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Full text of "Scope of Soviet activity in the United States. Hearing before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-fourth Congress, second session[-Eighty-fifth Congress, first session] .."

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Given By 



ES.SUPT. OF DO CU M ENTS 



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V 1. ■ . 

•CSITORY 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



HEARING 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTEATION OF THE INTEENAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHEE INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMfflTTEE ON THE JUWCIAEY 

UNITED- STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FIFTH CONGKESS 

FIRST SESSION 

ON 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE 
UNITED STATES 



JULY 11, 1957 



PART 72 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
93215 WASHINGTON : 1958 



Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

MAR 1 1 1958 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

ESTES KBFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, JR., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

SAM J. ERVIN, JB., North Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Intebnai. Secxjiutt 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

SAM J. ERVIN, JB., North Carolina JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

MATTHEW M. NEELY. West Virginia ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 

Robert Morris, Chief Counsel 
J. G. SODRWiNE, Associate Counsel 
William A. Rusher, Associate Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 

II 



CONTENTS 



Testimony of — Paw 

Bialer, Sewei-yn 4388 

Ege, Ismail 4395 

Klimov, Grigoriy Petrovich 4399 

Rastvorov, Yuri 4399 

III 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



THURSDAY, JULY 11, 1957 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 
AND Other Internal Security Laws, 
OF THE Committee on the Judiciary, 
Washington, D. O. 
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10 a. m., in room 457, 
Senate Office Building, Senator Roman L. Hruska presiding. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; William A. Rusher, 
associate counsel, Benjamin Mandel, research director, and F. W. 
Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Senator Hruska. The committee will come to order. 
Mr. Morris. Senator Hruska, this morning we have four witnesses 
who will testify as to the meaning of the recent changes in the Soviet 
Union. 

It is the duty of this committee to inform the Senate about the na- 
ture of the Communist organization and to inform the Senate on the 
developments that have taken place so that we might know as much 
as possible about the nature of this organization. 

Now, since our last meeting. Senator, there has been an indictment 
handed down against two American citizens for espionage. Since this 
deals directly with this subject, I would like to introduce into the 
record the indictment. 

Senator Hruska. It will be received and made a part of the record 
at this point. 

(The indictment referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 481" and 
reads as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 481 

In the District Court of the United States for the Southeen 
District of New York 

United States of America v. George Zlatovski, also Ijnown as "George Michael," 
also known as "Rector," and Jane Foster Zlatovski, also known as "Slang," 
Defendants 

indictment 
The Grand Jury charges : 

COUNT ONE 

1. That from in or about January 1940 and continuously thereafter up to and 
including the date of the filing of this indictment, in the Southern District of 
New York ; in Washington, D. O. ; in Pajris, France ; in Geneva, Zurich, and 
Lausanne, Switzerland ; in Vienna, Salzburg, and Bad Gastein, Austria ; in 
Moscow, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and elsewhere, George Zlatovski, 
also known as "George Michael," also known as "Rector," and Jane Foster 
Zlatovski, also known as "Slang," the defendants herein, unlawfully, wilfully, 
and knowingly did conspire and agree with each other and with Jack Soble, 

4379 



4380 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACnVITY m THE UNITED STATE'S 

Myra Soble, Jacob Albam, Petr Vassilievich Fedotov, Alexander Mikhailovich 
Korotkov, Vassili M. Zubilin, also known as "Edward Herbert," Elizabeth 
Zubilin, also known as "Lisa," Mikhail Chaliapin, Stepan N. Choundenko, also 
known as "The Professor," Anatole B. Gromov, Leonid Dmitrievich Petrov, 
Vitaly Genadievich Tcherniawski, Afanasi Ivanovitch Yefimov, Christopher 
Georgievich Petrosian, Igor Vassilievitch Sokolov, Vladimir Alexandrovich, also 
known as "Volodia," whose full and complete name is otherwise unknown to 
the Grand Jury, and Vassili Mikhailovich Molev, coconspirators but not de- 
fendants herein, and with divers other persons to the Grand Jury unknown, 
to violate subsection (a) of Section 794, Title 18, United States Code, in that 
they did unlawfully, wilfully, and knowingly conspire and agree to communi- 
cate, deliver, and transmit to a foreign government, to wit, the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics and representatives and agents thereof, directly and indi- 
rectly, documents, writings, photographs, notes and information relating to the 
national defense of the United States of America and particularly information 
relating to intelligence and counterintelligence activities of the United States 
Government, and relating to the personnel, arms and equipment of the United 
States armed forces, with intent and reason to believe that the said documents, 
writings, photographs, photographic negatives, notes, and information would 
be used to the advantage of a foreign nation, to wit, the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics. 

2. It was a part of said conspiracy that the defendants and their coconspira- 
tors would collect and obtain, and attempt to collect and obtain and would aid 
and induce divers other persons to the Grand Jury unknown, to collect and 
obtain information relating to the national defense of the United States of 
America, with intent and reason to believe that the said information would be 
used to the advantage of the said foreign nation, to wit, the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics. 

3. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the Government of the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics and certain of the coconspirators, including Jack 
Soble, Myra Soble, Jacob Albam, Petr Vassilievich Fedotov, Alexander Mikhai- 
lovich Korotkov, Leonid Dmitrievich Petrov, Vitaly Genadievich Tcherniawski, 
Afanasi Ivanovitch Yefimov, Christopher Georgievich Petrosian, Igar Vassilie- 
vitch Sokolov, Vladimir Alexandrovich, also known as "Volodia," whose full and 
complete name is otherwise unknown to the Grand Jury, Vassili M. Zubilin, also 
known as "Edward Herbert," Elizabeth Zubilin, also known as "Lisa," Mikhail 
Chaliapin, Stepan N. Choundenko, also known as "the Professor," Anatole B. 
Gromov, and Vassili Mikhailovich Molev, being representatives, agents and em- 
ployees of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, would by 
personal contact, communications, and other means to the Grand Jury unknown, 
both directly and indirectly, employ, supervise, pay and maintain the defendants 
and other coconspirators for the purpose of communicating, delivering and trans- 
mitting information relating to the national defense of the United States to 
said Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

4. It was further a part of said conspiracy that certain of the defendants and 
certain of their coconspirators would be employed by the Government of the 
United States in various capacities and activities in the United States, in France, 
in Germany, in Austria, and in other places to the Grand Jury unknown, for the 
purpose of being in a position to acquire information relating to the national 
defense of the United States, and would communicate, deliver and transmit, and 
attempt to communicate, deliver and transmit, and would aid and induce each 
other and divers other persons to the Grand Jury unknown, to comnnuiicate, 
deliver and transmit information relating to the national defense of the United 
States to the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

5. It was further a part of said conspiracy that said defendants and their 
coconspirators would use false and fictitious names, coded communications, and 
other and further means to the Grand Jui-y unknown, to conceal the existence 
and purpose of said conspiracy. 

In pursuance and furtherance of said conspiracy and to effect the object thereof, 
the defendants and their coconspirators did commit, among others, in the 
Southern District of New York and elsewhere, the following : 

OVEUT ACTS 

1. In or about 1940, in Moscow in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, 
Jack Soble, a coconspirator herein, had a conversation with L-ivrenti Beria, the 
Peoples' Commissar of Internal Aflairs in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4381 

and with Petr Vassilievich Fedotov, and others coconspirators herein, during 
which it was agreed that Jack Soble should depart from the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics and execute assignments in the Soviet intelligence service. 

2. On or about October 20, 1941, Jack Soble, a coconspirator herein, entered 
the United States of America. 

3. In or about the month of August 1942, in the Southern District of New York, 
Jack Soble, a coconspirator herein, did meet with Vassali M. Zubilin, a cocon- 
spirator herein, at the Paris Hotel at 97th Street and West End Avenue, New 
York City. 

4. In the fall of 1942, in the Southern District of New York, Vassili M. Zubilin, 
a coconspirator herein introduced Jack Soble, a coconspirator herein, to Mikhail 

A. Chaliapin, a coconspirator herein. 

5. In or about the month of March 1944, in the Southern District of New York, 
Elizabeth Zubilin, a coconspirator herein, telephoned one Boris Morros in Holly- 
wood, California, instructing said Morros to come to New York City. 

6. In or about the month of March 1944, in the Southern District of New York, 
Vassili M. Zubilin and Jack Soble, coconspirators herein, had a conversation 
with Boris Morros in the Far East Restaurant located in the vicinity of Eighth 
Avenue and 59th Street, New York City, during which Zubilin informed Morros 
that Morros would thereafter receive instructions from Soble. 

7. In or about 1944, in the Southern District of New York Jack Soble, a co- 
conspirator herein, did meet with one Stepan N. Choundenko, a coconspirator 
herein. 

8. In or about the summer of 1945, in the Southern District of New York. Jack 
Soble, a coconspirator herein, did meet and have a conversation with Anatole 

B. Gromov, a coconspirator herein, at which time said Gromov directed Jack 
Soble to meet him in Washington, D. C. 

9. In or about the month of December 1945, in the Southern District of New 
York, Jack Soble, a coconspirator herein, met Jane Foster Zlatovski a defendant 
herein, at the Majestic Apartments, located on Central Park West, New York 
City. 

10. In or about the month of December 1945, in the Southern District of New 
York, the defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski did meet with Jack Soble, a cocon- 
spirator herein, and did deliver to Jack Soble for transmittal to the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics a report on Indonesia based upon information ob- 
tained by her while she was in the employ of the Office of Strategic vServices of 
the United States of America. 

11. In or about the month of September 1947, in Paris, France, the defendant 
Jane Foster Zlatovski did meet J^ick Soble, a coconspirator herein. 

12. In or about the month of October 1947 the defendants Jane Foster Zlatovski 
and George Zlatovski did travel from Paris, France, to Vienna, Austria. 

13. In or about the month of October 1947, in Vienna, Austria, the defendants 
Jane Foster Zlatovski and George Zlatovski met with a representative of the 
intelligence service of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the said Jane 
Foster Zlatovski at that time being an employee of the United States of America, 
and the said George Zlatovski at that time being an officer in the United States 
Army. 

14. On or about March 25, 1948, the defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski went to 
Paris, France, for the purpose of meeting with a representative of the intelligence 
service of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and transmitting to him infor- 
mation relating to the national defense of the United States of America, the said 
Jane Foster Zlatovski at that time being an employee of the United States of 
America. 

15. On or about May 25, 1948, the defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski went to 
Paris, France, for the purpose of meeting with a representative of the intelligence 
service of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and transmitting to him infor- 
mation relating to the national defense of the United States of America, the said 
Jane Foster Zlatovski at that time being an employee of the United States of 
America. 

16. On or about July 25, 1948, the defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski went to 
Paris, France, for the purpose of meeting with a representative of the intelli- 
gence service of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and transmitting to him 
information relating to the national defense of the United States of America, 
the said Jane Foster Zlatovski at that time being an employee of the United 
States of America. 

17. On or about October 25, 1948, the defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski went to 
Paris, France, for the purpose of meeting with a representative of the intelli- 



4382 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITT D^^ THE UNITED STATES 

gence service of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and transmitting to him 
information relating to the national defense of the United States of America. 

18. On or about February 25, 1949, the defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski went 
to Paris, France, for the purpose of meeting with a representative of the intelli- 
fence service of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and transmitting to him 
information relating to the national defense of the United States of America. 

19. In or about the month of June 1949, in Paris, France, the defendant Jane 
Foster Zlatovski delivered to Jack Soble, a coconspirator herein, several sheets 
of paper with writing thereon comprising a report on a certain person employed 
in Paris, France, by the Economic Cooperation Administration of the United 
States of America. 

20. In or about the month of June 1949, in Paris, France, the defendant Jane 
Foster Zlatovski delivered to Jack Soble, a coconspirator herein, several sheets 
of paper with writing thereon, in which she reported that she had collected infor- 
mation concerning the personnel and operations of intelligence units of the United 
States of America, including biographical data on American intelligence agents. 

21. On or about June 16, 1949, in Paris, France, Jack Soble, a coconspirator 
herein, did hand to Boris Morros the sheets of paper referred to in overt acts 
No. 19 and No. 20 and a separate document, with instructions to carry them to 
Vienna, Austria. 

22. On or about July 6, 1949, in Vienna, Austria, Jack Soble, a coconspirator 
herein, did receive from the coconspirator Vitaly Genadievich Tcherniawski an 
envelope containing United States currency. 

23. On or about July 7, 1949, in Zurich, Switzerland, Jack Soble, a coconspira- 
tor herein, and Boris Morros had a conversation during which Jack Soble said 
he intended to pay approximately $1,100 to the defendants George Zlatovski and 
Jane Foster Zlatovski. 

24. In or about 1949, in the Southern District of New York, Myra Soble, a 
coconspirator herein, had a conversation with the defendant George Zlatovski. 

2.5. In or about 1949, the defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski, at the instruction 
of Jack Soble, a coconspirator herein, did send money to the defendant George 
Zlatovski in the United States to enable him to travel to France. 

26. During the period from in or about the month of December 1949 to in 
or about the month of October 1950, Jack Soble, a coconspirator herein, paid 
to the defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski sums of money at approximately monthly 
intervals, which money came from representatives and agents of the Union of 
Soviet Socialist Republics. 

27. During the period from in or about the month of December 1949 to in or 
about the month of October 1950, Jack Soble, a coconspirator herein, paid to the 
defendant George Zlatovski sums of money at approximately monthly intervals, 
which money came from representatives and agents of the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics. 

28. During the period from in or about the month of December 1949 to in 
or about the month of October 1950, the defendant George Zlatovski, in Vienna, 
Austria, obtained and furnished to Jack Soble, a coconspirator herein, for trans- 
mittal to the intelligence service of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, in- 
formation regarding a certain processing organization for refugees from coun- 
tries in the Soviet bloc, including the names of certain persons who had fled to 
Austria from said countries. 

29. In or about the month of December 1949 the defendants Jane Foster Zla- 
tovski and George Zlatovski did, pursuant to instructions from Jack Soble, a co- 
conspirator herein, travel to Austria to obtain compromising information regard- 
ing the personal lives, specifically, the "sexual and drinking habits," of the 
personnel assigned and attached to American installations in Austria. 

30. On or about February 1, 1950, Petr Vassilievich Fedotov, Alexander Mik- 
hailovich Korotkov, and Leonid Dmitrievich Petrov, coconspirators herein, did 
meet with Boris Morros in an apartment in Moscow, Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics. 

31. In or about November 1950, Jack Soble, a coconspirator herein, instructed 
the defendant George Zlatovski to go to Yugoslavia to establish contacts there 
and determine conditions in Yugoslavia. 

32. In or about December 1950 the defendant George Zlatovski furnished to 
Jack Soble, a coconspirator herein, a report on his observations in Yugoslavia. 

33. In or about the spring of 1951 the defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski did 
travel from Paris, France, to Zurich, Switzerland. 

34. In or about the spring of 1951, in Zurich, Switzerland, the defendant 
Jane Foster Zlatovski did meet two representatives of the Union of Soviet 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4383 

Socialist Republics and did deliver a piece of paper with writing thereon to one 
of the representatives of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

35. In or about the month of June 1951, in Vienna, Austria, the defendant 
George Zlatovski handed to Boris Morros several sheets of paper in writing 
thereon in the English language, bearing at the top of the first page thereof the 
names "Rector" and "Slang," the code names for the defendants George 
Zlatovski and Jane Foster Zlatovski. 

36. In or ^bout the month of June 1951, in Vienna, Austria, the defendant 
George Zlatovski did hand to Boris Morros for delivery to representatives of 
the intelligence service of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics several sheets 
of paper with writing thereon in the Russian language. 

37. On or about September 22, 1954, in Paris, France, the defendant Jane 
Foster Zlatovski did write and hand to Boris Morros a one-page report addressed 
to "A. M.," a representative of the intelligence service of the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics, which report was signed with the code name "Slang." 

38. In or about the month of March 1955, in the Southern District of New 
York, the defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski met one Boris Morros. 

(In violation of Section 794(c), Title 18, U. S. C.) 

COUNT TWO 

The Grand Jury further charges : 

1. That from in or about January 1940 and continuously thereafter up to 
and including the date of the filing of this indictment, in the Southern District 
of New York ; in Washington, D. C. ; in Vienna, Salzburg and Bad Gastein, 
Austria ; in Paris, France ; in Lausanne, Zurich, and Geneva, Switzerland ; in 
Moscow, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and elsewhere, George Zlatovski, 
also known as "George Michael," also known as "Rector," and Jane Foster 
Zlatovski, also known as "Slang," the defendants herein, unlawfully, wilfully 
and knowingly did conspire and agree together, and with each other, and with 
Jack Soble, Myra Soble, Jacob Albam, Petr Vassilievich Fedotov, Alexander 
Mikhailovich Korotkov, Vassili M. Zubilin, also known as "Edward Herbert," 
Elizabeth Zubilin, also known as "Lisa," Mikhail Chaliapin, Stepan N. Choun- 
denko, also known as "The Professor," Anatole B. Gromov, Leonid Dmitrievich 
Petrov, Vitaly Genadievich Tcherniawski, Afanasi Ivanovitch Yefimov, Chris- 
topher Georgievich Petrosian, Igor Vassilievitch Sokolov, Vladimir Alexandro- 
vich, also known as "Volodia," whose full and true name is otherwise unknown 
to the Grand Jury, and Vassili Mikhailovich Molev, coconspirators but not de- 
fendants herein, and with divers other persons to the Grand Jury unknown, 
to violate Subsection (c) of Section 793, Title 18, United States Code, in the 
manner and by the means hereinafter set forth. 

2. It was a part of said conspiracy that the defendants and their cocon- 
spirators would, for the purpose of obtaining information respecting the na- 
tional defense of the United States of America, receive and obtain and attempt 
to receive and obtain documents, writings, photographs, photographic negatives 
and notes of things connected with the national defense of the United States, 
knowing and having reason to believe at the time of said agreement to receive 
and obtain said documents, writings, photographs, photographic negatives and 
notes of things connected with the national defense, that said material would 
be obtained, taken, made, and disposed of conti-ary to the provisions of Chapter 
37, Title 18, United States Code, in that they would be delivered and trans- 
mitted, directly and indirectly, to a foreign government, to wit, the Union of 
the Soviet Socialist Republics, and to representatives, officers, agents and em- 
ployees of the said Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and the said defend- 
ants intending and having reason to believe that the said documents, writings, 
photographs, photographic negatives and notes of things relating to the na- 
tional defense of the United States of America, would be used to the advantage 
of a foreign nation, to wit, the said Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

3. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the said defendants and their 
coconspirators would make contact with persons to the Grand Jury unknown, 
who were resident in the United States, in France, in Germany, in Austria, and 
at places to the Grand Jury unknown, and who, by reason of their employment, 
position or othervi^ise, were acquainted and familiar with and were in possession 
of or had access to information relating to the national defense of the United 
States of America. 

4. It was further a part of said conspiracy that certain of the defendants and 
certain of their coconspirators would be employed by the Government of the 

93215— 58— pt. 72 2 



4384 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTivrTy m the united states 

United States in various capacities and activities in the United States, in 
France, in Germany, in Austria, and in other places to the Grand Jury un- 
known, for the purpose of being in a position to acquire information relating to 
the national defense of the United States, and would communicate, deliver and 
transmit, and attempt to communicate, deliver and transmit, and would aid and 
induce each other and divers other persons to the Grand Jury unknown, to 
communicate, deliver, and transmit information relating to the national defense 
of the United States to the Government of the Union of Soviet «Socialist Re- 
publics. 

5. It was further a part of said conspiracy that said defendants and their co- 
conspirators would use false and fictitious names, coded communications, and 
other and further means to the Grand Jury unknown, to conceal the existence 
and purpose of said conspiracy. 

OVEKT ACTS 

In pursuance and furtherance of said conspiracy and to effect the object there- 
of, the defendants and their coconspirators did commit, among others, within the 
Southern District of New York and elsewhere, the overt acts as alleged and 
set forth under Count I of this indictment, all of which overt acts are hereby 
realleged by the Grand Jury. 

(Section 793, Title 18, United States Code.) 

COUNT THREE 

The Grand Jury further charges : 

1. That throughout the entire iperiod from in or about January 1940 and up to 
and including the date of the filing of this indictment, the government of the 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, through its representatives, agents, and 
employees, maintained within the United States and other parts of the world, a 
system and organization for the purpose of obtaining, collecting and receiving 
information and material from the United States of a military, commercial, 
industrial and political nature, and in connection therewith, recruited, induced, 
engaged and maintained the defendants and coconspirators hereinafter named 
and divers other persons to the Grand Jurors unknown, as agents, representa- 
tives and employees to obtain, collect and receive such information and material 
for the said government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

2. That from in or about January 1940 and continuously thereafter up to and 
including the date of the filing of this indictment, in the Southern District of 
New York; in Washington, D. C, in Paris, France; in Geneva, Zurich and 
Lausanne, Switzerland ; in Vienna, Salzburg, and Bad Gastein, Austria ; in Mos- 
cow, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics ; and elsewhere, George Zlatovski, also 
known as "George Michael," also known as "Rector," and Jane Foster Zlatovski, 
also known as "Slang," the defendants herein, unlawfully, wilfully and know- 
ingly did conspire and agree together, and with each other, and with the gov- 
ernment of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and with agents, officers and 
employees of the said government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, 
including Jack Soble, Myra Soble, Jacob Albam, Petr Vassilievich Fedotov, 
Alexander Mihailovich Korotkov, Leonid Dmitrievich Petrov, Vitaly Genadie- 
vich Tcherniawski, Afanasi Ivanovitch Yefimov. Vassili M. Zubilin, also known 
as "Edward Herbert," Elizabeth Zubilin, also known as "Lisa," Mikhail Chalia- 
pin, Stepari M. Choundenko, also known as "The I'rofessor," Anatole P.. Gromov, 
Christopher Georgievich Petrosian, Igor Vassilievitch Sokolov, Vladimir Alex- 
androvich, also known as "Volodia," whose full and true name is otherwise un- 
known to the Grand Jury, and Vassili IMikhailovich Molev, coconspirators but not 
defendants herein, and divers other jiersons to the (Jrand Jury unknown, to 
commit an olTcnise against the United States of America, to wit, to violate Section 
951 of Title l!S, United States Code, in the manner and bv the moans hereinafter 
set forth. 

3. It was a jxxrt of said conspiracy that the defendants and certain of the 
coconsi)irators, none of whom was included among the accredited diplomntic or 
consular officers or attaches of the said government of the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics, or of any foreign govermnent, would, within the United States, 
and without prior notification to the Secretary of State, act as agents of the said 
government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and would, as such 
agents, obtain, collect and receive information and material of a military, com- 
mercial, industrial and political nature, and as such agents would communicate 
and deliver said infoiTuation and material to other coconspirators for transmls- 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY m THE UNITED STATES 4385 

sion to the said government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. It was 
a part of said conspiracy that the other coconspirators residing outside the 
United States would direct, aid and assist the defendants aforesaid to act as 
such agents within the United States and would receive and transmit the 
said information and material to the said government of the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics. 

