POSITORY
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE
ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY
ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
UNITED STATES SENATE
EIGHTY-FIFTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
ON
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE
UNITED STATES
FEBRUARY 28, 1957
PART 55
Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary
UNITED STATES
Q0VBRN3VIENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1957
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
OCT 9 - 1957
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman
ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota
THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah
JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois
MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland
SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security
Act and Other Internal Security Laws
JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah
SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland
MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska
Robert Morris, Chief Counsel
J. G. SouRWiNE, Associate Counsel
William A. Rdsher, Associate Counsel
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research
n
CONTENTS
Page
Anslinger, Harry J 3611
Caldwell, John C 3633
Tennien, Fr. Mark 3624
m
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
THUESDAY, FEBEUABY 28, 1957
United States Senate,
Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration
OF the Internal Security Act and Other
Internal Security Laws, of the
Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington^ D. C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10 : 35 a. m., in room
424, Senate Office Building, Senator Roman L, Hruska presiding.
Present: Senators Hruska and Jenner.
Also present : Jay Sourwine, associate counsel ; and F, W. Schroe-
der, investigator.
Senator Hruska. The committee will come to order.
We are concerned this morning with making inquiry into the con-
ditions and activities in Red China, and have called several witnesses
for the purpose of testifying in that respect.
The first witness will be Mr. Anslinger. Is he here ?
Will you be sworn, please, Mr. Anslinger ? Raise your right hand.
Do you solemnly swear to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing
but the truth in the testimony you are about to give, so help you God ?
Mr. Anslinger. I do.
TESTIMONY OF HARRY J. ANSLINGER, COMMISSIONER, BUREAU
OF NARCOTICS, TREASURY DEPARTMENT
Senator Hruska. Give your name and address to the reporter,
please.
Mr. Anslinger. Harry J. Anslinger, Commissioner, Bureau of Nar-
cotics, Treasury Department, Washington.
Senator Hruska. Have you a prepared statement, Mr. Anslinger ?
Mr. Anslinger. Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the
committee, I have copies here of testimony that I am going to give
if you would like to follow it. It comes in three parts.
Senator Hruska. Very well. You may proceed with it.
Mr. Anslinger. Well, the first document that I want to present is
the report of the Committee on Illicit Traffic of the United Nations.
This is dated April 28, 1956. This is fairly recent.
Mr. Sourwine. Are you connected with that committee ?
Mr. Anslinger. I am Vice Chairman of the Commission.^
Senator Hruska. How long have you served in that capacity?
1 United Nations, N. Y., April 29 (INS). — United States Narcotics Commissioner Harry
J. Anslinger today was unanimously elected chairman of the United Nations Commission
on Narcotic Drugs. — Washington Post, April 30, 1957.
3611
3612 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Anslingek. Well, I have been tlie United States representative
on that Commission since 1946 and I have at different times presented
evidence, I believe beginning about 1952, about this situation in Red
China. It has all been presented to the committee before,^ but now
this is entirely new. This is all evidence in addition to that which I
had presented before.
These are the excerpts that have particular relation to the situa-
tion as it affects the mainland of China. I tried to condense this as
much as possible, but the Commission in this report went to the
Economic and Social Council.
Now, tlie Commission decided that the heaviest traffic, as in previous
years, centered in the Far East. That is in relation to all illicit traffic
in narcotic drugs. That would be opium, heroin, morphine; heroin
being the deadliest drug.
Now, the Commission was informed by the representatives of the
United Kingdom that, owing to the geographical position of the terri-
tory, there was a heavy traffic flowing through Hong Kong, particu-
larly in opium and opiates.
Now, the opiates were crude morphine and heroin. As in the past,
the traffic seemed to be concentrated in the Far East, and the Com-
mission viewed with concern the very heavy traffic in the Far East,
and particularly noted that a quantity of 35,000 kilos of raw opium
h.ad been seized in Tliailand.
Now, that is 35 tons, whicli is a tremendous quantity of opium.
The heaviest seizures were made in Thailand.
Senator Hruska. Who made the seizures ?
Mr. Anslinger. The Government of Thailand made the seizures.
Now, the representative of the United Kingdom drew the Commis-
sion's attention to the very difficult problems of control facing the
Federation of Malaya, Hong Kong, and Singapore. He said that
there was an appalling illicit traffic situation in these territories and
their resources were being strained to the utmost in trying to deal with
tliis problem.
Then he goes on to say that in Malaya, a young country nearing in-
dependence, the government has to deal with many problems and this
just adds to the problems. In fact, the Chief Minister of the Federa-
tion, on a recent visit to the United Kingdom, found it necessary to
emphasize the extent of the illicit traffic in narcotic drugs.
In respect of Hong Kong, the growing use of commercial aircraft
by traffickers was noticeable and, apart from the opium that ]3assed
through the colony for consumption as such, it was suspected that
much of it was earmarked for transformation into crude morphine
or diacetylmorphine, which is heroin.
The British authorities there have uncovered some illicit factories
which are processing crude mor])hine into heroin.
The Government of the United Kingdom was gravely disturbed at
the movement of opium from tlie interior of Asia, which means Com-
munist China, through Thailand, whicli had greatly aggravated the
illicit traffic in these territories, and there would have to be a pro-
longed and concentrated effort to curb this traffic by the Government
of Thailand, but it was facing great difficulties.
3 See Communist China and Illicit Narcotic Traffic, pp. 1-14.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3613
Then we go on to morphine base and crude morphine. That is a
derivative of raw opium from wdiich heroin is made, and here we find,
insofar as that traffic throughout the Avorld goes, the most significant
feature was the existence of chmdestine manufacture in the Far Ea.st,
and the Government of Thailand seized 81 Ivilograms of morphine
hydrocliloride. Tliat is a new development in the Far East, and there
was considerable traffic in the drug originated in the Far East beyond
the frontier in the northernmost part of the country. That is the
Commission's way of saying it came from Communist China.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You say it is a new development. You mean it is a
new development that that particular drug is being made out there ?
Mr. Anslinger. Yes, sir. Because heretofore this illicit traffic in
morphine was centered more in the Near East and in Europe. In the
view of some countries it was traffic in the drug from the mainland
through Hong Kong, Macao, to Thailand, that is, Formosa and Japan.
Japan has suffered particularly from the influx of heroin from Com-
munist China and, of course, we have at different times reported the
mainland of China as the source of heroin seized in this country and
later on I shall give you a report on a development just 2 weeks ago
in relation to that.
The Commission considered the emergence of this heavy traffic in
morphine which has just begun as one of the most sinister develop-
ments in recent years. I would like the committee to realize that these
reports are adopted after debate and opposition and with 15 countries,
particularly the Iron Curtain countries objecting, it is, I think, rather
remarkable that this kind of a report comes out.
Senator Hruska. On what kind of basis do they object to the
reports ?
Mr. Anslinger. They object on the basis that it is slander and un-
true, and so on, and they attempt to have some of these items stricken
from the report, but we maintain that these are reports of sovereign
governments and they are entitled to recognition just the sam-e as their
own reports.
Senator Hruska. Is the report of the Commission based on govern-
ment reports ?
Mr. Anslinger. It is based strictly on government reports.
Senator Hruska. From the governments involved.
Mr. Anslinger. From the governments involved, yes, sir, and they
are only included when — the details are only put in there if there is
proof, if the governments can show proof that these things happen.
Now, here is the Government of Thailand which shows also this
crude morphine traffic originating again in the forests beyond the
frontier in the northernmost part of the country and, as the observer
for Thailand indicated, his Government had received scant coopera-
tion from the neighboring countries in the region.
Despite the unhappy and desperate situation, he expressed the Gov-
ernment's determination to continue its struggle and, of course, as
usual, we express — the Commission, rather, expressed its sympathy
with the difficult situation facing Thailand and wished to stress that
the situation was one of serious danger to the international community.
Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, may I ask that the full text of this
excerpted report be put in the record at this point ?
Senator Hruska. It will go in the record at this point.
3614 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
(The report referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 439" and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 439
UNITED NATIONS COMMISSION ON NAKCOTIC DKUGS—
ELEVENTH SESSION
ItXICIT TEAFFIC
BEPOET OP THE COMMITTEE ON ILLICIT TRAFFIC
(P. 4)
4. The heaviest traffic as in previous years centred in the Far East * * *.
The Commission was informed by the representative of the United Kingdom
that, owing to the geographical position of the territory, there was a lieavy
traffic flowing through Hong Kong, particularly in opium and opiates * * *.
(Pp. 5-6)
Raw opium
10. As in the past, the traffic seemed to be concentrated in the Far East * * *.
The Commission viewed with concern the very heavy traffic in the Far East and
particularly noted that a quantity of 35,524 kg. of raw opium had been seized in
Thailand * * *.
11. The representative of the United Kingdom drew the Commission's atten-
tion to the very difficult problems of control facing the Federation of Malaya,
Hong Kong, and Singapore. There was an appalling illicit traffic situation in
these territories, and their resources were being strained to the utmost in trying
to deal with this problem. The regular flow of opium and other drugs by land,
sea, and air towards and through territories, and the significant quantities in
individual seizures would seem to indicate the existence of a well-organized traffic.
In Malaya, a young country nearing independence, the Government had to deal
with many problems resulting not merely from the country's new status but
also from the aftermath of war, occupation, and rebellion. The seriousness of the
drug problem there might be judged from the fact that, despite the gravity of his
other preoccupations, the Chief Minister of the Federation, on a recent visit to the
United Kingdom, had thought it necessary to emphasize the extent of the illicit
traffic in narcotic drugs * * *. In respect of Hong Kong, the growing use of com-
mercial aircraft by traffickers was noticeable and, apart from the opium that
passed through the colony for consumption as such, it was suspected that much
of it was earmarked for transformation into crude morphine or diacetylmorphine
(heroin) * * *.
12. The Government of the United Kingdom were gravely disturbed at the
movement of opium from the interior of Asia through Thailand, which had greatly
aggravated the illicit traffic in these territories * * *. There could be no doubt
that a prolonged and concentrated effort to curb this traffic would have to be
made by the Government of Thailand in the face of great difficulties.
(P. 10)
Morphine base and crude morphine
23. The Commission felt grave concern at the striking increase in seizures
of morphine base and crude morphine hydrochloride as compared with 1954. The
most significant feature of the traffic was the existence of clandestine manufacture
in both the Far East and the Near and Middle East * * *.
24. The Commission noted that the Government of Thailand had reported
81.888 kg. of crude morphine hydrochloride. The observer of Thailand empha-
sized that there was no clandestine manufacture of crude morphine in Thailand
itself. However, there was a considerable traffic in the drug originating in the
forests beyond the frontier in the northernmost part of the country. * * * a
small part of the contraband was for illicit domestic consumption, but most of
it was destined for illicit export to Singapore and Hong Kong.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3615
(P. 11)
Diacetylmorphine (heroin)
30. In the view of some countries, there was traffic in the drug from the main-
land of China through Hong Kong and Macao to China (Taiwan) and Japan.
The mainland of China was also reported as one of the main sources of diacetyl-
morphine for the United States of America * * *.
32. North America continued to be the destination of much of the more highly
organized traffic in this drug * * *.
(P. 18-19)
Thailand
56. The Commission took a grave view of the situation in Thailand which, if
anything, was more sombre than that reported last year. It noted that the Gov-
ernment of Thailand had reported very heavy seizures of opium and crude mor-
phine. The Commission considered the emergence of a heavy traffic in morphine
as one of the most sinister developments in recent years.
57-58. The observer of Thailand stated * * *. The bulk of the opium seized
came over the northern land frontiers of Thailand and the presence of armed
bands in that region who were using opium to defray their expenses had further
complicated the situation. This traffic found a market, to some extent, within
Thailand itself, but much of it was also destined for export to places such as
Singapore, Federation of Malaya, and Hong Kong.
59. * * * there was a considerable traffic in crude morphine hydrochloride
originating in the forests at the frontier in the northernmost part of the country.
The drug was being smuggled through Chiengrai to Bangkok by highway and
railroad. A small part of it was for illicit domestic consumption, but most of it
was destined for illicit export to Singapore and Hong Kong.
60. * * * His country had received scant cooperation from the neighbouring
countries in the common struggle against the illicit traffic * * *. However, he
felt that international cooperation to curb the flow of narcotic drugs over the
northern frontiers of Thailand was urgently needed. Despite an unhappy and
desperate situation, he expressed his Government's determination to continue its
struggle against the illicit traffic.
62. The Commission expressed its sympathy with the difficult position facing
tliat country. It wished to stress that the situation there was one of serious
danger to the international community.
Senator Hruska, Before you leave that section of the report, Mr.
Anslinger, these seizures to which you refer in the one instance of
some 35,000 kilos and the other of 81,000, is that a sum total of the
seizures that were made from time to time ?
Mr. Anslinger. In Thailand, itself, and that would be over a period
of 1 year.
Senator Hruska. How would that compare with seizures for the
preceding year or any other comparable period ?
Mr. Anslinger. Much larger than before, an increase in traffic.
Senator Hruska. And are they being seized — these seizures, do they
occur at various places within the country or are they concentrated in
one area ?
_Mr. Anslinger. They are seized all over the country. Most of the
seizures take place up on the border. I will develop that in the next
document here, which I have prepared, and this is information and
evidence which is subsequent to this report. What I am trying to
give you now is not included in the report of the Commission, but will
be considered by the Commission at its next session in a short time.
Mr. SouRwiNE. This is your own report ?
Mr. Anslinger. This is my own report, which I will use as a basis
for discussion at the next meeting of the United Nations.
Senator Hruska. Very well. You may proceed, Mr. Anslinger.
Mr. Anslinger. Well, I have called to the attention of the United
Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs on several occasions the enor-
93215— 57— pt. 55 2
3616 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
mous illicit traffic in narcotic drugs flowing out from the Chinese
mainland to many countries in the world, and at the present time we
are able to bring the traffic originating in Communist China into focus
more clearly than ever before by noting the seizures and enforcement
conditions in countries directly affected by the overwhelming supply
of illicit narcotics from this greatest source.
In the United States, the availability of heroin from this source is
felt and is a matter of concern. However, in this country we are
showing improvement largely through the increased effectiveness of
the weapons given us by the last Congress, and this most important
weapon is the 5-year penalty for the sale of illicit drugs, and that
applies whether it is far removed from the Communist source, with-
out suspension of sentence, probation, or parole, and that has discour-
aged a number of potential sellers who have withdrawn from the
traffic, but it is a great weapon, which I point out to you later on in
a specific case just a few weeks ago.
Enforcement conditions in other countries are such that these coun-
tries face the continuing deluge of narcotics from Red China only
with great difficulty and with the danger of being overwlielmed, and
I pointed out in this report here, the same as the Commission did,
about Malaya, this new country just on the eve of independence, hav-
ing this great problem in addition to the many others that they are
faced with.
The real fact is that a constant and increasing supply of opium
from Yunnan — that is the southern Province [of China] from where
most of this comes. I won't say all, but over 50 percent, comes out
of Yunnan. In Malaya, harassed by the opium from Red China, Y46
pounds were seized in the first months of 1956. That is very sub-
stantial when you figure that enforcement officers, if they seize as much
as 20 percent, feel very fortunate.
Now, in Singapore, where the Government, the United Kingdom,
the Government of Great Britain, had abolished all the opium smok-
ing monopolies in Singapore right after the last war — but here ina
6-month period in 1956, over 3,000 pounds of opium were seized in
one 3-month period, 78 percent of the seized opium could be traced
to the Yunnan area of Red China, and the authorities there are extend-
ing every effort to combat the traffic as shown by 1,722 raids during
that 6-month period. And many of these seizures here in lots of 200
to 305 pounds — there is 1 seizure of 305 pounds that was of the Crown
brand, and the Chinese inscription on the wrapping stated :
Yunnan genuine quality pacliing ; always look for the Crown trademark.
Customers please beware of imitation.
Senator Hruska. Mr. Anslinger, maybe you are going to deal with
it later in your statement, and if you do, I don't want to disrupt the
sequence of your testimony, but is there anything to indicate that
the traffic in these narcotics is a policy of the Red Chinese Govern-
ment? Is it an activity that is approved and it is, perhaps, even
encouraged, or certainly tolerated ?
Mr. Anslinger. Well, from what we can see at this end of the line, I
we don't see anything being done by that government to discourage
this traffic because it is increasing, and we have started on this cam-
paign to try to get them to do something since 1952, and all we see
is an increase. So we just have to draw our own conclusions as to
whether they are even attempting to suppress this traffic.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3617
They are probably suppressing the traffic within the country, but
certainly, insofar as these exports go, which give them gold, probably
one of the only ways they have of getting more gold, is through this
ti-affic.
Senator Hruska. Do their own laws proscribe the use of drugs
within their borders in Red China?
Mr. Anslinger. Oh, yes; they do. Their own laws prohibit the
cultivation of 0]:>ium and all this comes from opium. There must be
vast areas of opium poppy grown.
Now, when the Nationalist Government, when they had the en-
forcement of this act, which was taken over by the new government,
there were a thousand executions a year for smugglers and traffickers,
and I haven't heard of anybody being shot in China for trafficking in
narcotics, but certainly, the Nationalist Government of China had
taken such repressive measures that they had almost brought the situa-
tion to a standstill, and that is why we commenced to find traffic
originating in Mexico and in the Middle East, traffic increased there.
Now, with the pressure off in China, the Nationalist Government be-
ing out, this traffic resumed. Now, naturally, we take a lot of abuse
fi'om the Russian delegates and from the Polish delegates, but all they
can do is to cry slander, and when this report reaches the Peiping
Government, all they do is usually attack me personally or just say
that it is slander.
There is nothing to it and you just get a denial. If they would only
reply through their Russian friends, point by point to these seizures
and show if they could offset some of this, but that is all you get, just
vilification and abuse.
Senator Hruska. You have indicated that this traffic seems to be
on an export basis from Red China.
Mr. AxsLiNGER. Yes, sir.
Senator Hrttska. And presumably the incentive there is the supply
of gold that it brings back in. Now, is tliere anything in your in-
vestigations, or in the facts brought to you which would indicate that
the Red Chinese government itself is participating in the profits of
that traffic?
Mr. Anslinger. Well, I submitted documentation on that at the
United Nations, I think in about 1952 and 1953. I haven't had any-
thing since that time, but I did show where the bureau was located,
a government bureau that collected the revenue from this.
Senator Hruska. From this traffic?
Mr. Anslinger. Yes, sir.
Senator Hruska. You have made no inquiries since that investiga-
tion that you made at that time ?
Mr. Anslinger. No, because we haven't any indication that that
isn't the fact now, because it evidently is just a continuing — it must
be a continuing organization because, certainly, this large traffic could
not go on without government approval. Certainly, they have been
able to stop this sort of traffic in other countries.
Here is the Government of Iran today which has ordered complete
suppression of the oi:>ium poppy, complete prohibition of consum])tion,
and they are doing a magnificent job. The Red Chinese would be
able to do that themselves if they tried.
Senator Hruska, Have you something, Mr. Sourwine? You
started to speak a little bit ago, and I interrupted you.
3618 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. SouRwiNE. The Senator covered the point.
Mr. AiSrsLiNGER. Now, I am coming^ to that border situation in
Burma and the Burmese Government is trying to do everything pos-
sible to put an end to this traffic, but here they are with 360 seizures
smuggled into Burma by land from China, and again, in 1955 with
regard to the smuggling of opium by land, there were 500 seizures in
the Bharmo district. That is the recent penetration of Communists
down into Burma. That is the district; 500 seizures, which means,
according to our calculations there were probably 7,000 sorties of
smugglers down in that particular district.
And here we have 562 pounds seized near Mandalay. In August, 3
seizures at Kengtung totaling 3,000 pounds. That is a city of north-
ern Burma and that is the hub through which most of the opium
passes which is destined for southeast Asia from Eed China.
The officials are quite alert, but they are facing a terrific problem.
Now, we have Hong Kong and Japan which continue to be way-sta-
tions through which heroin from Red China is reaching the United
States. Right after the last war there was not one heroin addict in
Japan, and I suppose today they have as many as we have, and a lot
of that trafficking is in the hands of the Communists, members of the
Communist Party. In one place in northern Japan, actually the head
of the Communist Party Avas peddling the stuff for, as he said, funds
to take care of the party's activities.
In September 1956 a trafficker here, Leon King, was arrested in
Japan after he had shipped several pounds of heroin to the United
States which was obtained in China. Here is a seizure which reached
Hong Kong from Bangkok, the origin, of course, being Red China,
244 pounds. Here is 31 pounds of morphine. There was another large
seizure which went by plane from Bangkok over to London, some 40
pounds, and in Ceylon they are having difficulty.
In February of 1956 the arrest of a Chinese in San Francisco and
the seizure of 1 pound of heroin inicovered an organized group of
traffickers dealing in heroin from Red China for 3 years. Members
of the group included two merchant seamen couriers on crack Ameri-
can passenger liners, and the leader was John Watson, a tavern op-
erator in Hong Kong with connections in Communist China.
In Vietnam illicit opium from Red China is reaching Saigon in
half-ton lots.
Mr. SoxjRwiNE. Commissioner, you mentioned Ceylon. Your fig-
ures would appear to show a tremendous percentage increase from 1954
to 1955 in Ceylon, actually, 400 to 1.
Mr. Anslinger. The increase there is rather startling.
Senator Hruska. Would it be apt to be a more vigilant folio wup
by the Ceylon authorities or would it indicate a greater volume of
imports ?
Mr. Anslinger. Sir, it is both, because with this tremendous traffic
increasing, they must become more alert and be on their toes to meet
this problem, and that is the situation all through southeast Asia with
enforcement officers. Some of the enforcement officers have been to our
school here, which was set up under the recent act of Congress, and
we are lending a helping hand wherever we can, but it is a very
difficult proposition.
Senator Hruska. Mr. Anslinger, I think it would be a fair con-
clusion on the basis of what you have said here, that there seems to
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3619
have been a great stepup in the production and in the export of these
drugs from Red China. Now, ^Yhat motives would they have? What
would you say the motives are? You have already given one, and
that is gold. That is a pretty universal incentive, but have they any
other motives besides that ?
Mr. Anslinger. We have felt certainly in the Far East in relation
to, for instance, our personnel there, our troops, that it has done dam-
age there. However, the Army has just about cleaned that situation
up. They have done a remarkable job in keeping our enlisted people
away from there.
Senator Hruska. You mean the American troops that may be sta-
tioned there ?
Mr. Anslixger. Yes, sir.
Senator Hruska. Stationed at any of those points accessible to
these points of export ?
Mr. Anslinger. That is right ; yes, sir.
I pointed out, for instance, in South Korea the local police there had
arrested 2,400 young agents who came down with heroin in one hand
and gold in the other and were trying to corrupt our people there.
Senator Hruska. Whose agents were they ?
Mr. Anslinger. They were Commmiist agents, had been trained in
a Communist school in Rashin. They are all young people.
Now, if they arrested 2,400, you can imagine how many more were
on the loose there with their efforts to corrupt troops or corrupt the
civilians.
In answering your question directly, sir, I think that anyone who
sells poison to his fellow man knows exactly what he is doing. He is
trying to destroy him.
Senator Hruska. What measures is the United Nations taking on
this whole subject, not only on this subject in general, but on account of
this increase, this new impetus which it seems to have gained ?
Mr. Anslinger. Well, sir, we have been trying to coordinate the
efforts of the southeast Asia enforcement personnel and invite them to
every meeting where this matter is discussed so they can see the whole
picture.
Now, the United Nations is not operational and naturally they can't
go out and make these investigations. They have to depend on the
local authorities for their reports. That is on the one hand. Now,
on the other hand, for instance, this matter of synthetic narcotic drugs
is becoming tremendously increasing throughout the world, and here
the United Nations has done a wonderful job of controlling it. So far,
these synthetic drugs have not been able to get intb this traflic through
United Nations control, through a system of import and export cer-
tificates and watching the limitation of manufacture, getting the esti-
mates of all these countries.
But, what I think the United Nations can do more than anything is
to bring world opinion to bear on this, and that is just about our best
weapon, sir. World opinion certainly is about the only thing that is
effective here.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do these synthetics originate in Communist or non-
Communist countries ?
Mr. Anslinger. No; they have not appeared yet in Communist
China.
3620 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. SouRwiNE. In other words, the United Nations is able to exert
some moral force which controls these synthetics which originate in
non-Communist countries, but it is unable to exert such moral force to
control the narcotics which originate in Communist China.
Mr. Anslinger. That is a correct statement, sir.
Now, this final document which I have here, which is just some-
thing
Mr. SouRwiNE. May I interrupt ? May I ask, Mr. Chairman, that
the full text of the statement entitled "Red China and the Narcotic
Traffic, 1956," concerning which the witness has testified, be put in the
record at this point ?
Senator Hrtjska. It will be received.
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 440" and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 440
Red China and the Naecotic Traffic, 1956
I have called to the attention of the United Nations Commission on Narcotic
Drugs on several occasions the enormous illicit traffic in narcotic drugs pouring
out from the Chinese mainland to many countries of the world. At the present
time we are able to bring the traffic originating in Communist China into focus
more clearly than ever before by noting the seizures and enforcement conditions
in countries directly affected by the overwhelming supply of illicit narcotics from
this greatest source. In the United States the availability of heroin from this
source is felt and is a matter of concern. However, in this country we are show-
ing some improvement, largely through the increased effectiveness of the weapons
given us by the Congress. The most potent of these weapons is the minimum
5-year penalty for illicit sale without any suspension of sentence, probation or
parole. This has already discouraged a number of potential sellers who have
withdrawn from the traffic.
Enforcement conditions in other countries are such that these countries face
the continuing deluge of narcotics from Red China only with great difficulty and
with the danger of being overwhelmed. One of these countries, the Federation
of Malayan States, has banned the smoking of opium and has waged relentless
war against the traffickers with every resource available. They have made great
progress, but are faced with the very real fact that a constant and incresing
supply of opium from Yunnan and other neighboring Provinces of Red China
makes enforcement very difficult. In Malaya, harassed by the opium from Red
China, 746 pounds of opium were seized during the first 6 months of 1956.
In Singapore an additional 3,364 pounds of opium were seized during the same
period. In one 3-month period, 78 percent of the seized opium could be traced to
the Yunnan area of Red China. The authorities are extending every effort to
combat the traffic as shown by the 1,722 raids on smoking opium dens made during
the same 6 months. Many seizures of opium are made in lots from 200 to 300
pounds. One seizure of 305 pounds was of the Crown brand and the Chinese
inscription on the wrapping stated, "Yunnan genuine quality packing. Always
look for the 'Crown' trademark. Customers please beware of imitation." This
transit point in world shipping is one of the principal points through which
heroin, morphine, and opium flow out of Red China.
Late seizures indicate the traffic through Burma from Red China has increased
although the Government of Burma reported in 1954, "There were 360 seizures
of opium smuggled into Burma by land from China," and again in 19.55, "with
regard to the smuggling of opium by land, there were 500 seizures in the Bhamo
District of opium smuggled into Burma from China." Now in 1956 we have the
following reported seizures : In July an opium seizure of 562 pounds was made
near Mandalay. In August 3 seizures of opium were made in Kengtung total-
ing 3,010 pounds. Kengtung is a city in northeastern Burma and is the hub
through which passes most of the opium destined for southeast Asia from Red
China. The seizures show the officials are alert. They also show the terriffic prob-
lem in this country lying adjacent to Red China.
The production of opium has been prohibited in Thailand since 1949. Several
hundred tons of opium from Red China annually are smuggled through Thailand,
according to official estimates. This traffic is not limited to opium, since 1
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3621
seizure in 1956 included 132 pounds of morphine, a development causing concern
to the United Nations.
Hong Kong and Japan continue to be way stations through which heroin
from Red China is reaching the United States. In September 195G a trafficker,
Leon King, from Seattle, Sun Francisco, and Los Angeles, was arrested in Japan
after he had shipped several pounds of heroin to the United States. The in-
vestigation, following his arrest in Tokyo, includes his activities on four trips
to Japan by air since the end of 1955 to arrange for shipments of heroin from
Hong Kong to Japan to the United States.
One opium seizure which reached Hong Kong from Bangkok (evidently Red
China was the source) totaled 244 pounds; 31 pounds of morphine arriving by
the same route were seized. In May 1956 one seizure of 200,000 heroin pills and
11 pounds of heroin pill mixture was reported by Hong Kong authorities who esti-
mated the single illicit laboratory raided was turning out batches of 70,000 pills
4 or 5 times a month. The Hong Kong authorities are exerting every effort to
cope with the traffic.
In Ceylon 23 pounds of opium were seized during 1954. In 1955 this increased
to 1,022 pounds. One seizure alone was 850 pounds and the report from that
country states that "this opium seizure has uncovered a big international ring
who are using Ceylon as their base to receive and reexport narcotics to various
parts of the world."
In February 1956 the arrest of a Chinese in San Francisco and the seizure of
1 pound of heroin uncovered an organized group of traffickers dealing in heroin
from Red China for 3 years. Members of the group included two merchant sea-
men couriers on crack American passenger liners, and the leader and brains of
the conspiracy, John M. Watson, a tavern operator in Hong Kong with connec-
tions in Communist China.
In Vietnam illicit opium from Red China is reaching Saigon in half-ton lots.
Communists maintain control of the sale of the opium whenever possible so that
they obtain the major part of the profits.
Mr. Anslinger. This is something that just happened a few weeks
ago and I think, sir, this is right to the point, right to the point of
your inquiry.
The flow of heroin from Red China continues to find its way to the
United States through our west coast ports, as aptly ilhistrated by a
recent investigation completed by our San Francisco office.
For a number of years George Douglas Poole was suspected of being
the ringleader of a group of merchant seamen engaged in smuggling
enormous quantities of heroin of Communist Chinese origin from the
Far East to the United States. The scope of this smuggling activity
was not fully appreciated until the story of their conspiracy unfolded
in testimony given by two members of the ring, William and Thomas
Moeller.
The testimony of these two members of the group was obtained only
through the use of a new and most potent enforcement aid recently
given by the Congress — the immunity-of-witness provision of the
Narcotic Control Act of 1956. In addition to the 5-year minimum
penalty, that is our strongest weapon today, as you will see from the
events that followed here.
The heroin smuggling of this group began in 1948 and continued
through 1956. Some 33 persons were involved. The smuggling ven-
ture was started in 1948 by Anthony J. Longobardi, James Wood, and
Gerald Williams, all merchant seamen. New members joined the ring
and the tempo of their smuggling increased under the leadership of
George D. Poole, who had joined the group shortly after its inception.
The smuggling method of this group hinged on the fact that the
majority were merchant seamen, shipping out from San Francisco
to ports of the Orient.
3622 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Prior to the time one of the ring was due to sail, members of the
group placed equal amounts of money in a pool for the proposed
purchase. The member acting as courier met the heroin source in
Hong Kong and received delivery.
During its operation the ring had access to three separate sources of
this Communist Chinese heroin. These mysterious suppliers were
known to the smuggling group only as Abdul, Calli, and Goldteeth.
The quantities of heroin smuggled on each trip usually involved sev-
eral kilogi-ams. A kilogram would be over 82 ounces and on the
illicit market at the retail level, an ounce would be worth about $3,000
or 100 times its weight in g-old.
After obtaining delivery in Hong Kong, the courier returned to
the ship and hid the contraband until the vessel cleared the last port of
call, Honolulu. The heroin was then removed from its place of con-
cealment and sewed to the inner lining of a parka, a jacket commonly
worn by seamen.
When the vessel arrived in San Francisco Harbor, King S. Eich-
ardson, longshoreman and member of the gang, would board the ves-
sel in the bay along with other longshoremen. While the ship was
preparing to dock, Richardson would exchange the parka he was
wearing for the parka containing the heroin and would eventually
leave the vessel unmolested and free from search, carrying the heroin.
The heroin was then distributed by the ring in wholesale quantities
to dealers along the west coast. From time to time members of the
ring would hold meetings to split the proceeds and arrange for
additional heroin shipments.
The quantity of heroin smuggled into the United States by this ring
alone — and we are working on several other rings as a result of this
immunity provision — has been estimated at 70 kilograms.
Senator Hruska. Over what period of time ?
Mr. Anslinger. I think from 1948. This one small group, until we
took care of them the other day — from 1948 to 1956.
Now, 70 kilograms of heroin is a tremendous quantity. We wouldn't
seize that mucli heroin in a year in the United States. And when
you get down to the retail level, the value goes into astronomical
figures.
A Federal grand jury in San Francisco currently hearing this mat-
ter has already returned indictments against nine of the most im-
portant members of the ring, and other indictments are expected short-
ly. We have in the past also done work of this kind without the
benefit of the immunity statute, and we indicted Juda Ezrin in Hong
Kong, one of the big ringleaders who has a reputation for controlling
heroin traffic out of Communist China. We were able to convict all
the ringleaders in San Francisco, but we could not get hold of Ezrin.
Senator Hruska. That 70 kilograms, is that what the quantity
was over a period of 8 years ?
Mr. Anslinger. Yes, by this small group of seamen.
Senator Hruska. However, there would be no way of determining,
then, the impact, if any, of this increased emphasis within Red China
itself as you earlier described as being exported to neighboring coun-
tries ?
Mr. Anslinger. No. The activities of this small ring would not m-
dicate that, but we certainly have seen the increase in the amount of
heroin coming into the west coast from Communist China.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3623
Senator Hruska. Not on the basis of this one estimate but
Mr. Anslinger. Not on the basis
Senator Hruska. But projected into the entire picture, you probably
would have some grounds for drawing a conclusion ; is that right ?
Mr. Anslinger. That is correct, and from the seizure reports that
have reached the United Nations up to this time, I can see already that
we will be very much disturbed at the increase over last year.
Mr. SouRWiNE. I would like to ask just one question.
Senator Hruska. Before you do that, there will be included in the
record at this point, the full text of this memorandum on George
Douglas Poole and others.
(The memorandum referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 441" and
reads as follows:)
Exhibit No. 441
george douglas poole et al.
The flow of heroin from Red China continues to find its way to the United
States through our west coast ports, as aptly illustrated by a recent investigation
completed by the San Francisco ofiice of the Bureau of Narcotics.
For a number of years George Douglas Poole was suspected of being the ring-
leader of a group of merchant seamen engaged in smuggling enormous quanti-
ties of heroin of Communist Chinese origin from the Far East to the tjnited
States. The scope of this smuggling activity was not fully appreciated until
the story of their conspiracy unfolded in testimony given by two members of the
ring, William and Thomas Moeller.
The testimony of these two members of the group was obtained only thi-ough
the use of a new and most potent enforcement aid recently given us by Con-
gress— the immunity-of -witness provision of the Narcotic Control Act of 1956.
The heroin smuggling of this group began in 1948 and continued through 1956.
Some 33 persons were involved.
The smuggling venture was started in 1948 by Anthony J. Longobardi, James
C. V7ood and Gerald F. Williams, all merchant seamen. New members joined
the ring, and the tempo of their smuggling increased under the leadership of
George D. Poole, who had joined the group shortly after its inception.
The smuggling method of this group hinged on the fact that the majority were
merchant seamen, shipping out from San Francisco to ports of the Orient.
Prior to the time one of the ring was due to sail, members of the group placed
equal amounts of money in a pool for the proposed purchase. The member act-
ing as courier met the heroin source in Hong Kong and received delivery.
During its operation the ring had access to three separate sources of this
Communist Chinese heroin. These mysterious suppliers were known to the
smuggling group only as Abdul, CaUi, and Goldteeth.
The quantities of heroin smuggled on each trip usually involved several kilo-
grams.
After obtaining delivery in Hong Kong, the courier returned to the ship and
Ijid the contraband until the vessel cleared the last port of call, Honolulu. The
heroin was then removed from its place of concealment and sewed to the inner
lining of a parka, a jacket commonly worn by seamen.
When the vessel arrived in San Francisco harbor, King S. Richardson, long-
shoreman and member of the gang, would board the vessel in the bay, along with
other longshoremen.
While the ship was preparing to dock, Richardson would exchange the parka
ho was wearing for the parka containing the heroin and would eventually leave
the vessel unmolested and free from search, carrying the heroin.
The heroin was then distributed by the ring in wholesale quantities to dealers
along the west coast. From time to time members of the ring would hold meet-
ings to split the proceeds and arrange for additional heroin shipments.
The quantity of heroin smuggled into the United States by this ring has been
estimated at 70 kilograms. It is believed, however, that this is a conservative
figure, and that the actual quantity would greatly exceed that amount, as some
of the members of the group were able to establish themselves in business from
the proceeds of their heroin smuggling.
A Federal grand jury in San Francisco currently hearing this matter has
already returned indictments against nine of the most important members of
93215— 57— pt. 55 3
ger
3624 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
the ring, and additional indictments are expected shortly. Also, several mem-
bers of the ring are already in jail, serving sentences for narcotic violations
resulting from this group's activity.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Anslinger, do you have knowledge of the Com-
munist agents as such engaged in expanding the narcotics traffic?
You spoke of one Communist leader whom you knew. Are there other
instances ?
Mr. Anslinger. In Japan we do know. We do know that that is a
matter of record.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Would you say that makes a pattern. Mr. Anslin-
?
Mr. Anslinger. Well, I think tiiere is a pattern all through
southeast Asia. Now, we have not seen that in this country except to
this extent, that some of these seamen — and I would suppose that
these men were a part of the seamen who usually went down to a hall
where there are a lot — it was known as a Communist hangout in San
Francisco. Seamen who were known to have Communist leanings,
that is where they conducted their social activity, their meeting place.
Now, we have not had any case here of a Communist agent as such.
We could not identify him as being engaged in the traffic. However,
the other people, that is, our other friends in Burma and Thailand and
Japan, have had.
Mr. Sourwine. They have had Communist agents?
Mr. Anslinger. Yes, sir.
Mr. Sourwine. Summarizing something you said earlier, do I un-
derstand you correctly that you have testified that the Nationalist
Government of China through enforcement of its own laws had prac-
tically altered the export of opium and opium derivatives from China,
but under the Ked regime it has increased and is increasing periodi-
cally?
Mr. Anslinger. That is a correct statement, and it is well docu-
mented.
Mr. Sourwine. Thank you, sir.
Senator Hruska. Thank you very much, Mr. Anslinger, for your
testimony and for the time that you have taken to be with us.
Our next witness will be Father Tennien.
Will you raise your right hand and be sworn, please?
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help
vou God?
Father Tennien. I do.
TESTIMONY OF FATHER MARK TENNIEN
Senator Hruska. Will you state your name and address for the
reporter, please?
Father Tennien. Father Mark Tennien, Maryknoll Missions
Society. My present address is Maryknoll office, 121 East 29th Street,
New York City.
Mr. Sourwine. Father, just by way of identifying you for the
record, you are a native of Pittsford, Vt.
Father Tennien. Y^'es, sir.
Mr. Sourwine. You went to school in Montreal, at Holy Cross in
Baltimore, and at Maryknoll.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3625
Father Tennien. Eight.
Mr. SouRWiNE. You were ordained in 1927 and you taught at Mary-
knoll Prep.
Father Tennien. Yes, sir, for 1 year.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You went to China in 1928.
Father Tennien. Correct.
Mr. SouRWiNE. In Chungking, during the Second World War, you
wrote Chungking Listening Post.
Father Tennien. Just at the end of the war, after it was finished.
The material, of course, was gathered during the war and assembled
and written just at the end of the war, the last few months of the war.
Mr. SouRWiNE. You, yourself, were under house arrest for 2 years.
Father Tennien. Right.
Mr. SotJRWiNE. You spent 3 months in a jail cell with about 40
Chinese ?
Father Tennien. Unfortunately, or fortunately, yes.
Mr. Sourwine. You went through the Communist indoctrination
course ?
Father Tennien. Yes. I passed the examinations.
Mr. Sourwine. You were expelled from China in 1952.
Father Tennien. That is right. The beginning.
Mr. SouR"s\^NE. You returned as the director of the China Mission
News Service and were stationed in Hong Kong.
Father Tennien. Yes ; the last 4 years.
Mr. Sourwine. You were editor of the mission bulletin in Hong-
Kong from 1953 to 1956?
Father Tennien. That is right.
Mr. Sourwine. During that time you had an opportunity to inter-
view a great many missionaries who were forced out of China by
the Reds.
Father Tennien. Yes. Probably 700 or 800, at least, who had gone
through indoctrination or imprisonment or who had lived for several
years under the Communist regime, and we have had to write that
up more or less for history and as a documented report of the things
which they had seen so as to have a record of it and a record of events
in regard to mission history for the future. That is why I did that.
Senator Hruska. And in point of time, when did these interviews
occur. Father?
Father Tennien. Well, it was more or less intermittent from week
to week. Sometimes we would get 10 or 12 a week and sometimes they
would go up as high as 25 and 30.
Senator Hruska. Over what years ?
Father Tennien. From the middle of 1952, when I went there, the
end of 1952 when I went back, up until last August wlien I came back
from Hong Kong.
Senator Hruska. With a total of some 700 or 800.
Father Tennien. At least. I haven't totaled tliem up. but roughly.
Senator Hruska. But roughly.
Father Tennien. Yes. There were 2,500 Catholic priests thrown
out of China and during the first 2 years I was in China with them,
and so I interviewed those only after 1952 and during the last 3 years!
And I would make a rough estimate that there were probably 700 or
800 priests and Sisters of different foreign nationalities who came
out, and I interviewed them and got their storv.
3626 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. SouRwiNE. You are testifying, then, both from your own knowl-
edge of conditions and from what you have learned through these many
hundreds of interviews.
Father Texxien. Yes; I think this could be called a confirmation of
wliat I had seen, and it rather backs up the theories and conclusions
that I had come to about communism myself because they are prettv
mucli unanimous and pretty much the same of all the men who have
come out.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Father Tennien. vTould you say that the Red enslave-
ment of China is complete ?
Father Tennien. Temporarily it is effective. I don't know whether
you would call it complete or not, because in order to be complete en-
slavement, you would have to silence every voice and squash every
contrary opinion and, of course, that is humanly impossible.
There is a, what would you call it, an opposing opinion, although it
isn't very vociferous. It is certainly very strong, and people would
talk to me during the period when I was under house arrest, both be-
fore and after my imprisonment, to show you the actual viewpoint
of the people, and their dislike of communism, because there wasn't, in
my experience, one person who said he liked communism. So that is
the conclusion that I would come to, that I have drawn from interview-
ing and talking to these different people in Communist China.
Mr. Sourwine. Does anv friendship for America persist among
the Chinese people ?
Father Tennien. Yes ; in prison I had these men who would whisper
to you in the middle of the night. We were all crowded together in
the cell and they w^ould ask you, "Is America coming to our help?
America is our greatest friend."
Coming down on the ship when I was expelled from Communist
China, when the guard was away, these shipping people talked to me
and they said, "Don't believe what these people are telling you. This
man told me" — and he talked over the back of his hand like this, so
that they would not watch and read his lips, and he said, "America is
our friend and we are hoping for America to save us from what we
are in now."
I think that, generally, expresses the opinion of the Chinese people,
because they have been friendly, as far as I know, always, and, of
course, they can be swayed and can be held under the sway of com-
munism to voice and parrot what they are told to say and do because
they train people that way under their system of indoctrination.
But when you get the unadulterated and uninfluenced opinion, there
is certainly a strong influence, a strong friendship for America, and a
hope that America will come to their rescue in the end.
Mr. Sourwine. Is there a resistance movement in Red China ?
Father Tennien. There is a desire for resistance, and it is very nu-
merous, but I think the Communists have it under such strict control
that it doesn't amount to very much, effectively. It would be there
to depend on and count on if they ever wanted to use that. That is
certain, because human nature can be pushed only to a certain extent
and certain limits, and after that it begins to rebel and hate the sys-
tem that is torturing it so strongly that it will then just break out the
same as it has done in Hungary and Poland and other countries.
That is there in China. It may take some time, but it certainly is
going to break out and rebel against the system and, of course, that
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3627
is our hope because when any government can't get loyalty — if we did
not have loyalty of our people here in America, if we were holding
them under a dictatorship, under a tyranny, when the occasion arose
or when the opportunity or promise of relief arose, they would imme-
diately take it and overthrow the government.
That is the weakness, of course, of communism everywhere, because
they cannot command and have any loyalty to the system.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Are any of the so-called four freedoms protected
in Red China, freedom of speech, freedom of press, freedom from fear,
and freedom of worship ? Let's take them one by one. Is there any
freedom of speech in Red China ?
Father Tennien. There is no freedom of speech in Red China.
There isn't, of course, in any Communist country. We used to think
that Chinese communism might be a little diiferent, but, after watch-
ing it in operation and action a couple of years, you come to the con-
clusion that it is just the same there as anywhere.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Is there any freedom of the press in Red China?
Father Tennien. There is absolutely no freedom of the press.
When I was under house arrest, I used to get magazines like Time,
Saturday Evening Post, Life, and those magazines, but, immediately
after the Communist took over, they took all those out of the mail and
would not let me get any more except to show me some of the adver-
tisements, like they had, I remember, a cover on one of Collier's maga-
zines showing a picnic and showing the living standards of America —
people dressed in sports clothes and the table piled high with fruits
and sandwiches, and everything you could imagine, and the chief of
police came in and said, "Is that actually true?" because they heard
so much propaganda against America. "Is that actually true, that
you people have all that prosperity and all that wealth and all that
goodness?"
I said, "Yes; that is an ordinary picture." And so they are looking
and looking to America and looking at it as an ideal, perhaps rightly
or wrongly, because some of our material prosperity isn't so much to
the good as some other things, as our spiritual values, that we could
give them. But they are looking to us.
Mr. Sourwine. Have the Red Chinese done anything to bring about
freedom from want in Red China ?
Father Tennien. They have made a very strong effort. Now, they
have accomplished quite a bit. I always try to look at these things
objectively. I have been preparing to write something on it and so I
would say that they have done quite a bit, but it is through their
method of tyranny and force and a dictatorship which controls all hu-
man effort and all activity and, therefore, they can accomplish a lot
where we couldn't under another system of government.
But you have to always counterbalance what they gain and what
they lose in a system like this.
Now, if they had gained in a material way, more business, which
some people may think they have — I personally do not think they
have — then they have lost by their freedom of thought, their freedom
of expression, their freedom of press, and they are mere cogs in the
wheel of communism to go along and do as they are told to do.
Mr. Sourwine. Are you saying. Father, that they have traded their
freedoms and their natural rights for a minimum of security, or do they
have even that minimum of security in Red China today ?
3628 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES
Father Tennien. Wliat kind of security ?
Mr. SouRWiNE. Physical security.
Father Tennien. With inflation and all the other things, I think
they have gained a certain material prosperity, a certain advancement.:
But to do that they have surrendered and lost other balancing things.
They have lost freedom and they have lost far more than they have
gained.
Mr. SouRWiNE. How about the fourth freedom, freedom from fear ?
Do they have that in Red China today ?
Father Tennien. I think that is one of the most difficult things
under the Communist system, this great fear under which they live,
because nobody can talk to his brother or sister without distrusting
him and thinking that he will report on him, and they live in constant
fear because they are spied upon and watched. Even when I was
under house arrest, I would see the children who were taught to spy
creep up to the windows and listen to any official who would come to
talk with me when I was under house arrest, and he would be very
cautious. He would never come inside unless he was with another
official, because he would be reported and he wanted to have a witness.
It is some kind of dog-eat-dog system and everybody is living in
fear.
Senator Jenner. How does that affect the family life? In other
words, the family life was always a strong unit in China.
Father Tennien. It is a strong unit.
Senator Jenner. How was that affected ?
Father Tennien. There has been quite a lot of disloyalty among
family members, because the Communists work these people up by a
system of indoctrination to thinking that the state is so glorious that
it counts more than your family relations and you should, therefore,
report on your father if he is saying something against the govern-
ment, or the father should report on the mother, and vice versa, be-
cause it is the glory of the state.
They are aiming at the glory of this great new paradise, which the
Communists want to bring about — this utopia. But the family, of
course, is the great unit in China as it is everywhere else, and I think
even more so in China, because they are not dissipated and not broken
apart. They are more unified in China than they are, I would say, in
a country like America where we are constantly moving to the cities
and working, in industries.
But. in China, the family unit of these farming people is very strong,
great loyalty among the family members.
Senator Hruska. Getting back to the freedom of the press that you
talked about a little bit, are there any such things as outlawed news-
papers or any such things as pamphlets which are printed which would
indicate an underground or resistance movement?
Father Tenxtex. That is not very evident. I don't think there are
papers like this widely circulated. The "bamboo wireless" that they
talk about in China is a Avonderful system of communicating. It
brings true news, false news, rumors, and all sorts of things. So
the news does get around. Even the news that is against Communist
China and the news which is favorable to America does get around.
Even the victories when the Korean war was gomg on — I was m
prison and during the interrogation he would ask me how I knew
about so many of these things.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3629
These things pass around from one person to another and they
are whispered to you in the day or in the night or even in a prison
cell if the Communists failed in their objective in driving through
Korea.
So, that carries on, but nothing that you could see, no open papers
carried on because it can't be done.
Nationalists have dropped a great many pamphlets. They have
made a great many excursions into China, and I think that is an
excellent way of arousing dissatisfaction with the present govern-
ment and giving hope to those people of relief at some future time.
As far as radios and other communications, they are so rare and so
few in China, except in the big cities, that you can't get very much
news in through radio. But where they do have them in the cities,
like when the Communists first came in when I was in Canchiang,
south China, they regulated that radio. They took in all the others
around the town and they had one in the central part of the town
that everybody could listen to, and you could listen to Nanking, Peking,
or Russian stations, but no others. If you were even reported to have
listened to another station, it meant interrogation and probably a
jail sentence.
Senator Hruska. Is there any degree of religious freedom in Red
China, would you say ?
Father Tennion. There is a degree of religion in Red China. I
think it is mostly for the window-dressing. They let religion go on
to a certain extent in the big cities and they let religion operate, and
the ministers and priests of religion operate as long as they are sub-
ject to them, and that is why there has been a great conflict going on
in China between a state-governed religion and the Roman Catholic
religion.
You see, it offers competition. They want loyalty only to them, and
they want to be the idols and they want to be the people worshiped,
the people obeyed, and if people are loyal to God and are really loyal
to the Roman Catholic faith, it offers a very strong competitor which
they are trying to ruin.
Now, they are using various means, various ways to destroy religion.
First of all, they started to close the churches in the country, and
after that they closed a great many of them in the city. I had evi-
dence of over 500 Chinese priests in jail last summer when I left, out
of around 2,000 Chinese priests. There were something over 2,000
Chinese priests but we had definite knowledge of over 500 of them that
were in prison because we got letters from others and they used terms
like, "He is in the hospital," or, "He is undergoing the Pauline Privi-
lege," like St. Paul being jail, and things like that, the other priests
would write out.
And those were free, working on the lands, and in this increased pro-
duction aim of the Communists, and they are able to carry on quite a
bit of underground and quite a bit they are permitted to carry on,
but it is not freedom of religion, not at all.
Senator Hruska. Father, you have indicated that you were one of
the so-called victims of indoctrination methods of the Reds and you
have had many, many reports of those procedures. Could you de-
scribe some of their methods and their techniques ?
Father Tennien. Yes. I found that a most fascinating study. In
Hong Kong during the last few years I have watched these people
3630 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
come out and watched their reaction and then watched them get mi-
wound, so to speak. They came out after, perhaps, 1 year, 2 years, or
3 years of imprisonment, of intense indoctrination, having been cut
off from the outside world and being fed only this Communist way of
thinking.
Now, many of them came out and they were mentally disturbed. It
took them 3 weeks, 4 weeks, some of them even a month before they
began to lose their fear and they began to get their balance.
They would come out and want to write Mao Tse-tung thanking
him for the nice treatment after keeping them in slave labor for 3 or
4 years. And they would come out — they were thinking like Com-
munists. They had been so brainwashed and so indoctrinated that
they weren't normal.
Senator Hruska. Is that achieved by classes or by any concentrated
methods, or is it simply a way of life that they lead them through and
get them to thinking in those terms ?
Father Tennien. That is a universal system under commmiism. I
think if you want to understand it, you have to look at it like this. I
have thought about it a great deal since I have come out and thought
about the Pavlov theory. You know, Pavlov, this Russian biologist,
developed this theory after experimenting with rats, cats, and dogs,
and saying that you could apply certain punishment, certain induce-
ments, certain rewards, and you could get that animal to change its
reaction from a normal reaction and follow out exactly as the person
wanted that animal to do by certain training and punishment and
discipline.
The Communists, of course, believe that men are only animals, that
we are without a soul, and that a man's reflexes can be so conditioned
and so changed that he will think according to party-line thought.
Now, in order to accomplish that, they have to indoctrinate the
people. They have brought in indoctrinators from Russia. Many of
their men studied in Russia and they follow the blueprint of what is
to happen today and tomorrow and all the details of how it was done
in Russia.
Now, they start in by tackling the teachers. After the schoolteach-
ers, then they indoctrinate the village leaders and these people of
influence and this goes on for almost the first year after the system
has come in.
Then they take these men and they divide a whole country and with
these leaders, schoolteachers, village chiefs, and county chiefs, and
all, then they instruct the whole mass of people.
Now, these people have to be changed so that they will think accord-
ing to the Communist way of thinking, and that means, of course, that
the Politburo and the other people are going to give the orders, are
going to tell you what to think and what to say and what to do and
that you are to follow that without any deviation, without any con-
trary thought, without any contradiction, and that you will follow
out and do.
So, they have got to change everybody's reflexes and they do it by
discipline and they do it by indoctrination, by teaching and by enforce-
ment, by tyranny, and if you are under that system, you will see that
it works, and it does work and it changes a person. They call it brain-
washing, molding the mind, and all that, and it actually does work.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3631
Senator Hruska. We hear terms like persuasion and also the rule
of tlie liickory stick. Does that fall in that same category ?
Father Tenniex. Well, nothing so gentle and. mild as a hickory
stick. It is something more vicious and something that you can't see.
If they are working on you, they will work on you by mental torture.
Now, for instance, if you were guilty of some slight infraction, they
would put you up before the interrogators and disclose all your faults
and all your weaknesses and all your shortcomings, and so humiliate
vou and embarrass you before the crowd. That would be the first
step. All right.
Then, if you went through it again you probably get a short jail
sentence, a short jail sentence of 2 or 3 months, and you would go
through a very serious indoctrination, and after that you either go to
j ail for a few years or you would be liquidated.
So, they use every psychological approach, every physiological,
mental torture and physical torture and persuasion, intimidation, to
create fear, the fear of reprisals and all that, to keep the people so
worked up that they will follow out and think and do as they want
them to do.
Senator Hruska. Now, Father, we are also interested in any evi-
dence that there might be of either independence or of control, as the
case may be, as to the Kremlin itself in Red China . What observations
would you have to make in that regard ?
Father Tennien. Oh, the Russian influence is very, very definite
and very evident.
Senator Hruska. How direct is it ?
Father Tenniek. Well, that is hard for one on the outside to ap-
praise. But judging from their statements and their praise of Russia,
of course, when I was there it was all Stalin, they had it in their songs,
in their cheers, in their lectures, that Stalin was the great father and
the great leader of communism, and he was the one that they were
imitating. They said, for instance, in their song. Si Ta Lin tsan shi
shing lei — Stalin is our leader. Mao Tse-tung tsan shi shing lei —
Mao Tse-tung is our No. 2 leader, and they are the ones who follow out
the party line, 1 side, 1 thought, no contrary thoughts, no contradictions
at all to that way of thinking.
Now, they are depending on Russia economically as well as ideal-
istically and they are tied up and they cannot very well be torn away
from them, as long as they are under the present condition of more
or less being isolated.
Senator Hruska. Who became, in these songs, No. 1 leader when
Stalin was downgraded in Russia ? Was somebody put in his place,
or did they leave the place void ?
Father Tennien. Fortunately, I was in America at that time. But
if you will notice, they haven't gone along. Red China was the first
one to congratulate Gomulka in Poland when he declared a kind of
independence. I think they are following that route of more inde-
pendence from Russia than the others did. And I think they will do
it because China, after all, is so much bigger than Russia, both in popu-
lation and as far as tillable land goes, and her power and her influence
if it comes up into its own, is what the Russians fear. Russia will
become a satellite of China in the future. That is the way I see it.
3632 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE "UNITED STATES
Senator Hruska, Are they apt to continue that course of congrat-
ulating Gomulka and all that sort of thing, if that sort of conduct
reflects itself adversely in their economic relations with Russia ?
Father Tbnnien. Well, they are getting on their feet a little more
and a little better. They are not so dependent as they were. You see,
they were almost bankrupt economically and every other way, espe-
cially with the Korean war. That is why they said they had to stop
their attack in Korea and make peace, because it was ruining them
economically in China and their demands on the people, as I saw them
go around to the villagers and tell them how much they had to give
for the tanks, for the airplanes, and for the guns.
Well, that has more or less passed. They have attained a little bit
more stability, I would say, but on the other hand, the only outside
nation now they can get machines from, the only way they can build
up and get factories going, is from Russia and the satellite countries
of Russia. They can't get them from us, which is right. They
shouldn't get them. And that is why they are so dependent on Russia
and they will be for the next 5 years.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Father, would recognition of the Chinese Red gov-
ernment and its admission to the United Nations be an advantage or
a disadvantage to the free world ?
Father Tennien. I think it would be a great disservice to the free
world. I would think it would be a terribly fatal mistake for us to
recognize Red China.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Wliy?
Father Tennien. Because Red China hasn't shown any indication,
hasn't given us any indication of living in the family of nations as a
person of our way of thinking. Without our way of justice, without
our way of trials, without our way of freedom, and if we let them in
with their ideals of communism and a dictatorship, then we are letting
in, well, we are letting in the bandits and robbers and everybody else
to live with us and take what they want from us and they can take
the most precious thing we have, and that is our freedom and
democracy.
Senator Hruska. You were here when Mr. Anslinger testified, were
you not ?
Father Tennien. Yes.
