have no authority to say anything further 
in this matter. 

Mr. Morris. Now, I offer you, and you have seen it overnight, have 
you not, a document which purports to be a memorandum to the edi- 
tors of Science and Society ? 

Mr. TsuRU. To the editors ; yes. 

Mr. Morris. Now you have had a chance to look at that : have vou 
not ? ^ 

Mr. TsuRU. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And this is the memorandum to which you refer in this 
last letter that I have read ? 

Mr. TsTJRU. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And this is the memorandum that you said was ad- 
dressed to the party fraction ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Exactly. 

Mr. Morris. You were one of the three people who signed this ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Yes ; but if I may, I should like to explain. 

Mr. Morris. It bears the signature. Senator, of Constance Kyle, 
Department of Psychiatry, University of Chicago; Karl Niebyl, De- 
partment of Economics, Carleton College, and Alfred Z. Lowe. Yes- 
terday you remember that the witness told us he used the name Alfred 
Z. Lowe ? 

Senator Jexxer. In other words, you signed this document as Al- 
fred Z. Lowe ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. And I might say, subpenas have been issued for the 
others. 

Senator Jenner. This memorandum will go into the record and be- 
come a part of the official record of this committee. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3725 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 450," and reads 

as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 450 

Editors of S. and S. (Science and Society) 

After the distribution of the first issue of S. and S. the undersigned feel it 
necessary to review the work done and the methods employed with special refer- 
ence to the middle west. „. , , ^ v, • i ^-- i„ 

We are informed indirectly that the Middle West has been showing relatively 
better response to the magazine in subscription as well as in study groups than 
in other by no means less important parts of the country. Before we critically 
evaluate the results of our work as well as the work in general, we would like 
to give a clear conception about the method which we employed along with the 
basic considerations upon which we arrived at the actual determination of this 

method. . , ^ „ ^ ^-u- i.. , *.• 

It is our opinion that ss did not appear accidentally at this particular time. 

The fact that a magazine of the similar nature has appeared in the last forty 
years in Germany, Russia, Switzerland, and Japan while not in the Anglo-Saxon 
countries especially not in the US seems to us to reflect a basically uneven develop- 
ment the recognition of which is fundamental to our determination of the method 
which we have to employ in regard to SS in the US. According to the analysis 
of the Seventh world congress, capitalism has entered its crisis as such. For 
the US this meant that the very basis of the position of the intellectual — while 
we are not of the opinion that SS is only or even primarily directed to the intel- 
lectuals, a point which will be clarified later on, we think that it is best to develop 
our analysis from that specific point in the class struggle where SS originated, 
the intellectual — the economic basis for the opportunism and for the lack of 
their being forced to develop class consciousness in the form of revolutionary 
theory has withered away and that this necessity in many different forms was 
becoming apparent. Reviewed in this way, SS is not only a manifestation of 
the grown contradictions in the American capitalist society but represents in it- 
self an active force and an important and indispensable weapon within the strug- 
gle of these contradictions. 

More concretely, this means that SS as a manifestation of this stage of the 
contradictions is to be not only a platform for increasingly class-conscious in- 
tellectuals but as an active force is also to be used to drive the members of those 
middle-class strata whose very basis in these days is for the first time being 
generally shattered towards such an analysis as put forward in SS. In this 
way we arrive at an exactly contrary result to that which the editors of SS seem 
to have arrived at by advocating a conscious neglect of study groups. 

PART ONE 

Regarding the foregoing as an introduction, we shall review concretely this 
problem of study groups. The opinion of the editors as communicated to us 
indirectly (and this very fact is in itself a high indictment of the policy of the 
editors to neglect practically the whole of the middle west — we have received no 
communications outside of a few purely business matters which in themselves 
were either too late or not to the point), we understand to be that no initiative 
shall be taken by the editors of SS to encourage the formation of study groups, 
although when they already exist the editors are willing to give whatever assist- 
ance those study groups may wish to receive. In the light of the foregoing, this 
seems to us to be a declaration of bankruptcy. Again according to indirect com- 
munication, three main reasons are given for your stand (and, if this is not 
correct, we should very much like to be corrected, as we generally would ap- 
preciate very much to be regularly informed of the policy formulated by the 
editorial board. In fact, we feel that it would not be asking too much for the 
friends in the Middle West to be consulted on such matters). 

(1) "Fear of setting up factional opposition between Stalinists and Trotzkites." 
We are unable to comprehend this point. We would appreciate further elucida- 
tion on this point. 

(2) It has been maintained by some members of the editorial board that SS 
is not a political organization. Right ! But whoever has maintained that SS 
was in itself to be conceived of as a political organization? We have outlined 
the general situation of today above. In this situation, the question of political 
organization does not confront all parts of middle classes with an equal imme- 



3726 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

diacy. It is here that SS has to fulfill oue of its most important functions (may 
we remind ourselves at this point that we are speaking about the function of SS 
in connection with the position of the intellectuals and not in many other respects 
in which it is most certainly not of no small importance, as is indicated by the 
role played by Unter dem Banner des Marxismus for the theoretical clarification 
within the party) to serve as an effective weapon against conflicting and contra- 
dictory bourgeois theories and offering at the same time to these groups a basis 
through which political organisation of these groups (e; g., the League against 
W. and F., Teachers' and other professional unions, C. P.) will only be possible. 
Again more concretely, it is not enough to sell the magazine and to feel self- 
satisfied with the growing sub. list which is pouring in because of the general 
situation and in spite of ourselves. But we have to be active at exactly those 
weak links of bourgeois intelligentsia where SS is read ; active in the sense that : 

1. we have to deepen or even first to prepare the ground for an under- 
standing of the Marxist content of the magazine. Such a necessity is abun- 
dantly clear from the last issue. (We specifically refer to the articles by 
McGill, Struik, and Brameld.) 

2. we help these people already responsive to the magazine to find the 
"political" contents of the magazine. 

3. we make a conscious effort of extending this field of responsiveness by 
oragnizing study groups around specific scientific fields, for instance, modern 
problems in physics, or relation of biology to political science, or the func- 
tion of law and dictatorship, etc., etc., in each case bearing in mind that our 
function is to expose the inherent contradictions in the bourgeois approach 
and to lead the members of the study groups to realize the only correct ap- 
proach : the approach of dialectic materialism. The initiating spark for such 
study groups by no means has to be SS, but the magazine will prove to be an 
indispensable tool for the operation of such study groups after once they 
are formed. 

4. it is obvious that these study groups (we are speaking of only those 
types mentioned under 1, 2, and 3) will be helped materially by some kind 
of loose central organization — the editorial board could perhaps perform 
this function — by (a) stimulating particular study groups, and (b) by ex- 
changing valuable results between difi'erent study groups as regards methods 
employed, fields discussed, and results obtained. 

In our opinion this does not infringe in any way the function performed by 
Workers' Schools. For the following reasons : 

1. As far as intellectuals are concerned, their attending of classes in Work- 
ers' Schools presupposes a definite decision on their part ; not only many 
of them at the moment are not willing to make such a decision due to 
lack of conviction, but many external circumstances impose the degree of 
precaution which they most certainly are not willing to forego iefore having 
attended a study group. Furthermore, there are a number of people whose 
right to precaution under the circumstances given would certainly not be 
denied. 

2. Study groups are not to be perceived as regular courses beginning with 
the reading of Manifesto and ending with the application of the Third Vol- 
ume of Capital to their specific fields. Such a course would certainly be- 
long to Workers' Schools. Positive contents of such study groups have been 
outlined above. 

3. There should be no reason why SS study groups could not be organized 
within the framework of Workers' Schools as actually done in the W. S. 
here in Chicago. Such a group would serve a similar function as those 
groups mentioned before only for slightly more developed intellectuals who 
do not object to going to a W. S. but might find it difficult to start their Marx- 
ist education on an elementary basis. Secondly, there are those within 
such a group who are far more easily approached via their own fields. The 
problem we have to keep in mind, with intellectuals defined as middle-class 
people suffering to a higher degree from ideologies, is always to make them 
conscious of the ideological nature of their thought and to involve them by 
means of this process in political action. If these intellectuals would be 
induced to join and come into W. S. (which in itself is highly improbable), 
then there would be a danger that because of the above-mentioned ideological 
nature of persons concerned the immediate teaching of the principles of 
Marxism to them would tend to strengthen their ideologies although chang- 
ing forms (the elevation of the Marxist concept of revolution into a theory 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3727 

of revolution, as for instance Trotzkism). That danger would be offset by 

the existence of SS study groups within the framework of VTorkers' Schools. 

If these considerations prove the necessity of SS study groups in our struggle 

for the winning over of the intellectuals, then this by no means exhausts the 

function of SS as a political weapon. 

PAET TWO 

In a letter by Stalin to the editors of the central organ of the YCL of the 
Soviet Union (unfortunately, we do not have material with us to check), sev- 
eral years ago, Stalin stressed the great importance of the practical work per- 
formed in the Soviet Union since the revolution as something to be extremely 
proud of. But he said that little had been done for the struggle on the theo- 
retical front. And this established one of the weakest points in the development 
of Soviet Union. He then stressed the responsibility of the Party and urged 
the concentration on this point. We think that a lesson could be taken from 
this letter to our own situation. 

We feel it our duty to ask ourselves the question : what work has been done 
in analyzing the present complex situation in this country? Most certainly the 
analysis of the Seventh W^orld Congress has given the basis for the analysis 
which was concretized and applied to the US in the Ninth convention. These 
analyses, however, could stress because of their very nature only the changes in 
the basic structure as well as certain specific aspects of it. The manifestations of 
these changes in, for instance, bourgeois economic theory, philosophy, natural 
sciences, etc., still wait for appropriate analyses and, even more, we are still 
waiting (and the fact that we are waiting is in itself an indictment) for an ade- 
quate expression of these changes in Marxist theoretical terms. The general at- 
tempt made in this direction is an analysis by Varga which should perform for 
us the same function as the Seventh World Congress to the Ninth Party Conven- 
tion. The only concretization, however, which has as yet appeared (besides 
the attempt by a capitalist economist like Bonn) is the one by Corey of which 
we have as yet not even published an adequate critique. Comrade Bittelman's 
critique in the Communist is extremely valuable and necessary, but it treats only 
one aspect of the book and does not develop in positive terms our analysis of the 
total situation. Unter dem Banner des Marxismus was used in Germany by no 
means only by those groups described in Part One, but did become an indispen- 
sable weapon in many shop and street units. The frequent objection against an 
expressed desire to see SS function in the similar way is that our working-class 
comrades would not understand and even more would not be interested in the 
problems dealt with in SS. May we suggest that such an attitude exhibits an 
unwarranted snobbishness on the part of some intellectual comrades who 
conclude from the fact that the highbrow terminology is not understood that the 
workers are not interested in the subject matter. However, not only the function 
of U. d. B. d. M. in Germany or earlier Iskra in Russia, but the very fact that 
Lenin found it necessary to devote many months of study to write a volume on 
philosophy "Empiriocriticism" and the subsequent extraordinarily wide circula- 
tion of this book among the working class seem to us to prove conclusively that 
there is something wrong with us and not with the subject matter. The con- 
clusion to be drawn from above seems to us to be twofold : first, that the editors 
have to keep definitely this function of SS in mind, and, secondly, that our 
conscious effort should not go only in the direction as outlined in the Part 
One but also to use SS in the direct party work as outlined in the Part Two. 

PAKT THREE 

In this following part we would like to give an account of some major develop- 
ments in Chicago area as to the sub. and contributors drive and the SS study 
groups as far as it elucidates important problems in connection with which we 
would like to make in part four some concrete suggestions. 

A. When late last summer the appearance of SS was announced, the under- 
signed got together and on the basis of considerations similar to those outlined 
above we made the following plan : 

We had access to the student groups at universities ; we had a very few contacts 
with the faculty; in the city we had a contact with the social worker groups and 
teachers' organizations. Our first objective was to have one reliable agent for 
each one of these groups and one central agent to coordinate the work of those 
agents and to maintain the contact with Cambridge and New York. The function 



3728 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE tUSTITED STATES 

of these agents was definitely determined. With the help of propaganda material, 
they had to cover those groups of which they were chosen as representatives for 
sub. as well as contributions, having at the same time in mind the extension of 
those groups to which they already had access as well as the forming of study 
groups among those who showed more than ordinary interest in the objective of 
the magazine. It might be emphasized at this point that this plan was by no 
means a purely organizational application of a theoretically perceived outline, but 
that many and lengthy discussions were held, not only with the agents, but with 
other people as well in order to make as clear as possible that the function was 
not purely that of a sub. agent but in itself a fight on the theoretical front. 

As a further device for distribution, we first contacted the three Chicago 
Workers bookstores and discussed with them on the sale of this magazine and 
made arrangements for the prominent display of posters and propaganda ma- 
terials. Further arrangements were made to use the regular channels of dis- 
tribution of Marxian literatures to the bourgeois bookstores. Direct contact was 
establishecL with the managers of the two bourgeois bookstores on the U. of C. 
(;ampus. Although they agreed to contact with N. Y. directly, we supplied several 
copies to meet the immediate demand. In addition to this regular method of 
distribution, one hundred copies of the first issue were obtained by the central 
agent and distributed to those agents and those interested persons who before 
the actual appearance of the first issue already started the sub. drive and now 
followed up their contacts with actual copies. 

If these were the methods which we had planned, the following are the diffi- 
culties which we have encountered. As far as the difficulties with the distribution 
of the magazine were concerned, the outstanding one was response resulting (a) 
from the nature of the magazine, and (b) from the character of the first issue. 
The formei", being of general nature, has been dealt with above and was to be 
expected, with one exception : the reception of the magazine among certain white 
collar sections of the party. It necessitated considerable — to convince the com- 
rades in the white-collar faction of the necessity of spending time and energy for 
the distribution and utilization of SS as a political weapon. Arguments used by 
us were those used in the Parts One and Two, with the result that the objection 
has been largely overcome. As to the latter (b), objections of varied types have 
been encountered : 

(1) to take typical objection raised by people who more or less came for 
he first time into contact with the Marxian scientific literature, we have en- 
countered the criticism that the articles seem to approach the problem with 
an a priori thesis and manipulate the subject matter to fit thi« a priori thesis. 
Although this common bourgeois objection has been met by Marx in his 
explanation of his method when dealing with his critics in the postscript to 
the second edition of Capital, we still might profitably raise the question 
whether the actual methods used in the articles of the first issue are Maxian 
dialectics, or whether they are not, as it seems to us, a mechanical use of 
dialetic terms. (Cf., somewhat classical example of Struik's article.) This 
is not the place to go into specific criticisms of different articles. 

(2) The second objection which has been brought to our attention is the 
lack of an observable editorial policy in the sense that not sufficient attention 
has been paid to the weighing of relative importance of different topics which 
might be treated. We assume, however, that editors were aware that such 
objection might be raised, the objection traceable to difficulties largely in- 
herent in the situation. 

If we regard these as outstanding examples of difficulties which we encountered, 
discounting those difficulties which of course arise constantly because of the very 
rature of the magazine with which we dealt above, there still remains the possi- 
bility of a difficulty arising out of the appearance of The Marxist Quarterly. The 
tactics employed by the MQ of avoiding any clear-cut distinction between the two 
magazines seems to indicate to us a difficulty as well as a hope. A difficulty in 
making clear the distinction at this moment to our readers. A hope because' we 
think that the absence of a clear Trotzkyite line will only put the actual burden 
of justifying the existence of two journals upon those who elsewhere justify the 
existence by being an opposition to us. Secondly, with the absence of a clear 
editorial policy of either being Lovestoneites or Trozkyites, it tends to bring the 
opposing forces within this group to so much the more rapid disruptive conflict. 

Let us consider now some of the shortcomings on our own part, both in general 
and specifically in Chicago. 

First, we in Chicago failed to anticipate the actual extent of the demand for 
the magazine. Concretely this was seen in (a) our failure to realize the actual 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE "UNITED STATES 3729 

possibilities as quickly as we might have; (&) our failure to utilize our sym- 
pathizers to satisfy this active demand ; and (c) the underestimation of workers 
bookshops in ordering their stocks. 

Furthermore we did not succeed always in preparing our agents to the extent 
we had planned about the promotion of SS not only as a source of information 
but also as a political weapon. 

We did not succeed as intended to collect donations for SS to an adequate ex- 
tent. The reason for that, besides the lack of the realization of its necessity, is 
that the groups we contacted first were professionals whose resources were quite 
heavily drawn upon by various professional organizations or students, and it is 
only now that we, especially study groups, begin to penetrate into groups which 
might be effectively used for this purpose. 

As to the question of contributions to the magazine, we are slowly beginning 
to see the first results of our strenuous advocating of the necessity for contribu- 
tions among the sympathizers of SS ; this, however, does not mean that printable 
articles will be available in the near future. But the foundation seems to be laid. 
As regards contributions by recognized scientists, we have not yet succeeded in 
obtaining any. Certain connections have been made, for instance in the U. of 
Minnesota, but it will take some more time before common platform will be 
reached to such people which will make contributions valuable to us. Here 
again, SS study groups have proved indispensable. As communicated to you 
in the earlier date, many foreign possible contributors have been contacted. 
Most of them will have contacted you directly. As far as we, the imdersigned, 
are concerned, (1) Lowe has written an article on economics which has not j^et 
been returned to him since the beginning of August. In view of the timeliness 
of the article, we consider it very unfortunate that such negligence has occurred ; 

(2) K. H. N. intended and still intends to write an article on the qualitative 
changes which have taken place in the trade-union structure since the great 
depression. Although the article has not been written because of the too heavy 
teaching role during the last semester, N. has never heard from the editors 
whether such an article is actually in line with their policy or not. As regards 
the book review, N. had been asked by Sam Sillen whether he would be willing to 
write a review of Manheim's Ideology and Utopia, and consented, but never re- 
ceived a copy of the book. As yet, N. has not been asked to write any other 
review, although he has made several suggestions especially in the direction of 
treating economic subjects more extensively. 

In regard to the general shortcomings, the last point made emphasizes already 
the lack of adequate communication between the middle west and the editors. 
N. has, for instance, written several letters to New York as well as to Cambridge ; 
and except for the promises for the future, he has never received an adequate 
reply. The same is true as to the technical organization. As a good example 
- might serve the letter of the central distributing agency for the Workers book- 
store to N. Y. requesting information about the discount and other business 
matters. But an answer was not received before the first issue came out. Instead 
they received 150 copies with no information as to the terms on which they were 
to handle. This was particularly serious as they had already planned to order 
500 copies of the first issue upon receipt of the answer to their letter on business 
details. These examples could be multiplied. N. gave the addresses of several 
Important contacts at one time, and at another time he sent subscriptions for 
several people and ordered several copies for himself. He never received an 
answer nor copies. Aside from these particular instances, the matter of general 
organization and planning comes up. When we had appointed Miss K. as the 
central agent in Chicago area, we had suggested that she should make reports 
of her work to the editors. Lowe whom we had asked to arrange for this got 
into contact with the managing editor but no provision was made. In conse- 
quence, no report was made. According to our information, the same holds 
true for the relation between Madison, Wis., and NY. This is the matter defi- 
nitely to be remedied, and as it seems to us, not only for the Middle West but for 
all places where SS is being distributed. 

When N. was in NY last summer, he talked with McGill about several points, 
among them the necessity for translations of classical writings of Marx, Engels, 
Lenin, and others. Concrete suggestions were made. Thus, Natur and Dialek- 
tik, parts of Deutsche Ideologie, of Theorien uber den Mehrwert, etc. Not only 
did nothing come out of it, but The Marxist Quarterly performed this task which 
we neglected. 

We understand that it is the policy of the editors not to review any foreign 
books. We sincerely hope that this is misunderstanding. Although due space 



3730 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY m THE UNITED STATES 

should be allotted to American publications, the very distinction between books 
which appeared outside of US and those within the present boundaries of US 
seems to us a fallacious one. To us, there seems to be only one distinction pos- 
sible; that of relevant, less relevant, and irrelevant books, relevancy being de- 
termined by the problems which we as Marxists face in a specific situation, this 
in turn to be evaluated in the editorial policy. 