4. It was further a part of the said conspiracy that the said government of 
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and its officers, agents and employees 
would employ, supervise and maintain the defendants within the United States 
as such agents of the said government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 
for the purpose of obtaining, collecting, receiving, transmitting and communicat- 
ing information and material of a military, commercial, industrial and political 
nature. 

5. It was further a part of the said conspiracy that the defendants would 
receive sums of money and other valuable considerations from the government 
of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, its officers, agents and employees in 
return for acting as said agents of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics within 
the United States for the purpose of obtaining, collecting, receiving, transmitting 
and communicating information, material, messages and instructions on behalf 
of and for the use and advantage of the said government of the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics. 

6. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the said defendants would use 
false and fictitious names, coded communications, and would resort to other means 
to the Grand Jury unknown to conceal the existence and purpose of said con- 
spiracy. 

OVERT ACTS 

In pursuance and furtherance of said conspiracy and to effect the object 
thereof, the defendants and their coconspirators did commit, among others, with- 
in the Southern District of New York and elsewhere, the overt acts as alleged and 
set forth under Count I of this indictment, all of which overt acts are hereby 
realleged bv the Grand Jury. 

(In violation of Section 371, Title 18, United States Code.) 

COUNT FOUR 

The Grand Jury further charges : 

That in or about the month of December 1945, within the Southern District of 
New York, the defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski, also known as "Slang," unlaw- 
fully, knowingly and wilfully did then and there act as an agent of a foreign 
government, to wit, the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, 
without prior notification to the Secretary of State of the United States of 
America, in that the defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski did, for and on behalf of 
and at the request of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, 
its officers, agents and employees, write and deliver to Jack Soble, a coconspira- 
tor but not a defendant herein, for transmission to the said Government of the 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, a written report on Indonesia which report 
was based upon information obtained by said defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski 
in the course of her employment with the Office of Strategic Services of the 
United States of America, the defendant then and there not being a diplomatic 
or consular official or attache. 

The defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski fled from justice in or about the month 
of April 1947 and departed from the United States of America and remained 
continuously outside of the United States of America until on and after Septem- 
ber 1, 1954, the date of the enactment of c. 1214, Section 10 (a), 68 Stat. 1145. 

( Title 18, United States Code, Section 951.) 

COUNT FIVE 

The Grand Jury further charges : 

1. At all times from about June 28, 1942, and up to and including the date of 
the filing of this indictment, Jane Foster Zlatovski, also known as "Slang," the 
defendant herein, has been a person as defined in Title 22, United States Code, 
Sections 611, et seq. (known as the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, as 
amended), hereinafter referred to as "the Act." 

2. At all times from about June 28, 1942, and up to and including the date of 
the filing of this indictment, the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist 



4386 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY m THE UNITED STATES 

Republics including its Government-controlled instrumentalities, agents, and 
affiliates, has been a foreign principal as defined in the Act. 

3. During the period from about June 28, 1942, to and including the date of 
the filing of this indictment, the defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski, also known 
as "Slang," has acted within the United States and within the Southern District 
of New York as an agent of a foreign principal as defined in the Act because, 
within the United States and within the Southern District of New York, she 
has reported information to the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics, including its Government-controlled instrumentalities, agents and 
affiliates ; and within the Southern District of New York, she has acted at the 
order, request, and direction of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics, including its Government-Controlled instrumentalities, agents and 
affiliates. 

4. By reason of which acts, the defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski, also known 
as "Slang," has during the aforesaid period acted within the United States and 
within the Southern District of New York as an agent of a foreign principal, 
and has therefore been under the duty to file a true and complete registration 
statement as required by Section 612 of the Act. 

5. From on or about January 28, 1942, and at various times thereafter up 
to the date of the filing of this indictment, the defendant Jane Foster Zlatovski, 
also known as "Slang," has unlawfully and wilfully acted as an agent of a for- 
eign principal within the Southern District of New York without having filed 
with the Attorney General of the United States the registration statement 
required by the Act . 

6. By reason of the nature of her activities and her relationship with the 
Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, including its Govern- 
ment-controlled instrumentalities, agents, and affiliates, the defendant Jane 
Foster Zlatovski, also known as "Slang," does not fall within the purview of any 
of the exemptions from registration provided by the Act. 

(Title 22, United States Code, Sections 612, 618.) 

Mr. Morris. I would like to put into the record at this point the 
statement of yours, Senator Hruska, on the significance of this, partic- 
ularly in connection with your statement where you say that "the 
folly of the present campaign against security safeguards in our Gov- 
ernment" was brought out by the fact that the State Department 
wanted to deny a passport to Mrs. Zlatovski and was not able to do so. 

Senator Hruska. It will be received. 

(The statement of Senator Hruska referred to is as follows:) 

July 10, 1957. 

The disclosure that Jane Foster Zlatovski, recently indicted in New York 
as a Soviet spy, was issued a passport by the State Department 2 years ago, 
after its objections were deemed inadequate by Federal District Court Judge 
Burnita Matthews, points out the folly of the present campaign against se- 
curity safeguards in our Government. 

I have verified the story and it is a sound instance of the contention that 
the Secretary of State should have some discretion in denying a passport to a 
suspect without having to put all the evidence and information supporting his 
decisions into the public record. 

In the case of Mrs. Zlatovski, the Secretary of State was forced to choose 
between producing his evidence or issuing a passport. He could not prejudice 
the security involved in the surveillance then going on and had no alternative 
but to grant the passport. 

As a consequence a Communist suspect who has been indicted for espionage 
was able to move about in Europe for 2 additional years on an American pass- 
port and is now outside the jurisdiction of the United States. The passport of 
George Zlatovski was not renewed by the Department of State after 1954. 

I hope that the French Government will extradite the Zlatovskis and that 
there will be an early trial so that the details of current Soviet espionage can 
be known to the American people. 



SCOPE OP SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4387 

Mr. Morris. And also, there has been one other development, Sen- 
ator Hruska. I would like to introduce into the record at this point 
a clipping from the New York Times of July 7, 1957, stating : 

The United States has ousted a member of the Communist Hungarian mission 
to the United Nations on grounds that he exceeded the limits of his diplomatic 
privileges in this country. 

Senator Hruska. That will also be made a part of the record. 
(The clipping referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 482" and reads 
as follows:) 

Exhibit No, 482 
[New York Times, July 7, 1957, p. 60] 

United States Ousts Hungarian 
chabges membee of mission to it. n. exceeded pbivileqe 

Washington, July 6 (AP). — The United States has ousted a member of the 
Communist Hungarian missions to the United Nations on grounds that he ex- 
ceeded the limits of his diplomatic privileges in this country. 

Officials said today that the diplomat, who left the country more than a week 
ago, was Pal Racz, Second Secretary of the Hungarian mission at United Nations 
headquarters in New York. 

The State Department acted against the Hungarian on the reported charge 
that he was collecting information he had no right to collect. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Bialer, will you come forward, please ? 

Senator, since Mr. Bialer's last appearance before this committee 
his English has improved considerably. Now, Prof. Jan Karski, who 
has interpreted for him in the past, is also present. I believe we can 
proceed without the assistance of Mr. Karski. 

Senator Hruska. Very well, that will testify well for his doing his 
homework, I am sure. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, because of the time element involved here, I 
suggest that we take the witnesses who will testify and Mr. Karski and 
that we swear them now at the beginning. 

Senator Hruska. Very well. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Ege and Mr. Klimov, will you gentlemen also 
come forward, please ? Just come forward and be sworn. 

Senator Hruska. The witnesses will raise their hands and be sworn. 

Do you and each of you solemnly swear that the testimony which 
you are about to give be the truth, the whole truth and nothing but 
the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Bialer. I do. 

Mr. Ege. I do. 

Mr. Klimov. I do. 

Senator Hruska. I will also swear the interpreter. 

(Thereupon, Mr. Jan Karski was duly sworn to act as interpreter 
by Senator Hruska.) 

Mr. Morris. Now, Senator, Mr. Bialer in one way is a firsthand wit- 
ness to these events. He has read the minutes of the July 1955 meeting 
at which he, according to his statements to us this morning, indicates 
this struggle began. 

(The biographical material relating to Mr. Bialer, referred to here- 



4388 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVrTY m THE UNITED STATES 

inafter, was marked "Exhibit No. 483" and is as follows :) 
(Exhibit No. 483, Sewer yn Bialee) 

Native of Poland. Born November 3, 1926. In 1942 joined underground anti- 
Nazi Communist organization at Lodz. From July 1944 to May 1945, was in- 
mate of Auschvpitz and Friedland concentration camps. 

After his release Bialer vpas employed, until 1951, in various political positions 
with the Polish militia and was chief of the Political Division of the Headquarters 
of the Polish Militia when he was assigned to the Polish Communist Party. 

As an official of the Communist Party, Bialer was employed by the Central Com- 
mittee as one of the chiefs of anti-Western and anti-American propaganda. In 
that work, he lectured for the Central Committee, was First Secretary to two 
important Communist schools, ideological adviser to the Peoples Tribune, a lead- 
ing Communist paper ; contributor to other newspapers ; a professor of the In- 
stitute of Social Sciences at the Central Committee and researcher in the In- 
stitute of Economic Sciences of the Polish Academy of Science. 

He carried on his propaganda worli also by public lectures, by writing in- 
structions to party workers and through conferences with persons from other 
Communist countries. 

In the middle of January 1956, Bialer was sent to East Berlin as a member 
of the official Polish delegation. On January 31 he crossed the border into West 
Berlin and. May 4, 1956, came to the United States, where one of his first occu- 
pations was the preparation of a psychological warfare memorandum for the 
Free Europe Committee. 

He testitied first for the subcommittee on June 8, 1956. 

TESTIMONY OP SEWERYN BIALER, ACCOMPANIED BY 
INTERPRETER 

Mr, Morris. I wonder, Mr. Bialer, if you will tell us when the strug- 
gle which was climaxed by the removal from power of Molotov, Ma- 
lenkov, and Kaganovich had its origin ? 

Mr. Bialer. I speak about the post-Stalin period, after Stalin^s 
death : The struggle between Malenkov and Khrushchev began, really, 
in 1953, and in 1954 we can see clearly the struggle between the two 
men. 

The struggle between Khrushchev and the Molotov group began in 
1954, after the dismissal of Malenkov. 

I will first speak about the struggle between Malenkov and Khru- 
shchev. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I might point out that Mr. Bialer made a 
point that two issues are involved. One is the struggle by Khru- 
shchev against Malenkov, and one is the struggle by Khrushchev 
against Molotov. There are two issues here, as I understand it. 

Mr. Bialer. The struggle between Khrushchev and Malenkov at 
this time after Stalin's death concerned two problems. The first 
problem was the internal problem. The second, to us, was the foreign 
relations the Soviet Union had with the free world. In these two 
matters Malenkov had a different point of view than Khrushchev. 
Wlien it concerned the inner-Soviet matters, Malenkov represented 
the State apparatus, represented the technicians groups, and Khru- 
shchev represented the second apparatus of power in the Soviet Union, 
the party apparatus. 

And the struggle between these two men is the struggle of the forms 
of organization in the Soviet Union. It was the struggle of the or- 
ganization of the industry; it was a struggle about the problem of 
the agriculture policy. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4389 

Now, I think it's more important, the problem of the foreign policy. 
In the American newspaper I have not seen much written about this 
problem. 

The problem is, I believe, that Malenkov has another conception of 
foreign policy than Khrushchev. The Malenkov policy, the concep- 
tion of Malenkov's foreign policy was not a conception of a Soviet 
offensive against the free world. 

We can see this on the one hand from what Malenkov did not say 
in his speech, and on the other, we can see this from what Malenkov 
has said in his speeches. 

I can remember, for example, his explanation on the atomic war. 
He was the first man in the Soviet Union to have said that the atomic 
war can bring an end to the whole civilization. 

Mr. Morris. This is Malenkov ? 

Mr. BiALER. This is Malenkov. 

And Khrushchev denied this and said that the atomic war can 
bring on the end of the Western offensive, not the Communists'. 

Malenkov had a real conception when we speak about foreign pol- 
icy — had a conception of not offensive policy, a policy of rest. He 
must have time for inner-Soviet matters, and he wanted to ease the 
foreign relations with the free world. 

This was the most important thing, I think, about tlie struggle 
between Khrushchev and Malenkov during this period. 

Mr. Morris. So that Mr. Malenkov is the one who represented 
moderation ? 

Mr. Bialer. I think so. 

Mr. Morris. Practically speaking, anyway. 

Mr. Bialer. I can give you one example. 

In 1955, in February, when Malenkov was dismissed from tlie post 
of Prime Minister, there was a secret letter from the Politburo of tlie 
Soviet Communist Party in which it was explained why Malenkov 
must be dismissed. It was not the official reason that was in the 
newspapers, that is, Pravda, and others. It was an explanation that 
Malenkov's policy could bring difficulties with the satellite countries. 

And I wish to remind you at this same time when Malenkov was 
dismissed, Imre Nagy was dismissed also by Rakosi in Hungary. It 
was not accidental. In many problems in internal policy, Malenkov 
agreed with Nagy's views. 

In the fight between Khrushchev and Malenkov, Molotov was on the 
side of Klirushchev. It was an alliance between Molotov and Khru- 
shchev. 

Mr. Morris. May I just ask, so this is clear, Mr. Bialer? You have 
now told us that Malenkov and Khrushchev had differences in the days 
when you used to read about them in the meetings, and Malenkov 
represented moderation ? 

Mr. Bialer. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Now, at the same time there has been another struggle. 
You are saying at this point that Molotov in this struggle sided with 
Khrushchev? 

Mr. Bialer. You see, Khrushchev has this same tactic as Stalin ; he 
didn't fight with two groups at the same time. When he fought with 
Malenkov in 1954 and the beginning of 1955, he didn't fight with 
Molotov. Molotov was in this time his ally. 



4390 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

And we can ask the question why Molotov was allied with Khru- 
shchev at this time. The explanation is : because Molotov is at all times 
a Stalinist, a very conservative Stalinist, and the Khrushcliev policy 
was, for him, moderate, but much more Stalinist than the policies of 
Malenkov. The policies of Malenkov were for him more alien [object- 
able] than the policies of Khrushchev. And from this point of view, 
Khrushchev and Molotov can at this time go together. 

And Molotov fought with Malenkov. You can read his speech in 
the February session of the Supreme Soviet, where he denounced 
Malenkov's policy, and he fought with Malenkov. 

But 3 weeks later, after the dismissal of Malenkov, the fight between 
Khrushchev and Molotov began. Khrushchev didn't need Molotov 
to fight against Malenkov because Malenkov is dismissed. And the 
fight with Molotov began in a session of the Soviet Politburo, in — I 
think it was the second half of March of 1955 — when Khrushchev was 
talking about Tito, about the relations with Yugoslavia and about 
Austria, and Molotov was in opposition to Khrushchev's point of view. 
He didn't want agreement with Tito and he didn't want a treaty 
with Austria. 

The fight lasted through July 1955. In July 1955 there was a meet- 
ing of the central committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union. Part of this meeting was published in the papers. The second 
half was secret. 

Mr. Morris. You have read it, have you ? 

Mr. BiALER. I read the whole minutes of it. 

Mr. Morris. The importance of Mr. Bialer's appearance here — he 
was privy to these secrets because he was an official of the Commuiist 
Party in Poland, and he read those minutes which we do not know 
about. 

Mr. BiALER. In July 1955, when this meeting of the central com- 
mittee of the Coimnunist Party in the Soviet Union took place, it was 
the end of one section of the struggle between Molotov and Khru- 
shchev. Two resolutions were brought to the session. One resolution 
was by Molotov. It was a resolution against agreement with Tito, 
against softening the policy. The second was by Khrushcliev. And 
Molotov Was, at this session of the central committee, completely de- 
feated. His resolution had not one vote in the central committee. 

And then he remained alone against the Khrushchev resolutions. 
And the end of this meeting, Khrushchev, with very strong words, 
spoke against Molotov. 

Mr. Morris. IVliat did he say ? 

Mr. BiALER. I must remember exactly the words, they were very 
strong words. They were words to the effect that if he will go for- 
ward with his policy, with his thinking, it will bring a bad end to 
him. 

Mr. Morris. This is July 1955 ? 

Mr. BiALER. This was July 1955. He spoke about his [Molotov's] 
wife, I remember, that his wife exercised a very big influence on him 
and this will have a bad ending if he will not change. 

Senator Hruska. Whose wife was he talking about ? 

Mr. BiALER. Molotov's wife. 

Senator Hruska. Now, what particular meaning 

Mr. BiALER. I can remember what we are told in the central com- 
mittee of the Polish Communist Part}^ We have seen from these 



SCOPE OP SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4391 

words that this is not only political struggle, this is also a personal 
struggle. We see that there are personal differences, personal enmi- 
ties, between Molotov and Khrushchev. And his words about Mol- 
otov's wife was "his evil spirit, she exercises an evil power." I 
remember the words : "It's not necessary for him," said Khrushchev to 
Molotov — "it's not necessary for him to go to hang at her apron 
strings." 

Mr. Morris. Molotov's wife was not just a housewife, she was an 
important Communist official ? 

Mr. BiALER. I think so. 

When I was here 1 year ago, I spoke about this, that I think that 
the end of Molotov, of political power of Molotov, was coming not 
in 1956 when he was dismissed from the office of the Foreign Min- 
ister, but in July 1955 when he was isolated in the central com- 
mittee of the party and had not one vote. 

And we can ask a question. The question is: What happened 
between July 1955 and July 1956 ? 

In July 1956, Molotov was dismissed from the office of Foreign 
Minister. And what happened between this time and the time 3 
months later, in September 1956, when Molotov — we can see — had 
risen to power. When he went with Khrushchev and Mikoyan and 
Bulganin to Poland to exercise influence on the Polish central com- 
mittee not to choose Gomulka for its secretary. 

What happened between this time and months ago when, we know 
now, that in the Politburo of the Soviet Communist Party, Molotov 
has strengths so he can fight with Khrushchev ? 

One thing happened during this time. There was the Poznan up- 
rising, the Hungarian revolution, the bloodless revolution in Poland, 
the confusion of the Communist movement abroad. 

And this problem was to bring back Molotov power; bring back 
to him his followers in the Communist Party in the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, these were all setbacks for the Khru- 
shchev policy and Molotov gained some stature ? 

Mr. BiALER. Yes. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what about the Kaganovich purge? How does 
he fit in? 

Mr. Bialer. What? 

Mr. Morris. What about the Kaganovich purge ? 

Mr. Bialer. I think we can manage to get Kaganovich and Molo- 
tov in one bundle, in one group. 

But we must ask another question. How is it that Molotov fought 
against Malenkov in 1954, 1955 ? Molotov was at all times Stalinist, 
very conservative Stalinist, as was Kaganovich. 

And Malenkov from the years 1953, 1954, after Stalin's death, was 
the follower of a more moderate policy than Khrushchev was in 
foreign relations. 

How can this be, that Molotov and Kaganovich and Malenkov are 
now in one group against Khrushchev ? 

I think that this is the same kind of tactical alliance as in 1954. 
In 1954 Khrushchev and Molotov differed in many ways, but Khru- 
shchev and Molotov, independent of the differences between them, 
were both against Malenkov. And they fought Malenkov. 

93215 — 58 — pt. 72 3 



4392 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE "UNITED STATES 

We see in 1957 that Malenkov, although in disagreement with Molo- 
tov and Kaganovich on many issues, has a tactical alliance with them 
and they fought together against Khrushchev now. 

The easiest targets for Khrushchev are Molotov and Kaganovich. 
Kaganovich and Molotov were at all times Stalinist, and Stalinism 
is unpopular in Russia, and it's very unpopular in the foreign Com- 
munist countries. Khrushchev did not fear Molotov and Kagano- 
vich so much as he feared Malenkov. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, the issue here, in your opinion, the 
heart of the issue is that the relative moderation that Malenkov rep- 
resented was feared by Khrushchev, and that Khrushchev made this 
move against Malenkov and covered it by purging at the same time 
two unpopular figures, Molotov and Kaganovich ? 

Mr. BiALER. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Just briefly, what does this portend for the future ? 

Mr. BiALER. I don't think there will be big changes in Soviet for- 
eign policy or Soviet internal policy. You see, Khrushchev was in 
power all the time from 1954, 1955, 1956, and he exercised his policy, 
his line, and he now has a free hand. He can exercise his policy now 
with more stability, with more power. But I don't think this will 
bring changes, because the policy throughout this time was Khru- 
shchev's policy. There was only a short interval in his power. It 
was in 1956 when Molotov and Kaganovich had more to say, had 
more influence. 

But I don't think there will be big changes. There may be tactical 
changes in Soviet policy now. There may be such changes, as Khru- 
shchev needs time now to strengthen his power, to stabilize his power. 
He can go one step further with his same old policy. I don't think we 
can expect big changes in the Soviet policy. 

Senator Hruska. Well, in that regard, were there any big differ- 
ences between Malenkov and Khrushchev on the approach to disarma- 
ment ? 

Mr. BiALER. I think that Khrushchev represents a very offensive 
foreign policy. There is a big difference between his policy and the 
offensive policy of Stalin. Stalin's offensive policy was a policy of a 
many-front offensive including the war in Korea and the war in 
Vietnam. It was a policy, an offensive policy, with militaiy means, 
with state means, and Government means. 

When we speak about Khrushchev, I think his policy is an offensive 
policy. The main means, the most important means of his policy are 
the means of politics, the means of diplomacy, the means of diversion, 
of intrigue, and so on. 

And I think it is true when he says that he is not a Stalinist, he's a 
T^ninist. I will explain this. He is a Stalinist in the tactics of his 
fight. 

Mr. Morris. How about Malenkov ? 

Mr. BiAiJCR. When we speak about Malenkov, Malenkov was, in the 
first place, interested in the internal Soviet problems, and from the 
foreign relations he wanted rest, he wanted relaxation. He wanted 
to have ])()ssibilities to carry on his internal policy. In foreign rela- 
tions, I think lie was the only man in the Soviet Politburo that really 
M'anted coexistence — I can't say forever — coexistence for a time, for 
5 years, maybe for 10 years, for a time, to have time to carry out his 
internal policy. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EN THE UNITED STATES 4393 

Senator Hruska. And would he want disarmament for that same 
reason, any kind of disarmament agreement for that same reason ? 

Mr. BiALER. I cannot say how far he would go in disarmament prob- 
lems. I am sure he would go much farther than Khrushchev would 

Mr. Morris. Senator, because of the element of time — I mean this is 
all very interesting and important — I ask that Mr. Bialer be excused at 
this time. Maybe we can have a further session later on. 