Senator Hruska. Wouldn't you say that one of the evidences of
their lack of moral fiber or their desire to become a respected mem-
ber of the family of nations would be found, certainly, in their toler-
ance, to say the least, of the narcotics trade and export that they
have?
_ Father Tennien. That is true, and that is only one small indica-
tion. If you run up against a people without morality, without the
standards which we have, without the criterion of right and wrong,
anything is right with them which is good for the advancement of
communism. If you are dealing with a nation like that, you can't
deal with them and you can't trust them. Never trust a Communist
because they live on the policy of deceit and deception and they work
by it. _ I always tried to look at the good side of people, but after deal-
ing with them for 2 years and seeing the broken promises and the way
they twist the truth and their deceit, we can't deal with them and
we can't admit them to an equal basis of discussion with us, and we
can't make any agreement with them and expect them to carry it out.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 363^
Tliey wouldn't, tliey can't. If they do it, it would be against the
principles of communism which they have now.
Senator Jenner. What was their reaction to the Korean truce ?
Father Tennien. Well, they just considered that it was a victory
and that, of course, they had gained a victory.
That was the way they publicized it and gave it out, and in my own
way of thinking, it was more or less a victory for us not to go on and
conclude a victory in our own way.
Senator Jenner. Did they brag about the fact that they have violat-
ed the terms of the truce, and the United States doesn't do anything or
say anything about it ?
Father Tennien. No, they would not approach it that way. They
wouldn't say they had violated the terms of the truce at all. They can
just twist it so that it appears that the^^ are always right and they
can twist and turn truths and half truths to make them look very palat-
able and acceptable. That is the way they twist and turn everything.
They are masters at propaganda.
Senator Jenxer. We have lost face as a result of it ?
Father Tennien. Of the Korean war ?
Senator Jenner. Yes.
Father Tennien. Yes, sir.
Senator Jenner. And face is a great thing with the Asiatics.
Father Tennien. It certainly is. A most important thing. People
have committed suicide when they lost face, lost prestige. That is
important.
Senator Hruska. Have you anything further ?
Senator Jenner. Nothing further.
Senator Hruska. Thank you very much, Father, for coming before
us.
(Senator Hruska at this point left the meeting and Senator Jenner.
assumed the chair.)
Senator Jenner (presiding) . Call the next witness. ;
Mr. Sourwine. Mr. John C. Caldwell.
Senator Jenner. Will you stand and raise your right hand, please?
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give will
be the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so help you
God?
Mr. Caldwell. I do.
Senator Jenner. Proceed, Mr. Sourwine, with the questioning of
Mr. Caldwell.
TESTIMONY OF JOHN C. CALDWELL
Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Caldwell, you were born in China ?
Mr. Caldwell. That is correct.
Mr. Sourwine. Your home is in Nashville, Tenn. ?
Mr. Caldwell. That is correct.
Mr. Sourwine. You are a former Director of the United States
Information Service?
Mr. Caldwell. In China.
Mr. Sourwine. In China. You are a writer and a lecturer?
Mr. Caldwell. That is right.
Mr. Sourwine. You testified before this committee on a prior occa-
sion, June 15, 1954.
3634 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Caldwell. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouKWiNE. You make repeated trips to China ?
Mr. Caldwell. Yes. Not to the mainland of China, but to the
Mr. SouEWiNE. Far East ?
Mr. Caldwell. All of the Far East.
Mr. SouKwiNE. You have just returned from such a trip ?
Mr. Caldwell. Tlie last week in November.
Mr. SouRWiNE. You were at one time head of the China Branch of
the United States Information Service ?
Mr. Caldwell. Yes, sir.
Mr. Sotjrwine. That was for a year and a half.
Mr. Caldwell. Yes.
Mr. Sourwine. You had charge of the whole China program for
9 months ?
Mr. Caldwell. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRAViNE. And all Far East operations for 9 months.
Mr. Caldwell. Yes, sir, approximately.
Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Caldwell, in your prior appearance before this
committee you told us about a study of Communist techniques and
propaganda lines which were suppressed by USIA, because it might
cause friction between the United States and the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics. What became of that study ?
Mr. Caldwell. I would like to know myself where it is. I have
never seen it since.
Mr. SouR^viNE. Is it still suppressed, as far as you know ?
Mr. Caldwell. As far as I know.
Senator Jenner. Who did you submit it to ?
Mr. Caldwell. It was submitted to the Department of State. That
was in 1946.
Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Caldwell, when you appeared before us in 1954,
you told us the Communist propaganda pattern in Eastern Asia had
2 basic objectives; 1, to create in Asiatics the idea that American
soldiers, sailors, airmen, and marines were brutal, corrupt, and im-
moral ; and secondly, to develop among Americans the idea that our
logical allies in Asia, that is, the Chiangs and the Rhees, were hope-
lessly corrupt and dictatorial and without ability to command the
respect of their peoples.
Is that line still being followed ?
Mr. Caldwell. Yes, but I would say there are very important addi-
tions to the line now.
Mr. Sourwine. Would you tell us about them ?
Mr. Caldwell. Yes. Particularly in Southeast Asia, which is now
the main target of the Conununist propaganda machine, there is an
effort not only to discredit Nationalist China, but to completely keep
out any information whatsoever about Nationalist China.
There is an immense campaign to penetrate schools which has been
very successful, to control newspapers and book stores, and this cam-
paign has, I think, two immediate objectives.
One, it is a rather soft campaign. It seeks to create an impression
of a very peaceful China which has made tremendous material ad-
vances so that the way into the U. N. can be eased and, of course, the
long-range aim is obviously control of Southeast Asia with its tre-
mendous natural and human resources.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3635
Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Caldwell, you predicted in 1954, intensified Eed
Chinese propaganda in the Philippines. Has your prediction come
true?
Mr. Caldwell. For only a short time, fortunately, because the new
President of the Philippines has gone further than any other Asiatic
leader, with the exception of Diem in Vietnam, to control communism,
so that the focus has now changed, particularly directed against the
newly independent states that were once under French Dominion.
That is, Cambodia and Laos, toward Thailand, toward all the rest of
Southeast Asia with, right now, a particularly virulent campaign
against North Borneo which is a weak country but a very rich British
colony.
Mr. SoTJRWiNE. You also predicted, in 1954, a campaign headed
from Red China to magnify the failings of French Colonialist admin-
istration in Indochina.
Did that come about ?
Mr. Cald^vell. Yes ; there were failings which I think we must ad-
mit, but the Communists have verj^ clearly used this legacy of colonial-
ism in all of Southeast Asia. It is something they use constantly in
their effort to create neutralism, first, and then outright interest in
the Communist form.
Senator Jenner. I would be interested in your observations on
Indochina at the present moment. Have you been reading about it
in the last few days ? Would you give us your version ?
Mr. Caldwell. I think Indonesia is one of the most critical places
now, and there, as in many places throughout Southeast Asia, the main
focus of attack has been the overseas Chinese community. There are
about 3 million Chinese who live in Indonesia. The schools of In-
donesia, among which there are nearly 400 Chinese schools, are almost
completely now under Communist control.
There are literally hundreds of book stores which sell the very fancy
Communist publications, some of which I have brought along.
The press of Indonesia, as far as the Chinese are concerned, is now
entirely under Communist domination, and I think those factors, since
the Chinese control economic life, have a particular part to play in
what is happening in Indonesia now, the switch the internal troubles.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Caldwell, you told us in 1954 that State De-
partment files were, to use your words :
Stacked today with anti-Chiang, anti-Nationalist material —
and that —
The same material prevails with respect to Syngman Rhee.
You added this, quoting you —
Until several years have passed, during which we have objective anti-Com-
munist reporting, it will be difficult to expect decisions and actions favorable to
our friends in Asia.
I will ask you, has that situation changed, and if so, to what degree
so far as you know ?
^ Mr. Caldwell. I think it has improved to some extent, but very
significant stories, for instance, such as Mr. Anslinger told, of the fact
that the Nationalists were able to stamp out the opium business, which
I know myself, having lived there during that period, and that the
Chinese Communists have increased it many times ; things of that type
3636 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
never get to the people of Asia who should hear them. So, there is still,
I am afraid, too much bias, perhaps a legacy of the past.
It is not only in the State Department, but you find it among editors
throughout the country, a bitterness against the Nationalist Govern-
ment and it is often not based on any facts.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, in that connection, you told us in 1954 that
you believed that 75 percent of the editors, newspaper and magazine,
in America were so prejudiced against Chiang Kai-shek and Syngman
Rhee as individuals, that honest coverage of free Asia was almost
impossible.
Do you still hold to that belief ?
j\Ir. Caldwell. I tliink there has been some improvement. If I
were to apply a figure to it, I would say that perhaps 50 percent are
still so prejudiced that it is very difficult to get the stories, for in-
stance, of the tremendous progress of free China. You dont see too
many accounts of that in our magazines and newspapers.
Mr. SouRwiNE. What can you tell us about the Communist Chinese
press ? To what extent is that free ? To what extent is that controlled ?
JNIr. Caldwell. Well, all of the newspapers in Communist China are
actually party organs. There are now some 10,000 newspapers, count-
ing those in small districts. They are all completely party organs,
and publishing is operated entirely by the party.
A recent Nationalist intelligence report that I saw in Hong Kong
a few months ago indicates that there are a total of 3,600,000 Com-
munist Party workers directly in information media alone. That
is, radio, publications, and newspapers.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Would you say that there is a profession of journal-
ism in Red China today ?
Mr. Caldwell. No, sir, I would not.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, how about journalism in the rest of Asia ? To
what extent is that subverted or controlled?
Mr. Caldwell. During the past 12 to 18 months there have been
three primary Red campaigns. One, to control the press of South-
east Asia. Two, to open vast numbers of book stores with as many as
200 and 300 titles on Communist China in each store. Three, to pene-
trate and control the one-thousand-nine-hundred-odd Chinese schools
from Hong Kong southward.
Now, to show you how this campaign has succeeded, during the last
possibly 12 months, but let's say 18 months, of the 35 major newspapers
of Soutlieast Asia, 27 have become either pro-Communist completely
or neutralist. That has, as I said, mostly been accomplished in 1 year
and it has been accomplished with a massive bribery campaigii.
I have the exact figures on many newspapers, the exact amount paid
to the editor as a downpayment to change his editorial line, the
amount he gets each month or sometimes it may be that the news-
paper is struggling and having financial difficulties and there are free
gifts of newsprint.
Now, both our intelligence and Nationalist intelligence indicate
that in 1956, $3 million United States was spent on newspaper
bribery alone, and it is through that, coupled with a sort of veiled
threat. I have actually talked to editors who have been approached
and along with the offer of money comes this little clincher. They
say, and if you will play ball with us, we will take care of you when
we take over here.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3637
So, it is a promise of security plus money that has bought the
press of Soutlieast Asia.
Mr. SouRwiNE, You say $3 million United States. Are you using
United States dollars as a standard or do you actually mean that
United States dollars were used in this bribery ?
Mr. Caldwell. No; I know that United States dollars are used,
but I was using that mostly as a round figure of the total amount in
our currency.
Mr. SouRWiNE. The bribery is not, so far as you know, wholly in
United States dollars.
Mr. Caldwell. No, but in a place like Hong Kong, which is a free-
money market, the United States dollar is usually quite stable. The
Hong Kong dollar is slipping, particularly in the last 6 months.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Where does tliat money come from ?
Mr. Caldwell. It is my guess that quite a bit of it comes from the
opium business. The Eeds have tried something else new, of late. In
Thailand, _ with Communist money, they have developed the dirty
movie capital of the world now, with some 4,000 titles produced last
year alone.
Now, these are sent to Formosa, to Hong Kong, to Japan. They are
sold for dollars. They have the same sort of dual purpose that opium
serves, of bringing in dollars as well as corrupting morals.
One little sidelight. It may mean absolutely nothing. Through
my knowledge of Chinese, I was able to get into one of these studios in
Bangkok, and I noted with great interest that all of the equipment
was the latest model Russian equipment, that is, projectors and
cameras of varieties I had never seen before.
Mr. Sourwine. Yv^hat other information can you give us about Red
China's propaganda machinery ?
Mr. Caldwell. I would like to go just a little bit, if I may, into their
publications. Now, I have brought a few typical ones here today.
These happened to be in English, but others are published in 13 differ-
ent languages.
They start with simple cartoon books for the illiterate. Then there
will be little storybooks like this, up to the very fancy, four-color jobs.
_ Now, the effort in these publications is, well, what I would call a soft
line. It attempts to create interest in Red China, a picture of tremen-
dous progress, a country that has no problems.
Now, their anti-American line has changed considerably. They
don't ask a newspaper, for instance, any longer to actually attack
America. Instead, they distribute Confidential magazine, and there
is another one called Uncensored.
Now, these magazines — I assume none of you gentlemen have read
them regularly ; I don't, but I have looked at them and I know that
they deal in divorce, sex, dope, all of the worst in America, and these
stories are taken verbatim from Confidential and used as feature ma-
terial in Bangkok, in Hong Kong, in Phnom Penh, which is the capital
of Cambodia.
So, many people are getting their view of America today via Con-
fidential magazine.
Mr. Sourwine. Does that conclude the additional material you can
give us about propaganda ?
Mr. Caldwell. No; I think the penetration of the schools is al«r>
tremendously important. The Chinese in some places are even the
3638 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
majority in southeast Asia. For instance, in Singapore they make
up 80 percent of the population, and, beginning many years ago, they
founded their own schools.
Now, the Communists have penetrated these schools. In Singapore
they are almost entirely in charge now. In Thailand perhaps one-
third of the schools are under Communist discipline.
They utilize the students to raise money. For instance, in Singa-
pore they raise money for strikes through collecting dues from the
Communist students. They have been able, on several occasions, to
completely tie up Singapore.
Along with this effort to penetrate and control all the schools in
southeast Asia, there is a tremendous campaign to get young south-
east Asians to go to Red China to study. Now, to do that they use
these publications, magazines, very well-done movies. They promise
free education. They promise the school of the person's choice and
unlimited job opportunities after the student is finished.
Since 1950,_ somewhere between 40,000 and 50,000 overseas students
have been enticed to Red China through this campaign.
Mr. SouuwiNE. Speaking of students, sir, what steps are being taken
inside Red China to indoctrinate the youth of the country with com-
munism ?
Mr. Caldwell,. Well, it is an indoctrination program from the time
the child is able to understand anything. During October and No-
vember I interviewed a number of student escapees from China to try
to get from them a blow-by-blow account of Communist educational
methods. A tremendous part of the curriculum is taken by with com-
pletely political discussions. At least once every week, and sometimes
2 or 3 times, there is held what the students in their lingo call the
"big class."
Now, the big class is when an eavesdropper has been able to find some
student saying something that was suspect. He is brought before the
whole school body and, as Father Tennien explained, all of his faults,
his background, are brought out, and sometimes the student body is
just driven into a state of hysteria so that there is actually phj^sical
beating of the person who is the center of the big class.
But it is a program of indoctrination from beginning to end.
Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Does that program involve efforts to make the
youths of China inform on their friends and relatives ?
Mr. Caldwell. That is a very definite part. I talked to one young
man, for instance, who was talking to a friend of his one night in
school and the friend admitted, or just said in conversation, that he
had served once as an interpreter during the war with a United States
Army unit since he spoke very good English. Another friend over-
heard. There was a big class called the next day and this boy simply
disappeared. So, telling tales is an integral part of the system of
maintaining discipline over the students.
Mr. Sourwine. To what extent are they successful in getting chil-
dren to inform on their parents in contradiction to the age-old close-
ness of the Chinese family ?
Mr. Caldwell. I think in the first few years of Communist rule they
were very successful, but then in the last few years I have noted, in
talking to escapees, what I think is a tide of revulsion setting in. I
think that is indicated by recent stories that have come out of Red
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3639
China, renewed demands that everyone put the state above any family
relationsliips.
I think there are good things that we can see in Red China today.
That is one of them. In talking to the escapees, I find there is grow-
ing unrest among the young people. Just as in Hungary, it was the
college students and even the high-school students who spearheaded
the revolt, so, in China, the young people are fighting back to the ex-
tent that there are a great number of, literally translated, roaming
hard-labor corps, entirely made up of high-school students who have
been recalcitrants, have fought back a little bit.
I interviewed one boy who was in such a camp in which there were
6,000 high-school students all put at hard labor because they have not
knuckled down sufficiently to the regime. That is, I think, a rather
hopeful sign.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Turning to another subject, what can you tell us,
Mr. Caldwell, about the coexistence policy advocated bv Communist
China?
Mr. Caldwell. That, of course, is a crucial part of their campaign,
particularly with the new nations, Indonesia, Burma, Cambodia, and
Laos. They try hard to show through their propaganda and publi-
cations that they mean no harm and that the best interests of these
new nations will be served if they will maintain diplomatic relations
with the Chinese Reds.
In Cambodia they have recently offered, and it has been accepted,
a $22 million economic-aid campaign to show their good will, so that
they are directly competing with us in that country, offering rela-
tively the same number of dollars that we give to that same nation.
The coexistence and neutrality, I would say, are very important
themselves at the present time.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Does the stress on that theme of coexistence indi-
cate an abandonment by Red China of its ambitions to rule all Asia ?
Mr. Caldmt^ll. No ; I don't think it does at all. I think that they
are succeeding through subversion. They don't need, right now, to
think in terms of any military action. I would doubt that there will
be any military action, because they are doing extremely well through
this vast campaign of subversion and propaganda.
Mr. SoTJRwiNE. Are you familiar, sir, with the pressures originat-
ing in Communist China for repatriation of Chinese students and
Chnese residents in general who are now outside mainland China ?
Mr. Caldwell. Yes. That ties in, of course, with the campaign
to get the overseas Chinese students all through southeast Asia to
come back. When a student does go to Red China, a great deal of
pressure is put upon him to persuade his parents to come back, and
the interesting thing is that this pressure is only given when the
parents are wealthy. They are most interested in getting wealthy
overseas Chinese back into China.
Mr. SouRwiNE. What can you tell us, Mr. Caldwell, about Red
Chinese efforts to use the 10 million Chinese now living in southeast
Asia as a sort of huge fifth column ?
Mr. Caldwell. I think that is their major effort. These Chinese
actually number now — the latest census, I believe, is nearly 14 million
because there have been a great many escapees from China and their
major campaign is directed against the Chinese newspapers, the
Chinese schools, against the Chinese banks, because these Chinese con-
trol the economic life of the region.
3640 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Now, in Rangoon, Burma, for instance, they gained control of the
three main Chinese banks. Then they used that as a lever to force
Chinese businessmen to send their children to a Chinese school.
Chinese are speculators. They borrow frequently on a short-term
basis. If a businessman comes in to try to borrow money from one
of these banks, he is told he can't have his money unless he is willing
to transfer his children from a non-Communist to a Communist
dominated school. It is rather a striking double play they use in com-
bining banking and education.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Can you tell us about any other trouble spots caused
by Communist agitators in southeast Asia ?
Mr. Caldwell. The most successful trouble spot has been, of course,
Singapore. I think right now the main pressure is going to be against
the three Buddhist nations, that is. Cambodia, Thailand and Laos It
is my own opinion that Cambodia is going to be the focus of an attack
because it is small. It is new and weak. Thailand is a much stronger
country, but if they can gain control of Cambodia, they will have a
strong foothold to put pressure against the other two Buddhist nations.
In Cambodia they now control 4 of the 5 Chinese newspapers. They
control one-half of the Chinese schools. They have this $22 million aid
program administered b}^ a total of 120 technicians who began arriv-
ing in November and who are all there now.
Mr. SormwixE. What information can you give us about Red
Chinese activity in Malaya and Indonesia ?
Mr. Caldwell. It is the same pattern everywhere. In Malaya it
has been very successful. It is hard to evaluate where there has been
more success. I would say that probably Indonesia and Malaya have
both been very well penetrated as far as the overseas Chinese are con-
cerned.
One way you can judge it is by the number of students who are going
to Red China from these countries. Now, the number has dropped in
the last 2 years, but in 1956, 1,200 went from Indonesia, 750 from
Malaya, by far the largest than from any other country in southeast
Asia,
Mr. SouRwiXE. The Chinese, that is, the people of Chinese origin, or
the Chinese race, pretty largely control business life in Malaya and
Indonesia, don't they?
Mr. Caldwell. Yes, and it is true in Thailand. It is true in Cam-
bodia. They control the banks, the newspapers, publications, movies,
the rice industry. They are the middlemen also in many other busi-
nesses,
Mr, Sourwine. The middlemen ?
Mr. Caldwell. Middlemen.
Senator Jenner. Merchants.
Mr, Caldwell. Yes, sir.
Mr, Sourwine, To what extent are those Chinese businessmen lined
up with communism, do you know ?
Mr, Caldwell, The further away you get from Communist China,
the larger proportion of the Chinese are pro- Communist, That is
simply because they are further away and they don't have access to in-
formation, actual facts about Red China,
Hong Kong, I would say, just using a round figure, is probably 70
percent anti-Communist, Singapore, however, is 70 percent pro-
Communist.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3641
Mr. SouRWiNE. That is amone; the Chinese colony.
Mr. Caldwell. Among the Chinese colony. And again that in part
depends on how thoroughly they have controlled the press.
Now, in Singapore, they have been in control of press and education
for several years. But in Hong Kong not only do they get news of
Red China right across the border, also they have had a somewhat
more difficult time buying off the press.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Caldwell, is sheer fear of Communist China a
major factor in the neutrality of India and Burma and Indonesia?
Mr. Caldwell. I think that is a very correct statement. As Father
Tennien pointed out, Korea was not a victory for the West. There
has been to the average person of southeast Asia a succession of re-
treats and there is fear that the Communists are going to win.
I, myself, do not believe in my heart most of these people are pro-
Communist, but they are trying to make a move which will keep them
safe, their families safe, and they hope their businesses intact.
Mr. Sourwixe. Mr. Caldwell, you said earlier in response to a ques-
tion that you did not feel that Communist China's ambition to control
all Asia had been abandoned, l^^lat evidence is there of that ambi-
tion?
Mr. Caldwell. For economic reasons it is tremendously important.
We know that. For instance, Thailand has a surplus of 300,000 tons
of rice which they will not sell to Red China, but which they desper-
ately need. And also, throughout their internal propaganda you hear
phrases that sound strikingly like Japan's old "coprosperity sphere."
They are offering to become the big brothers of all these struggling
nations. They offer it particularly, I think, now, in the campaign
against the three little Buddhist nations.
Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Caldwell, do you know anything about the
activities of Red Chinese agents outside China ?
Mr. Caldwell. Well, of course, what I have been telling you deals
with activities all through southeast Asia. Hong Kong has become
pretty much their center. It is the center from which these publica-
tions are shipped out, incidentally, to American schools, in large num-
bers. It is the center into which the bribery money goes and is dis-
bursed.
From Hong Kong, which has direct shipping connections with
Japan and Korea, as well as southeast Asia, the agents go to the rest
of the area. It is the focal point, I think, of their attack, or the cam-
paign headquarters today.
Mr. Sourwixe. What can you tell us about the activities of Red
Chinese agents in South Korea ?
Mr. Caldwell. I haven't been in South Korea for a year and the
biggest activity that I heard about at that time was one mentioned by
Mr. Anslinger and that is the penetration of dope peddlers, large num-
bers of them. Many of them are caught, but obviously, many are not
caught,
Mr. Sourwixe. Are you telling us that the dope peddlers in South
Korea are Communists, that it is a Communist activity ?
Mr. Caldwell. Oh, yes, sir ; I am certain of that.
Mr. Sour^vixe. How about activities of Red Chinese agents in For-
mosa, is there any ?
Mr. Caldwell. Practically none. Formosa is probably as free of
Communist activity as any nation in the world and it is kept under
3642 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
control. The people are sold enough on their Government so that a
rather unusual thing happened in October when pro-Communist
Chinese from southeast Asia, for the first time, were openly invited to
come there as a propaganda move to let them see for themselves the ad-
vancement that had been made in free China.
Mr. SouRwiNE. To what extent is that invitation being accepted, do
you know ?
Mr, Caldavell. I know of several. I know of one Singapore editor
that came and, I believe, there were several from Hong Kong and
Cambodia that accepted the invitation, and free China has relaxed
very greatly its visa requirements during the last few months because
they feel considerable strength. They have no fear that these people
can cause trouble. In fact, they think that they can very easily be con-
vinced of the error of their ways.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Caldwell, do Eed Chinese imperialistic aims
extend outside Asia?
Mr. Caldwell. I think Asia is their assigned sphere of influence,
but because the Chinese are not white, I think they are being used
more and more among other nonwhite peoples. They made, as you
know, an offer of volunteers to Egypt. They have been sending trade
missions all through the Middle East in countries that do not recog-
nize Nationalist China, and this is an opinion only, but I believe the
Chinese will more and more be used as agents in nonwhite parts of
the world.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you include Africa ?
Mr. Caldwell. Yes; I certainly do. North Africa, particularly.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you have any specific knowledge of their
reasons ?
Mr. Caldwell. I have knowledge of activities in Egypt, which has
recognized Eed China, which has received cultural delegations and
trade delegations.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have knowledge of any Red Chinese activity
in Africa?
Mr. Caldwell. Nothing beyond Egypt.
Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Caldwell, we had one witness this morning
who testified concerning the effect of admitting Communist China to
• • •
the United Nations. We would like to have your opinion on it.
INIr. Caldwell. I would like to confine my answer to the effect on
southeast Asia where there is this tremendous struggle now to keep
the nations free. There must be a China for the overseas Chinese to
look to. If Red China is admitted, we will have, in fact, this two-
China idea, and I am afraid there would be no chance whatsoever
then to keep the nations of southeast Asia free. It could be a tragedy
that could lose us an area that has something like 180 million
population.
Mr. Sourwine. How would there be two Chinas ? If Red China is
admitted to the United Nations, doesn't that necessarily mean that
the Nationalist Government will go out?
Mr. Caldwell. The Nationalist Government would go out, so I
have been told by President Chiang, himself, but it is an idea that
has been expressed by several public leaders in America of admitting
Red China and, at the same time, maintaining some relations with
free China to establish, as far as we are concerned, two Chinas.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3643
Now, althoiigli we might not recognize Red China, if she is in the
U. N., Avith her representatives here in America, to many people
throughout Asia it would be tantamount to recognition on our part.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, people talk about the two-China policy, but
isn't that in itself propaganda? I mean this. Instead of simply
bringing Red China into the U. N., and leaving Nationalist China
there, which would be a true two-China policy
Mr. Caldwell. Yes.
Mr. SoTJEWiNE. Isn't all of the drive based on the representation,
the admission angle, the question of who is China ?
Mr. Caldwell. Yes.
Mr. SoURWiNE. So that if Mao Tse-tung's government is allowed in,
Chiang's government is forced out at one and the same time.
Mr. Caldwell. That is correct.
Mr. Sourwine. So it is not really a two-China policy. It is a one-
China policy at the expense of Nationalist China.
Mr. Caldwell. It is actually eliminating free China. Thailand,
for instance, at the present time maintains diplomatic relations with
free China, not Red. I am sure if Red China was admitted to the
United Nations that would be reversed. Thailand would be forced
to recognize Red China.
Mr. Sourwine. "Would that be true of other countries of southeast
Asia?
Mr. Caldwell. Most of them — Cambodia is sitting on the fence.
They are recognizing both, and the British territories, of course, have
no Chinese representation at all.
Mr. Sourwine, Mr. Caldwell, I have no more questions along that
line. I do want to ask you questions about one individual that the
committee is interested in. Before I do that, I would like to give you
an opportunity of adding anything you think should be covered in
your testimony that we haven't asked you. We would be glad to have
you tell us that.
Mr. Caldwell. No, sir; I think we have covered particularly the
propaganda campaign very clearly.
Mr. Sourwine, Mr. Caldwell, when you were attached to USIA, did
you have in your department a woman named Mary Barrett?
Mr. Caldwell. Yes, sir.
Mr. Sourwine. To your knowledge, was Miss Barrett ever repri-
manded for slanting OWI or State Department printed material or
broadcasts in a pro-Communist way ?
Mr. Caldwell. I have a memory of a reprimand which did not
specifically deal with that, but with her effort to distribute certain of
our publications in Communist areas of China which at that time was
strictly against my policy and that of USIS in China.
Mr. Sourwine. To your knowledge, did Miss Barrett live in Shang-
hai with a woman named Sylvia Campbell before the latter married
John W.Powell?
Mr. Caldwell. Yes, sir ; she did.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you know how long that relationship existed ?
Mr. Caldwell. I would say approximately a year. In 1945 and
1946, possibly into 1947, but that I could not be certain of.
Mr. Sourwine, Did Mary Barrett join the staff of China Review ?
3644 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr, Caldwell. Yes. I believe she stayed in Shanghai for about a
year, perhaps more, after the Communists took over, working on the
China Review.
Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Do you know anything, of your own knowledge,
that would indicate the China Review was an official or semiofficial or-
gan of the Chinese Communist government?
Mr. Caldwell. I only know from American soldiers I have talked
to, myself, and from testimony given before congressional committees,
that that magazine was widely used in the indoctrination courses given
to captured American soldiers.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, I have no more questions of this
witness.
Senator Jenner. I have no further questions.
The committee will stand recessed. We want to thank you for ap-
pearing before us and giving us this information.
(Whereupon, at 12 : 20 p. m., the committee stood in recess.)
INDEX
Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance to
the mere fact of the appearance of the names of an individual or an organization
in this index.
A Page
Africa 3642
Africa, North 3642
America 3626-8628, 3631, 3637, 3641-3644
American soldiers 3644
American troops 3619
Anslinger, Harry J 3611-3624, 3635, 3641
Testimony of 3611-3624
Commissioner, Bureau of Narcotics, Treasury Department 3611
Vice Chairman, United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs 3611
Anti-Chiang material 3635
Anti-Nationalist material 3635
Army, United States 3619, 3638
Asia 3612, 3614, 3618, 3619, 3634, 3636, 3639, 3642
Asia, Eastern 3634
Asia, Southeast 3620, 3624, 3634-3638, 3640-3643
Asiatics 3633
B
Bangkok 3615, 3618, 3621, 3637
Barrett, Mary 3643
Bharmo district 3618, 3620
Burma 3618, 3620, 3624, 3639-3641
Burmese Government 3618
C
Caldvpell, John C 3633-3644
Testimonv of 3633-3644
Born in China 3633
Home, Nashville, Tenn 3633
Former Director of the United States Information Service 3633
Writer and lecturer , 3633
Testified before subcommittee, June 15, 1954 3633
Cambodia 3635, 3637, 3639, 3640, 3642
Campbell, Sylvia 3643
(Wife of John W. Powell) 3643
Ceylon 3618, 3621
Chanchiang (South China) 3629
Chiang Kai-shek 3634, 3636
Chiang, President 3642
Chiengrai 3615
China 3618, 3624, 3625, 3628, 3629-3634, 3638, 3639, 3642, 3643
China mainland 3611, 3615, 3616
China Mission News Service 3625
China Review 3643, 3644
Chinese 3637
Chinese banks 3639, 3640
Chinese colony _' 3641
Chinese newspapers 3639, 3640
Chinese priests 3629
Chinese schools 3639, 3640
Chinese Reds 3639
Chungking Listening Post (publication) 3625
n INDEX
Page
Collier's (magazine) 3627
Committee on Illicit Traffic of the United Nations, report of 3611
Communism 3626, 3627, 3630, 3633, 3635
Communist/s 3618, 3626, 3628, 3629, 3630, 3632, 3634, 3635, 3638, 3641, 3644
Communist agents 3619, 3624, 3641
Communist China 3611-3613, 3616-3623, 3626-3629, 3631, 3632, 3635-3644
Communist China and Illicit Narcotic Traffic 3612
Communist, Chinese 3621, 3622
Communist Chinese press 3636
Communist educational methods 3638
Communist money 3637
Communist Party 3618, 3636
Communist school, Rashin 3619
Communist system 3628
Confidential (magazine) 3637
Crown trademark 3616, 3620
D
Diem 3635
E
Economic and Social Council 3612
Egypt 3642
English 3637
Europe 3613
Exhibit No. 439 — United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs — Elev-
enth Session 3614
Exhibit No. 440— Red China and the Narcotic Traffic, 1956 3620
Exhibit No. 441 — Memorandum on George Douglas Poole et al 3623
Ezrin, Juda 3622
F
Far East 3612-3614, 3619, 3621, 3623, 3634
Formosa 3613, 3637, 3641
Four freedoms 3627
French Colonialist administration 3635
French Dominion 3635
G
Gomulka 3631, 3632
H
Holy Cross, Baltimore 3624
Hong Kong 3612-3615, 3618, 3620-3623, 3625, 3629, 3636, 3637, 3641, 3642
Honolulu 3623
Hruska, Senator 3611
Hungary 3626, 3639
I
India 3641
Indonesia 3635, 3639-3641
Indochina 3635
Iron Curtain 3613
J
Japan 3613, 3615, 3618, 3621, 3624, 3637, 3641
Jenner, Senator 3611
K
Kengtung 3618,3620
King, Leon 3618, 3621
Korea 3629, 3^32, 3641
Korea, South 3619, 3641
Korean truce 3633
Korean war 3628
Kremlin 3631
INDEX m
L
Page
Laos 3635, 3640
Life (magazine) 3627
London 3618
Longobardi, Anthony J 3621, 3623
Los Angeles 3621
M
Macao 3613, 3615
Malava 3614, 3616, 3640
Malaya, Federation of 3612, 3615, 3620
Chief Minister 3612, 3614
Mandalay 361S, 3620
Mao Tse-tung 3630, 3631, 3643
Mao Tse-tung tsan shi shing lei (Mao Tse-tung is our No. 2 leader) — 3631
Maryknoll 3624
Maryknoll Mission Society 3624
Maryknoll Office, 121 East 29th Street, New York City 3624
Maryknoll Prep 3625
Mexico 3617
Middle East 3614, 3617, 3642
Moeller, Thomas 3621, 3623
Moeller, William 3621, 3623
Montreal 3624
Movie capital 3637
N
Nanking 3629
Narcotic Control Act of 1956 3621, 3623
Narcotics, Bureau of 3611, 3623
San Francisco office 3623
Nashville, Tenn 3633
Nationalists 3629, 3635
Nationalist China 3634, 3642, 3643
Nationalist Government 3617, 3624, 3636, 3642
Nationalist intelligence report 3636
Near East 3613, 3614
North America 3615
North Borneo 3635
O
Orient 3621, 3623
OWI 3643
P
Pauline Privilege 3629
Pavlov 3630
Pavlov theory 3630
Peiping Government 3617
Peking 3629
Philippines 3635
Philippines, President of 3635
Pnom Penh (capital of Cambodia) 3637
Pittsford, Vt 3624
Poland 3626, 3631
Polish delegates 3617
Politburo 3630
Poole, George Douglas 3621, 3623
Powell, John W 3643
Propaganda machinery. Red China's 3637
Propaganda, Red Chinese 3635
R
Rangoon 3640
Rashin 3619
Red China. ( See Communist China. )
"Red China and the Narcotic Traffic, 1946" 3620
rv INDEX
Page
Rhees 3634
Rhee, Syngman 3635, 3636
Richardson, King S 3622, 3623
Roman Catholic religion 3629
Russia 3630, 3632
Russian delegates 3617
Russian equipment 3637
Russian stations 3629
S
Saigon 3618, 3621
St. Paul 3629
San Francisco 3618, 3621, 3624
San Francisco Harbor 3622, 3623
Saturday Evening Post (magazine) 3627
Schroeder, F. W 3611
Seattle 3621
Second World War 3625
Shanghai 3643, 3644
Singapore 3612, 3614-3616, 3638, 3640, 3642
Sourwine, J. G 3611
South Korea. {See Korea, South.)
Stalin 3631
Si Ta Lin tsan shi shing lei (Stalin is our leader) 3631
State, Department of 3634^3636,3643
T
Taiwan 3615
Tennien, Father Mark r 3624-3633, 3638, 8641
Testimony of 3624-3633
Maryknoll Mission Society 3624
Native, Pittsford, Vt 3624
School — Montreal, Holy Cross in Baltimore, Maryknoll 3624
Ordained in 1927— Went to China in 1928 3625
Taught at Maryknoll Prep 3625
Wrote Chuneking Listening Post 3625
1952 expelled from China 3625
Returned as director of China Mission News Service, stationed in
Hong Kong 3625
Editor of mission bulletin 1953-56 3625
Thailand 3612-3615, 3620, 3624, 3635, 3637, 3640, 3641, 3643
Time (magazine) 3627
Tokyo 3621
Treasury Department 3611
Two-China policy 3643
U
Uncensored (magazine) 3637
United Kingdom 3612, 3614, 3616
United Nations 3615, 3617, 3619, 3620, 3621, 3623, 3632, 3642, 3643
United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs 3611-3615, 3620
Eleventh session 3614
United States 3616, 3618, 3621-3623, 3633, 3634, 3636, 3637
USIA 3634, 3643
USIS (United States Information Service) 3633,3634,3643
V
Vietnam 3618, 3621, 3635
W
Watson, John M 3618,3621
Williams, Gerald F 3621, 3623
Wood, James C 3621, 3623
Y
Yunnan 3616, 3620
O
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE
ADMINISTRATION oFtHE INTERNAL SECURITY
ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
UNITED STATES SENATE
EIGHTY-FIFTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
ON
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE
UNITED STATES
MARCH 12 AND 21, 1957
PART 56
Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT FEINTING OFFICE
93215 WASHINGTON : 1957
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
OCT 9 - 1957
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman
ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota
THOMAS C. HENNINGS, JR., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah
JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois
MATTHEW A. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland
SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administkation of the Internal Security
Act and Other Internal Security Laws
JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah
SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland
MATTHEW A. NEELY, West Virginia ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska
Robert Morris, Chief Counsel
J. G. SODRWiNE, Associate Counsel
William A. Rusher, Associate Counsel
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research
n
CAd-
CONTENTS
Testimony of— Pa&e
Emmerson, John K 3645
rn
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
The following testimony was made public on March 14, 1957, by
resolution of the subcommittee.
TUESDAY, MARCH 12, 1957
United States Senate,
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration
OF the Internal Security Act and other
Internal Security Laws, of the
Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington^ D. C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2 : 15 p. m. in room 135,
Senate Office Building, Senator William E. Jenner, presiding.
Present : Senators Jenner and Watkins.
Also present : Robert Morris, chief counsel ; William A. Rusher, as-
sociate counsel; Benjamin Mandel, research director, and Robert Mc-
Manus, investigations analyst.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Emmerson, will you stand to be sworn, please?
Senator Jenner. Do you swear the testimony you give in this hear-
ing will be the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so help
you God ?
Mr. Emmerson. I do.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Emmerson, would you give your name and address
to the reporter?
TESTIMONY OF JOHN K. EMMERSON, DEPUTY CHIEF OF MISSION,
COUNSELOR OF EMBASSY, BEIRUT, LEBANON
Mr. Emmerson. John K, Emmerson, my present post is the Amer-
ican Embassy in Beirut; Lebanon.
Mr. Morris. And what is your actual assignment at this time?
Mr. Emmerson. I am deputy chief of mission, and counselor of
embassy, at Beirut.
Mr. Morris. Are you on a special assignment here in the United
States ?
Mr. Emmerson. I have been on a special assigmnent to the General
Assembly in the United Nations with the United States delegation
since the 1st of November.
Senator Jenner. Let the record show Senator Watkins is now here.
Mr. Morris. Senator Watkins, this is Mr. John K. Emmerson, our
witness today, and these gentlemen are Mr. Cartwright and Mr. Hips-
ley of the State Department.
The witness has just now been sworn. Senator. We are asking his
present special assignment here in the United States.
3645
3646 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Emmerson. I have been assigned as a member of the United
States delegation to the United Nations and I am now proceeding back
to my post in Beirut. In the meantime, I have been transferred to
the Embassy in Paris where I expect to assume my duties toward the
end of this month.
Mr. Morris. You will be in Paris the next assigment?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Emmerson, what has been the nature of your as-
signment at the United Nations ?
Mr. Emmerson. I have been one of the liaison officers for the NEA
area. That is the Middle East area, the Bureau of Near Eastern Af-
fairs in the State Department.
Mr. Morris. As such, what do you do ?
Mr, Emmerson. My duties were largely liaison with the delegations
from the Middle Eastern countries. We have representatives in each
of the four geographic bureaus of the departments who serve in that
capacity during the session of the General Assembly.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Emmerson, the reason the subcommittee has asked
you to be here today is that there has accumulated in the public record
of the Internal Security Subcommittee since 1951 statements, testi-
mony about you and certain documents of yours, so we felt in order
to have a full story, that it would be well if you would appear and
give testimony on these various items.
This testimony and these items relate to a period of time when you
were- -and sliortly thereafter — in Yenan, which was the Chinese Com-
munist headquarters in China during the recent war. I wonder if
you could begin your testimony today J3y telling us about your general
assignment to Yenan and the nature of your duties there.
Mr. Emmerson. I was assigned toward the end of 1943 as a political
adviser to General Stilwell. I was concurrently second secretary of
Embassy in Chungking and political adviser to General Stilwell.
As a Japanese language officer and Foreign Service officer who had
had experience in Japan, my duties in the theater were concerned en-
tirely with Japanese matters, interrogation of prisoners of war, psy-
cholgical warfare particularly.
In the fall of 1944 our Government, or the Army, the United States
Army, established in Yenan, the Communist headquarters, a United
States Observers' Mission. This was done with the consent of General
Chiang Kai-shek, and consisted of an Army unit in Yenan.
My assignment to the observers' section was concerned exclusively
with phychological warfare matters. It was known that there was a
group of Japanese prisoners of war who had been taken by the
Chinese Communists and who were operating in Yenan. The head
of this group was a well-known Japanese Communist by the name
of Okano. That was the name he used at this period. He later used
the name of Nozaka. It is one and the same person. So that, when
I arrived in Yenan, the purpose of my assignment was to find out
the kind of activities which were being conducted by this group of
Japanese prisoners of war. At that time in 1944 we were, of course,
concerned with the prosecution of the war against Japan.
The presence, I think, of an American observers' mission in Yenan
indicated that there was cooperation between the Chinese Communists
and ourselves as far as the war against Japan was concerned, so that
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3647
we were eager to find out the kinds of activities which the Japanese
prisoners of war there were conducting, the psychological warfare
that they were engaged in, and whatever information or intelligence
they might have with respect to Japan.
I think, Judge Morris, that is the background of my assignment to
Yenan.
Mr. Morris. You would report, would you not, back to your supe-
riors on the activities of this Japanese Peoples' Emancipation League,
isn't that what it was called ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Mr. Morris. That was a Communist organization was it not?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes; that was the propaganda organization of the
Japanese Communist prisoners of war. They called themselves the
Japanese Peoples' Emancipation League, and they put out leaflets
and pamphlets of various sorts which were distributed behind the
Japanese lines or in the areas which were under Japanese control,
purely a propaganda operation, but of course completelj^ under the
direction of the Japanese Communist leader, Okano, who in turn was
under the direction of the Chinese Communists.
Mr. Morris. When you Avrote back to your superiors, you wrote
generally sympathetically with the work that these people were doing,
did you not ?
Mr. EMMERSOisr. I was reporting on the kind of work they were
doing, and it seemed to me that this was interesting to us in showing
that it was possible to carry on psychological warfare against the
Japanese, so if you use the word "sympathetically" to indicate that I
felt that they were achieving some success in these lines, then that
is correct.
Mr. Morris. In that connection
Senator Watkins. Let me ask a question there.
I am a little at a loss to know what Japanese prisoners of war could
do. Were they finally discharged as prisoners or were they under
somebody's custody ?
How did they get the appellation of being "prisoners of war" ?
Mr. Emmerson. They were prisoners of war and they were in the
custody of the Chinese Communists. They had been captured on the
front lines in China by the Chinese Communists and they were kept
in an area, an enclosed area.
Senator AYatkins. A compound, a prison ?
Mr. Emmerson. It was a sort of a very informal prison.
They did not have actual barriers. They trusted most of these
people, and Yenan was geographically situated so that they could
capture them if they tried to run away.
Senator Watkins. Did they have arms ?
Mr. Emmerson. They had no arms. They lived in caves as most
of the people in Yenan did, in the side of the mountain, but they
were in a particular area of the town, and they also had what they
called the Peoples Peasants and Workers School in which they con-
ducted courses and carried on indoctrination programs of these
prisoners of war.
Senator Watkins. Were the Chinese Communists working with
them at the time ?
3648 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Emmerson. Yes; they were under complete control of the
Chinese Communists, but the Chinese entrusted the actual operation
to the direction of this Japanese Communist, Okano, 'who was then
present in Yenan and who directed the whole operation. He was a
Japanese himself, but again he was subject to the orders.
Senator Watkins. What was the operation they were doing?
Mr. Emmerson. It consisted largely of two things. One was the
psychological warfare.
Senator Watkins. Against whom?
Mr. Emmerson. Against the Japanese.
Senator Watkins. In the homeland ?
Mr. Emmerson. In the homeland and in China ; that is, the Japa-
nese Army operating in China and the Japanese homeland. ^
Senator Watkixs. These Japanese prisoners of war were conduct-
ing a psychological campaign, according to what you have just said,
against the Japanese at home ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Senator Watkins. And those on the mainland ?
Mr. Emmerson. They had been indoctrinated to the extent that tney
accepted the idea of the end of the war, opposition to militarism, and
readiness to work for what they called a democratic future in Japan.
Senator "Watkins. In other words, they were seeking to undermine
the armed might of Japan at that time.
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Senator Watkins. And stop the war ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right ; exactly.
Senator Watkins. I did not understand what you were talking
about.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Emmerson, one document is in our record and I
would like to ask you if it was prepared by you. It is only a page
and a half, and, if you would read it for us, I would appreciate it.
Read it and identify it.
Mr. Emmerson. You mean read it aloud ?
Mr. Morris. Yes, I think so.
Mr. EiNtMERSON. And may I discuss it as I go along ?
Mr. Morris. I wish you would.
Mr. Emmerson. Yes. This is a report written in Yenan on Novem-
ber 7, 19-1:4, a very short time after I had arrived in Yenan, and the
title is "Proposed Projects Against Japan."
Copies of all our reports went to the commanding general of the
theater and to the Embassy in Chungking. [Reading :]
My short study of the activities of Susumu Okano and the Japanese Peoples
Emancipation League in Communist China convinces me that we can utilize the
experience and achievements of this group to advantage in the prosecution of
the war against Japan.
Mr. Morris. May I break in? You knew it was a Communist organi-
zation ?
Mr. Emmerson. I knew it was a Communist organization. I felt
that the fact that they had been successful in indoctrinating prisoners
of war to the point where they were willing to participate in activities
directed against the Japanese military and against the Japanese regime
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3649
meant that the use of such people was a possibility, and, therefore,
might contribute to our effort against Japan. [Reading :]
Without going into the details of naethods and materials, all of which are
being carefully investigated here, we can suggest the following proposals :
"(1) Effect the organization of an international 'Free Japan' movement.
The Japanese Peoples Emancipation League (Nihon Jinmin Kaiho Renmei)
has an estimated membership of 450 Japanese prisoners in north and central
China. Its declared principles are democratic. It is not identified with the
Communist Party."
I would like to j^oint out here I wrote a number of other reports
which gave in detail the program and the principles of this propa-
ganda ortranization. Thev were, to a large extent — if I can recall them
after this period of time — antagonism toward the militarists, the
ending of the war, peace, freedom, democracj^, that kind of thing.
Now, I say these were the declared principles of this organization.
It was obviously a Communist organization, and that was completely
known to me at the time.
Mr. Morris. But there is nowhere that you say that in that docu-
ment ?
Mr. Emmerson. I say, "Its declared principles are democratic."
The next sentence I say, "It is not identified with the Communist
Party."
I might say here that the Communists deliberately did not identify
it as being a Communist organization, because they expected that, by
so doing, the effect would be greater among the Japanese, because, as
I say, the leaflets, the material which they scattered and used in China
contained the kind of platitudes which I have mentioned, "down with
the militarists, surrender of Japan, democratic principles, peace,"
that sort of thing which, after all, in a general sense, were the same
kind of things that we were talking about with respect to Japan.
Upon completion of a course of indoctrination, the more able members volun-
tarily prepare propaganda leaflets and engage in propaganda activities on the
frontlines. There is no doubt that most of them are sincere converts to the anti-
war principles of the league.
In other words, that the war was a mistake and that they were
willing to work to oppose war.
Intelligence shows that the league is well known to the Japanese Army and
its influence is respected and feared —
because of the propaganda work they had already been doing with the
Japanese Army.
Then I say :
Organization of chapters of this association, or a similar one, among Japanese
prisoners, internees, and others, in the United States, India, Australia, and other
countries, should be carried out.
Mr. Morris. In other words, send some of these back to the United
States?
Mr. Emmerson. I say : "The organization of chapters of this associ-
ation, or a similar one," among the Japanese prisoners and internees
which were located in the United States and other areas.
Mr. Morris. In other words, you would send some of the Japanese
Communists back to the United States ?
93215—57 — pt. 56 2
3650 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES '
Mr. Emmerson. I do not believe I say that here. I say one might
organize similar associations; that is, organize similar propaganda
associations in the Japanese prison camps which then existed in these
other countries.
Mr. Morris. I don't mean to labor it, Mr. Emmerson, but you say
there, do you not, either this organization or a similar organization be
sent back to the United States ?
Just read it again.
Mr. Emmerson (reading) :
Organization of chapters of this association
Mr. Morris. That is the Japanese Peoples Emancipation League?
Mr. Emmersox. That is right —
or a similar one among Japanese prisoners, internees, and others in the United
States, India, Australia, and other countries, should be carried out.
I am talking about an organization for psychological-warfare pur-
poses which would produce leaflets and other material.
The result would be widespread dissemination of democratic ideas, the creation
of a powerful Japanese propaganda organ. (It is indisputable that propaganda
from a Japanese source and written by Japanese is more effective than that
from enemy sources.)
Mr. Morris. May I break in there ? Do you think that the Japanese
Communists would dispense and propagate democratic ideas?
Mr. Embierson. Certainly, not basically. As I said, the leaflets
which they were disseminating, if you read the text, it is simply a
matter of "down with the militarists" and "end the war" and so on.
But, of course, knowing Communists, their objective would be quite
different. So I would like to say right here that this suggestion was
made when I was only in Yenan a short time, and was made on the
experience of what they were doing, was made in the atmosphere of
our great concentration upon the war effort against Japan, and our
general desire to get collaboration and cooperation wherever it might
be found, and I am quite aware that this does not indicate the ultimate
objectives of the Communist move or of Communists anywhere.
And I may say that, when I worked on this project a little later,
and a few months afterward came to Washington and presented the
project to the War Department and to the State- War-Navy Coordi-
nating Committee, there was no suggestion of any participation by
Communists or any use of Communists or Communist material what-
soever; so I am quite aware the ultimate objectives of the Communists
are far from democratic.
I was not aware and did not express here the risks which would be
involved in collaboration, close collaboration, with the Communists
either in the war period or afterward.
There were many people at that time who spoke in favor of the
coalition governments in which Communists might participate. I
think that there was a general feeling among many quarters, and
some perhaps high statesmen, that collaboration with the Communists
was possible. We later found out, certainly, that that was not possible,
and that any collaboration with a coalition government in which
Communists had a part was a danger and meant the eventual efforts
of the Communists to dominate.
Senator Watkins. Let me ask you a question. This must have been
prior to Russia's entry into the war against Japan ?
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3651
Mr. Emmerson. This was prior to Russia's entry in the war against
Japan.
Senator Watkins. How long had you been in China prior to your
being assigned to this particuhar assignment ?
Mr. Emmerson. I had been in India and Burma until about October
of 1944; and I went to Chungking; was there just a brief time and
then to Yenan, so I had only been in China a matter of a few weeks.
Senator Watkins. Weeks ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Senator Watkins. And you were sent immediately from our own
headquarters in China ?
Mr. Emmerson. From Chungking, yes, to Yenan.
Senator Watkins. We had an ambassador there at that time ?
Mr. Emmerson. We had an ambassador and General Stilwell — I
have forgotten the dates, but it was just about the time when General
Stilwell relinquished his command to General Wedemeyer.
Senator Watkins. Of course, at this time, the Russians entered into
the war — I mean joined with us in operations against Germany and
Italy. We, of course, came into the war sometime before you were
there, but what I am trying to get is the background as to what was
actually happening in the general conduct of the war, irrespective of
Japan.
Mr. Emmerson. Yes. Of course, the Soviet Union was our ally as
far as the European war was concerned, and I think already by this
time it was understood or believed that the Soviet Union would go to
war against Japan. I believe that Stalin had already made that
promise, if I am not mistaken.
Senator Watkins. Had you been so advised by the State Depart-
ment ?
Mr. Emmerson. I don't believe so at this time; no. I don't be-
lieve so.
Mr. Morris. Proceed.
Mr. Emmerson. This is No. 2. [Reading :]
(2) Encourage the organization of cells within Japan to spread defeatism and
thereby reduce resistance at the time of the invasion.
Preparations are now being made to send agents directly to Japan from this
(Yenan) area.
The OSS had an operation in Yenan and they were engaged in ac-
tivities of this kind. I, of course, had no responsibility for OSS and
no relation to their activities.
Simultaneous organization needs to be undertalien of underground cells within
Japan on the same principles as the free-Japan group on the outside. Such
activities would necessarily be on a small scale, but ample evidence exists that
there are such elements which can be useful to us. Careful preparation is ob-
viously essential.
(3) Set up a radio transmitter in a Communist base area such as Shantung
Province for broadcasts to Japan, Korea, and Manchuria.
A transmitter on the Shantung promontory would be 400 miles nearer Japan
proper than Saipan and 600 miles nearer than the northern tip of Luzon.
The Japanese Peoples Emancipation League has a strong unit in Shantung
Province and is now establishing a school there. Consequently trustworthy
Japanese personnel is already on the spot to operate such a station. Additional
trained personnel could be recruited from the school in Yenan and sent to any
designated spot.
Identification of the station with a free-Japan group would insure broad-
casts of immeasurably greater effect than those of stated American (enemy)
origin.
3652 SCOPE or soviet activity m the united states
Again it is obvious that I was thinking only of the short-term activi-
ties in which propaganda in its content of a general nature calling for
surrender, calling for the end of the war and abolishing of the mili-
tary control, and I did not go into the risks or the long-range conse-
quences of such an effort.
(4) Train units of Japanese for activity witli American pacification operations
and witli military government officials during occupation.
Eighth Route' Army experience has clearly proved not only that .Japanese
prisoners can be converted but that they can be satisfactorily and extremely
effectively used in propaganda operations on the frontlines. Approximately
.3.50 are now training and engaging in such activities on the north and central
China fronts. .
Such Japanese personnel, with invaluable knowledge of particular areas and of
the language, could be extremely useful in assisting American Army officers in
reestablishing order among the Japanese population.
Recruitment of these persons can be made from the personnel of Japanese
Emancipation League chapters in China, already trained, and from prison camps
under American, Australian, or British jurisdiction.
A course of training would be necessary. Issei —
that is first-generation Japanese —
and nisei in the United States could serve as instructors. Materials and the
experience of the 8th Route Army would be of inestimable assistance in setting
up such a project.
Mr. Morris. Don't you think, in retrospect at least, to have Japanese
Communists work in American occupation with military government
during the occupation would be a hazardous thing ?
Mr. Emmerson. I do indeed. I again was thinking — the emphasis
here was on the fact that they would be Japanese, that if you were
utilizing Japanese in these activities, they would be more effective
than Americans or other foreigners, and I do say that issei, which
means first-generation nisei-American citizens in the United States,
should serve as instructors, the idea being that any of these people
who were utilized would be instructed by Japanese of American citi-
zenship or Japanese in the United States.
But I should like to add that, in February of 1945, I returned to
Washington on orders of the theater commander, and at that time
presented to the Provost Marshal General, who was in charge of
Japanese prisoners of war, a proposal that Japanese prisoners in the
hands of the United States be given a program of reeducation or
indoctrination for their possible use in our effort against Japan.
That was accepted by the Provost Marshal General, and a camp was
set up in Texas which was operating at the time of the surrender.
Senator Watkins. What kind of an indoctrination ?
Mr. Emmerson. That was indoctrination in American principles, in
principles of democracy, in order to combat the ideas of militarism
and totalitarianism which had been instilled into the Japanese Army.
There was no suggestion of Communist indoctrination or training.
And I may say that when we went into this whole matter in 1952 in
the State Department, we presented a complete documentation of
this particular project, and there is a history in the War Department
which describes exactly what happened, including my own participa-
tion.
Mr. Morris. Did you bring any messages back from Okano with
you?
Mr. Emmerson. In February of 1945 when I came back to the De-
partment, I came back on orders of General Wedemeyer for the spe-
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3653
cific purpose of discussing these projects, the one for the education
of Japanese prisoners of war, the other for an organization of Japa-
nese for purposes of psychological warfare purposes, for purposes of
psychlological warfare.
May I just inject parenthetically that this project, the second proj-
ect, was taken up first in the Far East Subcommittee of the State
Department which discussed it and it went tlirough a number of
revisions. Then it went to what was then called SWING — State-
War-Navy Coordinating Committee, consisting of Secretaries of State,
War, and Navy.
The proposal was discussed and approved by that body, but the
date by that time was, I think, August of 1945. The surrender came
about and the project was never implemented, but, needless to say,
there was no suggestion of any Communist participiation in that.
The only connection was that I had concluded from my experience
in China that these things, that psychological warfare by Japanese
against Japanese was possible, and that it was something that would
be useful for us to undertake.
As a matter of fact, we already had an indoctrination camp for
German prisoners of war which had been going for some time. So
that was the conclusion of these two proposals.
Senator Watkins. Did you have any instructions when you went
into that area from the State Department or from General Stilwell ?