B. Study groups : 

The general situation and our policy germane thereto have been described 
above. In accordance with that policy, we allotted our forces to penetrate into 
the following channels : 

Marxism as a science was of course studied at several points outside the 
Workers School before SS appeared. During the last year, students at the 
University had tried to organize Marxist Study Clubs sponsored by YCL. But 
this did not succeed very well because the clubs were regarded primarily as re- 
cruiting fields for YCL. When SS appeared, it was possible to use it as a means 
to revive the interest in the study of Marxism. We were fortunate enough to 
find a responsible person to devote more or less his whole time to this purpose. 
In close contact with the central agent, he went out to find responsible persons 
in the different departments on the campus who in turn would be able to mo- 
bilize all the potential interests in Marxism in these specific departments. In 
this way, we reached far beyond the previous scope of the Marxist study clubs. 
And by" attacking the problem on the ground of their special field of interest, 
we succeeded in involving persons who heretofore had not been cognizant of 
the bearing which the Marxian analysis has on their accustomed ways of and 
materials for thinking. It has been possible already to involve some of those 
persons in direct action which after all is the major objective. Such groups are 
functioning or ready to function in economics, social sciences, humanities, and 
physics. 

In the faculty of U. of C. we find a replica of the general situation outlined 
In the previous parts ; that is, the deepening schism or the far greater prepared- 
ness to study Marxism on the one side and reaction on the other. The first 
actual study group among the faculty has been established and will begin its 
works in the coming week. 

In Northwestern U., the situation is somewhat different. Situated in the most 
reactionary suburb of Chicago, a stronghold of the Liberty League, with a 
strong church background of the University itself, the faculty tends to be still 
more conservative than the one of Chicago University. The few contacts we 
had in the faculty of Northwestern, therefore, we brought together with an- 
other independent group of teachers and other intellectuals in that neighbor- 
hood, who had formed already a study circle for which they employed regularly 
a teacher from the Workers School. 

Still another difficulty was that we were able to contact the faculty only 
from the outside as we had no one trustworthy and capable enough on the campus 
to act as a leader. The purpose and meaning of SS was then fully discussed 
with the already established group and they have been using the magazine effec- 
tively in their group. On the Northwestern Down Town Campus (Med. School, 
Law School, etc. ) we have as yet only one person who is distributing the Magazine 
and looking for other persons interested in our aims with the view of getting 
subs as well as forming a study group before long. 

The other colleges and universities in Chicago have not yet been covered 
with such a concentrated effort. This is mainly due to the fact that we had 
insufficient direct contacts with them, and we might add here that we would 
appreciate if you would communicate to us any addresses of persons who might 
serve such a purpose. However, this does not mean that nothing was done in 
that direction. The party faction of the teachers, with whom we had long 
and thorough discussions, had been largely responsible for the above-mentioned 
study group. Besides that they had established another Marxist study group 
in the city comprised of about thirty-five members also under the direction of 
a teacher from the workers school. Into this latter study group S. and S. 
has been introduced and is being used. Beyond that, however, the faction 
works as an agent for us and we hope that it will soon be possible to have more 
study groups and extend the field of influence of SS. 

Similarly we proceeded with the social workers. The faction was here to 
our starting point, through which we brought S & S into the work of the units 
as well as contacted through them outside persons. One S & S study ^roup 
imder the leadership of two able comrades was formed here and has been 
meeting weekly since September. It is with this group that we gained our 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3731 

most valuable experience. We found that such SS study circles must be very 
carefully organized on an extremely flexible basis. The group which came to- 
gether here was of a relatively heterogeneous character. We found that sev- 
eral members of the group were soon able to attend directly the courses in the 
workers school, a fact which was not soon enough realized but meanwhile reme- 
died. Similarly we found that topics of too general or "fundamental" a nature 
tended to weaken the interest of certain members, nothing to say about the 
fact that they tended to repeat only what more effectively could have been 
done by the workers' school. In positive terms, this is being remedied by divid- 
ing the group as far as possible into definite fields of professional interest or, 
where this is not possible, by clearly stating the different fields in advance, 
pointing out the problems involved and taking up one field after the other. 

As a last instance of forming SS study groups we would like to discuss briefly 
the formation of such a group within the framework of the workers' school. 
Our general ideas about this have been given above. The course which is 
ofllcially announced in the bulletin of the workers' school was thoroughly dis- 
cussed with the friend who is going to lead it. The participants consist of 
psychiatrists, physiologists, a psychologist, a dentist, lawyers, a biologist, a 
journalist, an artist, and a philosopher (we are well aware of the fact that 
these seem to be strange bedfellows). It is obvious that, to say the least, such 
a heterogeneous group offers very diflicult problems. As these people, how- 
ever, by consenting to come to the workers' school, had already made the defi- 
nite decision which that implies, and as we had to find a common working basis, 
we suggested that they should start with a more fundamental though general 
discussion on dialectics based perhaps on the short article by Bukharin in Marx- 
ism and Modern Thought. To support this, we compiled an outside reading 
list. This discussion was to go over about five to six evenings ; after this the 
main fields of interest were to be selected and if possible the members were 
to be divided into such interest groups with the objective of studying such 
fields more specifically ; as for instance, biology and Marxian method, the sci- 
ence of law of Marxism, etc. In order to avoid too vague a treatment, specific 
concrete problems within those fields were formulated and reading lists for 
each of the fields compiled. As the members of this group consist of people 
who speak different languages, the untranslated writings of Marx, Engels, and 
Lenin, as well as modern Russian publications were included. The leader of 
the group is so optimistic as to hope that they will get several papers written 
which he intends to collect and make available not only to other study groups 
here but to send to you with the hope that other groups might do the same ; and 
that material thus collected might be made mutually available through you. 

In Minneapolis we got a foothold at the University of Minnesota where a 
group of a few economic historians, political scientists, and a philosopher was 
meeting with N. fairly regularly. The discussion revolved mainly around an 
interpretation of history coupled, of course, with an understanding of present 
events. Fairly good headway has been made. There is a possibility that the 
group will have to be reorganized because two of the members will go to 
Washington, DC, after Christmas. 

We have worked in close contact with Madison, Wisconsin, and N. was there 
only a few weeks ago and found that the friend in charge of S&S there, though 
extremly capable, encounters certain difficulties inherent in the situation in 
Madison. We suggest, however, that you might get directly in touch with 
Mr. John Cookson, 701 West Johnson Street, c/o Herman Ramras, Madison, 
Wisconsin. 

We conclude by saying that we would appreciate your reactions to this formu- 
lation of our experience in regard to study groups and that we would like to 
hear from you equally elaborately about the experiences in this respect in 
other places. 

PAET FOITE 

Concrete suggestions 

1. Resulting from the consideration put forth in the above memorandum, we 
propose that the editorial policy should exhibit a conscious effort to make the 
magazine into a tool of our present-day struggle on the theoretical front rather 
than an encyclopaedic compedium of various learned treatments of scientific 
problems. This implies that the articles to be printed shall be selected from a 
point of view determined by an analysis of the problems confronting us at that 
moment. 

2. Resulting from the criticisms given in the memorandum on the editorial 
policy concerning study groups, we propose a reconsideration of this policy 

93215— 57— pt. 57 4 



3732 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

and a change in the direction which experiences in the Middle West point to. 

3. As mentioned before, we propose that serious consideration should be 
given to the translation of outstanding basic writings of Marxist leaders. 

4. In^ regard to the book review section of the magazine, we propose recon- 
sideration of the editorial policy, the only criterion possible to be the relevancy 
of the books under consideration, this relevancy in turn being determined by the 
same analysis which determines the selection of articles as outlined under 1. 

5. We feel strongly that the Mid-West and if possible the Far West should be 
actively represented on the editorial board. The desirability of this has been 
acknowledged frequently for many reasons : 

(a) Avoidance of the top-heaviness of the East 

(b) The necessity of a conscious building of leadership as opposed to a 
reliance on spontaneity — c. f ., Lenin What's To Be Done 

(c) The necessity for the recognition of the actual potentialities for use 
of S. «& S. as a political weapon also west of the Alleghenys 

(d) The desirability of a distribution of duties over as large an area as 
possible 

(e) The necessity of arriving at an adequate analysis of the situation in 
order to determine the editorial policy of the magazine seems to us to de- 
mand an adequate representation of as many districts as possible on the 
editorial board. As far as the representation ofthe Mid- West is concerned, 
friend Lowe will personally make concrete suggestions. 

6. We propose a reconsideration of our understanding of the general function 
of an agent. Practically, we propose dismissal of the concept of agents as mere 
subscription agents. The drive for subscriptions cannot and should not be sepa- 
rated from the agents' political and educational function. 

Special attention should be given to the problem of getting more of such 
agents and of extending the territory covered with the help of such agents. 

7. "A guide to Marxist Studies." Friend Lowe communicated to us the outline 
for the proposed guide to Marxist studies. May we express our surprise that 
no one in the Mid- West ever heard of this enterprise before it was launched. In 
the outline before us there seem to us to be several contradictions. It is stated 
that "an exhaustive Marxist bibliography for intensive research in specialized 
fields would prove extremely useful," but it is not even indicated why such a 
bibliography could not be compiled and why only an introductory guide is at- 
tempted to be compiled. We infer that the difficulty for an exhaustive Marxist 
bibliography lies in the fact that such an overwhelming part of the Marxist 
literature has not yet been translated. This, however, seems to us to be not 
necessarily a valid objection, especially if we confront the attempted bibliography 
with the professed, and under the heading "Audience," enumerated aims. 

It seems to us meaningless to say that the guide should be neither "exhaustive" 
nor "for the advanced student as such" when we continue the sentence that it is 
intended "for the ordinary intelligent student of socialism." We cannot quite 
understand what kind of students the composer of this outline had in mind 
when he speaks about the use of such an outline for "college courses which bear 
on the various aspects of socialism" ; we understand still less when he speaks 
about "the student already possessing some knowledge of socialism who wishes 
to make a study of fields not yet investigated" ; and we do not understand at all 
the snobbishness with which he speaks about the "workers who vdsh to deepen 
their knowledge of socialism." 

Needless to say, there is a flagrant contradiction between the initial modesty as 
regards the scope of the outline and the actually proposed contents as enu- 
merated on the next page. Under the heading "Scope," it is written that "the 
projected guide will serve to indicate the hest exposition of Mm-xism and its 
implications for the special branches of knowledge." If this is to indicate the 
red thread which is supposed to run through the outline, we fail entirely and 
absolutely to see where the composer is to get an "estimated number of two 
hundred items" of the "bare minimum of basic works, specifically Marxist works" 
of the history of the United States. If such a thing would be possible, we would 
see still less how this red thread could be carried out under the heading "Politi- 
cal Theory." The remarks attached to this heading indicate already that the 
composer of this table of contents thought it impossible to collect sufficient 
Marxist studies in the English language in this field when he speaks about 
"intimations of socialist theory in American political theory." In this way 
every one of the different paragraphs of the table of contents could be analyzed ; 
the result would remain the same. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3733 

As the outline in the proposed form seems to us for these reasons not only not 
to serve the purpose put forward but to add positively to the undoubtedly exist- 
ing confusion, and 

As on the other side we are convinced with you that a bibliographical guide to 
studies of Marxism is highly desirable and necessary, 

AVe propose that : 

(a) An exhaustive bibliography should be compiled of all Marxist literatures, 
as far as we have knowledge of it, regardless in which language it appeared. 

(b) This bibliography should be compiled, of course, under certain headings. 
However, we propose that in the enumeration of these headings due modesty 
should be applied. 

(c) A very valuable bibliography up to 1925 or '26 has been compiled and 
published in the first volume of the Marx-Engels Archiv. If the bibliography 
would be brought up to date, it would be augmented by a selection of represent- 
ative Russian publications (extremely necessary!) and if then this bibliography 
would be furnished with an introduction and the necessary elucidations of the 
enumerated items as well, we think that such a work would not only be extremely 
useful but fill a gap which has been felt for a long time. 

(d) In order to make this bibliography also useful and accessible for people 
who are mainly interested in the more basic and fundamental Marxist works we 
propose that such works should be printed in bold face. 

(e) As regards this reference to the treatment of the history of US, we do 
not think that bourgeois works "easily adapted to Marxits use" should be in- 
cluded especially if their number is estimated somewhere around two hundred. 
Bibliographies of the US history are easily available in every bourgeois library. 
It does not need, we hope, to be emphasized that such a principle is not to be 
used with absolute rigidity. Works like that of Charles Beard, if given ade- 
quate annotations, may very well serve our purpose. 

(f ) Especial care should be given to the selection as to the persons who are to 
be entrusted with the compilation of the different parts of this bibl. We cannot 
see for instance that Laski would be able to give an adequate bibl. of the Marxist 
interpretation of law. The man who in our opinion should come in this connec- 
tion into our mind would be Pashkhanis of the Red Academy. 

However, if there should be, because of a lack of forces available, choice to be 
made between such a bibliography and translations of basic Marxist works into 
English, we strongly advocate that the latter be given preference. We feel that 
the need for the translation cannot be emphasized too much. 

8. It would go definitely too far to give within the framework of this memo- 
randum an exhaustive criticism of all the articles of the first issue. We shall 
content ourselves with enumerating a few : 

(a) As regards McGill's article, we understand that the article in the first 
issue is only the first installment. This however is nowhere indicated. We there- 
fore take the article as a whole. The critical analysis of logical positivism as 
given by McGill seems to us to be a mere critique within the framework of this 
bourgeois philosophical system, to which Marxian terms are only attached. In 
other words, in our opinion no visible attempt is made to understand logical 
positivism as an outgrowth of the specific historical situation of today and to 
determine its specific place in the situation. The omission of this analysis is 
clearly refiected in the results attained at the end of the article. It is stated 
there that logical positivism "is not at present ... a reactionary philosophy, "and 
this conclusion is proved by the stand the logical positivists took at the interna- 
tional congress at Pragi:e. Surprisingly enough, a few lines later, this position 
is explained by the observation "that the students of logical positivism at the 
universities of Vienna, Prague, Warsaw, etc., are typically poor and without 
prospect, and while their disinterested ( ! ! ! K. H. N.) devotion to the most 
abstract and impractical studies resembles somewhat the zeal of chess players, 
and also expresses surrepetitiously a revolt against the pompous idealism of the 
tyrannies which surround and threaten them, since, in terms of their analysis, 
this idealism is literally nonsense." Although this is quoted from Earnest Nagel, 
McGill arrives at the conclusion that "log. pos. is thus a literary weapon against 
the favorite philosophies of the fascists." We do not agree with the deduction 
given. The fact that the class situation of the student in Vienna, etc. forces 
them to stand against fascism does not elevate log. pos. into a weapon against 
fascism. Furthermore, the fact that there are contradictions and even violent 
ones between different philosophies does not make the one whose believers be- 
cause of a specific class situation are forced temporarily to take a stand against 
fascism into a weapon against fascism. On the contrary, we would like to sug- 



3734 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

gest that such a philosophy, although involved in such a struggle vphich reminds 
us very much of the description of the fratricidal behavior of the capitalists in 
the first volume of Capital, must serve in the end for its believers as an actual 
veil against the recognition of their class situation which alone would enable 
them to fight fascism effectively. This is by no means an advocation of the left- 
ist deviation as we most heartily would agree to a united front, though tempo- 
rary, with the logical positivists on specific issues. The patting of logical posi- 
tivists on the back (page 79, beginning of last paragraph) is not only super- 
fiuous. No, their experimentalism is not "even acceptable if it had not cut 
away the material basis of experiment" because the former is not Logical 
Positivism without the latter. And thus the argument could be carried on. 
Tc conclude, Logical Positivism seems to us to be as much the twin 
brother of Pareto and similar philosophers as this was true for the semi-revolu- 
tionary phraseology of Braunthal and the other apologists of the social democ- 
racy in Germany which Stalin so adequately characterized as twin brothers of 
capitalism. We cannot see the validity of a reasoning that "if history and eco- 
nomic considerations are allowed their proper place, this trend . . . will cumu- 
late in dialectic materialism." "If" seems to indicate that we have forgotten the 
class roots and resulting from that, the functions of such ideology. 

(b) As regards the Struik article. We understand by dialectics a mode of 
behavior and not a pattern conveniently attached to phenomena which on the 
surface resemble dialectic process. Although Struik brings out in his article 
many interesting facts, he seems to us to be guilty of the fallacy mentioned of 
applying dialectics like a pattern to these facts. He fails to develop or at least 
to indicate the development of those basic processes of which mathematics was= 
a product and upon which mathematics reacted. It seems to us a lack of dia- 
lectical analysis of ideology if we read on page 84 that "the necessity of op- 
erating with large numbers leads to a pride in workmanship, to the develop- 
ment of a craft which finds pleasure in computing for computing's sake, in look- 
ing for impractical problems to test the power of the method," when such an 
observation leads to a conclusion "that without this pride in men like Van 
Cedlen * * * we never should have had the practical invention of logarithms." 
We fail to understand therefore of course why such an invention as an "interac- 
tion * * * between social necessity to get results and the love of science for 
science's sake" is exhibiting "dialectics or reality, a simple illustration of the 
unity of opposites." Not only that there does not seem to us to be any dialectic 
relationship but a mere seeing of ghosts, but the term itself in its novelty seems 
to ask for clarifying explanation. This concept of the pride of workmanship 
is repeatedly used till it is finally given the form of the active and direct cause 
to the birth of analytical geometry (Cf. 85). The method employed by Struik 
and criticized here becomes definitely obvious when on Page 88 under the pre- 
tense of historical analysis he is describing (as distinguished from analyzing) 
the tendence toward abstraction by mere assertions (Cf. the first half of Page 
88). Or if he informs us on p. 92 that "Feudal society did not use exact science 
much." Of course, it couldn't as exact science was just in the foetal stage. 

It would lead too far to investigate here the validity of such a concept as 
"social causality," but we might only mention that the use of the word "there- 
fore" in the last line of the third paragraph on page 89 by no means disposes of 
our criticism. 

With this method applied, the definition of "genius" as always implying "an 
element of the irrational, the unexplainable" does not come as a surprise, nor 
of course the further deduction that "the history of a science which depends 
so much on the role of genius seems also to have elements of the irrational and 
the unexplainable." The absurdity of these remarks is not covered up by the 
mistranslation of Engels in the following sentence in which Struik makes it ap- 
pear as if by "average shape" he meant the averaging of the special forms af- 
fected by genius by the means of a mass action. "Average shape," however, 
means here socially determined shape in the same way that "Durchschnittsar- 
beit" is used by Marx as socially determined labor (Das Kapital, Bd. I. S. 49 
Adoratzky edition. We might mention at this place that in the following quo- 
tation from the Engels correspondence the second half of the third from the 
last line seems to be a mistransplation although we are at the moment unable 
to check it. Further, on page 94, the first sentence in the second paragraph only 
seems to make sense if an "it is" is inserted between "that" and "commodity- 
fetishism" in the second line. On page 91, the quotation on the head of the 
page, the German word "Betriebes" is put after the word "cultivation," but this 
is never a translation of the word "Betrieb." The best possible translation 
which occurs to our mind at present is "institution." ) . 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3735 

Finally, and perhaps most clearly, we see the Struik's method in the state- 
ment that "the transition in mentality (i. e., the tendency to think far more in 
abstraction is reflected in the economic field in the replacement of use value by 
exchange value." (88) First of all, this transition is not reflected in any re- 
placement in the economic field, but if at all, it is vice versa. But beyond this 
fundamental misconception, what actually takes place in the economic sphere is 
by no means the replacement of use value by exchange value, but on the con- 
trary, a dialectic growth of a form which contains both use value and exchange 
value as opposites. 

(c) Communications on Jaensch and Comte seem to us to be valuable infor- 
mation in an appropriate form. 

9. We have not as yet seen The Marxist Quarterly personally, but we have 
received from different sympathizers who had occasion to see it one uniform 
comment : the attractiveness of the format. We should like to call your atten- 
tion to this fact. 

We would be glad if this memorandum could serve as a profitable basis for 
discussions, and we would appreciate very much the communication of your 

reactions. 

Constance Kyle, 
Department of Psychiatry of the University of Illinois. 

Kart. H. Niebyi,, 
Department of Economics, Carleton College. 

Alfred Z. Lowe. 

Carleton College, Northfield, Minnesota, 

Department of Economics, 

Jan. 25, 37. 
Shigeto Tsuru, 

63, Claverly Hall, Cambridge, Mass. 

Dear Shigeto: I am sorry about the delay the memorandum suffered — let's 
hope that it is still in time. There are a number of things I would formulate 
today somewhat differently, but I think it's better we don't begin with any 
rewriting but wait for the response we get. 