Will you stand by, Mr. Bialer ? 

Mr. Bialer. Thank you. 

Mr, Morris. Senator, I would like at this point to put in the record 
the Daily Worker of Tuesday, July 9, which endorses all these recent 
changes. I would like that to go in the record. 

Senator Hruska. It will be accepted and placed in the record at 
this point. 

(The article from the Daily Worker referred to was marked "Ex- 
hibit No. 484," and reads as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 484 

[Daily Worker, New York, Tuesday, July 9, 1957, p. 5] 

Soviet Events and Coexistence 

Whatever their many secondary elements, the central feature of the recent 
historic Soviet events is that they strengthen the tide to peaceful coexistence 
and a durable peace. 

That is its supreme importance to the American people and the peoples of the 
world. No State Department speculation or malicious New York Times edi- 
torials can obscure that cardinal point. 

Prime Minister Nehru, of India, spoke for the overwhelming majority of 
mankind when he said Thursday that the recent events would strengthen peace- 
ful relations between the U. S. S. R. and other countries and thus the cause of 
world peace. He termed this "the psychological moment" for easing East-West 
tensions and for new progress in the current London disarmament talks. 

On the basis of the material before us, it is apparent that the recent events 
were a culmination of a series of sharp policy debates over questions of internal 
Soviet policy and foreign affairs. In essence these questions were not new. In 
their main outline they had been debated during the 20th Congress of the Com- 
munist Party of the Soviet Union. What the recent meeting of the Central 
Committee of the CPSU did was to reaffirm these policies in the sharpest way, 
take decisive steps against those who were resisting these policies by factional 
means and were, in fact, seeking to overturn the Congress decisions by a coup 
among the members of the CPSU Presidium. 

The chief policy elements of the 20th Congress were the emphasis on the possi- 
bility of peaceful coexistence and the rejection of the theory of the inevitability 
of war ; the various roads to socialism ; the possibility of the transition to so- 
cialism by parliamentary means in various countries ; the emphasis on the 
equality of socialist nations, the post-Stalin policy of internal democratization 
and internal reorganization based on the tremendous growth of the socialist 
economy. 

The decisions of the 20th Congress were widely hailed, particularly among 
the socialist-minded and peace-loving peoples of the world. These decisions 
registered a new stage in the growth of socialism and the system of socialist 
states ; and they further speeded the developments toward peaceful coexistence. 

But it is now clear that there was considerable resistance to the application 
of these decisions. There were those, headed apparently by V. M. Molotov, 
who wanted to "tighten the screws" and thus objectively hamijered the full 
unfolding of policies to strengthen peace. Clearly, this group also demanded 
policies which would have maintained old and harmful relations between the 
U. S. S. R. and Yugoslavia, for example. 

The prompt manner in which the recent decisions were greeted in China, 
Poland, and Yugoslavia is some indication of the sensitivity of these peoples to 
the harmful policies of Molotov and his associates. This feeling was also re- 



4394 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

fleeted by Italian Communist leader Palmiro Tof^liatti when he wrote in L'- 
Unita July 7 that the CPSU shakeup "has knocked down the barriers * * * to 
the search for original roads to socialism," that it was a move fuithering "a 
policy of relaxation of tension and peaceful coexistence" and that th'^ reorganiza- 
tion "gave a serious blow to the forces of conservatism and dogmatism." 

To American Marxists the theory of various roads to socialism 's not a new 
one. Premised on the principles of scientific socialism, the teachings of Maix. 
Engels, and Lenin, and the experience of American labor, there has evolved the 
concept of the American road to socialism, based on the struggles of tlie Amer- 
ican working class and its allies within the traditions, customs, and pecularities 
of the American scene. This concept is now incoi-pornted in the preninMe to 
the Constitution of the Communist Party of the United States, as adopted by its 
16th national convention. 

We who fight for peace, democracy, and socialism in our own land can only 
view most sympathetically all those developments in the fli'st land of socialism 
which strengthen the fight for peace and social progress. We view with the 
warmest sympathy the efforts of Soviet Communists to maintain inviola'tle the 
unity of the party which leads the 200 million Soviet peoples. We view with 
satisfaction — as undoubtedly do many other Amerirans who do not shnre our 
outlook — the rebuffing of a faction which opposed the steps to a new Oeneva, 
to improved relations w'th all nations, to heighten the living standards and 
democratic rights of the Soviet peoples. 

From all accounts the issues were debated vigorously for a week at a full 
meeting of the Central Committee (about 200 were present) with all points of 
view presented. This was a deiiarture from certain of the condemned prar-tices 
of the latter years of the Stalin leadership, which frequentl.v bypassed the 
CPSU's elected bodies. The meeting took the decisive steps already noted. It 
may be suggested, however, that matters might not have even come to this pass 
had a wide public discussion preceded the meeting, for the Soviet Comnmnist 
Party membership and the Soviet people undoubtedly support wholeheartedly 
the policies of peaceful coexistence, democratization, and the raising of living 
(Standards. The process of democratization requires su<"h public debate: the 
process of correction of the abuses of Soviet democracy will undoubtedly provide 
new forms for such public discu.ssion. 

But this is distinctly subordinate to the historic events themselves — events 
which will help shape a peaceful world. 

The Soviet Union has repeatedly given earnest of its profound desire for 
peace. As last week's events demonstrate dramatically it pursues firmly policies 
of peaceful coexistence, is seeking continuously to raise the standards of its own 
people and compete with other social systems not by war but in ideas, culture, 
and economic progress. 

We Americans have a responsibility in this situation. In Nehru's phrase we 
have reached the "psychological moment" for a great new initiative for peace. 

Is it not time for the American people to act politically against the belligerent 
policies of Dulles, Radford, and Knowland? Is it not high time for tbe people 
in increasing number to renew the demand for an end to A-bomb tests poisoning 
the world's atmosphere? Is it not time for the whole trade union movement to 
follow the example of labor leaders Walter Reuther, James Carey, and Joseph 
Beirne who recently joined SO other noted Americans in demanding an end to 
the poison tests? And is it not necessary to equip our delegates in London with 
a firm popular mandate to proceed to a mutually acceptable disarmament agree- 
ment? 

Many, many more things might— and will — be said about the recent Soviet 
events, but these, it strikes us, are the crucial ones today. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Eofe, will you come forward, please ? 

Senator, in connection with Mr. Eo-e's testimony, T would like to 
offer for the record the statement that he o^nve in May of 10,5G before 
the House Un-American Activities Committee. And you remember, 
Senator, it was written in May of 1956. Mr. Ee;e said : 

It is also possible that, in the future, C. Malenkov, A. Mikoyan, and L. Kaga- 
novich will be removed by Khrushchev as Stalin's accomplices. The fipM will 
then be left to Khrushchev, Voroshiloff. Zhukov, and Molotov, all of whom are 
Russians by national origin. The reason behind this thinking is that Malenkov 
and Mikoyan are, historically speaking, more responsible for Stalin's crimes 
than Khrushchev himself. 



SCX)PE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UlSnTED STATES 4395 

Now, on the basis of his forecasts at that time, we thought it would 
be important to have Mr, Ege here to give us his interpretation of these 
recent changes. 

Senator Hruska. Will you proceed, please? 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I am sorry to break in again, but we have here 
a short biographical sketch of the witnesses this morning. Maybe we 
should insert these in the record preceding each witness' testimony. 

Senator Hruska. They will go in the record at an appropriate place 
preceding their respective testimony. 

(The biographical sketch of Mr. Ege was marked "Exhibit No. 
485" and is as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 485 

Biographical Data 

Ismail Ege, born in city of Orak in Ural district of Soviet Union. Name at 
birth was Ismail Gusseynovich Akhmedov, assumed name of Ege when came to 
the United States. Entered Red army in 1925, when he was sent by the central 
committee of the Azerbaijan Communist Party to Leningrad to enter Lenin- 
grad School of Military Communications. In 1929 graduated with rank of 
lieutenant and appointed to field services in Caucasia — the Caucasian Red Ban- 
ners Army — as an officer in 11th Radio Battalion. After few months was 
selected for intelligence service of Caucasian Army because of knowledge of 
Turkish, and some German. In September 1940. after graduating from war col- 
lege of general staff of Red army, was appointed to intelligence department of 
Red army. At first was deputy chief for one of agents operations sections of 
intelligence department charged with getting data on technical devices of mili- 
tary significance in foreign armies, later became chief of section. In May 1941 
was sent to Germany on intelligence mission under cover as vice president of 
Tass Bureau in Berlin, using false name and biographical information. "War 
began in latter part of June 1941, and he was arrested by Gestapo and put in 
concentration camp for about a month. Ege was then returned to Soviet officials 
in prisoner exchange. He was appointed press attache of Soviet Embassy in 
Turkey, where his duties were to renew agent operations against Germany. On 
June 3, 1942, defected from Soviet Union while serving in Istanbul. 

TESTIMONY OF ISMAIL EGE 

Mr. Morris. Now, what is the meaning of these changes, Mr. Ege? 

Mr. Ege. INIr. Chairman, the latest changes in Moscow did not 
surprise me at all. It had to happen. 

For the meaning of the late shakeup in the Kremlin, it is my personal 
opinion that the words I have written in the article for the Un-Ameri- 
can Activities Committee of the Congress still stand today. 

I have a few additions to this article under present conditions. 

I think that the present shakeup in the Presidium of the Communist 
Party, Soviet Union, which removed Kaganovich and Molotov and 
some others, like Shepilov and Pirov, and maybe some others, was a 
culmination of this strife within the Communist Party of Soviet 
Union. 

Further, I think that this trouble within the ruling clique of the 
Communist Party of the Soviet Union is, primarily, a struggle on 
political issues. It does not mean that there was no struggle j^tween 
personalities. But I think this was a struggle on political issues 
mainly. 

I will not speak too much about personalities except Molotov. 

I left the Soviet Union in 1941, when I was on the Army General 
Staff. I knew Molotov, Mikoyan, and Zarubin as the men who engi- 



4396 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

neered Soviet ao:gression and Stalin's policies. That's the reason why 
I wrote in my previous article that Mikoyan may be expected to be 
removed. Obviously, Mikoyan was more shrewd and quickly shifted 
sides. But this does not grant that at some future time, Mikoyan and 
even Voroshiloff will not be removed from their present posts. 

More than that, I do not think that this struggle within the Commu- 
nist Party of Soviet Union is ended now. It has to be expected that 
the Presidium of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the 
Soviet Government would remove shortly from their party and 
government posts party functionists and government officials of the 
lower echelons. And it might be that no changes would go down as far 
as Ambassador. 

Mr. Morris. Ambassador and what ? 

Mr. Ege. To remove from Ambassador posts outside the Soviet 
Union. 

Mr. Morris. How about Ambassador Zarubin here in Washington ? 
He was supposed to be closely associated with Stalin, was he not ? 

Mr. Ege. I do not know personally, but according to my past expe- 
rience, Zarubin was associated with the policy of Stalin in older days, 
and especially when Agradoff, who is the Soviet Ambassador to Paris, 
was, with Zarubin and Beria, supporting Molotov in foreign policy. 

When the Red Army entered the Soviet Union apparatus during the 
war, operating in Turkey and from other NATO countries, in order 
to defeat the Germans, Molotov always insisted that all these opera- 
tions had to be directly reported, not to the central department of the 
Soviet Union, but to Malenkov and Molotov. He tried everything to 
shift this interest of military interests into political channels. 

So I do think that, this struggle being not finished, they are going to 
remove these persons too. 

Mr. Morris. Now in the case of Mr. Zarubin, if you think he is going 
to be removed from this post of Ambassador here and recalled — is that 
what, in effect, you are saying — would it serve any purpose, do you 
think, to offer him asylum before he is sent back ? 

Mr. Ege. I think so. Not only Zarubin. I think that if, in the 
lower echelons of the Soviet Government and the party stationed 
abroad, there are some persons who are connected with the policies 
of Stalin, and if they think that they were right and Khrushchev not 
right, why not invite the rest of them to the West and affect public 
opinion on the issue and prove that Khrushchev is not right — that 
they were right ? 

Mr. Morris. So you think the Americans should accept such a 
recommendation ? 

Mr. Ege. I don't know whether it is proper for agencies or Gov- 
ernment officials of the United States to invite Zarubin to come to this 
side, but he personally, if he is going to be removed and called home, 
would do best if he'll stay here and put the issues before world opinion 
in order to show what happened really in the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Morris. And, also, we could learn from men like that many of 
the details of Soviet espionage against the United States, which is 
of interest to the subcommittee ? 

Mr. Ege. Quite right. 

Further, in connection with this shakeup, in the Western press there 
were many articles which mostly are wishful and speculating. And 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4397 

some people think that this shakeup in the Kremlin is a sign of weak- 
ness of the Soviet Union. 

I do not agree personally with that kind of speculation. It would 
be an unpermittable luxury for the Government of the Soviet Union 
and for the president of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union at 
times of weakness and emergency to remove such persons as Molotov, 
Kaganovich, and Malenkov. 

On the contrary, it shows that the Soviet Union now, on all available 
data in the press, especially in the Soviet press, is politically, economi- 
cally, and militarily, very strong. 

Now, for the West, of fundamental importance is the fact that in 
connection with this shakeup the structure of Soviet power has not 
changed radically. It is still Soviet power; it is still despotism. 
Only the strategy of the Communist Party is changed. 

Instead of immediate war, I do think that the Soviets under 
Khrushchev, now don't want war, but they are going to compete in 
the economic and political fronts with the West. And that will be a 
difficult fight, and the West must not forget about this side of the 
struggle. 

The will to make good the world goal of international communism, 
has not changed. And, as you remember, Khrushchev, when he ap- 
peared on television before the American Nation, said that goal is 
the same goal. And he went further. He said that many generations 
of Americans will become citizens of Socialist countries. That means 
that they did not change goals. 

I hope that generations of Soviet countries will become citizens of 
democratic countries. But the West, especially United States of 
America, must remain vigilant and watchful. 

And finally, I think it is appropriate to mention here, that one of 
the reasons of this shakeup in the Kremlin was due to firm American 
policy. 

The United States of America, under the present administration, did 
everything in order to defend the freedoms, to organize NATO, 
SEATO, and to help other countries against Communist aggression. 

And for the Soviets, it is realistically hard to evaluate all of this. 
They were forced to face this, and perhaps for a time to relax their 
policy in the direction of liberalization or relaxation of the interna- 
tional issues. But that does not mean that they will go forever on 
this issue. 

And summing up this shakeup, I would like to characterize it as 
really a parasite movement, because Khruschev was quick enough to 
put himself at the head of a movement which, at least in the minor 
issues, is better than that of persons supporting Molotov and Kagano- 
vich. 

Senator Hruska. Well, to that extent do you think he played the 
role of opportunist ? 

Mr. Ege. Quite possible. 

Senator Hruska. Do you think that that was more than he could 
handle so he ran ahead of the crowd ? 

Mr. Ege. That's right. 

On the other hand, I don't think Khrushchev in person will make 
a second Stalin. The history of mankind shows that all dictator- 
ships die or wither or reform with the death of dictators. I do think 
that the Soviet Union is not an exception to this rule of history. 



4398 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTivrry m the united states 

When Stalin died, Stalin's dictatorship was ^oing to reform itself. 
The Soviet Government did not change radically, but there are some 
things which are very interesting. There are even remarkable things. 

There was a book recently written in the Soviet Union which is 
called Not By Bread Alone. The title, as you see, is taken from the 
Bible. In Stalin's time, just for that type of title, a man would be 
sent to a concentration camp or just liquidated. 

And this books talks openly about "drastovs" — Communist bureau- 
crats — and calls for something new. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Ege, last year you reported to the House Un- 
American Activities Committee that it is possible that in the future 
Malenkov and Mikoyan and Kaganovich would be removed. 

Mr. Ege. Right. 

Senator Hruska. You did not include Molotov in that. 

Now, the fact that he was excluded, does that have any special 
meaning ? 

Mr. Ege. No. When I included, instead of Molotov, Mikoyan, I 
was thinking in the terms of my backgi^ound experience in Soviet 
infiltration, subversion, and political operations. Mikoyan was help- 
ing Stalin in the same degree as Molotov. And the Office of Foreign 
Trade Commissariat or Foreign Trade Ministry, was one of the posts 
of Mikoyan. And Mikoyan did his best to help the Soviet, and his of- 
ficers to get into this office, to be dispatched overseas, and, under the 
cover of the Foreign Trade Ministry, to continue on subversion, es- 
pionage, and infiltration. And Mikoyan was known for a long time 
as a personal friend of Stalin. 

So I had — at least it seemed to me — reason to think that Mikoyan 
would be removed. 

But Mikoyan is of Oriental origin. He is an Armenian. Perhaps he 
was more shrewd and, in time, quickly shifted sides, xind, instead, 
Molotov was removed. 

That does not guarantee, of course, that Mikoyan will stay forever. 

Mr. Morris. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Ege. We appreciate 
your testimony. 

Mr. Ege. Thank you. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, at this point may I have inserted in the 
record the statement of Yuri Rastvorov as sworn testimony on his 
part ? He had previously been sworn. 

Senator Hruska. Very well, it will be made a part of the record at 
this point. 

(The biographical sketch of Yuri Rastvorov is as follows:) 

Yuri Rastvorov 

Began career as oflScer of the Soviet Intelligence Service, MVD, in 1940 with 
entry into Japanese department of the Moscow Institute of Eastern Studies. 
Study of Japanese language interrupted by outbreak of war between Germany 
and Soviet Union in June 1941. Rastvorov, together with all other students in 
Japanese department of Institute of Eastern Studies in Moscow, was ordered to 
proceed to Soviet Far East to be employed as interpreter, and as an officer of 
the psychological warfare service in the special Far East Red army. Soon 
after Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, he was transferred from Mongolia to 
Fergana, the location to which the Institute of Eastern Studies has been evac- 
uated from Moscow. In 1943 was recalled from the Institute and assigned to 
Japanese department of the Intelligence Directorate of Soviet Ministry of State 
Security. In January 1946, after appropriate intelligence operational training, 



SCX)PE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4399 

he was sent to Tokyo under the guise of a representative of the Soviet Ministry 
of Foreign Affairs. Defected from Soviet Union in Tokyo in January 1954. 

(His replies to questions by Counsel Morris, as previously recorded, 
are as follows:) 

Mr. Morris. Do the recent changes in Moscow indicate any future change in 
Soviet foreign policy? , 

Mr. Rastvorov. No. Internal struggles in the Communist heirarchy are a 
natural part of dictatorship, which bears within itself the seeds of such strug- 
gles in their most ruthless form. If we look back, we see that this is just 
another example of such a struggle, of which there have been many before. 
Regardless of internal turmoil, the basic tenets of communism hold, and we can 
expect more such struggles, without any really basic change in domestic or 
foreign policy. It would be dangerous for the Western World to lower its guard, 
hoping that new faces in Moscow mean new policies abroad. 

Mr. Morris. What do you know about the so-called Leningrad affair? 

Mr. Rastvorov. In 1948 or 1949 a number of the party leaders in the Leningrad 
area simply disappeared. The rubberstamp explanation was that they were 
"enemies of the people." People in the Soviet Union have been disappearing 
without a trace for years, and the leaders have never given adequate reasons 
to the Russian people. Officially, this case was never explained either. 

I was told, however, that they were removed because of antiparty tendencies, 
having tried to form an anti-Moscow faction. The story was that they had kept 
themselves in power by unlawful means. The excuse for final direct action was 
an election, in which they reported to the Central Committee that they had been 
reelected unanimously, but a number of people reported to the committee that 
they had voted against them. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Klimov. 

(Following; is a biographical sketch on Mr. Klimov:) 

Grigoriy Petrovich Klimov, born September 26, 1918, in Novochorkassk in 
northern Caucasus. From 1926 to 1936 studied in 10-year school from which 
he was graduated. From 1936 to 1941 studied in Industrial Institute of 
Ordzhonikidze, graduating in 1941 with a diploma in electrical engineering. 
From 1941 to 1943 worked as engineer-constructor in plant No. 545 in Gor'kly. 
In 1943 mobilized in Red army and fought in Leningrad sector of front, where 
he was wounded. Upon leaving hospital sent to Special Reserve Officer Regiment 
No. 96 (OPROS 96). In summer of 1944 assigned to Red Army Military Institute 
of Foreign Languages, where he was admitted to the last grade of the German 
faculty because of his knowledge of German. On graduation from the institute 
in June 1945 was sent to main headquarters of Soviet occupation troops in 
Germany, SVAG in Berlin-Karlhorst. From June 1945 to February 1946 was 
economic adviser of General Shabalin, chief of economic administration in 
SVAG. Following reorganization of the economic administration in February 

1946, was transferred to the industrial administration of SVAG, headed by A, 
Alekzandrov, where he was chief engineer for electrical industry until February 

1947. Was demobilized and sent back to Ministry of Electrical Industry in 
Moscow because he was not a member of the Communist Party, thus was deemed 
politically unreliable. In February 1947 crossed border into American Zone of 
Germany where, after being checked, he was granted political asylum. Became 
writer and journalist. In 1952 started publishing magazine Svoboda (Freedom) 
in Germany in cooperation with a group of postwar emigres from U. S. S. R. 
In 1952 organized Central Union of Postwar Emigres from the U. S. S. R., carry- 
ing on active anti-Communist propaganda work beyond Iron Curtain. 

TESTIMONY OF GEIGORIY PETROVICH KLIMOV 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Klimov, you have been a military man, have you 
not? 

Mr. Klimov. I was Chief Engineer in the Soviet Military Admin- 
istration, Civilian Personnel. 

Mr. Morris. And as such were you able to know something about 
Mr. Zhukov and Mr. Bulffanin ? 



4400 SCOPE OF SOVIET AcnvrrY m the united states 

Mr. Klimov. I know, in some way, only Zhukov. Or it would be 
better if I said I was a good friend of him. It is impossible to know 
his thoughts and his policies. He was just Military Governor at that 
time, and I was engineer at the headquarters. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what do you think is the meaning of the appar- 
ently stronger position of Bulganin and Zhukov? What does that 
mean to you, Mr. Klimov, knowing as you do Mr. Zhukov ? Did you 
know Mr. Bulganin at all ? 

Mr. Klimov. No ; I didn't. 

Mr. Morris. Well, on the basis of your knowledge of them, what 
does that mean to you ? 

Mr. Klimov. I am sorry, but I wouldn't agree with the previous 
witness. 

For me, the importance of recent changes in the Kremlin is only one 
point. That's the consolidation of power in one person. We could 
think maybe Malenkov is better and Khrushchev is worse ; this person 
is maybe better ; the other is worse, and the policy of one will be dif- 
ferent than the other in some way. 