]Mr. Emmerson. We had no specific instructions from the State
Department. From time to time we would receive memorandums
giving in very general terms the elements of the United States policy
in the Far East, but there were no regular or systematic instructions.
When I went to Yenan from Chungking headquarters, my travel
orders were issued by the commanding general, and
Senator Watkins. That was General Stilwell ?
Mr. Emmerson. General Stilwell. I have forgotten the statement
or the wording, but the idea was, the purpose of my trip up there,
was to engage in these activities, study the psychological warfare
activities of the Japanese in Communist China.
Senator Watkins. Were you asked to make recommendations?
Mr. Emmerson. I beg your pardon ?
Senator Watkins. Were you asked to make recommendations?
Mr, Emmerson. That was implicit, I think, in the assignment. I
don't remember whether I was specifically asked to make any recom-
mendations.
Senator Watkins. What I was trying to find out is the scope of
your official mission, and what did they want you to do, what were
your orders, what was the whole purpose of being there?
Mr. Emmerson. I think the purpose of the mission was, since I
was the only Japanese language officer civilian attached to this group,
that we would try to discover what intelligence of value was coming
out of Japan, particularly for psychological warfare purposes, be-
cause I had had special duties with respect to psychological war-
fare in the theater, and my interrogations of prisoners of war, for
example, were of course not directed to obtain military information
but to obtain information on the attitudes in Japan of the Japanese,
of their morale, of the status of their thoughts and the whole psy-
chological climate, which of course would be useful to us in devising
the methods of psychological warfare which we wished to use.
3654 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Senator Watkins. Did you speak the Japanese language?
Mr. Emmerson. I speak Japanese, yes, sir, and in February 1945
I presented a memorandum to General Wedemeyer and to General
Hurley, who was then the Ambassador, suggesting that I return to
Washington in order to discuss these specific ideas, the indoctrination
program and the psychological warfare organization.
This proposal was approved by both General Wedemeyer and
Ambassador Hurley, and I returned to the State Department in
February of 1945.
Mr. Morris. At that time, I think I asked you a while ago, did you
bring any letter from Okano back ?
Mr. Emmerson. I brought, as examples of activities of this organ-
ization, I brought back a number of materials including charts, pam-
phlets, leaflets, as objects of the work they were doing. I also brought
back 2 or 3 letters, as I recall, which were simply statements of the
principles and ideas of these psychological warfare organizations.
Mr. Morris. Okano gave you this before you left ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes.
Mr. Morris. Did he tell you to deliver it to anyone ?
Mr. Emmerson. As I recall it, there was one which had the name
of a Japanese in the United States.
Mr. Morris. Was that Fujii Shuji ?
Mr. Emmerson. Fujii Shuji.
Mr. Morris. He was a Communist.
Mr. Emmerson. I did not know he was a Communist at that time.
And when I got back to the State Department, Mr. Eugene Dooman
was at that time in the Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs. I had known
him in Japan and he is, of course, an outstanding Japanese scholar,
so I took these materials and showed them to him and discussed them
with him. He then told me there was a unit of OSS, at that time a
very highly secret organization, in New York which was doing work
on psychological warfare against Japan, and he suggested that I
accompany him to New York to visit this unit and take these mate-
rials with me, which I did, and I was asked by Mr. Dooman to explain
to this group my experiences in China, and these materials which
I brought were left, as I recall it, with this group.
I had read all the materials. After all, they were in Japanese and
I showed them to Mr. Dooman. It was my impression that he also
read them. At any rate, they were left with this group, and I dis-
covered then that this Mr. Fujii, I believe, was an employee of the
OSS and a member of that group.
Mr. Morris. Senators, for your information in the event that you
were not present at the hearing, Mr. Fujii Shuji, the man we are
talking about, the subcommittee received evidence that he was a Com-
munist at the time of his work in the OSS, the time referred to. When
we asked him about that during the past year he claimed his privilege
against incrimination rather than answer the question.
Senator Watkins. Is he an American citizen ?
Mr. Morris. Yes.
And Okano gave you these letters to be delivered to him.
Mr. Emmerson. There was one letter which contained this plat-
form in Japanese which had his name on it.
Mr. Morris. Was there a man named Haga ?
A Japanese ?
Mr. Emmerson. I believe so.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3655
Mr. Morris. Is he one of the New York group or was he working
in OSS?
Mr. Emmerson, I am sorry, I cannot remember that. I believe
Mr. Dooman introduced me to Haga. Mr. Dooman had come in con-
tact with him, and introduced me to him as a Japanese who was work-
ing for our war effort.
Mr. Morris. How about a man named Tamotsu ?
Mr. Emmerson. I don't recall that name.
Mr. Morris. Did Okano give you anything else to bring back to
the United States?
Mr. Emmerson. I don't recall that he gave me anything else, except,
as I say, these charts, pamphlets, booklets, all of which were illustra-
tive of the kind of effort they were putting forth against the Japanese.
Mr. Morris. Did any of these Japanese Communists actually come
back from Yenan to Washington ?
Mr. Emmerson. Not as far as I know.
Mr. Morris. They ultimately went back to Japan ; did they not ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes, from Communist China, so far as I know they
all went back to Japan.
Mr. Morris. Did you aid any of them in going into Japan ?
Mr. Emmerson. No, I did not.
Mr. Morris. You did not help Okano getting back to Japan ?
Mr. Emmerson. No, I did not.
Mr. Morris. How did he get back to Japan?
Mr. Emmerson. That charge that I did help Okano get into Japan
was made some years ago and again was taken up in great detail in
my hearings before the State Department Loyalty Security Board
in 1952, and I was in Japan at the time. Apparently — we are not
sure how he got back but it seemed, as I recall from the records, we
were able to discover at tliat time that he may have taken a United
States Army plane from Yenan or may have been put on board a
United States Army plane and taken into North China.
From there presumably he got to Korea, and I believe he must have
had the consent of the American general in charge of our forces in
Korea in order to cross the boundary, and then he proceeded and ar-
rived in Japan with great fanfare and publicity, I may say.
Mr. JSIorris. Did you visit in Japan subsequently when you were
General MacArthur's aide, the Japanese prisons there? Did you
visit the Japanese Communists in their cells?
Mr. Emmerson. Shortly after I arrived in Japan — this was un-
mediately after the surrender in 1945— we heard that there were some
Japanese Communists in a prison camp just outside Tokyo and at
that time Mr. Herbert Norman, a Canadian diplomat, was working
in the Counter Intelligence Corps. He is a well-known Japanese
scholar and speaks Japanese, was born in Japan. He, as I say, was
working for Counter Intelligence, and so, under orders of the Counter
Intelligence Corps, he and I together, in an Army vehicle, went to the
prison camp to find out whether in fact these prisoners were there.
We discovered that they were, that there were two very prominent
Japanese Communists, Mr. Shiga and Tokuda. After talking briefly
to these prisoners, we returned to headquarters and reported this to
the Counter Intelligence Corps.
It was felt that perhaps these prisoners might have some intelligence
value that might be worth while interrogating them, so it was ar-
3656 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
ranged that military cars from the Counter Intelligence Corps should
go out the prison, and again Mr. Norman and I went out, since we
spoke Japanese.
Prisoners were placed in the cars and were brought back to head-
quarters where they were interrogated, an official interrogation in the
headquarters itself by officers of the Counter Intelligence Corps.
At the end of the interrogation, they were taken back to the prison.
That is the complete extent of my association with the interrogation
of those prisoners of war or any visits to Japanese prison camps.
Mr. Morris. Are you acquainted with Mr. Dooman's testimony to
the fact that these Comnuuiists were driven around in Tokyo in Army
staff cars which was the equivalent of 100,000 votes to the Japanese
Communists in their election?
Mr. Emmerson. I have read that testimony, and all I can say is
that the only time the prisoners were ever driven in Army cars was
when this group was driven from the prison to the headquarters and
back again.
Mr. Morris. Were they observed, do you think ?
Mr. Emmerson. There was no reason for them to be observed. They
were in khaki-colored Army sedans and they went through the streets
of Tokyo, but there was no reason for them to be remarked any
more than any other Army cars would have been.
Furthermore, Mr. Dooman, I believe, states that on October 10, I
went out in an Army car and liberated these prisoners and drove them
to their homes. That is completely false. I was not in the vicinity
of the prison on October 10, and at no time ever drove these people
to their homes. They were freed under the order of General Mac-
Arthur which liberated all political prisoners under the date, I be-
lieve, of October 4, 1945, and wdiat happened at the prison at the time
of their liberation I am not aware.
Mr. Morris. Do you have any knowledge that Mr. Norman, the man
you talked about, was a Communist?
Mr. Emmersox. I had no knowledge whatsoever.
Mr. Morris. Senators, we have had testimony in our record that
Mr. Norman, who was then the Canadian attached to SCAP Head-
quarters, a professor of his, a man who was a Communist teacher at
the time, has testified that while he was teaching a study group in
Columbia, one of his students in this Communist group was E. Herbert
Norman, the man we have been talking about. He was the man who
made the trip with you at the time. You had, you say, no idea he was
a Communist?
Mr. Emmerson. I had no reason to think he was a Communist either
then or now. He is presently Canadian Ambassador to Egypt.
Mr. Morris. Senator, we have quite a few security reports which
have a great deal of information to the effect that he is a Communist,
that he was involved
Senator Jenner. You say he is now Canada's Ambassador to
Egypt?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes, sir. He has been their Ambassador to New
Zealand and is now, I believe. I believe that in 1951 the Canadian
Government issued a press release stating that he had been completely
cleared of any charges made against him.
Mr. McManus. Do you happen to know if he was in Egypt when
Donald McLean was over there?
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3657
Mr. EMiNiERSOisr. That was some years ago ; wasn't it ?
Mr. McManfs. Yes.
Mr. Emmeeson. No, he just arrived in Egypt the end of October
this past year, just recently has gone there.
Mr. Morris. Senator, would you like to see these documents I am
referring to about Herbert Norman and the evidence in the security
files that he is a Communist ?
I think it would be appropriate at this time.
Senator Jenner. I think so.
Senator Watkins. You say Herbert Norman is now an Ambassador
from Canada to Egypt ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes, sir.
Senator Watkins. From Canada to Egypt?
Mr. Emmerson. He is Canadian Ambassador. As I say, he has
been, as far as I know, cleared by the Canadian Government in 1951.
I understood that there was a press release to that effect.
Senator Watkins. I assume he had either been cleared or else they
do not know anything about these charges against him if they send
him over there now.
Mr. Emmerson. He went to Japan again, after war I believe, as
minister, and then he was in New Zealand as their chief of mission, and
as I say, he has just recently been transferred.
Senator Jenner. How recent?
Mr. Emmerson. I believe it was the end of October.
Senator Watkins. Of 1956?
Mr. Emmerson. 1956.
I happen to know because he is also accredited to Lebanon as minis-
ter. He is assigned to Cairo and accredited to Lebanon.
Senator Watkins. Are you and he friends ?
Mr. Emmerson. I have known him since about 1940.
Senator Watkins. Do you correspond ?
Mr. Emmerson. We do not correspond ; no, sir.
Mr. Morris. Do you know of any effort that was made to have Mr.
Norman serve as the official intelligence liaison between Canada and
the United States ?
Mr. Emmerson. No, I have never heard of that.
Mr. Morris. Do you know of what I might call a campaign to effect
that assignment for him ?
Mr. Emmerson. No, I do not.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Norman was also head of the American and Far
Eastern desk of the Canadian Foreign Office ; was he not?
Mr. Emmerson. I believe at one time he was ; yes, sir.
Mr. Morris. ^Tien did you first meet Mr. Norman, Mr. Emmerson ?
Mr. Emmerson. I think about 1940.^ It was prewar Japan. He
was, at that time, at the Canadian Legation in Tokyo when I was at the
American Embassy in Tokyo. He was already a well-known writer
on Japan, has written a number of books on the Government of Japan.
He was born in Japan and speaks Japanese, of course, fluently, and
has always been widely known.
Mr. Morris. Had he attended Columbia University ?
Mr. Emmerson. I assume so. That I don't know. He was already
in the Canadian Foreign Service in 1940, that is the prewar period.
93215— 57— pt. 56 3
3658 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
He is well known to anybody who has had anything to do with the
Far East, because he has written on the Far East and is a very well-
known scholar, but I just say I have no reason to think he was a Com-
munist in my association with him.
Senator Watkins. Did he ever give any indication in conversations
with you that he was pro-Communist ?
Mr. Emmerson. No, not to my recollection. I don't remember any
conversation which would indicate that he was a Communist.
Senator Watkins. At the times you were talking of, was there any
suspicion then that the Communists had designs against the United
States?
Mr. Emmerson. I think that there was a general lack of understand-
ing of Communist ideology and Communist aims and objectives at this
early period. It seems to me the history of the war period and the
postwar period shows that there was a good deal of misunderstanding
and lack of appreciation of the Communist menace and the Communist
aims and objectives, and as long as Kussia was in the war with us as an
ally, that misunderstanding tended to continue.
Senator Watkins. Did you ever serve in the underground in
France ?
Mr. Emmerson. No, sir, I liave not.
Senator Watkins. Do you have any knowledge of that operation ?
Mr. Emmerson. No, none whatsoever.
Mr. Morris. Do you know a Dr. Chi ?
Mr. Emmerson. No, I do not know him.
Mr. jMorris. He and Herbert Norman, according to our records
were associated, closely associated in Japan.
Mr. Emmerson. No, sir.
Mr. Morris. You never encountered him ?
Mr. Emmerson. No, sir.
Mr. Morris. He had been an American-trained Chinese.
Mr. Emmerson. Chi? No.
Mr. Morris. Did you meet Owen Lattimore in Japan?
Mr. Emmerson. I met Owen Lattimore.
Mr. Morris. He was also close to Norman and Chi.
Mr. Emmerson. I see.
Mr. Morris. '\Vliat was your experience with Mr. Lattimore?
Mr. Emmerson. I can't remember when I may^ have first met him.
Again he is another figure who is of course acquainted to anyone who
has ever had anything to do with the Far East, his writings and all
his associations with the Far East, and I may have seen him before
the war on 1 or 2 occasions. He made a trip to Japan after the war.
I believe I saw him once.
Mr. Morris. What were the circumstances of your seeing him ?
Mr. Emmerson. As I recall it, there was some kind of a dinner at
which a number of people were present at the Imperial Hotel. I am
sorry, I have a very vague memory of this.
Mr. Morris. It was a meeting at the hotel ?
Mr. Emmerson. It was not a meeting. It was a dinner as I recall
it. There were a number of people present.
Mr. Morris. Who was the host ?
Mr. Emmerson. I am sorry ; I can't remember.
Mr. Morris. And you can't remember who the people were that were
there ?
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3659
Mr. Emmerson. No.
Senator Jenner, Was Norman there ?
Mr. Emmerson. I just have a recollection of seeing Mr. Lattimore.
Senator Jenner. Was Norman there ?
Mr. Emmerson. I don't believe he was but, again, I am not sure.
Mr. Morris. Subsequently you had an assignment in Moscow, did
you not, Mr. Emmerson ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes, sir.
Mr. Morris. Were there ever any security charges brought up in
Moscow against you ?
Mr. Emmerson. There was one incident involving a document which
disappeared. I was the one who discovered the fact that a document
was missing. I reported it immediately to my superiors in the Em-
bassy, and a search was made.
The Ambassador at that time. General Bedell Smith, made an inves-
tigation, wrote a report about this to the State Department which is
in the files.
Mr. Morris. And you don't know what happened to the document ?
Mr. Emmerson. I do not know.
Mr. Morris. Did you know a Gen. Patrick Hurley at all ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes, sir.
Mr. Morris. What were your experiences with General Hurley ?
Mr. Emmerson. Well, he, as you may recall, was first sent out to
China as a special representative of the President in the fall of 1944,
and I believe I first met him in Chungking. I was in Yenan at the
time he made one of his visits to Communist China. He came up in
the fall, I believe in November of 1944, to discuss with the Commmiists
the matter of coalition or union with the Nationalist Government, and
I was present in Yenan at that time. I met him again of course in
Chungking a number of times, and I believe once in Washington after
I had returned from China.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, may I read this into the record because
I think it is appropriate ?
Senator Jenner. Yes, proceed.
Mr. Morris. In an indirect way, if you will understand, Mr. Emmer-
son. We are interested in the whole area, and as was made very clear,
in no way are you here as an adverse personality but we are trying
to learn from you the whole thing.
This is a security report. Senator, and as you know, in security re-
ports, very often the identity of the sources of the information are
not known.
I do know that as far as Mr. Norman is concerned, that there was
this direct testimony by Professor Wittfogel, who is an outstanding
Chinese scholar, that Norman was a student of his in a Communist
group in Columbia while he was a professor there.
Later when we looked into it we further learned that Herbert Nor-
man was the secretary of an organization which was called the Amer-
ican Friends of the Chinese People, which was also a Communist or-
ganization, and they formed a Canadian affiliate called the Canadian
Friends of the Chinese People, and Norman was the executive sec-
retary.
I thought that very significant because, on these Communist-front
organizations, Senator, generally the executive secretary is someone
3660 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
they can trust. But then, in the course of time, we have learned some
of these things and I would like to read a few paragraphs from this.
Mr. Morris [reading] :
Dr. Norman, as was pointed out, is an outstanding Japanese scholar, a linguist,
historian and authority on contemporary Japanese politics and affairs in general.
Among his recent Japanese associates are Tsuru Shigeto —
Do you know Mr. Tsuru by any chance ?
Mr. Emmerson. I met him in Tokyo.
Mr. Morris. He is in Japan now ; is he not?
Mr. Emmerson. I believe he is in the United States now.
Mr. Morris. I see. Where is he?
Mr. Emmerson. Harvard University, I believe.
Mr. Cartwright. Yes ; that is right.
Mr. Morris. He is not working with the State Department ; is he ?
Mr. Cartwright. He is on some kind of a fellowship or a year's
service out there in some connection.
Mr. MciSlANus. He was attached to SCAP.
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Mr. Morris [reading] :
(Counsel then read from a United States Government executive
agency security report which indicated that Dr. E. Herbert Norman
had been recalled from Japan when his Government discovered cer-
tain Communist connections, specifically with Israel Halperin, a
Canadian citizen of Russian parentage, who was one of the principals
implicated in the exposed Soviet military intelligence operation in
Canada.)
You will remember. Senator Jenner, when you tried to have Gou-
zenko testify, that the Canadian authorities would not let you ask any
questions whatever about anyone who was a Canadian personality.
(Counsel Morris continued the reading.)
When Tsuru Shigato, Japanese instructor at Harvard, was apprehended for
repatriation purposes in 1942, the FBI was approached by Norman who repre-
sented himself as an official on highly confidential business of the Canadian
Government in an effort to take custody of Tsuru's belongings.
One main item of these belongings was a complete record of the Nye munitions
investigations, largely prepared by Alger Hiss.
Norman later admitted to the FBI agents in charge that his was only a per-
sonal interest, and that he was not representing the Canadian Government as
stated.
Another item among these belongings, as reported by the FBI, was a letter
dated May 9, 1937, which related to a series of studies being promoted at Har-
vard by Tsuru which provided for the study of American capitalists from a
Marxist viewpoint. The studies were conducted by a group of young instructors
and graduate students which had met five times. They discussed certain papers
which included American Imperialism, by E. H. Norman.
The report further indicated that Norman was identified in Feb-
ruary of 1940 as a member of the Communist Party.
One of the witnesses at the marriage of Norman to Laura Irene
Clark on August 31, 1935, was one C. P. H. Holmes who has been iden-
tified as Charles P. H. Holmes, born in Japan in 1910 and known as
a Communist and active in the Communist underground in Ottawa.
It goes on with quite a bit more about Herbert Norman. This is all
in connection with an inquiry that there was an effort being made to
have Norman given the assignment of being liaison between Canada
and the United States Intelligence.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3661
The association with Norman is something we would like to know
as much as we can about. Can you tell us something about it ?
It would seem from that that he is an important personality.
Mr, Emmersox. lean
Mr. MoRKis. The other thing, Mr. Emmerson, is that the Japanese
Communist Party today, the main blood, is supplied by the Japanese
prisoners who have been trained by Communists in Siberia and sent
back into Japan. Senator Jenner, I think it was, who took the testi-
mony, that the NKVD man who recruited most of them has now been
sent into Japan after they preceded him, and they are now making up
the Communist underground.
So all this activity of Xorman with the Japanese prisoners is of great
interest to the subcommittee.
So we feel that you should be able to tell us great deal about this.
Mr. Emmerson. I can say again that my prewar association with
Norman was a social one, that we met occasionally and we knew each
other.
We both had interests in Japan, in Japanese culture, history and
literature.
The second time I met him was in Tokyo in postwar Japan when he
was, as I say, a member of the Counter Intelligence.
Now he had a great knowledge of Japanese history, of Japanese
politics, of Japanese political parties. One would describe him, as
far as his conversations with me were concerned, as one with liberal
ideas.
In searching my memory I simply cannot recall any statements, any
conversations of his whicli would lead me to the conclusion that he
was a member of the Communist Party.
Mr. Morris. Y\^hen did you last see him? When did you last see
Norman ?
]Mr. Emmerson. He came to Beirut to present his credentials, and I
saw him very briefly on about October the 27th, I guess.
Senator Jenner. This last year, 1956 ?
Mr. Emmerson. This last year, that is right. He was accredited to
Lebanon.
Senator Jenner. He presented his credentials at Beirut ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right, as Canadian Minister, although he is
resident in Cairo.
Senator Watkins. He serves in dual capacity. Minister to one coun-
try and Ambassador to the other ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right ; yes.
Mr. Morris. And there is nothing more about Norman ?
Mr. Emmerson. I would be glad to give you any information I
possibly might have. As I say, I have known him only as a person who
is a well-known Japanese scholar and a person who is intelligent and
was well thought of as far as his scholastic connections were concerned.
Senator Jenner. In October when you saw him in Beirut when he
came to present his credentials, did you have dinner with him or did
you visit with him at any length ?
Mr. Emmerson. Very briefly, because I was leaving the same day
for the United States.
Senator Jenner. Did he pass any opinion upon the problems con-
fronting the world in the Middle East at that time ?
3662 SCOPE or soviet activity in the united states
This was in October 1956 ?
Mr. EmmeksOjST. He was extremely concerned about the develop-
ments in the Middle East, about the danger of an explosion taking
place.
As a matter of fact, I believe that this outbreak occurred while he
was in Beirut and he was delayed in getting back to Cairo.
Senator Jenner. Which outbreak now do you refer to ?
Mr. Emmerson. I am referring to the Israeli invasion at the end
of October, and the British and French action.
Senator Watkixs. Did he go back there before the trouble?
Mr. Emmerson. He could not leave because no one could go to Cairo.
After the invasion had taken place there was no plane service between
Beirut and Cairo. I am not sure how long he had to stay there, but
no one could go from Beirut to Cairo.
Senator Watkins. You left the same day that he came ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Senator Watkins. "VMiat were your duties in Beirut ?
Mr. Emmerson. I am deputy chief of mission there, consular em-
bassy.
Senator Watkins. Is that in effect a deputy Ambassador ?
Mr. EMarERSON. That is right. That is the No. 2 position in the
Embassy.
Senator Watkins. Yes.
Senator Jenner. Did he criticize our country for the attitude we
took on the English and French invasion ?
Mr. Emmerson. No ; because that had not taken place.
Senator Jennen. That was not discussed ?
Mr. Emmerson. The British and French invasion had not taken
place when I saw him. As I recall it, we discussed the general situa-
tion in the Middle East.
Senator Jenner. I thought you were referring to the outbreak when
Israel broke into the Sinai Desert and so forth and at the same time,
as I recall it, and I may be wrong, the French and British moved into
Suez.
Mr. Emmerson. As I recall the chronology, that did not happen
until about the 30th or the 31th of October. I was in London, in fact
I was in the House of Commons on the 30th, which was the day Prime
Minister Eden presented his ultimatum, so that he did not know, at
least in Beirut, about the Israeli — in fact, I think that mobilization in
Israel had taken place, but we had not got that news yet when I left
Beirut.
Senator Jenner. So that matter was not discussed ?
Mr. Emmerson. That matter was not discussed.
Senator Jenner. Do you recall what you did talk about ?
Mr. Emmerson. The general situation, and I am sure that we did
discuss the general situation in the Middle East, and our concern about
developments and about the dangers to western interests in the Middle
East.
I am sorry I cannot recall any specific statements that he may have
made, but there was certainly nothing which would excite my curiosity
or which would strike me as being strange or being pro-Communist.
I am sure that I would have remembered any statement of that
sort.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3663
Mr. Morris. You said you met him briefly and shortly, I forget
which was your expression.
How long would that be ?
Mr. Emmerson. He and his wife stopped by our house.
Mr. Morris. You said briefly or shortly, whatever the expression
was.
Mr. Emmerson. For 2 hours, something of that sort.
Senator Jenner. He knew that you were there ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes.
Senator Jenner. How did he know that ?
Mr. Emmerson. I assume that he learned it from friends. I don't
know how he knew that I was there.
Senator Jenner. He ascertained your address and came by your
home with his wife ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Senator Jenner. How long did he stay ?
Mr. Emmerson. About 2 hours.
Senator Jenner. You have not been corresponding at all ?
Mr. Emmerson. No ; we have never corresponded.
Senator Jenner. In other words, he had to get your address from
some other official or some mutual friend ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Senator Jenner. And you have many mutual friends, I take it?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right; we have many mutual friends be-
cause we both served in Japan, and anybody who has served in the
Far East knows other people who have served in the Far East, and
as I say, if I had had any reason to suspect that he was a pro-Commu-
nist I would have noticed it or I would have been conscious of it.
Senator Watkins. Was there any indication in your 2-hour visit
with him in Beirut that he was sympathetic with the Communists?
Mr. Eimmerson. None whatsoever, absolutely none.
Senator Watkins. If he is a Communist, secretly a Communist, he
certainly has not any business being a representative of the Canadian
Government. Of course I would assume that the Canadian Govern-
ment, being probably just as much opposed to communism as we are,
would take very efl'ective measures to determine whether he was or was
not.
Any man would have the right to assume, until the contrary was
shown, that he was not a Communist, because of the well-known atti-
tude of Canada with respect to communism and their close relation-
ship with us in this fight in the cold war.
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
As I said before, I do know that when some question came up in
1952, we discovered that there had been a press release, I believe in
1951, issued by the Canadian Government which stated that charges
had been made against Mr. Norman and that he had been completely
cleared.
Of course I have no further knowledge about his relations with the
Canadian Government or any subsequent investigations and clearances
which may have taken place.
Senator Watkins. You are married, I take it ?
Mr. Emmerson. I am married ; yes, sir.
Senator Watkins. Do his wife and your wife correspond ?
3664 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Emmerson. No ; they do not correspond.
Senator Jenner. Did he say anj^thing about the reasons why he
liappened to be assigned to the Middle East at that particular time,
whether or not he was pleased or displeased by it ?
Mr. Emuierson. He was very pleased, extremely pleased. He had
been in New Zealand for I don't know how long, maybe 2 years or
more, and I know he had very recently come to Cairo.
As I recall it, he mentioned his starting to study Arabic and he was
quite a linguist and had read a great many books on Egypt, on the Near
East. He was intensely interested in the situation in Egypt, in the
Nasser regime and what was going to come out of all this. That is the
sort of thing that I recall being discussed.
Senator Jenner, Proceed, Mr. Morris.
Mr. Morris. When did you last see Mr. Tsuru ?
Mr. Emmerson. I suppose I left Japan in February 1946. It was
some time before then.
Mr. Morris. You have not seen him since ?
Mr. Emmerson. No, sir.
Mr. Morris. You have not corresponded with him ?
Mr. Emmerson. No.
Mr. Morris. Did you know Solomon Adler in the Far East ?
Mr. Emmerson. I met him in Chungking. He was the Treasury
attache in 1944.
Mr. Morris. Did you see much of him at that time ?
Mr. Emmerson. From time to time. The American colony was
small there. I saw him on 2 or 3 occasions.
Mr. Morris. What was the nature of the association that you had
with him, was it all on an official basis ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes.
Mr. Morris. No private meetings ?
Mr. Emmerson. No private meetings. I say I may have seen him
socially once or twice, dinner.
Mr. Morris. When did you last see Mr. Fujii?
Mr. Emmerson. Mr. Fujii I only saw one time in my life which was
this time when Mr. Dooman took me to New York. I had never seen
him before and I have never seen him since.
Mr. Morris. Just one other thing.
You mentioned mutual friends of Norman. Who were those mutual
friends ?
Mr. Emmerson. Other people in the Canadian diplomatic service, I
mean people in our service who had served in Japan. Mr. John
Holmes, who was the Deputy Under Secretary of State for Canada
and who is a friend of mine and whom I knew in Moscow and whom I
have seen a great deal of at the United Nations General Assembly
sessions.
We have spoken of Mr. Norman on a number of occasions certainly.
Mr. Morris. I think we have covered. Senators, the information that
is in our public record with respect to Mr. Emmerson.
Senator Watkins. Is there anything else that you want to ask him
about ?
Do you have any other information ?
Mr. Morris. I will tell you. Senator, this was all prepared just with-
in the framework of our going over what was in our public record. I
have made it clear, Senator, this is not an adverse proceeding. We
are not investigating Mr. Emmerson, but these things are in our record
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3665
and we feel our record won't be complete unless we ask him about
them. I think I have covered the important points that are in our
records.
If you can think of anything in our record that you would like to
address yourself to
Mr. Emmerson. If I could just say a few words about my subsequent
service.
Senator Jenner. You may.
Mr. Emmerson. I would like to say that I have already stated that
when I came back from China in 1945 I had already begun to learn a
little more about communism and about the strategy and tactics of the
Communist Party.
I specifically, in 1945, sought out Mr. Eay Murphy, whom you gentle-
men may know as a Soviet expert in the Department of State, and we
discussed the matter at length.
He was extremely interested in my experience in Coriinuinist China,
and I was interested in talking with him. He gave me a nmnber of
materials on communism which I read. All of this again is a matter
of record in testimony whicli was given in 1952.
Mv. INIurphy testified in person at my hearing. In 1947 I^ was
assigned to INIoscow and I had 2 years experience in the Soviet Union
which I think is the best course one can have in the practice of Soviet
communism.
Certainly in all of the period of my service since the war, I have
been in positions where the Communist menace has been one of our
primary considerations.
I served for 21/^ years in Pakistan and I was charge d'affaires in
Karachi for a period of more than 8 months, and I happened to be
charge d'affaires when we signed the Military Aid Agreement with
Pakistan. My signature is on that agreement as well as that of the
Foreign Minister.
I was extremely interested in the development of the Northern Tier
concept.
Senator Watkins. Did you take part in those negotiations ?
]Mr. EmxAieksox. I took part in the negotiations in Karachi.
Senator Watkixs. Did you work with Mr. Dulles ?
Mr. Emmerson. J\Ir. Dulles visited Karachi while I was there in
1953.
Senator Watktns. Who carried the burden of those negotiations?
Mr. Emmerson. I had been charge d'affaires between Ambassadors.
Ambassador Warren left in November of 1952, and Ambassador Hild-
reth did not take charge of the Embassy until August of 1953, so that
I was in charge of the Embassy during that period, and whatever
negotiations took place in Karachi I was the one who took charge of
those negotiations.
Senator Watktns. How old are you ?
Mr. Emmerson. I am 49. I w-ill be 49 the I7th of March.
Senator Watkins. How long have you been in service ?
Mr. Emmerson. I have been in the service since 1935.
Senator Watkins. You would have been about 28 when you were
in China?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Senator Watkins. I would say this: It seems to me that if there
is any susj^icion about you whatsoever th&j certainly' entrusted you
93215—57 — pt. 56 4
3666 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
with some very important matters in connection with the buiklino;
up of the SEATO Pact.
Mr. Emmerson. From Karachi I went to Beirut and certainly we
in Lo])anon believe that that is one of the most important posts in the
Near East.
Everythino- comes in and out of Lebanon, and Lebanon is the mirror,
the i-eflection of the political events.
Senator Jenner. When did you go to Beirut ?
INIr. Emaierson. In 1955 ; 1 went in May of 1955.
Senator Jenner. 1955. After you left Karachi where was your
service ?
Mr, Emmerson. To Beirut, from Karachi I went directly to Beirut.
Senator .Jenner. I misimderstood.
Mv. Emmerson. I was in Karachi from October of 1952 until May
of 1955.
Senator Jenner. I see,
Mr. Emmerson. Then I went to Beirut. I was again in charge of
the Embassy for more than 6 months while the Ambassador attended
the United Nations. That was tlie period of the Soviet arms deal
with Egypt. It was a period of great tension in the Middle East
when we were extremel}^ concerned with the Soviet penetration which
had already started, and has been extremely active and very evident
even in a country such as Lebanon.
Senator Watkins. Did you know Cavendish Cannon?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes.
Senator Watkins. How well ?
Mr. Emmerson. I never served with him, but I saw him last in
Athens about a year ago.
Senator Watkins. Just about a year before he was transferred
over?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes. I also knew him in the Department when he
was serving on the policy planning staff. That was a period wlien
I was the policy planning adviser for l>ureau of Far Eastern Afl'airs
and had a good deal to do with the Policy Planning Board, appeared
frequently there and got well acquainted with Ambassador Cannon
at that time.
Senator Watkins. You know him quite well ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes, sir.
Senator Jenner. If there are no further questions, I will admonish
everyone here that this is an executive session and this session was
held for the purposes Mr. Morris explained, to complete our record
on these very important matters, and we thank you for appearing here,
Mr. Emmerson.
]\Ir. Emmerson. Thank you, sir.
(Whereupon, at 3:30 p. m., the subcommittee was adjourned.)
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
The following testimony was made public March 28, 1957, by resolu-
tion of the subcommittee.
THURSDAY, MARCH 21, 1957
United States Sexati:,
Subcommittee To In^'estigate the Administration
or THE Internal Security Act and Other
Internal Security Laws, of the
Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, D. C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10: 15 a. m., in room
424, Senate Office Building, Senator Arthur V. Watkins presidmg.
Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; J. G. Sourwine, associ-
ate counsel; William A. Rusher, associate counsel; Benjamin Mandel,
research director; Robert Mcj\Ianus, investigations analyst.
Senator Watkins. The committee will come to order.
Mr, Morris. Senator, the witness has been sworn.
Senator Watkins. In a previous session ?
Mr. JSIoRRis. That is right. Senator. lie has come back to make
certain changes in the record here today. Senator.
Senator Watkins. All right.
TESTIMONY OF JOHN K. EMMERSON, DEPUTY CHIEF OF MISSION
AND COUNSELOR OF EMBASSY, BEIRUT, LEBANON— Resumed
Mr. Morris. Mr. Emmerson, what changes would you like to have
made in this record that you made ?
]Mr. Emmerson. Well, may 1 just say that after the session, first,
I realized immediately I had made a mistake in dates, in saying that
1 had left Beirut on the same day that I had the meeting with Mr.
Norman. I believe I mentioned that to Judge Morris after the session.
The fact is I left Beirut on October 28, and I saw Mr. Norman on
October 27.
Mr. NoRRis. Now, you say you told me tliat before, Mr. Emmerson ?
Mr. EaiMERSON. I believe I mentioned to you in the corridor, right
after the session — that I had recognized there w\as a mistake in date,
and that I had not left Beirut on the same day as my meeting with
Mr. Norman, but on the succeeding day, and I verified that with my
persona] records.
The other point is that, after I began to think over the testimony
which I had given with respect to this meeting, I recognized that I
had not given some of the details which would fill in the circumstances
of the meeting, and therefore I wish to have the opportunity to am-
plify, in order that there be no mistaken impression about the meeting.
3667
3668 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
In the first place, I was asked whether I had ever corresponded
with Mr, Xornian, and I said that I had not.
Mr. Morris. Yes.
I think on page 2045 of the official transcript, Senator, Mr. Em-
merson was asked by Senator Jenner : "You have not been correspond-
ing at all?"' — and Mr. Emmerson said, "No, we have never corre-
sponded."
Now, you want to make a change in that ?
Mr. Emmerson. I want to say that it is true we have never carried
on any correspondence. But I would just like to make two points so
there is no mistaken impression.
In the first place, I think the Normans are on our Christmas card
list, and I believe we have exchanged Christmas cards.
In the second place, I completely forgot at the meeting that I had
received a letter from him in the spring of 1956, written from Welling-
tion. New Zealand, saying he expected to be transferred to Cairo, and
that he looked f orA^'ard to seeing me in Beirut.
To the best of my recollection, I acknowledged that letter and said
that I would be happy to see him when he came to Beirut and hoped
that lie would spend considerable time there during the course of his
duties.
Then, I would like to give a little more of the details with respect to
my seeing him on October 27. I do not Ivuow how he first learned
that I was in Beirut, but I assume that he had learned it from col-
leagues.
I may say also that at the same time, either before or after the letter
from Mr. Norman, I received another letter from Mr. Brewster Morris,
who is a Foreign Service officer, and who was detailed as an inspector
in New Zealand, at that time, saying he and his wife had met the
Noimans, and that the Normans were coming to Cairo and would
also be coming to Beirut.
]Mr. oVroRRis. Did he say when ?
Mr. Emmersox. I think he may have said after home leave, within
a few months, because I believe the Normans proceeded to Canada
and spent some time there before they arrived in Beirut — I mean, in
Cairo — and I am not sure that they did not arrive in Cairo.
But may I say that the Canadian Legation in Beirut is normally
in charge of a resident Charge d'Affaires, the Minister living in Cairo.
The present Charge d'AlTaires is Mr. Lionel Roy — R-o-y — and, of
course, I see him very frequently at diplomatic functions, both of-
ficially and socially. So that I learned from him that Mr. and Mrs.
Norman were arriving by ship on the morning of October 27.
Then, when I found out that I had orders to come back to the
United States for the United Nations and would be leaving on the
28th, I mentioned to Mr. Roy that I had known the Normans before
and that we would be happy to see them, if it were possible, on the
day of the 27th. And I believe that on probably the 26th I sent a note
to Mr. Roy, and whether I enclosed a note to Mr. Norman inside or
not, I cannot remember.
In any case, I suggested that the Normans drop by our house for
lunch, if possible, on the day of October 27th.
So that, during the morning of the 27th, we received word by tele-
phone or note, I cannot remember — and also, my wife may have gone
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3669
to the boat that morning, although that I cannot verify. She is in
Beirut.
In any case, we received word that they would come by, and they
did at about 1 o'clock. We live in a penthouse apartment, and we
showed them around the apartment, and we had cocktails, w^e had
lunch, and they left, I think about 3 o'clock.
Now, I just wanted to be completely sure that the details of this
meeting were clarified so that there would not be any miscomprehen-
sion about the nature of the occasion, which was entirely a social one.
And so far as my conversation with Mr. Norman is concerned, it
is generally as I reported it the other day. I cannot recall any signifi-
cant points in the conversation. I do remember that he referred to his
clearance in 1951, and that he referred to the fact that he had supplied
an affidavit with respect to this interrogation of Japanese prisoners of
war, which I spoke about to the committee the other day.
Mr. Morris. You mean, you discussed the clearance at that session ?
Mr. Emmerson. It was mentioned, yes; that is right. And I got
the impression from him that as far as he was concerned, he assumed
that the matter was closed and there would be no further developments.
I may say it has been about 10 years smce I had seen Mr, Norman
before this occasion in Beirut.
Senator Watkins. How well did you know him when you were in
Japan ?
Sir. Emmerson. Well, I knew him fairly well in the period from
September of 1945 until February of 1910, because, as I said before,
he was in the counter intelligence section, working on Japanese af-
fairs, and I was in the political adviser's office. We had a great
many
Senator Watkins. Well, now, was he in the same service that you
were in ?
Mr. Emmerson. No; he was lent by the Canadian Government to
SCAP, to MacArthur's headquarters, to the counter intelligence sec-
tion of MacArthur's headquarters.
Senator Watkins. And you were working in that same
Mr. Emmerson. No. I was in the political adviser's office, but also
attached to MacArthur's headquarters. We were in two separate
sections, but both under the direction of General MacArthur, of
SCAP.
Senator Watkins. Well, how closely were you associated in those
duties ?
Mr. Emmerson. We were associated because we were working on
similar projects. That is, you may recall that in the first months of
the occupation, the whole emphasis was on determining the individuals
who had been responsible for the prosecution of the war, and on fer-
reting out the organizations which had contributed to the war.
The war crime trials were in the process of preparation, and the
headquarters was engaged in carrying out what was known as the
purge directive, in which all those persons who had occupied positions
of leadership in Japan, which had prosecuted the war, were purged
from public office.
So that the Counter Intelligence Corps, naturally, had considerable
duties with respect to reporting on political developments and on
individuals.
3670 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
I, as a member of the political adviser's office, had the responsibility,
which was by specific directive of General MacArthur, to write a
weekly report on political party developments in Japan, which meant
that it was necessary for me to find out as much as I could about the
differcMit political personalities and the different parties, from the
right to the left.
So that, because of the similarity of our duties, and the fact that
both of us spoke Japanese, we did come into very frequent contact.
Senator Watkins. Well, you had known each other previously ?
^ Mr. Emmerson. We had known each other previously ; that is
right.
Senator Watkins. Well, now, you know about the testimony of
Mr. Dooman ?
Mr. Emmerson. With respect to the prisoner-of-war interrogation;
that is right.
Senator Watkins. And the fact that these prisoners of war had
been paraded through the streets ?
Mr. Emmerson. 'Well, I think I spoke of that the other day in the
hearing.
Senator Watkins. You said the statement of Mr. Dooman, about
certain elements of that, was completely false ?
Mr. Emmerson. The fact that we were supposed to have liberated
prisoners of war and driven them to their homes, that is false. I did
not participate in any operation of that sort.
I think that his testimony arises out of a misunderstanding of what
was an official interrogation operation. And the only association I
had with that was two trips to the prison, the first one to find out
whether indeed there were political prisoners. I may say here these
were not all Communists ; part of them were Communists, part were
members of religious sects, other organizations, that had been in
prison for political reasons.
We then returned to headquarters and reported the fact that these
individuals were there. The suggestion was made that they be brought
to headquarters for interrogation, and that order was given by General
Thorpe, who was in charge of counterintelligence.
Senator Watkins. Were you canning out those orders to bring
them up there ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Senator Watkins. Who did you take up there to the headquarters ?
Mr. Emmerson. You mean, the names of the prisoners ?
Senator Watkins. Yes.
Mr. Emmerson. I can only recall the names of two, Tokuda—
T-o-k-u-d-a — and Shiga, S-h-i-g-a — who were very prominent, well-
known Japanese Communists. There were others there who were
not labeled as Communists. I have forgotten exactly the names. I
think there may have been 4 or 5 individuals who were interrogated.
Now, those interrogations were conducted in headquarters by
officers of headquarters. Mr. Norman and I participated, since we
both spoke Japanese, and it wns felt more desirable to have interro-
gations by Americans, or Mr. Norman, who was a Canadian, but was
assigned to headquarters, than nisei — that is, the second-generation
Japanese.
Reports of all those interrogations were, of course, made to the^
headquarters and are a matter of record.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3671
Senator Watkins. Well, now, let me ask you :
Did Mr. Dooman have any part in this activity ?
Mr. Emmerson. No, Mr. Dooman was not in Japan, and I think he
so testified — that this information had come to him from second- or
third-hand sources. He was not in Japan at that time.
Senator Watkins. He was not in a position to see what went on ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right ; he was not in a position to see.
Senator Watkins. Had no active connection with it whatsoever, as
far as you are concerned ?
Mr. Emmerson. As far as I am concerned, he had no active con-
nection with it whatsoever. He was not in Japan, and I believe he so
states in his testimony.
Senator Watkins. I have not read his testimony for a long time,
and I do not remember what he said.
I noticed in your statement you called to the attention of the witness
that Mr. Dooman said that he was
Mr. Morris. Mr. Dooman said he had not been there, and he heard
it after he arrived in Japan.
And I think the two Japanese Communists who had been liberated
have written about this episode in a book, haven't they ?
Mr. Emmerson. They have ; that is right.
Mr. Morris. Do you remember what they said in that book ?
Mr. Emmerson. I recall, I believe, Shiga wrote a book — and a quo-
tation is included in Mr. Dooman's testimony — and he mentions the
fact that their first contact with the outside world after the end of
the war was with the 2 or 3 correspondents — an American, Mr. Harold
Isaacs, and two others were French. Their names I cannot recall.
And he said tliey came to the prison and talked to him. Then he
said next, I believe he says — he mentions my name, I believe — he
mentions Mr. Emmerson, Mr. Norman, and Lieutenant Colonel Davis
came. And he does not describe this interrogation in the head-
quarters, and he does not say, so far as I recall he does not say, any-
thing about our liberating them or driving them to their homes —
any thing of that sort.
Now, I have refreshed my memory on the dates. The directive —
General MacArthur's directive which liberated all political prisoners
and established freedom of speech and press, and so on, was issued
on October 4, 1945. As I recall, our first visit to the prison was on
October 5, after the directive had been issued.
And Shiga says something in his book, that "Mr. Emmerson and Mr.
Norman told us about the policies of SCAP," and Mr. Dooman seems
to put some special significance to that.
Well, the policies of SCAP had been published, tliey were on the
radio the night before, and were in the papers that morning with this
directive. So that if we told them about that, we were telling them
something which had been published.
So that I do not believe there is any mystery about this operation.
It was fully documented in the headquarters of SCAP, and I wrote a
special to the State Department about it describing it in detail, and
including copies of the interrogations in which I participated.
Mr. Morris. That is your testimony, Mr. Emmerson; you did not
bring the Japanese Communists in staff cars, you did not drive them
in staff cars ?
Mr. Emmerson. I did not drive them. Now, they were brought
from the prison to the headquarters in staff cars.
3672 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIYITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Morris. You did not accompany them ?
Mr. Emmerson. I was in one of the cars when it came back.
Senator Watkins. How many, would you say, were brought up to
headquarters ?
Mr. Emmerson. As I recall it, maybe 5, 5 or 6.
Senator Watkiks. These prisoners were all together ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes.
Mr. Morris. Were they all Communists?
Mr. Emmerson. I do not believe so. I think that about three were
Communists, and maybe one was Korean. Whether he was a Korean
Communist or not, I do not recall.
Mr. Morris. Do you remember his name ?
Mr. Emmersox. Kim — I cannot remember exactly.
I think there was another one who belonged to one of these sects
which had been outlawed by the Japanese.
Senator Watkiks. Well, now, with reference to Mr. Norman, I think
this committee wants to know, and the country wants to know, at
least the representatives of the country charged with the responsi-
bility, if there is anything about his conduct that would indicate
that he was a Communist and was v\-oi'iv;in.g on behalf of the Connnu-
nist nations, or the Communist conspiracy as they sometimes call it.
I assume you would be just as interested, as a loyal American, in
finding that out and giving us any information that you would have.
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Senator Watkins. Any information with respect to his conduct that
might indicate that he was not what he pretended to be.
Mr. Emmerson. That is right ; I certainly would.
Senator Watkins. Can you think of anytliing now in your relation-
ship with him that would indicate that he was not loyal to his country,
or loyal to the free nations of the world ?
Mr. Emmerson. I have thought a great deal, naturally, about my
associations with him and about the conversations I have had with
him.
I can recall one conversation in Tokyo, which for some reason has
stuck in my mind, which I had in the meantime forgotten.
We were interviewing a Japanese, and — I cannot remember^ his
nam.e — I believe he was a Socialist, a member of one of the factions
of the Japanese Socialist Party. He was not identified as a Commu-
nist. Of course, one can never be sure whether a person is a Commu-
nist or not. But as I recall it, he declared himself to be a Socialist, and
he was giving us a history of the Japanese Socialist movement and
its various factions and the personalities involved.
And I recall at one point in the conversation that Mr. Norman made
some statement which appeared to agree with the general thesis which
this man was proposing. I have tried to reconstruct this conversation,
and I do not believe I can be any more specific.
I know that it struck me, because it never occurred to me, in any
interview with a member of any political party, to express any view
whatsoever concerning what he was saying. I mean, I have Jiad as-
sociation with a great many people of all political hues, and it never
would occur to me to express agreement with some political view
which the other individual is pointing out.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3673
And I do remember that one occasion, when this struck me as being
unusual. But it did not indicate to me that Mr. Norman was a member
of the Communist Party, or that he was a Communist.
I have said in m}' testimony that he seemed to be a person of "liberal
ideas" — you have to put that in quotation marks — he was interested in
lef twing movements in Japan.
Again, I say that durhig that period the entire emphasis was on
finding out what the rightwing people were doing, and that the shift
to an interest in communism occurred, I think, in 1946, or in the early
part of 1946.
Senator Watkins. jSTow, this matter of your relationship with Dr.
Norman has been gone into, has it not, in the hearings that were held
in the State Department ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right; in 1952.
Senator Watkins. Did they go into that very fully ?
Mr. Emmerson. The}^ went into it-
Senator Watkins. Completely ?
Mr. Emmerson. Fairly completely.
As I said then, and as I have said now, I am sure that if there had
been any incident or expression of his which indicated that he was a
member of the Communist Party, or that he was a Communist, I
certainly would have noticed it, and, of course, it would have been
my duty to report it.
Senator Watkins. Now, going back to this visit you had with him
and his wife in Beirut
Mr. Emmerson. In Beirut ; that is right.
Senator Watkins. "Wliat did you talk about ? Can you recall what
the substance of your conversation was during the period of time that
he was visiting at your home?
Mr. Emmerson. Well, in addition to the usual amenities and discus-
sion of our posts in the meantime, since we had not seen each other for
about 10 years. I can recall that we did discuss the general situation
in the Middle East. And he had been in Cairo only a short time, and
had therefore very brief experience in the Middle East.
I cannot remember any specific opinions of his which would have
struck me as being unusual.
I know that several weeks previous to this meeting I had met Mr.
Joseph Fromm, who was a correspondent for U. S. News & World
Report in Beirut. He had just come from Cairo. He had seen Am-
bassador Norman, whom he had known in the Far East, and he men-
tioned to me that Mr. Norman, with his usual scholarly interest,
had already learned a great deal about the Arab world, that he had
read widely in the literature of the Near East, and that he already
had a very broad knowledge of the background of the Arab world.
He did not mention anything or indicate any expression which would
have borne on this problem of Mr. Norman's Communist sympathies.
Senator Watkins. You did get into a conversation about the charge
that had been made against Mr. Norman, did you not ?
Mr. Emmerson. Since we had not seen each other for about 10
years, and he had furnished this affidavit with respect to the prisoner
of war interrogation, that was mentioned.
3674 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Senator Watkins. Well, you see, as I understand, both you and
Mr. Norman have been under some criticism, the subject of some
criticism
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Senator Watkins. Because of the charge that you were either a
Communist, or had been favoring the Communist cause, or had simi-
lar views to the Communists. The whole subject had been investi-
gated, both in the United States with respect to you, and in Canada
with respect to Mr. Norman ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Senator Watkins. Now, you did have a conversation about that
situation, didn't you ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes. He mentioned the fact that there had been
charges made against him, that he had gone through quite a period
of investigation, and that he had been cleared and that he assumed
the situation was closed.
Senator Watkins. Did he say anything to you about charges that
had been made by Professor Wittf og:el ?
Mr. Morris. Senator, Professor Wittfogel did not make any charges.
He was testifying.
Senator Watkins. I mean, a statement made that Dr. Norman, as
a young student, had been a member of a Communist cell at Columbia
University ?
Mr. Morris. The professor was a teacher of
Senator Watkins. Yes ; he was a teacher of the group. And he was
in the cell with him, wasn't he ?
Mr. Morris. No ; he had been a Communist, and when he came to
the United States, because he was such a specialist and the Com-
munists still considered him very favorably, they used him to teach
their young groups, young Communist groups, on Far Eastern affairs.
Senator Watkins. Well, I have not reviewed the testimony recently,
only what mention was made the other day
Mr. Morris. He said expressly. Senator — we asked him at great
length and with great precision whether or not. in fact, Norman was
at that time a member of the Communist Party, and he said in great
detail, yes, he was.
Senator Watkins. Now, was Professor Wittfogel a member of the
Communist cell himself ?
Mr. Morris. No ; he was the teacher that the Communists assigned
to teach the cell.
Senator Watkins. I realize that, but was he at anv time a member
of that cell?
Mr. Morris. He was a professor ; he was not in the cell. It was a
cell of students.
Senator Watkins. The reason was, I wanted to find out the basis
of his knowledge, just what he did know about it, and how much was
hearsay and how much was his own knowledge.
Mr, Morris, He was the teacher that went to the cell ; he was the
one who taught the group, day to day or week to week, whenever meet-
ings were held.
Senator Watkins, Well, I will have to go back to his testimony.
But I want to be sure about this, because it was rather a grave charge,
and, since we have not had the man who was named before us, we
have had to rely pretty much on what the professor said about it.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3675
Mr. Morris. The only thing, Senator, is that, since this is a record,
I would not like the record to show this was a charge, because Pro-
fessor Wittfogel is a very distinguished professor, and he was here
under subpena, responding to questions. So he was not making
charges; he was answering the questions of the subcommittee.
Senator Watkins. I referred to it in the sense that ;i man would
say, "This man is a Communist," and "So-and-so is a Communist."
When you say that, that is in effect making a charge, under modern
conditions and under the general feeling of the public.
Mr. Morris. But, on behalf of his academic career, I think the
record should indicate
Senator Watkins. Maybe so. Maybe there is a distinction.^
Mr. Morris. Senator, I also think it is appropriate at this time to
mention that I have since spoken to Professor Wittfogel, since last
week, and he said that to this day no official of the Canadian Govern-
ment has ever called him up or asked him whether or not any of his
testimony was, in fact, accurate.
Senator Watkins. I see. Well, that is very interesting. It may
have some significance.
Mr. Morris. In connection with that, did he ever say — that is, Mr.
Norman — in connection with his conversation that he had with you,
did he say that he had been asked whether or not he had ever been a
member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Emmerson. I do not recall that he said that. I think he spoke
in very general terms about charges having been made against him,
and it was his attitude that these were completely unfounded charges
and that he had gone through a period of investigation and been
cleared. And I cannot specifically remember that he mentioned Pro-
fessor Wittfogel's name.
Mr. Morris. Senator, in that connection, we asked the State Depart-
ment if the decision of the Canadian Government ever was — the com-
munication from the Canadian Government ever was to the effect that
they discovered that Norman had been a Communist and that he is
no longer one. The Department has informed us that that has never
been the effect of any advice given to them by the Canadian Govern-
ment.
It would be two entirely different things. Senator, if the answer was
"Yes; he was a Communist, but he has reformed." That would be
very different from saying, "No ; this was never true."
Because, if it is the latter, then it means that this security memo-
randum— I understand that the State Department has now asked the
FBI for this particular information, and apparently the FBI informa-
tion that they have given them does confirm the security report that we
put in the record.
So, if it is the latter. Senator, not only would they be saying Profes-
sor Wittfogel's testimony was false; they would be saying that this
FBI information that has been delivered to the State Department is,
by the same token, false — which is entirely different.
' Senator Watkins. Of course, the FBI had to talk to people. They
do not get this, ordinarily, from documents or circumstances alone;
they get it from humans. And these people are the original source
of the testimony, the evidence, and not the FBI. So we have to draw
on the conclusion that it is still passing on hearsay evidence.
3676 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
But that is neither here nor there. We are not trying anybody in this
type of a proceedino;.
However, we certainly ouf^ht to get whatever information we can
that would help our own country and its actions with another nation.
What we do about it after we get that information — how we handle
it, and so on — that is another matter, entirely a different matter. But
there is no reason why we should not get as much information as
we can, and th-it is the reason I am querying you about this; to see
if there is anything about his conduct that would indicate to you in
any way that he was not loyal to his own country — that he was friendly
to the Communist group, or to the Communist philosophy, or to Russia.
Now, that is what we are trying to find out. And, of course, I think
it would be your full duty to disclose anything you would know of
that matter, because it is your own Government now, and Norman's
Government, asking for that information, if you have it. And you can
understand, can you not, that some suspicion would be aroused by
reason of the fact that you had both been under some of these charges,
and that you met in Beirut and had a rather — you said it was brief,
but depending on the way you look at it — you had a conversation, a
rather lengthly conversation, with him, 2 hours or more that he was at
your home.
Mr. EiMMERSOX. I am sure that I was alert and cautious during^
this conversation, and that, if anything had occurred or any state-
ment had been made which was unusual, I would have noticed it.
As far as meeting him is concerned, I believe it was in the normal
course of one's social duties. We, of course, meet a great many people,
diplomats of other countries, in the course of our duties in the Em-
bassy, and since I had known him previously, and was leaving the next
day, it would have been normal to have met them on that occasion.
Now, I am sure that he called on the Ambassador later on, and that
there must have been a great many associations during that period he
was in Beirut after I left.
Mr. Morris. Senator, I think I broke in on a question of yours a
while ago, when you asked him if he discussed Professor Wittfogel
at all.
Senator Watkins. Yes; I wanted to find out if he said anything
about any testimony Professor Wittfogel had given with respect to
him.
Mr. Emmerson. I just cannot remember that he mentioned Dr. Witt-
fogel. It was in the context of general charges which had been brought
against him, and I just cannot remember whether Dr. Wittfogel's name
was mentioned.
Mr. Morris. Would it have been logical, Mr. Emmerson, if two old
friends met, and there has been this public testimony by a college pro-
fessor that he had been a teacher of a Communist study group, that
that might have been discussed specifically ?
Mr. Emmerson. Well, I do not believe, necessarily, because, of
course, I did not know Mr. Norman at that period. I have no knowl-
edge of his experience at Columbia University, or of any of his uni-
versity career.
I met him first in 1940 in Japan. So that I do not think, necessarily^
that would have come up.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3677
Senator Watkins. Had you heard of this testimony of Professor
Wittfogel that had named Mr. Norman as a Communist — member of
a Communist cell ?
Mr. Emmerson. I have heard of testimony with respect to Mr.