I just got the second issue. It looks much better although I haven't had time 
to read it. 

Sam S. just wrote me that I should review Strachey's new book which I 
think I will do as soon as I will have the copy. 

Have you heard anything about your article? Sweezey's remarks I couldn't 
find in the new issue and Sillen wrote me from NY that he didn't know anything 
about them. 

Do write me what you think about the Keynes article. I will do the same 
as soon as I have read it. 

I won't be able to get to Chicago this week as planned as I am over my neck 
in work. Next Monday I have to begin teach two new courses for which I 
haven't prepared as yet anything. I talked to Conny several times on the phone 
and had several letters, the work seems to go along there nicely, although with 
the usual birth-paines. 

I do hope you are well ! 
Very cordially, 

K (Karl Heinrich Niebyl) . 

Senator Jenner. Do you want to comment ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I want to make clear the part I played in drafting this 
memorandum. 

Senator Jenner. All right. 

Mr. Tsuru. The memorandum was drafted, I think, in the course 
of the — toward the end of January 1937, from the end of December 
1936 toward the end of January 1937. I was in Chicago for a brief 
period in the early part of the drafting, and discussed a number of 
questions contained in the memorandum with two other persons whose 
names appear there. I tried to refresh my memory yesterday, after 
receiving this copy, what particular part I was especially instrumental 
in bringing about. And I am very sorry I cannot recall any partic- 
ular point, but the general observation I should like to make is that 



3736 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

it is my understanding that Mr. Niebyl had a major role in play in 
drafting this memorandum, as is clear from the fact that I left Chicago 
very early in January of 1937, and the memorandum was completed 
only toward the end of January and sent to me by mail. And further- 
more, internal evidence is 

Senator Jenner. Did you go to Chicago to collaborate on this par- 
ticular memorandum ? 

Mr. TsuRU. The reason I went to Chicago was not simply one, but 
T knew I was going to Chicago. So I spoke with ]SIr. Parry, now I don't 
quite remember but I must have spoken to Mr. Parry before I went 
to Chicago, and discussed a number of problems related to Science 
and Society and went to Chicago. But the major reason I went to 
Chicago was to accompany Prof, and Mrs. Kei Shibata, who had just 
lost their only son and were psychologically in an extremely depressed 
condition and they asked me to travel with them to Niagara Falls and 
Detroit and Chicago and they were just visiting this country at the 
time, so I agreed and accompanied them. That is the major reason J 
went to Chicago, or went around these places. 

But I utilized the opportunity to discuss these matters with Mr. 
Niebyl and Miss Kyle. 

Senator Jenner. You made a trip into Wisconsin, too. What was 
the purpose of th:vt trip? 

Mr. TsuRU. At that time I do not believe I made a trip, earlier I did. 

Senator Jenner. Earlier, all right. "Wliat was the purpose of that 
trip into Wisconsin ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I think I stated yesterday I attended summer schools, 
if I remember correctly, three times at the University of Wisconsin. 
The main reason being that, since I was originally a philosophy major 
in college and changed into economics later on, I had to catcli up with 
some of my economics courses and I wanted to do so through training 
at summer school. And since I like Lake Mendota during the sum- 
mer, I chose the University of Wisconsin to do so. 

Senator Jenner. You financed your own education ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I personally had no funds. My father did. Most of 
my college days. It was very difficult at the time to do any work 
under the immigration law. I could wash dishes, so I did such things 
occasionally. But otherwise my college days were financed by my 
father. 

Senator Jenner. The Communist Party never paid for any of your 
trips out to Chicago to collaborate on this matter? 

Mr. TsuRU. Absolutely not. 

Senator Jenner. No Communist contributed to your expenses? 

Mr. TsuRU. Absolutely not. 

Senator Jenner. Mr. Parry or any of the other associate professors 
you referred to in your previous testimony never advanced you any 
money of any kind? 

Mr. TsuRU. No, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like to submit that I studied 
this document very carefully, and it has all the earmarks of being 
prepared by what the Communists call experienced "agitprop direc- 
tors" of the Communist Party. Are you acquainted with that ma- 
terial, Mr. Tsuru ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I am sorry, I am not acquainted with that term. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE XJNITED STATES 3737 

Mr. MoRRRis. Mr, Chairman, I would like to read sections of this. 
Senator Jennek. Proceed. It is all in the record. 
Mr. Morris. First page, paragraph 3 : 

It is our opinion that SS did not appear accidentally at this particular time. 
The fact that a magazine of the similar nature has appeared in the last forty 
years in Germany, Russia, Switzerland, and Japan, while not in the Anglo-Saxon 
countries, especially not in the U. S., seems to us to reflect a basically uneven 
development, the recognition of which is fundamental to our determination of 
the method which we have to employ in regard to SS in the U. S. According 
to the analyses of the Seventh World Congress, capitalism has entered its crisis 
as such. For the U. S. this meant that the very basis of the position of the 
intellectual — while we are not of the opinion that SS is only or even primarily 
directed to the intellectuals, a point which will be clarified later on, we think 
that it is best to develop our analysis from that specific point in the class strug- 
gle where SS originated, the intellectual. — the economic basis for the oppor- 
tunism and for the lack of their being forced to develop class consciousness in 
the form of revolutionary theory has withered away and that this necessity in 
many different forms was becoming apparent. Reviewed in this way, SS is not 
only a manifestation of the grown contradictions in the American capitalist 
society but represents in itself an active force and an important and indispen- 
sable weapon v/ithin the struggle of these contradictions. 

I would like to move over to the next page. Senator, and — may I read 
parts of this in the interest of time ? 

Senator Jenner. Yes, proceed. 

]Mr. Morris. And if I seem to take anything out of context, in so 
moving will you let me knoAv, JVIr. Tsuru? Under part 1, there is a 
subdivision 1, 2, and 3. 

1. We have to deepen or even first to prepare the ground for an understanding 
of the Marxist content of the magazine. Such a necessity is abundantly clear 
from the last issue. (We specifically refer to the articles by McGill, Struik, and 
Brameld.) 

^Vlio are McGill, Struik, and Brameld ? 

Mr. Tsi^Ru. Mr. McGill was one of the editors of Science and Society 
at the time. Mr. Struik was a professor of mathematics at Massachu- 
setts Institute of Technology, and I believe he was either an editor 
or contributing editor. Brameld, this name I do not recall. 

Mr. Morris. Is that Theodore Brameld ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I do not recall, Mr. Morris. 

Mr. Morris (reading) : 

2. We help these people already responsive to the magazine to find the "polit- 
ical" contents of the magazine. 

3. We make a conscious effort of extending this field of responsiveness by 
organizing study groups around specific scientific fields, for instance, modern 
problems in physics, or relation of biology to political science, or the function 
of law and dictatorship, etc. etc., in each case bearing in mind that our function 
is to expose the inherent contradictions in the bourgeois approach and to lead 
the members of the study groups to realize the only correct approach : the ap- 
proach of dialectic materialism. 

Mr. Morris. Then I would like to go down to No. 1 in the next sub- 
division. [Reading :] 

1. As far as intellectuals are concerned, their attending of classes in Workers 
Schools presupposes a definite decision on their part ; not only many of them at 
the moment are not willing to make such a decision due to lack of conviction 
but many external circumstances impose the degree of precaution which they 
most certainly are not willing to forego before having attended a study group. 
Furthermore, there are a number of people whose right to precaution under the 
circumstances given would certainly not be denied. 

2. Study groups are not to be perceived as regular courses beginning with the 
reading of jNIanifesto and ending with the application of the Third Volume of 



3738 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Capital to their specific fields. Such a course would certainly belong to Workers 
Schools. Positive contents of such study groups have been outlined above. 

3. There should be no reason why SS study groups could not be organized 
within the framework of Workers Schools as actually done in the W. S. here 
in Chicago. Such a group would serve a similar function as those groups men- 
tioned before only for slightly more developed intellectuals who do not object 
to going to a W. S. but might find it difficult to start their Marxist education on 
an elementary basis. Secondly, there are those within such a group who are 
far more easily approached via their own fields. 

Then I would like to skip to part 2, just a half page later. [Read- 
ing:] 

PABT TWO 

In a letter by Stalin to the editors of the central organ of the TCL of the Soviet 
Union (unfortunately we do not have material with us to check) several years 
ago, Stalin stressed the great importance of the practical work performed in the 
Soviet Union since the revolution as something to be extremely proud of. But 
he said that little had been done for the struggle on the theoretical front. And 
this established one of the weakest points in the development of Soviet Union. 
He then stressed the responsibility of the Party and urged the concentration on 
this point. We think that a lesson could be taken from this letter to our own 
situation. 

In other words, Mr. Tsuru, you invoked a letter by Mr. Stalin as a 
guide to your political activities at this time. 

Mr. Tsuru. As I indicated earlier, my part in drafting this memo- 
randum I consider somewhat minor. I took the responsibility of put- 
ting down the name because I participated in a discussion while pre- 
paring for the draft, and I was the intermediary to carry, if it was 
completed, to Mr. Parry. So I took the responsibility of putting down 
the name, but actually, as I think you will be able to establish in the lat- 
ter part of this memorandum, the memorandum refers to Lowe as 
Friend Lowe, whereas it refers to Niebyl by initials, KHN. I recall 
most of the parts of the things were written by Mr. Niebyl and my con- 
tribution was to participate in the discussion of certain aspects of the 
memorandum, so if you ask me if I invoke the letter by Stalin, the only 
thing I can say is to the extent I have put down the name, I am respon- 
sible, but it was so long as I can recall, not I who invoked Stalin. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. May I respectfully suggest this is at a time when 
the witness has already testified he was acting like a Communist, think- 
ing like a Communist. 

Now, in that connotation there is nothing remarkable about putting 
that in this memorandum. 

Mr. Morris. Well, may I just read two more paragraphs. Senator ? 

Senator Jenner. Proceed. 

Mr. Morris. The next paragraph under part 2. [Reading :] 

We feel it is our duty to ask ourselves the question : what work has been done 
in analyzing the present complex situation in this country. Most certainly the 
analysis of the Seventh World Congress has given the basis for the analysis which 
was concretized and applied to the US in the Ninth convention. These analyses, 
however, could stress because of their very nature only the changes in the basic 
structure as well as certain specific aspects of it. The manifestations of these 
changes in, for instance, bourgeois economic theory, philosophy, natural sciences, 
etc., still wait for appropriate analyses and even more, we are still waiting (and 
the fact that we are waiting is in itself an indictment) for an adequate expres- 
sion of these changes in Marxist theoretical terms. The general attempt made 
in this direction is an analysis by Varga which should perform for us the same 
function as the Seventh World Congress to the Ninth Party Convention. 

Now, again, "Should perform for us the same function as the 
Seventh World Congress to the Ninth Party Convention." 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3739 

Mr, TsuRU, I think I can only repeat the same as my answer to my 
part in the memorandum. 

Mr. Morris. The next part only refers to Comrade Bittelman. 

Senator Jenner. Was it your habit to refer to individuals as 
"Comrades" ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Mr. Chairman, I am clearly certain that it was Mr. 
Niebyl's writing. He referred to Mr. Bittelman as Comrade and a 
little further below he refers to me as "Friend." 

Senator Jenner. But in the beginning of the paragraph you say — 
the word is, "we feel it is our duty to ask ourselves"^and then in the 
middle of the paragraph you say "Comrade." Now I ask you, do you 
refer to your friends as comrades? 

Mr. TsuRU. No, sir, I do not do so. 

Senator Jenner. You never did. 

Mr. TsuRU. I never did. 

Senator Jenner. Why did you sign this document then * 

Mr. TsuRU. Well, because 

Senator Jenner. Did you ask Mr. Niebyl to correct that and put 
Mr. Bittelman rather than Comrade Bittelman at any time ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I am sorry, I did not do so. 

Senator Jenner, Of course, you are sorry now. 

Mr.TsuRU. Yes. 

Senator Jenner. How long have you been sorry ? 

Mr. TsTJRU. Well, I think 1 expressed in my initial statement about 
the gradual changes in my views and I should say, if you would like 
me to develop on that point, probably I could spend a few minutes 
but I don't like to take up too much of the committee's time so I would 
ascribe my gradual transition to the period, the initial period from 
1938 and 1939, but more intensively I began to change my views in the 
postwar period. 

Senator Jenner. But when you were attached to SCAP under the 
command of General MacArthur, you hadn't clearly changed your 
views ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I was attached to SCAP in 1946 and 1947 and I believe 
I had changed my views then. 

Senator Jenner. All right, proceed. 

Mr. Morris. Well, Senator, I thought possibly when we got to that 
line of development I might ask a few questions. But excuse me, sir, 
I will go back and finish this line of questioning. 

I have just one more letter I will offer the witness at this time, 
dated May 9, 1937, which was shown to the witness in the executive 
session this morning. It is addressed to Mr. Karl-Heinrich. It reads 
as follows : 

Deab Karl-Heineich : 

I hope that the fact that I have not heard from you does not mean that you 
have been ill, but rather that you have been terrifically busy as usual. 

Toward the end of March we started a new study group here for the study of 
American capitalism from the Marxist point of view. The group consists of 
young instructors and graduate students in economics, history, and law, includ- 
ing a few men who have already established some reputation in their own field 
like Paul Sweezy and Robert Bryce. Thus far we met five times and discussed 
five papers : "Marxian Methodology in Social Sciences' by myself, "National In- 
come and its Distribution Among Different Classes" by L. Tarshis, "American 
Imperialism" by E. H, Norman, "Peculiarities of Capitalist Accumulation in 
U. S," by P, Sweezy, and "Agriculture in U, S, A." by R. Bryce. We plan to 
meet for the last time this year two weeks from today to discuss the program of 
a Farmer-Labor Party. 



3740 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

I haven't finished reading the letter but that is the part I want to 
ask you questions about. 

(The letter referred to above was marked "Exhibit No. 451 and 

reads as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 451 

36 Claverly Hall, 
Cambridge, Mass., May 9, 1937. 

Dear Karl-Heinrich : I hope that the fact that I have not heard from you 
does not mean that you have been ill, but rather that you have been terrifically 
busy as usual. 

Toward the end of March we started a new study group here for the study of 
American capitalism from the Marxist point of view. The group consists of 
young instructors and graduate students in economics, history and law, in- 
cluding a few men who have already established some reputation in their own 
field like Paul Sweezy and Robert Bryce. Thus far we met five times and dis- 
cussed five papers: "Marxian Methodology in Social Science" by myself, "Na- 
tional Income and its Distribution among different Classes" by L. Tarshis, 
"American Imperialism" by E. H. Norman, "Peculiarities of Capitalist Accumu- 
lation in U. S." by P. Sweezy, and "Agriculture in U. S. A." by R. Bryce. We plan 
to meet for the last time this year two weeks from to-day to discuss the program 
of a Farmer-Labor Party. In the discussion of Bryce's paper, the question arose, 
in particular, if it is not increasingly likely that agricultural population as a 
whole would in future politically identify themselves as one in favoring such a 
measure as the AAA and that even tenant farmers and sharecroppers may line 
up with other sectors of agricultural population over against industrial popula- 
tion including industrial workers. How the program of a Farmer-Labor Party 
should take such a probability into consideration is one of the questions we shall 
discuss. Therefore, we wish to obtain some materials which explain the posi- 
tion of the Middle Western Farmer Labor groups on such questions. If you 
have them on hand, will you send them to me? Or, if you know some good articles 
on the subject in any of the national periodicals, will you let me know? 

Other study groups are holding out quite nicely. Representatives of several 
study groups here sent a letter to the editors of S&S almost two months ago, 
asking certain specific questions and suggesting certain specific steps. But we 
have not heard a word from them yet. 

Parry tells me that we printed 8,400 copies of S&S per issue for the last two 
times and we have about 1,.500 annual subs, also that we need the total of 5,000 
subs to make the magazine self-sustaining and otherwise we need $2,000 con- 
tributions every year. "Otherwise" means "unless we do not get additional 3,500 
subs." The editors are quite pessimistic about the prospect of getting more subs. 
But I think it is a mistake. 

I also feel that it would be better to establish various departmental editor- 
ships. I envisage a wide potentiality under such a system. The present system 
with a hurried weekend editorial meeting once a month or so is almost an insult 
to the kind of work S&S is meant to be doing. We need more personnel with 
better organization, it seems to me. 

If you are too busy, don't bother with those annotations which I asked you to 
write; and let me know whichever way you decide. 

The recent sudden death of my mother will take me back to Japan this summer. 
But I hope to be back in U. S. in the fall. 

( TSURU ) 

Mr.TsuRU. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Who were in that study group to the best of your rec- 
ollection ? 

Mr. TsuRU. First, I would like to state, this letter, although it is a 
copy, I am certain that I wrote it. And then as to Mr. Morris' ques- 
tion about the study group, as I now recall, although I would not have 
recalled the details, vrere it not for the fact that I have seen the letter, I 
now recall more details of the study group which consisted mainly of 
graduate students and instructors at Harvard, generally in the field 
of social science, economics, and history, to discuss among ourselves 
freely the question of American capitalism. Some of us in the study 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3741 

group, not all of them, some of us including myself, and possibly Mr. 
Sweezy, had the idea of trying to test the theories of Karl Marx as they 
applied to American capitalism. I am certain others included in the 
study group were not, at least at the time I knew them then, so the 
discussion was quite free and flexible and we exchanged different points 
of view. And as INIr. Morris has read the part, we discussed a wide 
variety of subjects. 

Mr. Morris. And who were in that study group? 

Mr. TsuRU. Oh, Miss — although I am not certain if all of them were 
present at every meeting, persons like Tarshis, Mr. Eobert Bryce, Mr. 
Paul Sweezy, and Mr. E. H. Norman w^ere present. 

Mr. Morris. Now, when did you first meet Mr. Norman, for in- 
stance ? 

Mr. TsuRu. I met Mr. Norman for the first time, I believe, in the 
spring of 1936. I cannot place exactly, but I said it is spring, because 
he was introduced to me through Mr. Eobert Bryce, who is a Canadian 
economist, at the time a graduate student at Harvard University, and 
I believe I came to know Mr. Bryce only after several months of my 
academic year 1935 to 1936. Mr. Bryce introduced me to Mr. Norman 
at the dining room of one of the Harvard dormitories. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr.. Chairman, I would like to read the excerpt 
from a security memorandum which has previously been entered into 
our record.^ A reference contained therein which reads, "Tsuru 
Shigato, Japanese instructor at Harvard," — That is you, is it not? 

Mr. TsuRU. Shigato is not quite correct. 

Mr. Morris. Now, at that time — 1942 — you were being repatriated, 
were you not ? It means in connection with the repatriation purposes 
of 1942. [Eeading:] 

The FBI was approached by Norman who represented himself as an oflBcial 
on highly confidential business of the Canadian Government in an effort to take 
custody of Tsuru's belongings. 

One main item of these belongings was a complete record of the Nye munitions 
in\-^stigations, largely prepared by Alger Hiss. 

Norman later admitted to the FBI agents in charge that his was only a personal 
interest and that he was not representing the Canadian Government as stated. 

Another item among these belongings, as reported by the FBI, was a letter 
dated May 9, 1937, which related to a series of studies being promoted at Harvard 
by Tsuru which provided for the study of American capitalism from a Marxist 
viewpoint. The studies were conducted by a group of young instructors and 
graduate students which had met five times. They discussed certain papers 
which included "American Imperialism," by E. H. Norman. 

Obviously that reference there is to the letter we have just been 
reading. 

Now, can you tell us what precisely you did with all your personal 
papers and books after your repatriation in 1950 ? 

Mr. Tsuru. At the time of repatriation, that is to say, before I was 
repatriated, we had an intimation from, I think it was immigration 
authorities that, since we were living unmolested, paid by American 
institutions, our application for repatriation is likely to receive a low 
priority. 

So, Mrs. Tsuru and I more or less decided in our own mind that we 
should stay on until probably 1943 or 1945, although we had aj^plied 
for repatriation. And I negotiated with a number of professors at 



1 See Emmerson testimony March 12, 1957, pt. 56, Scope of Soviet Activity in the United 
States, p. 3645. 



3742 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Harvard so that I could get research assistance grants for the following 
academic year of 1953 — I am sorry, 1942 to 1943. 