I think that it depends not on personalities, the Soviet policy, in- 
ternal and external; it depends not on personalities. It depends on 
the system itself. 

The so-called liberalization of the Soviet system now is only the 
result of the process — we can't call this process — collective dictator- 
ship. That's the process of stabilization and concentration of power 
in one hand. 

As soon as this power is concentrated in one hand, will it be Khrush- 
chev, as it is now, or maybe somebody else ? 

The Soviet policy will be exactly the same as it was under Stalin. 

I think that all these persons or personalities — they are, we can say, 
slaves of the Soviet system, whicli implies its own laAvs and restrictions. 

Mr. Chairman, if you would be in Khrushchev's place — I am sure 
you have wonderful moral characteristics. You are a Democrat. 
But if you would sit in the chair of Mr. Khrushchev, you would have 
to do exactly the same what Khrushchev is doing. It is the person 
making the policy tliere, but the system which imposes its own strict 
rules — the strategic ideology and the strategic system. 

Sometimes we guess here, I think, that the Soviet system could 
change according to some changes in their leadership. I think there 
will be no changes. 

Senator Hruska. Well, now, would you say that there will be no 
change, not, of course, in their goals or their objectives, but might 
there not be some change in some of the means by which they currently 
move toward those objectives, whether it is in foreign policy or 
whether it is in internal policy ? 

Mr. KuMOv. I think it will be exactly the same as soon as the 
power is concentrated in one hand. The years after the death of 
Stalin represent only the process of concentration of power. We have 
Malenkov. After that we have Khrushchev and the recent changes. 
All this process is only concentration of dictatorship. 

Mr. MoHRLs. Well, now, Mr. Klimov, we heard a gi-eat deal re- 
cently that after the death of Stalin the West could take new hope 
in the fact that the Soviet had not a one-man dictatorship but a col- 
lective dictatorship. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 4401 

Mr. Kluviov. Yes. And now there is more power in the hands of 
Khrushchev than before. He ousted his competitors, and now he's 
a more personal dictator than before. 

Mr. Morris. Do you think that this is the end of the collective 
dictatorship and it will go back to one-man dictatorship ? 

Mr. Klimov. Now we're nearer to the personal dictatorship than 
before. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you will tell us about the military here, 
because you are a military man. What is the relative role of Zhukov 
and Bulganin now ? 

Mr. Klimov. Now Zhukov is the second man after Khrushchev. 

Mr. Morris. And Bulganin ? 

Mr. Klimov. Bulganin, he is a lieutenant. But I don't think 
Bulganin has ambitions to be the first man. And perhaps Zhukov 
doesn't have such ambitions either. 

Mr. Morris. AVliat kind of a man is Zhukov ? You said you knew 
Zhukov, you worked under him. MHiat kind of a man is he? Can 
you tell us anything about him ? 

Mr. Klimov. I don't know him so well that I could tell about his 
political opinions. 

Mr. Morris. You what ? 

Mr. Klimov. I don't know Zhukov so well that I could know his 
political opinions. 

Mr. Morris. Now, what do you think these changes portend in the 
future ? 

Mr. Klimov. The chief meaning of this change is that Khrushchev 
is now, we can say, more established as a personal dictator, and he 
will feel himself much more sure than before. 

Before the changes, there were differences in opinions between these 
two groups, and now the power is more consolidated and the Pre- 
sidium of the party is more united behind Khrushchev. Therefore, 
the power of Khrushchev will be more assured than before. 

Senator Hrusk^. Anything further, Judge Morris? 

Mr. Morris. I have nothing further. Senator, unless you think 
that we should ask Mr. Bialer, who had not finished, a few more 
questions. 

Senator Hruska. If you have any further questions to ask of him, 
we can recall him. 

Mr. Morris. Thank you very much, Mr. Klimov. 

Senator Hruska. Thank you for appearing. 

FURTHER TESTIMONY OF SEWERYN BIALER, ACCOMPANIED BY 
INTERPRETER JAN KARSKI 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Bialer, there is one other thing we would like to 
cover with you. 

Do you think that, as Mr. Ege estimated, the people who had been 
close to Stalin will in the future be eliminated ; that is, eliminated from 
power ? 

Now, may I just ask you one thing. What do you think will happen 
to Malenkov? Malenkov was a teclmician, was he not, and he had 
many technicians following him ? 

Mr. Bialer. Malenkov was not a technician. Pie was a party man. 
He was a secretary of the party. But his policy, his political concep- 



4402 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVnT EST THE UNITED STATES 

tion, was blended with the technicians groups, the bureaucratic groups 
in Russia. 

Senator Hruska. But he himself was not a technician ? 

Mr. BiALER. No ; he was a party man. He was a professional party 
man, we can see. 

Senator Hruska. What is there in store for him in the future? 
What will happen to him ? 

Mr. BiALER. It's very — it's not easy to tell what will happen. From 
my point of view, I agree fully with Mr. Ege. I don't think it will be 
in the future, in the immediate future. For one thing, I don't think 
there will be purges in 1957, where a thousand men are destroyed or 
liquidated. 

I think that Khrushchev don't want such kind of purges. He don't 
want them, first from the point of the relations with the other Commu- 
nist countries. He don't want it from the point of internal relations 
of the Soviet people. He himself denounced Stalin's crimes, and, in 
such a short time after he denounced them at the party conference, 
he cannot alone be responsible for such crimes. 

From this point of view, he will want the present purge to go in 
other ways than the Stalin purge. He will not want the people to 
think that what he does now is the same thing that Stalin had 
done with Bukharin. 

From this point of view, Khrushchev may be forced to order a 
purge in 1957. He may be forced if the people he dismissed fight 
against him. I think that if he is not forced, he will not liquidate 
Malenkov, he will not liquidate Molotov, and he will not liquidate 
Kaganovich. 

He will liquidate Molotov as a political leader, as a political man. 
He will not liquidate him as a human being. 

I agree with Mr. Ege on another point. I think that now we are 
coming to this same kind of a purge against the lower echelon. The 
low men, like Molotov and Kaganovich, men from the lower echelons, 
will be removed from their posts, but without liquidations. We cannot 
tell now about these conceptions of Khrushchev. He will be lucky 
in this respect : he will know how to do it. 

Maybe he will be forced, but I think that he don't want to be forced 
to liquidate these people. 

Senator Hruska. Do you think the popular feeling in the country 
is supporting Khrushchev now in his present position ? 

Mr. BiALER. I think here are really 2 questions in this 1 question 
of yours. The people in Russia, I think, fear a new Stalin. They 
fear that Khrushchev will be a new Stalin, that the Soviet will return 
to the old years of Stalinist terror. And, from this point of view, 
I don't think that the people in Russia are very hap])y with what 
has happened. And I think that the people in Russia are afraid. 
Tliey don't know whether to be hai)py or not to be happy. 

From the other point of view, when we speak about the satellite 
countries — I know better the people in satellite countries. For ex- 
ample, in Poland. I think in Poland, for example, the people are 
happy about certain things, because Molotov was a strong man in 
the old Politburo and he was strongly opposed to the bloodless revolu- 
tion in Poland. From this point of view, the old followers of the 
old Stalinst policy in the Polish party, for example — yes, all Stalin's 
followers 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4403 

The Interpreter. They are weakened completely in Poland. 

Mr. BiALER. And Gomulka can fight against Stalinists in 
Poland 

The Interpreter. Gomulka will have an argument in Poland that 
what he is doing in Poland is the same that Khrushchev did in the 
Soviet Union. 

Mr. BiALER. From this point of view, his position will be strength- 
ened and his position will be more stabilized than before. 

Senator Hruska. What about the relations with Tito ? 

Mr. BiALER. I think what I say about Gomulka, is the same with 
Tito. 

Mr. Morris. Now, is this the end of the so-called collective dictator- 
ship? 

Mr. BiALER. It's not easy to tell. I don't think that Khrushchev, 
up to now, has such a power as Stalin had. Stalin was independent 
of anybody. Pie was really independent. And one thing more. 
Stalin had his secret police, and we can see now tlte power of the 
secret police is less. The secret police was liquidated as a political 
power in the Soviet Union. This is political power in the Soviet 
Union now, not police power. From this point of view, I don't think 
Khrushchev now is in such a position as was Stalin in his dictatorship. 
But Khrushchev is going up ; his power is going up. The direction 
of the development is in such direction that his power is going up. He 
has, every month, in his hands more power. 

I don't think that we have now a 1 -leader dictatorship such as in 
Stalin's time. We have not now such a collective leadership as we 
had 2 years ago. We have a transitional period now, and we cannot 
tell what will come out of the transitional period. It depends on cir- 
cumstances. 

Senator Hruska. Now, you spoke about the satellites. Would you 
have any comments on the current visit in Czechoslovakia? What 
meaning has that ? There seem to have been certain leaders at the air- 
port to greet the Soviet visitors. Certain others were not there. And 
there was some talk about a turnover in the leadership. 

Mr. BiALER. I want to give one example from my point of view. 
This is a very interesting example about Rumania. 

Mr. Morris. What about ? 

Mr. BiALER. Rumania. You see, all the leaders — the first secretaries 
of the party, in Rumania, East Germany, and Czechoslovakia — are 
all Stalinist men. They moved to Rumania, East Germany, and 
Czechoslovakia 10 years ago, and they rule now. They have organ- 
ized the purges, Stalinist purges, in 1952, 1951, against Slansky in 
Czechoslovakia, for example. And in Rumania there was recently 
a very interesting development. I think it is very characteristic for 
the three countries, for Rumania, Czechoslovakia, East Germany. 
The first secretary of the party, George Dej, removed from the Polit- 
buro two members, Kishiniewski, and I have forgotten the second 
name. 

Mr. Morris. Will you spell that ? 

Mr. BiALER. Kishiniewski. 

The Interpreter. K-i-s-h-i-n-i-e-w-s-k-i, 

Mr. BiALER. Constantinescu was the first. And they denounced 
Ana Pauker, the woman who was a member of the Politburo in 1953, 
declaring that she organized purges in 1951 and 1952 ; that she wanted 



4404 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

power for herself. And what is the meaning of this? Ana Pauker 
died, I think. Or Ana Pauker was removed from her post when Stal- 
in was alive in 1952. And George Dej, he was first secretary of the 
Rumanian party. He wants to put the blame for the whole Stalinist 
problem on the woman whom he'd dismissed from the party when 
Stalin was alive. He want — George Dej 

The Interpreter. George Dej wants to defend himself in such a 
way as to put the blame on somebody who is no more alive; on a 
dead woman. 

Mr. BiALER. George Dej understands that, after Molotov's and 
Kaganovich's dismissal in Moscow, he must do something. He must 
have all Stalinists removed, because, if he don't remove them, it will 
be held against him since his is also a Stalinist. And I think this is 
the tactic of the Rumanian, East German, Czechoslovakian parties; 
to put the blame on little men, to put the blame on men who were long 
ago removed and thus to defend themselves from such new purges 
as in Russia, against Molotov and Kaganovich. 

Mr. Morris. And that situation prevails, too, in Czechoslavakia ? 

Mr. BiALER. In Czechoslovakia, we don't see new movements now. 
But I think that what was in Rumania will be typical for East Ger- 
many and for Czechoslovakia. 

Senator Hruska. Is that all, Mr. Morris ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes, si r. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Ege, would you have any further comments ? 
We kind of cut you off short. 

FURTHER TESTIMONY OF WITNESS EGE 

Mr. Ege. I have one comment. 

Mr. Chairman, I think there is one very instructive point in this 
shakeup, and I would like that to go into the record. 

The Soviet press, for years, boasted that, in the West there are 
reactionaries, warmongers, and so on; that the West, especially the 
United States of America, is organizer of what is commonly called 
the third world war. 

Now we had the pleasure of hearing from Malenkov, Khrushchev 
that they had their own reactionaries and warmongers. 

On the question of foreign policy, it was formulated and written 
on paper that Molotov, Mikoyan, and Malenkov were that group 
which opposed lessening the world tensions and were trying to create 
new world tensions and war. That indicates that, within the pre- 
sidium of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and that means 
within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, there was a large 
group of people avIio wanted reaction, war, and new catastrophe. 

I would like that to go in the record. 

Senator Hruska. Thank you, Mr. Ege. 

Mr. Morris. Anything more, Mr. Klimov ? 

FURTHER TESTIMONY OF WITNESS KLIMOV 

Mr. Klimov. I'd 1 ike only to make it short. 

The sliifting of ])ersons in the top echelons in Soviet Union will 
diange nothing, because here in the West there can be only guessing in 
connection with these changes. All of us hope that maybe somebody 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4405 

who will come to the leaclersliip will be better than Molotov, Kagano- 
vich, Khrushchev, or Stalin, 

My point, which I would underline here and emphasize : So long as 
the system itself isn't changing, there will be no changes no matter 
who will be the leader. As long as, or as soon as there will be personal 
dictatorship, which is practically now underway, we will have the 
same troubles with all the Soviet system as we had before. 

Senator Hruska. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Morris. Excuse me. Senator, I would like to put into the record 
in connection with the spy case the statement of Congressman AValter, 
who put many facts about the Communist activities in the United 
States of the Zlatovskis in the record, and I think it is important. 

Senator Hruskla. It will be placed in the record in the appropriate 
place. 

(The statement of Congressman Walter was marked "Exhibit 
No. 486" and is as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 486 
[From the Congressional Record, July 10, p. 101321 

Statement by the Honorable Francis E. Walter on Two Ex-United States 
Aids Indicted as Spies by a Fedelral Grand Jury in New York 

(Mr. Walter asked and was given permission to extend his remarlis at this 
point in the Record.) 

Mr. Walter. Mr. Speaker, the July 9 newspapers throughout the United States 
carry the story of the actions by a Federal grand jury in returning espionage 
indictments against additional American citizens. 

Those recently indicted are Jane Foster Zlatovski, who was born in San Fran- 
cisco, Calif., on June 29, 1912, and George Michael Zlatovski, her husband, a 
naturalized American, born in Russia. 

The indictment charged that since 1940, the Zlatovskis conspired with Russians 
in New York, Washington, Paris, Austria, and Switzerland to obtain United 
States defense data of interest to the Soviet Union. They were accused of 
stealing documents and photographs and with having turned over commercial, 
industrial, and political information, as well as information respecting the 
military with whom they were directly employed. 

Jane Foster Zlatovski was issued a passport on March 13, 1947, which was re- 
newed on March 18, 1949, at Paris, France. A new passport was issued at Paris, 
France, April 9, 1951. This passport was renewed on April 20, 19.53. On 
December 3, 1954, her passport was taken up and withdrawn by the Department 
of State. The passport expired on April 20, 1955. She sought return of her pass- 
port, and on January 19, 1955, she received an informal hearing. In this con- 
nection she executed an athdavit which denied that she was then or had ever 
been a member of the Commimist Party, the Communist Political Association, the 
Young Communist League, or, to her knowledge, any other Communist organiza- 
tion. However, she admitted that during a brief period commencing in May 
1941, and terminating in January 1942, slie "embraced what I then conceived 
the Communist ideology with enthusiasm, attended all manner of meetings, 
particularly because my own abhorrence of war coincided with the then ex- 
pressed views of those espousing the Communist cause." 

Jane Zlatovski thereafter was accorded all of the procedures of appeal, in- 
cluding a hearing before the Board of Passport Appeals. On March 29, 1955, 
the Board of Passport Appeals recommended that a passport be denied to her. 
On March 30, 1955, the Secretary of State approved the recommendations of the 
Board of Passport Appeals and her application for a passport was disapproved. 

The Passport Division, the Board of Passport Appeals, and the Secretary of 
State acted upon confidential information which had been received from agencies 
of the United States Government and mainly from the Federal Bureau of In- 
vestigation. This information, which was subsequently made public, was that 
Jane Zlatovski had attended Communist Party meetings in San Francisco in 
1934 and 1935 ; that in June 1941 she picketed the White House for the American 
Peace Mobilization, an organizaticm cited by the Attorney General ; that she was 



I 



4406 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY DST THE UNITED STATES 

a Communist Party member ; that she, in 1942, was reported to be in sympathy 
with the ideology of the Communist Party and to be a Communist ; that she is 
married to one George Michael Zlatovski, a known Communist, who was born 
in Russia and who now resides in Paris ; that she in 1942, prior to her marriage, 
lived in New York with people who conducted Communist meetings in their 
home ; that she was associated with or in contact with or affiliated with several 
organizations, including the International Labor Defense in 1941, the Washing- 
ton Book Shop in 1943, and the American Committee for the Protection of Foreign 
Born; that she publicly discussed her Communist Party membership in Wash- 
ington, D. C, ir. 1042; that she worked for the Communist Party in the Dutch 
East Indies from 1936 to 1940, and also in San Francisco; that both she and 
her husband were doing Communist Party work in Europe in 1948 and that while 
employed by the OSS she gave an interview to the Daily People's World, the 
official west coast Communist publication, at which time she disclosed her con- 
nection with the OSS Java mission, which disclosure amounted to a serious 
breach of security regulations of the OSS. 

Thereafter, Jaue Foster Zlatovski filed suit against the Secretary of State in 
the United States District Court for the District of Columbia. This action to 
force the Secretary of State to issue a passport was assigned to Judge Burnita 
S. Matthews. 

On July 9, 1955, Jane Foster Zlatovski asked the court to issue a preliminary 
injunction enjoining the Department of State from withholding or denying a 
passport during the pendency of the suit in order that she might return immedi- 
ately to her husband in Paris. 

On June 28, 1955, Judge Matthews ordered the Secretary of State to grant 
Mrs. Zlatovski a quasi-judicial hearing. The quasi-judicial hearing had been 
ruled in earlier decisions against the Secretary of State to be a hearing in which 
the applicant for a passport was faced by their accusers. 

On August 3, 1955, the Secretary of State filed an affidavit in support of the 
Government's motion for a summary dismissal of the action. The Secretary's 
affidavit, which included the derogatory information set forth above, concluded, 
"I have again reviewed the file in the passport case of Mrs. Jane Foster Zlatovski, 
and based on all of the available information, I have reached the conclusion that 
it would not be in the interest of the United States to issue a passport to Mrs. 
Jane Foster Zlatovski to go abroad in that her return to France would be inimical 
to the security of the United States and to its relations with other countries." 

The Secretary of State in reaching these findings had information which di- 
rectly related to the espionage activities in which Jane Foster Zlatovski was 
engaged. The indictment of the Sobels and other indictments for espionage, 
which I am confident will grow out of the grand jury invpstigation now going 
on in New York, would have been Impossible had the Secretary of State made 
available to Jane Foster Zlatovski, a member of the espionage organization, the 
information or a portion of the information which was in the Secretary's 
possession. 

After the affidavit by the Secretary of State was filed. Judge Matthews called 
into chambers Leonard Boudin, the attorney for Jane Zlatovski, and the attorney 
for the Secretary of State, and indicated that unless the Department possessed 
and divialged derogatory information in addition to that set forth above, and in 
particular derogatory information dated more recently than 1948, she would issue 
an order directing the issuance of a passport to Jane Foster Zlatovski, who was 
yesterday indicted for engaging in espionage against the United States. 

The Secretary of State was therefore placed by the court in the untenable 
position of either divulging to a member of an espionage organization, the knowl- 
edge which the Secretary possessed of her espionage activities or of giving her a 
United States passport which would permit here to return to Europe and to 
engage in espionage in behalf of the Soviets against our free allies. 

Mr. Speaker, this situation again points up the necessity for the Congress 
to assert its prerogatives as the lawmaking body of the National Government. 
Time and again, in hearings of the Committee on Un-American Activities, as 
well as hearings of a subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, we have 
seen cases in which the security of this Nation is threatened by loose passport 
practices which are spear-headed by court decisions such as the decision in 
the instant case. 

I call this to the attention of the House because I expect to press relentlessly for 
remedial legislation to the end that we may have a sound passport program. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 4407 

Mr. Morris. One other thing. [Addressing the press table :] Are 
jou a Tass representative ? 

Mr. KiSLor. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. We have a new Tass representative. I do not think I 
have seen this man. 

Could you identify yourself for the record ? 

Mr. KiSLOF. Alexander Kislof, K-i-s-1-o-f . 

Mr. Morris. Is Mr. Paramanov still over here ? 

Mr. KisLOF. Yes. 

Senator Hruska. Does that conclude the hearing? 

Mr. Morris. Yes, sir. 

Senator Hruska. The subcommittee wants to thank the witnesses 
for coming and contributing to the record of the committee. 

The meeting is adjourned. 

(Wliereupon, at 11 : 10 a. m., the committee adjourned, to reconvene 
at the call of the Chair. ) 

(The New York Federal grand jury indictment of Rudolph 
Ivanovich Abel was later ordered into the record and reads as 
follows:) 

United States District Court, Eastern District op New York 

United States of America v. Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also known as Mark and 
also known as Martin Collins and Emil R. Goldfus, Defendant 

No. — 
The Grand Jury charges : 

COUNT ONE 

1. That from in or about 1948 and continuously thereafter up to and includ- 
ing the date of the filing of this indictment, in the Eastern District of New 
York, in Moscow, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and elsewhere, Rudolf 
Ivanovich Abel, also known as "Mark" and also known as Mairin Collins and 
Emil R. Goldfus, the defendant herein, unlawfully, wilfully, and knowingly 
did conspire and agree with Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic", Mikhail 
Svirin, Vitali G. Pavlov, and Aleksandr Mikhailovich Korotkov, coconspirators 
but not defendants herein, and with divers other persons to the Grand Jury 
unknown, to violate Subsection (a) of Section 794, Title 18, United States 
Code, in that they did unlawfully, wilfully, and knowingly conspire and agree 
to communicate, deliver, and transmit to a foreign Government, to wit, the 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and representatives and agents thereof, 
directly and indirectl5", documents, writings, photographs, photographic nega- 
tives, plans, maps, models, notes, instruments, appliances, and information 
relating to the national defense of the United States of America, and par- 
ticularly information relating to arms, equipment and disposition of United 
States Armed Forces, and information relating to the atomic energy program 
of the United States, with intent and reason to believe that the said documents, 
writings, photographs, photographic negatives, plans, maps, models, notes, in- 
struments, appliances, and information would be used to the advantage of a 
foreign nation, to wit, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

2. It was a part of said conspiracy that the defendant and his coconspirators 
would collect and obtain, and attempt to collect and obtain and would aid and in- 
duce divers other persons to the Grand Jury unknown, to collect and obtain infor- 
mation relating to the national defense of the United States of America, with in- 
tent and reason to believe that the said information would be used to the advan- 
tage of the said foreign nation, to wit, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

3. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the Government of the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics and certain of the coconspirators, including 
Aleksandr Mikhailovich Korotkov and Mikhail Svirin, being representatives, 
agents, and employees of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re- 
publics, would by personal contact, communications and other means to the 
Grand Jury unknown, both directly and indirectly, employ, supervise, pay, and 



4408 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

maintain the defendant and other coconspirators for the purpose of communi- 
cating, delivering, and transmitting' information relating to the national defense 
of the United States to the said Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics. 

4. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the defendant and certain 
of his coconspirators would activate and attempt to activate as agents within 
the United States certain members of the United States Armed Forces who 
were in a position to acquire information relating to the national defense of the 
United States, and would communicate, deliver, and transmit, and would aid 
and induce each other and divers other persons to the Grand Jury unknown, to 
communicate, deliver, and transmit information relating to the national defense 
of the United States to the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

5. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the defendant and certain 
of his coconspirators would use short-wave radios to receive instructions issued 
by said Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and to send in- 
formation to the said Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

6. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the defendant and certain 
of his coconspirators would fashion "containers" from bolts, nails, coins, bat- 
teries, pencils, cufC links, earrings and the like, by hollowing out concealed- 
chambers in such devices suitable to secrete therein microfilm, microdot, and 
other secret messages. 

7. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the said defendant and his 
coconspirators would communicate with each other by enclosing messages in 

said "containers" and depositing said "containers" in prearranged "drop" points 
in Prospect Park in Brooklyn, New York, in Fort Tryon Park in New York City, 

and at other places in the Eastern District of New York and elsewhere. 

8. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the said defendant and certain 
of his coconspirators would receive from the Government of the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics and its agents, officers, and employees large sums of money 
with which to carry on their illegal activities within the United States, some of 
which money would thereupon be stored for future use by burying it in the ground 
in certain places in the Eastern District of New York and elsewhere. 

9. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the defendant and certain of 
his coconspirators, including Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," would 
assume, on instruction of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re- 
publics, the identities of certain United States citizens, both living and deceased, 
and would use birth certificates and passports in the name of such United 
States citizens, and would communicate with each other and other agents, officers, 
and employees of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 
through the use of numerical and other types of secret codes, and would adopt 
other and further means to conceal the existence and purpose of said conspiracy. 

10. It was further a part of said conspiracy that defendant and certain of his 
coconspirators would, in the event of war between the United States and the 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, set up clandestine radio transmitting and 
receiving posts for the purpose of continuing to furnish the said Government 
of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics with information relating to the 
national defense of the United States, and would engage in acts of sabotage 
against the United States. 

In pursuance and furtherance of said conspiracy and to effect the object thereof, 
the defendant and his coconspirators did commit, among others, in the Eastern 
District of New York and elsewhere, the following : 

OVERT ACTS 

1. In or about the year 1948 Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also known as "Mark" and 
also known as Emil R. Goldfus and Martin Collins, the defendant herein, did 
enter the United States at an unknown point along the Canadian-United States 
border. 

2. In or about the summer of 1952, at the headquarters of the Committee of 
Information (known as the KI) in Moscow, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, 
Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a coconspirator herein, did meet with 
Vitali G. Pavlov, a coconspirator herein. 

3. In or about the summer of 1952, at the headquarters of the- Committee of 
Information (known as the KI) in Moscow, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, 
Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a coconspirator herein, did meet with 
Mikhail Svirin, a coconspirator herein. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4409 

4. On or about October 21, 1952, in New York City, Reino Hayhanen, also 
known as "Vic," a coconspirator herein, did disembark from the liner "Queen 
Mary." 

5. In or about October 1952, Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vie," a cocon- 
spirator herein, did go to Central Park in Manhattan, New York City, and did 
leave a signal in the vicinity of the restaurant known as the Tavern-on-the-Green. 

6. In or about 1952, Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a coconspirator 
herein, did go to the vicinity of Prospect Park in Brooklyn within the Eastern 
District of New York. 

7. In or about November 1952, Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a cocon- 
spirator herein, did go to Fort Tryon Park in New York City and did leave a 
message. 

8. In or about December 1952, Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a cocon- 
spirator herein, did meet and confer with Mikhail Svirin, a coconspirator herein, 
in the vicinity of Prospect Park in Brooklyn within the Eastern District of New 
York. 

9. In or about the summer of 1953, Mikhail Svirin, a coconspirator herein, did 
meet and confer with Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a coconspirator 
herein, in the vicinity of Prospect Park in Brooklyn, within the Eastern District 
of New York, and did give to Hayhanen a package of soft film. 

10. On or about December 17, 1953, the defendant, Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also 
known as "Mark" and also known as Emil R. Goldfus and Martin Collins, did 
rent a studio consisting of one room on the fifth floor of the building located at 
252 Fulton Street, Brooklyn, within the Eastern District of New York. 

11. In or about August or September 1954, the defendant, Rudolf Ivanovich 
Abel, also known as "Mark" and also known as Emil R. Goldfus and Martin 
Collins, did meet with Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a coconspirator 
herein, in the vicinity of the Keith's RKO Theater, Flushing, Long Island, within 
the Eastern District of New York. 

12. In or about the summer of 1954, the defendant, Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, 
also known as "Mark" and also known as Emil R. Goldfus and Martin Collins, 
and Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a coconspirator herein, did go by 
automobile to the vicinity of New Hyde Park, Long Island, within the Eastern 
District of New York. 

13. In or about March or April 1955, the defendant, Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, 
also known as "Mark" and also known as Emil R. Goldfus and Martin Collins, 
and Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a coconspirator herein, did proceed 
by automobile from New York City to Atlantic City, New Jersey. 

14. In or about the spring of 1955, Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a 
coconspirator herein, did proceed by automobile from New York City to the 
vicinity of Quincy, Massachusetts, at the direction of defendant Rudolf Ivanovich 
Abel, also known as "Mark" and also known as Emil R. Goldfus and Martin 
Collins. 

15. In or about December 1954 or January 19.55, Reino Hayhanen, also known 
as "Vic," a coconspirator herein, did proceed by rail transportation from New 
York to Salida, Colorado, at the direction of the defendant Rudolf Ivanovich 
Abel, also known as "Mark" and also known as Emil Goldfus and Martin Collins. 

16. In or about the spring of 1955, the defendant, Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also 
known as "Mark" and also known as Emil R. Goldfus and Martin Collins, and 
Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a coconspirator herein, did proceed from 
New York City to the vicinity of Poughkeepsie, New York, for the purpose of 
locating a suitable site for a shortwave radio. 

17. In or about the spring of 1955, the defendant, Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also 
known as "Mark" and also known as Emil R. Goldfus and Martin Collins, in the 
vicinity of 252 Fulton Street, Brooklyn, New York, within the Eastern District 
of New York, did give a shortwave radio to Reino Hayhanen, also known as 
"Vic," a coconspirator herein. 

18. In or about 1955, the defendant, Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also known as 
"Mark" and also known as Emil R. Goldfus and Martin Collins, did bring a 
coded message to Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a coconspirator herein, 
and did request him to decipher said message. 

19. In or about February 1957, the defendant, Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also 
known as "Mark," and also known as Emil R. Goldfus and Martin Collins, did 
meet and confer with Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a coconspirator 
herein, in the vicinity of Prospect Park, Brooklyn, within the Eastern District 
of New York, and did then and there give to Hayhanen a birth certificate and 
two hundred dollars in United States currency. 

(In violation of 18 U. S. C. 794 (c).) 



4410 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

COUNT TWO 

The Grand Jury further charges : 

1. That from in or about 1948 and continuously thereafter and up to and includ- 
ing the date of the filing of this indictment, in the Eastern District of New York, 
in Moscow, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and elsewhere, Rudolf Ivanovich 
Abel, also known as "Mark," and also known as Martin Collins and Emil R. 
Goldfus, the defendant herein, unlawfully, wilfully, and knowingly did conspire 
and agree with Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic" ; Mikhail Svirin ; Vitali G. 
Pavlov ; and Aleksandr Mikhailovich Korotkov, coconspirators but not defendants 
herein, and with divers other persons to the Grand Jury unknown, to violate 
Subsection (c) of Section 793, Title 18, United States Code, in the manner and 
by the means hereinafter set forth. 

2. It was a part of said conspiracy that the defendant and his coconspirators 
would, for the purpose of obtaining information respecting the national defense 
of the United States of America, receive and obtain and attempt to receive and 
obtain documents, writings, photographs, photographic negatives, plans, maps, 
models, instruments, appliances, and notes, of things connected with the national 
defense of the United States, knowing and having reason to believe at the time 
of said agreement to receive and obtain said documents, writing, photographs, 
photographic negatives, plans, maps, models, instruments, appliances, and notes 
of things connected with the national defense, that said material would be ob- 
tained, taken, made, and disposed of contrary to the provisions of Chapter 37, 
Title 18, United States Code, in that they would be delivered and transmitted, 
directly and indirectly, to a foreign Government, to wit, the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics, and to representatives, officers, agents, and employees of the 
said Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and the said defendant, intending and 
having reason to believe that the said documents, writings, photographs, photo- 
graphic negatives, plans, maps, models, instruments, appliances, and notes of 
things relating to the national defense of the United States of America would be 
used to the advantage of a foreign nation, to wit, the said Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics. 

3. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the said defendant and his 
coconspirators would make contact with persons to the Grand Jury unknown, 
who were resident in the United States, and at places to the Grand Jury unknown, 
and who, by reason of their employment, position, or otherwise, were acquainted 
and familiar with and were in possession of or had access to information relating 
to the national defense of the United States of America. 

4. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the defendant and certain of 
his coconspirators would activate and attempt to activate as agents within the 
United States certain members of the United States Armed Forces who were in a 
position to acquire information relating to the national defense of the United 
States, and would communicate, deliver, and transmit, and would aid and induce 
each other and divers other persons to the Grand Jury unknown to communicate, 
deliver, and transmit information relating to the national defense of the United 
States to the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

5. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the defendant and certain of 
his coconspirators would use shortwave radios to receive instructions issued by 
said Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and to send infor- 
mation to the said Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

6. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the defendant and certain of 
his coconspirators would fashion "containers" from bolts, nails, coins, batteries, 
pencils, cuff links, earrings, and the like, by hollowing out concealed chambers in 
such devices suitable to secrete therein microfilm, microdot, and other secret 
messages. 

7. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the said defendant and his 
coconspirators would communicate with each other by enclosing messages in 
said "containers" and depositing said "containers" in prearranged "drop" points 
in Prospect I'ark in Brooklyn, New York, in Fort Tryon Park in New York City, 
and at other places in the Eastern District of New York and elsewhere. 

8. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the said defendant and certain 
of his coconspirators would receive from the Government of the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics and its agents, officers, and employees large sums of money 
with which to carry on their illegal activities within the United States, some of 
which money would thereupon be stored for future use by burying it in the 
ground in certain places in the Eastern District of New York and elsewhere. 



SCX)PE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 4411 

9. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the defendant and certain of 
his coconspirators, including Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," would as- 
sume, on instruction of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Repub- 
lics, the identities of certain United States citizens, both living and deceased, and 
would use birth certificates and passports in the name of such United States 
citizens, and would communicate with each other and other agents, ofBcers, and 
employees of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics through 
the use of numerical and other types of secret codes, and would adopt other and 
further means to conceal the existence of said conspiracy. 

10. It was further a part of said conspiracy that defendant and certain of his 
coconspirators would, in the event of war between the United States and the 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, set up clandestine radio transmitting and 
receiving posts for the purpose of continuing to furnish the said Government of 
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics with information relating to the national 
defense of the United States, and would engage in acts of sabotage against the 
United States. 

OVERT ACTS 

In pursuance and furtherance of said conspiracy and to effect the object 
thereof, the defendant and his coconspirators did commit, among others, within 
the Eastern District of New York and elsewhere, the overt acts as alleged and 
set forth under Count One of this indictment, all of which overt acts are hereby 
realleged by the Grand Jury. 

( Section 793, Title 18, United States Code. ) 

COUNT THREE 

The Grand Jury further charges : 

1. That throughout the entire period from in or about 1948 and up to and 
including the date of the filing of this indictment, the Government of the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics, through its representatives, agents, and employees, 
maintained within the United States and other parts of the world, a system 
and organization for the purpose of obtaining, collecting, and receiving infor- 
mation and material from the United States of a military, commercial, indus- 
trial, and political nature, and in connection therewith, recruited, induced, en- 
gaged, and maintained the defendant and coconspirators hereinafter named 
and divers other persons to the Grand Jury unknown, as agents, representatives 
and employees to obtain, collect, and receive such information and material for 
the said Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

2. That from in or about 1948 and continuously thereafter up to and includ- 
ing the date of the filing of this indictment in the Eastern District of New York ; 
in Moscow, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics; and elsewhere, Rudolf Ivano- 
vich Abel, also known as "Mark" and also known as Martin Collins and Emil 
R. Goldfus, the defendant herein, unlawfully, willfully, and knowingly did con- 
spire and agree with the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, 
and with agents, ofl3cers, and employees of the said Government of the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics, including Aleksandr Mikhailovich, Korotkov, 
Vitali G. Pavlov, Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," coconspirators but 
not defendants herein, and with divers other persons to the Grand Jury un- 
known, to commit an offense against the United States of America, to wit, to 
violate Section 951, Title 18, United States Code, in the manner and by the 
means hereinafter set forth. 

3. It was a part of said conspiracy that the defendant and Reino Hayhanen, 
also known as "Vic," and other coconspirators to the Grand Jury unknown, none 
of whom were included among the accredited diplomatic or consular officers or 
attaches of the said Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics or of 
any foreign government, would, within the United States, and without prior 
notification to the Secretary of State, act as agents of the said Government of 
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and would, as such agents, obtain, 
collect, and receive information and material of a military, industrial, and po- 
litical nature, and as such agents would communicate and deliver said infor- 
mation and material to other coconspirators for transmission to the said Gov- 
ernment of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. It was also a part of the 
said conspiracy that coconspirators residing outside the United States would 
direct, aid, and assist the defendant and certain coconspirators as aforesaid to 
act as such agents within the United States and would receive and transmit the 
said information and material to the said Government of the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics. 



4412 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

4. It was further a part of the said conspiracy that the said Government of 
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and its officers, agents, and employees 
would employ, supervise, and maintain the defendant and Reiuo Hayhanen, 
also known as "Vic," within the United States as such agents of the said Gov- 
ernment of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics for the purpose of obtain- 
ing, collecting, receiving, transmitting, and communicating information and 
material of a military, commercial, industrial, and political nature. 

5. It was further a part of the said conspiracy that the defendant and cer- 
tain of his coconspirators would receive sums of money and other valuable con- 
siderations from the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, 
its officers, agents, and employees, in return for acting as said agents of the 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics within the United States for the purpose 
of obtaining, collecting, receiving, transmitting, and commvmicating information, 
material, messages, and instructions on behalf and for the use and advantage 
of the said Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

6. It was further a part of said conspiracy that the said defendant and his 
coconspirators would use false and fictitious names, coded communications, and 
would resort to other means to the Grand JuiT unknown to conceal the exist- 
ence and purpose of said conspiracy. 

OVERT ACTS 

In pursuance and furtherance of said conspiracy and to effect the object 
thereof, the defendant and his coconspirators did commit, among others, within 
the Eastern District of New York and elsewhere, the overt acts as alleged and set 
forth under Count I of this indictment, all of which overt acts are hereby re- 
alleged by the Grand Jury. 

(In violation of Section 371, Title IS, United States Code.) 

— , Foreman. 

William F. Tompkins, 
Assistant Attorney Oeneral. 
Leonard P. Moore, 

United States Attorney. 



PART 72 

INDEX 



Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organ- 
ization in this index. 

A 

Page 

Abel, Rudolf Ivanovich (also known as Marlv and also known as Martin 

Collins and Emil R. Goldfus, indictment of 4407-4412 

Abel, Rudolf Ivanovich, coconspirators with (Reino Hayhanen; Mikhail 

Svirin; Vitali G. Pavloc; Aleksandr Mikhailovich Korotkov) 4407-4412 

Agradoff (Soviet Ambassador to Paris) 4396 

Aleltzandrov, A 4399 

American Committee for the Protection of Foreign Born 4406 

American Peace Mobilization 4405 

Armenian 4398 

Atlantic City, N. J 4409 

Attorney General 4405 

Austria 4390, 4405 

B 

Bad Gastein, Austria 4379-4386 

Beirne, Joseph 4394 

Beria, Lavrenti 4380, 4396 

Bialer, Seweryn 4387, 4388-^393, 4401-4404 

Biographical Data 4388 

Testimony of 4388-1393, 4401, 4404 

Interpreter — Jan Karski 4388 

Board of Passport Appeals 4405 

Boudin, Leonard .. 4406 

Bukharin 4402 

Bulganin 4391, 4399-4401 

C 
Carey, James 4394 

Central Park, Manhattan, New York City 4409 

Central Union of Postwar Emigres from the U. S. S. R 4399 

China 4393 

Coconspirators : 

Rudolf Ivanovich Abel 4407^412 

George and Jane Foster Zlatovski 4379—4386 

Collins, Martin (alias for Rudolf Ivanovich Abel) 4407-4412 

Committee of Information in Moscow 4408 

Communists 4379, 4386, 4389, 4391, 4392, 4394, 4397-4399, 4402, 4405, 4406 

Communist Hungarian mission to the United Nations 4387 

Communist Party 4397 4405, 4406 

Communist Party of Poland 4390 

Communist Party of the Soviet Union. _ 4389, 4390, 4394, 4396, 4397, 4399, 4404 

Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Central Committee of the 4393, 

4394, 4399 

Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Presidium 4393, 4395, 4.396 

Communist Party of the Soviet Union, 20th Congress of the 4.393 

Communist Political Association 4405 



II INDEX 

Page 

Congress (United States) 4406 

Constantinescu 4403 

Constitution of the Communist Party of the United States 4394 

Czechoslovakia 4403, 4404 

D 

Daily People's World (publication) 4406 

Daily Worker (publication) 4393 

Dej, George (party first secretary, Rumania) 4403, 4404 

Dulles 4394 

Dutch East Indies 4406 

E 

Economic Cooperation Administration 4382 

Ege, Ismail 4387, 4395-4398, 4401, 4402, 4404 

Biographical data 4395 

Testimony of 4395-4398, 4404 

Engels 4394 

Exhibit No. 481 — Indictment in the District Court of the United States for 
the Southern District of New York — United States of America v. George 
Zlatovski, also known as "George Michael," also knoivn as "Rector," 

and Jane Foster Zlatovski, also known as "Slang," Defendants 4379^386 

Exhibit No. 482 — United States Ousts Hungarian, New York Times, July 

7, 1957, page 60 4387 

Exhibit No. 483 — Biographical data, Seweryn Bialer 4388 

Exhibit No. 484 — Soviet Events and Coexistence, Daily Worker, New York, 

July 9, 1957, page 5 4393. 4394 

Exhibit No. 485 — Biographical data, Ismail Ege 4395- 

Exhibit No. 48(5 — Statement by the honorable Francis E. Walter on two 
ex-United States aids indicted as spies by a Federal grand jury in 
New York, from the Congressional Record, July 10, page 10132 4405-4406 

F 

Far East Red army 4398 

Federal Bureau of Investigation 4405 

Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938 4385. 4386 

Section 6^ 4386 

Sections 612, 618 4386 

Foreign Minister . 4391 

Fort Tryon Park, New York City 4408 

French Government 4386 

Fulton Street, 252 (Brooklyn) 4409 

G 

Geneva, Switzerland 4379-4386, 4304 

German (s) 4396, 4399 

Germany 4380,4398 

Germany, East 4403, 4404 

Goldfus, Emil R. (alias for Rudolf Ivauovich Abel) 4407-4412 

Gomulka 4391, 4403 

H 

Hayhanen, Reino (also known as "Vic") 4407-4412 

House Un-American Activities Committee 4394, 4395, 4398, 4406 

Hruska, Hon. Roman L 4379 

Hungarian revolution 4391 

Hungary 4:^S9 

I 

India 4393 

Industrial Institute of Ordzhonikidze 4399 

Intelligence Directorate of Soviet Ministry of State Security 4398 



INDEX III 

Page 

International Labor Defense 4406 

Iron Curtain 4399 



Japanese 4398 

K 

Kaganovich, L 4388, 

4391, 4392, 4394, 4395, 4397, 4398, 4402, 4404, 4405 

Karski, Prof. Jan (interpreter for Seweryn Bialer) 4387, 4401 

Keith's RKO Theater (Flushing, Long Island) 4409 

Khrushchev 4388-4394, 4396, 4397, 4400-4405 

Kishiniewski : 4403 

Kislof, Alexander (TASS representative) 4407 

Klimov, Grigoriy Petrovich 4387, 4399-4401, 4404, 4405 

Biographical data 4399 

Testimony of 4399-4401, 4404, 4405 

Knowland (Senator) 4394 

Korea 4392 

Korotkov, Aleksandr Mikhailovich 4407-4412 

Kremlin 4395, 4397, 4400 

L 

Lausanne, Switzerland 4379-4386 

Lenin 4394 

Leninist 4392 

Leningrad 4399 

Leningrad affair 4399 

London 4394 

L'Unita (publication) 4394 

M 

Malenkov, G 4388-^392, 4394, 4396-4898, 4400-^402, 4404 

Mandel, Benjamin 4379 

Marx 4394 

Matthews, Burnita (Federal district court judge) 4386, 4406 

Mikoyan, A 4391, 4394-4396, 4398, 4404 

Minister of Electrical Industry in Moscow 4399 

Molotov, V. M 4388-4396, 4398, 4-102, 4404, 4405 

Mongolia 4398 

Moore, Leonard P. (United States attorney) 4412 

Morris, Robert 4379 

Morris, Boris 4381, 4382 

Moscow 4379-4386, 4395, 4398, 4399, 4404, 4410 

Moscow Institute of Eastern Studies 4398 

N 

Nagv, Imre 4389 

NATO 4397 

NATO countries 4396 

Nehru, Prime Minister (India) 4393, 4394 

New Hyde Park (Long Island) 4409 

New York ___: 4386, 4405-4407 

New York Times 4393 

Not by Bread Alone (book)^ 4398 



Office of Foreign Trade Commissariat . 4398 

Office of Strategic Services (OSS) 4381. 4406 

P 

Paramanov, Mr 4407 

Paris, France 4379-4386, 4405 



rv INDEX 

Page 

Passpoi't Division 4405 

Paiiker, Ana 4403, 4404 

Pavlov, Vitali G 4407-4412 

Pearl Harbor 4398 

Peoples' Commissar of Internal Affairs, U. S. S. R 4380 

Pirov 4395 

Poland 4890, 4391, 4393, 4402, 4403 

Politburo of the Soviet Commiinist Party 4389-4392, 4403 

Poughkeepsie, N. Y 4409 

Poznan uprising 4391 

Pravda 4389 

Prime Minister (U. S. S. R.) 4389 

Prospect Park, Brooklyn, N. Y 4408, 4409 

Q 

Quincy, Mass 4409 

R 

Racz, Pal (Second Secretary, Hungarian Mission at United Nations) 4387 

Radford 4394 

Rakosi 4389 

Rastvorov, Yuri 4398, 4399 

Biographical data 4398 

Testimony of 4399 

Red Army 4396 

Red Army, Military Institute of Foreign Languages 4399 

Reuther, Walter 4394 

Rumania 4403, 4404 

Rumanian party 4404 

Rusher, William A 4379 

Russia 4392, 4402, 4404 

Russian/s 4405 

S 

Salida, Colo 4409 

Salzburg, Austria 4379-4386 

San Francisco 4405, 4406 

Schroeder, F. W 4379 

SEATO 4397 

Senate (United States) 4379 

Shabalin, General 4399 

Shepilov 4395 

Sixteenth National Convention of the Communist Party 4394 

Slansky 4403 

Soble, Jack 4370-4386 

Soble, Myra 4379-4386 

Soviet/s 4386, 4389, 4392-1394, 4397, 4398, 4400, 4402, 4405 

Soviet Events and Coexistence, Daily Worker, New York, July 9, 1957, 

page 5 (Exhibit No. 484) 4393, 4394 

Soviet Far East 4398 

Soviet Government 4398 

Soviet Intelligence Service (MVD) 4398 

Soviet Military Administration 4399 

Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs 4399 

Soviet Union 4379, 4388, 4389, 4394-4399, 4403-4405 

Stalin 4388, 4389, 4391, 4392, 4394, 4396-4398, 4400-4405 

State, Department of 4386, 4387, 4393, 4405 

State, Secretary of 4386, 4405, 4406 

Supreme Soviet 4390 

Svirin, Mikhail 4407-4412 

Svoboda (publication meaning "Freedom") 4399 

Switzerland 4405 



INDEX V 

T Page 

TASS 4407 

Tavern-on-the-Green 4409 

Tito 4390, 4403 

Togliatti, Palmiro (Italian Communist leader) 4394 

Tokyo 4399 

Tompkins, William F. (Assistant Attox'ney Geuex-al) 4412 

Turkey 4396 

U 

United Nations 4387 

United States of America v. Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also known as Mark 
and also knotvn as Martin Collins and Eniil R. Goldfus, Defendant, 

indictment of 4407-4412 

United States of America v. George Zlatovski, also knoicn as "George 
Michael," also knotvn as "Rector," and Jane Foster Zlatovski, also 

knoivn as "Slang," Defendants, indictment of (Exhibit No. 481) 4379-4386 

United States Code : 