Norman because, as I say, we obtained from the Canadian Legation,
or Canadian Embassy, in 1952, this press release which stated that
Norman had been cleared. So I knew there had been some charges.
Wliether I was aware specifically of Dr. Wittfogel's charges, I can-
not remember that I have heard about them since — I think, probably,
that I had heard that that was the testimony. I am not sure when
he made those statements.
Mr. Morris. Well, how much of this conversation was devoted to
this discussion of his having been cleared and your having been
cleared ?
Mr. Emmerson. A very small part of it. It was mentioned
Mr. Morris. Five or ten minutes ?
Mr. Emmerson. Five or ten minutes.
Senator Watkins. Were your wives present during all this time ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right ; during all of the conversation there
was no separation.
Mr. Morris. But there was no discussion of the specifics in either
case, in your case or his case ?
Mr. Emmerson. No.
Mr. Morris. What, specifically, was the evidence that appeared in
the record, or
Mr. Emmerson. No ; there was no discussion of the specific evidence.
Mr. Morris. Now, you said this was primarily a social visit ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Mr. Morris. Yet you did discuss the situation generally; did
you not ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right ; certainly.
Mr. Morris. I think you have so testified.
Mr, Emmerson. Which would be a normal thing to do.
Mr. Morris. I wonder if you could recapture again as much of the
detail at that time about this conversation — how much of the 2 hours
was devoted to a discussion of the situation that existed at that
time
Mr. Emmerson. Well, I could not specify exactly the time.
They came up to our apartment, and they came in and sat down. We
had a cocktail, we showed them around the apartment — we have a view
of the Mediterranean from our terrace — we talked about where we had
been in the meantime, what our assignments had been.
As I recall, for about maybe 5 minutes or more we did discuss this
matter of clearances, and then we got into the Middle East situation.
This, as I testified the other day, was, of course, before the Israeli
attack or before the French and British attack, so none of those mat-
ters came into it. We were concerned with the general developments
in the Middle East.
I had been to Israel a few weeks before, and I am sure that I must
have talked about my experiences in Israel, my observations down
there of the situation, and I had had several interviews there.
3678 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE msriTED STATES
And I am sure that he spoke about the situation in Egypt. I be-
lieve he referred to the economic situation there, and about the Suez
Canal problem which, of course, was concerning everyone.
But as 1 testified previously, I have tried to go over this to the very
best of my memory, and I cannot recall any categorical statements,
any statements, that would be considered slanted in the pro-Communist
sense, which he made.
Mr. Morris. You did discuss your official business over there, and
things you had been doing ?
Mr. Emmerson. We discussed the general situation in the area,
which Foreign Service officers always do when they get together.
Senator Watkins. Did you discuss the part that apparently Russia
was attempting to play in the Mideast ?
Mr. Emmerson". I am sure we did, because that is the one thing in
Beirut which concerned us most; the penetration of the Communists.
And he asked a great many questions of me about Lebanon, because
he was coming there for the first time ; I am sure I talked about the
Communist efforts, which had been quite considerable even in the small
country of Lebanon — that is, to try to infiltrate by cultural means and
commercial means, to get an influence in the country by indirect
methods.
Mr. Morris. And you answered all those questions fully — you did
not have any reservations in your answer ?
Mr. Emmerson. Well, I answered them. I certainly did not divulge
any classified information, but I answered them to the best of my
ability.
Mr. Morris. I mean, the point is, you had no reservations in answer-
ing questions; he was an old friend whom you trusted, and you re-
sponded completely to his questions ?
Mr. Emmerson. I had only the normal relations, which any Foreign
Service officer has, if he is discussing something with a person outside
his own Government and his own Department of State.
Senator Watkins. Well, you would not discuss it as confidentially
with him as you would have done with the Ambassador ?
Mr. Emmerson. With my own ?
Senator Watkins. Your own Ambassador.
Mr. Emmerson. No, certainly not. There is, of course, a great dif-
ference.
Senator Watkins. I have talked with quite a number of ambas-
sadors, and I did on that trip I had over there in 1953, but I never
knew how much they were keeping back from me. I didn't know
whether they ever told me all thej^ knew about these things or not,
and whether they would discuss with me classified matters.
Mn Morris. You mentioned Joseph Fromm. Had you known him
in the Far East ?
Mr. Emmerson. I cannot remember whether I met him. He was
stationed in the Far East at the same time I was, but I had met him
on previous occasions, and he came to call on me specifically at the
Embassy.
Senator Watkins. All the times that you knew him, was he rep-
resentative of the U. S. News & World Eeport? Is that the one?
Mr. Emmerson. He is now. Wasn't he with Newsweek before?
I am sorry, I cannot remember. But I do not know him well at all ;
I have only seen him two or three times.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3679
Mr. Morris. I have only one more question.
How much of that time, of the 2 hours, did you discuss the political
situation in the Middle East ?
Mr. Emmerson. I should say it might have been 20 minutes or 30
minutes, because we then went into lunch and sat around the table,
and I am sure at the lunch table we did not carry on this discussion.
Mr. Morris. Senator, I think Mr. Sourwine has some questions.
Senator Watkins. Mr. Sourwine.
Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Emmerson, you have told us, I assume now,
all of the changes that you desire to make in this transcript after read-
ing it ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes, I believe
Mr. Sourwine. I just want to be sure you have the opportunity
fully and had not been sidetracked by other questions.
Mr. Emmerson, There is only one other minor detail.
Senator Watkins, on page 2051, says, "You would have been about 28
when you were in China," and I replied, "That is right."
Well, I was 28 in 1936, when I entered the Service, when I first went
to the Far East. But in 1944, that is the period that you are referring
to, I was, of course, 36.
Mr. Sourwine. You had been in the Far East 8 years then, as a
Foreign Service officer ?
Senator Watkins. I probably miscalculated; I just did it in a
hurry.
Mr. Emmerson. I did not recount correctly.
Mr. Sourwine. I think this illustrates, Senator, that IMr. Emmerson
has gone through this transcript very carefully to make any notes.
Senator Watkins. I think that would be a considerable discrepancy.
I asked him if he was 28, and he said, yes he was 28.
Mr. Sourwine. He might have misunderstood your question at the
time, and then, in reading it, noted it.
Does that include everything that you wanted to volunteer with re-
spect to changes or emendations of what you testified ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes, I believe it does.
Mr. Sourwine. There is a point in that record where you testified
with respect to the military mission which w^as sent to i enan. Do
you remember talking about that? You said, I believe, that this was
with Chiang Kai-shek's approval. How do you know that, or how
was that evident to your knowledge ?
Mr. Emmerson. Well, I was in Cliungking before going up to Yenan,
and I was aware that, as is common knowledge in headquarters, that
when Vice President Wallace made his trip to China, he specifically
requested Chiang Kai-shek to permit the United States to send an
observer mission to Communist China, and that is my recollection —
that consent was given at that time by the generalissimo, and the mis-
sion was later established.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you know, Mr. Emmerson, that the generalissimo,
Chiang Kai-shek, sent for the American Ambassador to protest this
mission in Yenan ?
Mr. Emmerson. After it was established ?
Mr. Sourwine. Yes.
Mr. Emmerson. No ; I do not know.
L
3680 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. SouRwiNE. Going back to the question of the occasion of Mr.
Norman's visit to Beirut, when you saw him on October — I think you
said the 27th
Mr. Emmerson. Tlie 27th.
Mr. SouRwiNE (continuing) . Do you know what time of the morn-
ing the boat docked ?
Mr. Emmerson. I think it must have been early in tlie morning,
probably 8 o'clock, although I am not sure.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, you had, on the day before, telephoned the
attache and had talked to him, and through him had extended an oral
invitation to Mr. Norman to visit ?
Mr. Emmerson. A written note.
Mr. SouRWiNE. It was.
And you had also talked to him on the
Mr. Emmerson. No; I had talked to him previously on social oc-
casions. When I learned they were coming on the 27th
Mr. Sourwine. Oh, yes.
So you had supplemented that earlier oral invitation with a written
note on the 26th ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Mr. Sourwine. And then you had been on the telephone on the
morning of the 27th and confirmed the arrangements that they were
going to visit you ?
Mr. Emmerson. I cannot remember how the word came to me. I
assume it was by telephone during the morning.
Mr. Sourwine. These are matters which had escaped your recollec-
tion when you testified earlier ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is is right. I was concentrating on the sub-
stance of the conversation, and I simply did not recall these arrange-
ments.
Mr. Sourwine. The specific question, I think, was who had gotten
in touch with whom first.
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Mr. Sourwine. And these matters escaping your recollection, you
just assumed that it had been he who had gotten in touch with you ?
Mr. Emmerson. That was the assumption from reading the testi-
mony afterward, and that is why I wanted at once to clarify the record.
Mr. Sourwine. It must have been your assumption at the time,
because that is the way you testified ?
Mr. Emmerson. I forgot
Mr. Sourwine. You were testifying according to the best of your
recollection ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right, and I completely forgot this ex-
change of correspondence.
Mr. Sourwine. And when you were asked how he got in touch with
you, you assumed it must have been through mutual friends, and you
had forgotten the matter of your previous contact with the
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Mr. Sourwine. Can you recall, in your conversation with Mr. Nor-
man, who brought up the matter of clearance ? Did he bring it up, or
did you ask him about it ?
Mr. Emmerson. It seems to me that he brought it up first. That is
best of my recollection.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3681
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did he bring it up by asking you about your own
situation, or by way of volunteering with respect to his own status ?
Mr. Emmerson. I do not remember how the conversation was intro-
duced. I believe he probably referred to this affidavit. I had never
had any personal contact with him at that time, and the Canadian
Embassy had contacted him at Ottawa and furnished him with this
affidavit. And I believe that he mentioned that first, and then went on
to speak about his own clearance. That is the best of my recollection.
Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Yes.
What affidavit do you mean, Mr. Emmerson? I do not have
clearly in mind the affidavit j^ou speak of. Was it an affidavit given
by Mr. Norman ?
Mr. Emmersox. That is right. When the charges were made with
respect to this interrogation of Japanese prisoners of war, in order to
complete the documentation, which we tried to get together for my
hearings in 1952, in addition to getting affidavits from the officers of
SCAP, who had personal knowledge of this, we asked for an affidavit
from Mr. Norman, since he participated, and he supplied that through
the Canadian Embassy.
Mr. SouRwiNE. It was, then, an affidavit which, through official
channels, was supplied to the United States State Department?
Mr. Emmersox. That is right.
Mr. SouRwiNE. That is how you came to know about it ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is how I came to know about it.
Mr. SouRwiNE. It was not an affidavit he gave to the Canadians, to
defend himself there ?
Mr. Emmerson. No, no ; not at all.
_ Mr. Sourwixe. Going back, sir, to the question of the military mis-
sion, and Chiang Kai-shek's interest therein, were you aware of this
report — with the chairman's permission — I should have handed it to
the chairman first, but it just came to me. May I read it into the
record ?
Senator Watkins. What does it purport to be ?
Mr. Sourwine. It is the text of one of the documents which was
found in the Amerasia papers. It was a State Department report, so
far as the indications are, which had been giv^n to Mr. Jaffe from some
source, and was one of the papers that was seii:ed.
Senator Watkins. Before reading the whole thing to him, can you
determine whether or not he knows anything about the general sub-
ject matter?
Mr. SorRwiNE. Yes; I have already done that, sir, in asking him
whether he knew of Chiang's protest to the Ambassador about the
military mission in Yenan.
This is what purports to be a copy of a State Department report
about that matter, and I wanted to attempt to refresh the witness'
recollection by asking him if he saw this State Department report.
Senator Watkins. You may do so.
Mr. SouRwiNE. IMay I read it, sir ?
Senator Watkins. Yes.
Mr. Sourwine (reading) :
Chinese Communist problem. — On August 30, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek
sent for the American Ambassador and for an hour and a half discussed the Com-
munist problem. He said that the American Government does not understand the
problem and that it was the duty of the Ambassador to explain it efCectively.
3682 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Besides charging the Communists as usual with treachery and bad faith, the
main points of Chiang's argument which lie stressed and repeated constantly are :
On world problems China is disposed to follow the United States. Suggestions
by us that the Chinese Government should improve its relations with the Soviet
Union are not an unfriendly act on our part. With regard to the domestic
problem of Chinese Communists, our Government should fully sympathize
with and support China. The attitude which we assume may result very serious-
ly for China. In urging the Chinese Government to resolve its differences with
the Communists, we are only strengthening the Communists in their recal-
citrant attitude. When we ask that China agree to the demands of the Com-
munists, it is the same as asking China to surrender unconditionally to a group
which is known to be under the influence of a foreign government (the Soviet
Union). We should tell the Communists to come to an agreement with and sub-
mit to the Chungking government. The Communists are growing arrogant and
refuse to go on with negotiations since our observer group arrived in Yenan.
(This message from Chungking is incomplete, only one section having been
received. )
I show it to you as purporting to be a copy, not an original, and sim-
ply for the purpose of refreshino; your recollection as to whether you
have ever seen or heard about that report.
Mr. Emmersox. Is this supposed to be a message from the Embassy
in Chungking ?
Mr. SouRwixE. It is supposed to be a message to the State Depart-
ment. I would presume it is from the Embassy. I do not know
whether it is from the Embassy.
Mr. Emmerson. No ; I have not seen this document before. At least,
I have no recollection of having seen it.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Which bears out what you said earlier, that you
had no knowledge of any such protest ?
_Mr. Emmerson. I did not go up to Yenan until October, and the
mission had been in place for some time.
Mr. SouRwiNE. So that is what you were talking about earlier —
the consent which, you say, was extended to Mr. Wallace when he
was there?
Mr. Emmersoist. That was in July.
Mr. Sourwixe. And that was all you knew about any question
about the establishment of the mission ?
Mr. EiMMERSox. Yes. I knew the mission was established, and I
proceeded there under official orders.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes, sir.
Do you know, Mr. Emmerson, do you recall whether, in your dis-
cussion with Mr. Norman, there was any discussion of the imminence
or probability of British action, or joint British-French action?
Mr. Emmerson. No ; I am sure there was no discussion on that.
Mr. Sourwine. Did you make any report to the Department of your
conference with Mr. Norman ?
Mr. Emmerson. I did not make any report. I considered this was
a social occasion of the type which we have constantly, and since
there was no significance in the conversation I did not make a report.
Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Mr. Emmerson, back in the time when you and Mr.
Norman were both attached to SCAP in one way or another, were you
engaged in counterespionage work?
Mr. Emmerson. I was not ; no.
Mr. SouR^vINE. You were not.
You had mentioned counterespionage, and I wondered if you had
counterespionage duties.
Mr. Emmerson. I had no duties with that.
Mr. Sourwine. Was Mr. Norman in counterespionage work ?
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE IHSTITED STATES 3683
Mr. Emmerson. I do not think so. He was in the section of the
Counter Intelligence Corps which I believe was called Research and
Analysis. It indicates it was the research side of the CIC operation.
Mr. SouRwiNE. But he was under CIC ?
Mr. Emmerson. He was under CIC.
Mr. Sourwine. And you were not ?
Mr. Emmerson. And I was not.
Mr. Sourwine. Did your official duties require you to confer with
one another ?
Mr. Emmerson. They did, on several occasions when we would be
working on a paper which was affected by the reports that we were
making, and vice versa.
Mr. Sourwine. Yes.
That is, you were sometimes ordered or requested or required, in
line of duty, to confer with him ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right ; yes.
Mr. Sourwine. And presumably, he with you ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes.
Mr. Sourwine. Were your offices, that is, your office and his office,
physically close in SCAP headquarters ?
Mr. Emmerson. No. Our offices were in the Mitsui Building, which
was in one part of Tokyo and, as I recall, his was in the Dai Ichi Build-
ing, or in a building near the Dai Ichi Building, which was some dis-
tance from ours.
Mr. Sourwine. Yes.
That is a matter measurable in miles, isn't it ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes ; I would say maybe 2 miles.
Mr. Sourwine. When you did confer, did you go to his office or did
he come to your office, or did you confer at some middle
Mr. Emmerson. I would go to his office, and sometimes he would
come to mine.
Mr. Sourwine. Both ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes.
Mr. Sourwine. When you drove into Tokyo with prisoners of war,
were you and Mr. Norman both in the same automobile ?
Mr. Emmerson. I do not believe so. I think he was in one and I
was in another.
Mr. Sourwine. Wlio was with you — Shiga or Tokuda, or both ?
Mr. Emmerson. Well, I really cannot remember. There were, I
think, two cars
Mr. Sourwine. Yes.
Mr. Emmerson (continuing). And I cannot remember whether
Shiga was in my car or the other car.
Mr. Sourwine. Was Tokuda with you or in the other car ?
Mr. Emmerson. To the best of my memory now, it seems to me I
have the impression that Tokuda was in the car where I was. But that
is, again, simply an impression ; I have not thought about this since
the time.
Mr. Sourwine. Well, I thought you might remember inasmuch as
you probably had some conversation on the way, and you might know
with whom you talked.
Mr. Emmerson. I recall that coming into Tokyo that Shiga, I be-
lieve, got carsick and we had to stop the cars and get out for a few
minutes.
3684 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. SouRwiNE. The two cars were in a convoy, so that when the car
Shiga was in stopped, you had to stop, too ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes.
Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Now, after the interrogation, what happened to
these two men, Shiga and Tokiida, if you know ?
Mr. Emmerson. After the interrogation we delivered them, the cars
delivered them, back to headquarters. On October the 10th they were
released from prison.
Mr. SouRwiisTE. Well, what was the day of the interrogation ?
Mr. Emmerson. To the best of my knowledge, it was about October
6, October 6 or r.
Mr. SouRWiNE. So that on this occasion, in spite of the fact that
SCAP had issued orders freeing all political prisoners, when you fin-
ished the interrogation you took them back to the prison ?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes; because the date of their actual liberation
was October 10.
Mr. Sourwine. Yes.
Did you drive with them when they went back to prison ?
Mr. Emmerson. I do not believe I did. I have no recollection of
that.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you know whether Mr. Norman did ?
Mr. Emmerson. No ; I do not remember.
Mr. Sourwine. Well, you do not know, then, what route was fol-
lowed in taking them back to the prison, or how directly they went, or
whether they might have driven around Tokyo at that time?
Mr. Emmerson. No ; I do not.
Mr. Sourwine. Were any instructions given in that regard, as far
as you know ?
Mr. Emmerson. Instructions were to take them back to the prison.
Mr. Sourwine. Who gave those instructions ?
Mr. Emmerson. Counter Intelligence people. I cannot remember
the individual
Mr. Sourwine. And Mr. Norman did not ?
Mr. Emmerson. No ; they were entirely under the direction of the
Counter Intelligence Corps.
Senator Watkins. They were still in their custody, were they not ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Senator Watkins. Even when they were up there for investiga-
tion ?
Mr. Emmerson. They had not yet been released from prison.
Mr. Sourwine. The route they took was not under Mr. Norman's
control or under Mr. Emmerson's control ?
Senator Watkins. I assume that would be true, if they were in the
custody of the Army people — whoever had them.
Mr. Sourwine. That is right. They do not even know what route
they took, or whether or not they drove around Tokyo after the in-
terrogation. Is that right ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Mr. Morris. It is your testimony that you did not know ?
Mr. Emmerson. I did not know.
Mr. Sourwine. When you came in from the prison to headquarters,
what route did you follow, sir ; do you remember ?
Mr. Emmerson. I do not remember. Fujii is a suburb of Tokyo, it
is out quite a little distance. I cannot remember how many miles, but
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3685
it is some little distance from Tokyo. It must have taken 45 minutes
or an hour to drive in.
Mr. SouKwiNE. As far as you know, was it a direct route which you
followed ?
Mr. Emmerson. It was the direct route ; yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. \Vlien you came in ?
Mr. Emmerson. When we came in.
Mr. SouEwiNE. And as you say, you do not know what route was
followed when they were taken back ?
Mr. Emmerson. That is right.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman and Mr. Morris, I do not know
whether it is desirable this morning — I know the chairman said he did
not have too much time
Senator Watkins. I had an Interior meeting at 10 o'clock, and
when I came up here I intended to stay a few minutes and go down
there, but since you did not have anyone here to preside, I stayed on.
There is a very important project up for one of my sister States.
Mr. Morris. Senator, as you know, the purpose of this session today
was to give Mr. Emmerson a chance to correct the record.
Now, we have some more reports and things we would like to ask him
about, but we were not prepared to do that today, sir.
Senator Watkins. Well, if you are not prepared to do it today,
then let's recess.
Mr. Morris. And you are satisfied now, Mr. Emmerson, that the
corrections have been made, the changes have been made in your
answers, as set forth in connection with this testimony which appears
at pages 2044, 2045, and 2047 of the official transcript?
Mr. Emmerson. Yes.
Senator Watkins. It would be fair also to say that in addition to
the changes, there was some amplification. In other words, he went
into it more fully.
Mr. Emmerson. That was my intention ; to amplify the testimony.
Senator Watkins. The committee will be in recess.
(Whereupon, at 11 : 05 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned.)
INDEX
Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance to
the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organization
in this index.
^ Page
Adler, Solomon 3664
Amerasia papers 3681
American Embassy (Beirut) 3645
American Embassy (Chungking) 3646,3648
American Embassy (Moscow) 3659
American Embassy (Paris) 3646
American Embassy (Tokyo) 3657
American Friends of the Chinese People 3659
Arab world, the 3673
Army (United States) 3646
Athens, Greece 3666
Australia/n 3649, 3650
Beirut, Lebanon 3645, 3646, 3661-3663, 3666-3669, 3673, 3676, 3678, 3680
British 3652, 3662, 3677, 3682
Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs 3654, 3666
Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs 3646
Burma 3651
C
Cairo 3657, 3661, 3662, 3664, 3668, 3673
Canada 3657, 3660, 3663, 3664, 3668, 3674
Canadian 3660, 3664, 3670
Canadian Ambassador 3656, 3657
Canadian Embassy 3677, 3681
Canadian Foreign Office :
American desk 3657
Far Eastern desk 3657
Canadian Foreign Service 3657
Canadian Friends of the Chinese People 3659
Canadian Government 3656, 3657, 3660, 3663, 3669, 3675
Canadian Legation 3677
Canadian Legation (Beirut) 3668
Canadian Legation (Tokyo) 3657
Canadian Minister 3661
Cannon, Cavendish 3666
Cartwright, Mr 3645
Chi, Dr 3658
Chiang Kai-shek 3646, 3679, 3681, 3682
China 3646-3649, 3651-3654, 3659, 3665, 3679, 3682
China, Communist 3653, 3655, 3659, 3665, 3679
Chinese 3648, 3659
Chinese Communist/s 3646-3648, 3681, 3682
Chinese Nationalist Government 3659
Chungking 3646, 3648, 3651, 3653, 3659, 3664, 3679, 3682
Clark, Laura Irene 3660
Columbia University 3656, 3657, 3659, 3674, 3676
Communist/s 3648-3654, 3656-3663, 3665, 3670, 3672-3678, 3682
Communist headquarters (Yenan) 3646
Communist Party 3649, 3660, 3661, 3665, 3673-3675
Counter InteUigence Corps 3655, 3661, 3669, 3683, 3684
II INDEX
D
Page
Dai IcM Building 3683
Davis, Lieutenant Colonel 3671
Deputy Under Secretary of State for Canada 3664
Dooman, Eugene 3654, 3655, 3656, 3664, 3670, 3671
Dulles, Secretary 3665
E
Eden, Prime Minister 3662
Egypt 3656, 3657, 3664, 3666, 3678
Eighth Route Army 3652
Emmerson, John K. :
Testimony of 3645-3666, 3667-3685
Deputy chief of mission, counselor of embassy, Beirut, Lebanon 3645
On special assignment to General Assembly of TJ. N 3645
Liaison officer to U. N. for Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, State
Department 3646
F
Far East 3653, 3658, 3663, 3664, 3674, 3678, 3679
Far East Subcommittee of the State Department 3653
FBI 3675
Federal Bureau of Investigation 3660
Foreign Service 3646, 3668, 367S, 3679
France 3658
French 3662, 3671, 3677, 3682
Fromm, Joseph 3673, 3678
Fujii (suburb of Tokyo) 3684
G
Germany 3651, 3653
Gouzenko 3660
H
Haga 3654,3655
Halperin, Israel 3660
Harvard University 3660
Hildreth, Ambassador 3665
Hipsley, Mr 3645
Hiss, Alger 3660
Holmes, Charles P. H 3660
Holmes, John 3664
House of Commons 3662
Hurley, Patrick J 3654, 3659
I
Imperial Hotel (Japan) 3658
India 3649, 3650, 3651
Isaacs, Harold 3671
Israel 3662, 3677
Italy 3651
J
JafEe, Mr 3681
Japan 3646-3655, 3657, 3658, 3660, 3661, 3663, 3664, 3669-3671, 3673, 3676
Japanese 3646-3657, 3660, 3661, 3669, 3670, 3672, 3681
Japanese Army 3649, 3652
Japanese Communist/s 3646-3650, 3652, 3655, 3656, 3670, 3671
Japanese Communist Party 3661
Japanese Peoples' Emancipation League (Nihon Jinmin Kaiho Ren-
mei) 3647-3652
Japanese Socialist Party 3672
Jenner, Senator William E 3645
INDEX in
K
Page
Karachi 3665, 3666
Kim 3672
Korea/n 3651, 3655, 3672
Korean Communist 3672
L
Lattimore, Owen 3658, 3659
Lebanon 3657, 3661, 3666, 3678
London 3662
Luzon 3651
M
MacArthur, General 3655, 3656, 3669-3671
Manchuria 3651
Mandel, Benjamin 3645, 3667
Marxist 3660
McLean, Donald 3656
McManus, Robert 3645, 3667
Mediterranean 3677
Middle East 3646, 3661, 3662, 3664, 3666, 3673, 3677-3679
Military Aid Agreement 3665
Mitsui Building (Tokyo) 3683
Morris, Brewster 3668
Morris, Robert 3645, 3667
Moscow 3659, 3664, 3665
Murphy, Ray 3665
N
Nasser regime 3664
Navy, Secretary of 3653
Near East 3664, 3666, 3673
Newsweek 3678
New York 3654, 3655, 3664
New Zealand 3656, 3657, 3664, 3668
Nihon Jinmin Kaiho Renmei. (See Japanese Peoples' Emancipation
League.)
NKVD 3661
Norman, B. Herbert 3655-3661, 3663, 3664, 3667-3677, 3680-3684
North China 3655
Northern Tier 3665
Nozaka (see also Okano) 3646-3648
O
Okano, Susumu (also known as Nozaka) 3646-3648, 3652, 3654, 3655
OSS 3651, 3654, 3655
Ottawa 3660, 3681
P
Pakistan 3665
Paris 3646
Peoples Peasants and Workers School 3647
Policy Planning Board 3666
"Proposed Projects Against Japan" 3648
Provost Marshal General 3652
B
Research and Analysis (CIC) 3683
Roy, Lionel 3668
Rusher, William A 3645, 3667
Russia/n 3650, 3651, 3658, 3660, 3676, 3678
IV INDEX
S
Page
Saipan 3651
SCAP 3656, 3660, 3669, 3671, 3681-3684
SEATO Pact 3666
Shantung Province 3651
Shiga, Mr 3655, 3670, 3671, 3683, 3684
Shuji, Fujii 3654, 3664
Siberia 3661
Sinai Desert 3662
Smith, Gen. Bedell 3659
Sourwine, J. G 3667
Soviet Union 3651, 3665, 3666, 3682
Stalin 3651
State Department 3645, 3646, 3651-3654, 3659, 3660,
3665, 3666, 3671, 3673, 3675, 3678, 3681, 3682
State Department Loyalty Security Board 3655
State, Secretary of 3653
State-War-Navy Coordinating Committee (SWING) 3650, 3653
Stilwell, General 3646, 3651, 3653
Suez 3662, 3678
SWING (State- War-Navy Coordinating Committee) 3650, 3653
T
Tamotsu : 3655
Texas 3652
Thorpe, General 3670
Tokuda, Mr 3655, 3670, 3683, 3684
Tokyo 3655-3657, 3660, 3661, 3672, 3683-3685
Treasury Department 3664
Tsuru, Shigeto 3660, 3664
U
United Nations 3646, 3664, 3666, 3668
United Nations General Assembly 3645, 3646, 3664
United Nations, United States delegation to 3646
United States Intelligence 3660
United States Observers' Mission 3646
U. S. News & World Report 3673, 3678
W
Wallace, Vice President 3679, 3682
War Department 3650, 3652
War, Secretary of 3653
Warren, Ambassador 3665
Washington 3650, 3652, 3654, 3655, 3659
Watkins, Senator Arthur V 3645, 3667
Wedemeyer, General 3651, 3652, 3654
Wellington, New Zealand 3668
Wittfogel, Professor 3659, 3674-3677
Yenan 3646-3648, 3650, 3651, 3653, 3655, 3659, 3679, 3681, 3682
X
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE
ADMINISTKATION OF THE INTEENAL SECUEITY
ACT^AND OTHER INTERNAL SECUEITY LAWS
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIIEY
UNITED STATES SENATE
EIGHTY-FIFTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
ON
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE
UNITED STATES
MARCH 26, 27, AND APRIL 4, 1957
PART 57
Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
33215 WASHINGTON : 1957
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
NOV 18 1957
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman
BSTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, Soutli Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota
THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah
JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming EVERETT MCKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois
MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland
SAM J. ERVIN, JR., North Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security
Act and Other Internal Security Laws
JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah
SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland
MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska
Robert Morris, Chief Counsel
J. G. SoDRWiNE, Associate Counsel
William A. Rdsher, Associate Counsel
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research
u
CONTENTS
Witness : ^^^^
Niebyl, Karl H 3760
Tsiirn, Shigeto 3687
III
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
TUESDAY, MARCH 26, 1957
United States Senate,
Subcommittee to InvestiGx\te tpie
Administration of the Internal Security Act
AND Other Internal Security.' Laws
OF THE Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, D. C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 11 : 15 a. m., in room
424, Senate Office Building, Senator Olin D. Johnston, presiding.
Present : Senators Johnston and Jenner.
Also present; Robert Morris, chief counsel; J. G. Sourwine, asso-
ciate counsel; William A. Rusher, associate counsel; and Benjamin
Mandel, director of research.
Senator Johnston. The committee will come to order. Attorney
Morris will take charge.
Mr. Morris. I think it best that Mr. Tsuru be sworn again.
Senator Johnston. Do you swear that the evidence you give before
this subcommittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but
the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. TsuRU. Yes, I do.
TESTIMONY OF SHIGETO TSUEII, CAMBRIDGE, MASS., ACCOMPANIED
BY CHARLES GLOVER, HIS ATTORNEY
Mr. Morris. Mr. Tsuru, will you give your name and address to the
stenotype reporter ?
Mr. Tsuru. My name is Shigeto Tsuru — S-h-i-g-e-t-o T-s-u-r-u. At
present my address is 18-A Forest Street, Cambridge 40, Mass.
Mr. Morris. What is your business at this time, business or pro-
fession ?
Mr. Tsuru. My profession is professor of economics at Hitotsubashi
University, Tokyo. I am on the permanent staff of this university.
CJurrently I am at Harvard University as a visiting lecturer, invited
by the Ajnerican-Japan Intellectural Interchange Committee for the
term of 1 year.
Mr. Morris. And what do you do, do you teach at Harvard ?
Mr. Tsuru. Under the terms of this invitation, my main job at
Harvard is research. But I assist occasionally in a number of courses,
to give sort of guest lectures.
Mr. Morris. Now you also, I think, as you told me in that letter,
you are also doing broadcasting on the Voice of America ?
3687
3688 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. TsuRiT. I have made an appointment with Voice of America to
broadcast on April 18 on my impressions of the United States after
visiting this country after 15 years.
Mr, Morris. Now what other cultural exchange are you engaged in
at this time ?
Mr. TsuRu. Aside from doing research at Harvard University and
giving lectures there, I participate occasionally in academic confer-
ences, such as the forthcoming conference of Asian studies to be held
in Boston in the first week of April, where I shall present a paper on
the problem of employment in Japan.
I have also agreed to participate in the student conference of Colum-
bia University student council, also in the first week of April. When
I am invited by university communities to give lectures on my own
special subject, so far as my time permits, I accept invitations and
give such lectures.
Mr. Morris. Now is there anything else. Senators, about the present
activities that you would like to know ?
Senator Johnston. Any questions ?
Senator Jenner. No questions.
Mr. Morris. Where were you born, Mr. Tsuru ?
Mr. TsuRU. I was actually born in Tokyo, Japan. However, tech-
nically, I was born in Usa — that happens to be the same as USA —
Oita prefecture in Japan.
If you would like me to, I shall explain the difference between actual
and technical ?
Mr. Morris. I do not think it is necessary in this case.
Will you tell us briefly what your education was in Japan ?
Mr. Tsuru. I had the normal experience as a Japanese student, to
go through grade school, what we used to call middle school, and
higher school. Middle school usually takes 5 years, but I finished it
in 4 years, and entered tlie Eighth Higher School of Nagoya, in 1929.
However, I did not finish the Eighth Higher School. I left Japan
in 1931 and came to this country for study.
Mr. Morris. I see. What year were you born, Mr. Tsuru ?
Mr. Tsuru. I am sorry, 1912.
Mr. Morris. And you came to the United States for the first time
when?
Mr. Tsuru. September 1931.
Mr. Morris. And how long did you stay at that particular time ?
Mr. Tsuru. I entered Lawrence College, Appleton, Wis., as a fresh-
man, stayed there for 2 years, and transferred myself to Harvard
College in the fall of 1933 as a provisional junior and returned to
Japan for a temporary stay in tlie summer of 1934. I came back to
the United States again in September 1934. Would you like me to
continue ?
Mr. Morris. I think that is satisfactory at this point.
In other words, you would make intermittent trips back to Japan ?
Mr. Tsuru. I did make a number of trips back to Japan, for each
one of which I had a special purpose.
Mr. Morris. Now what university did you attend in the United
States?
Mr. Tsuru. As I mentioned, I was at Lawrence College, Appleton,
as a freshman and sophomore, and then Harvard University where I
got my bachelor's degree, master's degree, and doctor of philosophy.
SCOPE OP SOVIET ACTIVITY EST IHE UNITED STATES 3689
Mr. Glover. Could he amplify an earlier answer ?
Mr. Morris. Yes.
Mr. TsuRU. I mentioned about my returning to Japan intermittent-
ly, and each time I had a special purpose. I did not amplify it, but
I should like to say the occasions and purposes of my return were
such as my mother's death, marriage
Mr. Morris. AVho did you marry, Mr. Tsuru ?
Mr. Tsuru. Miss Masako Wada.
Mr. Morris. She is the niece, is she not, of the Lord Keeper of the
Privy Seal?
Mr. Tsuru. The former Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, Koichi,
K-o-i-c-h-i, I believe — K-i-d-o,
Mr. Morris. Now when were you at Harvard University ?
Mr. Tsuru. I was at Harvard University from September 1933 to
June 1942.
Mr. Morris. And what did you do during that period ?
Mr. Tsuru. At first I was a college student, junior and senior, and
then became a graduate student in economics, I received my masters-
degree in 1936, and then I had some research assistant's jobs, odds and
ends, and in a subsequent period worked for my doctor of philosophy,
which I got in 1940. However, I remained at Harvard University
until June 1942.
Mr. Morris. And then in June 1942 what did you do ?
Mr. Tsuru. Previously Mrs. Tsuru and I had applied for repatria-
tion. However, we were told, I believe by the State Department, that
since we were living unmolested in the United States, we shall be on
the low priority list so far as repatriation is concerned. Thus we
were reconciled to the idea of staying on in this country for further
years, but suddenly, I believe it was June 2, if I remember correctly,
we received a telegram from the State Department that we shall be
repatriates by the first boat for repatriation, Gripsholm, and we were
to report ourselves at Ellis Island, I believe, by June 7.
So we did so, and we were repatriated by the Gripshohn.
Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Chairman and Senator Jenner, the purpose
of this hearing today is to ask Mr. Tsuru to identify for the public
record, which he has already done in executive session, portions of his
papers and books which he left behind at the time of his repatria-
tion in 1942, about which he has just told us.
I would like to offer for the record the following documents :
A letter dated August 31, 1936, signed by Tsuru — who gave as his
address : "At present : Madison but please answer care of the Interna-
tional House, 1414 E. 59th Street, Chicago, Illinois" with the saluta-
tion : "Dear Bill" and, in parentheses, "W. T. Parry."
Mr. Glover. Mr. Morris, as each one of these comes up, we would
like to check it over.
Mr. Morris. Maybe, while I am putting these in the public record
now, we will get back to them together.
Mr. Glover. We may want to object to some of them going into the
record.
Mr. Morris. You have acknowledged they are his documents.
Senator Jenner. He acknowledged they are his documents. He ex-
amined them and said he recalls them.
3690 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. TsuRU. Excuse me, I said in executive session, when this group
of records was presented to me for the first time, I skimmed through
very quickly, and I felt they either belonged to me, or were written
by me.
Mr. Glover. But I think, now they are going into the record, that
we should have a change to
Mr. TsuRU. I should like to make certain.
Mr. Morris. Wliy don't you read it aloud, this first one we are
talking about, Mr. Tsuru ? Will you do that for us ?
Senator Johnston. Read it, then.
Mr. Morris. And then you can tell us if it is not yours.
Mr. Glover. Now, we have had a chance to look at this one.
Mr. TsuRU. The first one, I think, was written by me.
Senator Johnston. You think ? You know your own handwriting,
don't you ?
Mr. Morris. It is typed.
I wonder if you would read it aloud? Senator Johnston, unlike
Senator Jenner, has not read this one. Would you read it aloud
for us ?
Mr. Tsuru. You know, I have been speaking from this morning —
I may get tired. If you order me to, I shall be willing to read it.
But for one thing, my pronunciation may not be quite correct. Since
I have already admitted it is mine, could not one of your
Mr. Morris. Senator, in order to relieve Mr. Tsuru, maybe Mr.
Mandel, our research director, could read the first letter for us.
Senator Johnston. Mr. Mandel, will you read the letter?
Mr. JSIandel (reading) :
At present : Madison
But please answer care of The International House, 1414 E. 59tli Street,
Chicago, 111.
August 31, 1936.
Dear Bill
Mr, Morris. You knew Mr, Parry at this time ?
Mr. Tsuru. Yes ; I did know Mr. Parry then.
Mr. Morris. Who was Mr. Parry at that time ?
Mr. Tsuru. I believe Mr. Parry was an instructor of philosophy
at Harvard University.
Mr, Morris, And you knew him at the time ?
Mr, Tsuru. Yes ; I did know him at the time.
Mr. Morris. And what was the nature of your association with
him?
Mr. Tsuru. I cannot be exact because I do not remember exactly,
but most likely from around 1934 to around 1940 or so.
Senator Johnston. That is after you finished your bachelor of arts
degree ?
Mr, Tsuru. I finished my bachelor of arts degree in 1935.
Mr. Morris. Did you know him well ?
Mr. Tsuru. I knew him well enough to call him by the first name,
Mr, Morris, But your association was not what you would call an
intimate association ?
Mr, Tsuru, I would not call it a very intimate association,
Mr, Morris. Mr. Chairman, for the record, I would like to identify
Mr. Parry.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE "UNITED STATES 3691
Mr. Parry is Mr. William T. Parry, who was identified before the
House Un-American Activities Committee by Richard G. Davis, a
colle<?e professor who had been a Conmiunist in the past and testified
as to the makeup of certain Communist cells in the area of Boston.
One of the persons he identified as a Communist on the Harvard
faculty was William T. Parry.
When Mr. Parry was called before the House Un-American Activ-
ities Committee, he refused to answer, claiming privilege under the
fifth amendment, as to whether or not he had been a member of the
Communist Party.
The date of that testimony, Senator, was May 19, 1953.
Senator Johnston. Proceed.
Mr. Mandel (reading) :
Thus far I have not reported to you anything concerning the matter of the
Association of Marxian Studies, mainly because the entire matter in this district
has been only in the formative stage both with respect to its theory and practice.
It still is. For a definite reason, however, I feel it necessary to report immedi-
ately the major problems which have arisen here in connection with the matter
of organizing the association.
First, I shall try to formulate my understanding of the nature of the educa-
tional activities centered around the magazine. The publication of the maga-
zine itself, without the association or study groups around it, has its educational
•significance.
Mr. Morris. Excuse me, Mr. Mandel.
What magazine are you talking about there, Mr. Tsuru ?
Mr. Tsuru. I believe science and society.
Mr. Morris. I see. What was your connection with Science and
Society ?
Mr. Tsuru. I think it was also around 1936, this Mr. Parry ap-
proached me, asking me if I would not cooperate in the publication
of this magazine, Science and Society, since they did not have suffi-
ciently good men in the field of economics, and 1 was known to him,
I believe, as a student of economics who knew Karl Marx — I do
not mean I knew Karl Marx myself, but Marx's writings.
And he approached me if I would not cooperate, so I told him "I
shall be willing to do so, if it is not to be as a member of the editorial
board or such things, but simply to give advices on articles which
appear, or the kind of things which might be proposed for publica-
tion, that is, the kind of subjects which might be dealt with in this
type of magazine."
I agreed to do so.
Mr. Morris. Now, did you ever write for the magazine ?
Mr, Tsuru. Not that I recall, but I may have written one book
review.
Mr. Morris. I see. Did you use your own name or did you use an-
other name ?
Mr. Tsuru. I used the name of Alfred Z. Lowe.
Mr. Morris. What is the meaning of Alfred Z. Lowe, what is the
significance of that name ?
Mr. Tsuru. Well, if you write AZL in capital letters, those of the
members of the committee who know the Japanese characters would
be able to tell those three letters in capital letters look very much like
Japanese characters Bon, in phonetics, TO, and the Japanese char-
acter Jin.
3692 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Bon-To-Jin used to be my pen name from my early school days.
Mr. Morris. Would you tell us what that is for the record — spell
that for the record ?
Mr. TsuRU. Bon-To-Jin, B-o-n — T-o — J-i-n, a pen name which I
started using in my high-school days in Japan, and which I still con-
tinue to use when I write in Japan for light materials. And Bon
means common or ordinary, To means urbane or urban, and Jin means
man. To happens to be the first character of my name and Jin
happens to be the last character of my name in Japanese.
Mr. Morris. Now Mr. Lowe was not your Communist Party alias,
was it ?
Mr. TsuRU. Oh, no. I am sorry, I have never been a member of th**
Communist Party, nor am I.
Mr. Morris. Well, Mr. Tsuru, had you not been a member of the
Young Communist League in Japan prior to your coming to the
United States?
Mr. Tsuru. No; I was never a member of the Young Communist
League in Japan. I think Japanese authorities will verify that for me
if necessary.
Mr. INIoRRis. Well did you organize the Anti-Imperialism League ?
Mr. Tsuru. I was a member of the Anti-Imperialism League when
I w^as in
Mr. Morris. What is the Anti-Imperialism League? That was a
form of the Communist organization in Japan, was it not?
Mr. Tsuru. Well, one is free to interpret that if you like. I personal-
ly do not think so ; 1929 and 1930, when I was a member of this Anti-
Imperialism League in Japan, was the period when Japan was about to
start the invasion of Manchuria. And we younger students wanted to
oppose that invasion, and we voluntarily organized what we called the
Anti-Imperialism League. When I say "we", actually I was not the
first one to do so, but I came in right after it was organized in my
school. The main purpose was to oppose the Government policy as
regards China.
Mr. Morris. Well now, you were arrested in connection with this
activity, were you not ?
Mr. Tsuru. I was arrested in December 1930 in connection with this
activity but released without indictment after about 2 months and
a half.
Mr. Morris. Now were you also associated with the International
Communist Belief Corps, which is a part of the overall MOPR —
Soviet Relief Organization ?
Mr. Tsuru. I do not believe I was.
Mr. Morris. Did you have any dealings with that organization at
all?
Mr. TsuRiT. I do not think I ever did.
Mr. Morris. How about the Senki ? Senki, which translated means
warfly, which is a national organization of the Japanese Communist
Party. Were you ever associated with that in any way?
Mr. Tsuru. Senki ?
Mr. Morris. Senki.
Mr. Tsuru. Oh, Senki. It is pronounced Senki. I was never as-
sociated with that magazine, although I read some numbers of that
magazine.
Mr. Morris. But you did not write for it ?
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3693
Mr. TsuRU. I never wrote one, wrote any, article or review or any-
thing for that magazine.
Mr. Morris. All right. Now in connection with your activity at
Harvard, did you join the Communist Party while you were at Har-
vard?
Mr. TsuRU. I never joined the Communist Party anywhere in the
world.
Mr. Morris. I see.
The reason I asked. Senator, if you come to know these documents,
some of these paj)ers are obviously the detailed arrangements that are
being made by a group of people to further the work of the Commu-
nist Party in the United States. I think, Senator, as we go through
these particular documents, that will become apparent.
Mr. Glover. Mr. Morris, I think Mr. Tsuru may want to respond
to your characterization of these letters.
Mr. Morris. Even before we finish the reading ?
Mr. TsuRU. You have already characterized the letter in a certain
way. So since it is the letter I wrote, if I may, I should like to
Mr. Morris. Why don't we wait until the Senator hears it, and then
you may say anything you like about it ?
Senator Johnston. Proceed with the reading of the letter.
Mr. Mandel (reading) :
The prospectus is sufl3ciently clear in this regard. It is as regards the aspect
in the use of the magazine as an active propaganda weapon that I should like
to develop further. We have already various forms of organization for the edu-
cational purposes, for example the Worker's School.
Mr. Morris. Now when you say "We have already various forms
of organization for the educational purposes, such as the Worker's
School," what do you mean by "We have," Mr. Tsuru ?
Mr. Tsuru. May I amplify my answer, first, by giving the back-
ground of this letter so that I can explain what I meant by "we"?
Besides attending Lawrence College and Harvard University, I
also attended, I think on three different occasions, summer sessions of
the University of Wisconsin, Madison. I also attended, not regular
sessions but occasional lectures, at the University of Chicago, and I
came to know a number of people in Madison and Chicago around
1934 to 1937-38, I believe. And at the time, of course, Japan was
preparing its China war, I was very critical of the Japanese Govern-
ment policy as regards China, and I was very eager in my own personal
way to bring about a situation which would stop Japan's invasion
of China.
I had no organizational relations with any political parties, or po-
litical organizations, but I came to know a large number of people
who expressed the same opinion as I did as regards Japan's policy on
China. Among them I believe there were a number of Communists,
although I never attempted to identify them. It was not necessary
for me to do so for the intellectual purpose I had in mind.
So among the people I knew in Madison, Chicago, and Cambridge,
there were a large number of people who had, let us say in general,
leftist tendencies. And in association with them, and in connection
with the publication of Science and Society, when I traveled, I saw
them and discussed the question of the use of the magazine Science
^nd Society.
3694 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
So in a personal, informal letter like this, I miglit have said "we"
without in any way trying to say that "we, some organization."
Senator Jenner. Who were some of these Communists then that you
referred to as "we" ? Name them.
Mr. TsuRU. Well, I want— pardon me, I was not referring to Com-
munists when I said "we."
Senator Jenner. Well, left wingers?
Mr. TsuRU. People whom I knew.
Senator Jenner. You called them left wingers. Communists. "V^^io
are they ? Name them ?
Mr. TsuRU. I was presented with this letter just this morning, and
I shall try my best
Senator Jenner. You have had the letter, you have studied the
letter. Now you are making explanations about what you meant by
"we", and we want to know who "we" is.
Mr. TsuRU. Actually, I may have written some names in one of the
letters, you know
Senator Jenner. Let's talk about this letter, now.
You were trying to explain what the "we" meant in that letter, let's
talk about this letter.
Mr. TsuRTT. Well, since you asked the names, in order to enable me
to recollect best, if I can look through the letters and refresh my mem-
ory about the names, I may be able to answer this question better, I
think.
Mr. MoRRTs. You mean you cannot recall for the Senator now who
the people you refer to as Communists a short time ago are ?
Senator Jenner, In Wisconsin and in Chicago and at Harvard?
You cannot recall a single name ?
Mr. TsuRTJ. Pardon me. At Harvard — let me start at Harvard,
shall I?
Senator Jenner. Well we were out in Wisconsin and Chicago, I
thought.
Mr. TsTJRTJ. You see, my association was not very close to the people
there, and the names have dropped out of my mind a long time ago.
Now, if I can refresh my memory by going through all these letters,
then it may come to m.y mind. That is why I suggested it.
Senator Jenner. You will have a chance.
Go on and read the letter.
Mr. Morris. May I ask a question?
You see. Mr. Tsuru, you said this "we" was used in a very loose
sense, but I think that very sentence we are talking about here says
"We have already various forms of organization" with the word
"organization" underlined, "for the educational purposes, such as
the Workers School."
Senator Jenner. And the Workers School is the Communist school
in Boston ?
Mr. Morris. And it was right in Communist Party headquarters,
was it not?
Senator Jenner. Does that refresh your memory ?
Mr. Morris. 1919 Washington Street, Boston.
Senator Jenner. Does that refresh your memory as to who "we"
was?
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3695
Mr. TsuRU. I was writing from Madison. I do not know what
Workers School I refer to. I may have referred to the Workers School
in Boston.
Senator Jenner. You did, the Workers School.
Mr. TsuRU. I may have referred to the Workers School in Chicago.
I do not know whether a Workers School existed in Chicago.
Senator Jenner. It was also a Commmiist school in Chicago,
wasn't it ?
Mr. TsuRTj. Well, Senator, if I may
Senator Jenner. You are a well educated man, don't try to banter
this committee around, just tell us the truth.
Mr. TsuRU. I am not going to avoid any questions. I am trying my
best to reconstruct the circumstances which made me write these letters,
and trying to explain.
As I said earlier, I was opposed to the Japanese invasion of China,
and probably I deliberately sought for people who were opposed to
the same and also, and I had a share of youthful adventure, and I am
sure I overstepped the limits of propriety in my association.
I do not deny it. However, I was confident in my own mind what I
believed in, and I thought I could cope with — probably I was over-
confident— I thought I could face anyone and resist any temptation of
being led into something. So I was ready to talk with Communists,
ready to talk with Fascists, ready to talk with anyone.
So, my association, you might say, was generally free, so I came
in contact with these people also. But those whose friendship I
cherished best, I do remember — even though a long time ago — their
names and so on. A large number of people I came into contact with
while I was in this country last time, and in certain moments of
stresses, I may have clone something which, in my own deep reflection,
I should not have done. And I regret it if I find any of these mistakes.
The very fact I have left these letters back in my apartment, with-
out even taking carie of them, is, I think, an indication that my records
were open for anyone to see.
I was willing to answer the questions
Mr. Morris. Mr. Tsuru, you sent someone back to retrieve the let-
ters, didn't you ?
Mr. TsuRU. No ; I did not. Would you like me to explain the cir-
cumstances of my
Senator Jenner. Mr. Chairman, don't you think we ought to get this
one letter in the record so we will have some idea of what we are
driving at, and then we can take this up ?
Senator Johnston. Yes ; let's go ahead with the letter.
Mr. IVIandel (reading) :
The existing forms are adapted mainly for the members of the working class
and the lower middle class or for the members of the party and YOL —
that means Young Communist League —
Senator Jenner. What party were you referring to there ?
Mr. TsnRu. I believe this reference is to the Communist Party.
Senator Jenner. For the party. All right, go ahead.
Mr. Mandel (continuing reading letter) :
for the fairly large group of professionals and the majority of the middle class,
however, we either have not developed an effective organization or have tried
to develop one without success.
3696 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Morris. There, again, you use the word "we," do you not, Mr.
Tsuru?
Mr. Tsuru. Well, you keep on pressing me on that.
Mr. Morris. Here you are talkmg about "we" you are using the ex-
pression "we," Mr. Tsuru, and you are talking about "we" have need
of a certain organization.
Senator Jenner. The party, the party has the need for it.
Mr. Tsuru. Mr. Chairman, may I respond to this question?
Senator Johnston. Proceed.
Mr. Tsuru. If you are trying to establish the fact that I was a
member of the Communist Party or the YCL, as I am under oath, I
can truthfully say I never was. But if you are trying to establish the
fact that I had associations with persons who were known to me as
either members of the Communist Party, or at least pretty close to
the Communist Party, then I think I did associate with such people.
Senator Jenner. Name some of them.
Senator Johnston. Didn't you go just a step further than that?
You aided them and advised them how to organize and go forward.
Didn't you also do that ?
Mr. Morris. I call your attention, Senator, to the fact the word
"organization" in that 1 paragraph is underscored 3 times.
Mr. Tsuru. As I said earlier, under the circumstances of the 1930's,
I may have gone beyond the limits of what I considered to be my
proper action. I was quite young, sort of adventurous, so I can well
imagine myself in making such mistakes. But I was never a member
of the Communist Party.
I have become increasingly critical of Marxism, let alone the Com-
munist political policies, and such critical attitudes of mine are a matter
of public records in Japan.
Mr. Morris. On that point, Mr. Tsuru, may I just mention here:
You know the book the Theory of Capitalist Development by Paul
M. Sweezy ?
Mr. Tsuru. Yes; I do.
Mr. Morris. You wrote part of that book ; did you not ?
Mr. Tsuru. I did write an appendix to that book.
Mr. Morris. That has just been republished, has it not, by the
Monthly Review Press here in the United States ?
Mr. Tsuru. So I understand ; yes.
Mr. Morris. And hasn't Maurice Dobb, the famous economist in
England, just written a very favorable review of that book?
Mr. Tsuru. I have not read any book review by Mr. Dobb recently.
Mr. Morris. I read here from this book for which you have written
an appendix :
This is the first comprehensive study of Marxian political economy in English.
Out of print for several years, it is reprinted because of increasing demand. It
should lead to better understanding of an enormously influential current of
social thought which has often suffered from ignorant and superficial treat-
ment.
I also might point out, in the accompanying circular there is a
book recommended by Solomon Adler.
Mr. Tsuru. May I comment on this point ?
Mr. Morris. Yes, Mr. Tsuru.
Mr. Tsuru. The appendix I wrote for Mr. Sweezy's book I be-
lieve is called On Reproduction Schemes. It is a comparison of re-
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3697
production schemes of three economists : One is Quesnay, another is
Karl Marx, and another is John M. Keynes. And it is extremely, as
I consider it, a technical treatment of the manner in which three
economists in the past have dealt with the question of social flow of
commodities in a simplified form,
Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel, will you continue reading the letter,
please ?
Mr. Mandel (reading) :
It seems to me that the main cause of this failure lies in the fact that the group
in question generally abhors organization and that we did not accommodate our
policy to that characteristic. Tied up with their abhorrence to organization is the
fact that most of them have very specific organization is the fact that most of them
have very specific interest, especially in the case of professional groups. Engi-
neers are first of all interested in engineering. Social case workers are interested
more in psychiatry than in dialectic materialism in general. Now, to meet this
special circumstance, the flexible form of study groups, in my opinion, is a most
appropriate answer. These study groups shall originate, needless to say through
our initiative, along the most natural and easy tie of association. For instance,
the Korb's group in Cambridge arose among those who were dissatisfied in the
Marx seminale. Lunning's group arose among the members of the law school. A
group may originate through the fact of professional homogeneity, like in the
case of social caseworkers. A group may originate through the preexisting
social ties. A study group on Plato may turn into a study group on Marx, as
has been done this summer in Madison. In short, study groups will avoid the
formal aspect of organization as much as possible and make use of the special
interests which professional groups possess. The Association of Marxian
Studies can come only after this. It will turn out to be harmful or ineffective
if we organize the association too prematurely in any particular locality. In
either case, the magazine serves as a weapon for promoting, as well as in con-
ducting and developing, such study groups.
No less important than the foregoing point, however, is the necessity of leading
ordinary members of these study groups into a more mature form of organization
or of activities. To be a member of a study group may be a step toward enrolling
the worker's school ; it may be a step toward joining the American League Against
War and Fascism ; it may be a step toward becoming a member of TCL or of the
party. It is absolutely necessary to keep a study group from becoming a self-
perpetuating, stagnant cloister for the few.
As to the relation between the educational activities centered around the
magazine and those of the worker's schools, I do not think there is any conflict
or duplication. The former apply to those groups which usually cannot be
reached by the worker's school on account of their abhorrence to organization
or of their too speciflc an interest.
Now, as to what has been done i/n Madison and Chicago. In Madison, the
practical step has been already taken, although the major portion of it will
not be effected until the university opens in September. At present, there are
three study groups going. Two among members of the Farm Labor Progressive
Federation, one using Corey's The Decline of American Capitalism, aind the other
Engels' Anti-Duhring. The first group consists mainly of clerical workers. The
third group is among students of the university ; it has been carried on during the
summer session in the form similar to that of the group on dialectic materialism
in Cambridge. The teacher's unit appointed a special committee headed by the
agent for the magazine to outline concrete avenues of approach in the educa-
tional activities centered around the magazine. The report has been submitted
and the discussion on it is going on. In Chicago the practical step has not yet
been taken. There the question of cooperation with the worker's school has to
be settled. In fact, a member of its staff, I am informed, has expressed in his
casual talk a sense of alarm at the possibility of duplication. I think that suc"h
an alarm is largely based upon the misunderstanding of the nature of study
groups which the association is to organize. Miss Constance Kyle, who probably
will act as the main agent for the magazine in the Chicago district, tells me
that there are many possibilities of study groups among those people whom the
school will not be able to reach effectively. The association will not go beyond
filling such a gap. On this matter, I shall try to discuss with the staff of the
3698 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
school when I go to Chicago in a few days, and shall report to you on the result.
But meanwhile, I think it will help a great deal toward clarifyi-ng the matter here
if you let me know as soon as possible your reaction to my report above. In
the matter of the association, as well as in that of the magazine, I have constantly
asked for suggestions of K. H. Niebyl.
In order to facilitate
Senator Johnston. Wait a minute. Who was Niebyl ?