I was assured of such possibilities and we were under the impression 
that we would just go on living in Cambridge, but suddenly, I believe 
it was June the second, 1942, we received a telegram from the State 
Department saying that we are to be repatriated by the first boat and 
we are to report to the Ellis Islands by June the 7th, I believe, the exact 
date I am not quite certain now. Which meant that I had only a few 
days between the receipt of the telegram and the date of my departure. 
I was at the time correcting exam papers for a number of courses as 
well as doing certain assigned jobs at the Museum of Fine Arts. I 
felt it was my responsibility to finish the exam corrections and my 
assignments at the museum before I departed. 

In fact, by the first week of June, most of the Harvard professors 
and faculty members usually would have left Cambridge to vacation, 
except those who are remaining for correction of papers. I could not 
ask anyone to take my place. 

So I considered the question of packing my belongings a matter of 
lowest priority. Furthermore, the State Department instruction was 
that I was permitted to take only one big trunk per person. It 
specified the cubic feet, I am not quite sure, but I found out later on 
it was just about the size of one big trunk per person which meant I 
had to leave most of the things in Cambridge. 

Therefore, I decided under the circumstances, which was quite an 
extraordinary circumstance, from the standpoint of a Japanese citi- 
zen, our own country being at M^ar with the country where I had lived 
some years, and in my personal case, I was under the conviction that 
Japan should not have started the war, and also felt that Japan 
would be defeated. So my going back, to my mind, was to go back 
to Japan in order to reconstruct Japan somehow out of defeat. That 
was the deep determination I had in my mind. 

From that standpoint, for me, books, papers, furniture and those 
things were entirely immaterial. Those were immaterial things to me. 
Although I had a large number of books and documents, I freely gave 
to some of the economist friends who came to my apartment before I 
left, the books which they wanted to have. I also contacted the 
library of Harvard, Japanese library, saying that I was willing to 
present my Japanese books to the library if they can find them useful. 
Otherwise I instructed the janitor of the apartment that he can have 
my furniture, kitchen utensils, radio, and, other things he wanted. 
Books and documents I was certain that he would have no use, so I 
suggested to him he can dispose of them in second-hand bookstores or 
just dispose of them as he liked. 

One other item which I took care of was the making out of a box 
full of Japanese books which I intended to give to Mr. Norman be- 
cause he had indicated while he was in this country a few years back 
of that period, that he wanted to obtain those books very much, but 
they were very difficult to get. 

The major item in this box of books was volumes on source mate- 
rials on the economic history of early Meiji period, that is to say, the 
third quarter of the 19th century, 

I believe I included some other source books and economic history 
books and I left this box in care of International Student Association, 
it might have been called institute, I am not certain, which was 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3743 

located on Phillips Place, Cambridge. Director at the time was Mr. 
Lawrence Mead. And I asked him if he would be willing to keep it 
until Mr. Norman calls for it. 

Immediately, that is at the same time, I wrote a letter to Mr. 
Tarshis, whose name I mentioned earlier, who I knew to be a friend 
of Mr. Norman, asking him to get in touch with Mr. Norman when 
the latter returns. 

I knew Mr. Norman to be in Japan at the time and gave him my 
instructions to proceed to International Student Institute to take that 
box. That is the way I more or less disposed or left behind my be- 
longings. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what happened as a matter of fact, do you know ? 
You met Mr. Norman subsequently ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Yes, as a matter of fact, repatriation, of course, was 
duly conducted. I came back to Japan in August 1942. And then I 
did serve for a while in the Japanese Army. When the war ended I 
was in the Japanese foreign office. Mr. Norman arrived in Tokyo, 
I believe some time in September, 1945. He called on our house, which 
he did not know to be our house, but knew to be the house of my 
wife's parents, to find out where we were. 

Mr. Morris. This is what year now ? 

Mr. Tsttru. September of 1945, either the end of September or 
early October. It was just about that time — 1945. 

And it happened that after our house has been bombed in Tokyo, 
Mrs. Tsuru and I moved to the house of her own father. We were 
living in that house which happened to be located not very far from 
the location of Canadian Legation in Tokyo and I presume that he 
dropped in at Mr. Wada's house to find out where we were and found 
us there. So, of course, we were very much surprised to see him so 
quickly after the war, and since that first meeting after the war, I 
think I met him a number of times. 

Mr. Morris. Approximately how many times ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Oh, I should say in the course of the period from 1945 
to — now I am not quite sure of the date of his departure from Japan 
and meanwhile he also left Japan and came back again as I know, be- 
cause he was first with the SCAP and later he came as the Chief of 
the Canadian Legation, so there was an interval there and I think he 
left most likely around 1950. And subsequently I know he came to 
Japan, but I did not meet him at the time. I met him during those 
approximately 4i/^ years or so, possibly 20 times or so. 

Senator Jenner. Did you serve with him in SCAP ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Pardon. 

Senator Jenner. Did you serve with him in SCAP ? 

Mr. Tsuru. No, he was under different jurisdiction within the 
SCAP. I was in the Economics and Scientific Section headed by 
General Marquat, attached to the Research and Statistics Division 
within that section. Mr. Norman I understood to be working in tlie, 
some kind of intelligence service or something, I believe, under, if I 
correctly remember, under General Thorpe. 

And during the course of my meeting with Mr. Norman, a number 
of times, that is subsequent to the first meeting, I inquired of him 
whether he finally got those books at the International Students Insti- 
tute and I believe he said he got them. 



3744 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

And furthermore, he indicated to me voluntarily not in response to 
my prompting, but he indicated to me he also visited the apartment 
house where I used to live, which incidentally is on Martin Street, 
Cambridge. 

I am sorry I was not quite correct in my statement. I should have 
said : "not in response to my questioning, Mr. Norman related to me" 
that he visited the apartment house where I lived and inquired of the 
janitor of the apartment house about my belongings, with a hope, ac- 
cording to Mr. Norman, to obtain some further books on Japanese 
history which I possessed in large number. 

Apparently he had such a hope. But after dealing with the janitor 
for a while, he did not get a very cooperative attitude he told me. 
The janitor looked somewhat queer and not very — he appeared to be 
equivocal about the whole matter. Although Mr. Norman pressed it, 
he couldn't get anywhere with it. 

Mr. Morris. You say he pressed it with the janitor to have a look 
at all your papers and books. 

Mr. TsuRU. Well, I gathered that Mr. Norman pressed, did Mr. 
Tsuru leave other belongings here and if so he would like to find out 
if he could get hold of some more Japanese books. 

I do not remember the exact words which INIr. Norman said to the 
janitor. 

Mr. ]\IoRRis, Did he tell you he had represented himself as an official 
of the Canadian Government ? 

Mr. Tsllrtt. Not that I recall. 

Mr. Morris. He didn't indicate that at all? 

Mr. Tsuru. Not that I recall. But I believe he told me he visited 
the place twice or he first visited it once and then made an approach 
the second time, in what means I do not know, but I remember he said 
he made attempts twice. 

Mr. Morris. And you did say he pressed on the point ? 

Mr. TsLTRU. Yes, he pressed on the point that he wanted to see it, 
but could not get anywhere so he went back. So he told me now he 
doesn't know what happened to my belongings which I left at the 
apartment. 

Mr. INIoRRis. And some of which have come into the record of the 
Internal Subcommittee and has given us valuable information. 

Mr. Tsuru. Yes, much to my own shame of the period which is 
covered. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know a man named Israel Halperin ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Who was Israel Halperin ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I knew him as an instructor of the mathematics at Har- 
vard University. He might have been a research associate, the official 
title I do not know. He was introduced to me, I believe, by Mr. Nor- 
man. The vear I cannot remember quite exactly, but possibly around 
1937. 

Mr. Morris. Now, this is the same man who was arrested in the 
Canadian espionage case in 1934 ? 

Mr. Tsuru. That I did not know, but I knew it later because I was 
questioned about him by United States Government representatives 
in Japan. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know your name appearecl in his address book 
at the time of his arrest ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3745 

Mr. TsuRU. I did not know my name appeared there. 

Mr. Morris. How late did you see Mr. Halperin prior to that time ? 

Mr. TsuRU. He never met my wife so I think I am pretty certain 
it was before I got married. I got married Jmie 29, 1939, therefore, it 
was before that time. 

Mr. Morris. I see — 1939. 

Mr.TsuRU. 1939. 

Mr. Morris. So you didn't see him from 1939 to 1946 ? 

Mr. TsuRU. No. 

Mr. INloRRis. Now, do you know a man named Harry F. Alber ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Mr. Harry Alber was in the Economics and Scientific 
Section of SCAP in Japan at the time I was employed by the Eco- 
nomics and Scientific Section from 1946 to 1947. He was, however, 
in a different division. 

I was in Eesearch and Statistics Division, but Mr. Alber was, I 
think, in Price Control Division. And I came to know him through 
this, more or less official connections of my job as economist in the 
ESS. The quesion arose as to which years of the prewar Japan 
should we use as the basis of various index numbers, price level, and 
so forth. I was brought into the Price Control Division, Chief of the 
Price Control Division, I do not recall now, but Mr. Alber was there. 
That was the first time I met him in the office of the Chief of the Price 
Control Division in ESS. We discussed about the appropriate basis 
for various indices of Japan, the prewar years. Since then I came to 
Imow him. 1 believe he left the SCAP after a while and even after he 
left the SCAP I think I met him a number of times. 

Mr. Morris. Are you now adviser to his firm in Tokj^o ? 

Mr. TsuRU. At first he asked me to be an adviser. I think it was 
called 

Mr. Morris. International Economic Service, Ltd.; is that it? 

Mr. TsuRU. I am not quite certain of the name but I know he 
had a firm of consultants, and since I know him sufficiently to call 
him by his first name, he asked me to be an adviser or consultant, 
that is to help him along, and I said not in a formal way, but I 
shall be glad to drop in every once in a while to give any knowledge 
of mine which will be helpful to him. So I think I visited his office 
altogether about, between 5 and 10 times, I should say. 

Mr. Morris. You have been advising him then, you say informally ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Actually it never came to that. That is to say, there 
was a question of remuneration. To advise any service, of course, it 
is natural that Mr. Alber feels he should pay me. Now I said, "No, 
I don't like to have such an arrangement," so then Alber thought — 
he had some other ideas, we were on friendly terms with him dis- 
cussing various questions, but never came to actual solid advising 
work. 

Mr. Morris. And when did you last see Mr. Alber ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I saw him for the last time, I should say, when he 
told me that he was being investigated and he told me about that 
matter and he was very much concerned about it and that was the 
time — might have been 1949 or 1950. 

Mr. Morris. You have not seen him since that time ? 

Mr. TsTTRu. I have not seen him since. 



3746 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Did you know he had been indicted by a Newport 
News, Va., grand jury on charges he committed perjurjy before the 
Army Department Security Board, April 29, 1951, hearing? 

Mr. TsuRU. I did not know that. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know he was an American Communist ? 

Mr. TstJRU. I did not know he was an American Communist. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Tsuru, were you instrumental in the resuscitation 
of the Japanese Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations in the 
postwar period ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I think it would be unfair to many others who were 
very active in the resuscitation of the IPR if I say I was instrumental. 
I had participated in it. But honestly speaking, I should say, there 
were a few others who were more active. 

Mr. Morris. But you were one of those people who helped to re- 
activate the Japanese Council of the Institute ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I was one of those who participated in discussing the 
idea of reviving. 

Mr. Morris. Wlien was this, 1946 ? 

Mr. TsuRU. We may have started discussing it late 1945. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know at that time it was a vehicle for Com- 
munist operation ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Well, in the initial stage of attempt to resuscitate the 
IPR we had no inkling of this kind of thing, of course. I think it 
would be most correct if I put it this way, that some of the elder 
members of the active persons who wanted to resuscitate IPR became 
more and more concerned after they had been communicating with, I 
think, Mr. Holland, I believe, Mr. William Holland, that IPR was 
sort of under the clouds, and Japan should be very careful about choos- 
ing what kinds of people to work actively in IPR. So, a large num- 
ber of people at first were engaged in the resuscitation but there was 
a process of selection which went on gradually dropping out younger 
members, and at the time it was formally organized, possibly about 
1948, I was a member of the research committee of the IPR but not 
a member of the board of directors of the Japanese IPR. 

Mr. Morris. You had been active in a moderate way in the Institute 
of Pacific Relations in the United States; had you not? 

Mr. Tsuru. In a moderate way I was active in seeing the people 
in IPR because Mr. Carter — I think it was Mr. Carter — Mr. Carter 
asked me a number of times my opinions. 

Mr. Morris. You knew Fred Field well; did you not? 

Mr. Tsuru. No; I did not know Mr. Fred Field well. I think I 
met him only once. 

Mr. Morris. You know for instance that you were recommended to 
do research work for the Institute of Pacific Relations ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I was? 

Mr. Morris. Yes. 

Mr. Tsuru. Which year was it, may I ask ? 

Mr. Morris. 1938 and 1939—1938. 

Mr. Tsuru. It is quite possible that that happened. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you know a man named Chao-Ting Chi ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Chinese? 

Mr. Morris. He was a Chinese Communist in the United States 
and is now with the Red Chinese government. 

Mr. Tsuru. I know he is in China. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3747 

Mr. Morris. Yes. 

Mr. TsuRU. I did not know him to be a Chinese Communist in the 
United States, but I met him a number of times at the IPK. 

Mr. Morris. When did you last see Chao-Ting Chi ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I saw him most likely around this period in 1938. 

Mr, Morris. You didn't see him in Japan ? 

Mr. Tsuru. No. 

Mr. Morris. Are you active with the Institute of Pacific Relations 
now? 

Mr. Tsuru. No, Mr. Morris. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us the circumstances of your leaving that 
particular group ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I was a member of the research committee, I think 
about 1947 or 1948 and I contributed a paper for the IPR Lucknow 
conference — that is a city in India — which I believe was held in 1950. 
And I asked to be present at the conference but the board of directors 
of the IPR suggested that it was not wise for me to go to the con- 
ference and of" course I inquired why. They said, "You seem to be 
suspected of something." 

Mr. JNIoRRis. That is by the Japanese Government. 

Mr. Tsuru. I don't know whether it was by the Japanese Govern- 
ment or by some other authorities, I do not know, but I received intima- 
tion that I was likely to to be — 

Nov,', the board of directors, since I was not a member of the board 
of directors, I do not know the names of all of them, but I think the 
intimation to that effect was of a sort of general character, so I can't 
specify who said it to me, but I am trying to reconstruct from my 
memory why I did not go to Luclmow. 

Mr. Morris. Yes, I wish you would. 

Mr. Tsuru. The board of directors consisted then, I believe, of 
persons like Mr. Saburo Matsukata. 

Mr. Morris. Will you spell that for the reporter. 

Mr. Tsuru. Yes, S-a-b-u-r-o M-a-t-s-u-k-a-t-a. 

And I think Mr. Matsumoto. At least I believe those two names 
were contained. And Mr. Matsuo, M-a-t-s-u-o, was I believe, the sec- 
retary of the IPR that participated in the discussion of the board of 
directors and I believe it was through Mr. Matsuo that I got the intima- 
tion that in the discussion of the board of directors they were likely 
to come to difficulties of some sort, and I was very curious about it, but 
it couldn't be helped, so I said, "All right, I will submit my paper and 
someone will read it. I shall not participate at the conference." 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That was Matsuhei. 

Mr. Tsuru. M-a-t-s-u-h-e-i. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you know him before he went with IPR ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I knew him only slightly when he was in this country 
before the war, but we happened to be repatriated by the same boat, 
and our rooms happened to be next door in the Gripsliolm^ and they 
had no children, we had no children, we were about the same age, we 
came to know quite well the Gripshohn. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know him in Tokyo ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Pardon. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you know him in Tokyo while you were with 
SCAP? 

Mr. Tsuru. Wliile I was with SCAP I think I visited his office. 



93215— 57— pt. 57- 



3748 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know what lie did, where he was employed ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Where he was employed ? 

Senator Jenner. Where he was employed. 

Mr. Morris. Where he was employed. 

Mr. TsuRU. Mr. Matsumo, I thought he had some connection with 
the IPK. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. He left a position with the office of political adviser 
in Tokyo to take the job with IPR. Didn't you know that? 

Mr. Morris. Did you have anything to do with inducing him to 
take that job with IPE ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Matsuo ? 

Mr. IMoRRis. Yes. 

Mr. TsuRU. I don't recall that I did. 

Mr. Morris. Weren't you one of those at least one of those who 
urged him to leave his position with the political adviser and go and 
undertake the job in connection with the reorganization of IPR ? 

Mr. TstJRU. Political adviser's office where, ISIr. Sourwine? 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. The office of the political adviser in the American 
Embassy. 

Mr. TsTjRu. Oh, I see. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Didn't you know he worked there ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Before the war. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. No. 

Mr. TsuRU. Oh, after the war. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. 

Mr. TsuRTJ. I was referring to the period before the war. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. 

Mr. TsuRU. Before the war when I did not know him very well and 
then I said I came to know him quite well. 

Mr. SouRWi^fE. That is right. 
_ Mr. TsuRU. And then in the postwar period so far as my recollec- 
tion goes, I did not advise him to leave the political adviser's office of 
the United States Government and try to reconstruct IPE. I had the 
impression that he was the driving spirit of the resuscitation of IPE. 
He was very active in trying to resuscitate. I think he even went 
through some privations at one time because funds were short, and so 
forth, but he was still determined to carry it out — the original in- 
tentions. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Thank you for letting me inquire. 

Mr. TsuRU. But I wanted to finish the part you asked me, Mr. 
Morris. Then probably 1951 or so I began to hear about the investi- 
gations about this Senate committee on the IPE. I think it appeared 
in Time, I believe. I saw it in one of the American magazines. And 
then saw it in some other papers also, and I think I can't recall all 
the things where I saw the reference to the investigation but I had 
the general information that IPE was being investigated by the 
Senate committee. 

Mr. Morris. Do you Iniow Mr. Saionji ? 

Mr. TsiTRu. ;Mr. Koichi 

Mr. Morris. I think he was arrested in the Sorge espionage case in 
Japan. 

Mr. TsTTRTT. That I don't know. Koichi, I think his name, his first 
name is. I met him probably 

Mr. Morris. He is active in the postwar IPE ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3749 

Mr. TsuRU. I think lie was in and out but at least at one time his 
name was definitely on it. 

Mr. Morris. But you don't know him well ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I don't know him well. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know a man named Mark Nathan Eosenfeld 
from Spencerville, Md. '^ 

Mr. TsuRU. Yes, he was one of the superiors. One of the superiors 
when I was in the Economics and Scientific Section in SCAP. 

Mr. Morris. He isn't one that recruited you for service in the 
Economics Section ? 

Mr. TsuRU. No, Mr. Morris, the way I was recruited was, I was 
a permanent Government official in the foreign office with permanent 
status. My superior was Mr. Shigeru Yoshida and I believe it was 
some time in February 1946, he called me to his office, I was in one 
of the bureaus of the foreign office at the time and he told me SCAP 
would like to have a Japanese expert to help them on some Japanese 
matters. And he suggested: "now you are well versed with the 
English language. You know some American people. And also you 
are an economist although you are working in the foreign office now, 
why don't you go there.*' And I said, "Well, if the Minister sug- 
gests that I should go, I shall be glad to do so," and it was an entirely 
official transfer, so my status even while I was in SCAP was a foreign 
officer's, sort of on lend-lease agreement or arrangement to the SCAP. 
And I was assigned to the Eesearch and Statistics Division where 
Mr. Rosenf eld was one of my superiors. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you bring in Mr. Takahashi ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Professor Masao Takahashi. I think it is correct to 
say I was instrumental in bringing Takahashi into the office. 

Mr. Morris. Would you say the same of Mr. Jiro Ando? 

]Mr. TsuRU. In this case I am pretty certain by that time — may be 
Professor Takahashi came in almost immediately after I came in 
upon my suggestion, and then in the Eesearch and Statistical Divi- 
sion, we"^ were told by the superiors — I think, Mr. Emerson Eoss was 
the Chief of the Division at the time — that they would like to build 
up a fairly large corps of Japanese experts and Japanese statisticians, 
helpers, and so forth. 

And at the time there were only 3 or 4 of us. So we Japanese sat 
together and wanted to regularize the method instead of just picking 
up any one certain person, we wanted to have a sort of regulatory 
process of selection on the basis of competence, qualifications, and so 
forth. So I believe after JSIr. Takahashi came in, about four of us 
Japanese w^ho were there, with consultation of the Japanese consultant 
in the personnel office in the Eesearch and Statistics Division, we used 
to interview a large number of people together. And I think Mr. 
Ando was brought in as one of them. 