Subsection (a) of section 794, title 18 4407,4380 

Subsection (c) of section 794, title 18 4409 

Subsection (c) of section 793, title 18 4383,4384,4410,4411 

Chapter 37, title 18 4383,4410 

Section 951, title 18 4384, 4385, 4411 

Section 371, title 18 4385,4412 

Sections 611 et seq., title 22 (Foreign Agents Registration Act of 

1983) 4385, 4386 

United States Ousts Hungarian, New York Times, July 7, 1957, page 60 

(exhibit No. 482) 4387 

V 

Vienna, Austria 4379-4386 

Vietnam 4392 

Voroshiloff 4394, 4396 

W 

Walter, Hon. Francis, remarks in Congressional Record re Jane Foster 

Zlatovski and George Michael Zlatovski (exhibit No. 486) 4405-4406 

Washington Book Shop 4406 

Washington, D. C 4379-4386, 4405, 4406 

White House 4405 

Y 

Young Communist League 4405 

Yugoslavia 4382, 4390, 4393 

Z 

Zarubin (Ambassador) 4395, 4396 

Zhukov 4394, 4399-4401 

Zlatovski, George (also known as "George Michael," also known as "Rec- 
tor") 4379-4380,4405,4406 

Zlatovski, Jane Foster (also known as "Slang") 4379-4386,4405, 4406 

Zlatovski, George and Jane Foster Z., coconspirators with Jack Soble, 
Myra Soble, Jacob Albam. Petr Vassilievich Fedotov, Alexander Mik- 
hailovich Korotkov, Vassili M. Zubilin (also known as "Edward Her- 
bert"), Elizabeth Zubilin (also known as "Lisa"), Mikhail Chaliapin, 
Stepan N. Choundenko (also known as "The Professor"), Anatole B. 
Gromov, Leonid Dmitrievich Petrov, Vitaly Genadievich Tcherniawski, 
Afanasi Ivanovitch Yefimov. Christopher Georgievich Petrosian, Igor 
Vassilievitch Sokolov, Vladimir Alexandrovich (also known as "Volo- 

dia"), Vassili Mikhailovich Molev 4379-4386 

Zlatovski, George, also known as "George Michael" also known as "Rector," 
and Jane Foster Zlatovs;ki, also known as "Slang," indictment of in the 
District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New 

York (exhibit No. 481) 4.379-i386 

Zurich, Switzerland 4379-4386 

O 



OSITORY /^'^^^CfTl 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTEATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL iSECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 
ON 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE 
UNITED STATES 



MARCH 5 AND JULY 16, 1957 



PART 73 



I'rinted for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
«3215 WASHINGTON : 1958 



Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Document* 

MAR 1 1 1958 



COMMITTEE ON THE. JUDICIARY 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

BSTES KBFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

CLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHiy L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

SAM J. ERVIN, JE., North Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal SEcxmiTY 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS. Utah 

SAM J. ERVIN, JR., North Carolina JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 

ROBERT Morris, Chief Counsel 
J. G. SoDRwiNE, Associate Counsel 
William A. Rusher, Associate Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 
II 



CONTENTS 



Testimony of — Page 

Felsenstein, Jacob 4414 

Felsenstein, Eleanor Price 4421 

Walter, Harry 4424 



ni 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



TUESDAY, MARCH 5, 1957 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws, 
of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D. C. 
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 2 p. m., in room 457 
Senate Office Building, Senator Roman L. Hruska presiding. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; William A. Rusher, 
associate counsel; Benjamin Mandel, director of research, and Frank 
W. Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Senator Hruska. The committee will come to order. 
I should like to say that, during the past year, the Senate Internal 
Security Subcommittee has received evidence that Communists have 
been active in some of the great cities of the United States. The 
Internal Security Subcommittee learned of a Communist cell operat- 
ing in New Orelans, and the subcommittee went to that city and held 
public hearings during April of 1956. The New Orleans Item stated 
after those hearings : 

Many have been accustomed here to thinking of communism as a distant 
danger — something to read about in stories with faraway datelines. Yet a 
moment's sober thought should tell us that New Orleans — one of the Nation's 
major ports and a great crossroad of culture and commerce — is a most obvious 
target for the promoters of a worldwide conspiracy. 

In its annual report, the subcommittee concluded that these hear- 
ings — 

proved to be a good object lesson to similarly lulled communities all over the 
Nation. The hearings demonstrated Soviet techniques used to move into a 
typical American city. It is only reasonable to expect that such methods may 
also be in use in other cities. 

We have received testimony that Communists are active in the 
great city of Philadelphia, and we have here today two witnesses who 
we believe can tell us about Communist activity in that city. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Felsenstein. 

Senator Hruska. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn, 
please. 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony which you are about to 
give will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so 
help you God ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I do. 

4413 



4414 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNFILED STATES 

TESTIMONY OF JACOB FELSENSTEIN, PHILADELPHIA, PA., ACCOM- 
PANIED BY WILLIAM WOOLSTON, HIS ATTOENEY | 

Mr. WooLSTON. Mr. Chairman, in order to expedite the hearings, 
I want to say that my clients have advised me, and I believe, that 
they have no current knowledge of any Communist activity in Phila- 
delphia or any other city. 

Mr. Morris. Will you give your full name and address to the 
reporter. 

Mr. Felsenstein. Jacob Felsenstein, 3143 Euclid Street, Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 

Mr. Morris. Do you appear here with an attorney ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Counsel, will you identify yourself. 

Mr. WooLSTON. William Woolston, 2015 Land Title Building, Phil- 
adelphia, Pa. 

Mr. Morris. What is your business or occupation, Mr. Felsenstein ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I am a commercial artist. 

Mr. Morris. And where do you work ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. At Majestic Press, Inc. 

Mr. Morris. How long have you worked there ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Five years. 

Mr. Morris. You are a graduate of Teachers College of Temple 
University, are you not ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. No, I am not. 

Mr. Morris. That is your wife, isn't it ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Yes. 

Mr. IMoRRis. You attended Central High School ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. You attended Industrial Art School, Broad and Pine 
Streets ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. And did you attend Benjamin Franklin High School?.! 

Mr. Felsenstein. No, I did not. 

Mr. Morris. What other education have you had, other than the 
schools I have mentioned ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I studied painting one summer at Provincetown 
under Charles Hawthorne, the late painter. 

Mr. Morris. Now, from 1935 to 1939, you Avere on the Pennsylvania 
Liquor Control Board, w^ere you not ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. And from 1939 to 1942 you worked at Lit Bros. Depart- 
ment Store ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. And then, from 1942 to 1946, you were Avith the Baldwin 
Locomotive Works ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. And tlien, from 1947 to 1950, you had your own busi- 
ness at 920 Walnut Street in Philadelphia ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. And you now are in the commercial art business at 920 
Walnut Street in Philadelphia ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I Avork for Majestic Press, as previousl}^ stated. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4415 

Mr. Morris, And you have been working for them since the last 
year? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Five years. 

Mr. Morris. Since 1951. 

Now, Senator, the subcommittee has received sworn testimony that 
the witness here today has been a member of the Communist Party. 
We further learned — our information indicates that he was a member 
of the district committee of the Communist Party for eastern Penn- 
sylvania and Delaware. 

And I ask you, Mr. Felsenstein, if you have been a member of the 
district committee of the Communist Party for eastern Pennsylvania 
and Delaware. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I have already answered that question, I believe, 
sir, 

Mr, Morris, You have answered that question in the public record ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I answered it in Senator Hruska's office. 

Mr. Morris. You may answer it now for the public record. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to give any testimony which can be used 
against me in a criminal prosecution. 

Mr, Morris. In other words, you are claiming your privilege as to 
self-incrimination under the fifth amendment of the Constitution? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I will not be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I think it is apparent that the witness has 
made it clear that he is invoking his privilege under the fifth amend- 
ment when he says he will not be a witness against himself. 

And, as is the committee practice, I suggest, Senator, we accept that. 

Mr. Hruska. Is that the intention of the witness ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer it as an intention ? 

Mr. Woolston. You have to state — rather, I advise you that you 
do not have to answer the prior question, because that might make you 
a witness against yourself. 

Senator Hruska. What is your answer, Mr. Witness ? My question 
is whether it is your intention to assert your constitutional privilege 
under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I should answer that, I think, the same way, that 
I refuse to be a witness against myself, and I think that holds. 

Senator Hruska. Very well. The answer will be accepted, pursuant 
to your suggestion, Mr. Morris. 

Mr. Morris. Now, have you attended Communist Party conventions 
throughout Pennsylvania ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that ? 

Mr. Woolston. No, you do not. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Now, specifically in 1946, did you attend the National 
Steel Commission of the Communist Party, meeting in Cleveland, 
Ohio? ^ 

Mr. Felsensten. Do I have to answer that ? 

Mr. Woolston. No ; for two reasons : 

I don't think it is within the area of this subcommittee, which is 
interested in current activity, and secondly, you can do it on the con- 
stitutional grounds. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Now, have you made frequent visits to eastern Penn- 
sylvania, to visit members of the Communist Party in that area? 



4416 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN" THE TJlSnTED STATES 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that ? 

Mr. WooLSTON. No ; you do not, for the same reasons stated. 

Mr. Felsenstein". I refuse to answer, for the same reasons as pre- 
viously stated. 

Mr. Morris, Wliat is that reason ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. And you frequently stayed with Billie Jane Lipsett, 
a member of the section committee of the Communist Party in the 
Lehigh Valley area ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that ? 

Mr. WooLSTON. No, for the same two reasons. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Have you visited a Communist Party member by the 
name of Theodore Norton, a former librarian at Lafayette College? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that ? 

Mr. WooLSTON. No ; for the same two reasons. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Senator Hruska. Let the record show that when the witness asks 
whether the must answer that, that the question is directed to his 
counsel and not to the Chair. 

Mr. Morris. Did you have signed copies of the Communist Party 
nominating petition ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that ? 

Mr. Woolston. No, for the same reason. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. On May 20, 1942, did you attend a Communist Party 
meeting at 401 South 60th Street, in Philadelphia, Pa. ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that ? 

Mr. Woolston. No, because I don't think it is within the jurisdic- 
tion of this committee, and you have a constitutional right not to 
do so. 

Mr, Felsenstein. I refuse under the previous ground to be a wit- 
ness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. That is the ground — that is the one basis that you are 
invoking ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. That is the basis. 

Mr, Morris. Now, specifically, did you not, on September 21, 1943, 
collect 110 signatures on the Communist nominating petition? 

Mr, Felsenstein, Do I have to answer that, sir ? 

Mr, Woolston, No, for the same two reasons, namely, I doubt this 
committee's jurisdiction to ask the question, and for the constitu- 
tional reason previously stated, 

Mr, Felsenstein, I refuse to be a witness against myself, 

Mr, Morris, And in 1945, did you attend a convention in eastern 
Pennsylvania, sponsored by the Communist Political Association ? 

Mr. Felsenstein, Do I liave to answer that? 

Mr, Woolston, No, for the reasons I previously gave, 

Mr. Felsenstein, I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Now, at that particular convention you were active 
with the professional section of the Communist Party, and you met 
with that section, did you not? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITy EST THE UNITED STATES 4417 

Mr. Morris. Now, on May 1, 1946, were you a speaker at a Com- 
munist Party rally at Markoe Street and Fairmont Avenue in Phila- 
delphia ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that ? 

Mr. WooLSTON. No, for the same two reasons, the jurisdictional 
point and the constitutional point. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I would like the record to show that 
counsel is consistently making a recommendation that the witness re- 
fuse to answer on the two grounds, one on the claim of privilege, and 
one, the jurisdictional authority. 

And I would like the record to show that up to now the witness him- 
self has not claimed the committee's lack of jurisdiction. 

Senator Hruska. The record will so show. 

Mr. Morris. On July 13, 1951, did you attend a meeting under the 
banner of Freedom of the Arts, which was sponsored by the Phila- 
delphia Council for the Arts, Sciences, and Professions ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. On June 7, 1952, did j'ou attend a Paul Robeson birth- 
day concert at the Metropolitan Opera, at Broad and Poplar Streets 
in Philadelphia? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. On October 9, 1952, did you attend a meeting of the 
Citizens Emergency Council for Democratic Rights ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse on the jurisdiction ground, that this 
committee has no jurisdiction during that period, and I also refuse to 
be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I suggest that the first reason for the 
witness' refusing be overruled, because it is very obvious that the com- 
mittee does have jurisdiction: the committee is looking into Com- 
munist activities in the area of Philadelphia, and has reason to believe 
that this witness has information that will be very valuable to this 
committee. 

Senator Hruska. The jurisdiction of this committee has been very 
well established for a long time, and the first objection is overruled. 

Mr. WooLSTON. May I have it noted in the record that at the open- 
ing of the session there was a statement read that this committee is 
investigating current activity, and that is our understanding, and 
the questions are not directed to current activity. 

Senator Hruska. Notwithstanding the observation of counsel, the 
ruling is still the same. 

Mr. Morris. It is apparent that unless we know the activities of the 
people in the immediate past, recent past, we cannot possibly form 
any conclusion about present activities. 

Senator, I might say that the evidence that we are considering in 
this series of hearings deals with Communist Party activities not only 
in Philadelphia and eastern Pennsylvania generally, but specifically 
with respect to the cities of Bethlehem, Allentown, Easton, and 
Reading. 

The testimony in the record that we have concerns activity in those 
cities. 

Now, do you know the identity of any Communists in the city of 
Bethlehem? 

93215— 58— pt. 73 2 



4418 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know the identity of any Communists in Allen- 
town? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to answer on the same grounds as the 
previous question. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know the identity of any Communists in 
Easton, Pa. ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to answer on the same grounds as pre- 
viously noted. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know the identity of any Communists in 
Heading, Pa. ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to answer on the same grounds as pre- 
viously noted. 

Mr. Morris. You have been active in peace rallies in Philadelphia ; 
have you not ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that? 

Mr. WooLSTON. No, for the two reasons I stated before. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. You have addressed demonstrations against the war 
in Korea ; have you not ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that ? 

Mr. WoOLSTON. No, for the two reasons I previously stated. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse, on the basis that I will not be a witness 
against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Can you tell us what the Pearl Harbor Peace Party is ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that ? 

Mr. WooLSTON. No ; same reasons. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. On January 24, 1953, did you attend a showing of a 
motion picture entitled "The New China," which showing took place 
at the Russian American Club at 1115 North Fourth Street, Phila- 
delphia ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that ? 

Mr. WooLSTON. No, you do not ; you have a right to refuse. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Did you attend a freedom festival held at Camp Al- 
pine, R. F. D. 1, Boyertown, Pa., on June 21, 1953 ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to answer on the same gi'ounds as pre- 
viously stated. 

Mr. Morris. Have you been active for the Citizens Committee for 
the Rosenbergs ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse, on the same grounds as previously 
stated. 

Mr. Morris. And subsequent to their execution, have you been active 
with an organization called the Memorial to the Rosenbergs? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse, on the same grounds as previously 
stated. 

Mr. Morris. Now, you have recently been given a big award in 
Philadelphia, have you not, citizens' award ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I have. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us about that? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Well, it was an award which was given me by 
the Good Citizenship Committee of the City of Philadelphia for — -I 
believe — I can't remember precisely — something like devoted, dedi- 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4419 

cated, and unselfish work performed voluntarily in behalf of the 
community on the free institutions of our way of life. 

Mr. Morris. When was that award given to you ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. September 17, 1956. 

Mr. Morris. Where was that award made ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Independence Hall, in the square. 

Mr. Morris. Now, have you attended secret meetings of the Com- 
munist Party in Philadelphia ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Are you a Communist today ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I am not. 

Mr. Morris. Wlien did you resign from the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. March 5 

Mr. WooLSTON. He didn't hear the question. 

Repeat the question. 

Mr. Morris. Wlien did you resign from the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that, sir ? 

Mr. WooLSTON. No; you can refuse on constitutional ^rounds. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse ; I will not be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. "V\^iat was the last time that you met with a person you 
knew to have been a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I didn't hear that question. Will you please re- 
peat it 'I 

Mr. Morris. When was the last time that you met with a person 
whom you knew to have been a Communist Party functionary ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that question ? 

Mr. WooLSTON. No, you do not, for the two reasons previously 
stated. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know a woman named Mary Lockner, 3011 
West Clifford Street, Philadelphia? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that ? 

Mr. WooLSTON. No, you do not have to answer that, for the two rea- 
sons I have previously told you. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Have you ever attended a Communist Party meeting 
with Mary Lockner ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, I have no more questions of this 
witness. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Witness, are you a member of the Communist 
Party now ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. No ; I am not. 

Senator Hruska. Are you a member of any committee or any 
agency or any department of the Communist Party today ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I am not. 

Senator Hruska. Have you recently been a member of the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I don't understand what "recently" even means. 

Senator Hruska. Have you been a member of the Communist 
Party in the last 6 months ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I have not. 

Senator Hruska. Have you been a member of the Communist 
Party in the last calendar year ? 



4420 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Felsenstein. I have not. 

Senator Hruska. Have you been a member of the Communist 
Party within the last 2 years ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Senator Hruska. Have you been a member of the Communist 
Party in the last 3 years ? 

Mr. Felsenstein". I refuse on the ground previously stated. 

Senator Hruska. Are you now active in the Communist Party? 

Mr. Felsexstein. Do I have to answer that? 

Mr. WooLSTON. Would you repeat the question? I don't think he 
understood it. 

Senator Hruska. Are you now active in the Communist Party? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I have answered a question that I am not now a 
member; how could I be active in it? 

Mr. WooLSTOX. Answer the question: Are you now active in the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Felsenstein. No. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, may I ask a question ? 

Senator Hruska. Surely. 

Mr. Morris. Have you met in the past 6 months with a person you 
knew to have been a Communist Party functionary ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that? 

Mr. WooLSTON. No, for the reasons I previously stated. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Did you effect a tactical resignation from the Commu- 
nist Party? 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that? 

Mr. Woolston. No, for the reasons I previously stated. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Have you met within the last few months with any in- 
dividual you knew to be a Communist Party functionary? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. When did you last see an individual you knew to have 
been a Communist Party functionary ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, may I ask a few more questions ? 

Senator Hruska. Yes, you may. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you know a man named William Crawford 
in Philadelphia ? He lives at 1106 North 41st Street. 

Mr. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that ? 

Mr. Woolston. No, for the reasons already stated. 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. To your knowledge, is he a Communist? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I have no knowledge of the Communists. 

Mr. Morris. You have no knowledge ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I have not. 

Mr. Morris. You will not tell us whether or not you know the 
man? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I said, I refuse to be a witness against myself for 
that question asked. 

Mr. Woolston. Mr. Witness, in your second reply, I think you 
have no right to plead the Constitution, because you have stated 
you know he is not now a Communist. 

Mr. Felsenstein. No; I said 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 4421 

Mr. Morris. He didn't say that; he says he has no knowledge. 

Mr. WooLSTOX. I am sorry. 

Then you still have the right. 

I am sorry. 

Mr. Morris. Did you attend a meeting on September 13, 1952, at 
Town Hall, at 150 North Broad Street in the company of William 
Crawford ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Didn't you at that meeting sign a petition to President 
Truman requesting that he end the Korean war and establish peace 
in Korea ? 

Mr. Felsensteix. I refuse to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. All right. Will you step down. 

Mrs. Felsenstein, will you come forward. 

Senator Hruska. Raise your right hand, please. 

Mrs. Felsenstein. Excuse me. May I confer with counsel first ? 

Mr. WooLSTON. Be sworn in first. 

Senator Hruska. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you 
are about to give will be tlie truth, the whole truth, and nothing 
but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Felsenstein. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF ELEANOR PRICE FELSENSTEIN, ACCOMPANIED BY 
WILLIAM WOOLSTON, HER ATTORNEY 

Mr. Morris. You are Eleanor Price Felsenstein ? 

Mrs. Felsenstein. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And where do you reside ? 

Mrs. Felsenstein. 3143 Euclid Avenue, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Mr. Morris. You are a graduate of Teachers College of Temple 
University ? 

Mrs. Felsenstein. Xo. 

Mr. Morris. What is your present occupation ? 

Mrs. Felsenstein. Housewife. 

Mr. Morris. Have you been a member of the Communist Party? 

Mrs. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that ? 

Mr. WooLSTON. No; for two reasons: One, the constitutional rea- 
son, and the other, the jurisdictional reason, unless the time and date 
is specified. 

Mrs. Felsenstein. I refuse to answer on two grounds : One, that I 
refuse to testify against myself, and the other, that this committee 
has no jurisdiction, unless the time is specified. 