Mr. TsuRTJ. Mr. Niebyl was an economist whom I met for the first
time, I think, in the summer of 1933 in Madison, Wis. He was stucl}^-
in^ economics at the University of Wisconsin at the time.
IMr. INIoRRis. Did you know him to be a Communist ?
Mr. TsTjRU. I had suspicion that he was pretty close to — I knew
he had come from Germany after Hitler's coming into power, so
anyone who has been sort of ousted, or came out of Germany under
Hitler, I interpreted it to be sort of leftish. And from conversations,
I gathered that he was pretty close to the Communist activities.
Mr. Morris. To answer your question. Senator Johnston, Karl H.
Niebyl is a director of economics section and publication sections of
the Editor Review and Forecast ; has a Doctor of Philosophy degree
from the University of Wisconsin; INIaster of Arts degree from the
University of Frankfurt; was a fellow in economics. University of
Wisconsin ; has also done graduate studies at the University of London,
London School of Economics, and the University of Paris, University
of Frankfurt, and University of Berlin. He became assistant pro-
fessor of economics in Carleton College, and later on he became the
economic adviser on monetary and fiscal policies for the Advisory
Commission to the Council on National Defense. He is an associate
professor of economics and chairman of the graduate department of
economics at Tulane University, where we presume he now is, Senator.
I do not know exactly. And his name appears in the Abraham Lincoln
School catalog in the fall of 1943, whence this information I have
just read is taken.
Senator Johnston. Fine. Proceed.
Mr. Mandel (reading further) :
In order to facilitate the task of the agent in Chicago in coordinating the
campaign in the adjoining districts, I should like you to send us immediately
the list of names and addresses of those persons in the Middle West district
whom you have already contacted. Especially persons connected with the
universities.
All the subscribers around here are eagerly looking forward to the appearance
of the magazine. I hope that the first issue will be published in October as has
been promised, and not in November or December !
Signed "Sincerely, Tsuru."
Mr. Morris. Now, Senator, I think the answer from Mr, Parry
to Mr. Tsuru to that letter is important, particularly because of this
paragraph. I would like this to be offered with that first letter,
Senator, because the two are together.
If I may read this one paragraph ?
Senator Johnston. Proceed.
Mr. Morris (reading) :
On the matter of the study groups discussed in your last letter especially
Mr. Glover. Mr. Morris, could you tell us which one-
Mr. Morris. This is the answer of September 6. This is the letter
that is probably appended to the first one. [Reading :]
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3699
On the matter of the study groups cUscaissed in your last letter especially:
I do not see how there can be any doubt that such study groups are a very desir-
able thing. Unquestionably they can bring in many people who would not go
to the workers school. They do not conflict with the workers school. It is the
duty of the more advanced members of the groups to dravr the others closer to
the\-evolutionary movement by involving them in activities, as you suggest;
If anyone raises any objection to these study groups
Seiicator Johnston. Wait a minute. What do you mean by "revo-
lutionary movement" ? _
Mr. TsuEU. This is not my writing.
Senator Jennek. This is in reply.
Senator Johnston. It is an answer to you, though. He is talking
to you about the matter, and he expects you to understand what it
means.
Mr. TsuRU. I do not think I mentioned about revolution m my
letter.
Senator Johnston. I know you did not, but he is writing back to
you.
Mr. jMorris. xlnd attributing it to you.
Mr. TsuRU. Well, if it is iii^ answer to my letter, you see, he is at-
tributing something which I did not mention.
Senator Johnston. I know, but how do you answer that ?
Mr. TsuRU. He is attributing more than
Senator Johnston. That shows what he is thinking about the
letter which you wrote to him.
Mr. TsuRU. I cannot conjecture about his own mind.
Senator Johnston, ^^liat is that ?
Mr. TsuRU, I cannot conjecture as to Mr. Parry's
Senator Johnston. I do not think there is much conjecture in
there. I think he realizes what he is talking to you about, and I think
you realize what he is talking about, too.
Mr. TsuRU. I think my intention at the time, if you would like me
to answer as fully as I can, was to make Science and Society a success
as a magazine. And once I set my mind to doing so, I did it as
Senator Johnston. Success for whom ?
Mr. TsuRU. Success — well, from my own point of view, I think I
have already said it before, but, I was very much interested in up-
setting the Japanese program of invasion in China, and I was quite
adA^enturous in that respect.
If you ask me about the positions I did take in those days, or earlier,
some of these letters which I just left back, it is very_ difficult for me
to justify now because I entirely take a different position at present.
And at present, you see, my views on these matters are so different
that it is really painful for me. I know it is a duty for me to answer
your questions but it is painful for me to try to develop all the ramifi-
cations of those excesses which I committed.
If you ask my present views, then it is much easier for me. And
especially, Mr. Parry says, "revolutionary movement"; I did not say
it. What I was trying to do, I think, in this exchange of letters with
Mr. Parry was to make Science and Society a success. That was — I
think that must have been, my intention in writing such letters.
Mr. Morris. When you refer in your article, of January 1954, as
to the "stealthy footsteps of America," what do you mean by that?
You took a position, Mr. Tsuru, did you not, opposing the position
93215— 57— pt. 57 2
3700 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
of the United States in implementing the United Nations Resolution
on Genocide and criticizing the Anglo-Americans for deliberately dis-
torting the not unreasonable reply of November 1954 of the Soviet
Union.
Do you remember that article ?
Mr. Glover. Do you have a copy of it, Mr. Morris ?
Mr. Morris. Not with me. I will have it for you tomorrow.
Mr. TsuRU. I think I do remember it.
May I answer that question ?
Senator Johnston. Surely.
Mr. TsuRu. I think Mr. Morris has referred to two aspects of the
article. One was the question of genocide ; the other was a question
of the failure of the United States and United Kingdom Government
to reply to the Soviet note of November 1954 — failed to reply
promptly.
Now, as to the question of genocide, we are very much concerned
about that question in Japan. The Japanese Army itself has been
suspected of trying to develop the genocide weapon during the Second
World War, and I have no authentic proof, but I have a suspicion
that at least they tried to do so.
So, when various indications arose as to the use of genocide
weapons — I am sorry, the genocide weapon is the weapon which kills
a large number of people
Mr. Morris. The genocide resolution is, of course, the resolution to
the eliminating of a whole nation.
Mr. TsuRU. May I retract what I said ? I was under a misunder-
standing.
Mr. Morris. Perhaps you would like to let your answer go until
you see the article fully. Mr. Tsuru.^
Mr. TsuRU. I think I can recall, however, because I think I can guess
what you are trying to make me answer.
I have been known as an anti-American in Japan in the postwar.
Because I think I have expressed my views publicly as regards a num-
ber of problems to which America has been closely connected.
One is the question of experimental explosion of nuclear weapons;
the other the question of the political restrictions on Japan's trade
with mainland China. Another is the question of the United States
foreign policy as a whole.
Mr. Morris. Mainland China being what we know as Red China ?
Mr. TsuRU. I use the words "mainland China" because the United
Nations use that expression in referring to the Continent of China.
And another one is with respect to the question of so-called strings
attached to the American aid.
On these number of questions I have expressed my views in public,
and the passage which Mr. Morris read refers to, I believe
Senator Johnston. When you say "strings attached to foreign aid"
what do you mean there ?
Mr. TsuRU. You would like
Senator Johnston. I would like to know just what you mean.
]\Ir. TsuRU. I criticized that aspect especially in connection with
what we call mutual security agreement between Japan and the
1 Following the hearing Mr. Tsuru furnished the subcommittee with a copy of the article
which was placed in the files.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3701
United States. We received aid of wheat in the first instance from the
United States under the mutual security agreement. Subsequently,
such aid of wheat shipment was formalized in the form of surplus agri-
cultural disposal, and which I think the Japanese Government nego-
tiated already about three times.
The mechanism of the aid is to ship, let us say, American wheat or
cotton to Japan, sell these products to the Japanese against Japanese
local currency, and this local currency is accumulated as a counterpart
fund, and this counterpart fund is used to fill various purposes for the
development of Japan.
Now the part I objected to most was the degree of control which
America seems to have insisted on on the disposal of the counterpart
funds. I felt, if it was to be an aid f i-om the United States, and it was
called an aid, I felt it would be best for the mutual relations between
the United States and Japan if the disposal of the counterpart fund
was entirely left in the hands of the Japanese Government, whereas,
the use of the counterpart fund, to a greater degree, was controlled by
the United States, especially in the direction at first of expanding
Japanese armaments.
I hold the view, even now, that Japan should not arm too fast, and
I had various indications that the United States Government was
pressing the Japanese Government to arm beyond what I would con-
sider the proper limit at the present time, especially in view of the
fact we have the article IX in our Constitution which clearly states
that we renounce war and have no armaments, either of land, sea, or
air, in the future.
So I called such a degree of controls over surplus disposal counter-
part funds as "strings" attached."
Senator Jenner. Counterpart fund, though, is a fund owned by
the United States Government, isn't it? They belong to us, why
should you have the say about spending our money ?
Mr. TsuRU. Excuse me. Senator. According to the agricultural
surplus disposal negotiations, I believe the counterpart fund is re-
garded as a loan by the United States Government to the Japanese
Government. It is a loan, a loan repayable either in yen or dollars.
If it is to be repaid in dollars, then the rate of interest is lower than
if we repaid in yen. But it is a loan.
Senator Jenner. INIr. Chairman, I would like to ask this witness a
question. He says he is going to be on the Voice of America program
right away.
Have you prepared your manuscript yet for the Voice of America ?
Mr. TsuRU. I have not — the suggestion came to me, I believe, before
I received a subpena from your committee. I agreed to do so, and
the date was set for April 18. So I thought it was a very good oppor-
tunity for me to express my
Senator Jenner. Anti -American views ?
Mr. TsuRU. No, sir.
Senator Jenner. Well you said you were known as an anti-
American.
Mr. TsuRU. I said I was known, but I was trying to explain what
my position was, and I was sort of interrupted.
Senator Jenner. I do not quite understand some of your explana-
tions. Are you here on a United States Government grant?
Mr.TsuRU. No, sir.
3702 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Senator Jenner. How are you here at Harvard University now?
Mr. TsuRTT. Well I think I explained it at first. I am on the
American- Japan intellectual interchange program.
Senator Jenner. Would you tell us a little more about that ?
Mr. TsuRU. I personally do not know the details of this program.
Senator Jenner. Who furnishes the money ?
Mr. TsuRU. It is operated by Columbia Universit3\
Senator Jenner. Columbia ?
Mr. TsuRu. And I think it is — well, since I do not know the details
probably I should not say so. That is the extent I needed to Imow.
And under this program, I was to be a visiting lecturer at Harvard
University.
But^ Mr. Chairman, I was trying to explain earlier my position and
I was niterrupted. I would like to finish it if I may ?
Senator Jenner. Your position on what ?
Senator Johnston. On what ?
Mr. TsuRU. On what I was called or regarded as an anti- American
in Japan, and also the question
Senator Jenner. But you are not anti-iVmerican ?
Mr. TsuRU. Not anti-American. You see, I have been criticized
as being anti-American.
Senator Johnston. Who criticized you as being anti-American ?
Mr. TsuRu. Well I have indications — I do nof recall any definite
printed version of this, but I have indications that I have been re-
garded as an anti-American. But I just wanted to finish it very
briefly, what I was trying to say
Senator Johnston. So much so as to have nivited you into the
Communist Party, isn't that right ?
Mr. TsuRu. The Communist Party ?
Senator Johnston. They never did invite you to join the Com-
munist Party ?
Mr. TsuRu. Never.
Senator Johnston. No one? No one ever discussed anything
about that?
Mr. TsTjRu. No one did.
Mr. Morris, Senator, may I just finish that last sentence that I
was reading here ? [Reading :]
It is the duty of the more aclvanced members of the groups to draw the others
closer to the revoutionary movement by involving them in activities, as you
suggest. If anyone raises any objection to these study groups, see to it that his
position is corrected, if necessary appealing to the district leadership.
_Now isn't that advice to you to take the problem up with the dis-
trict leadership of the Communist Party if you have any dissention
whatever in following out your plan ?
Mr. TsijRU. Well here again, the only way I can answer, I think,
is I committed excesses, and I had committed mistakes in widening
too much my association with various people, and probably I was too
eager to make Science and Society a success at the time. But truth-
fully, I never was a member of the Communist Party ; I never identi-
fied anyone as a member.
Senator Jenner. When you got a letter like that, referring to tak-
ing it up with the district leadership, to whom did you think he was
directing his remarks ? Was there any doubt in your mind, did you
question him about it? l^^io was the district leadership he was re-
ferring to in his reply to your letter ?
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3703
Mr. TsTJKU. I was concerned only Avitli Science and Society, and I
suppose I interpreted this
Senator Jeniv^etj. Did you tell him that you were not interested in
district leadership, you were only concerned with Science and Society?
Did you tell this gentleman that ?
Mr. TsuKTJ. No.
Senator Jennt:r. No ?
Mr. TsuRU. Excuse me, may I answer it ?
Senator Jenner. Yes.
Mr. TsTTRu. I was interested in Science and Society, mainly, so
probably I interpreted the sentence to mean so far as Science and
Society is concerned.
Senator Jexner. Did the Science and Society have a district
leadership ?
Mr. TsuRu. No, it did not, sir. "Well, we had a number of people
who were interested in developing this magazine, Science and Society,
in different districts.
Senator Jexner. Yes. a journal dedicated to the growth of Marxism
scholarship. Isn't that the purpose of Science and Society, a journal
dedicated to the growth of Marxian scholarship ?
Mr. TsTJRU. I think that was the purpose of the Science and Society
at the time. But may I say, as I understand Marxism, and as I un-
derstand it now — Marxism, I understand it as a body of doctrines
which contains a number of elements. I was interested mainly in the
economic analysis part. I should say that Marx's contributions can
be generally classified into three parts : His vision, his analysis of the
society, and his political programs. I was mainly interested in the
analysis of the society part, and so far as Marx's analysis of social
development was concerned, I was a student of it.
I did make various studies myself. I tried to test hypotheses of
INIarx as regards the development of society, especially in terms of
Japan. And I found some of these hypotheses applied to the case of
Japan, especially during the period of development from feudalism
to capitalism in the mid-19th century. As a man in the profession of
scholarship, I wanted to keep on testing the hypotheses on various
parts of the world. But I have taken the position, even then and now
much more strongly than before, some of the hypotheses, even in this
economic analysis part of Karl IMarx, were entirely wrong. For ex-
ample, the thesis that the working class would become increasingly
poor as capitalism develops. I hold the view that his diagnosis in this
regard is entirely wrong, opposite to the fact.
Marx says that there is a tendency toward a falling rate of profit
under capitalism. I also question it.
Mr. IMoRRis. You question it now, or you questioned it then ?
Mr. TsuRU. I question it now, yes.
Mr. Morris. Senator, I think maybe Mr. Tsuru misunderstands our
asking about these particular memorandums. We came upon these
recently. Senator, in connection with another inquiry that is going on,
and they reflected the intimate detailed organization of an important
portion of the Communist Party as operating in the late 1930's and
1940's in the United States.
One of the persons that we have seen so far, at least went on to what
seems to be an important Government office from there. There are
names throughout these papers that are of great interest to us. Some
3704 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
of these people have been, in the late 1950's, witnesses before the com-
mittee, and apparently, were still then Communists. It details a great
deal of information and evidence which is going to be very helpful to
the committee.
Now it occurred to us. Senator, that the man who wrote these letters,
particularly later on when he talks about comrades and party fac-
tions, that obviously such a man writing these letters must, himself, be
right in the middle of the whole thing.
So, we want from Mr. Tsuru, a detailed expression as to what went
on. Perhaps his information will tell us a great deal about the present
Communist organizations now going on.
x\nd I think that your reference to what your present position is
now in connection with Marx or something, is nothing, Mr. Tsuru,
that is of interest to us. "Wliat we are interested in is the Communist
Party as it is now operating in the United States.
Mr. Tsuru. Now operating in the United States ?
Mr. Morris. Yes, as reflected by these papers that you have identified
are yours, and with the aid of which, I think you told us, you were
going to tell who the Communists were whom you knew and worked
with at that time.
Mr. Glover. Mr. Morris, if I may, there is a 20-year interval between
these letters, and now
Mr. Morris. They were left in 1942. These letters go up to 1942.
Mr. Glover. The ones we are looking at now are dated 1936.
Mr. Morris. This particular one. Now, as you know, Mr. Parry
was teaching at Harvard in 1953, and, apparently, the evidence indi-
cated he was still a Communist. Now, Mr. Niebyl, you indicated you
suspected was a Communist ; is that right ?
Mr. Tsuru. That is right.
Mr. Morris. And there is, as you will notice back here later on, a
whole breakup of 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 study groups which you were then
writing to Mr. Niebyl about — I do not know whether that was up in
Cambridge — which included over 100 ]3eople. Now, perhaps you will
tell us about all those things.
Senator Johnston. I would like to call attention to the attorney
that the Senate is in session and is really meeting right now. I suppose
this might be a good place to break and come back tomorrow, and it
will give him time to read his manuscripts here, and identify them for
the record tomorrow.
Mr. Morris. All right, Senator. I would like to offer for the record
at least those two letters, the letter of Mr. Tsuru and the reply from
Mr. Parry. I would like those to go into the record before we adjourn.
Senator Johnston. Tliey shall become a part of the record.
(The letters referred to were marked "Exhibit Nos. 442 and 443"
and are as follows :)
Exhibit No. 442
At present : Madison
But please answer care of The Interna-
tional House 1414 E. 59th Street,
Chicago, Illinois
August 31, 1936.
Dear Bill (W. T. Parry) : "Thus far I have not reported to you anything
concerning the matter of the Association of Marxian Studies, mainly because the
entire matter in this district has been only in the formative stage both with re-
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3705
spect to its theory and practice. It still is. For a definite reason, however, I
feel it necessary to report immediately the major problems which have arisen
here in connection with the matter of organizing the Association.
First, I shall try to formulate my understanding of the nature of the educa-
tional activities centered around the magazine. The publication of the magazine
itself, without the Association or study groups around it, has its educational signi-
ficance. The prospectus is sufficiently clear in this regard. It is as regards
the aspect in the use of the magazine as an active propaganda weapon that I
should like to develop further.
We have already various forms of organization for the educational purposes,
e. g., the Worker's School. The existing forms are adapted mainly for the mem-
bers of the working class and the lower middle class or for the members of the
party and YCL. For the fairly large group of professionals and the majority
of the middle class, however, we either have not developed an effective organiza-
tion or have tried to develop one without success. It seems to me that the main
cause for this failure lies in the fact that the group in question generally abhor?
organization and that we did not accommodate our policy to that characteristic.
Tied up with their abhorrence to organization is the fact that most of them have
very specific interest, especially in the case of professional groups. Engineers are
first of all interested in engineering. Social caseworkers are interested more in
psychiatry than in dialectic materialism in general. Now, to meet this special
circumstance, the fiexible form of study groups, in my opinion, is a most appro-
priate answer. These study groups shall originate, needless to say, through
our initiative, along the most natural and easy tie of association. For instance,
the Korb's group in Cambridge arose among those who were dissatisfied in the
Marx seminale. Lunning's group arose among the members of the Law School
A group may originate thru the fact of professional homogeneity, like in the
case of social caseworkers. A group may originate thru the preexisting social
ties. A study group on Plato may turn into a study group on Marx, as has been
done this summer in Madison. In short, study groups will avoid the formal
aspect of organization as much as possible and make use of the special interests
which professional groups possess. The Association of Marxian Studies can come
only after this. It will turn out to be harmful or ineffective if we organize the
Association too prematurely in any particular locality. In either case, the maga-
zine serves as a weapon for promoting, as well as in conducting and developing
such study groups.
No less Important than the foregoing point, however, is the necessity of leading
ordinary members of these study groups into a more mature form of organization
or of activities. To be a member of a study group may be a step toward enrolling
the Worker's School ; it may be a step toward joining the American League
against War and Fascism ; it may be a step toward becoming a member of
YCL or of the party. It is absolutely necessary to keep a study group from be-
coming a self -perpetuating, stagnant cloister for the few.
As to the relation between the educational activities centered around the maga-
zine and those of the Worker's Schools, I don't think there is any conflict or dupli-
cation. The former apply to those groups which usually cannot be reached
by the Worker's School on account of their abhorrence to organization or of
their too specific an interest.
Now, as to what has been done in Madison and Chicago. In Madison, the
practical step has been already taken, although the major portion of it will not
be effected until the Univereity opens in September. At present, there are three
study groups going. Two among members of the Farmer Labor Progressive
Federation, one using Corey's The Decline of American Capitalism and the other
Engels' Anti-DiiJiring. The first group consists mainly of clerical workers.
The third group is among students of the University; it has been carried on
during the summer session in the form similar to that of the group on dialectic
materialism in Cambridge. The teacher's unit appointed a special committee
headed by the agent for the magazine to outline concrete avenues of approach
in the educational activities centered around the magazine. The report has been
submitted and the discussion on it is going on. In Chicago, the practical step
has not yet been taken. There the question of cooperation with the Worker's
School has to be settled. In fact, a member of its staff, I am informed, has ex-
pressed in his casual talk a sense of alarm at the possibility of duplication. I
think that such an alarm is largely based upon the misunderstanding of the
nature of study groups which the Association is to organize. Miss Constance
Kyle, who probably will act as the main agent for the magazine in the Chicago
district, tells me that there are many possibilities of study groups among those
3706 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
people whom the School will not be able to reach effectively. The Association
will not go beyond filling such a gap. On this matter, I shall try to discuss with
the staff of the School when I go to Chicago iu a few days, and shall report to
you on the result. But, meanwhile, I think it will help a great deal toward
clarifying the matter here if you let me know as soon as possil)le your reaction
to my report above. In the matter of the Association, as well as in that of the
magazine, I have constantly asked for suggestions of K. H. Niebyl.
In order to facilitate the task of the agent in Chicago in coordinating the
campaign in the adjoining districts, I should like you to send us immcdiaiely
the list of names and addresses of those persons in the Middle Vfest district
whom you have already contacted, especially persons connected with universities.
All the subscribers aroimd here are eagerly looking forward to the appear-
ance of the magazine. I hope that the first issue will be published in October
as has been promised, and not in November or December !
Sincerely,
(TSUKU).
Exhibit No. 443
Science and Society: A Marxian Quabteklt
Q^y Holyoke Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts
Sept. 6, 1936.
Dear Tstjru : Please do not think from the fact that we have been somewhat
negligent about answering your letters that we do not appreciate them, and
your numerous activities for the magazine, On the contrary, we find them to be
very valuable. However, Kenneth and I have been out of town now and then ;
and, with most everyone away, I have not been able to get anyone to do typing,
etc., for me most of the time. Also, we have a last-minute rush at present, since
the magazine is going to the printer this week. I can assure you, therefore, by
the way, that the first issue will actually appear in October — in fact, about the
first of October.
On the matter of the study groups discussed in your last letter especially :
1 do not see how there can be any doubt that such study groups are a very desir-
able thing. Unquestionably they can bring in many people who would not go
to the Workers School. They do not conflict with the Workers School. It is the
duty of the more advanced members of the groups to draw the others closer to
the revolutionary movement by involving them in activities, as you suggest. If
anyone raises any objection to these study groups, see to it that his position is
corrected, if necessary appealing to the district leadership.
The organization of these study groups, I think, should be flexible, following
natural lines as you indicate, and the Association should not be too^ formal at
first. Such study groups and Science d Society will mutually help one another's
development.
We have not very many people iu the Middle West who have agreed to work
for the magazine besides tho.se you and Niebyl know about. Miss Constance
Kyle can count on help from Joseph Dooh (math.), also of Univ. of Illinois.
Prof. J. F. Brown, Univ. of Kansas, Lawrence, Kan. (psych.) will help. These
2 we know to be reliable people. Brown has given us names of psychologists, to
whom we have sent prospectuses. (In the Midwest, he listed the following as
"probably very sympathetic": I. Krechevsky, U. of Chicago; N. R. F. Maier,
Univ. of Michigan ; Ross Stagner, Univ. of Akron, Akron, O. )
Frederick L. Ryan, Assoc. Prof, of Economics, Univ. of Oklahoma (Address :
Faculty Exchange, Norman, Okla.), wrote us that he will help, and will try to
start a gi'oup to support magazine.
Mins may have some other names. But I suggest one of you write to him,
stating a little more exactly what sort of information you need (e. g., do you
want lists of subscribers?), and what territory is included.
With regard to Great Britain, J. D. Bernal of U. of Cambridge (68 Walnut
Tree Ave., Cambridge, Engl.) has agreed to be our agent. H. Levy of Univ. of
London is also acting as a Foreign Editor. We have written to (or will write
to) about a dozen outstanding Marxists. However, we can always use more
contacts. But I suggest that any extensive campaign for subs, or any suggestions
for articles, be first discussed with us, or directly with Bernal (preferably the
former where possible) .
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3707
Will you please make it clear to the people you communicate with who are
serving as agents for the magazine that we prefer to have business matters (in-
cluding subs.) sent directly to Mins, at 10 Fifth Ave., N. Y. C, and editorial
matters left to this office. (But they may send us a single letter if they have to
deal with both kinds.) (Book reviews may be handled thru either office.)
Thanks for all your assistance. I shall be seeing you soon.
Yours,
/s/ Bill Pabey ( William T. ) .
Mr. Glover. Is there any possibility, Mr. Chairman, since this wit-
ness is from out of town, that we could continue this afternoon ?
Senator Johnston. It will be impossible. Here is the trouble, we
have a rule that we are not supposed to meet while the Senate is in
session. I do not believe so. What do you think ?
Senator Jenner. I would not think so.
Senator Johnston. As for me, I just do not think it would be
possible.
Mr. TsuRU. If you are going to recess, may I just say a word ?
Senator Johnston. Yes, sir, but try to be brief, because we do have
to leave here.
Mr. TsuRU. Yes.
I have agreed, as I wrote to Senator Eastland by personal letter,
that I am willing to testify, cooperate with the committee to the best
of my ability. And I have tried to do so this morning, and I shall
continue to do so in the future. However, I am here on the American-
Japan intellectual interchange program, which I consider to be very
important.
And — I was interrupted earlier — on the Voice of America pro-
gram, I was going to say my impressions of America, in which I was
going to include my sense of surprise about the vigor of the economic
development, the degree of prosperity you have. In general, I was
going to do my best to cement and promote the interests of the cultural
interchange between our two countries.
Now, Iconsider my job as such, a cultural interchange man, quite
important. So, though I shall be at your service any time you would
like me to come, I would appreciate very much if you could also let
me carry out some of the commitments I have under this program.
Senator Johnson. We will try our best to finish tomorrow.
Mr. Morris. Particularly, Mr. Tsuru, if you will look at these let-
ters, so we can go through them all at great length.
Senator Johnston. The committee stands adjourned until 10 : 30
tomorrow morning.
(Whereupon, at 12 : 30 p. m., the committee recessed to reconvene at
10 : 30 a. m., Wednesday, March 27, 195Y.)
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 27, 1957
United States Senate,
subcommtttee to investigate the
Administration of the Internal Security Act
AND Other Internal Security Laws,
OF THE Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington^ D. G.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10 : 45 a. m., in room 424,
Senate Office Building, Senator Jenner, presiding.
Also present : Eobert Morris, chief counsel ; William A. Eusher,
associate counsel ; J. G. Sourwine, associate counsel ; Benjamin Mandel,
director of research.
Senator Jenner. The committee will come to order.
Proceed with the testimony of the witness. The witness was sworn
yesterday so this is a continuation.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Tsuru has requested an opportunity
to read a statement here.
Senator Jenner. You may proceed.
]\Ir. Tsuru. IMr. Chairman, at yesterday's hearings the questions
asked me ranged over a time span of more than 25 years, often with-
out regard to chronology. To put matters in perspective, I would
like to make this statement at the beginning of today's hearing.
1. I am a Japanese citizen, and a professor of economics at
Hitotsubashi University in Tokyo. I took my undergraduate and
graduate training in the United States, receiving the following degrees
from Harvard University in the years indicated (bachelor of arts,
1935; master of arts, 1936; doctor of philosophy, 1940). In 1941,
when war broke out, I was a research assistant in the economics
department at Harvard. My wife and I were not interned but were
subsequently repatriated on the Gripshohn in June, 1942.
2. I am ciu'rently on leave of absence from Hitotsubashi University
in order to come to this country under the American-Japanese intel-
lectual interchange program, a privately sponsored program, to do
economic research at Harvard, give some guest lectures, and generally
reacquaint myself with a country which I have not seen for 15 years.
Senator Jenner. You will furnish this committee the method by
which you came here, who is financing it, and so forth.
Mr. Tsuru. I will do so, sir.^ I shall continue reading.
3. In the postwar years in Japan I served as an economist in SCAP
(1946-47).
1 A statement regarding the Intellectual Interchange program, which Mr. Tsuru said was
prepared by Prof. Hugh Borton, chairman of the American committee, is printed as
appendix I of this volume.
3709
3710 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Senator Jenner. That was under General MacArthur ?
Mr. TsuRU. Yes. When a coalition Cabinet was formed in 1947
under Premier Katayama, I was asked to become Vice Minister of
Economic Stabilization. In that capacity I helped to initiate measures
to curb inflation in Japan, measures which, incidentally, were vigor-
ously opposed by Japanese Communists.
4. I am not "anti- American" unless that term can be extended to in-
clude one who, as a Japanese citizen, on occasion publicly differs with
specific United States policies, such as the test explosion of nuclear
bombs in the Pacific, severe restrictions on trade between Japan and
mainland China, and emphasis on Japanese rearmament.
Senator Jenner. May I interrupt right there ?
Mr. TsuRU. Yes, sir.
Senator Jenner. You have made public statements, I assume, in re-
gard to the explosion of nuclear tests by the United States Govern-
ment.
Mr. TsuRTj. I have written articles for publication on the opinion
of mine regarding this question, not only the tests by the United States
Government, but by all the governments.
Senator Jexner. In other words, it is public knowledge you have
written on it.
Mr. TsuRU. Yes. May I continue.
Senator Jenner. Sure.
Mr. Tsuru. Since my return to the United States I have become
aware, through firsthand observation, of the vitality and the poten-
tiality for growth of the American economy and have written, for ex-
f.mple, an article for ASAHI, Japan's leading newspaper, reporting,
from an economist's viewpoint, the extremely high standard of living
in the United States, and the increasing emphasis of American con-
sumers on quality, rather than quantity. I am extremely grateful for
the opportunity provided me by the exchange program to reacquaint
myself with the United States, and I am sure I shall have occasions
to prove this gratitude through my lectures and writings while in this
country and after I return to Japan this fall.
5. As I have testified, I am not and never have been a member of
the Communist Party. Attention has been called to a handful of let-
ters written by, and to, me in 1936-37, some 20 years ago when I was a
student at Harvard. These letters were apparently among the pos-
sessions which I left behind in my apartment in Cambridge when I
was repatriated on the Grifsholm. During that period of time, as
these letters indicate, I was acquainted with some individuals who
were Communists or Communist-sympathizers, and, for a brief while
I showed interest in the publication, Science and Society (some of
whose editors were Communists), and in groups in Cambridge which
discussed, among other things, Marxist doctrine.
Looking back over 20 years, I can only explain such interests dur-
ing my student days in terms of youthful indiscretion of which I am
ashamed.
I soon lost interest in Science and Society and saw less and less of
those individuals in Cambridge and elsewhere who had been active in
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3711
it. As I matured, my attitudes changed. One of the major factors
which influenced me in the direction of my current beliefs, which I
would characterize as democratic socialism, was my realization, after
the bold economic measures taken by the United States Government
to curb the 1937-38 recession, of the constructive j)romises which the
American system of economy seemed to hold for the future.
Although I would not in any way condone my youthful indiscre-
tions during my student days, I consider that this experience enables
me to hold to my present views with greater strength and confidence
and to challenge Communist doctrines more effectively.
]\Ir. Morris. Mr. Chairman, that this hearing may be kept in per-
S]5ective, I would like to bring into the record the evidence which Mr.
Tsuru has been identifying, which indicates a very widespread and
rather formidable infiltration in Americans, which is apparently con-
tinuing down to date.
Mr. Mandel has compiled a list of professors and their universities
which indicates the spread with which Science and Society, the maga-
zine. Science and Society, has been operating on our American
campuses.
Also, we are not dealing here, Senator — these papers don't reveal
youthful indiscretion or any such thing. The witness, in his own
statement yesterday, was talking of the necessity of leading ordinary
members of study groups into a more mature form of organization
or activities. He went on say that to be a member of a study group
may be a step toward enrolling in the workers' schools ; maybe a step
toward joining the American League Against War. and Fascism. It
may also be a step, he said, toward becoming a member of the Young
Communist League or of the party. "It is absolutely necessary," said
Mr. Tsuru, "to keep a study group from becoming a self-perpetuating
stagnant cloister for the few."
I think, at the outset of the hearing today. Senator, ]\Ir. Mandel
should offer, for the record, a list of individuals with their colleges
listed, who have been contributing editors — or let him furnish the
description — to the publication Science and Society.
Mr. TsTJEu. JNIay I interrupt a second ?
Senator Jenner, Yes.
Mr. Tsuru. I think Mr. Morris started out by saying, "Mr. Tsuru
said yesterday" — now the letter was read yesterday in which the quota-
tion was contained. The letter which I wrote in 1936.
Mr. Morris. Yes ; you acknowledged you had stated in 1936
Mr. Tsuru. Yes
Senator jE>rNER. All right ; proceed, Mr. Mandel.
Mr. Mandel. The attached list of contributors to Science and So-
ciety shows the spread of the magazine among American colleges and
universities. The tabulation is necessarily incomplete because we do
not have all copies of the magazine available and because, in some in-
stances, no college or university connection is given. It must be kept
in mind that contributors listed may or may not be presently con-
nected with the magazine and that they may or may not be presently
connected with the college or university listed. Persons who con-
tributed on more than one occasion are not repeated in the list.
3712 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
(The doc^^ment referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 444" and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 444
Writers for Science and Society
Issue
Winter 1939-
Spring 1939-
Summer 1939.
FaU 1939.
Wiater 1940.
Sprins 1940-
Do
Summer 1940.
Winterl942..
Spring 1942-.-
Summer 1942,
rani942
Spring 1943-.-
Summer 1943-
Winter 1944..
J. W. Alexander
Francis Birch
Tiieodore B. Brameld
Dorothy Brewster
Ralph J. Bunche
Addison T. Cutler
E. Franklin Frazier
Louis Harap
Granville Hicks
Eugene C. Holmes
Leo Huberman
Oliver Larkin
Herbert M. Morals
Broadus M itchell
Brooks Otis
Herbert. I. Phillips.
Samuel Sillen
Harry C. Steinmetz
Paul M. Sweezy
Louis Weisner
Edwin Berry Burgum...
Vladimir D. Kazakevich.
V.J. McGill
Margaret Schlauch
Bernhard J. Stern.-
D.J. Struik-
Spring 1944-.-
Summer 1944.
Samuel Yellen
Lester Taraopol
Charles Obermeyer
Irving Mark
Howard Selsam
Lewis S. Feuer
C harles Hughes.
Bailey W. Diffie
Kingsley Davis
Leopold Infeld
Harry Slochower
KarlH. Niebyl
H. V. Cobb
Francis Ballaine
M. F. Ashley Montagu.
Mitchell Franklin
George Herzog
Marion Hathway
Alice D. Snyder
.A.lan R. Sweezy
Robert A. Brady
Leslie C. Dunn
Vernon Venable
Carl O. Dunbar
Norman Levinson
Frank E. Hartunj
Lillian Herlands Hornstein.
S . Stanfleld Sargent
University or college indicated
Robert K. Merton
Walter B. Cannon
Curtis P. Nettels.
Horace B. Davis
Abraham Edel ^
Paul BirdsaU
Elton P. Guthrie
William O. Brown
Alfred Lowe
Leslie Reade
Harold Chapman Brown
Henry David
Benjamin Paskofl
Louis C. Hunter
A. D. Winspear
Lyman R. Bradley
Alexander Sandow
Katharine De Pre Lumpkin..
Joseph Kresh
Institute for Advanced Studies,
Princeton.
Harvard.
Adelphia.
Columbia.
Howard.
Fisk.
Howard.
Harvard.
Do.
Howard.
Columbia.
Smith.
Brooklyn.
Johns Hopkins.
Hobard.
Washington (State).
New York.
San Diego State.
Harvard.
Hunter.
New York.
Columbia.
Hunter.
New York.
Columbia.
Massachusetts Institute of Tech-
nology.
Harvard.
Do.
Wisconsin.
Simmons.
City College of Xew York.
Williams.
Washington (State).
Howard.
New York.
Stanford.
Queens.
City College of New York.
American.
Wisconsin.
Brooklyn.
New York.
Smith.
Brooklyn and City College of New
York.
Indiana.
Kentucky.
Columbia.
Biooklyn.
Do.
City College of New York.
Hunter.
City College of New York
Pennsylvania State.
Toronto.
Brooklyn.
Carleton.
Do.
Adelphi
Hahnemann Medical.
Tulane.
Columbia.
Pittsburgh.
Vassar.
Williams.
California.
Columbia.
Vassar.
Yale.
Massachusetts Institute of Tech-
nology.
Wayne.
New York.
Columbia.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3713
Writers for Science and Society — Continued
Issue
Fall 1944
Spring 1945
Summer 1945. .
Fall 1945
Spring 1947
Summer 1947. .
Spring 1948
FaU1948 _.
Winter 1948-49
Spring 1949
Summer 1949..
Falll949
Spring 1950
Summer 1950- .
Fall 1950
Winter 1950-51
Spring 1951
Fall 1951
Winter 1951-52
Spring 1952
Winter 1953..,
Fall 1953
TMnter 1954...
"Winter 1955...
Name
T. Addis
Frederic Ewen
Barrows Dunliam
Selden C. Menefee
Charles E. Trinkaus, Jr
Ernst Riess
Joseph W. Cohen
John A. Wolfard
Hans Gottschalk
Oliver O. Cox
Norman Cazden
William Mandel
Meyer Reinhold
Morris Swadesh
Perez Zagorin
Surendra J. Patel
Shou Shan Pu
Ralph H. Gundlach
Wallace W. Douglas
Kemieth May
Bernard F. Reiss
W. T. Pany
Kirtley F. Mather
Ray H. Dotterer
Alvin W. Gouldner
Henry Aiken
E. Burke Inlow
Russell B. Nye
G. M. Gilbert
Lullian Gilkes
G. W. Sherman
David V. Erdman
Otto Nathan
Robert B. MacLeod
Frank S. Freeman
Alfred Young
Vera Shlakman
Eda Lou Walton
Keimeth Neill Cameron
Ray Ginger
Henry Pratt Fairchild
Arthur K. Davis
Ernest F. Patterson
Norman Cazden
Ray Ginger
Philip 'Morrison
V'llliam Appleman Williams
Vernard Mandel
L. R. Lind
University or college indicated
Stanford, School of Medicine.
Brooklyn.
Temple.
National.
Sarah Lawrence.
Hunter.
Colorado.
Montana State.
Iowa.
Tuskegee.
Harvard.
Stanford.
Brooklyn.
City College of New York.
Amherst.
Pennsylvania.
Carleton.
Washington (State).
Northwestern.
Carleton.
Brooklyn.
Buffalo.
Harvard.
Pemisylvania State.
Buffalo.
Harvard.
Princeton.
Michigan State.
Princeton.
New York.
Montana State.
Minnesota.
New York.
Cornell.
Do.
Wesleyan.
Queens.
New York.
Indiana.
Western Reserve.
New York.
Union.
Alabama.
Illinois.
Harvard.
Cornell.
Oregon.
Perm.
Kansas.
Mr. Morris. Now, Senator, I might point out that in this list are
people who have been identified as members of the Communist Party,
many of whom, when asked under oath whether the specific evidence
is accurate or inaccurate have claimed privilege under the fifth amend-
ment. I might point out, Senator, that that process of congressional
committees learning the identity of these men is something that has
taken years to ascertain.
In a letter which has already been submitted to Mr. Tsuru on
February 22, 1937
Senator Jenner. Do you want to offer this list for the record ?
Mr. Morris. Mr. Mandel has offered it.
Senator Jenner. It may go into the record and become an official
part of the record.
Mr. Morris. Science and Society is still published?
Mr. Mandel. Yes. I have here three issues of 1956 and if I may
mention some names which appear in these issues
Mr. Morris. Just offer them for the record.
3714 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Senator Jenner. They will go in to the record by reference and be-
come an official part of this committee's record.
(The issues above referred to were numbered "Exhibit No. 445,
445-A and 445-B may be found in the subcommittee files.)
Mr. Morris. I would like to read from your [Tsuru's] letter of
February 22, 1937, page 3.
Connie —
Wlio was Connie ?
Mr. TsuRU. This is Miss — she was then Miss — I don't know what
happened to her subsequently, Miss Constance Kyle.
Mr. Morris. And she was a professor of psychiatry at the Univer-
sity of Illinois, was she not ?
Mr. TsuRU. University of Illinois or Chicago.
Mr. Morris. On that memorandum we come to later
Mr. TsuRU. Yes, I believe it says
Mr. Morris. It says department of science at University of Illinois.
Mr. TsuRu. Yes, Mr. Morris.
Mr. Morris. May I continue reading ?
Senator Jenner. Proceed.
Mr. Morris (reading) :
Connie had expressed her anxiety, when she received a letter of acknowledg-
ment from Miss Olson (a secretary to Mins) —
Now Mins is Henry Felix Mins, is he not ?
Mr. TsuRu. Mr. H. F. Mins, I don't know his second name.
Mr. Morris. There is a Mr. H. F. Mins associated with the maga-
zine who has been identified in our record as a Communist and was
called as witness in late 1952 and rather than answer, claimed his
privilege under the fifth amendment. He was then a New York
schoolteacher. I think the board of education subsequently took
action and brought about his removal if he didn't resign.
And who was Miss Olson ?
Mr. TsuRU. Miss Olson, I do not know.
Mr. Morris (continuing) :
as to the care with which the fraction and the official body are being distin-
guished. Not only your letter made it clear that the memorandum is addressed
to the fraction, but I also repeated it verbally to Parry. Parry explained to me,
however, practically all of the members of the editorial board either are or once
were members of the party, and that the fraction and the editorial board are
almost identical.
This fact itself reveals a shortcoming in my mind. Most concretely, the short-
coming came into light at the time our memorandum was brought down to New
York. At that time most editors were terrifically busy in other duties of theirs
(in connection with the fight against Trotskyists) and, according to Parry, were
not in the position to take up our memorandum for discussion immediately. My
concrete suggestion is : the S. and S. should be able to enlist progressive intel-
lectuals (who are not party members) who could make their activities in the S.
and S. as their primary task. (The success of Left Book Club in England seems
to me to be partially due to this factor.) I do not mean to say that our memor-
andum would have received a faster response had there been such persons active
for the magazine ; but I mean to say that the magazine and all other words con-
nected with it (e. g. study groups) should not be solely in the hands of party
members who are very often called to their duties even when they are needed
in the magazine.
(The letter of February 22, 1937, was marked "Exhibit No. 446"
and reads as follows :)
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3715
Exhibit No. 446
36 Claveelt Hall, Cambridge, Mass.,
February 22, 1937.
Deab Karl-Heinkich (Niebyl) : Connie has written me from Washington,
telling me that Gertrude had returned to Chicago though not with complete
recovery. At least, I am glad that her sickness was not very serious, but I hope
she will take a good care of herself not to invite a relapse. You have been well
as usual?
I remember that I promised you in my long letter of about three weeks ago
to let you know about the situation in Cambridge more in detail so far as the
matter of S»&S is concerned.
At the beginning of the current schoolyear (October 1936), the situation was
as follows : questions directly concerned with the magazine (such as, subscrip-
tion, contribution) were almost exclusively in the single hands of W. T. Parry
with some assistance from L. Harap, a contributing editor. Parry was doing
even such things as contacting with, and carrying magazines, to various news
stands. There was in existence, at that time, a very informal, loose organiza-
tion called The Association of Marxist Studies which consisted of representatives
(either approved or nonapproved) from each study group. Following study
groups were represented in the Association :
Attendance
SGI, white collar workers' group socialists predominating text — Leontiev's
Pol. Ec 10-15
SG2, a group branched off from SGI because the number of SGI became
too large text — the same as above 5
SG8, graduate students and instructors in the Economics Dept. text —
Capital 5-8
SG4, graduate students and instructors in the Ec. Dept., some overlapping
with SG3 seminar "Economics of Socialist Society" 5-8
SG5, graduate students from various depts. text — Lenin's works 5-10
SG6, graduate students from various depts. seminar "Dialectic Material-
ism 5
JRSl, John Reed Society classes, mostly undergraduates topic "Historical
Materialism" 20-30
JRS2, John Reed Society class; mostly undergraduates topic "Current
Events" 20-30
Except SG2 which emerged at the beginning of this current academic year, all
the above groups existed during the last spring. As far as I know, the Associa-
tion was the only place where various problems connected with study groups were
discussed
After the first issue of the magazine came out, it was suggested that the Asso-
ciation be transformed into Science and Society Club, especially because the lead-
ership in the Association then was of stultifying type. The fact that the Associa-
tion did practically nothing in the way of cooperating with S&S is to be explained,
in my opinion, both in terms of the shrinking questism of the Association leader-
ship and in terms of insufficient realization on the part of S&S of the necessity of
cooperation with the Association. Through the transformation of the Association
into the SSC, it was deemed that new blood could be injected into this sphere of
activity, fusing more intimately the Association and S&S.
The first meeting of SSC was called at the beginning of December to discuss
the first issue and S&S in general. Burgum came from New York to represent
editors. There were about 20 people present. But because of the technical error,
the matter of SSC was not broached until a few minutes before the closing hour
of the Hall. Thus this meeting remained merely as a meeting called by the editors
of S&S to discuss the magazine. At that time the number of subscribers in the
state of Massachusetts was 101, according to the list submitted from New York.
During the month of January, the old members of the Association met a few
times and voted to hold the second meeting of the subscribers and the SG
members and their friends. At the beginning of February, the situation was as
follows : As regards the matter of S&S, Parry was not completely single-handed,
because Harap headed the committee on "A Guide to Marxian Studies," the
bibliography projected. Following study groups were in existence : SGI ; SG2
(now, taking up Lenin's Teachings of Karl Marx with sufficient amount of refer-
ence readings; the number of participants increased to 10) ; SG3; SG5 and SG6
combined into one dwindling in number and taking up the question of Fascism and
93215— 57— pt. 57 3
3716 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Social democracy ; both JRSl and JRS2 nominally existed but had not yet started
their activities for the semester. In other words, no new groups and two less
than before. But SGI and SG2 not only grew as time went on, but also developed
politically. SGI is again ready to undergo "cell division."
The second general meeting to discuss S&S was held on Feb. 12. (The list
of subscribers at that time numbered 128 in the state of Massachusetts, Cam-
bridge accounting for about one-half of the number.) The discussion with the
participation of Struik, Sweezy brothers, and Professors Leontief and Mason was
quite lively. There were about 30 people present (two undergraduates, two or
three uou-University middle class intellectuals, the rest was graduate students
and instructors of the University). But again the matter of SSC was not effec-
tively brought up ; thus the Club was not organized. Those undergraduates and
white-collar worlvers who were present and could be taken as typical of their
respective groups voiced the identical opinion after the meeting that both
the magazine and the meeting were too "high brow" for them. The white-collar
worker who voiced this opinion was one of the ablest members of SGI. He
was the only one present out of all the members of SGI and SG2.
In view of the above situation, I have made the following practical con-
siderations :
(1) So far as Cambridge is concerned, what is most important is the draw-
ing in of new blood. For this purpose, the unit which has been and still is
somewhat aloof to the question of SG should reconsider its policy. Whether
we shall form SSC or not is not so important as the question of the drawing
in of new blood into the theoretical front and the question of the thorough-
going reconsideration of the policy on study groups.
(2) As to the S»&S as a whole, I should not like to make any additional
remarks to what we said in our memorandum until we receive an answer from
New York. But I am beginning to feel more strongly than before that present
editors do not regard the S&S as a political weapon.
Connie had expressed her anxiety, when she received a letter of acknowledg-
ment from Miss Olson (a secretary to Mins), as to the care with which the
fraction and the oflBcial body are being distinguished. Not only your letter
made it clear that the memorandum is addressed to the fraction, but I also
repeated it verbally to Parry. Parry explained to me, however, practically
all of the members of the editorial board either are or once were members
of the Party, and that the fraction and the editorial board are almost identical.
This fact itself reveals a shortcoming in my mind. Most concretely, the short-
coming came into light at the time our memorandum was brought down to
New York. At that time most editors were terrifically busy in other duties
of theirs (in connection with the fight against Trotskyists) and, according
to Parry, were not in the position to take up our memorandum for discussion
immediately. My concrete suggestion is : the S&S should be able to enlist
progressive intellectuals (who are not party members) who could make their
activities in the S&S as their primary task. (The success of Left Book Club
in England seems to me to be partially due to this factor.) I do not mean
to say that our memorandum would have received a faster response had there
been such persons active for the magazine ; but I mean to say that the maga-
zine and all other works connected with it (e. g. study groups) should not
be solely in the hands of party members who are very often called to their
duties even when they are needed in the magazine.
I wish to get your reaction to these problems, as well as to previous letters,
as soon as you get some moments to scribble down. I am sending a copy of
this letter to Connie.
Warmest greetings
(TSUBU).
Mr. Morris. Now, you wrote that, did you not, Mr. Tsuru?
Mr. Tsuru. Mr. Chairman, since this is a copy, I cannot absolutely
identify it but from internal evidence I am certain I wrote it.
Mr. Morris. And that would make it very clear that at that time
you knew that the makeup of the board of Science and Society was
made up virtually of members of the Communist Party.
Mr. Tsuru. That is the way Parry told me, and since I have no way
of checking on the matter and I was not especially interested on
checking the matter at the time, I more or less took Mr. Parry's word
for it.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3717
Mr. Morris. Now, earlier in that memorandum you make
Mr. TsuRU. Memorandum ?
Mr. Morris. Letter, I am sorry, February 22, 1937, letter, you men-
tion the makeup of study groups in what you call the association.
And there you mention, as follows :
Attendance
SGI, white-collar-workers' group, Socialists predominating; text — ^Leon-
tiev's Pol. Ee 10-15
SG2, a group branched off from SGI, because the number of SGI became
too large ; text — the same as above 5
SG3, graduate students and instructors in the Economics Dept. ; text —
Capital 5-8
SG4, graduate students and instructors in the Ec. Dept., some over-
lapping with SG.3 seminar — Economics of Socialist Society 5-8
SGo, graduate students from various depts. ; text — Lenin's works 5-10
SG6, graduate students from various depts. ; seminar — Dialectic
Materialism 5
JRSl, John Reed Society classes, mostly undergraduates ; topic — His-
torical Materialism 20-30
JRS2, John Reed Society class, mostly undergraduates; topic — Current
Events 20-30
Now, that totals more than 100, does it not, Mr. Tsuru?
Mr. Tsuru. There might have been overlapping ones.
Mr. Morris. These are study groups that generally include material
about Science and Society. You were then writing to Mr. Karl-
Heinrich Niebyl at this time ?
Mr. Tsuru. Yes. I am not quite sure because as I recall, there was
an attempt to organize this Association of Marxist studies which
would not necessarily confine the attention to Science and Society.
I personally felt at the time that Science and Society could be used
for the association, as sort of rallying point, but certainly other books
and magazine materials could be utilized for the purpose of study.
Mr. Morris. And as you said earlier in your letter — "with these
study groups, however,'' of which you wrote in in your August 31
letter, August 31, 1936
Mr. Tsuru. Yes.
Mr. Morris (continuing) :
is the necessity of leading ordinary members of these study groups into a more
mature form of organization or activities. To be a member of a study
group may be a step toward enrolling the Worker's School : it may be a step
toward joining the American League Against War and Fascism ; it may be a
step toward becoming a member of TCL or of the party. It is absolutely nec-
essary to keep a study group from becoming a self -perpetuating, stagnant cloister
for the few.
In other words, as you suggested in your February 22 letter, were
these people to be directed toward the Communist Party ?
Mr. Tsuru. May I answer this question
Senator Jenner. You may.
Mr. Tsuru (continuing) . In slightly amplified form?
Senator Jenner. Certainly.
Mr. Tsuru. From my experience in Japan as a member of the Anti-
Imperialism League about which I related yesterday, I had a certain
preconception about the publication of a magazine like Science and
Society. That is to say to publish such a magazine and do nothing
else would be meaningless. That was my idea. And I felt that if we
are going to publish a magazine like Science and Society at all, we
should do our utmost to introduce people into Science and Society and
3718 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
through that association with Science and Society go into more po-
litical activities. That is a preconception which, I might say, I
learned from my experience in the Anti-Imperialism League. That is
the way I operated, for example, "operate" is not a very good word,
but I worked in the Anti-Imperialism League, first introduced students
into study groups, and then tried to persuade them to come into more
active works like fighting against war in China.
Now, I carried over these preconceptions and at the time these let-
ters were written, I can now see, although I did not remember
before these letters were shown to me, I can now see I was strongly
convinced of the importance of such matters. Therefore, I do not
make any attempt to deny that in this period of 1936 — •, in particular,
I acted like a Communist, I spoke and wrote like a Communist. But
as I said yesterday, I should like to state again, I never was a member,
either of the Young Communist League or the Communist Party any-
where in the world.
In philosophic terms, I should consider myself that I was then a free
agent, a free agent is a philosophical term, so do not misunderstand me
if I use the word "agent" — free agent, I was free to decide on my own
actions and ideas, not subject to any discipline by any organization.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer for the record,
I would like to have go into the record — I haven't finished examining
the witness on this point — the letter of September 6, 1936, to Mr. Tsuru.
Senator Jenner. It may go into the record and become a part of the
official record.
(The document referred to is printed as exhibit 443 at page 3706.)
Mr. Morris. I would like to have go into the record the letter of
December 14, 1936, to Mr. Karl-Heinrich Niebyl.
Senator Jenner. It may go into the record and become a part of
the official record.
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 447" and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 447
36 Claverly Hall, Cambridge, Mass.
December 14, 1936.
Deae Karl-Heineich (Niebyl) : I write this letter with eager hope that I shall
be able to see you in Chicago sometime during the Christmas vacation and to dis-
cuss some of the matters I mention below. I expect to arrive at Chicago on
December 24th and to stay there or thereabouts at least until January 3rd.
As you might have heard, the subscription to S&S has gone over the figure
of 1,500 and the total sale is exceeding 8,000, although the sale of over 10,000
seems to be necessary to make the magazine self-sustaining, (the above figures
from the Managing Editor.) One piece of information, however, has "dis-
turbed" us a little. That is, that most of the subs coming in recently are from
the Middle West and Far West. Although some editors are commenting on
this fact as 'a welcome good sign,' I observe two things. Firstly, we have failed
in the eastern part of the country in organizing and systematizing the subscrip-
tion drive. Knowing the way Connie was doing in Chicago or the way Herman
and Cookson were doing in Madison, I think that the extent to which we paid
our attention in the east to the question of subs has been extremely inadequate.
(In November, it was estimated that about 30 percent of the total sub was from
the state of New York and about 10 percent from that of Massachusetts.) I
am trying my best within my power to mend this shortcoming. Secondly, the
increasing subscription from the Middle West suggests to my mind immediately
the lack of adequately coherent contacts between New York (which is now the
headquarter for the magazine) and other districts throughout the country. In
this connection, these specific problems come to my mind:
(1) the problem of Science and Society Clubs: you undoubtedly know
the decision of the editorial board on the question. There has been a
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3719
new development in Cambridge, and S. S. C. has been organized. I should
like to discuss with you further on this question when I see you.
(2) the nature of the magazine S&S : it is being discussed in Cambridge
whether the primary emphasis is on the educational significance of S&S
to the intelligentzia or on the academic research of Marxists.
(3) the problem of establishing the mechanism of contacts between N. Y.
and other districts : I have suggested to W. T. Parry to bring this matter
concretely at the next editorial meeting. I suggested that we should en-
courage in all the districts to establish a responsible agent whose primary
task is to serve as a channel between the editorial board on the one hand
and readers and contributors on the other. Such channels from all the
districts are directed to N. Y. like spokes of a wheel ; and there shall be a
committee in N. Y. to receive them for coordinating purposes.
As to my article on Lange and Sweezy, I didn't hear from N. Y. for long time.
So, I finally went down there to find out what's the matter with it. They seem to
be agreed on publishing it with slight alterations, but apparently didn't take any
action toward publishing it in the second issue. The article is now floating
somewhere, and we are unable to trace it thus far. In any case, since the time
I wrote that article, there has appeared Mises' book on Wirtschafts-rechnung
in English translation and another article of Lange's in the October issue of
The Review of Economic Studies on The Economic Theory of Socialism. Mean-
while, S&S has accepted, I hear, the review of Mises's book (above mentioned)
by Paul Sweezy — the review which merely restates what Lange says in the above
article. Thus, the extensive rewriting of my original article and publishing
it in the third issue of S&S seems to me to be necessary. I hope I shall be
able to prepare a rewritten manuscript before I leave here for Chicago, so that
I can again call your assistance in straightening out my ideas.