INIr. jSIorris. Had he a record of being a Communist, do you know ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Well, at the time we examined him, there was no such 
record. But after he was in the office for a while, I soon got the 
impression that he had strongly leftwing tendencies, so I felt it was 
my responsibility as one of the senior experts in the Division to ad- 
vise him to resign. How he resigned I am not quite aware, but I 
think he either resigned or was ousted or I don't know, anyway he 
left the office after a while. 



3750 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Was Mr. Phillip O. Keeney, in the office? 

Mr, TsuRU. I do not know the name. 

Mr. Morris. Yon knew Solomon Adler? 

Mr. TsuRU. No, sir, I have never known him. 

Mr. Morris. You haven't met Solomon Adler in Japan ? 

Mr. TsuRU. No, I have not. 

Mr. Morris. You know the man to whom I refer. He is one of 
the people who is publishing a book we mentioned yesterday. 

Mr. TsuRU. Yes, I recall the name, but I don't know him. 

Mr. Morris. How about a man named Theodore Cohen ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Theodore Cohen. 

Mr. Morris. In Japan, an American. 

Mr. TsuRU. Oh, now I recall. He was one of the senior members, 
I believe, of the Economics and Scientific Section of the SCAP in 
the immediate postwar period in charge at first of labor problems. 

Mr. Morris. And you met him? 

]\Ir. TsuRU. I knew him in my — more in my official capacity as vice 
minister of Economics Stabilization Board during the period 1947 and 
1948 and I had to deal with him on various matters. 

Mr. Morris, Now in 1952, you were invited to attend a world peace 
council in Moscow, were you not ? 

Mr. TsuRU. 1952— yes, I was not invited, but I received a letter 
from Mr. Oscar Lange. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Oscar Lange ? 

Mr. TsuRu. Yes. 

Mr. Morris, He was then a Polish Communist official ? 

Mr, TsuRu, Well, I understood him to be at first Polish Ambassador 
to the United States and then chief delegate to the United Nations 
from Poland and then I understood him to have gone back to Poland 
but at the time I understood him to belong to United Workers Party 
in Poland, which is a coalition of various parties and I understood 
him to be not in good favor of the Communist Central, 

Mr, Morris. Mr. Bialer who was one of the high officials of the 
Communist Poland Party, who defected in 1956, told us that Mr, 
Lange had become a full-fledged member of the Communist Party 
and, when we last heard, he was in India on a mission for the Polish 
Government. 

Mr. TstTRLT. I received a letter from Mr, Oscar Lange suggesting if 
I would not come and attend Moscow economics conferences and I 
answered him, I think it was in 1952, and said, "I personally would not 
be able to do so," I did not give any reason but I declined. So I never 
received an invitation, I know a number of persons who received in- 
vitations and I saw the type of letters which were received by them, 
but the only thing I received was a letter from IMr, Lange, I suppose, 
trying to sound out if I would be able to come and I answered him I 
would not be able to come, 

Mr, Morris. Had the Japanese Government said you would not be 
able to go ? 

Mr. TsuRU. No, not for such reasons, but I personally did not like to 
go to this Moscow conference at the time. 

Mr. Morris. Didn't the Japanese Government forbid you to go ? 

Mr. TsTJRU, The Japanese Government never entered into this mat- 
ter so far as I was concerned. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3751 

Mr. Morris. In order to go there you would have to have a passport 
issued to you ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Passport according to the Japanese law can be issued 
with a certain destination and you could go to a country which is not 
included in the destination if you — I believe— if you get clearance 
from the consulate and then visas from the countries, but since Russia, 
at the time, was not a country with which Japan had diplomatic rela- 
tions, Japan considered the travel towards Moscow or Soviet Union 
to be not a favorable thing for one to do. And I believe persons who 
went to Moscow at the time actually broke the passport law. But it 
just happened that the passport law had no punishment clause on that 
score, so they could not be punished legally. 

Now, I suppose the Japanese Government is trying to amend it, 
but that is the incidental knowledge I have on the subject. 

Mr. Morris. And you have been to Moscow for the foreign office? 

Mr. TsuRU. I was in Moscow as a member of the foreign office in 
April 1945. 

Mr. Morris. What was the nature of that assignment, if it is ap- 
propriate for me to ask. 

Mr. TsuRU. I think it is quite all right for me to say now, even with- 
out consulting the Japanese Embassy, 

Mr. Morris. I mean if you feel there is any 

Mr. TsuRU. I feel it is quite all right. I was what they call dip- 
lomatic courier carrying various messages, documents, materals, goods 
in suitcases,— I am just given the duty of carrying it safely to Moscow. 
And then there were 3 important posts in Russia at that time, and I 
stopped at each 1 of these places to deliver these things, included Mos- 
cow with the other towns and the responsible officer will again fill the 
suitcases and then I could go back. That is what the purpose was. 

Mr. Morris. And did you just make one trip, Mr. Tsuru ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Just one trip. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I have no more questions of this wit- 
ness. 

Now, I think, however, you did not, obtain that volume — you know, 
the reference to Kaiso ? 

Mr. Tsuru. No, I am sorry. 

Mr. Morris. We have been trying to get it, now Mr. Mandel has 
tried to get it. Senator, from the Library of Congress. 

Mr. INIandel. I have not yet received it. 

Mr. Tsuru. Well, Mr. Chairman, I shall be quite happy to cooperate 
with the committee in obtaining a copy, if I can, in this country, 
and sending it to you. 

Senator Jenner. All right. 

Mr. Morris. And you also have written for American periodicals 
from time to time, have you not ? For instance I refer to an article 
of yours in the Atlantic Monthly in January 1955, and an article in the 
American Academy of Policy and Sociology of 1956. 

Mr. Tsuru. Yes, I have. 

Senator Jenner. Anything further ? 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I have no more questions except as I say, 
the subpenas have been issued for Mr. Niebyl and Constance Kyle and 
we hope they may be able to give us further information. 

Mr. Sourwine may have a few questions. 



3752 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Jenner. Do you have any questions, Mr. Sourwine? 
Mr. SouEwiNE, Is this a proper time for it ? 

Senator Jenner. Well, there will be no hearing this afternoon. 
We would like to finish with this witness if we can. It is the witness' 
desire to finish completely the testimony. 
Mr. Sourwine. In your letter of August 31, 1936 you referred to — 

Mr. Korb 

Can you identify any of tlie members of that group referred to in 
that letter? 

Mr. TsuRu. I can now recall the name, Mr. Korb, but I do not 
recall anyone in the group. 

Mr. Sourwine. Which Mr. Korb was that ? 
Mr. TsuRU. I don't remember his first name. 

Mr. Sourwine. You referred to the Lunning group which arose 
among the members of the law school. Which Mr. Lunning was that ? 
Mr. TsuRU. I believe his first name was Jus. 

Mr. Sourwine. Can you identify any of the members of that group ? 
Mr. TsuRU. Well, Mr. Sourwine, I had the knowledge of these 

groups, but I did not necessarily 

Mr. Sourwine. I am not arguing with you. Just asking, if you 
don't recall, just say so. 

Mr. TsuRU. I am sorry, I don't recall any names. 
Mr. Sourwine. You referred to a study group on Marxism. Can 
you recall any of the members of that group ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Here I think names I originally did not recall, but 
after reading through these letters, the names of John Cookson and 
Herman Eamras, those names came back to my mind and I believe they 
were connected with the study group in Madison. 

Mr. Sourwine. You referred to the group on dialectic materialism 
in Cambridge. Can you identify that group any better ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I think, now here again I am mentioning the groups but 
I am not necessarily a member of the groups. I think William Parry, 
Louis Harap. 

Mr. Sourwine. That is H-a-r-a-p ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Yes. And although I am not quite certain, so if you 
permit me to answer with some degree of doubt, I shall mention an- 
otlier name. Shall I or not ? 
Mr. Sourw^ine. Go ahead. 

Mr. Tsuru. With that proviso I would say Mr. Leo Koberts. 
Mr. Sourwine. Who was he ? 

Mr. Tsuru. He was, I would characterize him as a perennial student 
of philosophy. He never seems to complete his book. 
Mr. Sourwine. Where is he now ? 
Mr. Tsuru. I think he is in Cambridge. 

Mr. Sourwine. In this same letter you refer to discussions you had 
with the staff of the school, that school was the University of Chicago, 
was it not? 

Mr. Tsuru. Which page may I ask ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Page 2 of the mimeographed copy down at the 
bottom. It is the third line from the bottom. 

Mr. Tsuru. Oh. I said I should try to discuss with the staff of 
the school. 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. 

Mr. Tsuru. So far as my recollection goes, I never did because in 
Chicago 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3753 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You were talking about the Univei-sity of Chicago, 
were you not ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. When was it that you had intended to discuss that 
matter with the staff of the school ? 

Mr. TsuRU. By which I meant to discuss with Mr. Niebyl in the 
first instance and then on this question ask Mr. Niebyl to get in con- 
tact with the school. 

Mr. SoLTRWiXE. All right, now on the next page of that letter, you 
speak of the agent in Chicago, Who was that ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Well, here probably my inadequate language was mis- 
leading. What I meant, I think, was the question of Science and So- 
ciety, whoever was willing, the person or persons whoever were will- 
ing' to take the responsibility of promoting Science and Society. 

Mr. SouR^viNE. You did not have in mind any particular individual ? 

Mr. TsuRU. No, I did not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. In your letter of September 6 — I have no more 
questions. 

Senator Jenner. I have to leave. The committee will just stand 
in recess, and the continuation of these questions will be after lunch, 
whatever time you say. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That is why I was inquiring whether you were able 
to continue. 

Senator Jenner. I can go on 5 or 10 minutes and you can continue. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. It is at the Senator's convenience. 

Senator Jenner. Do you want to do it this afternoon or how long 
would it take you this morning ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, we can go ahead then. 

I would like to finish to accommodate the witness. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Referring to the letter of September 6, to you, the 
fourth line from the top on the first page, there was a sentence men- 
tioning — who was that ? 

Mr. TsuRU. That is Mr. Kenneth Howard. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. All right. Now, referring to the second page of 
that letter as mimeographed, in the second paragraph on that page, 
the bottom line there is a Bernal. Can you identify that individual? 

Mr. TsuRU. This letter was written by Mr. Parry and I presumed 
him to mean a Doctor Bernal of Cambridge, whom I do not know. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, looking at the letter of September 14, the sec- 
ond paragraph, you say, "We called a meeting in Cambridge." Who 
was the "we" referred to there ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Oh, I think I do not recall all the names, but at least 
Mr. Parry and Mr. Hanap were there. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Thank you. Now in the letter of January 13, to 
Karl-Heinrich, in the third paragraph, the second line, you will jEind 
the name Webbs. What person or persons are referred to there? 

Mr. TsuRU. I think this — from internal evidence I would say I 
consider Sidney and Beatrice Webb of England. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, if you will look at the letter of February 2, 
1937, to Karl-Heinrich. 

Mr. TsuRU. Excuse me just a minute please. Oh, yes. 

Mr. SoupaviNE. The second paragraph, the second line you will see 
the name Burgum. Have you identified that individual? 



3754 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. TsuRU. Oh. Burgum. I think he was one of the editors of 
Science and Society from the beginning and I saw him, I believe, for 
the first time on this occasion when he came to Boston. 

Mr. SoTjRwiNE. Do yon recall his full name ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I am sorry, I do not know his first name. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, on that same page, do you see the name, 
Struik? 

Mr.TsuRtr. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Does that refer to Prof. Dirk Struik ? 

(No answer.) 

Mr. SouRwiNE. On the third page of that letter you will see the 
reference to the editors of Science and Society being terrifically busy 
on other duties of theirs in the fight against Trotskyists. Did you refer 
to duties as Communists ? 

Mr. TsuRu. I believe I was relating the information from Mr. Parry. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You were distinguishing between duties as Commu- 
nists from duties as editors ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I was relating to Mr. Parry's words and when he said, 
"Did you fight against Trotskyists," I was repeating. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You were complaining that their Communist duties 
were interfering with what you understood to be their duties as 
editors ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Yes ; that is more or less the case. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, look at the letter from Constance Kyle to you, 
April 14, the first paragraph. Look at the third and fourth lines from 
the bottom of that paragTaph, you will find the phrase, "Our own 
people," referred to twice. How did you understand that phrase? 

Mr. TsuRu Well, I think I interpreted this to mean that Miss Kyle 
was referring to the Communist group. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes, sir. Mr. Tsuru, did you ever have any acquain- 
tance with Mr. Andrew Both ? 

Mr. Tsuru. No ; I have not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Mr. Phillip Jaffe ? 

Mr. Tsuru. I saw him, I think, a couple of times at IPE. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you remember who introduced you ? 

Mr. TsuRu. Well, I am not quite sure who introduced us. IPR 
office at the time was such that people could come around and see each 
other and help each other and say "Hello," and introduce each other. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you ever hear of the Japan Anti-War League ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Japan Anti-War League. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. 

Mr. Tsuru. You are not referring to the organization I was attached 
to, Anti-Imperialism League, of my student days ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I didn't mean to make such a reference ; if there was 
a connection I would be glad to have you tell us. 

Mr. Tsuru. I have been telling about the Anti-Imperialism. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I understand that, but if there is any connection 
about the 

Did you know Wataru Raj, a Japanese by that name ? 

Mr. Tsuru. Wataru Raj. 

Mr. SouRwiisTE. Yes. 

Mr. Tsuru. Wataru sounds like a first name only. It is most un- 
likely that it is a last name. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. It does not sound like a last name. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3755 

Mr. TsuRU. I don't think I know anyone by that name. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know of the Japanese Emancipation 
League ? 

Mr. TsuRU. No; I did not. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Joja Kiroshi ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Joja Kiroshi? 

Mr. SouRAViNE. J-o-j-aK-i-r-o-s-h-i. 

Mr. TsuRU. I do not think so. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. This Wataru apparently had the surname Kiroshi. 

Mr. TsuRU. Oh, no. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you ever know Nozaka Sazo ? 

Mr. TsuRU. No. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Otherwise known as Susumu Okano ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Except I met him, because you see when I was in the 
government, I think he came once to protest something to my office, I 
know the face. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you know Emmerson Eoss ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Mr. Enmierson Ross, the Chief of the Research and 
Statistics Division, yes. At the time I was in the SCAP. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How well did you know him ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Only to the extent of my being subordinated in that 
office. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you know Mr. Ross as a head of a group of 
persons in SCAP, who advocated collectivism and state ownership of 
Japan industry. 

Mr. TsuRU. No ; I was not aware of such ideas on his part. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know KyuichiTokuda? 

Mr. TsuRU. No ; I never knew him. Again I saw his face. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you know Yoshio Shiga ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I never knew him. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Anthony Constantino ? ^ 

Mr. TsuRU. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know James Fitzgerald ? ^ 

Mr. TsuRU. No ; I do not think so. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Maturos ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I don't tliink so. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you know T. A. Bisson ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I knew him. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know him in IPR or otherwise ? 

Mr. TsuRTJ. I knew him before the war at the IPR and then after the 
war I saw him a number of times when he was comiected with the 
SCAP, Government Section, I believe. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Miriam Farley ? 

Mr. TsuRU. I think I met her a few times before the war. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Henry Bremier ? 

Mr. TsuRU. No ; I don't think so. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. You knew Miss Farley in connection with IPR ? 

Mr. TsuRU. That is right. 

Mr. SouR\viNE. Did you know Edward Christy Welch ? 

Mr. TsuRU. Edward Welch. 



1 In a letter to the subcommittee dated April 27, 1957, Mr. Tsuru said : 

"After rereading; tiie transcript, I now recall that I may have met Messrs. Constantino 

and Fitzgerald, about whom I was questioned at p. 5057 of the transcript, in Japan during 

the period immediately following the war." 

93215— 57— pt. 57 6 



3756 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. "Welch. 

Mr. TsuRTJ. Edward Welch. Is he the one — may I ask a question? 
Is he the one who was in the SCAP in antimonopoly legislation ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. He was with the SCAP. 

Mr. TsuRu. Then I think I met him in my official capacity. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know James Killem ? ^ 

Mr. TsuRu. James Killem. No ; I do not think so. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know William V. Turnage ? 

Mr. TsuRu. Yes; he was one of the superiors in the Research and 
Statistics Division. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know any of those individuals in SCAP 
whose identity we have just been discussing as Communists or pro- 
Communists ? 

Mr. TsuRu. No; I was not aware of any such tendencies among 
these people. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. One more question, Mr. Chairman. 

If I remember correctly you stated in your initial testimony you 
would be willing to give the committee the names of Communists so 
far as you knew them or had reason to suspect them. Have you done 



so 



Mr. TsuRU. Well, in trying to answer every question presented to 
me, I have tried my best to answer as fully and truthfully as I could. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you given the committee the names of all 
the persons whom you knew or had reason to believe were Communists ? 

Mr. TsTJRU. As far as I can recall ; yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Will you be willing to attempt to make a list of all 
such persons that you can recall, and furnish the committee with it, or 
in the alternative, with a statement that on second thought and care- 
ful consideration you are unable to recall any other individuals known 
to you or that you had reason to believe were Communists. 

Mr. TsTjRu. Mr. Chairman. I shall be willing to be at your service for 
any further works of the committee for which I am required. So that 
if my service in regard to what Mr. Sourwine has just indicated is 
called for, I shall be clad to be at your service. 

Senator Jentner. We are trying to accommodate you and conclude 
this hearing. What the committee is interested in hearing is if you 
have any other people that you know to be Communists or pro-Com- 
munists, would you submit them to this committee by mail or through 
your attorney ? 

Mr. TsuRu. I shall try my best to recollect of my past and try to 
cooperate with the committee to the best of my ability.^ 

Senator Jenner. Thank you very much. 

Anv further questions ? If not the committee will stand adjourned. 

(Whereupon, at 2 p. m., the committee was adjourned.) 

» In a letter to the subcommitee dated April 27, 1957, Mr. Tsurn said : 
At p. 5058 of the transcript I was nupstloned by Mr. Sonrwine about an Individual 
whose last name he spelled "Killem." If the spellinsr is "Killen" rather than "Killem" 
I believe that I met such an individual a few times in Tokyo in 1947 in my official capacity 
as Vice Minister of Economic Stabilization." 

)iVl ^J^ttei" to the subcommittee dated April 27, 1957, Mr. Tsuru said : 

i4.^*v'"'' conclusion of the hearin? on March 27 I was asked to furnish the subcommittee 
with the names of persons whom I know or knew to be Communists, or whom I reasonably 

i}5*'I^T*'^ believed to be Communists, in addition to those names in such categories about 
Which I had been ouestioned during the course of the hearing. I assume that the scope of 
this ouestion is limited to United States citizens and persons within the United States since, 
m the course of my duties as Vice Minister of Economic Stabilization in Japan. I necessarily 
came m contact with some Japanese who are known in Japan and elsewhere as members of 
the Japanese Communist Party. After carefnl consideration I find that I cannot supply 
the subcommittee with any such names simply because I cannot recall any." 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITT m THE UNITED STATES 3757 

APPENDIX I 

The Intellectuai, Interchange Peogbam 

The America-Japan intellectual interchange program was established in the 
fall of 1951 to enable Japanese scholars and men of learning to come to the 
United States for limited periods of time (1) to visit American universities and 
other institutions in which they might be interested, and (2) to serve as visiting 
lecturers and conduct research in American institutions of higher learning. 
Under the other part of the interchange program, American scholars and men 
of learning visit Japan. 

To administer the program two committees were established by Columbia 
University : One in Japan and the other in the United States. Dr. Yasaka Takagi, 
professor emeritus of American constitutional law at Toyko University, is 
chairman of the Japan committee. Others associated with him are Mr. Gordon 
T. Bowles, Mr. Shigeharu Matsumoto, Dr. Arao Imamura, Miss Tano Jodai, 
Prof. Naoto Kameyama, Dr. Shinzo Koizumi, Mr. Saburo Matsukata, Mr, 
Tamon Maeda, Miss Kiyoko Takeda, and Mrs. Matsu Tsuji. 