Senator Hruska. The first objection is recognized; the second ob- 
jection, however, is overruled. 

Mr. Morris. Now, are you presently a Communist? 

Mrs. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer that ? 

Mr. WooLSTON. Listen to the question. 

Mr. Morris. Are you presently a Communist? 

Mrs. Felsenstein. No. 

Mr. Morris. When did you last meet with Communists, persons you 
knew to be Communists ? 

Mrs. Felsenstein. Do I have to answer tliat? 

Mr. WooLSTON. No, for the two reasons I previously stated. 



4422 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mrs. Felsenstein. I refuse to answer, for the two reasons I pre- 
viously stated. 

Senator Hruska. Same ruling. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, m view of your quorum call, I think 
there is no use going into it. We have much the same declaratory 
problem, association with peace groups in Philadelphia. 

Mr. WooLSTON. In order that the record may be more complete, 
may I say that this witness would respond very generally the same 
as her husband would, and I don't think you will get anything new 
from this witness. 

Senator Hruska. You heard the questions that were asked of your 
husband a little bit ago, Mrs. Felsenstein ? 

Mrs. Felsenstein. Yes. 

Senator Hruska. The general tenor of them, the statement just 
made by counsel with respect to the general answers you would give 
to them ; do you agree with that ? 

Mrs. Felsenstein. Yes. 

Mr. WooLSTON. The only distinction is that Mrs. Felsenstein would 
continue to press the second objection, in addition to the first. 

Senator Hruska. With reference to all the questions ? 

Mr. WooLSTON. No ; in more or less the same general area of ques- 
tions you asked her, she would answer the same as her husband, at 
least that it was indicated when we discussed the matter, coming down 
on the train this morning. 

Senator Hruska. Very well. 

Any further questions ? 

(No response.) 

Senator Hruska. Very well. 

The witness is excused, and the hearing is concluded. 

(Whereupon, at 2: 40 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned.) 



I 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



TUESDAY, JULY 16, 1957 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 
AND Other Internal Security Laws 
OP the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D. G. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10 : 10 a. m., in room 
457, Senate Office Building, Senator Roman L. Hruska presiding. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; William A. Rusher, 
associate counsel; Benjamin Mandel, research director; and F. W. 
Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Senator Hruska. The subcommittee will come to order. 

The Chair would like to state that this is the hearing which was 
originally scheduled and testimony which was originally scheduled 
for an area hearing to be held in Philadelphia. It was the plan of 
this subcommittee to have a number of witnesses testify on the sub- 
ject at hand. However, the work of the Senate has prevented any 
member of the subcommittee from getting up to those hearings sched- 
uled up there on a more extensive scale, and, because we would like 
to get this particular aspect of the hearings un.lerway, it was thought 
well that the witness of this morning appear here and that we get 
started on those hearings here. 

At a later time, and dependent upon the fashion in which the busi- 
ness of the Senate develops later this month, and perhaps next month, 
we will give further consideration to continuance of these hearings 
either in the Philadelphia area or here, as may best develop. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, by way of supplementing what you said, 
roughly, the subcommittee had planned to take the testimony of 4 men 
who had served as undercover informants for the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation in the Philadelphia area, together with 26 other persons, 
including the 5 or 6 individuals whom we learned from these other 
particular, responsive witnesses were the leaders of the Communist 
organization in Philadelphia. 

We learned of the Communist Party's plans in Philadelphia as to 
what their counteroffense against the committee was going to be. 
That is something. Senator, we can go into later, but in connection 
with an area hearing the subcommittee held during last year, it came 
to the conclusion that, in order to really understand the nature of the 
Communist organization throughout the Nation, it should pause 
from time to time and look at the certain areas so that it can learn 
with particularity how the Communist Party operates in a specific 
area. 

4423 



4424 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE "UNITED STATES 

Now, the first witness this morning, Senator, is a man who has served 
as an informant for the Federal Bureau of Investigation. We had 
also subpenaed for this morning Mr. Herman Solitrin, so that he 
might have an opportunity to answer the testimony of Mr. Walter here 
this morning. Now, he has not been able to get a lawyer. His lawyer. 
Senator, called to say he would not be able to appear later in the month 
when we had the hearings scheduled in Philadelphia, so, therefore, in 
order to accommodate the lawyer, we said the witness might come 
in today. 

At that point we discovered that the lawyer had still another obli- 
gation, but he would advise Mr. Solitrin to get another lawyer, and 
Mr. Solitrin since has not obtained a lawyer, but I don't think we 
should really— he certainly has had a whole week to get a lawyer. 

Senator Hruska. Well, we will defer to his wishes in that matter, 
and, if he prefers not to testify until a later time, that is agreeable to 
the chairman. 

Mr. Morris. Now, will you stand to be sworn, Mr. Walter? 

Senator Hruska. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony M'hich 
3'ou are about to give will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing 
but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Walter. I do. 

Senator Hruska. You may proceed, Mr. Morris. 

TESTIMONY OF HARRY WALTER, KINTNERSVILLE, PA. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Walter, will you tell us where you reside ? First, 
give us your full name. 

Mr. Walter. Harry Walter, K. F. D. No. 1, Kintnersville, Pa. 

Mr. Morris. What county is that ? 

Mr. Walter. Bucks County. 

Mr. Morris. Where were you born ? 

Mr. Walter. Bethlehem, Pa. 

JNIr. Morris. What is your business or profesison ? 

Mr. Walter. I work at steel. 

Mr. Morris. And you have worked in steel all your life ? 

Mr. Walter. Twenty-two years, now. 

Mr. Morris. What is your present occupation ? 

Mr. Walter. I am a manipulator on 40 No. 1 bloomer. 

Mr. Morris. A manipulator on 40 No. 1 bloomer ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. That is Bethlehem Steel Co. ? 

Mr. Walter. That is a rolling mill. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us, generally, what that work involves? 

Mr. Walter. Well, we roll out steel in different shapes. 

Mr. Morris. And you work for the Bethlehem Steel Co. ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. How long have you been working with the Bethlehem 
Steel Co.? 

Mr. Walter. Twentj'-two years. 

Mr. Morris. You are also a shop steward with the union: are you 
not? ^ 

INIr. Walter. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. "Wliat union is that ? 

Mr. Walter. CIO Steel workers. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4425 

Mr. Morris. Now, in your earlier days you were drawn into the 
Communist Party ; were you not ? 
Mr. Walter. Sir ? 

Mr. Morris. In your younger days, you were drawn to the Com- 
munist Party ; were you not ? 

Mr. Walter. In 1946, in a strike. 

Mr. Morris. And you participated in the 1946 strike, and as a result 
of that did you go into the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Walter. I attended a few meetings. 

Mr. Morris. Tell us about it. 

Mr. Walter. Well, they took me up to this here Barton, Phil Bar- 
ton ; tliis Charles Erney made me 

Mr. Morris. You say Phil Barton ? 

Mr. Walter. Barton. 

Mr. Morris. B-a-r-t-o-n ^ 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Who was he ? 

Mr. Walter. He was an organizer for the Communist Party. 

Mr. Morris. Where was he from : Philadelphia ? 

Mr, Walter. I think he was from Philadelphia. 

Mr, Morris, You say he took you to a meeting ? 

Mr. Walter, Charles Erney "took me to Phil Barton, and they rec- 
ommended I go up to Allentown to a meeting, on 19th Street, at this 
here — tliat furniture man; I just can't think of his name. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, it may be that the witness is distracted by the 
})hotographei-. 

Senator Hruska. Yes : I think that is probably right. 

Will the pliotographer finish taking his picture, and then we will 
pi'oceed witli the testimony. 

Mr. Morris. You say Phil Barton ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. All right. 

Now, he took you to a Communist meeting in Allentown ? 

Mr. Walter. He told Charles Erney to take me downtown. 

Ml-. Morris. Now, whei-e did you go in Allentown ? 

Mr. Walter. On 19th Street, at Dave Karol's place. 

Mr. Morris. That is the home of David Karol ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. ^loRRis. He lived at 19th Street, x\llentown ? 

]\Ir. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Was there a Communist meeting there ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. What happened at that meeting ? 

Mr. Walter. They were soliciting some kind of funds for the 
strike — to support the strike. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you, as a result of that meeting, join the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Walter. I can't say I joined it. I just went to some meetings. 

Mr. Morris. Now, will you tell us about your experience in the 
Communist Party at that particular time, in the 1946 period? 

Mr. Walter. Well, I went to a iev: meetings. I never paid no dues. 
And then I just discontinued : I lost all interest in it, 

93215— 58— pt. 73 3 



4426 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Walter, at that first meeting to which you 
went, how many were present ? 

Mr. Walter. There were about half a dozen there. I am not posi- 
tive of tliat number. 

Senator Hruska. Was there a leader, or a chairman who was in 
charge of the meetings ? 

Mr. Walter. Dave Karol had charge of that meeting. 

Senator Hruska. Do you know what his address is, or where he 
lives ? 

Mr. Walter. At present, I don't ; no. 

Senator Hruska. Wliere did he live at that time ? 

Mr. Walter. 19th Street, in Allentown. 

Senator Hruska. By whom was he employed ? 

Mr. Walter. I think he was in business for himself, some kind of 
furniture business. 

Senator Hruska. At or near the place where the meeting was held? 

Mr. Walter. No. 

Senator Hruska. At a different place ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. His name is spelled K-a-r-o-1 ? 

Mr. Walter. Karol. 

Mr. Morris. Then, you were later called by the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation ; were you not ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes ; in 1952. 

Mr. Morris. In 1952. And what happened in 1952 ? 

Mr. Walter. Well, they aslced me if I was willing to go back into 
the party and secure information for the Bureau, for the Government, 
and they said I shouldn't give an answer, I should think it over, talk it 
over with my wife. There wasn't much thinking to be done. I w^as 
willing to do it. 

Mr. Morris. Then what happened ? 

Mr. Walter. Well, sometime later, then, through some manipula- 
tion I w^as recruited back into the Communist Party again. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you formally join the Communist Party then ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. In the first period, did you foi-mally join ? 

Mr. Walter. I wouldn't say I formally joined tlie first period ; no. 

Mr. Morris. You attended meetings ? 

Mr. Walter. I attended a few meetings. 

Mr. Morris. And you, generally, knew what the situation was? 

Mr. Walter. Sir?* 

Mr. Morris. And you knew something about the Communist or- 
ganization? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. As a result of that experience you were asked if you 
would go back, and in earnest join the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And give information to the United States Govermnent 
through the FBI ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And you did that ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. What became your assignment in the Communist 
Party, Mr. Walter? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 4427 

Mr. Walter. By the Communists ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes. What assigmnent did the Commmiists give you ? 

Mr. Walter. I was to represent steel. 

Mr. Morris. Tell us about it. 

Mr. Walter. Well, I was -supposed to secure all the information 
from steel companies, from tlie Bethlehem Steel. 

Mr. Morris. Did you join a Communist unit? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. We had a Steel Club. 

Mr. Morris. Where was the Steel Club ? 

Mr. Walter. It was in Bethlehem. I mean, at my place, Bethle- 
hem. We used to attend meetings all around. 

Mr. Morris. Who made up the Steel Club ? 

Mr. Walter. Well, there was Joe Pacucci 

Mr. Morris. Spell that. 

Mr. Walter. I can't spell it. 

Mr. Morris. P-a-c-u-c-c-i ? 

Mr. Walter. It is an Italian name. And Harold Allen — I mean 
Solitrin. 

Mr. Morris. Is that Herman Solitrin ? 

Mr. Walter. Herman Solitrin. 

Mr. Morris. S-o-l-i-t-r-i-n ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And Al Heller? 

Mr. Walter, Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Al Heller— H-e-1-l-e-r? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. Myself, and this here Power, Jack Power. 

Mr. Morris. Jack Power ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Now, were these members of this particular unit nt 
Bethlehem Steel? 

Mr. Walter. Yes, the Steel Club. 

Mr. Morris. Now, can you tell us how many such units iliere were, 
to your knowledge, at Bethlehem Steel at that time? This is now in 
1952. 

Mr. Walter. Well, I only knew of one besides ours; that was a 
Hungarian club, but I never had any meetings with them, you know. 

Mr. Morris. Now, can you tell us whether or not there were any 
other meetings other than these two you mentioned ? 

IVIr. Walter. There was a number of meetings that I wasn't ])resent. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, you knew onlv about these ]>articular 
two? 

]\Ir. Walter. That is right. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know definitely that there were others, or you 
just don't know whether or not there were others? 

Mr. Walter. Well, they held meetings, like down in East on that 
I know of, but I wasn't there. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, you knew only about the particular 
unit you were with ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. All right. 

Now, as a representative of that unit, were you then assigned to the 
steel commission of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 



4428 SCOPE OP SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE tnSTITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Tell us about that. What was the steel commission of 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Walter. That was supposed to represent the eastern part of 
the United States. 

Mr. Morris. Wliere did it meet ? 

Mr. Walter. That met in Philadelphia. 

Mr. Morris. Who was the head of it >. 

Mr, Walter. Well, Roberts 

Mr. Morris. Who was Roberts ? 

Mr. Walter. Joe Roberts. 

Mr. Morris. Joseph Roberts. 

Mr. Walter. At that time I only knew liim as Vic. I don't know 
their right names. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, when the steel commission of the Com- 
munist Party met in Philadelphia, they did not use their riaht names? 

Mr. Walter. No. They never used their right names. 

Mr. Morris. How many people were on the committee 'I 

Mr. Walter. Well, there was Vic, who was Joe Roberts ; Blumberg. 

Mr. Morris. "\^1io was that ? Harry Blumberg ? Albert Blumberg? 

Mr. Walter. I knew him as Doc at that time. 

Mr. Morris. Who else was there X 

Mr. Walter. Earn, from Sparrows Point. 

Mr. Morris. Aaron — A-a-r-o-n? 

Mr. Walter. Earn. 

Mr, Morris. How do you spell that ? 

Mr. Walter. E-a-r-n. 

Mr. Morris. What was his first name ? 

Mr. Walter. I don't know his first name. 

Mr. Morris. He was from Sparrows Point ? 

Mr. Walter. Sparrows Point. And a fellow by the name of How- 
ard. I don't know his 

Mr. Morris. How do you spell that ? 

Mr. Walter, H-o-w-a-r-d. 

Mr. Morris, Howard. 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr, Morris, Where was he from ? 

Mr, Walter. He was from Sparrows Point. They alternate. One 
meeting Earn would be there, and the next meeting Howard would be 
thei-e, Tliey would represent Sparrows Point, 

Mr. Morris. How many representatives were thei'e on the steel 
commission ? 

Mr. Walter. Well, there was myself and 

Mr, Morris, Just give me the number, 

Mr, AValter, Tliree, Three showed up. There was supi)osed to be 
4 at 1 of the meetings. 

Mr. MoRRKs. Well, you have named uiore than three ah-eady. 

Mr. Walter, I am just — that is actually steel representatives. 

Mr, MoRius. How many peoi)le made u]) the steel conunission of 
the Communist Party I 

Mr, Wai/ikk, Well, that was — to make up the steel commission, 
that was Vic and Blumberg and Power, or Hood. Either one of 
those two used to come from our section, 

Mr. Morris. Who was Hood ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4429 

Mr. Walter. Bill Hood. 
Mr. Morris. Bill Hood? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. And myself, and another fellow from Bald- 
win Locomotive Works. I don't remember his name, but I have it 
on record. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, from what you are saying now there 
were 10 or 12 people on the steel conmiission; is that right? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. That was with the leaders. You see, the rep- 
resentatives from the dilt'erent plants, there was only four of us. 

Mr. jNIorris. I see. In other words, there were four representatives 
from the plants; Bethlehem, in Allentown — I mean, Bethlehem, and 
Sparrows Point ? 
Mr. Walter. And Baldwin Locomotive Works. 
Mr. Morris. Baldwin Locomotive ? 
Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Where is Sparrows Point — Maryland, isn't it? 
Mr. Waltp:r. That is in Baltimore, Md. 
Mr. Morris. And Baldwin Locomotive Works is where ? 
Mr. Walter. Philadeli:)hia, or Chester, ] am not sure. 
Mr. Morris. And Bethlehem Steel ; in Bethlehem, Pa. t 
Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. So you representatives would meet with the leaders of 
the Steel Commission who met in Philadelphia ? 
Mr. Walter. Yes. 

JNIr. Morris. And you told us who they were. 
Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. What was your assignment? 

Mr. Walter. To bring back information from the steel company. 
Mr. Morris. What was some of the information the steel commis- 
sion wanted ? 

Mr. Walter. The first time Hood assigned me to the steel commis- 
sion, it was through 

Mr. Morris. Bill Hood assigned you to the steel commission? 
Mr. Walter. Yes. He told me to get all the symbols from the 
various departments. 

Mr. Morris. What are the symbols, symbol numbers ? 
Mr. Walter. Well, they represent each department in the steel 
company, the type of work, and so forth. 

JNIr. Morris. Now, if you bring back the steel symbol numbers, 
would that give anyone a good idea of what is going on at the steel 
companies ? 
Mr. Walter. Well, I couldn't tell you what they wanted them for. 

All I know 

JNIr. Morris. What is the value of getting a symbol number? 
Mr. Walter. I couldn't see any value in it at all, myself. They 
never disclosed to me what they wanted it for. 
Mr. Morris. "W^iat are symbol numbers ? 
Mr. Walter. That represents each department. 
Mr. Morris. Does it reflect the type of production that is going on ? 
Mr. Walter. Yes ; sure. Maintenance has its own symbol number. 
Mr. Morris. Does it indicate the location of the particular project 
within tJie plant? 



4430 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY DsT THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Walter. Yes. SM stands for smelting. The difference in the 
numbers represents what part of the steel company they are at, yon 
know. 

Mr. Morris. So with the symbol numbers, you would also know the 
location within the plant ; would you not ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Would it give you any inkling of the scope of the pro- 
duction ? 

Mr. Walter. I was supposed to report on the amount of steel, 
amount of men, and stuff. 

Mr. Morris. In other words. Hood asked you for that information \ 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And you had directly back in your own unit in Beth- 
lehem Steel a group of five ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And you knew there were also other groups in Betli- 
lehem Steel. You didn't know the names of them, but you knew they 
were there ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. You also knew there was a Hungarian Communist 
group in Bethlehem? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Did you ever have a meeting at Freedland's home, at 
which more extensive plans were made for operation of the Commu- 
nist organization % 

Mr. Walter. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us about that? 

Mr. Walter. That was in December of 1953. We had that meet- 
ing at Mike Freedland's home. 

Mr. Morris. I didn't hear you. 

Mr. Walter. December of 1953. 

Mr. Morris. In December of 1953 you had a meeting at Mike Freed- 
land's home ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. What happened then ? 

Mr. Walter, There was Joe Koberts and Kusma 

Mr. Morris. K-u-s-m-a ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. Harold Allen, myself, Herman Solitrin. 

Mr. Morris. Did you tell us in executive session that William 
Powell was there ? 

Mr, Walter, Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Was William Powell there? 

Mr. Waltku. Power. 

Mr. Morris, Power. William Power, And was Joseph Roberts 
there ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. You told us now present were Herman Solitrin, Harold 
Allen, William Power, Joseph Roberts, Joseph Kusma, yourself; 
and you were meeting at Mike Freedland's home? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. AVas Mike Freedland there ? 

Mr. Walter. That was supposed to be a steel meeting. 

Mr. Morris. Was Freedland also present ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4431 

Mr. Walter. No. 
Mr. Morris. He wasn't there ? 
Mr. Walter. No. 
Mr. Morris. Was his wife there ? 

Mr. Walter. They were there when we came, but we didn't see 
them after that at all. They took us down to the cellar. 
Mr. Morris. Was Freedland a Communist ? 
Mr. Walter. As far as I know, but I couldn't prove it myself. 
Mr. Morris. He wasn't in your unit, in other words ? 
Mr. Walter. No. 

Mr. Morris. But you went to his home ; he let you in, led you down 
to the cellar, and left ? 
Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. What happened at that meeting ? 

Mr. Walter. We discussed various sections of the steel company, 
and then this here Joe Kusma, he drew a map of the steel company 
and asked me what section — if one section of the plant was curtailed, 
how many men it would affect and how much production it would 
affect. 

Senator Hruska. Were you able to give him that information ? 
Mr. Walter. Yes. I could help him on that. 

Senator Hruska. And did he make notations of it on the map, or 
did he make independent notations ? 

Mr. Walter. I tried to get hold of the map, but it was impossible. 
No. He didn't make no notations. 

Senator Hruska. Is that the only time you gave him information 
of that kind? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Senator Hruska. Did he ask you on any other occasion, or did he 
seem satisfied with the information which you gave him then? 

Mr. Walter. He asked me what part would be more vital to the 
steel company. Well, everybody knows a powerplant is a vital spot 
in a steel company. 

Senator Hruska. You told him so ; did you ? 
Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Senator Hruska. What about the other departments? Did you 
give him similar information about the importance of other depart- 
ments ? 

]\Ir. Walter. Then he wanted to know how many men was working 
in different departments. 
Senator Hruska. Did you give him that information ? 
Mr. Walter. I could estimate; yes. Sometimes they would agree 
with me, sometimes they would disagree. 

Senator Hruska. But 3'ou discussed the figures, and between the 
o or 4 of you who were present — is that right ? 
Mr. Walter. That is right. 

Senator Hruska. And each of them had some piece of information 
about each of the questions that was asked of you ? 
Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Senator Hruska. Were there any other similar meetings held at a 
later time in which similar information was sought from you? 

Mr. Walter. Well, we always liad to report on the conditions in 
the shop. 



4432 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE ITNITED STATES 

Senator Hruska. And to whom did you report 'i 

Mr. Walter. At all the Steel Club meetings. We used to hold a 
Steel Club meeting once a month. 

Senator Hruska. And where were those meetings held ? 

Mr. Walter. Most of them were held at my place. 

Senator Hruska. In your home ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Senator Hruska. And who was present ? Pretty much of the same 
people you have already named ^ 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Senator Hruska. Were most of them usually present at each meet- 
ing? 

Mr. Walter. Toward the end, Joe Pacucci didn't show up too much. 

Senator Hruska. Now^, there were a number of these meetings. 
Now, over wdiat period of time, in terms of calendar years, did those 
meetings occur ? 

Mr. Walter. Well, the most meetings were held in 1953. That was 
the most active year. 

Senator Hruska. When did they end, approximately? 

Mr. Walter. In 1956. 

Senator Hruska. Tliev were held off and on, but less frequently 
after 1953 ; is that right ? ' 

Mr. Walter. In 1958 was the biggest yeai-, you know, the most 
meetings held. 

Senator Hruska. Could you estimate how many meetings were held 
of that kind in 1953 ? 

Mr. Walter. Well, at least 12 Steel Club meetings. 