As I hope you have been informed, the editorial board is planning to prepare
A (hiide to Marxist Studies. It "will serve to. indicate the best expositions of
Marxism and its implications for the special branches of knowledge. The Guide
will therefore be neither exhaustive nor for the advanced student as such, but
for the ordinary intelligent student of socialism." (quoted from the prospectus)
The classification of contents, indicated in the prospectus, seemed to me to be
very unsatisfactory. Thus we called a meeting in Cambridge to discuss that
matter, and arrived at an alternative suggestion to which the Chairman (for
preparing this Guide) still disagrees. The original classifications is in outline
as follows :
1. General introduction
2. The United States :
a. History
b. Labor Movement
c. Political theory
d. Literature
3. The History of Socialism :
a. Doctrine
b. Revolutionary movements in Europe
c. Socialism in practice
4. Philosophy of Dialectic Materialism
5. Political Economy
6. The Sciences :
a. The Physical sciences
b. The sciences of human life
7. The Arts:
a. Literature
b. The fine arts
c. Music
d. Drama
e. Film
8. Law
9. Education
10. Periodicals
11. Index of Authors
The alternative I suggested is as follows :
1. Introduction
2. Dialectic Materialism :
a. Philosophy
b. Applications in natural sciences
3720 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
3. Historical Materialism :
a. Theory
b. Application in general history
c. Applications in Special fields of superstructure
( 1 ) Political theory and law
(2) Sociology and anthropology
(3) Education
(4) Arts
4. History of Socialist Movements
5. Political Economy
6. Contemporary W^orld Problems :
a. Imperialism and colonial problems
b. Fascism
7. Tactics of Revolutionary Movements
8. Socialism in Practice : U. S. S. R.
9. Periodicals
On this question also, I should like to have a discussion with you when I see you
in Chicago.
I regret very much that I have not been able to fulfill the promise of sending
you the list of whatever worthwhile references and materials which came to my
attention. The reason for my failure is that I myself have been too busy during
the semester to keep such things up to date.
Best wishes to Gertrude and Connie.
Looking forward to seeing you soon.
TSURU.
Mr. Morris. I would lilve to have go into the record the letter of
August 31, 1936, to Mr. Bill Parry.
Senator Jenner. It may go into the record and become a part of the
official record.
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 442" and ap-
pears at p. 3704).
Mr. Morris. I would like to have go into the record the letter of
April 9, 1937, to Constance Kyle.
Senator Jenner. It may go into the record and become a part of
the official record.
(The document referred to was marked "'Exhibit No. 448" and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 448
36 Clavekly Haxl,
Cambridge, Mass., April 9, 1937.
Dear Connie [Constance Kyle] : Have you received an answer from N. Y.
to our memorandum? I have repeatedly inquired Parry about it, but no avail.
Finally I suggested that I shall go down to N. Y. in the weekend of April 10
to discuss the matter. Parry, who is now in N. Y. wrote me to-day that "I don't
think it's worth your while to come down to N. Y. so far as S&S is concerned." He
does not mention about the memorandum at all. Instead, he tells me that "Con-
stance Kyle has only paid five dollars and some cents for 100 copies of the first
issue, and is vague about the rest of the money. She doesn't seem to know even
whether the copies have been sold or not." This is not the first time that my men-
tion of memorandum was responded by their reference to you in one way or an-
other. I have persistently repeated to Parry that the matter of the memorandum
is of immediate and primary importance and that according to my impression
their slow response is partly due to their slipshodness with which they distinguish
the party fraction from the editorial board. The memorandum is addressed to the
fraction ; and it seems to me that it is a breach of discipline for them to have laid
it aside for more than two months. I have no authority to say anything further
on this matter. So, I hope that you and Karl-Heinrich will press this matter and
work toward dispelling any misunderstandings.
With warmest regards
TSUEU.
Also a copy to K. H. N. [Karl Heinrich Niebyl].
Mr. Morris. I would like to have go into the record the letter of
April 14, 1937, to Shigeto.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3721
Senator Jenner, It may go into the record and become a part of
the official record.
(The docmnent was marked "Exhibit No. 448-A" and reads as
follows :)
Exhibit No. 448-A
1430 Hyde Pabk Blvd., Chicago, Illinois,
April 1^,1937.
Deak Shigeto : I am enclosing a copy of the letter to Mins as the simplest way
of showing you the present status of business aspect of SandS. This checks with
New York accounts and settles funds to date. I don't know what you think of
local sentiment on the single copy question but there is nothing final about it and
we're open to suggestions and your opinion. It's quite possible that the senti-
ment among local agents suffers from some of the same difficulty as you mention
in the Editorial Board — to many diverse demands on the time of our own people.
However, I doubt if agents work will be taken on by any but our own people
and it will certainly simplify the business details with the New York office if subs
are sent from us and single copies are regarded as the province of regularly con-
stituted book stores.
The following is a quote from Miss Olson's letter of Feb. 4th and the only
reference I have received to the memorandum :
"The long letter of criticism, of which you were one of the signers, has just
come down to the New York Editors. It will be considered very carefully by
them and will undoubtedly be answered. They wish to thank you in advance
for your part in the criticism, and to express their appreciation of your
cooperation."
You'll know best how much they should be pushed for such an answer. The
material included there on the contents of the first issue is of course more or
less out dated by now. We would like to know of it if there has been any exten-
sive use made by study groups elsewhere, and especially if any other Workers'
School has some experience accumulated by now.
I've never been very clear as to what might be expected of us in the way of
taking responsibility for territory outside of the city of Chicago. Frankly,
Shigeto, it's a physical impossibility unless we can get more personnel involved.
Let me know what you think should be done so that I can use it as a basis for
discussion with responsible people locally to determine how they think we can
manage it. It's highly probable they will veto any consideration of my dropping
other work to follow this up in other cities. But lets get clear first on what needs
to be done.
Hope we can look forward to your coming to the middle west as vacation time
rolls around.
Sincerely,
/s/ Constance (Kyle).
Mr. Morris. I would like to have go into the record the letter of
January 31, 1937, to Karl-Heinrich,
Senator Jenner. It may go into tlie record and become a part of the
official record.
(The docmnent referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 449" and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 449
36 Claverly Hall, Cambridge, Mass.,
January 31, 1937.
Dear Karl-Heinrich : I received your letter and the memorandum yesterday ;
and after going through it again, I handed the memorandum to Parry. I should
like you to let me know whether you can use your own name as an editor. I un-
derstood you to say so, but I should like to make certain of it.
After I came back here in the middle of the month ( I was detained in a hospital
in Pittsburgh for influenza), I found the situation here to be very unsatisfactory,
so far as the matter of S&S is concerned. No inroad had been made into under-
graduates; efforts expended were scattered and unco-ordinated ; study-groups
were waning both in number and vigor ; and so on. Tightening up will follow,
at least I shall see to it that all the efforts be made to that end, when and as soon
as our memorandum is discussed here. So, as to the situation here, I shall let
you know on the next occasion.
3722 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
The project of compiling "A Guide to Marxian Studies" has been progressing
rather f alteringly. Harap, the chairman, aslied Webbs to take one assignment ;
but they, as could have been expected, refused. Some of the completed assign-
ments were discussed by the committee in Cambridge last week. Salient con-
tradictions in the original plan came out concretely into relief ; such as, the lack
of care concerning the personnel, the nature of the guide, etc. Harap explained
to me that (1) as to the inadequate choice of personnel, we can mend it by
checking and recheeking, and (2) as to the vagueness of the nature of the
Guide, we might as well pool all the informations first and later use knife and
scissors. I did not raise any problems, because I thought that the memorandum
would. Undoubtedly, we shall have a discussion on the matter of the Guide soon.
Meanwhile, Harap has repeatedly urged me to hasten whomever I have asked to
take the assignment on Political Economy to finish it and send it to Cambridge.
This "whomever," as I hope you remember, means you yourself.
Although I trust the truth of Parry's explanation, I feel very much annoyed
about my article. I handed in two copies. And now I am told that the only
person who read it in New York is Ramsay (and a few others whom Ramsay
showed). Both copies are "lost." Since the editors never broach the subject
to me unless I do it first, I gather that they are not, according to their editorial
policy, very eager to have the article in the magazine at this moment. Although
I could not very well emphasize the timeliness of the topic (Laski stressed the
necessity of the Marxian critique on the problem in his recent article in The New
Statesman and Nation) because it concerns my own article, I suggested to
Parry that I shall rewrite it again as soon as possible so that it will be in time
for the third issue, if the editors want me to. Parry thinks that the editors
wish me to do so. While we are tarrying, two more articles have appeared on the
subject of economic planning in a socialist society; one by Alan Sweezy in the
volume in honor of Taussig (Alan is the elder brother of Paul Sweezy) and
another by Darbin in the current issue of Economic Journal. Lange's concluding
article will appear shortly in the February issue of the Review of Economic
Studies. (By the way, when you get through with the last copy of R. E. S.
which I left with you in Chicago, I should like you to send it back to me. I wish
to use it in rewriting my article. )
As to Paul Sweezy's review of von Mises's book on economic planning. Parry
does not know precisely why it was left out of the second issue of S&S. I am
not quite certain whether the second issue is really very much of an improve-
ment over the first. I haven't read all the articles, though. As to Darrell's
article: (1) His exposition of Keynes' ideas, in spite of covering such a wide
space, is inadequate in the sense that it does not bring out the salient points
into relief and further that it is almost incomprehensible to non-economists. (I
have found this out by talking to those who have read the article). (2) Points
of agreement between Marx and Keynes which Darrell finds are superficial. In
Keynes, the matter of talking in terms of homogeneous labor and of calculating
cost by the unit of such homogeneous labor alone is only a technical device suited
for his own convenience and is not an essential element. Perhaps the most likely
similarity between Keynes and Marx, if at all, is their theory of the rate of in-
terest (distinguished from the rate of profit). (3) Too many running comments
of quibbling nature. Often these hide behind them very important questions.
(4) Darrell's major criticism thus far (because this is only the first installment)
is that the Keynes's method essentially concords with a subjective theory of
value. (He calls in the authority of Hicks who only says that Keynes's technique
is the technique of Marshall.) Though Keynes resorts to "a fundamental psy-
chological law" and uses a number of quasi-psychological terms, I feel that the
weakness of Keynes lies not in "psychologizing" (Darrell) but in inventing those
categories which, by taking care of imponderables in a bundle fashion, enable
him to render his theoretical formulation precise and to give the appearance of its
usability in prediction and control. Before I see the second installment, I could
not say, of course, that Darrell has not dealt with the fundamental weakness of
Keynes. To my knowledge, Leontief in Q. J. E. and Schumpeter in Journal of
American Statistical Asso. have done more damage on Keynes than Darrell. It
is unfortunate that Darrell's review had to come in two installments. Parry
tells me that he did not even read the article because it came in too late.
As to Hogben's article: (1) First of all, I must report to you that this article
has been received rather favorably by a large number of my university acquaint-
ances around here. (2) I have a serious objection to this article. When Hogben
shows concretely the relation between ideology and basic structure, I only ap-
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3723
plaud. But when he comes, in the last third of the article, to condemn "the
obsessional Germanophilia" and ask for the acceptance of the limitations im-
posed by a common linguistic culture, I feel he is overanxious to the extent of
clouding the element of truth which his message contains. His overanxious-
ness in this regard goes so far that in the first part of his article he gives the
credit of being a pioneer in the labor theory of value to William Petty by quot-
ing a sentence which does not have an intimation of the labor theory of value
(cf. p. 142) and then makes alluding remarks here and there to the effect that
Anglo-American scientists of the 18th century were already historical mate-
rialists (cf. p. 143 11.13-17, p. 146 1.29), and finally attributes erroneously the
formalism of Robbins to the scholastic tradition of English universities (p. 144).
The upshot is to call the method of dialectic materialism as "a foreign creed"
or "a pot of message." One gets the impression as if he were saying that we
in England and America have scientists who were the pioneers in the labor
theory of value and historical materialism, why should we bother reading Hegel
or even Marx ! To criticize formula-ism is one thing ; to condemn the study of
the method of dialectics by studying Hegel is another thing. It is not "our
social ( ?) heritage" which we must nurture and develop (in fact, we must revo-
lutionize much of our social heritage), but it is the application of the new
method (in understanding our heritage and in deriving whatever fruits we may
derive) that we must learn and learn it despite the bourgeois heritage.
As to the review by Kuznets, I feel that it does not have a place in Science
and Society. A Marxist review should take its place on those books of the
Brookings Institution.
As to the review by Schuman, I feel very sorry that the editors had to cater
to those intellectuals who are awed by the name of Schuman, if such was the
reason (since I do not see any other reason) of including this review. On the
books of Grover Clark also, we can afford to have a Marxist review ; and there
are more than a few persons who can do it.
I also read Leo Roberts' article. It starts out well with promises attractive
enough (cf. p. 169 1.30). But the whole thing is a disappointing muddle.
I am sending you, under a separate cover, the January issue of The Left News.
You may have seen it. But just in case you haven't. And I enclose here four
coupons. Though Americans are not eligible as members, you can get around
it by writing to G. C. MacLaulin as is indicated on the coupon. MacLaulin, like
Ralph Fox, was killed in a battle near Madrid recently. But his friends are
taking care of this agent-job. In the Left News, read especially an account
"The Groups Month by Month" by the organizer of the local groups. Dr. John
Lewis.
As we say in our oriental proverb, we may learn from them though they are
"stones from other mountains."
Do take care of your health. And warmest regards to you and Gertrude.
(TSITBU)
Mr. Glover. Mr. Morris has promised to obtain for us the docu-
ments from which these copies were made.
Mr. Morris. He didn't promise.
Senator Jenner. He said he would attempt to.
Mr. Glover. Because the comments Mr. Tsuru made with respect to
this first letter are applicable to the other letters.
Mr. SouRWiNE. I respectfully suggest that if counsel is going to
testify, he be sworn.
Senator Jenner. If you want to confer with your client at any time,
permission will be granted, but we want no further interruption.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like to call the witness' atten-
tion to the reference to the memorandum in the letter of February 22,
1937, last large paragraph :
This fact itself reveals a shortcoming in my mind. Most concretely, the short-
coming came into light at the time our memorandum was brought down to New
York.
Then in the letter of April 9 you write :
I have persistently repeated to Parry that the matter of the memorandum is
of immediate and primary importance and that according to my impression their
3724 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
slow response is partly due to their slipsliodness with which they distinguish
the party fraction from the editorial board. The memorandum is addressed to
the fraction ; and it seems to me that it is a breach of discipline for them to have
laid it aside for more than 2 months.
You mean it is a breach of Communist Party discipline ?
Mr. TsuRU. I think that is the implication I gave at that place. But
please look at the following sentence where I say, "I have no authority
to say anything further on this matter."
Mr. Morris. That seems to say there is a limitation in your
authority ?
Mr. TsuRU. I was not a member of the Communist Party although I
was aware that the memorandum was to be addressed to the fraction I
could not bring the matter into, in the Communist organization per-
sonally.
The only thing I could do w^as to speak to Mr. Parry and I think
that is the reason I
Senator Jenner. Now, Mr. Parry was a Communist.
Mr. TsuRU. That is my understanding at the time. If you ask me
what I think of him now, I haven't seen him since about 1940 so I
cannot testify anything about him since 1940.
Senator Jenner. You don't even know where he is ?
Mr. TsuRU. I don't even know where he is. So the very fact that I
was not a member of the Communist Party made it necessary for me,
under the circumstances, to press Parry constantly on the matter, and
I wrote to Miss Kyle that I have no authority to say anything further
in this matter.
Mr. Morris. Now, I offer you, and you have seen it overnight, have
you not, a document which purports to be a memorandum to the edi-
tors of Science and Society ?
Mr. TsuRU. To the editors ; yes.
Mr. Morris. Now you have had a chance to look at that : have vou
not ? ^
Mr. TsuRU. Yes.
Mr. Morris. And this is the memorandum to which you refer in this
last letter that I have read ?
Mr. TsTJRU. Yes.
Mr. Morris. And this is the memorandum that you said was ad-
dressed to the party fraction ?
Mr. TsuRU. Exactly.
Mr. Morris. You were one of the three people who signed this ?
Mr. TsuRU. Yes ; but if I may, I should like to explain.
Mr. Morris. It bears the signature. Senator, of Constance Kyle,
Department of Psychiatry, University of Chicago; Karl Niebyl, De-
partment of Economics, Carleton College, and Alfred Z. Lowe. Yes-
terday you remember that the witness told us he used the name Alfred
Z. Lowe ?
Senator Jexxer. In other words, you signed this document as Al-
fred Z. Lowe ?
Mr. TsuRU. Yes, sir.
Mr. Morris. And I might say, subpenas have been issued for the
others.
Senator Jenner. This memorandum will go into the record and be-
come a part of the official record of this committee.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3725
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 450," and reads
as follows:)
Exhibit No. 450
Editors of S. and S. (Science and Society)
After the distribution of the first issue of S. and S. the undersigned feel it
necessary to review the work done and the methods employed with special refer-
ence to the middle west. „. , , ^ v, • i ^-- i„
We are informed indirectly that the Middle West has been showing relatively
better response to the magazine in subscription as well as in study groups than
in other by no means less important parts of the country. Before we critically
evaluate the results of our work as well as the work in general, we would like
to give a clear conception about the method which we employed along with the
basic considerations upon which we arrived at the actual determination of this
method. . , ^ „ ^ ^-u- i.. , *.•
It is our opinion that ss did not appear accidentally at this particular time.
The fact that a magazine of the similar nature has appeared in the last forty
years in Germany, Russia, Switzerland, and Japan while not in the Anglo-Saxon
countries especially not in the US seems to us to reflect a basically uneven develop-
ment the recognition of which is fundamental to our determination of the method
which we have to employ in regard to SS in the US. According to the analysis
of the Seventh world congress, capitalism has entered its crisis as such. For
the US this meant that the very basis of the position of the intellectual — while
we are not of the opinion that SS is only or even primarily directed to the intel-
lectuals, a point which will be clarified later on, we think that it is best to develop
our analysis from that specific point in the class struggle where SS originated,
the intellectual — the economic basis for the opportunism and for the lack of
their being forced to develop class consciousness in the form of revolutionary
theory has withered away and that this necessity in many different forms was
becoming apparent. Reviewed in this way, SS is not only a manifestation of
the grown contradictions in the American capitalist society but represents in it-
self an active force and an important and indispensable weapon within the strug-
gle of these contradictions.
More concretely, this means that SS as a manifestation of this stage of the
contradictions is to be not only a platform for increasingly class-conscious in-
tellectuals but as an active force is also to be used to drive the members of those
middle-class strata whose very basis in these days is for the first time being
generally shattered towards such an analysis as put forward in SS. In this
way we arrive at an exactly contrary result to that which the editors of SS seem
to have arrived at by advocating a conscious neglect of study groups.
PART ONE
Regarding the foregoing as an introduction, we shall review concretely this
problem of study groups. The opinion of the editors as communicated to us
indirectly (and this very fact is in itself a high indictment of the policy of the
editors to neglect practically the whole of the middle west — we have received no
communications outside of a few purely business matters which in themselves
were either too late or not to the point), we understand to be that no initiative
shall be taken by the editors of SS to encourage the formation of study groups,
although when they already exist the editors are willing to give whatever assist-
ance those study groups may wish to receive. In the light of the foregoing, this
seems to us to be a declaration of bankruptcy. Again according to indirect com-
munication, three main reasons are given for your stand (and, if this is not
correct, we should very much like to be corrected, as we generally would ap-
preciate very much to be regularly informed of the policy formulated by the
editorial board. In fact, we feel that it would not be asking too much for the
friends in the Middle West to be consulted on such matters).
(1) "Fear of setting up factional opposition between Stalinists and Trotzkites."
We are unable to comprehend this point. We would appreciate further elucida-
tion on this point.
(2) It has been maintained by some members of the editorial board that SS
is not a political organization. Right ! But whoever has maintained that SS
was in itself to be conceived of as a political organization? We have outlined
the general situation of today above. In this situation, the question of political
organization does not confront all parts of middle classes with an equal imme-
3726 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
diacy. It is here that SS has to fulfill oue of its most important functions (may
we remind ourselves at this point that we are speaking about the function of SS
in connection with the position of the intellectuals and not in many other respects
in which it is most certainly not of no small importance, as is indicated by the
role played by Unter dem Banner des Marxismus for the theoretical clarification
within the party) to serve as an effective weapon against conflicting and contra-
dictory bourgeois theories and offering at the same time to these groups a basis
through which political organisation of these groups (e; g., the League against
W. and F., Teachers' and other professional unions, C. P.) will only be possible.
Again more concretely, it is not enough to sell the magazine and to feel self-
satisfied with the growing sub. list which is pouring in because of the general
situation and in spite of ourselves. But we have to be active at exactly those
weak links of bourgeois intelligentsia where SS is read ; active in the sense that :
1. we have to deepen or even first to prepare the ground for an under-
standing of the Marxist content of the magazine. Such a necessity is abun-
dantly clear from the last issue. (We specifically refer to the articles by
McGill, Struik, and Brameld.)
2. we help these people already responsive to the magazine to find the
"political" contents of the magazine.
3. we make a conscious effort of extending this field of responsiveness by
oragnizing study groups around specific scientific fields, for instance, modern
problems in physics, or relation of biology to political science, or the func-
tion of law and dictatorship, etc., etc., in each case bearing in mind that our
function is to expose the inherent contradictions in the bourgeois approach
and to lead the members of the study groups to realize the only correct ap-
proach : the approach of dialectic materialism. The initiating spark for such
study groups by no means has to be SS, but the magazine will prove to be an
indispensable tool for the operation of such study groups after once they
are formed.
4. it is obvious that these study groups (we are speaking of only those
types mentioned under 1, 2, and 3) will be helped materially by some kind
of loose central organization — the editorial board could perhaps perform
this function — by (a) stimulating particular study groups, and (b) by ex-
changing valuable results between difi'erent study groups as regards methods
employed, fields discussed, and results obtained.
In our opinion this does not infringe in any way the function performed by
Workers' Schools. For the following reasons :
1. As far as intellectuals are concerned, their attending of classes in Work-
ers' Schools presupposes a definite decision on their part ; not only many
of them at the moment are not willing to make such a decision due to
lack of conviction, but many external circumstances impose the degree of
precaution which they most certainly are not willing to forego iefore having
attended a study group. Furthermore, there are a number of people whose
right to precaution under the circumstances given would certainly not be
denied.
2. Study groups are not to be perceived as regular courses beginning with
the reading of Manifesto and ending with the application of the Third Vol-
ume of Capital to their specific fields. Such a course would certainly be-
long to Workers' Schools. Positive contents of such study groups have been
outlined above.
3. There should be no reason why SS study groups could not be organized
within the framework of Workers' Schools as actually done in the W. S.
here in Chicago. Such a group would serve a similar function as those
groups mentioned before only for slightly more developed intellectuals who
do not object to going to a W. S. but might find it difficult to start their Marx-
ist education on an elementary basis. Secondly, there are those within
such a group who are far more easily approached via their own fields. The
problem we have to keep in mind, with intellectuals defined as middle-class
people suffering to a higher degree from ideologies, is always to make them
conscious of the ideological nature of their thought and to involve them by
means of this process in political action. If these intellectuals would be
induced to join and come into W. S. (which in itself is highly improbable),
then there would be a danger that because of the above-mentioned ideological
nature of persons concerned the immediate teaching of the principles of
Marxism to them would tend to strengthen their ideologies although chang-
ing forms (the elevation of the Marxist concept of revolution into a theory
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3727
of revolution, as for instance Trotzkism). That danger would be offset by
the existence of SS study groups within the framework of VTorkers' Schools.
If these considerations prove the necessity of SS study groups in our struggle
for the winning over of the intellectuals, then this by no means exhausts the
function of SS as a political weapon.
PAET TWO
In a letter by Stalin to the editors of the central organ of the YCL of the
Soviet Union (unfortunately, we do not have material with us to check), sev-
eral years ago, Stalin stressed the great importance of the practical work per-
formed in the Soviet Union since the revolution as something to be extremely
proud of. But he said that little had been done for the struggle on the theo-
retical front. And this established one of the weakest points in the development
of Soviet Union. He then stressed the responsibility of the Party and urged
the concentration on this point. We think that a lesson could be taken from
this letter to our own situation.
We feel it our duty to ask ourselves the question : what work has been done
in analyzing the present complex situation in this country? Most certainly the
analysis of the Seventh W^orld Congress has given the basis for the analysis
which was concretized and applied to the US in the Ninth convention. These
analyses, however, could stress because of their very nature only the changes in
the basic structure as well as certain specific aspects of it. The manifestations of
these changes in, for instance, bourgeois economic theory, philosophy, natural
sciences, etc., still wait for appropriate analyses and, even more, we are still
waiting (and the fact that we are waiting is in itself an indictment) for an ade-
quate expression of these changes in Marxist theoretical terms. The general at-
tempt made in this direction is an analysis by Varga which should perform for
us the same function as the Seventh World Congress to the Ninth Party Conven-
tion. The only concretization, however, which has as yet appeared (besides
the attempt by a capitalist economist like Bonn) is the one by Corey of which
we have as yet not even published an adequate critique. Comrade Bittelman's
critique in the Communist is extremely valuable and necessary, but it treats only
one aspect of the book and does not develop in positive terms our analysis of the
total situation. Unter dem Banner des Marxismus was used in Germany by no
means only by those groups described in Part One, but did become an indispen-
sable weapon in many shop and street units. The frequent objection against an
expressed desire to see SS function in the similar way is that our working-class
comrades would not understand and even more would not be interested in the
problems dealt with in SS. May we suggest that such an attitude exhibits an
unwarranted snobbishness on the part of some intellectual comrades who
conclude from the fact that the highbrow terminology is not understood that the
workers are not interested in the subject matter. However, not only the function
of U. d. B. d. M. in Germany or earlier Iskra in Russia, but the very fact that
Lenin found it necessary to devote many months of study to write a volume on
philosophy "Empiriocriticism" and the subsequent extraordinarily wide circula-
tion of this book among the working class seem to us to prove conclusively that
there is something wrong with us and not with the subject matter. The con-
clusion to be drawn from above seems to us to be twofold : first, that the editors
have to keep definitely this function of SS in mind, and, secondly, that our
conscious effort should not go only in the direction as outlined in the Part
One but also to use SS in the direct party work as outlined in the Part Two.
PAKT THREE
In this following part we would like to give an account of some major develop-
ments in Chicago area as to the sub. and contributors drive and the SS study
groups as far as it elucidates important problems in connection with which we
would like to make in part four some concrete suggestions.
A. When late last summer the appearance of SS was announced, the under-
signed got together and on the basis of considerations similar to those outlined
above we made the following plan :
We had access to the student groups at universities ; we had a very few contacts
with the faculty; in the city we had a contact with the social worker groups and
teachers' organizations. Our first objective was to have one reliable agent for
each one of these groups and one central agent to coordinate the work of those
agents and to maintain the contact with Cambridge and New York. The function
3728 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE tUSTITED STATES
of these agents was definitely determined. With the help of propaganda material,
they had to cover those groups of which they were chosen as representatives for
sub. as well as contributions, having at the same time in mind the extension of
those groups to which they already had access as well as the forming of study
groups among those who showed more than ordinary interest in the objective of
the magazine. It might be emphasized at this point that this plan was by no
means a purely organizational application of a theoretically perceived outline, but
that many and lengthy discussions were held, not only with the agents, but with
other people as well in order to make as clear as possible that the function was
not purely that of a sub. agent but in itself a fight on the theoretical front.
As a further device for distribution, we first contacted the three Chicago
Workers bookstores and discussed with them on the sale of this magazine and
made arrangements for the prominent display of posters and propaganda ma-
terials. Further arrangements were made to use the regular channels of dis-
tribution of Marxian literatures to the bourgeois bookstores. Direct contact was
establishecL with the managers of the two bourgeois bookstores on the U. of C.
(;ampus. Although they agreed to contact with N. Y. directly, we supplied several
copies to meet the immediate demand. In addition to this regular method of
distribution, one hundred copies of the first issue were obtained by the central
agent and distributed to those agents and those interested persons who before
the actual appearance of the first issue already started the sub. drive and now
followed up their contacts with actual copies.
If these were the methods which we had planned, the following are the diffi-
culties which we have encountered. As far as the difficulties with the distribution
of the magazine were concerned, the outstanding one was response resulting (a)
from the nature of the magazine, and (b) from the character of the first issue.
The formei", being of general nature, has been dealt with above and was to be
expected, with one exception : the reception of the magazine among certain white
collar sections of the party. It necessitated considerable — to convince the com-
rades in the white-collar faction of the necessity of spending time and energy for
the distribution and utilization of SS as a political weapon. Arguments used by
us were those used in the Parts One and Two, with the result that the objection
has been largely overcome. As to the latter (b), objections of varied types have
been encountered :
(1) to take typical objection raised by people who more or less came for
he first time into contact with the Marxian scientific literature, we have en-
countered the criticism that the articles seem to approach the problem with
an a priori thesis and manipulate the subject matter to fit thi« a priori thesis.
Although this common bourgeois objection has been met by Marx in his
explanation of his method when dealing with his critics in the postscript to
the second edition of Capital, we still might profitably raise the question
whether the actual methods used in the articles of the first issue are Maxian
dialectics, or whether they are not, as it seems to us, a mechanical use of
dialetic terms. (Cf., somewhat classical example of Struik's article.) This
is not the place to go into specific criticisms of different articles.
(2) The second objection which has been brought to our attention is the
lack of an observable editorial policy in the sense that not sufficient attention
has been paid to the weighing of relative importance of different topics which
might be treated. We assume, however, that editors were aware that such
objection might be raised, the objection traceable to difficulties largely in-
herent in the situation.
If we regard these as outstanding examples of difficulties which we encountered,
discounting those difficulties which of course arise constantly because of the very
rature of the magazine with which we dealt above, there still remains the possi-
bility of a difficulty arising out of the appearance of The Marxist Quarterly. The
tactics employed by the MQ of avoiding any clear-cut distinction between the two
magazines seems to indicate to us a difficulty as well as a hope. A difficulty in
making clear the distinction at this moment to our readers. A hope because' we
think that the absence of a clear Trotzkyite line will only put the actual burden
of justifying the existence of two journals upon those who elsewhere justify the
existence by being an opposition to us. Secondly, with the absence of a clear
editorial policy of either being Lovestoneites or Trozkyites, it tends to bring the
opposing forces within this group to so much the more rapid disruptive conflict.
Let us consider now some of the shortcomings on our own part, both in general
and specifically in Chicago.
First, we in Chicago failed to anticipate the actual extent of the demand for
the magazine. Concretely this was seen in (a) our failure to realize the actual
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE "UNITED STATES 3729
possibilities as quickly as we might have; (&) our failure to utilize our sym-
pathizers to satisfy this active demand ; and (c) the underestimation of workers
bookshops in ordering their stocks.
Furthermore we did not succeed always in preparing our agents to the extent
we had planned about the promotion of SS not only as a source of information
but also as a political weapon.
We did not succeed as intended to collect donations for SS to an adequate ex-
tent. The reason for that, besides the lack of the realization of its necessity, is
that the groups we contacted first were professionals whose resources were quite
heavily drawn upon by various professional organizations or students, and it is
only now that we, especially study groups, begin to penetrate into groups which
might be effectively used for this purpose.
As to the question of contributions to the magazine, we are slowly beginning
to see the first results of our strenuous advocating of the necessity for contribu-
tions among the sympathizers of SS ; this, however, does not mean that printable
articles will be available in the near future. But the foundation seems to be laid.
As regards contributions by recognized scientists, we have not yet succeeded in
obtaining any. Certain connections have been made, for instance in the U. of
Minnesota, but it will take some more time before common platform will be
reached to such people which will make contributions valuable to us. Here
again, SS study groups have proved indispensable. As communicated to you
in the earlier date, many foreign possible contributors have been contacted.
Most of them will have contacted you directly. As far as we, the imdersigned,
are concerned, (1) Lowe has written an article on economics which has not j^et
been returned to him since the beginning of August. In view of the timeliness
of the article, we consider it very unfortunate that such negligence has occurred ;
(2) K. H. N. intended and still intends to write an article on the qualitative
changes which have taken place in the trade-union structure since the great
depression. Although the article has not been written because of the too heavy
teaching role during the last semester, N. has never heard from the editors
whether such an article is actually in line with their policy or not. As regards
the book review, N. had been asked by Sam Sillen whether he would be willing to
write a review of Manheim's Ideology and Utopia, and consented, but never re-
ceived a copy of the book. As yet, N. has not been asked to write any other
review, although he has made several suggestions especially in the direction of
treating economic subjects more extensively.
In regard to the general shortcomings, the last point made emphasizes already
the lack of adequate communication between the middle west and the editors.
N. has, for instance, written several letters to New York as well as to Cambridge ;
and except for the promises for the future, he has never received an adequate
reply. The same is true as to the technical organization. As a good example
- might serve the letter of the central distributing agency for the Workers book-
store to N. Y. requesting information about the discount and other business
matters. But an answer was not received before the first issue came out. Instead
they received 150 copies with no information as to the terms on which they were
to handle. This was particularly serious as they had already planned to order
500 copies of the first issue upon receipt of the answer to their letter on business
details. These examples could be multiplied. N. gave the addresses of several
Important contacts at one time, and at another time he sent subscriptions for
several people and ordered several copies for himself. He never received an
answer nor copies. Aside from these particular instances, the matter of general
organization and planning comes up. When we had appointed Miss K. as the
central agent in Chicago area, we had suggested that she should make reports
of her work to the editors. Lowe whom we had asked to arrange for this got
into contact with the managing editor but no provision was made. In conse-
quence, no report was made. According to our information, the same holds
true for the relation between Madison, Wis., and NY. This is the matter defi-
nitely to be remedied, and as it seems to us, not only for the Middle West but for
all places where SS is being distributed.
When N. was in NY last summer, he talked with McGill about several points,
among them the necessity for translations of classical writings of Marx, Engels,
Lenin, and others. Concrete suggestions were made. Thus, Natur and Dialek-
tik, parts of Deutsche Ideologie, of Theorien uber den Mehrwert, etc. Not only
did nothing come out of it, but The Marxist Quarterly performed this task which
we neglected.
We understand that it is the policy of the editors not to review any foreign
books. We sincerely hope that this is misunderstanding. Although due space
3730 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY m THE UNITED STATES
should be allotted to American publications, the very distinction between books
which appeared outside of US and those within the present boundaries of US
seems to us a fallacious one. To us, there seems to be only one distinction pos-
sible; that of relevant, less relevant, and irrelevant books, relevancy being de-
termined by the problems which we as Marxists face in a specific situation, this
in turn to be evaluated in the editorial policy.
B. Study groups :
The general situation and our policy germane thereto have been described
above. In accordance with that policy, we allotted our forces to penetrate into
the following channels :
Marxism as a science was of course studied at several points outside the
Workers School before SS appeared. During the last year, students at the
University had tried to organize Marxist Study Clubs sponsored by YCL. But
this did not succeed very well because the clubs were regarded primarily as re-
cruiting fields for YCL. When SS appeared, it was possible to use it as a means
to revive the interest in the study of Marxism. We were fortunate enough to
find a responsible person to devote more or less his whole time to this purpose.
In close contact with the central agent, he went out to find responsible persons
in the different departments on the campus who in turn would be able to mo-
bilize all the potential interests in Marxism in these specific departments. In
this way, we reached far beyond the previous scope of the Marxist study clubs.
And by" attacking the problem on the ground of their special field of interest,
we succeeded in involving persons who heretofore had not been cognizant of
the bearing which the Marxian analysis has on their accustomed ways of and
materials for thinking. It has been possible already to involve some of those
persons in direct action which after all is the major objective. Such groups are
functioning or ready to function in economics, social sciences, humanities, and
physics.
In the faculty of U. of C. we find a replica of the general situation outlined
In the previous parts ; that is, the deepening schism or the far greater prepared-
ness to study Marxism on the one side and reaction on the other. The first
actual study group among the faculty has been established and will begin its
works in the coming week.
In Northwestern U., the situation is somewhat different. Situated in the most
reactionary suburb of Chicago, a stronghold of the Liberty League, with a
strong church background of the University itself, the faculty tends to be still
more conservative than the one of Chicago University. The few contacts we
had in the faculty of Northwestern, therefore, we brought together with an-
other independent group of teachers and other intellectuals in that neighbor-
hood, who had formed already a study circle for which they employed regularly
a teacher from the Workers School.
Still another difficulty was that we were able to contact the faculty only
from the outside as we had no one trustworthy and capable enough on the campus
to act as a leader. The purpose and meaning of SS was then fully discussed
with the already established group and they have been using the magazine effec-
tively in their group. On the Northwestern Down Town Campus (Med. School,
Law School, etc. ) we have as yet only one person who is distributing the Magazine
and looking for other persons interested in our aims with the view of getting
subs as well as forming a study group before long.
The other colleges and universities in Chicago have not yet been covered
with such a concentrated effort. This is mainly due to the fact that we had
insufficient direct contacts with them, and we might add here that we would
appreciate if you would communicate to us any addresses of persons who might
serve such a purpose. However, this does not mean that nothing was done in
that direction. The party faction of the teachers, with whom we had long
and thorough discussions, had been largely responsible for the above-mentioned
study group. Besides that they had established another Marxist study group
in the city comprised of about thirty-five members also under the direction of
a teacher from the workers school. Into this latter study group S. and S.
has been introduced and is being used. Beyond that, however, the faction
works as an agent for us and we hope that it will soon be possible to have more
study groups and extend the field of influence of SS.
Similarly we proceeded with the social workers. The faction was here to
our starting point, through which we brought S & S into the work of the units
as well as contacted through them outside persons. One S & S study ^roup
imder the leadership of two able comrades was formed here and has been
meeting weekly since September. It is with this group that we gained our
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3731
most valuable experience. We found that such SS study circles must be very
carefully organized on an extremely flexible basis. The group which came to-
gether here was of a relatively heterogeneous character. We found that sev-
eral members of the group were soon able to attend directly the courses in the
workers school, a fact which was not soon enough realized but meanwhile reme-
died. Similarly we found that topics of too general or "fundamental" a nature
tended to weaken the interest of certain members, nothing to say about the
fact that they tended to repeat only what more effectively could have been
done by the workers' school. In positive terms, this is being remedied by divid-
ing the group as far as possible into definite fields of professional interest or,
where this is not possible, by clearly stating the different fields in advance,
pointing out the problems involved and taking up one field after the other.
As a last instance of forming SS study groups we would like to discuss briefly
the formation of such a group within the framework of the workers' school.
Our general ideas about this have been given above. The course which is
ofllcially announced in the bulletin of the workers' school was thoroughly dis-
cussed with the friend who is going to lead it. The participants consist of
psychiatrists, physiologists, a psychologist, a dentist, lawyers, a biologist, a
journalist, an artist, and a philosopher (we are well aware of the fact that
these seem to be strange bedfellows). It is obvious that, to say the least, such
a heterogeneous group offers very diflicult problems. As these people, how-
ever, by consenting to come to the workers' school, had already made the defi-
nite decision which that implies, and as we had to find a common working basis,
we suggested that they should start with a more fundamental though general
discussion on dialectics based perhaps on the short article by Bukharin in Marx-
ism and Modern Thought. To support this, we compiled an outside reading
list. This discussion was to go over about five to six evenings ; after this the
main fields of interest were to be selected and if possible the members were
to be divided into such interest groups with the objective of studying such
fields more specifically ; as for instance, biology and Marxian method, the sci-
ence of law of Marxism, etc. In order to avoid too vague a treatment, specific
concrete problems within those fields were formulated and reading lists for
each of the fields compiled. As the members of this group consist of people
who speak different languages, the untranslated writings of Marx, Engels, and
Lenin, as well as modern Russian publications were included. The leader of
the group is so optimistic as to hope that they will get several papers written
which he intends to collect and make available not only to other study groups
here but to send to you with the hope that other groups might do the same ; and
that material thus collected might be made mutually available through you.
In Minneapolis we got a foothold at the University of Minnesota where a
group of a few economic historians, political scientists, and a philosopher was
meeting with N. fairly regularly. The discussion revolved mainly around an
interpretation of history coupled, of course, with an understanding of present
events. Fairly good headway has been made. There is a possibility that the
group will have to be reorganized because two of the members will go to
Washington, DC, after Christmas.
We have worked in close contact with Madison, Wisconsin, and N. was there
only a few weeks ago and found that the friend in charge of S&S there, though
extremly capable, encounters certain difficulties inherent in the situation in
Madison. We suggest, however, that you might get directly in touch with
Mr. John Cookson, 701 West Johnson Street, c/o Herman Ramras, Madison,
Wisconsin.
We conclude by saying that we would appreciate your reactions to this formu-
lation of our experience in regard to study groups and that we would like to
hear from you equally elaborately about the experiences in this respect in
other places.
PAET FOITE
Concrete suggestions
1. Resulting from the consideration put forth in the above memorandum, we
propose that the editorial policy should exhibit a conscious effort to make the
magazine into a tool of our present-day struggle on the theoretical front rather
than an encyclopaedic compedium of various learned treatments of scientific
problems. This implies that the articles to be printed shall be selected from a
point of view determined by an analysis of the problems confronting us at that
moment.
2. Resulting from the criticisms given in the memorandum on the editorial
policy concerning study groups, we propose a reconsideration of this policy
93215— 57— pt. 57 4
3732 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
and a change in the direction which experiences in the Middle West point to.
3. As mentioned before, we propose that serious consideration should be
given to the translation of outstanding basic writings of Marxist leaders.
4. In^ regard to the book review section of the magazine, we propose recon-
sideration of the editorial policy, the only criterion possible to be the relevancy
of the books under consideration, this relevancy in turn being determined by the
same analysis which determines the selection of articles as outlined under 1.
5. We feel strongly that the Mid-West and if possible the Far West should be
actively represented on the editorial board. The desirability of this has been
acknowledged frequently for many reasons :
(a) Avoidance of the top-heaviness of the East
(b) The necessity of a conscious building of leadership as opposed to a
reliance on spontaneity — c. f ., Lenin What's To Be Done
(c) The necessity for the recognition of the actual potentialities for use
of S. «& S. as a political weapon also west of the Alleghenys
(d) The desirability of a distribution of duties over as large an area as
possible
(e) The necessity of arriving at an adequate analysis of the situation in
order to determine the editorial policy of the magazine seems to us to de-
mand an adequate representation of as many districts as possible on the
editorial board. As far as the representation ofthe Mid- West is concerned,
friend Lowe will personally make concrete suggestions.
6. We propose a reconsideration of our understanding of the general function
of an agent. Practically, we propose dismissal of the concept of agents as mere
subscription agents. The drive for subscriptions cannot and should not be sepa-
rated from the agents' political and educational function.
Special attention should be given to the problem of getting more of such
agents and of extending the territory covered with the help of such agents.
7. "A guide to Marxist Studies." Friend Lowe communicated to us the outline
for the proposed guide to Marxist studies. May we express our surprise that
no one in the Mid- West ever heard of this enterprise before it was launched. In
the outline before us there seem to us to be several contradictions. It is stated
that "an exhaustive Marxist bibliography for intensive research in specialized
fields would prove extremely useful," but it is not even indicated why such a
bibliography could not be compiled and why only an introductory guide is at-
tempted to be compiled. We infer that the difficulty for an exhaustive Marxist
bibliography lies in the fact that such an overwhelming part of the Marxist
literature has not yet been translated. This, however, seems to us to be not
necessarily a valid objection, especially if we confront the attempted bibliography
with the professed, and under the heading "Audience," enumerated aims.
It seems to us meaningless to say that the guide should be neither "exhaustive"
nor "for the advanced student as such" when we continue the sentence that it is
intended "for the ordinary intelligent student of socialism." We cannot quite
understand what kind of students the composer of this outline had in mind
when he speaks about the use of such an outline for "college courses which bear
on the various aspects of socialism" ; we understand still less when he speaks
about "the student already possessing some knowledge of socialism who wishes
to make a study of fields not yet investigated" ; and we do not understand at all
the snobbishness with which he speaks about the "workers who vdsh to deepen
their knowledge of socialism."
Needless to say, there is a flagrant contradiction between the initial modesty as
regards the scope of the outline and the actually proposed contents as enu-
merated on the next page. Under the heading "Scope," it is written that "the
projected guide will serve to indicate the hest exposition of Mm-xism and its
implications for the special branches of knowledge." If this is to indicate the
red thread which is supposed to run through the outline, we fail entirely and
absolutely to see where the composer is to get an "estimated number of two
hundred items" of the "bare minimum of basic works, specifically Marxist works"
of the history of the United States. If such a thing would be possible, we would
see still less how this red thread could be carried out under the heading "Politi-
cal Theory." The remarks attached to this heading indicate already that the
composer of this table of contents thought it impossible to collect sufficient
Marxist studies in the English language in this field when he speaks about
"intimations of socialist theory in American political theory." In this way
every one of the different paragraphs of the table of contents could be analyzed ;
the result would remain the same.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3733
As the outline in the proposed form seems to us for these reasons not only not
to serve the purpose put forward but to add positively to the undoubtedly exist-
ing confusion, and
As on the other side we are convinced with you that a bibliographical guide to
studies of Marxism is highly desirable and necessary,
AVe propose that :
(a) An exhaustive bibliography should be compiled of all Marxist literatures,
as far as we have knowledge of it, regardless in which language it appeared.
(b) This bibliography should be compiled, of course, under certain headings.
However, we propose that in the enumeration of these headings due modesty
should be applied.
(c) A very valuable bibliography up to 1925 or '26 has been compiled and
published in the first volume of the Marx-Engels Archiv. If the bibliography
would be brought up to date, it would be augmented by a selection of represent-
ative Russian publications (extremely necessary!) and if then this bibliography
would be furnished with an introduction and the necessary elucidations of the
enumerated items as well, we think that such a work would not only be extremely
useful but fill a gap which has been felt for a long time.
(d) In order to make this bibliography also useful and accessible for people
who are mainly interested in the more basic and fundamental Marxist works we
propose that such works should be printed in bold face.
(e) As regards this reference to the treatment of the history of US, we do
not think that bourgeois works "easily adapted to Marxits use" should be in-
cluded especially if their number is estimated somewhere around two hundred.
Bibliographies of the US history are easily available in every bourgeois library.
It does not need, we hope, to be emphasized that such a principle is not to be
used with absolute rigidity. Works like that of Charles Beard, if given ade-
quate annotations, may very well serve our purpose.
(f ) Especial care should be given to the selection as to the persons who are to
be entrusted with the compilation of the different parts of this bibl. We cannot
see for instance that Laski would be able to give an adequate bibl. of the Marxist
interpretation of law. The man who in our opinion should come in this connec-
tion into our mind would be Pashkhanis of the Red Academy.
However, if there should be, because of a lack of forces available, choice to be
made between such a bibliography and translations of basic Marxist works into
English, we strongly advocate that the latter be given preference. We feel that
the need for the translation cannot be emphasized too much.
8. It would go definitely too far to give within the framework of this memo-
randum an exhaustive criticism of all the articles of the first issue. We shall
content ourselves with enumerating a few :
(a) As regards McGill's article, we understand that the article in the first
issue is only the first installment. This however is nowhere indicated. We there-
fore take the article as a whole. The critical analysis of logical positivism as
given by McGill seems to us to be a mere critique within the framework of this
bourgeois philosophical system, to which Marxian terms are only attached. In
other words, in our opinion no visible attempt is made to understand logical
positivism as an outgrowth of the specific historical situation of today and to
determine its specific place in the situation. The omission of this analysis is
clearly refiected in the results attained at the end of the article. It is stated
there that logical positivism "is not at present ... a reactionary philosophy, "and
this conclusion is proved by the stand the logical positivists took at the interna-
tional congress at Pragi:e. Surprisingly enough, a few lines later, this position
is explained by the observation "that the students of logical positivism at the
universities of Vienna, Prague, Warsaw, etc., are typically poor and without
prospect, and while their disinterested ( ! ! ! K. H. N.) devotion to the most
abstract and impractical studies resembles somewhat the zeal of chess players,
and also expresses surrepetitiously a revolt against the pompous idealism of the
tyrannies which surround and threaten them, since, in terms of their analysis,
this idealism is literally nonsense." Although this is quoted from Earnest Nagel,
McGill arrives at the conclusion that "log. pos. is thus a literary weapon against
the favorite philosophies of the fascists." We do not agree with the deduction
given. The fact that the class situation of the student in Vienna, etc. forces
them to stand against fascism does not elevate log. pos. into a weapon against
fascism. Furthermore, the fact that there are contradictions and even violent
ones between different philosophies does not make the one whose believers be-
cause of a specific class situation are forced temporarily to take a stand against
fascism into a weapon against fascism. On the contrary, we would like to sug-
3734 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
gest that such a philosophy, although involved in such a struggle vphich reminds
us very much of the description of the fratricidal behavior of the capitalists in
the first volume of Capital, must serve in the end for its believers as an actual
veil against the recognition of their class situation which alone would enable
them to fight fascism effectively. This is by no means an advocation of the left-
ist deviation as we most heartily would agree to a united front, though tempo-
rary, with the logical positivists on specific issues. The patting of logical posi-
tivists on the back (page 79, beginning of last paragraph) is not only super-
fiuous. No, their experimentalism is not "even acceptable if it had not cut
away the material basis of experiment" because the former is not Logical
Positivism without the latter. And thus the argument could be carried on.
Tc conclude, Logical Positivism seems to us to be as much the twin
brother of Pareto and similar philosophers as this was true for the semi-revolu-
tionary phraseology of Braunthal and the other apologists of the social democ-
racy in Germany which Stalin so adequately characterized as twin brothers of
capitalism. We cannot see the validity of a reasoning that "if history and eco-
nomic considerations are allowed their proper place, this trend . . . will cumu-
late in dialectic materialism." "If" seems to indicate that we have forgotten the
class roots and resulting from that, the functions of such ideology.
(b) As regards the Struik article. We understand by dialectics a mode of
behavior and not a pattern conveniently attached to phenomena which on the
surface resemble dialectic process. Although Struik brings out in his article
many interesting facts, he seems to us to be guilty of the fallacy mentioned of
applying dialectics like a pattern to these facts. He fails to develop or at least
to indicate the development of those basic processes of which mathematics was=
a product and upon which mathematics reacted. It seems to us a lack of dia-
lectical analysis of ideology if we read on page 84 that "the necessity of op-
erating with large numbers leads to a pride in workmanship, to the develop-
ment of a craft which finds pleasure in computing for computing's sake, in look-
ing for impractical problems to test the power of the method," when such an
observation leads to a conclusion "that without this pride in men like Van
Cedlen * * * we never should have had the practical invention of logarithms."
We fail to understand therefore of course why such an invention as an "interac-
tion * * * between social necessity to get results and the love of science for
science's sake" is exhibiting "dialectics or reality, a simple illustration of the
unity of opposites." Not only that there does not seem to us to be any dialectic
relationship but a mere seeing of ghosts, but the term itself in its novelty seems
to ask for clarifying explanation. This concept of the pride of workmanship
is repeatedly used till it is finally given the form of the active and direct cause
to the birth of analytical geometry (Cf. 85). The method employed by Struik
and criticized here becomes definitely obvious when on Page 88 under the pre-
tense of historical analysis he is describing (as distinguished from analyzing)
the tendence toward abstraction by mere assertions (Cf. the first half of Page
88). Or if he informs us on p. 92 that "Feudal society did not use exact science
much." Of course, it couldn't as exact science was just in the foetal stage.
It would lead too far to investigate here the validity of such a concept as
"social causality," but we might only mention that the use of the word "there-
fore" in the last line of the third paragraph on page 89 by no means disposes of
our criticism.
With this method applied, the definition of "genius" as always implying "an
element of the irrational, the unexplainable" does not come as a surprise, nor
of course the further deduction that "the history of a science which depends
so much on the role of genius seems also to have elements of the irrational and
the unexplainable." The absurdity of these remarks is not covered up by the
mistranslation of Engels in the following sentence in which Struik makes it ap-
pear as if by "average shape" he meant the averaging of the special forms af-
fected by genius by the means of a mass action. "Average shape," however,
means here socially determined shape in the same way that "Durchschnittsar-
beit" is used by Marx as socially determined labor (Das Kapital, Bd. I. S. 49
Adoratzky edition. We might mention at this place that in the following quo-
tation from the Engels correspondence the second half of the third from the
last line seems to be a mistransplation although we are at the moment unable
to check it. Further, on page 94, the first sentence in the second paragraph only
seems to make sense if an "it is" is inserted between "that" and "commodity-
fetishism" in the second line. On page 91, the quotation on the head of the
page, the German word "Betriebes" is put after the word "cultivation," but this
is never a translation of the word "Betrieb." The best possible translation
which occurs to our mind at present is "institution." ) .
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3735
Finally, and perhaps most clearly, we see the Struik's method in the state-
ment that "the transition in mentality (i. e., the tendency to think far more in
abstraction is reflected in the economic field in the replacement of use value by
exchange value." (88) First of all, this transition is not reflected in any re-
placement in the economic field, but if at all, it is vice versa. But beyond this
fundamental misconception, what actually takes place in the economic sphere is
by no means the replacement of use value by exchange value, but on the con-
trary, a dialectic growth of a form which contains both use value and exchange
value as opposites.
(c) Communications on Jaensch and Comte seem to us to be valuable infor-
mation in an appropriate form.
9. We have not as yet seen The Marxist Quarterly personally, but we have
received from different sympathizers who had occasion to see it one uniform
comment : the attractiveness of the format. We should like to call your atten-
tion to this fact.
We would be glad if this memorandum could serve as a profitable basis for
discussions, and we would appreciate very much the communication of your
reactions.
Constance Kyle,
Department of Psychiatry of the University of Illinois.
Kart. H. Niebyi,,
Department of Economics, Carleton College.
Alfred Z. Lowe.
Carleton College, Northfield, Minnesota,
Department of Economics,
Jan. 25, 37.
Shigeto Tsuru,
63, Claverly Hall, Cambridge, Mass.
Dear Shigeto: I am sorry about the delay the memorandum suffered — let's
hope that it is still in time. There are a number of things I would formulate
today somewhat differently, but I think it's better we don't begin with any
rewriting but wait for the response we get.
I just got the second issue. It looks much better although I haven't had time
to read it.
Sam S. just wrote me that I should review Strachey's new book which I
think I will do as soon as I will have the copy.
Have you heard anything about your article? Sweezey's remarks I couldn't
find in the new issue and Sillen wrote me from NY that he didn't know anything
about them.
Do write me what you think about the Keynes article. I will do the same
as soon as I have read it.
I won't be able to get to Chicago this week as planned as I am over my neck
in work. Next Monday I have to begin teach two new courses for which I
haven't prepared as yet anything. I talked to Conny several times on the phone
and had several letters, the work seems to go along there nicely, although with
the usual birth-paines.
I do hope you are well !
Very cordially,
K (Karl Heinrich Niebyl) .
Senator Jenner. Do you want to comment ?
Mr. Tsuru. I want to make clear the part I played in drafting this
memorandum.
Senator Jenner. All right.
Mr. Tsuru. The memorandum was drafted, I think, in the course
of the — toward the end of January 1937, from the end of December
1936 toward the end of January 1937. I was in Chicago for a brief
period in the early part of the drafting, and discussed a number of
questions contained in the memorandum with two other persons whose
names appear there. I tried to refresh my memory yesterday, after
receiving this copy, what particular part I was especially instrumental
in bringing about. And I am very sorry I cannot recall any partic-
ular point, but the general observation I should like to make is that
3736 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
it is my understanding that Mr. Niebyl had a major role in play in
drafting this memorandum, as is clear from the fact that I left Chicago
very early in January of 1937, and the memorandum was completed
only toward the end of January and sent to me by mail. And further-
more, internal evidence is
Senator Jenner. Did you go to Chicago to collaborate on this par-
ticular memorandum ?
Mr. TsuRU. The reason I went to Chicago was not simply one, but
T knew I was going to Chicago. So I spoke with ]SIr. Parry, now I don't
quite remember but I must have spoken to Mr. Parry before I went
to Chicago, and discussed a number of problems related to Science
and Society and went to Chicago. But the major reason I went to
Chicago was to accompany Prof, and Mrs. Kei Shibata, who had just
lost their only son and were psychologically in an extremely depressed
condition and they asked me to travel with them to Niagara Falls and
Detroit and Chicago and they were just visiting this country at the
time, so I agreed and accompanied them. That is the major reason J
went to Chicago, or went around these places.
But I utilized the opportunity to discuss these matters with Mr.
Niebyl and Miss Kyle.
Senator Jenner. You made a trip into Wisconsin, too. What was
the purpose of th:vt trip?
Mr. TsuRU. At that time I do not believe I made a trip, earlier I did.
Senator Jenner. Earlier, all right. "Wliat was the purpose of that
trip into Wisconsin ?
Mr. TsuRU. I think I stated yesterday I attended summer schools,
if I remember correctly, three times at the University of Wisconsin.
The main reason being that, since I was originally a philosophy major
in college and changed into economics later on, I had to catcli up with
some of my economics courses and I wanted to do so through training
at summer school. And since I like Lake Mendota during the sum-
mer, I chose the University of Wisconsin to do so.
Senator Jenner. You financed your own education ?
Mr. TsuRU. I personally had no funds. My father did. Most of
my college days. It was very difficult at the time to do any work
under the immigration law. I could wash dishes, so I did such things
occasionally. But otherwise my college days were financed by my
father.
Senator Jenner. The Communist Party never paid for any of your
trips out to Chicago to collaborate on this matter?
Mr. TsuRU. Absolutely not.
Senator Jenner. No Communist contributed to your expenses?
Mr. TsuRU. Absolutely not.
Senator Jenner. Mr. Parry or any of the other associate professors
you referred to in your previous testimony never advanced you any
money of any kind?
Mr. TsuRU. No, sir.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like to submit that I studied
this document very carefully, and it has all the earmarks of being
prepared by what the Communists call experienced "agitprop direc-
tors" of the Communist Party. Are you acquainted with that ma-
terial, Mr. Tsuru ?
Mr. Tsuru. I am sorry, I am not acquainted with that term.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE XJNITED STATES 3737
Mr. MoRRRis. Mr, Chairman, I would like to read sections of this.
Senator Jennek. Proceed. It is all in the record.
Mr. Morris. First page, paragraph 3 :
It is our opinion that SS did not appear accidentally at this particular time.