The American committee is headed by Dr. Hugh Borton, professor of Jap- 
anese and director of the East Asian Institute at Columbia University. His 
committee colleagues include Dr. Charles W. Cole, president of Amherst Col- 
lege; Prof. Peter Odegard, chairman, department of political science at the 
University of California; Dr. Oliver Carmichael, former president of the Uni- 
versity of Alabama ; Dr. Merle Curti, professor of history at the University of 
Wisconsin ; Dr. Edwin Reischauer, professor of Japanese at Harvard ; Dr. 
Frederick S. Dunn, director of international studies at Princeton University; 
Mr. Norman Cousins, editor of the Saturday Review; Prof. John Orchard of 
the department of geography at Columbia University; and Profs. Carrington 
Goodrich and William T. DeBary of the department of Chinese at Columbia Uni- 
versity. Harry J. Carman, dean emeritus of Columbia College and Moore pro- 
fessor of history at Columbia University, is executive secretary of the program. 
Each committee furnishes nominees for the consideration of the other. The 
Japanese who have come to the United States are : 

Miss Fusae Ichikawa, president of Japan's League of Women Voters, 
1952-53. 

Dr. Yoshishige Abe, president of Peers College, Tokyo, 1952-53. 

Dr. Hitoshi Kihara, geneticist, Kyoto University, 1953. 

Mr. Yoshiro Nagayo, writer, 1953. 

Prof. Iwao Ayusawa, International Christian University, Tokyo, 1955-56. 

Prof. Seiichi Tobata, Tokyo University, 1955. 

President Ichiro Nakayama, Hitotsubashi University, 1955. 

Mr. Nyozekan Hasegawa, journalist and writer, 1956. 

Dr. Shinzo Kaji, Tokyo University, 1956. 

Miss Tano Jodai, president. Women's College of Tokyo, 1956. 

Dr. Shigeto Tsuru, Hitotsubashi University, 1956-57. 
The Americans who have gone to Japan are : 

Dr. Charles W. Cole, president, Amherst College, 1953. 

Father Martin D'Arcy, Campion College, Oxford, England, 1953. 

Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, New York, 1953. 

Father George B. Ford, pastor, Corpus Christi Church, New York, N. Y., 
1953. 

Norman Cousins, editor, Saturday Review, 1953. 

Shannon McCune, Colgate University, 1953-54. 

Harry J. Carman, Columbia University, 1954. 

Willard Thorp, Amherst College, 1955. 

Algo Henderson, University of Michigan, 1956. 

Ralph Turner, Yale University, 1957. 
The program was made possible by gifts from John D. Rockefeller III, to 
Columbia University which has full responsibility for the administration of the 
program. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



THURSDAY, APRIL 4, 1957 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate 
the Administration or the Internal Security Act 

and Other Internal Security Laws, 

OF the Committee on the Judiciary, 

W ashing ton, D.C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice at 12:35 p. m. in room 
424, Senate Office Building, Senator Roman L. Hruska, presiding. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; William A. Rusher, 
associate counsel; Benjamin Mandel, research director; and Robert C. 
McManus, investigations analyst. 

Senator Hruska. The committee will come to order and. Judge 
Morris, have you any preliminary statement ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes. Senator, the hearing today is an outgrowth of 
the hearing that we had last week when Tsuru, a Japanese national 
now a professor at Harvard University, testified. Mr. Tsuru was sub- 
penaed by the United States Senate Internal Security Subcommittee 
when we came into possession of certain papers which Mr. Tsuru left 
behind when he was repatriated in 1942. These papers cast consider- 
able light on Communist operations in the United States which had 
as their object, the communization of some of our most distinguished 
universities. Specifically, it had to do with a publication called 
Science and Society which is a JNIarxist quarterly which is even now 
printed and circulated among our universities of the United States. 
For instance, at this hearing one of the papers professed to be and 
purported to be a memorandum which was obviously a Communist 
memorandum directed to the Communist faction of the board of 
editors of Science and Society. 

When Mr. Tsuru testified he acknowledged that the papers were 
his, that he had left them behind, and he acknowledged many of the 
facts that were represented in the papers. 

In connection with this, an important individual in connection with 
this particular activity was Karl H. Niebyl who is the witness here 
today. ]Mr. Niebyl has been asked to amplify on the testimony of 
Mr. Tsuru and the papers that Mr, Tsuru left behind. Mr. Niebyl, 
will you come forward, please? 

Senator Hruska. Will you be sworn, please? Do you solemnly 
swear the testimony that you are about to give will be the truth, the 
whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Niebyl. I do. 

3759 



3760 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

TESTIMONY OF KARL H. NIEBYL, ACCOMPANIED BY DAVID REIN, 

HIS ATTORNEY 

Mr. Morris. Will you give your name and address to the shorthand 
reporter ? 
Mr. NiEBYL. Niebyl, N-i-e-b-y-1. Karl H. 
Mr. Morris. Karl H. Niebyl. 
Mr. Niebyl. 185 Jules Drive, New York City. 
Mr. Morris. Now, Professor Niebyl, what is your present business 
or profession? 

Mr. Niebyl. I feel that under the circumstances I must invoke 
the protection of the fifth amendment. 

Mr. MoRPJs. You mean you cannot tell us what your present 
business or profession is lest you would be surrendering your rights 
under the fifth amendment? 
Mr. Niebyl. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. And you will not tell us now what you are doing? 
Mr. Niebyl. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. Well, are you now a Communist, Professor Niebyl? 
Mr. Niebyl. The answer to that is, under the protection of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Well, Senator, in view of the witness' reluctance to 
tell us what he is now doing, I would like to read to him a biogra- 
phical sketch from the American Men of Science. 

I will ask you point by point whether these facts are in truth 
correct. 

Mr. Eein. David Eein, 711 14th Street NW., Washington, D. C. 
I wonder if we could have the pictures taken and dispensed with, 
rather than have this constant interruption ? 

Senator Hruska. That would be well. We will give you gentle- 
men a brief time in which to get that done. We are for you and 
we want you to get proper photographic records but we do not want 
this hearing interfered with unduly. 

Mr. Morris. "Were you born on June 30, 1936, in Czechoslovakia? 
Mr. Niebyl. In Prague. 

Mr. Morris. In Prague. Did you attend the Institute of Tech- 
nology in Hanover, Germany, in 1923-24? 
Mr. Niebyl. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. Did you attend the University of Paris, 1929-30? 
Mr. Niebyl. That is correct. May I say that the dates I would 
have to check but it is correct that I attended the University of Paris. 
Mr. Morris. I am reading from the American Men of Science. 
Mr. Niebyl. I am sure that is correct. 

Mr. Morris. Did you attend the University of Frankfurt, Germany, 
in 1932 ? 

Mr. Niebyl. Correct. 

Mr. Morris. Did you attend the London School of Economics 1932- 
34? 

Mr. Niebyl. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a fellow at Wisconsin University, 1934-35 ? 
Mr. Niebyl. Correct. 

Mr. Morris. Did you obtain your doctor of philosophy degree from 
the University of Wisconsin in 1936 ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3761 

Mr. NiEBYL. Correct. 

Mr. Morris. Now, have you been a research assistant at the Univer- 
sity of Wisconsin during 1935 and 1936 ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Correct. 

Mr. Morris. Were you later an instructor and an assistant professor 
of economics at Carleton College in Minnesota ? 

Mr. NiEBYL,. Correct. 

Mr. Morris. From 1936 to 1940. Were you later adviser on mone- 
tary and fiscal policies in the Consumer Division of the OPA from 
1940 to 1941 ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Correct. 

Mr. Morris. Associate professor of economics and chairman of the 
graduate department of Tulane University from 1941 to 1943? 

Mr. NiEBYL. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a professor at the University of Texas in 
1946? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Correct. 

Mr. Morris. Were you in Blackmountain College, North Carolina 
from 1946 to 1947? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Correct, 

Mr. Morris. Were you professor and chairman of a department at 
Champlain College, State University of New York, 1947-53? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Correct. 

Mr. Morris. That is the State university ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Correct. 

Mr. Morris. Have you been chairman of the department of eco- 
nomics and business administration at Muskingum College, Ohio, 
1953 to 1954? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Correct. 

Mr. Morris. Do you hold two positions at the present time, one as 
economic and financial consultant and partner of Economic Research 
Associates since 1954, and another as lecturer at the New School of 
Social Research, beginning in 1956, New York City ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Now, I noticed that in the Abraham Lincoln School 
catalog, that is the Abraham Lincoln School which was a Communist 
training school in Chicago. It is no longer in existence but was there 
during the war. In the 1943 catalog of the Abraham Lincoln School 
is listed Karl H. Niebyl as economic adviser on monetary and fiscal 
policies for the advisory commission to the Council of National De- 
fense. 

Now, did you have that one additional position ? I will read^ it 
again. The question is, did you, as was listed in the Abraham Lin- 
coln School catalog, were you the economic adviser on monetary and 
fiscal policies with the advisory commission to the Council of Na- 
tional Defense ? 

Mr. Niebyl. In the way the question is phrased, I am afraid I must 
invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Well, did you work for the Council on National De- 
fense at any time ? 

Mr. Niebyl. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Would you tell us what you did for the Council on Na- 
tional Defense ? 



3762 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE tTNITED STATES 

Mr. NiEBTL. May I say that that is exactly the same position that 
you ah^eady referred to because the Consumer Division became part 
of the OPA and it was only a very short while that that office was in 
the Council of National Defense. I advised the Committee on the 
Council of National Defense. 

Mr. Morris. So you had this one position with OPA ? 

Mr. NiEBYL,. Yes. 

Mr. Morris, And for a short time that was called the Advisory 
Commission to the Council on National Defense? 

Mr. NiEBYL. That was called the Consumer Division in the Ad- 
visory Commission to the Council of National Defense. 

Mr. Morris. I see. 

Mr. NiEBYL. It is exactly the same. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Now, did you know a Japanese national by the 
name of Tsuru Shigetu ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Who was Tsuru Shio;etu ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. To the best of my knowledge he was a student. I be- 
lieve he went to Lawrence Collefje. I met him, I believe, at the Uni- 
versity of Wisconsin and haven't seem him, I would say, for about 20 
years. 

Mr. Morris. I see. Now, I offered to you through your attorney a 
memorandum that purports to be written — have you still got it, Mr. 
Kein? 

Mr. Reix. I have it. 

Mr. Morris. Will you look at that, please. Now that is signed by — 
will you read the names of the three persons signing that. Just read 
the names. It appears on page 12. Just read the names. 

Mr. NiEBYL. Karl H. Niebyl. 

Mr. Morris. Karl H. Niebyl. 

You were then with the department of economics at Carleton Col- 
lege. Constance Kyle at the department of psychiatry at the Univer- 
sity of Illinois and Alfred Z. Lowe. 

Now, did you sign that memorandum ? 

Mr. NiEBTL. I invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. You will not tell us, but instead you are invoking the 
privilege under the fifth amendment ? 

Mr. Niebyl. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Before answering that question, have you looked at 
the memorandum before you answer that question ? 

Mr. Niebyl. Briefly, yes. 

Mr. Morris. Briefly? 

Mr. Niebyl. Briefly. 

Mr. Morris. Still you want to invoke your privilege under the fifth 
amendment ? 

Mr. Niebyl. Eight. 

Senator Hruska. As a matter of fact, you were furnished with a 
copy of this memorandum before the hearing started ? 

Mr. Niebyl. Eight. 

Senator Hruska. So you had an opportunity to look at it ? 

Mr. Niebyl. Briefly. 

Senator Hruska. Very briefly? 

Mr. Morris. May I look at your copy ? 

Mr. Niebyl. Yes. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3763 

Mr. NoRRis. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Tsuru has acknowledged that the 
signature here, Alfred Z. Lowe, was a name that he, himself, used and 
that his name did appear on this memorandum. 

To your knowledge did Constance Kyle and Alfred Z. Lowe join 
with you in the preparation of this memorandum ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. How much of this memorandum was written by Con- 
stance Kyle ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Morris. Claiming your privilege ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. How much of this memorandum was written by Alfred 
Z. Lowe, which was the name Mr. Tsuru acknowledged was the one 
he used at this time ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Well, Senator, I do not want to labor this too much. 
The whole thing is in our record. It has been described as a document 
that is obviously the work of a student of an, an advanced student of 
Communist propaganda, advanced students of Communist dialectics 
and, as has been described to the subcommittee, is obviously a person 
with very important experience in the Agitprop portion of the party. 

Were you a Communist at the date this memorandum was written, 
roughly 1937 ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Morris. Had you any Communist training at the time this 
memorandum was prepared ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Morris. Had you attended the Chicago Workers School ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Senator Hruska. On what grounds ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Based on the fifth amendment. 

Senator Hruska. Does that apply to all of these refusals ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Yes, sir. 

Senator Hruska. I just wanted the record to so show. 

Mr, Morris. Were you a Communist when you attended the Uni- 
versity of Berlin in 1930 ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were at the London 
School of Economics in 1932 to 1934 ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Morris. While you were in England did you meet a man who 
testified before this subcommittee a tew weeks ago, Frank Meyer? 
He was an American. It was testified he was at that time a member 
of the Communist Party and he had a temporary assignment in Eng- 
land. Now, did you, I am asking you, did you know Frank Meyer 
in England while you were a student at the London School of Eco- 
nomics ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. The name means nothing to me. I cannot recall. 

Mr. Morris. You cannot recall Frank Meyer ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. No. 

Mr, Morris. Did you know Frank Meyer subsequently in Chicago ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I do not recognize the name. 



3764 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE TTNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. He is a thin man, sharp features, dark hair, active in 
the Communist Party in Chicago. I mean, if he has told us that he 
knew you as a Communist, you will not contradict that ; will you ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Well, if you put the question that way, then I will 
refuse to answer under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. I am trying to be fair with you. He has told us that 
he knew you well in Chicago and he knew you also in England and 
he was then a Communist, active in students' organization work for 
the Communist Party and he said you were engaged in the same 
activity as he was. 

Now, I am asking you if you will deny that, or is it your answer you 
just do not recall the man or are you going to claim your privilege? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Well, my position is that I do not recall the man. 

Mr. Morris. Were you active in organizing Communist students 
while you were in England ? 

Mr. NiEBTL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. There was an organization at the time, that Mr. Meyer 
was engaged in, which was organizing Communist students at the 
various English unions. Did you participate in any work such as 
that while you were in England? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Morris. Now, were you a Communist when you went to the Uni- 
versity of Wisconsin in 1936 ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were research assist- 
ant at the University of Wisconsin in 1935 to 1936 ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were instructor and 
professor of economics at Carleton College, Minnesota ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were adviser on 
monetary and fiscal policies. Consumer Division of OPA 1940-41 ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Senator Hruska. The record will show that in each instance where 
the witness refuses to answer, it is made on the ground of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. ISIoRRis. Now were you a Communist when you were on the 
Advisory Commission to the Council on National Defense? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were the associate 
professor of economics and chairman of the graduate department, 
Tulane University, in the years 1941-43? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were a professor at 
the University of Texas in 1946 ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer on the grounds of the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were in Black Moun- 
tain College in North Carolina 1946 to 1947? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were professor and 
chairman of a department at Champlain College, State university, New 
York? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3765 

Mr. Morris. Were you at any time asked by State authorities if you 
had been a member of the Communist Party while working at the 
State university in New York ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. No. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were chairman of the 
department of economics and business administration at Muskingum 
College in Ohio, 1953 to 1954 ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist carrying on your work since 
1954 for the Economic Historical Association in New York City ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a lecturer in the New School of Social Re- 
search beginning in 1956 ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Now I would like to offer you a letter from Mr. Tsuru, 
dated February 22, 1937, addressed to dear Karl H. Niebyl, and there 
he gives the makeup and the constituency of 8 IMarxist study groups 
which, as you will see by the attendance here designated, the attendance 
embraced more than 100 students, some of whom obviously are profes- 
sors. I ask vou if you can recall having received that letter from Mr. 
Tsuru? 

Mr. Niebyl. Under the circumstances, I must claim the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Mr. Morris. And you will not tell us how these groups were or- 
ganized ? 

Mr. Niebyl. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. In connection with the correspondence of Mr. Tsuru 
there was mentioned in here with great particularity your own name, 
a woman named Constance Kyle, and a man named within the party 
who is now a professor at the University of Buffalo and these papers 
go on to say, and these are all in the record, that these study groups 
were used as a vehicle to draw people into the full organization of the 
Communist Party. Can you tell us whether you know, as a matter of 
fact, the study groups this letter addresses itself to were in the process 
of being drawn into the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Niebyl. I refuse to answer under the privilege of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. jMorris. Now, Senator, we have here in the record about 6 or 7 
letters of this nature together with this memorandum. I think I can 
assume, Senator, in view of the witness' responses so far that he is not 
going to give us any of the information that we would like which ob- 
viously deals with this concentrated effort at the hands or on the part 
of the Communists to organize study groups and through these 
methods to recruit for the Communist Party in the United States. 

So I suggest, in view of the witness' responses — I am not being un- 
fair, am I? 

Mr. Eein. No. 

Mr. Morris. I think we can assume he is not going to answer the 
questions on these. 

Senator Hruska. And we can assume, ]\Ir. Niebyl and Mr. Counsel, 
if each of those letters were identified and referred to in similar sit- 
uations as the first one and the same or similar questions asked, the 
same privilege would be asserted ? 

Mr. Rein. Speaking for the witness, I would say "Yes." 



3766 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. NiEBYL. I would say "Yes." 

^Ir. Morris. I would like to ask a few questions about the Economic 
Research, Inc. 

Now, you are associated with Economic Research, Inc., are you 
not? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I claim the privilege in view of the way the question is 
phrased. 

Mr. Morris. I will try to rephrase it. Economic Research, Inc., is 
listed in the New York phone book 120 Broadway, New York, tele- 
phone Barkley 1-7590. 

Mr. NiEiiYL. I have no connection with that. 

IMr. IMoRRis. You have no connection. We have no way of learning 
except to ask you. 

How about the Economic Research Association ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I am invoking my privilege under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. ]\IoRRis. Now, a paid ad in the Staten Island redbook, 1956 to 
1957, classification housing survey consultants, lists Karl H. Neibyl, 
185 Jules Drive, telephone Gibraltar 2-4476. Now was that your 
listing? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I invoke the fifth amendment. 

^fr. INIoRRis. You will not even tell us whether or not this ad which 
appeared in the Staten Island redbook listing you with the address 
that you have given the committee, Gibraltar 2-4476 was your number ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I must invoke the fifth amendment. 

Senator Hruska. Was that listing inserted by you or as a result of 
your efforts ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I must invoke the fifth amendment. 

Senator Hruska. Does that listing refer to you ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I must refuse to answer. 

Mr. Morris. Now, I am going to ask, for the purposes of the record, 
if you will tell us who your associates are in Economic Research Asso- 
ciation ? Who was associated with you in that business venture? 

]\Ir. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer on the ground of the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Mr. Morris. Now, will you tell us — the telephone book lists Eliza- 
beth H. Niebyl at 185 Jules Drive in Staten Island as a housing 
economist. Is slie your wife ? 

Mr. Niebyl. I must claim the fifth amendment; the privilege of the 
fifth amendment as well as a husband-and-wife relationship privilege. 

Senator Hruska. Are you married ? 

Mr. Niebyl. Yes. 

Senator Hruska. What is your wife's name ? 

Mr. Niebyl. Elizabeth. 

Senator Hruska. And where does she live ? 

Mr. Niebyl. At 185 Jules Drive. 

Senator Hruska. Is she engaged in any business or profession ? 

Mr. Niebyl. I must refuse to answer under the privilege of the 
fifth amendment and the husband-and-wife relationship. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know a person named Sylvia Ernstein, 2040 
West Division Street, Chicago ? 

Mr. Niebyl. I can't place her. 

Mr. Morris. You can't place her? Senator, I think, rather than 
go through a list of names here in public session, it would be better if 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3767 

we arrange some meeting at some other time for this particular 
witness. I would like to ask, before conclusion of the hearing, 
Senator, that Mr. Mandel, our research director, obtain the Govern- 
ment file, employment file of Mr. Niebyl while he worked for the 
United States Government and, when we do receive it, it go into the 
record at this point. 

Senator Hruska, It will be received into the record. 

(The employment file of Niebj'l was marked "Exhibit No. 452" 
and is as follows:) 



United States Civil Service Commission 
bubeatj of departmental operations 

WASHINGTON 25, D. C. 
STATEMENT OF FEDERAL SERVICE 



Name: Niebyl, Karl H. 



Date of birth: June 30, 1906. 



Authority for original appointment (Examination from which appointed or 
Other authority — Executive Order, Law, or other exemption). 



EfEective date 


Nature of action 


Position, grade, salary, etc. 