The fact that a magazine of the similar nature has appeared in the last forty
years in Germany, Russia, Switzerland, and Japan, while not in the Anglo-Saxon
countries, especially not in the U. S., seems to us to reflect a basically uneven
development, the recognition of which is fundamental to our determination of
the method which we have to employ in regard to SS in the U. S. According
to the analyses of the Seventh World Congress, capitalism has entered its crisis
as such. For the U. S. this meant that the very basis of the position of the
intellectual — while we are not of the opinion that SS is only or even primarily
directed to the intellectuals, a point which will be clarified later on, we think
that it is best to develop our analysis from that specific point in the class strug-
gle where SS originated, the intellectual. — the economic basis for the oppor-
tunism and for the lack of their being forced to develop class consciousness in
the form of revolutionary theory has withered away and that this necessity in
many different forms was becoming apparent. Reviewed in this way, SS is not
only a manifestation of the grown contradictions in the American capitalist
society but represents in itself an active force and an important and indispen-
sable weapon v/ithin the struggle of these contradictions.
I would like to move over to the next page. Senator, and — may I read
parts of this in the interest of time ?
Senator Jenner. Yes, proceed.
]Mr. Morris. And if I seem to take anything out of context, in so
moving will you let me knoAv, JVIr. Tsuru? Under part 1, there is a
subdivision 1, 2, and 3.
1. We have to deepen or even first to prepare the ground for an understanding
of the Marxist content of the magazine. Such a necessity is abundantly clear
from the last issue. (We specifically refer to the articles by McGill, Struik, and
Brameld.)
^Vlio are McGill, Struik, and Brameld ?
Mr. Tsi^Ru. Mr. McGill was one of the editors of Science and Society
at the time. Mr. Struik was a professor of mathematics at Massachu-
setts Institute of Technology, and I believe he was either an editor
or contributing editor. Brameld, this name I do not recall.
Mr. Morris. Is that Theodore Brameld ?
Mr. Tsuru. I do not recall, Mr. Morris.
Mr. Morris (reading) :
2. We help these people already responsive to the magazine to find the "polit-
ical" contents of the magazine.
3. We make a conscious effort of extending this field of responsiveness by
organizing study groups around specific scientific fields, for instance, modern
problems in physics, or relation of biology to political science, or the function
of law and dictatorship, etc. etc., in each case bearing in mind that our function
is to expose the inherent contradictions in the bourgeois approach and to lead
the members of the study groups to realize the only correct approach : the ap-
proach of dialectic materialism.
Mr. Morris. Then I would like to go down to No. 1 in the next sub-
division. [Reading :]
1. As far as intellectuals are concerned, their attending of classes in Workers
Schools presupposes a definite decision on their part ; not only many of them at
the moment are not willing to make such a decision due to lack of conviction
but many external circumstances impose the degree of precaution which they
most certainly are not willing to forego before having attended a study group.
Furthermore, there are a number of people whose right to precaution under the
circumstances given would certainly not be denied.
2. Study groups are not to be perceived as regular courses beginning with the
reading of jNIanifesto and ending with the application of the Third Volume of
3738 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Capital to their specific fields. Such a course would certainly belong to Workers
Schools. Positive contents of such study groups have been outlined above.
3. There should be no reason why SS study groups could not be organized
within the framework of Workers Schools as actually done in the W. S. here
in Chicago. Such a group would serve a similar function as those groups men-
tioned before only for slightly more developed intellectuals who do not object
to going to a W. S. but might find it difficult to start their Marxist education on
an elementary basis. Secondly, there are those within such a group who are
far more easily approached via their own fields.
Then I would like to skip to part 2, just a half page later. [Read-
ing:]
PABT TWO
In a letter by Stalin to the editors of the central organ of the TCL of the Soviet
Union (unfortunately we do not have material with us to check) several years
ago, Stalin stressed the great importance of the practical work performed in the
Soviet Union since the revolution as something to be extremely proud of. But
he said that little had been done for the struggle on the theoretical front. And
this established one of the weakest points in the development of Soviet Union.
He then stressed the responsibility of the Party and urged the concentration on
this point. We think that a lesson could be taken from this letter to our own
situation.
In other words, Mr. Tsuru, you invoked a letter by Mr. Stalin as a
guide to your political activities at this time.
Mr. Tsuru. As I indicated earlier, my part in drafting this memo-
randum I consider somewhat minor. I took the responsibility of put-
ting down the name because I participated in a discussion while pre-
paring for the draft, and I was the intermediary to carry, if it was
completed, to Mr. Parry. So I took the responsibility of putting down
the name, but actually, as I think you will be able to establish in the lat-
ter part of this memorandum, the memorandum refers to Lowe as
Friend Lowe, whereas it refers to Niebyl by initials, KHN. I recall
most of the parts of the things were written by Mr. Niebyl and my con-
tribution was to participate in the discussion of certain aspects of the
memorandum, so if you ask me if I invoke the letter by Stalin, the only
thing I can say is to the extent I have put down the name, I am respon-
sible, but it was so long as I can recall, not I who invoked Stalin.
Mr. SouRwiNE. May I respectfully suggest this is at a time when
the witness has already testified he was acting like a Communist, think-
ing like a Communist.
Now, in that connotation there is nothing remarkable about putting
that in this memorandum.
Mr. Morris. Well, may I just read two more paragraphs. Senator ?
Senator Jenner. Proceed.
Mr. Morris. The next paragraph under part 2. [Reading :]
We feel it is our duty to ask ourselves the question : what work has been done
in analyzing the present complex situation in this country. Most certainly the
analysis of the Seventh World Congress has given the basis for the analysis which
was concretized and applied to the US in the Ninth convention. These analyses,
however, could stress because of their very nature only the changes in the basic
structure as well as certain specific aspects of it. The manifestations of these
changes in, for instance, bourgeois economic theory, philosophy, natural sciences,
etc., still wait for appropriate analyses and even more, we are still waiting (and
the fact that we are waiting is in itself an indictment) for an adequate expres-
sion of these changes in Marxist theoretical terms. The general attempt made
in this direction is an analysis by Varga which should perform for us the same
function as the Seventh World Congress to the Ninth Party Convention.
Now, again, "Should perform for us the same function as the
Seventh World Congress to the Ninth Party Convention."
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3739
Mr, TsuRU, I think I can only repeat the same as my answer to my
part in the memorandum.
Mr. Morris. The next part only refers to Comrade Bittelman.
Senator Jenner. Was it your habit to refer to individuals as
"Comrades" ?
Mr. TsuRU. Mr. Chairman, I am clearly certain that it was Mr.
Niebyl's writing. He referred to Mr. Bittelman as Comrade and a
little further below he refers to me as "Friend."
Senator Jenner. But in the beginning of the paragraph you say —
the word is, "we feel it is our duty to ask ourselves"^and then in the
middle of the paragraph you say "Comrade." Now I ask you, do you
refer to your friends as comrades?
Mr. TsuRU. No, sir, I do not do so.
Senator Jenner. You never did.
Mr. TsuRU. I never did.
Senator Jenner. Why did you sign this document then *
Mr. TsuRU. Well, because
Senator Jenner. Did you ask Mr. Niebyl to correct that and put
Mr. Bittelman rather than Comrade Bittelman at any time ?
Mr. TsuRU. I am sorry, I did not do so.
Senator Jenner, Of course, you are sorry now.
Mr.TsuRU. Yes.
Senator Jenner. How long have you been sorry ?
Mr. TsTJRU. Well, I think 1 expressed in my initial statement about
the gradual changes in my views and I should say, if you would like
me to develop on that point, probably I could spend a few minutes
but I don't like to take up too much of the committee's time so I would
ascribe my gradual transition to the period, the initial period from
1938 and 1939, but more intensively I began to change my views in the
postwar period.
Senator Jenner. But when you were attached to SCAP under the
command of General MacArthur, you hadn't clearly changed your
views ?
Mr. TsuRU. I was attached to SCAP in 1946 and 1947 and I believe
I had changed my views then.
Senator Jenner. All right, proceed.
Mr. Morris. Well, Senator, I thought possibly when we got to that
line of development I might ask a few questions. But excuse me, sir,
I will go back and finish this line of questioning.
I have just one more letter I will offer the witness at this time,
dated May 9, 1937, which was shown to the witness in the executive
session this morning. It is addressed to Mr. Karl-Heinrich. It reads
as follows :
Deab Karl-Heineich :
I hope that the fact that I have not heard from you does not mean that you
have been ill, but rather that you have been terrifically busy as usual.
Toward the end of March we started a new study group here for the study of
American capitalism from the Marxist point of view. The group consists of
young instructors and graduate students in economics, history, and law, includ-
ing a few men who have already established some reputation in their own field
like Paul Sweezy and Robert Bryce. Thus far we met five times and discussed
five papers : "Marxian Methodology in Social Sciences' by myself, "National In-
come and its Distribution Among Different Classes" by L. Tarshis, "American
Imperialism" by E. H, Norman, "Peculiarities of Capitalist Accumulation in
U. S," by P, Sweezy, and "Agriculture in U, S, A." by R. Bryce. We plan to
meet for the last time this year two weeks from today to discuss the program of
a Farmer-Labor Party.
3740 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
I haven't finished reading the letter but that is the part I want to
ask you questions about.
(The letter referred to above was marked "Exhibit No. 451 and
reads as follows:)
Exhibit No. 451
36 Claverly Hall,
Cambridge, Mass., May 9, 1937.
Dear Karl-Heinrich : I hope that the fact that I have not heard from you
does not mean that you have been ill, but rather that you have been terrifically
busy as usual.
Toward the end of March we started a new study group here for the study of
American capitalism from the Marxist point of view. The group consists of
young instructors and graduate students in economics, history and law, in-
cluding a few men who have already established some reputation in their own
field like Paul Sweezy and Robert Bryce. Thus far we met five times and dis-
cussed five papers: "Marxian Methodology in Social Science" by myself, "Na-
tional Income and its Distribution among different Classes" by L. Tarshis,
"American Imperialism" by E. H. Norman, "Peculiarities of Capitalist Accumu-
lation in U. S." by P. Sweezy, and "Agriculture in U. S. A." by R. Bryce. We plan
to meet for the last time this year two weeks from to-day to discuss the program
of a Farmer-Labor Party. In the discussion of Bryce's paper, the question arose,
in particular, if it is not increasingly likely that agricultural population as a
whole would in future politically identify themselves as one in favoring such a
measure as the AAA and that even tenant farmers and sharecroppers may line
up with other sectors of agricultural population over against industrial popula-
tion including industrial workers. How the program of a Farmer-Labor Party
should take such a probability into consideration is one of the questions we shall
discuss. Therefore, we wish to obtain some materials which explain the posi-
tion of the Middle Western Farmer Labor groups on such questions. If you
have them on hand, will you send them to me? Or, if you know some good articles
on the subject in any of the national periodicals, will you let me know?
Other study groups are holding out quite nicely. Representatives of several
study groups here sent a letter to the editors of S&S almost two months ago,
asking certain specific questions and suggesting certain specific steps. But we
have not heard a word from them yet.
Parry tells me that we printed 8,400 copies of S&S per issue for the last two
times and we have about 1,.500 annual subs, also that we need the total of 5,000
subs to make the magazine self-sustaining and otherwise we need $2,000 con-
tributions every year. "Otherwise" means "unless we do not get additional 3,500
subs." The editors are quite pessimistic about the prospect of getting more subs.
But I think it is a mistake.
I also feel that it would be better to establish various departmental editor-
ships. I envisage a wide potentiality under such a system. The present system
with a hurried weekend editorial meeting once a month or so is almost an insult
to the kind of work S&S is meant to be doing. We need more personnel with
better organization, it seems to me.
If you are too busy, don't bother with those annotations which I asked you to
write; and let me know whichever way you decide.
The recent sudden death of my mother will take me back to Japan this summer.
But I hope to be back in U. S. in the fall.
( TSURU )
Mr.TsuRU. Yes.
Mr. Morris. Who were in that study group to the best of your rec-
ollection ?
Mr. TsuRU. First, I would like to state, this letter, although it is a
copy, I am certain that I wrote it. And then as to Mr. Morris' ques-
tion about the study group, as I now recall, although I would not have
recalled the details, vrere it not for the fact that I have seen the letter, I
now recall more details of the study group which consisted mainly of
graduate students and instructors at Harvard, generally in the field
of social science, economics, and history, to discuss among ourselves
freely the question of American capitalism. Some of us in the study
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3741
group, not all of them, some of us including myself, and possibly Mr.
Sweezy, had the idea of trying to test the theories of Karl Marx as they
applied to American capitalism. I am certain others included in the
study group were not, at least at the time I knew them then, so the
discussion was quite free and flexible and we exchanged different points
of view. And as INIr. Morris has read the part, we discussed a wide
variety of subjects.
Mr. Morris. And who were in that study group?
Mr. TsuRU. Oh, Miss — although I am not certain if all of them were
present at every meeting, persons like Tarshis, Mr. Eobert Bryce, Mr.
Paul Sweezy, and Mr. E. H. Norman w^ere present.
Mr. Morris. Now, when did you first meet Mr. Norman, for in-
stance ?
Mr. TsuRu. I met Mr. Norman for the first time, I believe, in the
spring of 1936. I cannot place exactly, but I said it is spring, because
he was introduced to me through Mr. Eobert Bryce, who is a Canadian
economist, at the time a graduate student at Harvard University, and
I believe I came to know Mr. Bryce only after several months of my
academic year 1935 to 1936. Mr. Bryce introduced me to Mr. Norman
at the dining room of one of the Harvard dormitories.
Mr. Morris. Now, Mr.. Chairman, I would like to read the excerpt
from a security memorandum which has previously been entered into
our record.^ A reference contained therein which reads, "Tsuru
Shigato, Japanese instructor at Harvard," — That is you, is it not?
Mr. TsuRU. Shigato is not quite correct.
Mr. Morris. Now, at that time — 1942 — you were being repatriated,
were you not ? It means in connection with the repatriation purposes
of 1942. [Eeading:]
The FBI was approached by Norman who represented himself as an oflBcial
on highly confidential business of the Canadian Government in an effort to take
custody of Tsuru's belongings.
One main item of these belongings was a complete record of the Nye munitions
in\-^stigations, largely prepared by Alger Hiss.
Norman later admitted to the FBI agents in charge that his was only a personal
interest and that he was not representing the Canadian Government as stated.
Another item among these belongings, as reported by the FBI, was a letter
dated May 9, 1937, which related to a series of studies being promoted at Harvard
by Tsuru which provided for the study of American capitalism from a Marxist
viewpoint. The studies were conducted by a group of young instructors and
graduate students which had met five times. They discussed certain papers
which included "American Imperialism," by E. H. Norman.
Obviously that reference there is to the letter we have just been
reading.
Now, can you tell us what precisely you did with all your personal
papers and books after your repatriation in 1950 ?
Mr. Tsuru. At the time of repatriation, that is to say, before I was
repatriated, we had an intimation from, I think it was immigration
authorities that, since we were living unmolested, paid by American
institutions, our application for repatriation is likely to receive a low
priority.
So, Mrs. Tsuru and I more or less decided in our own mind that we
should stay on until probably 1943 or 1945, although we had aj^plied
for repatriation. And I negotiated with a number of professors at
1 See Emmerson testimony March 12, 1957, pt. 56, Scope of Soviet Activity in the United
States, p. 3645.
3742 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES
Harvard so that I could get research assistance grants for the following
academic year of 1953 — I am sorry, 1942 to 1943.
I was assured of such possibilities and we were under the impression
that we would just go on living in Cambridge, but suddenly, I believe
it was June the second, 1942, we received a telegram from the State
Department saying that we are to be repatriated by the first boat and
we are to report to the Ellis Islands by June the 7th, I believe, the exact
date I am not quite certain now. Which meant that I had only a few
days between the receipt of the telegram and the date of my departure.
I was at the time correcting exam papers for a number of courses as
well as doing certain assigned jobs at the Museum of Fine Arts. I
felt it was my responsibility to finish the exam corrections and my
assignments at the museum before I departed.
In fact, by the first week of June, most of the Harvard professors
and faculty members usually would have left Cambridge to vacation,
except those who are remaining for correction of papers. I could not
ask anyone to take my place.
So I considered the question of packing my belongings a matter of
lowest priority. Furthermore, the State Department instruction was
that I was permitted to take only one big trunk per person. It
specified the cubic feet, I am not quite sure, but I found out later on
it was just about the size of one big trunk per person which meant I
had to leave most of the things in Cambridge.
Therefore, I decided under the circumstances, which was quite an
extraordinary circumstance, from the standpoint of a Japanese citi-
zen, our own country being at M^ar with the country where I had lived
some years, and in my personal case, I was under the conviction that
Japan should not have started the war, and also felt that Japan
would be defeated. So my going back, to my mind, was to go back
to Japan in order to reconstruct Japan somehow out of defeat. That
was the deep determination I had in my mind.
From that standpoint, for me, books, papers, furniture and those
things were entirely immaterial. Those were immaterial things to me.
Although I had a large number of books and documents, I freely gave
to some of the economist friends who came to my apartment before I
left, the books which they wanted to have. I also contacted the
library of Harvard, Japanese library, saying that I was willing to
present my Japanese books to the library if they can find them useful.
Otherwise I instructed the janitor of the apartment that he can have
my furniture, kitchen utensils, radio, and, other things he wanted.
Books and documents I was certain that he would have no use, so I
suggested to him he can dispose of them in second-hand bookstores or
just dispose of them as he liked.
One other item which I took care of was the making out of a box
full of Japanese books which I intended to give to Mr. Norman be-
cause he had indicated while he was in this country a few years back
of that period, that he wanted to obtain those books very much, but
they were very difficult to get.
The major item in this box of books was volumes on source mate-
rials on the economic history of early Meiji period, that is to say, the
third quarter of the 19th century,
I believe I included some other source books and economic history
books and I left this box in care of International Student Association,
it might have been called institute, I am not certain, which was
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3743
located on Phillips Place, Cambridge. Director at the time was Mr.
Lawrence Mead. And I asked him if he would be willing to keep it
until Mr. Norman calls for it.
Immediately, that is at the same time, I wrote a letter to Mr.
Tarshis, whose name I mentioned earlier, who I knew to be a friend
of Mr. Norman, asking him to get in touch with Mr. Norman when
the latter returns.
I knew Mr. Norman to be in Japan at the time and gave him my
instructions to proceed to International Student Institute to take that
box. That is the way I more or less disposed or left behind my be-
longings.
Mr. Morris. Now, what happened as a matter of fact, do you know ?
You met Mr. Norman subsequently ?
Mr. TsuRU. Yes, as a matter of fact, repatriation, of course, was
duly conducted. I came back to Japan in August 1942. And then I
did serve for a while in the Japanese Army. When the war ended I
was in the Japanese foreign office. Mr. Norman arrived in Tokyo,
I believe some time in September, 1945. He called on our house, which
he did not know to be our house, but knew to be the house of my
wife's parents, to find out where we were.
Mr. Morris. This is what year now ?
Mr. Tsttru. September of 1945, either the end of September or
early October. It was just about that time — 1945.
And it happened that after our house has been bombed in Tokyo,
Mrs. Tsuru and I moved to the house of her own father. We were
living in that house which happened to be located not very far from
the location of Canadian Legation in Tokyo and I presume that he
dropped in at Mr. Wada's house to find out where we were and found
us there. So, of course, we were very much surprised to see him so
quickly after the war, and since that first meeting after the war, I
think I met him a number of times.
Mr. Morris. Approximately how many times ?
Mr. Tsuru. Oh, I should say in the course of the period from 1945
to — now I am not quite sure of the date of his departure from Japan
and meanwhile he also left Japan and came back again as I know, be-
cause he was first with the SCAP and later he came as the Chief of
the Canadian Legation, so there was an interval there and I think he
left most likely around 1950. And subsequently I know he came to
Japan, but I did not meet him at the time. I met him during those
approximately 4i/^ years or so, possibly 20 times or so.
Senator Jenner. Did you serve with him in SCAP ?
Mr. Tsuru. Pardon.
Senator Jenner. Did you serve with him in SCAP ?
Mr. Tsuru. No, he was under different jurisdiction within the
SCAP. I was in the Economics and Scientific Section headed by
General Marquat, attached to the Research and Statistics Division
within that section. Mr. Norman I understood to be working in tlie,
some kind of intelligence service or something, I believe, under, if I
correctly remember, under General Thorpe.
And during the course of my meeting with Mr. Norman, a number
of times, that is subsequent to the first meeting, I inquired of him
whether he finally got those books at the International Students Insti-
tute and I believe he said he got them.
3744 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
And furthermore, he indicated to me voluntarily not in response to
my prompting, but he indicated to me he also visited the apartment
house where I used to live, which incidentally is on Martin Street,
Cambridge.
I am sorry I was not quite correct in my statement. I should have
said : "not in response to my questioning, Mr. Norman related to me"
that he visited the apartment house where I lived and inquired of the
janitor of the apartment house about my belongings, with a hope, ac-
cording to Mr. Norman, to obtain some further books on Japanese
history which I possessed in large number.
Apparently he had such a hope. But after dealing with the janitor
for a while, he did not get a very cooperative attitude he told me.
The janitor looked somewhat queer and not very — he appeared to be
equivocal about the whole matter. Although Mr. Norman pressed it,
he couldn't get anywhere with it.
Mr. Morris. You say he pressed it with the janitor to have a look
at all your papers and books.
Mr. TsuRU. Well, I gathered that Mr. Norman pressed, did Mr.
Tsuru leave other belongings here and if so he would like to find out
if he could get hold of some more Japanese books.
I do not remember the exact words which INIr. Norman said to the
janitor.
Mr. ]\IoRRis, Did he tell you he had represented himself as an official
of the Canadian Government ?
Mr. Tsllrtt. Not that I recall.
Mr. Morris. He didn't indicate that at all?
Mr. Tsuru. Not that I recall. But I believe he told me he visited
the place twice or he first visited it once and then made an approach
the second time, in what means I do not know, but I remember he said
he made attempts twice.
Mr. Morris. And you did say he pressed on the point ?
Mr. TsLTRU. Yes, he pressed on the point that he wanted to see it,
but could not get anywhere so he went back. So he told me now he
doesn't know what happened to my belongings which I left at the
apartment.
Mr. INIoRRis. And some of which have come into the record of the
Internal Subcommittee and has given us valuable information.
Mr. Tsuru. Yes, much to my own shame of the period which is
covered.
Mr. Morris. Do you know a man named Israel Halperin ?
Mr. Tsuru. Yes.
Mr. Morris. Who was Israel Halperin ?
Mr. Tsuru. I knew him as an instructor of the mathematics at Har-
vard University. He might have been a research associate, the official
title I do not know. He was introduced to me, I believe, by Mr. Nor-
man. The vear I cannot remember quite exactly, but possibly around
1937.
Mr. Morris. Now, this is the same man who was arrested in the
Canadian espionage case in 1934 ?
Mr. Tsuru. That I did not know, but I knew it later because I was
questioned about him by United States Government representatives
in Japan.
Mr. Morris. Did you know your name appearecl in his address book
at the time of his arrest ?
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3745
Mr. TsuRU. I did not know my name appeared there.
Mr. Morris. How late did you see Mr. Halperin prior to that time ?
Mr. TsuRU. He never met my wife so I think I am pretty certain
it was before I got married. I got married Jmie 29, 1939, therefore, it
was before that time.
Mr. Morris. I see — 1939.
Mr.TsuRU. 1939.
Mr. Morris. So you didn't see him from 1939 to 1946 ?
Mr. TsuRU. No.
Mr. INloRRis. Now, do you know a man named Harry F. Alber ?
Mr. TsuRU. Mr. Harry Alber was in the Economics and Scientific
Section of SCAP in Japan at the time I was employed by the Eco-
nomics and Scientific Section from 1946 to 1947. He was, however,
in a different division.
I was in Eesearch and Statistics Division, but Mr. Alber was, I
think, in Price Control Division. And I came to know him through
this, more or less official connections of my job as economist in the
ESS. The quesion arose as to which years of the prewar Japan
should we use as the basis of various index numbers, price level, and
so forth. I was brought into the Price Control Division, Chief of the
Price Control Division, I do not recall now, but Mr. Alber was there.
That was the first time I met him in the office of the Chief of the Price
Control Division in ESS. We discussed about the appropriate basis
for various indices of Japan, the prewar years. Since then I came to
Imow him. 1 believe he left the SCAP after a while and even after he
left the SCAP I think I met him a number of times.
Mr. Morris. Are you now adviser to his firm in Tokj^o ?
Mr. TsuRU. At first he asked me to be an adviser. I think it was
called
Mr. Morris. International Economic Service, Ltd.; is that it?
Mr. TsuRU. I am not quite certain of the name but I know he
had a firm of consultants, and since I know him sufficiently to call
him by his first name, he asked me to be an adviser or consultant,
that is to help him along, and I said not in a formal way, but I
shall be glad to drop in every once in a while to give any knowledge
of mine which will be helpful to him. So I think I visited his office
altogether about, between 5 and 10 times, I should say.
Mr. Morris. You have been advising him then, you say informally ?
Mr. TsuRU. Actually it never came to that. That is to say, there
was a question of remuneration. To advise any service, of course, it
is natural that Mr. Alber feels he should pay me. Now I said, "No,
I don't like to have such an arrangement," so then Alber thought —
he had some other ideas, we were on friendly terms with him dis-
cussing various questions, but never came to actual solid advising
work.
Mr. Morris. And when did you last see Mr. Alber ?
Mr. TsuRU. I saw him for the last time, I should say, when he
told me that he was being investigated and he told me about that
matter and he was very much concerned about it and that was the
time — might have been 1949 or 1950.
Mr. Morris. You have not seen him since that time ?
Mr. TsTTRu. I have not seen him since.
3746 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Morris. Did you know he had been indicted by a Newport
News, Va., grand jury on charges he committed perjurjy before the
Army Department Security Board, April 29, 1951, hearing?
Mr. TsuRU. I did not know that.
Mr. Morris. Did you know he was an American Communist ?
Mr. TstJRU. I did not know he was an American Communist.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Tsuru, were you instrumental in the resuscitation
of the Japanese Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations in the
postwar period ?
Mr. TsuRU. I think it would be unfair to many others who were
very active in the resuscitation of the IPR if I say I was instrumental.
I had participated in it. But honestly speaking, I should say, there
were a few others who were more active.
Mr. Morris. But you were one of those people who helped to re-
activate the Japanese Council of the Institute ?
Mr. Tsuru. I was one of those who participated in discussing the
idea of reviving.
Mr. Morris. Wlien was this, 1946 ?
Mr. TsuRU. We may have started discussing it late 1945.
Mr. Morris. Did you know at that time it was a vehicle for Com-
munist operation ?
Mr. TsuRU. Well, in the initial stage of attempt to resuscitate the
IPR we had no inkling of this kind of thing, of course. I think it
would be most correct if I put it this way, that some of the elder
members of the active persons who wanted to resuscitate IPR became
more and more concerned after they had been communicating with, I
think, Mr. Holland, I believe, Mr. William Holland, that IPR was
sort of under the clouds, and Japan should be very careful about choos-
ing what kinds of people to work actively in IPR. So, a large num-
ber of people at first were engaged in the resuscitation but there was
a process of selection which went on gradually dropping out younger
members, and at the time it was formally organized, possibly about
1948, I was a member of the research committee of the IPR but not
a member of the board of directors of the Japanese IPR.
Mr. Morris. You had been active in a moderate way in the Institute
of Pacific Relations in the United States; had you not?
Mr. Tsuru. In a moderate way I was active in seeing the people
in IPR because Mr. Carter — I think it was Mr. Carter — Mr. Carter
asked me a number of times my opinions.
Mr. Morris. You knew Fred Field well; did you not?
Mr. Tsuru. No; I did not know Mr. Fred Field well. I think I
met him only once.
Mr. Morris. You know for instance that you were recommended to
do research work for the Institute of Pacific Relations ?
Mr. Tsuru. I was?
Mr. Morris. Yes.
Mr. Tsuru. Which year was it, may I ask ?
Mr. Morris. 1938 and 1939—1938.
Mr. Tsuru. It is quite possible that that happened.
Mr. Morris. Now, did you know a man named Chao-Ting Chi ?
Mr. Tsuru. Chinese?
Mr. Morris. He was a Chinese Communist in the United States
and is now with the Red Chinese government.
Mr. Tsuru. I know he is in China.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3747
Mr. Morris. Yes.
Mr. TsuRU. I did not know him to be a Chinese Communist in the
United States, but I met him a number of times at the IPK.
Mr. Morris. When did you last see Chao-Ting Chi ?
Mr. Tsuru. I saw him most likely around this period in 1938.
Mr, Morris. You didn't see him in Japan ?
Mr. Tsuru. No.
Mr. Morris. Are you active with the Institute of Pacific Relations
now?
Mr. Tsuru. No, Mr. Morris.
Mr. Morris. Will you tell us the circumstances of your leaving that
particular group ?
Mr. Tsuru. I was a member of the research committee, I think
about 1947 or 1948 and I contributed a paper for the IPR Lucknow
conference — that is a city in India — which I believe was held in 1950.
And I asked to be present at the conference but the board of directors
of the IPR suggested that it was not wise for me to go to the con-
ference and of" course I inquired why. They said, "You seem to be
suspected of something."
Mr. JNIoRRis. That is by the Japanese Government.
Mr. Tsuru. I don't know whether it was by the Japanese Govern-
ment or by some other authorities, I do not know, but I received intima-
tion that I was likely to to be —
Nov,', the board of directors, since I was not a member of the board
of directors, I do not know the names of all of them, but I think the
intimation to that effect was of a sort of general character, so I can't
specify who said it to me, but I am trying to reconstruct from my
memory why I did not go to Luclmow.
Mr. Morris. Yes, I wish you would.
Mr. Tsuru. The board of directors consisted then, I believe, of
persons like Mr. Saburo Matsukata.
Mr. Morris. Will you spell that for the reporter.
Mr. Tsuru. Yes, S-a-b-u-r-o M-a-t-s-u-k-a-t-a.
And I think Mr. Matsumoto. At least I believe those two names
were contained. And Mr. Matsuo, M-a-t-s-u-o, was I believe, the sec-
retary of the IPR that participated in the discussion of the board of
directors and I believe it was through Mr. Matsuo that I got the intima-
tion that in the discussion of the board of directors they were likely
to come to difficulties of some sort, and I was very curious about it, but
it couldn't be helped, so I said, "All right, I will submit my paper and
someone will read it. I shall not participate at the conference."
Mr. SouRwiNE. That was Matsuhei.
Mr. Tsuru. M-a-t-s-u-h-e-i.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you know him before he went with IPR ?
Mr. Tsuru. I knew him only slightly when he was in this country
before the war, but we happened to be repatriated by the same boat,
and our rooms happened to be next door in the Gripsliolm^ and they
had no children, we had no children, we were about the same age, we
came to know quite well the Gripshohn.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know him in Tokyo ?
Mr. Tsuru. Pardon.
Mr. Sourwine. Did you know him in Tokyo while you were with
SCAP?
Mr. Tsuru. Wliile I was with SCAP I think I visited his office.
93215— 57— pt. 57-
3748 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know what lie did, where he was employed ?
Mr. TsuRU. Where he was employed ?
Senator Jenner. Where he was employed.
Mr. Morris. Where he was employed.
Mr. TsuRU. Mr. Matsumo, I thought he had some connection with
the IPK.
Mr. SouRWiNE. He left a position with the office of political adviser
in Tokyo to take the job with IPR. Didn't you know that?
Mr. Morris. Did you have anything to do with inducing him to
take that job with IPE ?
Mr. TsuRU. Matsuo ?
Mr. IMoRRis. Yes.
Mr. TsuRU. I don't recall that I did.
Mr. Morris. Weren't you one of those at least one of those who
urged him to leave his position with the political adviser and go and
undertake the job in connection with the reorganization of IPR ?
Mr. TstJRU. Political adviser's office where, ISIr. Sourwine?
Mr. SouRw^iNE. The office of the political adviser in the American
Embassy.
Mr. TsTjRu. Oh, I see.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Didn't you know he worked there ?
Mr. TsuRU. Before the war.
Mr. SouRwiNE. No.
Mr. TsuRU. Oh, after the war.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes.
Mr. TsuRTJ. I was referring to the period before the war.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes.
Mr. TsuRU. Before the war when I did not know him very well and
then I said I came to know him quite well.
Mr. SouRWi^fE. That is right.
_ Mr. TsuRU. And then in the postwar period so far as my recollec-
tion goes, I did not advise him to leave the political adviser's office of
the United States Government and try to reconstruct IPE. I had the
impression that he was the driving spirit of the resuscitation of IPE.
He was very active in trying to resuscitate. I think he even went
through some privations at one time because funds were short, and so
forth, but he was still determined to carry it out — the original in-
tentions.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Thank you for letting me inquire.
Mr. TsuRU. But I wanted to finish the part you asked me, Mr.
Morris. Then probably 1951 or so I began to hear about the investi-
gations about this Senate committee on the IPE. I think it appeared
in Time, I believe. I saw it in one of the American magazines. And
then saw it in some other papers also, and I think I can't recall all
the things where I saw the reference to the investigation but I had
the general information that IPE was being investigated by the
Senate committee.
Mr. Morris. Do you Iniow Mr. Saionji ?
Mr. TsiTRu. ;Mr. Koichi
Mr. Morris. I think he was arrested in the Sorge espionage case in
Japan.
Mr. TsTTRTT. That I don't know. Koichi, I think his name, his first
name is. I met him probably
Mr. Morris. He is active in the postwar IPE ?
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3749
Mr. TsuRU. I think lie was in and out but at least at one time his
name was definitely on it.
Mr. Morris. But you don't know him well ?
Mr. TsuRU. I don't know him well.
Mr. Morris. Did you know a man named Mark Nathan Eosenfeld
from Spencerville, Md. '^
Mr. TsuRU. Yes, he was one of the superiors. One of the superiors
when I was in the Economics and Scientific Section in SCAP.
Mr. Morris. He isn't one that recruited you for service in the
Economics Section ?
Mr. TsuRU. No, Mr. Morris, the way I was recruited was, I was
a permanent Government official in the foreign office with permanent
status. My superior was Mr. Shigeru Yoshida and I believe it was
some time in February 1946, he called me to his office, I was in one
of the bureaus of the foreign office at the time and he told me SCAP
would like to have a Japanese expert to help them on some Japanese
matters. And he suggested: "now you are well versed with the
English language. You know some American people. And also you
are an economist although you are working in the foreign office now,
why don't you go there.*' And I said, "Well, if the Minister sug-
gests that I should go, I shall be glad to do so," and it was an entirely
official transfer, so my status even while I was in SCAP was a foreign
officer's, sort of on lend-lease agreement or arrangement to the SCAP.
And I was assigned to the Eesearch and Statistics Division where
Mr. Rosenf eld was one of my superiors.
Mr. Morris. Now, did you bring in Mr. Takahashi ?
Mr. TsuRU. Professor Masao Takahashi. I think it is correct to
say I was instrumental in bringing Takahashi into the office.
Mr. Morris. Would you say the same of Mr. Jiro Ando?
]Mr. TsuRU. In this case I am pretty certain by that time — may be
Professor Takahashi came in almost immediately after I came in
upon my suggestion, and then in the Eesearch and Statistical Divi-
sion, we"^ were told by the superiors — I think, Mr. Emerson Eoss was
the Chief of the Division at the time — that they would like to build
up a fairly large corps of Japanese experts and Japanese statisticians,
helpers, and so forth.
And at the time there were only 3 or 4 of us. So we Japanese sat
together and wanted to regularize the method instead of just picking
up any one certain person, we wanted to have a sort of regulatory
process of selection on the basis of competence, qualifications, and so
forth. So I believe after JSIr. Takahashi came in, about four of us
Japanese w^ho were there, with consultation of the Japanese consultant
in the personnel office in the Eesearch and Statistics Division, we used
to interview a large number of people together. And I think Mr.
Ando was brought in as one of them.
INIr. jSIorris. Had he a record of being a Communist, do you know ?
Mr. TsuRU. Well, at the time we examined him, there was no such
record. But after he was in the office for a while, I soon got the
impression that he had strongly leftwing tendencies, so I felt it was
my responsibility as one of the senior experts in the Division to ad-
vise him to resign. How he resigned I am not quite aware, but I
think he either resigned or was ousted or I don't know, anyway he
left the office after a while.
3750 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. Morris. Was Mr. Phillip O. Keeney, in the office?
Mr, TsuRU. I do not know the name.
Mr. Morris. Yon knew Solomon Adler?
Mr. TsuRU. No, sir, I have never known him.
Mr. Morris. You haven't met Solomon Adler in Japan ?
Mr. TsuRU. No, I have not.
Mr. Morris. You know the man to whom I refer. He is one of
the people who is publishing a book we mentioned yesterday.
Mr. TsuRU. Yes, I recall the name, but I don't know him.
Mr. Morris. How about a man named Theodore Cohen ?
Mr. TsuRU. Theodore Cohen.
Mr. Morris. In Japan, an American.
Mr. TsuRU. Oh, now I recall. He was one of the senior members,
I believe, of the Economics and Scientific Section of the SCAP in
the immediate postwar period in charge at first of labor problems.
Mr. Morris. And you met him?
]\Ir. TsuRU. I knew him in my — more in my official capacity as vice
minister of Economics Stabilization Board during the period 1947 and
1948 and I had to deal with him on various matters.
Mr. Morris, Now in 1952, you were invited to attend a world peace
council in Moscow, were you not ?
Mr. TsuRU. 1952— yes, I was not invited, but I received a letter
from Mr. Oscar Lange.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Oscar Lange ?
Mr. TsuRu. Yes.
Mr. Morris, He was then a Polish Communist official ?
Mr, TsuRu, Well, I understood him to be at first Polish Ambassador
to the United States and then chief delegate to the United Nations
from Poland and then I understood him to have gone back to Poland
but at the time I understood him to belong to United Workers Party
in Poland, which is a coalition of various parties and I understood
him to be not in good favor of the Communist Central,
Mr, Morris. Mr. Bialer who was one of the high officials of the
Communist Poland Party, who defected in 1956, told us that Mr,
Lange had become a full-fledged member of the Communist Party
and, when we last heard, he was in India on a mission for the Polish
Government.
Mr. TstTRLT. I received a letter from Mr, Oscar Lange suggesting if
I would not come and attend Moscow economics conferences and I
answered him, I think it was in 1952, and said, "I personally would not
be able to do so," I did not give any reason but I declined. So I never
received an invitation, I know a number of persons who received in-
vitations and I saw the type of letters which were received by them,
but the only thing I received was a letter from IMr, Lange, I suppose,
trying to sound out if I would be able to come and I answered him I
would not be able to come,
Mr, Morris. Had the Japanese Government said you would not be
able to go ?
Mr. TsuRU. No, not for such reasons, but I personally did not like to
go to this Moscow conference at the time.
Mr. Morris. Didn't the Japanese Government forbid you to go ?
Mr. TsTJRU, The Japanese Government never entered into this mat-
ter so far as I was concerned.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3751
Mr. Morris. In order to go there you would have to have a passport
issued to you ?
Mr. TsuRU. Passport according to the Japanese law can be issued
with a certain destination and you could go to a country which is not
included in the destination if you — I believe— if you get clearance
from the consulate and then visas from the countries, but since Russia,
at the time, was not a country with which Japan had diplomatic rela-
tions, Japan considered the travel towards Moscow or Soviet Union
to be not a favorable thing for one to do. And I believe persons who
went to Moscow at the time actually broke the passport law. But it
just happened that the passport law had no punishment clause on that
score, so they could not be punished legally.
Now, I suppose the Japanese Government is trying to amend it,
but that is the incidental knowledge I have on the subject.
Mr. Morris. And you have been to Moscow for the foreign office?
Mr. TsuRU. I was in Moscow as a member of the foreign office in
April 1945.
Mr. Morris. What was the nature of that assignment, if it is ap-
propriate for me to ask.
Mr. TsuRU. I think it is quite all right for me to say now, even with-
out consulting the Japanese Embassy,
Mr. Morris. I mean if you feel there is any
Mr. TsuRU. I feel it is quite all right. I was what they call dip-
lomatic courier carrying various messages, documents, materals, goods
in suitcases,— I am just given the duty of carrying it safely to Moscow.
And then there were 3 important posts in Russia at that time, and I
stopped at each 1 of these places to deliver these things, included Mos-
cow with the other towns and the responsible officer will again fill the
suitcases and then I could go back. That is what the purpose was.
Mr. Morris. And did you just make one trip, Mr. Tsuru ?
Mr. Tsuru. Just one trip.
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I have no more questions of this wit-
ness.
Now, I think, however, you did not, obtain that volume — you know,
the reference to Kaiso ?
Mr. Tsuru. No, I am sorry.
Mr. Morris. We have been trying to get it, now Mr. Mandel has
tried to get it. Senator, from the Library of Congress.
Mr. INIandel. I have not yet received it.
Mr. Tsuru. Well, Mr. Chairman, I shall be quite happy to cooperate
with the committee in obtaining a copy, if I can, in this country,
and sending it to you.
Senator Jenner. All right.
Mr. Morris. And you also have written for American periodicals
from time to time, have you not ? For instance I refer to an article
of yours in the Atlantic Monthly in January 1955, and an article in the
American Academy of Policy and Sociology of 1956.
Mr. Tsuru. Yes, I have.
Senator Jenner. Anything further ?
Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I have no more questions except as I say,
the subpenas have been issued for Mr. Niebyl and Constance Kyle and
we hope they may be able to give us further information.
Mr. Sourwine may have a few questions.
3752 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Senator Jenner. Do you have any questions, Mr. Sourwine?
Mr. SouEwiNE, Is this a proper time for it ?
Senator Jenner. Well, there will be no hearing this afternoon.
We would like to finish with this witness if we can. It is the witness'
desire to finish completely the testimony.
Mr. Sourwine. In your letter of August 31, 1936 you referred to —
Mr. Korb
Can you identify any of tlie members of that group referred to in
that letter?
Mr. TsuRu. I can now recall the name, Mr. Korb, but I do not
recall anyone in the group.
Mr. Sourwine. Which Mr. Korb was that ?
Mr. TsuRU. I don't remember his first name.
Mr. Sourwine. You referred to the Lunning group which arose
among the members of the law school. Which Mr. Lunning was that ?
Mr. TsuRU. I believe his first name was Jus.
Mr. Sourwine. Can you identify any of the members of that group ?
Mr. TsuRU. Well, Mr. Sourwine, I had the knowledge of these
groups, but I did not necessarily
Mr. Sourwine. I am not arguing with you. Just asking, if you
don't recall, just say so.
Mr. TsuRU. I am sorry, I don't recall any names.
Mr. Sourwine. You referred to a study group on Marxism. Can
you recall any of the members of that group ?
Mr. Tsuru. Here I think names I originally did not recall, but
after reading through these letters, the names of John Cookson and
Herman Eamras, those names came back to my mind and I believe they
were connected with the study group in Madison.
Mr. Sourwine. You referred to the group on dialectic materialism
in Cambridge. Can you identify that group any better ?
Mr. Tsuru. I think, now here again I am mentioning the groups but
I am not necessarily a member of the groups. I think William Parry,
Louis Harap.
Mr. Sourwine. That is H-a-r-a-p ?
Mr. Tsuru. Yes. And although I am not quite certain, so if you
permit me to answer with some degree of doubt, I shall mention an-
otlier name. Shall I or not ?
Mr. Sourw^ine. Go ahead.
Mr. Tsuru. With that proviso I would say Mr. Leo Koberts.
Mr. Sourwine. Who was he ?
Mr. Tsuru. He was, I would characterize him as a perennial student
of philosophy. He never seems to complete his book.
Mr. Sourwine. Where is he now ?
Mr. Tsuru. I think he is in Cambridge.
Mr. Sourwine. In this same letter you refer to discussions you had
with the staff of the school, that school was the University of Chicago,
was it not?
Mr. Tsuru. Which page may I ask ?
Mr. Sourwine. Page 2 of the mimeographed copy down at the
bottom. It is the third line from the bottom.
Mr. Tsuru. Oh. I said I should try to discuss with the staff of
the school.
Mr. Sourwine. Yes.
Mr. Tsuru. So far as my recollection goes, I never did because in
Chicago
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3753
Mr. SouRWiNE. You were talking about the Univei-sity of Chicago,
were you not ?
Mr. TsuRU. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRWiNE. When was it that you had intended to discuss that
matter with the staff of the school ?
Mr. TsuRU. By which I meant to discuss with Mr. Niebyl in the
first instance and then on this question ask Mr. Niebyl to get in con-
tact with the school.
Mr. SoLTRWiXE. All right, now on the next page of that letter, you
speak of the agent in Chicago, Who was that ?
Mr. TsuRU. Well, here probably my inadequate language was mis-
leading. What I meant, I think, was the question of Science and So-
ciety, whoever was willing, the person or persons whoever were will-
ing'to take the responsibility of promoting Science and Society.
Mr. SouR^viNE. You did not have in mind any particular individual ?
Mr. TsuRU. No, I did not.
Mr. SouRwiNE. In your letter of September 6 — I have no more
questions.
Senator Jenner. I have to leave. The committee will just stand
in recess, and the continuation of these questions will be after lunch,
whatever time you say.
Mr. SouRwiNE. That is why I was inquiring whether you were able
to continue.
Senator Jenner. I can go on 5 or 10 minutes and you can continue.
Mr. SouRWiNE. It is at the Senator's convenience.
Senator Jenner. Do you want to do it this afternoon or how long
would it take you this morning ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, we can go ahead then.
I would like to finish to accommodate the witness.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Referring to the letter of September 6, to you, the
fourth line from the top on the first page, there was a sentence men-
tioning— who was that ?
Mr. TsuRU. That is Mr. Kenneth Howard.
Mr. SouRwiNE. All right. Now, referring to the second page of
that letter as mimeographed, in the second paragraph on that page,
the bottom line there is a Bernal. Can you identify that individual?
Mr. TsuRU. This letter was written by Mr. Parry and I presumed
him to mean a Doctor Bernal of Cambridge, whom I do not know.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, looking at the letter of September 14, the sec-
ond paragraph, you say, "We called a meeting in Cambridge." Who
was the "we" referred to there ?
Mr. TsuRU. Oh, I think I do not recall all the names, but at least
Mr. Parry and Mr. Hanap were there.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Thank you. Now in the letter of January 13, to
Karl-Heinrich, in the third paragraph, the second line, you will jEind
the name Webbs. What person or persons are referred to there?
Mr. TsuRU. I think this — from internal evidence I would say I
consider Sidney and Beatrice Webb of England.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, if you will look at the letter of February 2,
1937, to Karl-Heinrich.
Mr. TsuRU. Excuse me just a minute please. Oh, yes.
Mr. SoupaviNE. The second paragraph, the second line you will see
the name Burgum. Have you identified that individual?
3754 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. TsuRU. Oh. Burgum. I think he was one of the editors of
Science and Society from the beginning and I saw him, I believe, for
the first time on this occasion when he came to Boston.
Mr. SoTjRwiNE. Do yon recall his full name ?
Mr. TsuRU. I am sorry, I do not know his first name.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, on that same page, do you see the name,
Struik?
Mr.TsuRtr. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Does that refer to Prof. Dirk Struik ?
(No answer.)
Mr. SouRwiNE. On the third page of that letter you will see the
reference to the editors of Science and Society being terrifically busy
on other duties of theirs in the fight against Trotskyists. Did you refer
to duties as Communists ?
Mr. TsuRu. I believe I was relating the information from Mr. Parry.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You were distinguishing between duties as Commu-
nists from duties as editors ?
Mr. TsuRU. I was relating to Mr. Parry's words and when he said,
"Did you fight against Trotskyists," I was repeating.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You were complaining that their Communist duties
were interfering with what you understood to be their duties as
editors ?
Mr. TsuRU. Yes ; that is more or less the case.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, look at the letter from Constance Kyle to you,
April 14, the first paragraph. Look at the third and fourth lines from
the bottom of that paragTaph, you will find the phrase, "Our own
people," referred to twice. How did you understand that phrase?
Mr. TsuRu Well, I think I interpreted this to mean that Miss Kyle
was referring to the Communist group.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes, sir. Mr. Tsuru, did you ever have any acquain-
tance with Mr. Andrew Both ?
Mr. Tsuru. No ; I have not.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Mr. Phillip Jaffe ?
Mr. Tsuru. I saw him, I think, a couple of times at IPE.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you remember who introduced you ?
Mr. TsuRu. Well, I am not quite sure who introduced us. IPR
office at the time was such that people could come around and see each
other and help each other and say "Hello," and introduce each other.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you ever hear of the Japan Anti-War League ?
Mr. Tsuru. Japan Anti-War League.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes.
Mr. Tsuru. You are not referring to the organization I was attached
to, Anti-Imperialism League, of my student days ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. I didn't mean to make such a reference ; if there was
a connection I would be glad to have you tell us.
Mr. Tsuru. I have been telling about the Anti-Imperialism.
Mr. SouRwiNE. I understand that, but if there is any connection
about the
Did you know Wataru Raj, a Japanese by that name ?
Mr. Tsuru. Wataru Raj.
Mr. SouRwiisTE. Yes.
Mr. Tsuru. Wataru sounds like a first name only. It is most un-
likely that it is a last name.
Mr. SouRwiNE. It does not sound like a last name.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3755
Mr. TsuRU. I don't think I know anyone by that name.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know of the Japanese Emancipation
League ?
Mr. TsuRU. No; I did not.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Joja Kiroshi ?
Mr. TsuRU. Joja Kiroshi?
Mr. SouRAViNE. J-o-j-aK-i-r-o-s-h-i.
Mr. TsuRU. I do not think so.
Mr. SouRWiNE. This Wataru apparently had the surname Kiroshi.
Mr. TsuRU. Oh, no.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you ever know Nozaka Sazo ?
Mr. TsuRU. No.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Otherwise known as Susumu Okano ?
Mr. TsuRU. Except I met him, because you see when I was in the
government, I think he came once to protest something to my office, I
know the face.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you know Emmerson Eoss ?
Mr. TsuRU. Mr. Enmierson Ross, the Chief of the Research and
Statistics Division, yes. At the time I was in the SCAP.
Mr. SouRwiNE. How well did you know him ?
Mr. TsuRU. Only to the extent of my being subordinated in that
office.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you know Mr. Ross as a head of a group of
persons in SCAP, who advocated collectivism and state ownership of
Japan industry.
Mr. TsuRU. No ; I was not aware of such ideas on his part.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know KyuichiTokuda?
Mr. TsuRU. No ; I never knew him. Again I saw his face.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you know Yoshio Shiga ?
Mr. TsuRU. I never knew him.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Anthony Constantino ? ^
Mr. TsuRU. No.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know James Fitzgerald ? ^
Mr. TsuRU. No ; I do not think so.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Maturos ?
Mr. TsuRU. I don't tliink so.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you know T. A. Bisson ?
Mr. TsuRU. I knew him.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know him in IPR or otherwise ?
Mr. TsuRTJ. I knew him before the war at the IPR and then after the
war I saw him a number of times when he was comiected with the
SCAP, Government Section, I believe.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Miriam Farley ?
Mr. TsuRU. I think I met her a few times before the war.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Henry Bremier ?
Mr. TsuRU. No ; I don't think so.
Mr. SouRw^iNE. You knew Miss Farley in connection with IPR ?
Mr. TsuRU. That is right.
Mr. SouR\viNE. Did you know Edward Christy Welch ?
Mr. TsuRU. Edward Welch.
1 In a letter to the subcommittee dated April 27, 1957, Mr. Tsuru said :
"After rereading; tiie transcript, I now recall that I may have met Messrs. Constantino
and Fitzgerald, about whom I was questioned at p. 5057 of the transcript, in Japan during
the period immediately following the war."
93215— 57— pt. 57 6
3756 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. "Welch.
Mr. TsuRTJ. Edward Welch. Is he the one — may I ask a question?
Is he the one who was in the SCAP in antimonopoly legislation ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. He was with the SCAP.
Mr. TsuRu. Then I think I met him in my official capacity.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know James Killem ? ^
Mr. TsuRu. James Killem. No ; I do not think so.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know William V. Turnage ?
Mr. TsuRu. Yes; he was one of the superiors in the Research and
Statistics Division.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know any of those individuals in SCAP
whose identity we have just been discussing as Communists or pro-
Communists ?
Mr. TsuRu. No; I was not aware of any such tendencies among
these people.
Mr. SouRWiNE. One more question, Mr. Chairman.
If I remember correctly you stated in your initial testimony you
would be willing to give the committee the names of Communists so
far as you knew them or had reason to suspect them. Have you done
so
Mr. TsuRU. Well, in trying to answer every question presented to
me, I have tried my best to answer as fully and truthfully as I could.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you given the committee the names of all
the persons whom you knew or had reason to believe were Communists ?
Mr. TsTJRU. As far as I can recall ; yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Will you be willing to attempt to make a list of all
such persons that you can recall, and furnish the committee with it, or
in the alternative, with a statement that on second thought and care-
ful consideration you are unable to recall any other individuals known
to you or that you had reason to believe were Communists.
Mr. TsTjRu. Mr. Chairman. I shall be willing to be at your service for
any further works of the committee for which I am required. So that
if my service in regard to what Mr. Sourwine has just indicated is
called for, I shall be clad to be at your service.
Senator Jentner. We are trying to accommodate you and conclude
this hearing. What the committee is interested in hearing is if you
have any other people that you know to be Communists or pro-Com-
munists, would you submit them to this committee by mail or through
your attorney ?
Mr. TsuRu. I shall try my best to recollect of my past and try to
cooperate with the committee to the best of my ability.^
Senator Jenner. Thank you very much.
Anv further questions ? If not the committee will stand adjourned.
(Whereupon, at 2 p. m., the committee was adjourned.)
» In a letter to the subcommitee dated April 27, 1957, Mr. Tsurn said :
At p. 5058 of the transcript I was nupstloned by Mr. Sonrwine about an Individual
whose last name he spelled "Killem." If the spellinsr is "Killen" rather than "Killem"
I believe that I met such an individual a few times in Tokyo in 1947 in my official capacity
as Vice Minister of Economic Stabilization."
)iVl ^J^ttei" to the subcommittee dated April 27, 1957, Mr. Tsuru said :
i4.^*v'"'' conclusion of the hearin? on March 27 I was asked to furnish the subcommittee
with the names of persons whom I know or knew to be Communists, or whom I reasonably
i}5*'I^T*'^ believed to be Communists, in addition to those names in such categories about
Which I had been ouestioned during the course of the hearing. I assume that the scope of
this ouestion is limited to United States citizens and persons within the United States since,
m the course of my duties as Vice Minister of Economic Stabilization in Japan. I necessarily
came m contact with some Japanese who are known in Japan and elsewhere as members of
the Japanese Communist Party. After carefnl consideration I find that I cannot supply
the subcommittee with any such names simply because I cannot recall any."
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITT m THE UNITED STATES 3757
APPENDIX I
The Intellectuai, Interchange Peogbam
The America-Japan intellectual interchange program was established in the
fall of 1951 to enable Japanese scholars and men of learning to come to the
United States for limited periods of time (1) to visit American universities and
other institutions in which they might be interested, and (2) to serve as visiting
lecturers and conduct research in American institutions of higher learning.
Under the other part of the interchange program, American scholars and men
of learning visit Japan.
To administer the program two committees were established by Columbia
University : One in Japan and the other in the United States. Dr. Yasaka Takagi,
professor emeritus of American constitutional law at Toyko University, is
chairman of the Japan committee. Others associated with him are Mr. Gordon
T. Bowles, Mr. Shigeharu Matsumoto, Dr. Arao Imamura, Miss Tano Jodai,
Prof. Naoto Kameyama, Dr. Shinzo Koizumi, Mr. Saburo Matsukata, Mr,
Tamon Maeda, Miss Kiyoko Takeda, and Mrs. Matsu Tsuji.
The American committee is headed by Dr. Hugh Borton, professor of Jap-
anese and director of the East Asian Institute at Columbia University. His
committee colleagues include Dr. Charles W. Cole, president of Amherst Col-
lege; Prof. Peter Odegard, chairman, department of political science at the
University of California; Dr. Oliver Carmichael, former president of the Uni-
versity of Alabama ; Dr. Merle Curti, professor of history at the University of
Wisconsin ; Dr. Edwin Reischauer, professor of Japanese at Harvard ; Dr.
Frederick S. Dunn, director of international studies at Princeton University;
Mr. Norman Cousins, editor of the Saturday Review; Prof. John Orchard of
the department of geography at Columbia University; and Profs. Carrington
Goodrich and William T. DeBary of the department of Chinese at Columbia Uni-
versity. Harry J. Carman, dean emeritus of Columbia College and Moore pro-
fessor of history at Columbia University, is executive secretary of the program.
Each committee furnishes nominees for the consideration of the other. The
Japanese who have come to the United States are :
Miss Fusae Ichikawa, president of Japan's League of Women Voters,
1952-53.
Dr. Yoshishige Abe, president of Peers College, Tokyo, 1952-53.
Dr. Hitoshi Kihara, geneticist, Kyoto University, 1953.
Mr. Yoshiro Nagayo, writer, 1953.
Prof. Iwao Ayusawa, International Christian University, Tokyo, 1955-56.
Prof. Seiichi Tobata, Tokyo University, 1955.
President Ichiro Nakayama, Hitotsubashi University, 1955.
Mr. Nyozekan Hasegawa, journalist and writer, 1956.
Dr. Shinzo Kaji, Tokyo University, 1956.
Miss Tano Jodai, president. Women's College of Tokyo, 1956.
Dr. Shigeto Tsuru, Hitotsubashi University, 1956-57.
The Americans who have gone to Japan are :
Dr. Charles W. Cole, president, Amherst College, 1953.
Father Martin D'Arcy, Campion College, Oxford, England, 1953.
Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, New York, 1953.
Father George B. Ford, pastor, Corpus Christi Church, New York, N. Y.,
1953.
Norman Cousins, editor, Saturday Review, 1953.
Shannon McCune, Colgate University, 1953-54.
Harry J. Carman, Columbia University, 1954.
Willard Thorp, Amherst College, 1955.
Algo Henderson, University of Michigan, 1956.
Ralph Turner, Yale University, 1957.
The program was made possible by gifts from John D. Rockefeller III, to
Columbia University which has full responsibility for the administration of the
program.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
THURSDAY, APRIL 4, 1957
United States Senate,
Subcommittee To Investigate
the Administration or the Internal Security Act
and Other Internal Security Laws,
OF the Committee on the Judiciary,
W ashing ton, D.C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice at 12:35 p. m. in room
424, Senate Office Building, Senator Roman L. Hruska, presiding.
Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; William A. Rusher,
associate counsel; Benjamin Mandel, research director; and Robert C.
McManus, investigations analyst.
Senator Hruska. The committee will come to order and. Judge
Morris, have you any preliminary statement ?
Mr. Morris. Yes. Senator, the hearing today is an outgrowth of
the hearing that we had last week when Tsuru, a Japanese national
now a professor at Harvard University, testified. Mr. Tsuru was sub-
penaed by the United States Senate Internal Security Subcommittee
when we came into possession of certain papers which Mr. Tsuru left
behind when he was repatriated in 1942. These papers cast consider-
able light on Communist operations in the United States which had
as their object, the communization of some of our most distinguished
universities. Specifically, it had to do with a publication called
Science and Society which is a JNIarxist quarterly which is even now
printed and circulated among our universities of the United States.
For instance, at this hearing one of the papers professed to be and
purported to be a memorandum which was obviously a Communist
memorandum directed to the Communist faction of the board of
editors of Science and Society.
When Mr. Tsuru testified he acknowledged that the papers were
his, that he had left them behind, and he acknowledged many of the
facts that were represented in the papers.
In connection with this, an important individual in connection with
this particular activity was Karl H. Niebyl who is the witness here
today. ]Mr. Niebyl has been asked to amplify on the testimony of
Mr. Tsuru and the papers that Mr, Tsuru left behind. Mr. Niebyl,
will you come forward, please?
Senator Hruska. Will you be sworn, please? Do you solemnly
swear the testimony that you are about to give will be the truth, the
whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Niebyl. I do.
3759
3760 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
TESTIMONY OF KARL H. NIEBYL, ACCOMPANIED BY DAVID REIN,
HIS ATTORNEY
Mr. Morris. Will you give your name and address to the shorthand
reporter ?
Mr. NiEBYL. Niebyl, N-i-e-b-y-1. Karl H.
Mr. Morris. Karl H. Niebyl.
Mr. Niebyl. 185 Jules Drive, New York City.
Mr. Morris. Now, Professor Niebyl, what is your present business
or profession?
Mr. Niebyl. I feel that under the circumstances I must invoke
the protection of the fifth amendment.
Mr. MoRPJs. You mean you cannot tell us what your present
business or profession is lest you would be surrendering your rights
under the fifth amendment?
Mr. Niebyl. That is correct.
Mr. Morris. And you will not tell us now what you are doing?
Mr. Niebyl. That is correct.
Mr. Morris. Well, are you now a Communist, Professor Niebyl?
Mr. Niebyl. The answer to that is, under the protection of the
fifth amendment.
Mr. Morris. Well, Senator, in view of the witness' reluctance to
tell us what he is now doing, I would like to read to him a biogra-
phical sketch from the American Men of Science.
I will ask you point by point whether these facts are in truth
correct.
Mr. Eein. David Eein, 711 14th Street NW., Washington, D. C.
I wonder if we could have the pictures taken and dispensed with,
rather than have this constant interruption ?
Senator Hruska. That would be well. We will give you gentle-
men a brief time in which to get that done. We are for you and
we want you to get proper photographic records but we do not want
this hearing interfered with unduly.
Mr. Morris. "Were you born on June 30, 1936, in Czechoslovakia?
Mr. Niebyl. In Prague.
Mr. Morris. In Prague. Did you attend the Institute of Tech-
nology in Hanover, Germany, in 1923-24?
Mr. Niebyl. That is correct.
Mr. Morris. Did you attend the University of Paris, 1929-30?
Mr. Niebyl. That is correct. May I say that the dates I would
have to check but it is correct that I attended the University of Paris.
Mr. Morris. I am reading from the American Men of Science.
Mr. Niebyl. I am sure that is correct.
Mr. Morris. Did you attend the University of Frankfurt, Germany,
in 1932 ?
Mr. Niebyl. Correct.
Mr. Morris. Did you attend the London School of Economics 1932-
34?
Mr. Niebyl. That is correct.
Mr. Morris. Were you a fellow at Wisconsin University, 1934-35 ?
Mr. Niebyl. Correct.
Mr. Morris. Did you obtain your doctor of philosophy degree from
the University of Wisconsin in 1936 ?
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3761
Mr. NiEBYL. Correct.
Mr. Morris. Now, have you been a research assistant at the Univer-
sity of Wisconsin during 1935 and 1936 ?
Mr. NiEBYL. Correct.
Mr. Morris. Were you later an instructor and an assistant professor
of economics at Carleton College in Minnesota ?
Mr. NiEBYL,. Correct.
Mr. Morris. From 1936 to 1940. Were you later adviser on mone-
tary and fiscal policies in the Consumer Division of the OPA from
1940 to 1941 ?
Mr. NiEBYL. Correct.
Mr. Morris. Associate professor of economics and chairman of the
graduate department of Tulane University from 1941 to 1943?
Mr. NiEBYL. That is correct.
Mr. Morris. Were you a professor at the University of Texas in
1946?
Mr. NiEBYL. Correct.
Mr. Morris. Were you in Blackmountain College, North Carolina
from 1946 to 1947?
Mr. NiEBYL. Correct,
Mr. Morris. Were you professor and chairman of a department at
Champlain College, State University of New York, 1947-53?
Mr. NiEBYL. Correct.
Mr. Morris. That is the State university ?
Mr. NiEBYL. Correct.
Mr. Morris. Have you been chairman of the department of eco-
nomics and business administration at Muskingum College, Ohio,
1953 to 1954?
Mr. NiEBYL. Correct.
Mr. Morris. Do you hold two positions at the present time, one as
economic and financial consultant and partner of Economic Research
Associates since 1954, and another as lecturer at the New School of
Social Research, beginning in 1956, New York City ?
Mr. NiEBYL. Yes.
Mr. Morris. Now, I noticed that in the Abraham Lincoln School
catalog, that is the Abraham Lincoln School which was a Communist
training school in Chicago. It is no longer in existence but was there
during the war. In the 1943 catalog of the Abraham Lincoln School
is listed Karl H. Niebyl as economic adviser on monetary and fiscal
policies for the advisory commission to the Council of National De-
fense.
Now, did you have that one additional position ? I will read^ it
again. The question is, did you, as was listed in the Abraham Lin-
coln School catalog, were you the economic adviser on monetary and
fiscal policies with the advisory commission to the Council of Na-
tional Defense ?
Mr. Niebyl. In the way the question is phrased, I am afraid I must
invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Morris. Well, did you work for the Council on National De-
fense at any time ?
Mr. Niebyl. Yes.
Mr. Morris. Would you tell us what you did for the Council on Na-
tional Defense ?
3762 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE tTNITED STATES
Mr. NiEBTL. May I say that that is exactly the same position that
you ah^eady referred to because the Consumer Division became part
of the OPA and it was only a very short while that that office was in
the Council of National Defense. I advised the Committee on the
Council of National Defense.
Mr. Morris. So you had this one position with OPA ?
Mr. NiEBYL,. Yes.
Mr. Morris, And for a short time that was called the Advisory
Commission to the Council on National Defense?
Mr. NiEBYL. That was called the Consumer Division in the Ad-
visory Commission to the Council of National Defense.
Mr. Morris. I see.
Mr. NiEBYL. It is exactly the same.
Mr. Morris. I see. Now, did you know a Japanese national by the
name of Tsuru Shigetu ?
Mr. NiEBYL. Yes.
Mr. Morris. Who was Tsuru Shio;etu ?
Mr. NiEBYL. To the best of my knowledge he was a student. I be-
lieve he went to Lawrence Collefje. I met him, I believe, at the Uni-
versity of Wisconsin and haven't seem him, I would say, for about 20
years.
Mr. Morris. I see. Now, I offered to you through your attorney a
memorandum that purports to be written — have you still got it, Mr.
Kein?
Mr. Reix. I have it.
Mr. Morris. Will you look at that, please. Now that is signed by —
will you read the names of the three persons signing that. Just read
the names. It appears on page 12. Just read the names.
Mr. NiEBYL. Karl H. Niebyl.
Mr. Morris. Karl H. Niebyl.
You were then with the department of economics at Carleton Col-
lege. Constance Kyle at the department of psychiatry at the Univer-
sity of Illinois and Alfred Z. Lowe.
Now, did you sign that memorandum ?
Mr. NiEBTL. I invoke the fifth amendment.
Mr. Morris. You will not tell us, but instead you are invoking the
privilege under the fifth amendment ?
Mr. Niebyl. Yes.
Mr. Morris. Before answering that question, have you looked at
the memorandum before you answer that question ?
Mr. Niebyl. Briefly, yes.
Mr. Morris. Briefly?
Mr. Niebyl. Briefly.
Mr. Morris. Still you want to invoke your privilege under the fifth
amendment ?
Mr. Niebyl. Eight.
Senator Hruska. As a matter of fact, you were furnished with a
copy of this memorandum before the hearing started ?
Mr. Niebyl. Eight.
Senator Hruska. So you had an opportunity to look at it ?
Mr. Niebyl. Briefly.
Senator Hruska. Very briefly?
Mr. Morris. May I look at your copy ?
Mr. Niebyl. Yes.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 3763
Mr. NoRRis. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Tsuru has acknowledged that the
signature here, Alfred Z. Lowe, was a name that he, himself, used and
that his name did appear on this memorandum.
To your knowledge did Constance Kyle and Alfred Z. Lowe join
with you in the preparation of this memorandum ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment.
Mr. Morris. How much of this memorandum was written by Con-
stance Kyle ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Mr. Morris. Claiming your privilege ?
Mr. NiEBYL. Yes.
Mr. Morris. How much of this memorandum was written by Alfred
Z. Lowe, which was the name Mr. Tsuru acknowledged was the one
he used at this time ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment.
Mr. Morris. Well, Senator, I do not want to labor this too much.
The whole thing is in our record. It has been described as a document
that is obviously the work of a student of an, an advanced student of
Communist propaganda, advanced students of Communist dialectics
and, as has been described to the subcommittee, is obviously a person
with very important experience in the Agitprop portion of the party.
Were you a Communist at the date this memorandum was written,
roughly 1937 ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Mr. Morris. Had you any Communist training at the time this
memorandum was prepared ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Mr. Morris. Had you attended the Chicago Workers School ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Senator Hruska. On what grounds ?
Mr. NiEBYL. Based on the fifth amendment.
Senator Hruska. Does that apply to all of these refusals ?
Mr. NiEBYL. Yes, sir.
Senator Hruska. I just wanted the record to so show.
Mr, Morris. Were you a Communist when you attended the Uni-
versity of Berlin in 1930 ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were at the London
School of Economics in 1932 to 1934 ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Mr. Morris. While you were in England did you meet a man who
testified before this subcommittee a tew weeks ago, Frank Meyer?
He was an American. It was testified he was at that time a member
of the Communist Party and he had a temporary assignment in Eng-
land. Now, did you, I am asking you, did you know Frank Meyer
in England while you were a student at the London School of Eco-
nomics ?
Mr. NiEBYL. The name means nothing to me. I cannot recall.
Mr. Morris. You cannot recall Frank Meyer ?
Mr. NiEBYL. No.
Mr, Morris. Did you know Frank Meyer subsequently in Chicago ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I do not recognize the name.
3764 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE TTNITED STATES
Mr. Morris. He is a thin man, sharp features, dark hair, active in
the Communist Party in Chicago. I mean, if he has told us that he
knew you as a Communist, you will not contradict that ; will you ?
Mr. NiEBYL. Well, if you put the question that way, then I will
refuse to answer under the fifth amendment.
Mr. Morris. I am trying to be fair with you. He has told us that
he knew you well in Chicago and he knew you also in England and
he was then a Communist, active in students' organization work for
the Communist Party and he said you were engaged in the same
activity as he was.
Now, I am asking you if you will deny that, or is it your answer you
just do not recall the man or are you going to claim your privilege?
Mr. NiEBYL. Well, my position is that I do not recall the man.
Mr. Morris. Were you active in organizing Communist students
while you were in England ?
Mr. NiEBTL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment.
Mr. Morris. There was an organization at the time, that Mr. Meyer
was engaged in, which was organizing Communist students at the
various English unions. Did you participate in any work such as
that while you were in England?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Mr. Morris. Now, were you a Communist when you went to the Uni-
versity of Wisconsin in 1936 ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were research assist-
ant at the University of Wisconsin in 1935 to 1936 ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were instructor and
professor of economics at Carleton College, Minnesota ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were adviser on
monetary and fiscal policies. Consumer Division of OPA 1940-41 ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Senator Hruska. The record will show that in each instance where
the witness refuses to answer, it is made on the ground of the fifth
amendment.
Mr. ISIoRRis. Now were you a Communist when you were on the
Advisory Commission to the Council on National Defense?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment.
Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were the associate
professor of economics and chairman of the graduate department,
Tulane University, in the years 1941-43?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment.
Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were a professor at
the University of Texas in 1946 ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer on the grounds of the fifth amend-
ment.
Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were in Black Moun-
tain College in North Carolina 1946 to 1947?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were professor and
chairman of a department at Champlain College, State university, New
York?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3765
Mr. Morris. Were you at any time asked by State authorities if you
had been a member of the Communist Party while working at the
State university in New York ?
Mr. NiEBYL. No.
Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when you were chairman of the
department of economics and business administration at Muskingum
College in Ohio, 1953 to 1954 ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist carrying on your work since
1954 for the Economic Historical Association in New York City ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Mr. Morris. Were you a lecturer in the New School of Social Re-
search beginning in 1956 ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment.
Mr. Morris. Now I would like to offer you a letter from Mr. Tsuru,
dated February 22, 1937, addressed to dear Karl H. Niebyl, and there
he gives the makeup and the constituency of 8 IMarxist study groups
which, as you will see by the attendance here designated, the attendance
embraced more than 100 students, some of whom obviously are profes-
sors. I ask vou if you can recall having received that letter from Mr.
Tsuru?
Mr. Niebyl. Under the circumstances, I must claim the fifth amend-
ment.
Mr. Morris. And you will not tell us how these groups were or-
ganized ?
Mr. Niebyl. That is right.
Mr. Morris. In connection with the correspondence of Mr. Tsuru
there was mentioned in here with great particularity your own name,
a woman named Constance Kyle, and a man named within the party
who is now a professor at the University of Buffalo and these papers
go on to say, and these are all in the record, that these study groups
were used as a vehicle to draw people into the full organization of the
Communist Party. Can you tell us whether you know, as a matter of
fact, the study groups this letter addresses itself to were in the process
of being drawn into the Communist Party ?
Mr. Niebyl. I refuse to answer under the privilege of the fifth
amendment.
Mr. jMorris. Now, Senator, we have here in the record about 6 or 7
letters of this nature together with this memorandum. I think I can
assume, Senator, in view of the witness' responses so far that he is not
going to give us any of the information that we would like which ob-
viously deals with this concentrated effort at the hands or on the part
of the Communists to organize study groups and through these
methods to recruit for the Communist Party in the United States.
So I suggest, in view of the witness' responses — I am not being un-
fair, am I?
Mr. Eein. No.
Mr. Morris. I think we can assume he is not going to answer the
questions on these.
Senator Hruska. And we can assume, ]\Ir. Niebyl and Mr. Counsel,
if each of those letters were identified and referred to in similar sit-
uations as the first one and the same or similar questions asked, the
same privilege would be asserted ?
Mr. Rein. Speaking for the witness, I would say "Yes."
3766 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. NiEBYL. I would say "Yes."
^Ir. Morris. I would like to ask a few questions about the Economic
Research, Inc.
Now, you are associated with Economic Research, Inc., are you
not?
Mr. NiEBYL. I claim the privilege in view of the way the question is
phrased.
Mr. Morris. I will try to rephrase it. Economic Research, Inc., is
listed in the New York phone book 120 Broadway, New York, tele-
phone Barkley 1-7590.
Mr. NiEiiYL. I have no connection with that.
IMr. IMoRRis. You have no connection. We have no way of learning
except to ask you.
How about the Economic Research Association ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I am invoking my privilege under the fifth amendment.
Mr. ]\IoRRis. Now, a paid ad in the Staten Island redbook, 1956 to
1957, classification housing survey consultants, lists Karl H. Neibyl,
185 Jules Drive, telephone Gibraltar 2-4476. Now was that your
listing?
Mr. NiEBYL. I invoke the fifth amendment.
^fr. INIoRRis. You will not even tell us whether or not this ad which
appeared in the Staten Island redbook listing you with the address
that you have given the committee, Gibraltar 2-4476 was your number ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I must invoke the fifth amendment.
Senator Hruska. Was that listing inserted by you or as a result of
your efforts ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I must invoke the fifth amendment.
Senator Hruska. Does that listing refer to you ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I must refuse to answer.
Mr. Morris. Now, I am going to ask, for the purposes of the record,
if you will tell us who your associates are in Economic Research Asso-
ciation ? Who was associated with you in that business venture?
]\Ir. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer on the ground of the fifth amend-
ment.
Mr. Morris. Now, will you tell us — the telephone book lists Eliza-
beth H. Niebyl at 185 Jules Drive in Staten Island as a housing
economist. Is slie your wife ?
Mr. Niebyl. I must claim the fifth amendment; the privilege of the
fifth amendment as well as a husband-and-wife relationship privilege.
Senator Hruska. Are you married ?
Mr. Niebyl. Yes.
Senator Hruska. What is your wife's name ?
Mr. Niebyl. Elizabeth.
Senator Hruska. And where does she live ?
Mr. Niebyl. At 185 Jules Drive.
Senator Hruska. Is she engaged in any business or profession ?
Mr. Niebyl. I must refuse to answer under the privilege of the
fifth amendment and the husband-and-wife relationship.
Mr. Morris. Did you know a person named Sylvia Ernstein, 2040
West Division Street, Chicago ?
Mr. Niebyl. I can't place her.
Mr. Morris. You can't place her? Senator, I think, rather than
go through a list of names here in public session, it would be better if
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3767
we arrange some meeting at some other time for this particular
witness. I would like to ask, before conclusion of the hearing,
Senator, that Mr. Mandel, our research director, obtain the Govern-
ment file, employment file of Mr. Niebyl while he worked for the
United States Government and, when we do receive it, it go into the
record at this point.
Senator Hruska, It will be received into the record.
(The employment file of Niebj'l was marked "Exhibit No. 452"
and is as follows:)
United States Civil Service Commission
bubeatj of departmental operations
WASHINGTON 25, D. C.
STATEMENT OF FEDERAL SERVICE
Name: Niebyl, Karl H.
Date of birth: June 30, 1906.
Authority for original appointment (Examination from which appointed or
Other authority — Executive Order, Law, or other exemption).
EfEective date
Nature of action
Position, grade, salary, etc.
8-29-40
9-15-41. .
Temporary Appointment (Section
2, Rule VIII).
Termination of Appointment-
Senior Economist P-5 $4,600 per annum ADVIS-
ORY COMMISSION to the COUNCIL of
NATIONAL DEFENSE, Wasiiington, D. C.
Office of Price Administration ' OFFTPF for
EMERGENCY MANAGEMENT, Wash-
ington, D. C.
' Funds reallocated from Council of National Defense to OEM, 2-28-41.
Examination Services Section
Exhibit No. 452
EHD 4/16
OATH OF OFFICE
Prescribed by Section 1757, Revised Statutes of the United States
The Advisory Commission to the Council of National Defense
I, Karl Heinrich Niebyl, do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and
defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and
domestic ; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same ; that I take this
obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion ; and
that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am
about to enter. So help me God.
I, further, do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I am not a member of the Com-
munist party, the German Bund, or any other Communist, Nazi, or Fascist or-
ganization, and that I am not a member of any political party or organization
which advocates the overthrow of our constitutional form of Government in the
United States.
Karl H. Niebyl.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 10th day of September, A.D. 1940 at
Washington, D. C.
[seal]
Lavada M. Court,
Notary Public.
My commission expires March 31, 1944.
Position to which appointed Temp. A., Senior Economist, P-5, $4,600 per
annum.
Date of entrance on duty August 29, 1940.
3768 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES
Office for Emergency Management,
Washington, D. C, September 3, 19U.
C. S. C. Report No. 41-1773-T
Name: Niebyl, Karl H.
Nature of Action: Termination of Appointment (without prejudice).
From
To
Position..
Senior Economist
Grade and salary
P-S, $4,ti00 per annum
Bmeau. ._ .
OfBce of Price Administration
Consumer Division..
Branch
Headquarters
Washington, D. C
Departmental or field
Departmental ._
Effective date : Sept. 15, 1941, c. o. b.
Remarks : Termination of temporary appointment. Because of the confiden-
tial nature of the work in this office and the unsatisfactory report of the char-
acter investigation of Mr. Niebyl.
Chas E. Mills, Personnel Officer.
The Aj)visory Commission to the Council of National Defense,
Washington, D. C, September 8, lOJfl.
Chief, Personnel Section,
The Advisory Commission to the Council of National Defense {Through
the Immediate Supervisor) .
I hereby tender my resignation from the position of Advisor on Monetary and
Fiscal Policies (Senior Economist) at a salary of $4,600. Division Consumer
to take effect at the close of business September 15, 1941.
Reason : Acceptance of position as Associate Professor of economics at Tulane
University, New Orleans.
Karl H. Niebyl.
Home Address :
At present, 2000 Connecticut Av., Apt. 707, Washington, D. C.
After September 15, Dept. of Economics, Tulane University, New Orleans.
Accepted :
Frances R. Montgomery,
Adm. Offi,cer — Con. Div. O. P. A.
Academic Record
Name : Kai-1 H. Niebyl.
Age : 34 ; married ; one child.
Nationality : American.
Address : 118 Winona Street, Northfield, Minnesota.
Academic Positions :
Fellow, Department of Economics, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis-
consin, 1934-1935.
Research Assistant, Department of Economics, University of Wisconsin,
1935-February 1936.
Instructor, Department of Economics, Carleton College, Northfield,
Minnesota, 1936-1938.
Assistant Professoi*, Department of Economics, Carleton College, 1938-.
Degrees : Ph. D. (Economics) , University of Wisconsin, 1936 :
Thesis : "The Change of Function of Trade Unionism During the Epoch
of Imperialism."
Diploma in Economics (M. A.), University of Frankfurt am Main, 1932.
Honors : I. S. S. Scholar, London School of Economics, London, England.
Fellow, Department of Economics, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.
Universities Attended : Institute of Technology, Hannover, 1923-1924 ; Univer-
sity of Paris, Paris (Honors) , 1929-1930 ; University of Berlin, Berlin, 1930-1931 ;
University of Frankfurt (M. A.), 1931-1932; London School of Economics, Lon-
don School of Economics, London, 1932, 1933-1934; University of Wisconsin,
Madison ( Ph. D. ) , 1934-1936.
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3769
Languages : I read, write, and speak German and French ; I read Spanish and
Italian.
Publications :
Modern Mathematics and Some Problems of Quantity, Quality, and
Motion in Economic Analysis," Journal of the Philosophy of Science, New
York, January 1940.
"The Need for a Concept of Value in Economic Theory," The Quarterly
Journal of Economics, published by Harvard University, February 1940.
"Historijske izmjene u funkciji izvoza kapitala (Esej iz dinamicke
teorije)," Ekonomist, Zagreb, Juli-August 1939 (Croatian).
"Surplus Population and the Present Crisis in Japan," Current Economic
Issues, December 1937.
Also, book reviews in several economic journals.
Articles Definitely Accepted for Publication :
"A Reexamination of the Classical Theory of Inflation," American Eco-
nomic Review, Cambridge, Massachusetts, December 1940.
"The Historical Change in the Function of Capital Export," Economic
History Review, London, England.
"Some Historical Aspects of Mercantile Concepts of Money."
Articles Submitted for Publication :
"Equilibrium and the Quantity Concept of Money."
"Some Aspects of the Basic Assumptions of Quantitative Economics."
"An Historical Example of Qualitative Economic Change."
Papers Read :
"Population Change and Business Cycle Theory." At the Annual Meet-
ing of the Midwest Economic Association, Des Moines, Iowa, April 19, 1940.
"The Economics of the Present War." At the University of Wisconsin,
March 6, 1940.
"The Economics of Fascism." At the Annual Meeting of the Midwest
Economic Association, Des Moines, April 22, 1939.
"Some Aspects of the Basic Assumptions of Quantitative Economics." At
the Sixth Annual Research Conference on Economics and Statistics, of the
Cowles Commission, at Colorado Springs, July 1940.
Public Lectures :
"Swedish Experiments in the Control of the Business Cycle."
"Changes in the Function of Capital Export."
"The Economics of the Mediterranean."
"Some Problems of Modern Business Cycle Theory."
Work in Progress :
"Studies in the Function of Money." This is a research project on which
I have been working for the last two years. In connection with it I was
awarded a grant-in-aid by the Research Committee of Carleton College for
research in England, France, and Switzerland in the summer of 1938. For
the summer of 1940 I was given a grant-in-aid by the Social Science Re-
search Council to continue the project.
"Economic History — The Development of the Economic Structure of the
Modern AVorld." This work is being written upon the request of the Ronald
Press. The material for a two-volume work has been assembled and will
be written up after the completion of the above work.
Previous Research not destined for publication :
"A Critical-Comparative Study of English and German Trade Unionism
During a Period of Economic Contraction." With Professor Harold J.
Laski, London School of Economics.
"The Change from Social Welfare Policy to Industrial Democracy. An
Analysis of German Trade Union Policy." With Professor A. Lowe, Uni-
versity of Manchester, England, formerly of the University of Frankfort
am Main, Germany.
"Present Trends of Population Movements in Minnesota." "The Present
Situation of Agriculture and Industry in Minnesota." Reports written for
the college representative to the Minnesota Institute of Governmental Re-
search.
"An Evaluation of the Existing Material on Acculturation with the View
of Studying the Implications of the Term "Acculturation' and Exploring
New Leads for Further Investigations." For the Committee on Accultura-
tion of the Social Science Research Council, New York.
Business Activity : I apprenticed and learned thoroughly both the steel trade
and banking, I acted as a correspondent to a German bank (Darmstadter &
3770 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Nationalbank, Berlin) at the Berlin Stock Exchange. I was assistant to the
director of a steel construction corporation (Steffens & Noelle, Berlin). In Paris
I was foreign correspondent for an import and export house (Guttmann &
Lemmle, Paris). In Berlin I acted as economic counsellor to a firm of corpora-
tion lawyers (Richard RosendorfE, Berlin).
Teaching Experiences : Principles of Economics, American Economic History,
European Economic Hhistory, Development of Economic Thought, Money and
Banking, Public Finance, Business Cycle Theory, Advanced Economic Theory.
Professional Societies :
National Bureau of Economic Research, New Tork.
British Association for the Advancement of Science.
American Economic Association.
References :
Professor Arthur R. Burnstan, Department of Economics, Carleton Col-
lege, Northfield, Minnesota.
Professor Eugen Alstchul, School of Business Administration, University
of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Professor Walter Morton, Department of Economics, University of Wis-
consin, Madison, Wisconsin.
Professor T. E. Rankin, Chairman, Department of English, Carleton Col-
lege, Northfield, Minnesota.
Professor Charles Christopher Mierow, Chairman, Department of Biog-
raphy, Carleton College, Northfield, Minnesota.
Karl H. Niebyi-.
Cambridge, Mass., July 22, 194O.
Mr. Morris. I have no more questions of this witness.
Senator Hruska. What is your business or profession, Mr. Niebyl,
at present ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the privilege of the fifth
amendment.
Senator Hruska. Are you a citizen of the United States ?
Mr. NiEBYL. Yes,
Senator Hruska. Where do you vote, what is your voting address
or voting location ?
Mr. NiEBYL. 185 Jules Drive. ~
Senator Hruska. When did you last vote as a citizen at that ad-
dress ?
Mr. NiEBYL. Last November.
Senator Hruska. And where did you vote before that ?
Mr. NiEBYL. At the same address.
Senator Hruska. How long have you lived there ?
Mr. NiEBYL. About 2 years.
Senator Hruska. Are you a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment.
Senator Hjiuska. Have you been active in any — are you active now
in any Communist affairs or work ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer under the same privilege.
Senator Hruska. Have you been active in the past in any Com-
munist affairs ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Senator Hruska. Have you been a member of the Communist
Party at any time in the past ?
Mr. NiEBYL. I refuse to answer.
Senator Hruska. That is all, Judge Morris.
Mr. Morris. There is one article here which purports to be written
by the witness here today. I think just to be sure it is the article,
the same one: This is in Science and Society, the Marxist quarterly
SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 3771
that our evidence indicates was a Communist magazine. Was all this
in the past
Senator Hruska. Did you base a question
Mr. Morris. I do not think there is a question pendmg. I might
point out that one of the items in our record among Mr. Tsuru's
papers contained a statement that the board of editors of Science and
Society magazine in 1937 was virtually the same as the Communist
faction in the Science and Society magazine. That is a term the
Communists use to stake out their representation in a particular
project.
Senator Hruska. Mr. Niebyl, now referring to the summer 1940
issue of Science and Society magazine which on its cover page de-
scribes itself as a Marxian quarterly. It is volume IV, No. 3 and
I am referring to pages 234 to 239 inclusive of that and the article on
those pages is entitled "The Cynical Mr. Kane" and signed by Karl
H. Niebyl. I should like to know — will you inspect that article in
that issue and tell me whether or not that article was authorized
by you?
Mr. Niebyl. I must refuse to answer, claiming the protection of
the fifth amendment.
Senator Hruska. The record will show that the witness did refer
to the magazine in question and examined the pages referred to be-
fore making his answer. That will be all, Judge Morris, unless you
have something further.
Mr. Morris. No, I have nothing further.
Senator Hruska. The hearing will be adjourned.
(At 1 :10 p. m. the subcommitee adjourned.)
93215— 57— pt. 57-
INDEX
Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance
to the mere fact of the appearance of the names of an individual or an organiza-
tion in this index.
A
Page
Abe, Dr. Toshishige 3757
Abraham Lincoln School 3698, 3761
Academic Record— Karl H. Niebyl 3768-3770
Addis, T. — Stanford School of Medicine; contributor to Science and
Society 3713
Adler, Solomon 3696, 3750
Advisory Commission to the Council on National Defense . 3698,
3762, 3764, 3767, 3768
Agitprop 3763
"Agriculture in U. S. A" by R. Bryce 3739, 3740
Aiken, Henry — Harvard ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Alber, Harry F 3745
Alexander, J. W. — Princeton ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Alstchul, Prof. Eugen 3770
American Academy of Policy and Sociology 3751
American Economic Association 3770
American Embassy 3748
'American Imperialism" by E. H. Norman 3739-3741
American-Japan intellectual interchange program 3687, 3707, 3709, 3757
Americans who have gone to Japan 3757
Japanese who have come to United States 3757
American League Against War and Fascism 3697, 3705, 3711, 3717, 3726
American Men of Science 3760
Ando, Jiro 3749
Anti-Duhring by Engels 3697, 3705
Anti-Imperialism League 3692, 3717, 3718, 3754
Appendix I — Intellectual interchange program 3757
Army Department Security Board 3746
ASAHI, Japan's leading newspaper 3710
Association of Marxian Studies 3691, 3697, 3704, 3705, 3706, 3715
List of study groups 3715, 3717
Atlantic Monthly 3751
Ayusawa, Prof. Iwao 3757
Ballaine, Francis — Adelphi ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Beard, Charles 3733
Berlin Stock Exchange 3770
Bernal. J. D.— University of Cambridge 3706, 3753
Bialer, Mr 3750
Birch, Francis — Harvard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Birdsall, Paul — Williams ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Bisson, T. A 3755
Bittleman 3727, 3739
Bon-To-Jin, pen name of Shigeto Tsuru 3692
Borton, Dr. Hugh 3757
Boston 3688, 3691, 3695, 3754
Bowles, Gordon 3757
Bradley, Lyman R. — Brooklyn ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
n INDEX
Page
Brady, Robert A. — California ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Brameld 3726,3737
Brameld, Tlieodore B. — Adelphia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Braunthal 3734
Brenner, Henry 3755
Bi-ewster, Dorothy — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
British Association for the Advancement of Science 3770
Brookings Institution 3723
Brown, Harold Chapman — Stanford ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Brown, Prof. J. F., University of Kansas 3706
Brown, William O. — Howai'd ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Bryce, Robert 3739-3741
Bukharin 3731
Bunche, Ralph J. — Howard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Burgum 3715, 3753
Burgum, Edwin Berry— New York ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Burnstan, Prof. Arthur R 3770
C
Cambridge 3693, 3697,
3704-3706, 3710, 3715, 3716, 3719, 3722, 3727, 3729, 3742-3744, 3752, 3753
Cameron, Kenneth Neill — Indiana ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Canadian Legation in Tokyo 3743
Cannon, AValter B. — Harvard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Capital :
First volume of 3734
Second edition of 3728
Third volume of 3726,3737,3738
Carman. Harry J. — Columbia University 3757
Carmichael, Dr. Oliver, former president of University of California 3757
Carter, Mr 3746
Cazden, Norman — Harvard and Illinois ; contributor to Science and So-
ciety 3713
Chao-Ting, Chi 3746, 3747
Chicago, 111 3693-3695, 3697, 3698, 3705, 3706, 3715,
3718, 3719, 3721, 3726-3729, 3735, 3736, 3738, 3761, 3763, 3764, 3766
Chicago Workers School 3763
China 3692, 3693, 3695, 3699, 3700, 3710, 3718, 3746
Clark, Grover 3723
Cobb, H. V. — Carleton ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Cohen, Joseph W. — Colorado ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Cohen, Theodore 3750
Cole, Dr. Charles W.. president of Amherst College 3757
Colleges and universities :
Blackmountain College, North Carolina 3761. 3764
Carleton College, Minnesota— 3735, 3698, 3724, 3761, 3762, 3764, 3768, 3770
Champlain College, State University of New York 3761, 3764
Columbia Universitv 3688, 3702, 3757
Harvard University 3687-3691,
3693, 3694, 3702, 3704, 3709, 3740,-3742, 3744, 3759
Hitotsubashi University, Tokyo 3687, 3709
Lawrence College, Appleton, Wis 3688, 3693, 3762
Muskingum College, Ohio 3761, 3765
Northwestern University 3730
Tokyo University 3757
Tulane University 3698, 3761, 3764, 3768
University of Akron 3706
Universitv of Berlin 3698, 3763, 3768
Universitv of Buffalo 3765
Universitv of Chicago 3693, 3695, 3724, 3728, 3730, 3752, 3753
University of Frankfurt, Germany 3698, 3760, 3768
University of Illinois 3706, 3774, 3762
University of London 3698, 3706
University of Michigan 3706
University of Minnesota 3729, 3731, 3770
University of New York (State) 3761, 3764, 3765
INDEX ni
Colleges and universities — Continued Page
University of Oklahoma 3706
University of Paris 3698, 3760, 3768
University of Texas 3761, 3764
University of Wisconsin 3693. 3698, 3736, 3760-3762, 3764, 3768, 3770
Communist (book) 3727
Communist/s 3691-3095, 3698, 3704, 3710, 3711, 3714,
3718, 3724, 3749, 3754, 3756, 3759, 3760, 3763-3765, 3767, 3770, 3771
American 3746
Chinese 3746,3747
Japanese 3710
Polish 3750
Communist Party 3691-3693, 3695, 3696, 3702-3704,
3710, 3713, 3716-3718, 3724, 3736, 3738, 3750, 3763-3765, 3767, 3770
Chicago 3764
Japanese 3692
United States 3765
Constantino, Anthony 3755
Constitution 3701
Consumer Division, OPA 3761, 3762, 3764, 3768
Cookson, John 3718, 3731, 3752
Corey 3697, 3705, 3727
Council of National Defense 3761, 3762
Court, Lavada M., notary public 3767
Cousins, Norman, editor of Saturday Review 3757
Cox, Oliver O. — Tuskegee ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Curti, Dr. Merle, University of Wisconsin 3757
Cutler, Addison T. — Fisk ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
"Cynical Mr. Kane, The," article in Science and Society, by Karl H. Niebyl- 3771
Czechoslovakia 3760
D
Darbin 3722
D'Arcy, Father Martin 3757
Darmstadter .& Nationalbank, Berlin (German bank) 3770
Darren 3722
David, Henry — Queens: contributor to Science and Society 3712
Davis, Arthur K. — Union; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Davis, Horace B. — Simmons; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Davis, Kingsley — Pennsylvania State ; contributor to Science and Society— 3712
Davis, Richard G 3691
DeBary, Prof. Wm. T. — Columbia University 3757
Decline of American Capitalism, The, by Corey 3697, 3705
Diflie, Bailey AV. — City College of New York; contributor to Science and
Society 3712
Dobb, Maurice, famoxis economist in England 3696
Doob, Joseph 3706
Dotterer, Ray H. — Pennsylvania State ; contriliutor to Science and Society- 3713
Douglas, Wallace W. — Northwestern ; contributor to Science and Society — 3713
Dunbar, Carl O. — Yale; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Dunham, Barrows — Temple ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Dunn, Dr. Frederick S. — Princeton University 3757
Dunn, Leslie C. — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
E
Economic Historical Association, New York City 3765
Economic Journal 3722
Economic Research Associates 3761, 3766
Economic Research, Inc 3766
120 Broadway, New York 3766
Telephone Barkley 1-7590 3766
Edel, Abraham — Citv College of New York; contributor to Science and
Society 3712
Editor Review and Forecast, publication 3698
Engels 3697, 3705, 3729, 3731, 3734
England 3696, 3714, 3763, 3764
IV INDEX
Page
Brdman, David V. — Minnesota ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Ernstein, Sylvia 376G
Ewen, Frederic — Brooklyn ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Exhibit No. 442— Letter to W. T. Parry from Sliigeto Tsuru, dated August
31, 1936 3704-3706
Exhibit No. 443 — Letter to Tsuru from Parry, dated September 6, 1936,
re Science and Society 3706-3707
Exhibit No. 444 — List of contributors to Science and Society 3712-3713
Exhibit No. 445 — 1946 issue of Science and Society (in subcommittee files) _ 3714
Exhibit No. 445-A — 1956 issue of Science and Society (in subcommittee
files) 3714
Exhibit No. 445-B — 1956 issue of Science and Society (in subcommittee
files) 3714
Exhibit No. 446 — Letter to Niebyl from Tsurni, dated February 22, 1937__ 3715-^
3716
Exhibit No. 447 — Letter to Niebyl from Tsuru, dated December 14, 1936— 3718-
3720
Exhibit No. 448 — Letter to Constance Kyle from Tsuru, dated April 9,
1937 3720, 3723
Exhibit No. 448-A— Letter to Tsuru from Kyle, dated April 14, 1937 3721
Exhibit No. 449 — Letter to Niebyl from Tsuru, dated January 31, 1937- 3721-3723
Exhibit No. 450 — Memorandum addressed to editors of Science and Society
signed by Kyle, Niebyl, and Lowe (Tsuru) 3725-3735
Exhibit No. 451 — Letter to Niebyl from Tsuru, dated May 9, 1937 3740
Exhibit No. 452 — Employment file of Karl H. Niebyl, includes oath of
office 3767
F
Fairchild, Henry Pratt — ^New York, contributor to Science and Society 3713
Farley, Miriam 3755
Farmer-Labor Party 3739, 3740
Farm(er) Labor Progressive Federation 3697,3705
Fascists 3695,3767
FBI 3741
Feuer, Lewis S. — City College of New York ; contributor to Science and
Society 3712
Field, Fred 3746
Fifth amendment 3691, 3713, 3714, 3760-3766, 3770, 3771
Fitzgerald, James 3755
Ford, Father George B 3757
Fox, Ralph 3723
Frankfurt, Germany 3760
Franklin, Mitchell — Tulane; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Frazier, E. Franklin — Howard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Freeman, Frank S. — Cornell; contributor to Science and Society 3713
G
German Bund 3767
Germany 3698
Gertrude 3715, 3720, 3723
Gilbert, G. M. — Princeton; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Gilkes, Lullian — New York ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Ginger, Ray — Western Reserve and Harvard ; contributor to Science and
Society 3713
Glover, Charles, attorney for Shigeto Tsuru 3687
Goodrich, Prof. Carrington, Columbia University 3757
Gottschalk, Hans — Iowa ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Gouldner, Alvin W. — Buffalo ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Government :
Canadian 3741,3744
Japanese 3701,3747, 3750, 3751
Polish 3750
United Kingdom 3700
United States 3701, 3710, 3711, 3744, 3748
INDEX V
Page
Great Britain 3706
Gripsholni, boat on which Tsuru repatriated 3689,3709,3710,3747
Guide to Marxian Studies, a classification of contents 3715,
3719, 3722, 3732, 3719-3720
Gundlach, Ralph H. — Washington (State) ; contributor to Science and
Society 3713
Guthrie, Elton P. — Washington (State) ; contributor to Science and
Society i 3712
Guttmann & Lemmle, Paris (import and export house) 3770
H
Halperin, Israel 3744, 3745
Hanover, Germany 3760, 3768
Harap, Louis — Harvard; contributor to Science and Society 3712,
3715, 3722, 3752
Hartung, Frank E. — Wayne ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Hathway, Marion — Pittsburgh ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Hegel 3723
Henderson, Algo, University of Michigan 3757
Herman (Ramras) 3718
Herzog, George — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Hicks 3722
Hicks, Granville — Harvard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Hiss, Alger 3741
Hitler 3698
Hogben 3722
Holland, William 3746
Holmes, Eugene C. — Hovrard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Hornstein, Lillian Herlands — Nevp York; contributor to Science and
Society 3712
House Un-American Activities Committee 3691
Howard, Kenneth 3753
Hruska, Senator Roman L 3759
Huberman, Leo — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Hughes, Charles — Hunter ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Hunter, Louis C. — American ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Ichikawa, Miss Fusae 8757
Ideology and Utopia, by Manheim 3729
Imamura, Dr. Arao 3757
India 3750
Infeld, Leopold — Toronto ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Inlow, E. Burke — Princeton ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Institute of Pacific Relations (IPR) 3747, 3748, 3754, 3755
Japanese Council of 3746
Lucknow conference 3747
Institute of Technology, Hanover, Germany 3760, 3768
International Communist Relief Corps, part of the overall MOPR — Soviet
Relief Organization 3692
International Economic Service, Ltd 3745
International House 3689, 3690
International Student Institute 3742, 3743
J
Jaffe, Phillip 3754
Japan 3692,
3693, 3696, 3700, 3701, 3710, 3717, 3740, 3742-3746, 3748, 3750, 3751, 3754, 3757
Japan Anti-War League 3754
Japanese Army 3700
Japanese Emancipation League 3755
Japanese invasion of China 3695, 3699
Jenner, Senator Wm. E 3687
Jodai, Miss Tano 3757
Johnston, Senator Olin D 3687
Journal of American Statistical Association 3722
VI INDEX
K Page
Kaiso 3751
Kaji, Dr. Shinzo 3757
Kameyama, Prof. Naoto 3757
Katayama, Premier 3710
Kazakevich, Vladimir D. — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society. 3712
Keeney, Phillip O 3750
Keynes, John M ,- 3697, 3722, 3735
Kihara, Dr. Hitoshi 3757
Killem, James 3756
Killen 3756
Kiroshi, Joja 3755
Koichi, Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal 3689
Koizumi, Dr. Shinzo 3757
Korb, Mr 3752
Korb's group in Cambridge 3705
Krechevsky, I. — University of Chicago 3706
Kresh, Joseph — Brooklyn and City College of New York; contributor to
Science and Society 3712
Kuznets 3723
Kyle, Constance (Connie) 3697, 3705, 3706, 3714-3716,
3718, 3720, 3721, 3724, 3729, 3735, 3736, 3751, 3754, 3762, 3763, 3765
L
Lange, Oscar (Polish Communist official) 3719, 3722, 3750
Larkin, Oliver — Smith : contributor to Science and Society 3712
Laski 3722, 3733
Laski, Prof. Harold J 3769
Lectures of Karl H. Niehyl 3769
Left Book Club in England 3714, 3716
Left News, The 3723
Lenin 3715, 3727, 3729, 3731
Leontief, Prof 3716, 3722
Letter to Parry from Tsuru, dated August 31, 1936— Exhibit No. 442 3689,
3690, 3704-3706, 3717, 3720
Letter to Tsuru from Parry, dated September 6, 1936— Exhibit No. 443 3698.
3706-3707
Letter to Xiebvl from Tsuru, dated February 22, 1937— Exhibit No. 446 3714,
3715-3716, 3717, 3723, 3765
Levinson, Norman — Massachusetts Institute of Technology; contributor
to Science and Society 3712
Levy, H. — University of London 3706
Lewis, John 3723
Liberty League 3730
Lind, L. R. — Kansas ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
London School of Economics (London, England) 3698,3760,3763,3768
Lowe, Alfred Z. (name used by Shigeto Tsuru) ; contributor to Science
and Society 3691. 3712, 3724, 3729, 3732, 3735, 3738, 3762. 3763, 3769
Lumpkin, Katharine De Pre — Smith ; contributor to Science and Society.- 3712
Lunning, Mr 3752
Lunning's gi'oup 3705
M
MacArthur, General 3710, 3739
MacLaulin, G. C 3723
MacLeod, Robert B. — Cornell ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Madison, Wisconsin 3693, 3695, 3697, 3705, 3718, 3729, 3731, 3752
Maeda, Tamon 3757
Maiei-, N. R. F. — University of Michigan 3706
Manchuria 3692
Mandel, Benjamin 3687, 3709, 3759
Mandel, Vernard — Pennsylvania ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Mandel, William— Stanford ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Manheim 3729
Manifesto 3726, 3737
Mark, Irving — Brooklyn ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
INDEX yn
Page
Marquat, General 3743
Marshall 3722
Marx, Karl 3691, 3697, 3704, 3705, 3722, 3723, 3728, 3729, 3731, 3734, 3741
Marx-Engels Archiv 3733
"Marxian Methodology in Social Sciences," by Tsuru 3739, 3740
Marxism 3696, 3703, 3719, 3726, 3730, 3752
Marxism and Modern Thought 3731
Marxist Stiidv Clubs 3730, 3765
Marxist Quarterly, The 3728, 3729, 3735
Mason, Professor 3716
Massachusetts 3715, 3716, 3718
Mather, Kirtley F. — Harvard; contributor to tScience and Society 3713
Matsukata, Saburo 3747, 3757
Matsumoto, Mr 3747
Matsumoto, Shigeharu 3757
Matsuo, Mr 3747, 3748
Maturos 3755
May, Kenneth — Carleton; contributor to Science and Society 3713
McCuue, Shannon 3757
McGill 3726, 3729, 3733, 3737
McGill, V. J. — Hunter ; contril)utor to Science and Society 3712
McManus, Robert C 3759
Mead, Lawrence 3743
Menefee, Selden C. — National ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Merton, Robert K. — Harvard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Meyer, Frank 3763, 3764
Mierow, Prof. Charles Christopher 3770
Mills, Chas. E 3768
Minnesota 3761. 3764
Mins, H. F 3706, 3707, 3714, 3716, 3721
Mises. ( See von Mises. )
Mitchell, P>roadus— Johns Hopkins ; contributor to Science and Society — 3712
Montasu, M. F. Ashley— Hahnemann Medical ; contributor to Science and
Society 3712
Montgomery, Frances R 3768
Monthly Review Press 3696
Moore, Professor (Columbia University) 3757
MOPR— Soviet Relief Organization 3692
Morals, Herbert M. — Brooklyn ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Morris, Robert 3687, 3709, 3759
Morrison, Philip — Cornell; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Morton, Prof. Walter 3770
Moscow 3751
N
Nagayo, Yoshiro 3757
Nagel, Earnest 3733
Nakayama, President Ichiro, Hitotsubashi University 3757
Nathan, Otto — New York ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
"National Income and Its Distribution Among Different Classes," by L.
Tarshis 3739,3740
National Bureau of Economic Research, New York 3770
Nazi 3767
Nettels, Curtis P. — Wisconsin, contributor to Science and Society 3712
New School of Social Research 3761, 3765
New Statesman and Nation, The 3722
New York 3715, 3716, 3718, 3719, 3721, 3727-3729, 3735, 3760, 3761
Niebyl, Elizabeth H., wife of Karl H 3766
Niebyl, Karl Heinrich (K. H. N.) 3698, 3704, 3706, 3715, 3717, 3718,
3720, 3721. 3724, 3729, 3733, 3735, 3736, 3738-3740, 3751, 3753, 3759
Niebyl, Karl H. — Carleton ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Testimony of Karl H. Niebyl 3760-3771
185 Jules Drive, New York City 3760, 3770
Fifth amendment re employment 3760, 3770
Fifth amendment re Communist Party 3760, 3764, 3770
Vm INDEX
Niebyl, Karl H. — Caiieton ; contributor to Science and Society — Continued Page
Attorney, David Rein, 711 14tli Street NW., Wasliington, D. C 3760
Born June 30, 1936, in Prague 3760
1923-24, attended Institute of Technology, Hanover, Germany 3760
1929-30, attended University of Paris 3760
1932, attended University of Frankfurt, Germany 3760
1932-34, attended London Scliool of Economics 3760
1936, Ph. D. from University of Wisconsin 3760-3761
1935-36, research assistant at University of Wisconsin 3761
1936-40, instructor at Carleton College, Minnesota 3761
1940-41, Consumer Division, OPA 3761
1941^3, associate professor, Tulane University 3761
1946, professor, University of Texas 3761
1946-47, Blackmountain College, North Carolina 3761
1947-53, Champlain College, State University of New York 3761
1953-54, Muskingum College, Ohio 3761
Since 1954, with Economic Research Associates 3761
1956, lecturer at New School of Social Research, New York City 3761
Worked for Council on National Defense 3761
Wife, Elizabeth 3766
Fifth amendment re wife's business or profession 3766
Employment file 3767, 3768
Academic record 3768-3770
Languages 3769
Publications 3769
Public lectures 3769
Business activity 3769
Professional societies 3770
References 3770
Ninth Party Convention 3727, 3738
Norman, E. H 3739-3744
North Carolina 3761, 3764
Northfield, Minn 3768, 3770
Nye 3741
Nye, Russell B. — Michigan State ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
O
Oath of office 3767
Obermeyer, Charles — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Odegard, Prof. Peter — University of California 3757
Ohio 3761,3765
Olson, Miss, secretary to Mins 3714, 3716, 3721
On Reproduction Schemes, appendix written for Sweezy's book by Tsuru_- 3696
OPA, Consumer Division 3761,3762,3764,3768
OPA, Office for Emergency Management 3767, 3768
Orchard, Prof. John — Columbia University 3757
Otis, Brooks — Hobard ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
P
Pareto 3734
Parry, William T. — Buffalo University 3689,
3699, 3704, 3707, 3714-3716, 3719-3724, 3736, 3738, 3740, 3752, 3754
Contributor to Science and Society 3713
Instructor of philosophy at Harvard 3690
Identified by Richard Davis as Communist 3691
Paskoff, Benjamin — City College of New York ; contributor to Science and
Society 3712
Patel, Surendra J. — Pennsylvania ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Patterson, Ernest F. — Alabama ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
"Peculiarities of Capitalist Accumulation in U. S.," by P. Sweezy 3739, 3740
Petty, William 3723
Phillips, Herbert J. — ^Washington (State) ; contributor to Science and So-
ciety 3712
Poland 3750
Prague 8733,3760
Publications of Karl H. Niebyl 3769
INDEX rx
Q Page
Quesnay 3697
R
Raj, Wataru 3754
Ramras, Herman 3731, 3752
Ramsay 3722
Rankin, Prof. T. E 3770
Reade, Leslie — New York ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Rein, David, 711 14th Street NW., Washington, D. C, attorney for Karl H.
Niebyl 3760
Reinhold, Meyer — Brooklyn : contributor to Science and Society 3713
Reischauer, Dr. Edwin ; professor at Harvard 3757
Reiss, Bernard F. — Brooklyn ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Review of Economic Studies on the Economic Theory of Socialism, The 3719, 3722
Richard Rosendorff, Berlin (firm of corporation lawyers) 3770
Riess, Ernst — Hunter ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Roberts, Leo 3723, 3752
Rockefeller, John D., Ill 3757
Roosevelt, Mrs. Eleanor 3757
Rosenfeld, Mark Nathan 3749
Ross, Emerson 3749, 3755
Roth, Andrew 3754
Rusher, William A 3687,3709,3759
Ryan, Prof. Frederick L. — University of Oklahoma 3706
S
Saionji, Mr 3748
Sandow, Alexander — New York ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Sargent, S. Stanfield — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Saturday Review 3757
Sazo, Nozaka (known as Susumu Okano) 3755
SCAP 3709, 3739, 3743, 3745, 3747, 3749, 3750, 3755, 3756
Schlauch, Margaret — New York ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Schuman 3723
Schumpeter 3722
Science and Society (S & S), Communist magazine 3691,
3693, 3699, 3702, 3703, 3706, 3710, 3711, 3713-3731, 3736-3838, 3740,
3753, 3754, 3759, 3770, 3771.
Science and Society Club 3715, 3718, 3719
Second World War 3700
Selsam, Howard — Brooklyn ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Senki, national organization of the Japanese Communist Party 3692
Seventh World Congress 3727, 3737, 3738
Sherman, G. W. — Montana State; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Shibata, Prof, and Mrs. Kei 3736
Shiga, Yoshio 3755
Shlakman, Vera — Queens ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Shou Shan Pu — Carleton; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Sillen, Sam 3729, 3735
Contributor to Science and Society 3712
Slochower, Harry — Brooklyn ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Snyder, Alice D. — Vassar ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Sorge espionage case 3748
Sourwine, J. G 3709
Soviet 3700
Soviet Union 3727, 3738, 3751
S & S. (See Science and Society.)
Stager, Ross, University of Akron 3706
Stalin 3727, 3734, 3738
State Department 3689, 3742
Stateu Island redbook 3766
Steffens & Noelle, Berlin (steel construction corporation) 3770
Steinmetz, Harry C. — San Diego State ; contributor to Science and Society- 3712
Stern, Bernhard J. — Columbia ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Strachey 3735
X INDEX
Page
Struik, D. J 3716, 3726, 3734, 3735, 3737, 3754
Massachusetts Institute of Technologv ; contributor to Science and
Society 3712
Swadish, Morris — City College of New York ; contributor to Science and
Society 3713
Sweezy, Alan 3716, 3722
Williams College; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Sweezy, Paul M 3696,3716,3719,3735,3739-3741
Harvard; contributor to Science and Society 3712
T
Takagi, Dr. Yasaka 3757
Takahashi, Prof. Masao 3749
Takeda, Miss Kiyoko 3757
Tarnopol, Lester — Kentucky ; contributor to Science and Soicety 3712
Tarshis, L 3739-3741, 374:!
Taussig 3722
Teachings of Karl Marx, by Lenin 3715
Theory of Capitalist Development, by Paul M. Sweezy 3696
Thorp, Willard — Amherst College 3757
Thorpe, General 3743
Time magazine 3748
Tobata, Prof. Seiichi 3757
Tokuda Kvuichi 3755
Tokyo 3709, 3743, 3745, 3747, 3748
Trinkaus, Cliarles E., Jr. — Sarah Lawrence ; contributor to Science and
Society 3713
Trotskyists, Trotskyite.s 3714, 3716, 3728, 3754
Tsuji, Mrs. INIatsu 3757
Tsuru, Shigeto 3759, 3762, 3765
Testimony of 3687-3757
18-A Forest Street, Cambridge 40, Mass 3687
Professor of economics at Hitotsubashi University, Tokyo 3687
Visting lecturer at Harvard University 3687
Born in Tokyo, Japan 3688
Married Masako Wada 3689
Used name of Alfred Z. Lowe 3691, 3724, 3729, 3732, 3735, 3738
Pen name of Bon-To-.l'in 3692
Vice Minister of Economic Stabilization 3710
Charles Glover, attorney 3687
Broadcast on Voice of America 3687
Turnage, William T 3756
Turner, Ralph, Yale University 3757
U
United Nations Resolution on Genocide 3700
United States 3688, 3689, 3692, 3693, 3696, 3700, 3701,
3703, 3704, 3709—3711, 3730, 3732, 3733, 3737, 3746, 3747, 3757
United Workers Party in Poland 3750
University. (See colleges and universities.)
Unter dem Banner des Marxismum 3727
. V
van Cedlen "_ 3734
Varga 3738
Venable, Vernon — Vassar ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Voice of America 3687, 3688, 3701, 3707
von Mises 3719, 3722
W
Wada, Masako (wife of Shigeto Tsuru) 3689
Niece of Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, Koichi 3689
Walton, Eda Lou — New York ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Wataru, Raj 3754
INDEX XE
Page
Webb, Sidney and Beatrice 3722, 3753
Weisner, Louis — Hunter; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Welch, Edward Christy 3755, 3756
Williams, William Appleman — Oregon ; contributor to Science and Society. 3713
Winspear, A. D. — Wisconsin; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Wirtschafts-rechnung by Mises 3719
Wolfard, John A. — Montana State ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Worker's School 3693-
3695, 3705, 3706, 3717, 3721, 8726, 3727, 3730, 3731, 3737, 3738
YCL. {See Young Communist League.)
Yellen, Samuel — Indiana ; contributor to Science and Society 3712
Yoshida, Shigeru 3749
Young, Alfred — Wesleyan ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
Young Communist League (YCL) 3692, 3695-3697, 3705, 3711, 3718,
3727, 3730, 3738
Z
Zagorin, Perez — Amherst ; contributor to Science and Society 3713
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