8-29-40 

9-15-41. . 


Temporary Appointment (Section 
2, Rule VIII). 

Termination of Appointment- 


Senior Economist P-5 $4,600 per annum ADVIS- 
ORY COMMISSION to the COUNCIL of 
NATIONAL DEFENSE, Wasiiington, D. C. 

Office of Price Administration ' OFFTPF for 




EMERGENCY MANAGEMENT, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 



' Funds reallocated from Council of National Defense to OEM, 2-28-41. 

Examination Services Section 
Exhibit No. 452 



EHD 4/16 



OATH OF OFFICE 

Prescribed by Section 1757, Revised Statutes of the United States 

The Advisory Commission to the Council of National Defense 

I, Karl Heinrich Niebyl, do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and 
defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and 
domestic ; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same ; that I take this 
obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion ; and 
that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am 
about to enter. So help me God. 

I, further, do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I am not a member of the Com- 
munist party, the German Bund, or any other Communist, Nazi, or Fascist or- 
ganization, and that I am not a member of any political party or organization 
which advocates the overthrow of our constitutional form of Government in the 
United States. 

Karl H. Niebyl. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 10th day of September, A.D. 1940 at 
Washington, D. C. 



[seal] 



Lavada M. Court, 

Notary Public. 



My commission expires March 31, 1944. 

Position to which appointed Temp. A., Senior Economist, P-5, $4,600 per 
annum. 
Date of entrance on duty August 29, 1940. 



3768 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Office for Emergency Management, 
Washington, D. C, September 3, 19U. 
C. S. C. Report No. 41-1773-T 
Name: Niebyl, Karl H. 

Nature of Action: Termination of Appointment (without prejudice). 





From 


To 


Position.. 


Senior Economist 




Grade and salary 


P-S, $4,ti00 per annum 




Bmeau. ._ . 


OfBce of Price Administration 

Consumer Division.. 




Branch 




Headquarters 


Washington, D. C 




Departmental or field 


Departmental ._ 











Effective date : Sept. 15, 1941, c. o. b. 

Remarks : Termination of temporary appointment. Because of the confiden- 
tial nature of the work in this office and the unsatisfactory report of the char- 
acter investigation of Mr. Niebyl. 

Chas E. Mills, Personnel Officer. 



The Aj)visory Commission to the Council of National Defense, 

Washington, D. C, September 8, lOJfl. 
Chief, Personnel Section, 

The Advisory Commission to the Council of National Defense {Through 
the Immediate Supervisor) . 

I hereby tender my resignation from the position of Advisor on Monetary and 
Fiscal Policies (Senior Economist) at a salary of $4,600. Division Consumer 
to take effect at the close of business September 15, 1941. 

Reason : Acceptance of position as Associate Professor of economics at Tulane 
University, New Orleans. 

Karl H. Niebyl. 
Home Address : 

At present, 2000 Connecticut Av., Apt. 707, Washington, D. C. 
After September 15, Dept. of Economics, Tulane University, New Orleans. 
Accepted : 

Frances R. Montgomery, 
Adm. Offi,cer — Con. Div. O. P. A. 

Academic Record 

Name : Kai-1 H. Niebyl. 

Age : 34 ; married ; one child. 

Nationality : American. 

Address : 118 Winona Street, Northfield, Minnesota. 

Academic Positions : 

Fellow, Department of Economics, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis- 
consin, 1934-1935. 

Research Assistant, Department of Economics, University of Wisconsin, 
1935-February 1936. 

Instructor, Department of Economics, Carleton College, Northfield, 
Minnesota, 1936-1938. 
Assistant Professoi*, Department of Economics, Carleton College, 1938-. 
Degrees : Ph. D. (Economics) , University of Wisconsin, 1936 : 

Thesis : "The Change of Function of Trade Unionism During the Epoch 
of Imperialism." 

Diploma in Economics (M. A.), University of Frankfurt am Main, 1932. 
Honors : I. S. S. Scholar, London School of Economics, London, England. 
Fellow, Department of Economics, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin. 
Universities Attended : Institute of Technology, Hannover, 1923-1924 ; Univer- 
sity of Paris, Paris (Honors) , 1929-1930 ; University of Berlin, Berlin, 1930-1931 ; 
University of Frankfurt (M. A.), 1931-1932; London School of Economics, Lon- 
don School of Economics, London, 1932, 1933-1934; University of Wisconsin, 
Madison ( Ph. D. ) , 1934-1936. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3769 

Languages : I read, write, and speak German and French ; I read Spanish and 
Italian. 
Publications : 

Modern Mathematics and Some Problems of Quantity, Quality, and 
Motion in Economic Analysis," Journal of the Philosophy of Science, New 
York, January 1940. 

"The Need for a Concept of Value in Economic Theory," The Quarterly 
Journal of Economics, published by Harvard University, February 1940. 

"Historijske izmjene u funkciji izvoza kapitala (Esej iz dinamicke 
teorije)," Ekonomist, Zagreb, Juli-August 1939 (Croatian). 

"Surplus Population and the Present Crisis in Japan," Current Economic 
Issues, December 1937. 

Also, book reviews in several economic journals. 
Articles Definitely Accepted for Publication : 

"A Reexamination of the Classical Theory of Inflation," American Eco- 
nomic Review, Cambridge, Massachusetts, December 1940. 

"The Historical Change in the Function of Capital Export," Economic 
History Review, London, England. 

"Some Historical Aspects of Mercantile Concepts of Money." 
Articles Submitted for Publication : 

"Equilibrium and the Quantity Concept of Money." 

"Some Aspects of the Basic Assumptions of Quantitative Economics." 

"An Historical Example of Qualitative Economic Change." 
Papers Read : 

"Population Change and Business Cycle Theory." At the Annual Meet- 
ing of the Midwest Economic Association, Des Moines, Iowa, April 19, 1940. 

"The Economics of the Present War." At the University of Wisconsin, 
March 6, 1940. 

"The Economics of Fascism." At the Annual Meeting of the Midwest 
Economic Association, Des Moines, April 22, 1939. 

"Some Aspects of the Basic Assumptions of Quantitative Economics." At 
the Sixth Annual Research Conference on Economics and Statistics, of the 
Cowles Commission, at Colorado Springs, July 1940. 
Public Lectures : 

"Swedish Experiments in the Control of the Business Cycle." 

"Changes in the Function of Capital Export." 

"The Economics of the Mediterranean." 

"Some Problems of Modern Business Cycle Theory." 
Work in Progress : 

"Studies in the Function of Money." This is a research project on which 
I have been working for the last two years. In connection with it I was 
awarded a grant-in-aid by the Research Committee of Carleton College for 
research in England, France, and Switzerland in the summer of 1938. For 
the summer of 1940 I was given a grant-in-aid by the Social Science Re- 
search Council to continue the project. 

"Economic History — The Development of the Economic Structure of the 
Modern AVorld." This work is being written upon the request of the Ronald 
Press. The material for a two-volume work has been assembled and will 
be written up after the completion of the above work. 
Previous Research not destined for publication : 

"A Critical-Comparative Study of English and German Trade Unionism 
During a Period of Economic Contraction." With Professor Harold J. 
Laski, London School of Economics. 

"The Change from Social Welfare Policy to Industrial Democracy. An 
Analysis of German Trade Union Policy." With Professor A. Lowe, Uni- 
versity of Manchester, England, formerly of the University of Frankfort 
am Main, Germany. 

"Present Trends of Population Movements in Minnesota." "The Present 
Situation of Agriculture and Industry in Minnesota." Reports written for 
the college representative to the Minnesota Institute of Governmental Re- 
search. 

"An Evaluation of the Existing Material on Acculturation with the View 
of Studying the Implications of the Term "Acculturation' and Exploring 
New Leads for Further Investigations." For the Committee on Accultura- 
tion of the Social Science Research Council, New York. 
Business Activity : I apprenticed and learned thoroughly both the steel trade 
and banking, I acted as a correspondent to a German bank (Darmstadter & 



3770 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Nationalbank, Berlin) at the Berlin Stock Exchange. I was assistant to the 
director of a steel construction corporation (Steffens & Noelle, Berlin). In Paris 
I was foreign correspondent for an import and export house (Guttmann & 
Lemmle, Paris). In Berlin I acted as economic counsellor to a firm of corpora- 
tion lawyers (Richard RosendorfE, Berlin). 

Teaching Experiences : Principles of Economics, American Economic History, 
European Economic Hhistory, Development of Economic Thought, Money and 
Banking, Public Finance, Business Cycle Theory, Advanced Economic Theory. 
Professional Societies : 

National Bureau of Economic Research, New Tork. 
British Association for the Advancement of Science. 
American Economic Association. 
References : 

Professor Arthur R. Burnstan, Department of Economics, Carleton Col- 
lege, Northfield, Minnesota. 

Professor Eugen Alstchul, School of Business Administration, University 
of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota. 

Professor Walter Morton, Department of Economics, University of Wis- 
consin, Madison, Wisconsin. 

Professor T. E. Rankin, Chairman, Department of English, Carleton Col- 
lege, Northfield, Minnesota. 

Professor Charles Christopher Mierow, Chairman, Department of Biog- 
raphy, Carleton College, Northfield, Minnesota. 

Karl H. Niebyi-. 
Cambridge, Mass., July 22, 194O. 

Mr. Morris. I have no more questions of this witness. 

Senator Hruska. What is your business or profession, Mr. Niebyl, 
at present ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the privilege of the fifth 
amendment. 

Senator Hruska. Are you a citizen of the United States ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Yes, 

Senator Hruska. Where do you vote, what is your voting address 
or voting location ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. 185 Jules Drive. ~ 

Senator Hruska. When did you last vote as a citizen at that ad- 
dress ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. Last November. 

Senator Hruska. And where did you vote before that ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. At the same address. 

Senator Hruska. How long have you lived there ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. About 2 years. 

Senator Hruska. Are you a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment. 

Senator Hjiuska. Have you been active in any — are you active now 
in any Communist affairs or work ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the same privilege. 

Senator Hruska. Have you been active in the past in any Com- 
munist affairs ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Senator Hruska. Have you been a member of the Communist 
Party at any time in the past ? 

Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer. 

Senator Hruska. That is all, Judge Morris. 

Mr. Morris. There is one article here which purports to be written 
by the witness here today. I think just to be sure it is the article, 
the same one: This is in Science and Society, the Marxist quarterly 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3771 

that our evidence indicates was a Communist magazine. Was all this 
in the past 

Senator Hruska. Did you base a question 

Mr. Morris. I do not think there is a question pendmg. I might 
point out that one of the items in our record among Mr. Tsuru's 
papers contained a statement that the board of editors of Science and 
Society magazine in 1937 was virtually the same as the Communist 
faction in the Science and Society magazine. That is a term the 
Communists use to stake out their representation in a particular 
project. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Niebyl, now referring to the summer 1940 
issue of Science and Society magazine which on its cover page de- 
scribes itself as a Marxian quarterly. It is volume IV, No. 3 and 
I am referring to pages 234 to 239 inclusive of that and the article on 
those pages is entitled "The Cynical Mr. Kane" and signed by Karl 
H. Niebyl. I should like to know — will you inspect that article in 
that issue and tell me whether or not that article was authorized 
by you? 

Mr. Niebyl. I must refuse to answer, claiming the protection of 
the fifth amendment. 

Senator Hruska. The record will show that the witness did refer 
to the magazine in question and examined the pages referred to be- 
fore making his answer. That will be all, Judge Morris, unless you 
have something further. 

Mr. Morris. No, I have nothing further. 

Senator Hruska. The hearing will be adjourned. 

(At 1 :10 p. m. the subcommitee adjourned.) 



93215— 57— pt. 57- 



INDEX 



Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to the mere fact of the appearance of the names of an individual or an organiza- 
tion in this index. 

A 

Page 

Abe, Dr. Toshishige 3757 

Abraham Lincoln School 3698, 3761 

Academic Record— Karl H. Niebyl 3768-3770 

Addis, T. — Stanford School of Medicine; contributor to Science and 

Society 3713 

Adler, Solomon 3696, 3750 

Advisory Commission to the Council on National Defense . 3698, 

3762, 3764, 3767, 3768 

Agitprop 3763 

"Agriculture in U. S. A" by R. Bryce 3739, 3740 

Aiken, Henry — Harvard ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Alber, Harry F 3745 

Alexander, J. W. — Princeton ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Alstchul, Prof. Eugen 3770 

American Academy of Policy and Sociology 3751 

American Economic Association 3770 

American Embassy 3748 

'American Imperialism" by E. H. Norman 3739-3741 

American-Japan intellectual interchange program 3687, 3707, 3709, 3757 

Americans who have gone to Japan 3757 

Japanese who have come to United States 3757 

American League Against War and Fascism 3697, 3705, 3711, 3717, 3726 

American Men of Science 3760 

Ando, Jiro 3749 

Anti-Duhring by Engels 3697, 3705 

Anti-Imperialism League 3692, 3717, 3718, 3754 

Appendix I — Intellectual interchange program 3757 

Army Department Security Board 3746 

ASAHI, Japan's leading newspaper 3710 

Association of Marxian Studies 3691, 3697, 3704, 3705, 3706, 3715 

List of study groups 3715, 3717 

Atlantic Monthly 3751 

Ayusawa, Prof. Iwao 3757 



Ballaine, Francis — Adelphi ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Beard, Charles 3733 

Berlin Stock Exchange 3770 

Bernal. J. D.— University of Cambridge 3706, 3753 

Bialer, Mr 3750 

Birch, Francis — Harvard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Birdsall, Paul — Williams ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Bisson, T. A 3755 

Bittleman 3727, 3739 

Bon-To-Jin, pen name of Shigeto Tsuru 3692 

Borton, Dr. Hugh 3757 

Boston 3688, 3691, 3695, 3754 

Bowles, Gordon 3757 

Bradley, Lyman R. — Brooklyn ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 



n INDEX 

Page 

Brady, Robert A. — California ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Brameld 3726,3737 

Brameld, Tlieodore B. — Adelphia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Braunthal 3734 

Brenner, Henry 3755 

Bi-ewster, Dorothy — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

British Association for the Advancement of Science 3770 

Brookings Institution 3723 

Brown, Harold Chapman — Stanford ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Brown, Prof. J. F., University of Kansas 3706 

Brown, William O. — Howai'd ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Bryce, Robert 3739-3741 

Bukharin 3731 

Bunche, Ralph J. — Howard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Burgum 3715, 3753 

Burgum, Edwin Berry— New York ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Burnstan, Prof. Arthur R 3770 

C 

Cambridge 3693, 3697, 

3704-3706, 3710, 3715, 3716, 3719, 3722, 3727, 3729, 3742-3744, 3752, 3753 

Cameron, Kenneth Neill — Indiana ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Canadian Legation in Tokyo 3743 

Cannon, AValter B. — Harvard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Capital : 

First volume of 3734 

Second edition of 3728 

Third volume of 3726,3737,3738 

Carman. Harry J. — Columbia University 3757 

Carmichael, Dr. Oliver, former president of University of California 3757 

Carter, Mr 3746 

Cazden, Norman — Harvard and Illinois ; contributor to Science and So- 
ciety 3713 

Chao-Ting, Chi 3746, 3747 

Chicago, 111 3693-3695, 3697, 3698, 3705, 3706, 3715, 

3718, 3719, 3721, 3726-3729, 3735, 3736, 3738, 3761, 3763, 3764, 3766 

Chicago Workers School 3763 

China 3692, 3693, 3695, 3699, 3700, 3710, 3718, 3746 

Clark, Grover 3723 

Cobb, H. V. — Carleton ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Cohen, Joseph W. — Colorado ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Cohen, Theodore 3750 

Cole, Dr. Charles W.. president of Amherst College 3757 

Colleges and universities : 

Blackmountain College, North Carolina 3761. 3764 

Carleton College, Minnesota— 3735, 3698, 3724, 3761, 3762, 3764, 3768, 3770 

Champlain College, State University of New York 3761, 3764 

Columbia Universitv 3688, 3702, 3757 

Harvard University 3687-3691, 

3693, 3694, 3702, 3704, 3709, 3740,-3742, 3744, 3759 

Hitotsubashi University, Tokyo 3687, 3709 

Lawrence College, Appleton, Wis 3688, 3693, 3762 

Muskingum College, Ohio 3761, 3765 

Northwestern University 3730 

Tokyo University 3757 

Tulane University 3698, 3761, 3764, 3768 

University of Akron 3706 

Universitv of Berlin 3698, 3763, 3768 

Universitv of Buffalo 3765 

Universitv of Chicago 3693, 3695, 3724, 3728, 3730, 3752, 3753 

University of Frankfurt, Germany 3698, 3760, 3768 

University of Illinois 3706, 3774, 3762 

University of London 3698, 3706 

University of Michigan 3706 

University of Minnesota 3729, 3731, 3770 

University of New York (State) 3761, 3764, 3765 



INDEX ni 

Colleges and universities — Continued Page 

University of Oklahoma 3706 

University of Paris 3698, 3760, 3768 

University of Texas 3761, 3764 

University of Wisconsin 3693. 3698, 3736, 3760-3762, 3764, 3768, 3770 

Communist (book) 3727 

Communist/s 3691-3095, 3698, 3704, 3710, 3711, 3714, 

3718, 3724, 3749, 3754, 3756, 3759, 3760, 3763-3765, 3767, 3770, 3771 

American 3746 

Chinese 3746,3747 

Japanese 3710 

Polish 3750 

Communist Party 3691-3693, 3695, 3696, 3702-3704, 

3710, 3713, 3716-3718, 3724, 3736, 3738, 3750, 3763-3765, 3767, 3770 

Chicago 3764 

Japanese 3692 

United States 3765 

Constantino, Anthony 3755 

Constitution 3701 

Consumer Division, OPA 3761, 3762, 3764, 3768 

Cookson, John 3718, 3731, 3752 

Corey 3697, 3705, 3727 

Council of National Defense 3761, 3762 

Court, Lavada M., notary public 3767 

Cousins, Norman, editor of Saturday Review 3757 

Cox, Oliver O. — Tuskegee ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Curti, Dr. Merle, University of Wisconsin 3757 

Cutler, Addison T. — Fisk ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

"Cynical Mr. Kane, The," article in Science and Society, by Karl H. Niebyl- 3771 
Czechoslovakia 3760 

D 

Darbin 3722 

D'Arcy, Father Martin 3757 

Darmstadter .& Nationalbank, Berlin (German bank) 3770 

Darren 3722 

David, Henry — Queens: contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Davis, Arthur K. — Union; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Davis, Horace B. — Simmons; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Davis, Kingsley — Pennsylvania State ; contributor to Science and Society— 3712 

Davis, Richard G 3691 

DeBary, Prof. Wm. T. — Columbia University 3757 

Decline of American Capitalism, The, by Corey 3697, 3705 

Diflie, Bailey AV. — City College of New York; contributor to Science and 

Society 3712 

Dobb, Maurice, famoxis economist in England 3696 

Doob, Joseph 3706 

Dotterer, Ray H. — Pennsylvania State ; contriliutor to Science and Society- 3713 

Douglas, Wallace W. — Northwestern ; contributor to Science and Society — 3713 

Dunbar, Carl O. — Yale; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Dunham, Barrows — Temple ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Dunn, Dr. Frederick S. — Princeton University 3757 

Dunn, Leslie C. — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

E 

Economic Historical Association, New York City 3765 

Economic Journal 3722 

Economic Research Associates 3761, 3766 

Economic Research, Inc 3766 

120 Broadway, New York 3766 

Telephone Barkley 1-7590 3766 

Edel, Abraham — Citv College of New York; contributor to Science and 

Society 3712 

Editor Review and Forecast, publication 3698 

Engels 3697, 3705, 3729, 3731, 3734 

England 3696, 3714, 3763, 3764 



IV INDEX 

Page 

Brdman, David V. — Minnesota ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Ernstein, Sylvia 376G 

Ewen, Frederic — Brooklyn ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Exhibit No. 442— Letter to W. T. Parry from Sliigeto Tsuru, dated August 

31, 1936 3704-3706 

Exhibit No. 443 — Letter to Tsuru from Parry, dated September 6, 1936, 

re Science and Society 3706-3707 

Exhibit No. 444 — List of contributors to Science and Society 3712-3713 

Exhibit No. 445 — 1946 issue of Science and Society (in subcommittee files) _ 3714 
Exhibit No. 445-A — 1956 issue of Science and Society (in subcommittee 

files) 3714 

Exhibit No. 445-B — 1956 issue of Science and Society (in subcommittee 

files) 3714 

Exhibit No. 446 — Letter to Niebyl from Tsurni, dated February 22, 1937__ 3715-^ 

3716 
Exhibit No. 447 — Letter to Niebyl from Tsuru, dated December 14, 1936— 3718- 

3720 
Exhibit No. 448 — Letter to Constance Kyle from Tsuru, dated April 9, 

1937 3720, 3723 

Exhibit No. 448-A— Letter to Tsuru from Kyle, dated April 14, 1937 3721 

Exhibit No. 449 — Letter to Niebyl from Tsuru, dated January 31, 1937- 3721-3723 
Exhibit No. 450 — Memorandum addressed to editors of Science and Society 

signed by Kyle, Niebyl, and Lowe (Tsuru) 3725-3735 

Exhibit No. 451 — Letter to Niebyl from Tsuru, dated May 9, 1937 3740 

Exhibit No. 452 — Employment file of Karl H. Niebyl, includes oath of 

office 3767 

F 

Fairchild, Henry Pratt — ^New York, contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Farley, Miriam 3755 

Farmer-Labor Party 3739, 3740 

Farm(er) Labor Progressive Federation 3697,3705 

Fascists 3695,3767 

FBI 3741 

Feuer, Lewis S. — City College of New York ; contributor to Science and 

Society 3712 

Field, Fred 3746 

Fifth amendment 3691, 3713, 3714, 3760-3766, 3770, 3771 

Fitzgerald, James 3755 

Ford, Father George B 3757 

Fox, Ralph 3723 

Frankfurt, Germany 3760 

Franklin, Mitchell — Tulane; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Frazier, E. Franklin — Howard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Freeman, Frank S. — Cornell; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

G 

German Bund 3767 

Germany 3698 

Gertrude 3715, 3720, 3723 

Gilbert, G. M. — Princeton; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Gilkes, Lullian — New York ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Ginger, Ray — Western Reserve and Harvard ; contributor to Science and 

Society 3713 

Glover, Charles, attorney for Shigeto Tsuru 3687 

Goodrich, Prof. Carrington, Columbia University 3757 

Gottschalk, Hans — Iowa ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Gouldner, Alvin W. — Buffalo ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Government : 

Canadian 3741,3744 

Japanese 3701,3747, 3750, 3751 

Polish 3750 

United Kingdom 3700 

United States 3701, 3710, 3711, 3744, 3748 



INDEX V 

Page 

Great Britain 3706 

Gripsholni, boat on which Tsuru repatriated 3689,3709,3710,3747 

Guide to Marxian Studies, a classification of contents 3715, 

3719, 3722, 3732, 3719-3720 
Gundlach, Ralph H. — Washington (State) ; contributor to Science and 

Society 3713 

Guthrie, Elton P. — Washington (State) ; contributor to Science and 

Society i 3712 

Guttmann & Lemmle, Paris (import and export house) 3770 

H 

Halperin, Israel 3744, 3745 

Hanover, Germany 3760, 3768 

Harap, Louis — Harvard; contributor to Science and Society 3712, 

3715, 3722, 3752 

Hartung, Frank E. — Wayne ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Hathway, Marion — Pittsburgh ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Hegel 3723 

Henderson, Algo, University of Michigan 3757 

Herman (Ramras) 3718 

Herzog, George — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Hicks 3722 

Hicks, Granville — Harvard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Hiss, Alger 3741 

Hitler 3698 

Hogben 3722 

Holland, William 3746 

Holmes, Eugene C. — Hovrard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Hornstein, Lillian Herlands — Nevp York; contributor to Science and 

Society 3712 

House Un-American Activities Committee 3691 

Howard, Kenneth 3753 

Hruska, Senator Roman L 3759 

Huberman, Leo — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Hughes, Charles — Hunter ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Hunter, Louis C. — American ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 



Ichikawa, Miss Fusae 8757 

Ideology and Utopia, by Manheim 3729 

Imamura, Dr. Arao 3757 

India 3750 

Infeld, Leopold — Toronto ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Inlow, E. Burke — Princeton ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Institute of Pacific Relations (IPR) 3747, 3748, 3754, 3755 

Japanese Council of 3746 

Lucknow conference 3747 

Institute of Technology, Hanover, Germany 3760, 3768 

International Communist Relief Corps, part of the overall MOPR — Soviet 

Relief Organization 3692 

International Economic Service, Ltd 3745 

International House 3689, 3690 

International Student Institute 3742, 3743 

J 

Jaffe, Phillip 3754 

Japan 3692, 

3693, 3696, 3700, 3701, 3710, 3717, 3740, 3742-3746, 3748, 3750, 3751, 3754, 3757 
Japan Anti-War League 3754 

Japanese Army 3700 

Japanese Emancipation League 3755 

Japanese invasion of China 3695, 3699 

Jenner, Senator Wm. E 3687 

Jodai, Miss Tano 3757 

Johnston, Senator Olin D 3687 

Journal of American Statistical Association 3722 



VI INDEX 

K Page 

Kaiso 3751 

Kaji, Dr. Shinzo 3757 

Kameyama, Prof. Naoto 3757 

Katayama, Premier 3710 

Kazakevich, Vladimir D. — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society. 3712 

Keeney, Phillip O 3750 

Keynes, John M ,- 3697, 3722, 3735 

Kihara, Dr. Hitoshi 3757 

Killem, James 3756 

Killen 3756 

Kiroshi, Joja 3755 

Koichi, Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal 3689 

Koizumi, Dr. Shinzo 3757 

Korb, Mr 3752 

Korb's group in Cambridge 3705 

Krechevsky, I. — University of Chicago 3706 

Kresh, Joseph — Brooklyn and City College of New York; contributor to 

Science and Society 3712 

Kuznets 3723 

Kyle, Constance (Connie) 3697, 3705, 3706, 3714-3716, 

3718, 3720, 3721, 3724, 3729, 3735, 3736, 3751, 3754, 3762, 3763, 3765 

L 

Lange, Oscar (Polish Communist official) 3719, 3722, 3750 

Larkin, Oliver — Smith : contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Laski 3722, 3733 

Laski, Prof. Harold J 3769 

Lectures of Karl H. Niehyl 3769 

Left Book Club in England 3714, 3716 

Left News, The 3723 

Lenin 3715, 3727, 3729, 3731 

Leontief, Prof 3716, 3722 

Letter to Parry from Tsuru, dated August 31, 1936— Exhibit No. 442 3689, 

3690, 3704-3706, 3717, 3720 

Letter to Tsuru from Parry, dated September 6, 1936— Exhibit No. 443 3698. 

3706-3707 

Letter to Xiebvl from Tsuru, dated February 22, 1937— Exhibit No. 446 3714, 

3715-3716, 3717, 3723, 3765 
Levinson, Norman — Massachusetts Institute of Technology; contributor 

to Science and Society 3712 

Levy, H. — University of London 3706 

Lewis, John 3723 

Liberty League 3730 

Lind, L. R. — Kansas ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

London School of Economics (London, England) 3698,3760,3763,3768 

Lowe, Alfred Z. (name used by Shigeto Tsuru) ; contributor to Science 

and Society 3691. 3712, 3724, 3729, 3732, 3735, 3738, 3762. 3763, 3769 

Lumpkin, Katharine De Pre — Smith ; contributor to Science and Society.- 3712 

Lunning, Mr 3752 

Lunning's gi'oup 3705 

M 

MacArthur, General 3710, 3739 

MacLaulin, G. C 3723 

MacLeod, Robert B. — Cornell ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Madison, Wisconsin 3693, 3695, 3697, 3705, 3718, 3729, 3731, 3752 

Maeda, Tamon 3757 

Maiei-, N. R. F. — University of Michigan 3706 

Manchuria 3692 

Mandel, Benjamin 3687, 3709, 3759 

Mandel, Vernard — Pennsylvania ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Mandel, William— Stanford ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Manheim 3729 

Manifesto 3726, 3737 

Mark, Irving — Brooklyn ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 



INDEX yn 

Page 

Marquat, General 3743 

Marshall 3722 

Marx, Karl 3691, 3697, 3704, 3705, 3722, 3723, 3728, 3729, 3731, 3734, 3741 

Marx-Engels Archiv 3733 

"Marxian Methodology in Social Sciences," by Tsuru 3739, 3740 

Marxism 3696, 3703, 3719, 3726, 3730, 3752 

Marxism and Modern Thought 3731 

Marxist Stiidv Clubs 3730, 3765 

Marxist Quarterly, The 3728, 3729, 3735 

Mason, Professor 3716 

Massachusetts 3715, 3716, 3718 

Mather, Kirtley F. — Harvard; contributor to tScience and Society 3713 

Matsukata, Saburo 3747, 3757 

Matsumoto, Mr 3747 

Matsumoto, Shigeharu 3757 

Matsuo, Mr 3747, 3748 

Maturos 3755 

May, Kenneth — Carleton; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

McCuue, Shannon 3757 

McGill 3726, 3729, 3733, 3737 

McGill, V. J. — Hunter ; contril)utor to Science and Society 3712 

McManus, Robert C 3759 

Mead, Lawrence 3743 

Menefee, Selden C. — National ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Merton, Robert K. — Harvard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Meyer, Frank 3763, 3764 

Mierow, Prof. Charles Christopher 3770 

Mills, Chas. E 3768 

Minnesota 3761. 3764 

Mins, H. F 3706, 3707, 3714, 3716, 3721 

Mises. ( See von Mises. ) 

Mitchell, P>roadus— Johns Hopkins ; contributor to Science and Society — 3712 

Montasu, M. F. Ashley— Hahnemann Medical ; contributor to Science and 

Society 3712 

Montgomery, Frances R 3768 

Monthly Review Press 3696 

Moore, Professor (Columbia University) 3757 

MOPR— Soviet Relief Organization 3692 

Morals, Herbert M. — Brooklyn ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Morris, Robert 3687, 3709, 3759 

Morrison, Philip — Cornell; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Morton, Prof. Walter 3770 

Moscow 3751 

N 

Nagayo, Yoshiro 3757 

Nagel, Earnest 3733 

Nakayama, President Ichiro, Hitotsubashi University 3757 

Nathan, Otto — New York ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

"National Income and Its Distribution Among Different Classes," by L. 

Tarshis 3739,3740 

National Bureau of Economic Research, New York 3770 

Nazi 3767 

Nettels, Curtis P. — Wisconsin, contributor to Science and Society 3712 

New School of Social Research 3761, 3765 

New Statesman and Nation, The 3722 

New York 3715, 3716, 3718, 3719, 3721, 3727-3729, 3735, 3760, 3761 

Niebyl, Elizabeth H., wife of Karl H 3766 

Niebyl, Karl Heinrich (K. H. N.) 3698, 3704, 3706, 3715, 3717, 3718, 

3720, 3721. 3724, 3729, 3733, 3735, 3736, 3738-3740, 3751, 3753, 3759 

Niebyl, Karl H. — Carleton ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Testimony of Karl H. Niebyl 3760-3771 

185 Jules Drive, New York City 3760, 3770 

Fifth amendment re employment 3760, 3770 

Fifth amendment re Communist Party 3760, 3764, 3770 



Vm INDEX 

Niebyl, Karl H. — Caiieton ; contributor to Science and Society — Continued Page 

Attorney, David Rein, 711 14tli Street NW., Wasliington, D. C 3760 

Born June 30, 1936, in Prague 3760 

1923-24, attended Institute of Technology, Hanover, Germany 3760 

1929-30, attended University of Paris 3760 

1932, attended University of Frankfurt, Germany 3760 

1932-34, attended London Scliool of Economics 3760 

1936, Ph. D. from University of Wisconsin 3760-3761 

1935-36, research assistant at University of Wisconsin 3761 

1936-40, instructor at Carleton College, Minnesota 3761 

1940-41, Consumer Division, OPA 3761 

1941^3, associate professor, Tulane University 3761 

1946, professor, University of Texas 3761 

1946-47, Blackmountain College, North Carolina 3761 

1947-53, Champlain College, State University of New York 3761 

1953-54, Muskingum College, Ohio 3761 

Since 1954, with Economic Research Associates 3761 

1956, lecturer at New School of Social Research, New York City 3761 

Worked for Council on National Defense 3761 

Wife, Elizabeth 3766 

Fifth amendment re wife's business or profession 3766 

Employment file 3767, 3768 

Academic record 3768-3770 

Languages 3769 

Publications 3769 

Public lectures 3769 

Business activity 3769 

Professional societies 3770 

References 3770 

Ninth Party Convention 3727, 3738 

Norman, E. H 3739-3744 

North Carolina 3761, 3764 

Northfield, Minn 3768, 3770 

Nye 3741 

Nye, Russell B. — Michigan State ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

O 

Oath of office 3767 

Obermeyer, Charles — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Odegard, Prof. Peter — University of California 3757 

Ohio 3761,3765 

Olson, Miss, secretary to Mins 3714, 3716, 3721 

On Reproduction Schemes, appendix written for Sweezy's book by Tsuru_- 3696 

OPA, Consumer Division 3761,3762,3764,3768 

OPA, Office for Emergency Management 3767, 3768 

Orchard, Prof. John — Columbia University 3757 

Otis, Brooks — Hobard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

P 

Pareto 3734 

Parry, William T. — Buffalo University 3689, 

3699, 3704, 3707, 3714-3716, 3719-3724, 3736, 3738, 3740, 3752, 3754 

Contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Instructor of philosophy at Harvard 3690 

Identified by Richard Davis as Communist 3691 

Paskoff, Benjamin — City College of New York ; contributor to Science and 

Society 3712 

Patel, Surendra J. — Pennsylvania ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Patterson, Ernest F. — Alabama ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

"Peculiarities of Capitalist Accumulation in U. S.," by P. Sweezy 3739, 3740 

Petty, William 3723 

Phillips, Herbert J. — ^Washington (State) ; contributor to Science and So- 
ciety 3712 

Poland 3750 

Prague 8733,3760 

Publications of Karl H. Niebyl 3769 



INDEX rx 

Q Page 

Quesnay 3697 

R 

Raj, Wataru 3754 

Ramras, Herman 3731, 3752 

Ramsay 3722 

Rankin, Prof. T. E 3770 

Reade, Leslie — New York ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Rein, David, 711 14th Street NW., Washington, D. C, attorney for Karl H. 

Niebyl 3760 

Reinhold, Meyer — Brooklyn : contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Reischauer, Dr. Edwin ; professor at Harvard 3757 

Reiss, Bernard F. — Brooklyn ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Review of Economic Studies on the Economic Theory of Socialism, The 3719, 3722 

Richard Rosendorff, Berlin (firm of corporation lawyers) 3770 

Riess, Ernst — Hunter ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Roberts, Leo 3723, 3752 

Rockefeller, John D., Ill 3757 

Roosevelt, Mrs. Eleanor 3757 

Rosenfeld, Mark Nathan 3749 

Ross, Emerson 3749, 3755 

Roth, Andrew 3754 

Rusher, William A 3687,3709,3759 

Ryan, Prof. Frederick L. — University of Oklahoma 3706 

S 

Saionji, Mr 3748 

Sandow, Alexander — New York ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Sargent, S. Stanfield — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Saturday Review 3757 

Sazo, Nozaka (known as Susumu Okano) 3755 

SCAP 3709, 3739, 3743, 3745, 3747, 3749, 3750, 3755, 3756 

Schlauch, Margaret — New York ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Schuman 3723 

Schumpeter 3722 

Science and Society (S & S), Communist magazine 3691, 

3693, 3699, 3702, 3703, 3706, 3710, 3711, 3713-3731, 3736-3838, 3740, 

3753, 3754, 3759, 3770, 3771. 

Science and Society Club 3715, 3718, 3719 

Second World War 3700 

Selsam, Howard — Brooklyn ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Senki, national organization of the Japanese Communist Party 3692 

Seventh World Congress 3727, 3737, 3738 

Sherman, G. W. — Montana State; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Shibata, Prof, and Mrs. Kei 3736 

Shiga, Yoshio 3755 

Shlakman, Vera — Queens ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Shou Shan Pu — Carleton; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Sillen, Sam 3729, 3735 

Contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Slochower, Harry — Brooklyn ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Snyder, Alice D. — Vassar ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Sorge espionage case 3748 

Sourwine, J. G 3709 

Soviet 3700 

Soviet Union 3727, 3738, 3751 

S & S. (See Science and Society.) 

Stager, Ross, University of Akron 3706 

Stalin 3727, 3734, 3738 

State Department 3689, 3742 

Stateu Island redbook 3766 

Steffens & Noelle, Berlin (steel construction corporation) 3770 

Steinmetz, Harry C. — San Diego State ; contributor to Science and Society- 3712 

Stern, Bernhard J. — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Strachey 3735 



X INDEX 

Page 

Struik, D. J 3716, 3726, 3734, 3735, 3737, 3754 

Massachusetts Institute of Technologv ; contributor to Science and 

Society 3712 

Swadish, Morris — City College of New York ; contributor to Science and 

Society 3713 

Sweezy, Alan 3716, 3722 

Williams College; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Sweezy, Paul M 3696,3716,3719,3735,3739-3741 

Harvard; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

T 

Takagi, Dr. Yasaka 3757 

Takahashi, Prof. Masao 3749 

Takeda, Miss Kiyoko 3757 

Tarnopol, Lester — Kentucky ; contributor to Science and Soicety 3712 

Tarshis, L 3739-3741, 374:! 

Taussig 3722 

Teachings of Karl Marx, by Lenin 3715 

Theory of Capitalist Development, by Paul M. Sweezy 3696 

Thorp, Willard — Amherst College 3757 

Thorpe, General 3743 

Time magazine 3748 

Tobata, Prof. Seiichi 3757 

Tokuda Kvuichi 3755 

Tokyo 3709, 3743, 3745, 3747, 3748 

Trinkaus, Cliarles E., Jr. — Sarah Lawrence ; contributor to Science and 

Society 3713 

Trotskyists, Trotskyite.s 3714, 3716, 3728, 3754 

Tsuji, Mrs. INIatsu 3757 

Tsuru, Shigeto 3759, 3762, 3765 

Testimony of 3687-3757 

18-A Forest Street, Cambridge 40, Mass 3687 

Professor of economics at Hitotsubashi University, Tokyo 3687 

Visting lecturer at Harvard University 3687 

Born in Tokyo, Japan 3688 

Married Masako Wada 3689 

Used name of Alfred Z. Lowe 3691, 3724, 3729, 3732, 3735, 3738 

Pen name of Bon-To-.l'in 3692 

Vice Minister of Economic Stabilization 3710 

Charles Glover, attorney 3687 

Broadcast on Voice of America 3687 

Turnage, William T 3756 

Turner, Ralph, Yale University 3757 

U 

United Nations Resolution on Genocide 3700 

United States 3688, 3689, 3692, 3693, 3696, 3700, 3701, 

3703, 3704, 3709—3711, 3730, 3732, 3733, 3737, 3746, 3747, 3757 

United Workers Party in Poland 3750 

University. (See colleges and universities.) 

Unter dem Banner des Marxismum 3727 

. V 

van Cedlen "_ 3734 

Varga 3738 

Venable, Vernon — Vassar ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Voice of America 3687, 3688, 3701, 3707 

von Mises 3719, 3722 

W 

Wada, Masako (wife of Shigeto Tsuru) 3689 

Niece of Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, Koichi 3689 

Walton, Eda Lou — New York ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Wataru, Raj 3754 



INDEX XE 

Page 

Webb, Sidney and Beatrice 3722, 3753 

Weisner, Louis — Hunter; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Welch, Edward Christy 3755, 3756 

Williams, William Appleman — Oregon ; contributor to Science and Society. 3713 

Winspear, A. D. — Wisconsin; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Wirtschafts-rechnung by Mises 3719 

Wolfard, John A. — Montana State ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Worker's School 3693- 

3695, 3705, 3706, 3717, 3721, 8726, 3727, 3730, 3731, 3737, 3738 



YCL. {See Young Communist League.) 

Yellen, Samuel — Indiana ; contributor to Science and Society 3712 

Yoshida, Shigeru 3749 

Young, Alfred — Wesleyan ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

Young Communist League (YCL) 3692, 3695-3697, 3705, 3711, 3718, 

3727, 3730, 3738 
Z 

Zagorin, Perez — Amherst ; contributor to Science and Society 3713 

o 



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