Senator Hruska. How many ? 

Mr. Walter. At least 12 Steel Club meetings. We had them once 
a month. Then we had 

Mr. Morris. May I say at this point that the witness left the Com- 
numist Party in 1956, and he will not be able to testify about anything 
since that time. 

Senator Hruska. Now, tlien, lunv nuiny meetings Avould you esti- 
mate in 1954 of that same body, ap})roximately ? 

Mr. Walter. They slowed down pretty much in 1954. 

Senator Hruska. Do you know whether meetings might have been 
held some place else, not to your knowledge, of tliat same group ? 

Mr. Walter. Not to my knowledge, no. 

Senator Hruska. But during the meetings Avhich you did hold, 
those in 1953 and those up to and including 1956, that same type of 
subject was almost always inquired into, and you were requested to 
give information of tlie same kind ; is tluit correct ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes, Always. 

Senator Hruska. Was anything else discussed during those meet- 
ings? 

Mr. Walter. Political affairs. 

Senator Hruska. Like what? 

Mr. Walter. Well, like Francis Walter, always campaigning 
against him. 

Senator Hruska. You always campaigned against Francis Walter ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Senator Hruska. What about State elections? Were those dis- 
cussed ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4433 

Mr. Walter. No. At one time they wanted me to fjet Muldowney 
to run against Francis Walter. John Muldowney. He is president 
of local 2599 ; but I never made the attempt. I told them I did, but 
I didn't. 

Senator Hruska. Now, were any strike plans discussed during that 
time? 

Mr. Walter. There was always strikes discussed at different meet- 
ings. There was always — they used to ask me, you know, if I couldn't 
get the guys together for a wildcat of some type at the plant. 

Senator Hruska. Of what locals were these persons members? 
Have you identified that for the record yet ? 

Mr. Walter. That was my department. They wanted me to agitate 
strikes in my department. 

Seantor Hruska. They wanted you to talk up strikes, and vote 
favorably for them, in case there was a vote thereon l 

Mr. Walter. You know, one of the reports I had to make was griev- 
ances and dissatisfaction among tlie men, you know, like speedups, and 
things like that, and then he used to suggest, now, couldn't you get the 
fellows to walk off the job and straighten some of that stuff' out? 

Mr. Morrs. Now, just one thing. When they were asking about 
what was the most vital part of the steel company, as far as putting 
it out of production was concerned, in what context was that? 

Mr. Walter. What was that? 

Mr. Morrs. What was the purpose of that, in asking what part of 
the steel plant— — 

Mr. Walter. They never committed themselves on that. 

Mr. Morrs. They just wanted to know which was the most vulner- 
able part ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morrs. Now, when you attended meetings of the steel commis- 
sion, these were entirely different meetings from the ones you just told 
Senator Hruska about ; is that right ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. The meeting, you said, were in Philadelphia — of the 
steel commission ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Mf>RRS. How many of those did you attend in 1953 ? 

Mr. Walter. Three. 

Mr. Morrs. They were party meetings ? 

Mr. Walter. Those were the big meetings. 

Mr. Morrs. Did you attend those meetings in 1954? 

Mr. Walter. None in 1954. 

Mr. Morrs. How many in 1955 ? 

Mr. Walter. None in 1955. 

Mr. Morrs. Well, were you no longer a member of the steel com- 
mission in 1955 ? 

Mr. Walter. I just don't remember the date that those 11 were 
exposed by Herman Thomas. That is when the action ceased. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, what was the date of that 

Mr. Shroeder. May 1954. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Shroeder tells us in May of 1954 there was testi- 
mony by Herman Thomas, which exposed the Steel Commission, and 
you say from that time on it did not operate ? 



4434 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Walter. Not to my knowledge. 

Mr. Morris. Now, where were these meetings of the Steel Commis- 
sion held ? 

Mr. Walter. In Philadelphia. 

Mr. Morris. Where in Philadelphia ? 

Mr. Walter. A fellow by the name of Posov, or something like that. 
He was a photographer. 

Mr. Morris. Would you spell it, please? 

Mr. Walter. Posov. I never learned 

Mr. Morris. P-o-s-a-t? Is that it? 

Mr. Walter. No. Posov. I think there is a "v" in there. 

Mr. Morris. Posov — P-o-s-o-v. Where was his place ? 

Mr. Walter. On Ford Street in Philadelphia. 

Mr. Morris. Was it a business establishment or a home ? 

Mr. Walter. It was a photographer's place. He was a photog- 
rapher. 

Mr. Morris. He was a photographer ? I 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And it was there that the meetings of the Steel Com- 
mission were held up until the time it was exposed, in May of 1954? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Now, were you ever — did you ever come close to being 
subpenaed by a congressional committee in connection with that 
activity ? 

Mr. Walter. There was a lot of subpenas being given out, so far 
as I know, on the McCarthy hearings, and Herman Solitrin came over 
to my house. At the time, we were puzzled how we were going to keep 
from me being exposed, you know, because I wasn't getting no subpenas 
and the others were. So Herman Solitrin came over to the house and 
solved the problem by offering me $25 to get away, and duck the sub- 
pena, and I went on a hunting trip then. 

Mr. Morris. Solitrin gave you $25 to leave, so you wouldn't be 
subpenaed ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Solitrin didn't know ? 

Mr. Walter. He first asked me if I had any money, and I told him, 
"No," which I lied. I mean, if you have too much money they get 
suspicious of you. And he gave me $25, and I went up to Saylorsburg 
to my uncle's place, you know, and stayed there about a week. 

Senator Hruska. How long did you stay ? 

Mr. Walter. One week. 

Senator Hruska. Was any attempt made later to serve that subpena 
on you ? 

Mr. Walter. There was nothing served. There was no subpena, 
but they figured I should be getting one because they were all getting 
one. 

Senator Hruska. And they were just being extra careful; were 
they ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Senator Hruska. Do you know of any similar instances of that kind 
where they induced other people to avoid the service of subpenas ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4435 

Mr. Walter. The only one I know is Charles Erney. He told me 
at the plant that he ducked it by going to a doctor, or something. A 
doctor or hospital, or something like that. 

Senator Hruska. And it was for the same purpose, avoiding being 
called to testify ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did Solitrin handle Communist Party funds or 
anything there? 

Mr. Walter. At times, yes. 

Mr. Morris. What was his assignment in the Communist Party? 

Mr. Walter. He took over leadership when Jack Power left, you 
know. 

Mv. Morris. Where is Jack Power now ? 

Mr. Walter. He went to Philadelphia. 

Mr. Morris. Generally, after the Blumberg trial, I think you told 
us, manv of these people left, and they are now in Philadelphia ? 

Mr. Walter. They all scattered. First Bill Hood. Bill Hood left 
tirst, and then Al Heller left next, and then Power left, and then 
Herman Solitrin. They all went back to Philadelphia. 

Mr. Morris. Now, while you were in the Communist Party, was 
there any effort made to make preparations for work underground, 
to your knowledge ? 

Mr. Walter. They had appointed Herman Solitrin and myself 
to take over leadership in case they would be caught, and Harold 
Allen, from Easton. 

Mr. Morris. Now, who was this man Erney you told us about in 
executive session ? 

Mr. Walter. Well, he was kicked out of the party. 

Mr. Morris. What was his name ? 

Mr. Walter. Charles Erney. 

Mr. Morris. How do you spell it ? 

Mr. Walter. Sometimes they say Charles Erney, and sometimes 
they say William. 

Mr. Morris. How do you spell Erney ? 

Mr. Walter. E-r-n-e-y. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us about his activities ? 

Mr. Walter. He used to search the mountains there on his days off, 
to see how many men could be hidden out in the mountains there. 

Mr. Morris. Now, that wasn't a formal Communist Party assign- 
ment, was it ? 

Mr. Walter. No. 

Mr. Morris. He was doing that on his own ? 

Mr. Walter. As far as I know. 

Mr. Morris. Tell us about his searching the mountains for places 
to hide. 

Mr. Walter. He used to tell me that all his time off he would be in 
the mountains, and he would find big hiding places where they could 
hide out so many people, you know. He told me a certain place would 
maybe take 200 or 300 men, things like that. 

Mr. Morris. Now, you say it was not an assignment, to your knowl- 
edge, that was given to him by the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Walter. Not that I know of . That I don't know. 

Mr. Morris. You say he was ultimately expelled from the Com- 
munist Party ? 



4436 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Walter. He was expelled because he talked too much in bar- 
rooms. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us about the Coixununist Party in Phil- 
adelphia, as you know it ? 

Mr. Walter. As I know it ? 

Mr. Morris. Yes. In the time you were a Communist. Who was 
the head of the Communist Party in Philadelphia ? 

Mr. Walter. The leaders I knew was that Vic, Blumberg, and 
Kuzma. Those were the only leaders I knew in Philadelphia. 

Mr. Morris. They were the only ones you dealt with ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Where did they operate in Philadelphia ? 

Mr. Walter. I don't know where they operated from. 

Mr. Morris. You met them ? 

Mr. Walter. The only place I ever met them was at the photog- 
rapher's place. That is in Philadelphia. I met them a lot of times 
in my place, too. 

Mr. Morris. How many meetings did you attend at the home of 
David Karol and his wife Harriet ? 

Mr. Walter. One. 

Mr. Morris. Just one meeting ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. That was in 1946, 1 think. 

Mr. Morris. And then you didn't have any dealings with them 
after 1952? 

Mr. Walter. No. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I think I have covered all the material we 
have gone over in executive session. I would like to point out. Sen- 
ator, that this is just a part of the hearings that we had scheduled for 
the Philadelphia area. Mr. Walter's experience in the Communist 
Party was limited, and I have tried to restrict his questioning to 
that particular pei'iod about which he is competent to testify. 

Mr. Walter. They were always playing the role of protecting me, 
you know, because I was a valuable comrade, and they never let me 
into the other cells. I wasn't supposed to be known by anybody else. 
That is the reason my affiliation witli them was pretty small. 

Mv. Morris. In other words, they kept you within ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Do you think it was because they suspected you? 

Mr. Wauter. No. They did suspect me once. Bill Hood told me 
that. They gave me the third degree at Trainor's Hotel one time. 

Mr. MoRRLs. Tell us about that. 

Mr. Walter. Well, Bill Hood A'isited me at my home one time and 
he told me, he says that the party thought it was funny that I wasn't 
being called, you know, and subpenaed, or anything like that, and that 
I was muler suspicion. And he told me, he says that he put in a 
word. He says, I don't think he would ever work undergi-ound, and 
so, anyhoAv it turned out that there was a showdown, you know. This 
Vic came from Plvilndelphia es))ecinnv to give me the third degree, 
and HermaM Solitrin and myself and this Vic Avere in back of Train- 
oi's Hotel, roiid stiuid, you know, and there is where he gave me the 
(juestions. 

After it was all over, he said, well, T trust you, and then it was only 
a couple of weeks after tliat that I was exposed. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4437 

Mr. Morris. Did you testify at one of the Government trials ? 

Mr. Walter. I testified in the Bhimberg trial. 

Mr. Morris. Wliat did you testify there; just about Blumberg, is 
that right? 

Mr. Walter. Just about Blumberg. 

Mr. Morris. None of these other things ? 

Mr. Walter. No. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I have no more questions of this witness. 

Senator Hruska. Very well. Thank you for coming, Mr. Walter, 
and contributing, as you have, to the record of this subcommittee. , 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I will try to find out when Mr. Solitrin ac- 
tually will come in to testify. 

Senator Hruska. Very well. 

The witness is excused, and the meeting is adjourned. 

( Wliereupon, at 10 : 50 a. m., the subcommittee adjourned, subject 
to the call of the Chair. ) 

(The following article from the publication Political Affairs later 
was ordered into the record :) 

[Political Affairs, August 1956] 

On-the-Spot Report : The Political Scene in Louisiana 

(By Hunter O'Dell) 

Louisiana is one of the "Deep South" States and has been so economically, 
socially, politically, and culturally since admitted into the Union in 1812. Like 
its neighboring State, Texas, on the west, it has experienced considerable in- 
dustrialization since the end of World War II ; and like its neighbor State, 
Mississippi, on the east, the hangovers of plantation economy and its slavery- 
time ideas, customs, and institutions still weigh heavily upon the life of the 
people of Louisiana. 

The growth of the oil, aluminum, chemical, rubber, and other industries over 
the past 10 years represents more than $1 billion in capital investments in new 
plants. Their owners are among the biggest names in northern finance capital : 
Standard Oil (Rockefeller), with its huge refinery in Baton Rouge; Shell Oil 
Co., with its more than a quarter million acres under lease in Louisiana ; the 
Freeport Mining Corp. (Morgan), with a monopoly on the mining of sulfur, in 
which Louisiana is the leading State in the Nation ; Kaiser Aluminum ; and 
American Cyanamide — a giant in the chemical industry. These, taken together 
with the growth in the number of industrial workers in the State, are the new 
forces in Louisiana's economic life. 

Likewise, in the transportation sector of the economy. New Orleans has been 
for several years the second largest port in the United States, in volume of 
trade (close to .$2 billion annually) and newly opened port facilities at Baton 
Rouge represent an important step toward developing Louisiana's 1,500 mile 
system of inland waterways. An overall result, as this industrialization con- 
tinues, has been the growing urbanization of Louisiana's population. Today 
Louisiana is one of the three Southern States most of whose population (51 
percent) lives in cities or rural towns (the other two States are Texas and 
Florida ) . 

BACKGROUND OF RECENT GUBERNATORIAL ELECTIONS 

During this period of economic development, the labor movement, the Negro 
people, working farmers, and small business and professional people, have had 
some bitter experiences which have contributed to their maturity in the politi- 
cal life of this State. 

The labor movement has fought some bitter strikes in the shipyards, paper 
mills, sugar refineries and plantations, and clothing factories. These strikes 
were called for the most elementary demands, such as the right to "union 
recognition," as in the case of the farm-labor strike on the sugar plantations, 
or for "equal pay for equal work. North and South," as was the case in the 
Chrysler, Godchaux Sugar, and Bell Telephone strikes. Recently, the antilabor 



4438 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

forces in the State legislature pushed through the right-to-work bill (1954), as- 
well as police-State segregation measures which aimed to divide and weaken the 
labor movement. 

The toiling farmers have experienced a 15-percent decline in their income 
over the past 5 years ; the 12-percent drop in the number of farms in the State 
points to the large numbers that are being pushed ofC the land completely. 
The Dixiecrat legislature increased the market taxes for small produce farm- 
ers, while floods in the rice-growing areas in the west and drought and insect 
plagues in the north-central parishes were met with a "too little and too late" 
program by the Kennon administration. 

Among the Negro people, struggles for the right to vote came under sharp 
attack. A driving force in this movement is the new political awakening 
among the Negro rural population. (Important in this regard is the whole 
series of parishes (counties) along the river, from ^ast Carroll in the north 
to St. Helena in the east and St. Landry in the west, which makes up part 
of the lower Mississippi Valley, 1 of the 3 great concentrations of Negro 
majority population in the South, having a common economic life, since long 
before the Civil War). 

The important bus boycott in Baton Rouge in the summer of 1953 fore- 
shadowed the present historic struggle in Montgomery. Ala. And with the 
victory represented in the Supreme Court desegregation decision, the Negro 
people were faced with an arrogant Dixiecrat legislature, which proceeded to 
appropriate $100,000 to fight that decision. In both the economic boycott move- 
ment and the registration movement the splendid organizational ability shown 
by the Negro trade unionists is an important new feature and experience for 
the Negro people. 

During this recent period, especially since 1952, the Dixiecrats have passed 
legislation aimed at tightening their political control of the State by restricting 
the rights of other political parties. An example is the "Communist registration 
bill" which outlaws the Communist Party and requires its members to register 
with the police, carrying with it, whether they do so or not, the penalty of 10 to 
20 years in prison. 

THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN 

The lineup of candidates in the recent gubernatorial elections (January 1956) 
was as follows : 

Fred Preus: A north Louisiana auto dealer and Baptist Sunday-school 
teacher who has served on the State public service commission (transportation 
and utilities). He entered the race as the preferred candidate of the dominant 
section of the oil interests and its political representatives, the machine (Delta 
Democratic Association) of incumbent Governor Kennon, a Dixiecrat. He was 
also supported by a section of the big construction firms, because of his allegiance 
to Kennon's $50 million roadbuilding program. 

James McLemore : A cattle-raising plantation landlord from Alexandria, 
bordering the black belt. He differed from all other candidates in the viciously 
racist manner in which he utilized the Negro question. Declaring himself to 
be the "white man's candidate," he pledged to make Louisiana the rallying 
center of all "citizen-council" type forces in the South. He represented the 
plantation landlords, as a class — the "mailed fist" Dixiecrats. 

C. Grevemberk : Formerly superintendent of State police in the Kennon ad- 
ministration, he resigned to enter the race. Ever since 1952, he has been 
groomed by a section of the oil interests to succeed Kennon as Governor. 
With demogogic appeal directed to the churchgoing population, he campaigned 
as the "clean government" candidate, against "crime and corruption." For 2 
years prior to these elections he has been building up his candidacy by carrying 
out raids against gambling houses, and breaking up slot machines. This was 
meant to capture the attention of the Baptists in particular while he himself 
is a Roman Catholic. When the Communist Registration Act was passed in 
Louisiana, as head of the police, he publicly threatened to lock up all the "reds." 

De Lesseps ("Chep") Morrison: Thrice-elected mayor of New Orleans. His 
personal ambition to be Governor was supplemented by the support from 
shipping interests centered around the New Orleans Cotton Exchange; a sec- 
tion of the big construction firms, whom he had favored with lucrative con- 
tracts in New Orleans ; the liberal, urban middle class, including some Negro 
voter.s, who regarded him as being "cosmopolitan," and therefore an asset as 
Governor ; and a section of the labor movement, primarily because sevex*al mem- 
bers of his ticket had voted against the right-to-work bill, and those who had 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACnVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 4439 

voted for it had been dropped from the ticket. He became the preferred candi- 
date of Dixiecrat reaction in the later stages of the campaign when it became 
obvious Kennon was not going to be able to swing the election for Preus, and 
that, consequently, Morrison was the "only man who can force Long into a run- 
off." Almost overnight, the newspapers all over the State began to campaign for 
Morrison. He started off with a relatively mild, separate-but-equal position on 
the Negro question, but later accepted the endorsement of the lynch-sheriff from 
the parish of West Feliciana (St. Francisville), where Negroes are still not 
allowed to vote, though 82 percent of the population. He also endorsed the 
program of the "southern gentlemen," a KKK-type secret organization. Mor- 
rison is also a Catholic, and this was a source of some support, although the 
Catholic Church in New Orleans is ofBcially playing a very commendable part 
in the growing movement to carry out the Supreme Court desegregation deci- 
sions. Since the elections, Mayor Morrison's servile invitation to the Eastland 
committee to hold "hearing on communism" in New Orleans proved to be a 
smokescreen for attacking the growing desegregation movement and to promote 
the activities of the "white citizens councils" mobs, of which Eastland is the 
chief national spokesman. 

Earl K. Long : Twice-elected Governor, brother of the late Huey Long, uncle 
of United States Senator Russell Long. His was an anti-Dixiecrat coalition 
which even included the chief gamblers in the State, but based itself on poor 
farmers and the Negro people, with labor giving general support, but officially 
concentrating on legislative candidates. He attacked the Dixiecrats' policies by 
promising the people greater benefits from tidelands oil revenues. He had the 
Long tradition of having "kept their promises" — free hot lunches, better text- 
books, increased old-age pensions, and no increase in taxes. 

The gamblers were secret supporters — but this element has traditionally 
played a big part in Louisiana politics (ever since formation of the State 
lottery in 1870). 

Long also made an issue of the bureaucracy associated with the Kennon 
administration and raised the slogan that he would "not hide behind any 
boards" — meaning anyone could get to see him as Governor if he wished to 
do so. 

In the latter days of the campaign. Long declared he would sign a bill re- 
pealing the "right-to-work" law if the legislature would pass it. 

More than in any other southern State (according to V. O. Kery's study. 
Southern Politics), factions and groupings that develop in the Louisiana Dem- 
ocratic Party tend to take on full programmatic and organizational form ("tick- 
ets") nearly comparable to the two-party system in States outside the South. 
This is one of the most basic features of Louisiana politics. It serves as a 
guide to a sound analysis of the differences between the Long and anti-Long 
groupings as seen in the recent elections and the significance of these two 
"camps" currently in the Louisiana Democratic Party. 

The Dixiecrats succeeded in getting incumbent Attorney General Fred LeBlanc 
endorsed for reelection on three tickets (that of Morrison, Preus and McLe- 
more) since this State office is so important in their fight against Supreme 
Court decisions. The gang-up in support of LeBlanc made possible a second 
primary race for this office, but when the Long ticket won a majority on the 
101-member State central committee, that body proceeded to interpret the rules 
of the Louisiana Democratic Party to cancel the runoff and declare the Long 
candidate, Gremillion, duly elected attorney general. The latter had only a 
plurality vote. 

ORGANIZED LABOR IN THE ELECTIONS 

Organized labor was more active in this campaign than at any time in the last 
15 years. While it officially endorsed none of the gubernatorial candidates, it 
concentrated on defeating those legislators who had voted for the right-to-work 
bill in the last legislature. To this end labor carried on a vigorous and quite 
successful campaign. Slates of labor-endorsed candidates, based upon their voting 
record on this question, were issued in all congressional districts, by the CIO-PAO 
and the AFL-LLPE. And in a few instances, labor candidates were put forward 
with the official backing of their unions. Thus, Nicholas Lapara, a member of the 
New Orleans Central Trades and Labor Council, was elected to the legislature 
from the 10th ward ; the Communications Workers of America, CIO, who con- 
ducted the Bell Telephone strike, ran Hugo Bode for the legislature from New 
Orleans' big third ward, but he was unsuccessful. However, what must be em- 
phasized is that labor concentrated on defeating incumbent right-to-work candi- 



4440 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

dates rather than concentrating on putting forward their own candidates. So, in 
many cases labor supported candidates whose voting records on many issues was 
very poor, but who were sound on the question of repeal. 

THE NEGRO PEOPLE 

This election campaign was marked by a level of political activity on the part 
of the Negro people unequalled in this century. The 155,000 Negro registered 
voters represented the largest Negro electorate in the State since 1896, when the 
last Negro legislators were defeated and a new "white supremacist" State consti- 
tution was written. This present registration represents a 55-percent increase 
over 1952. 

Inspired by the Supreme Court's desegregation decisions, encouraged by the 
Bandung Conference, and determined that there shall be "no Emmett Till case in 
Louisiana," the Negro people developed a variety of organizational forms through 
which they developed the registration movements. These included voters leagues, 
civic leagues, labor-sponsored registration schools, special campaigns led by so- 
rority women, taxpayers' leagues, "Voters' Sunday" called by the Ministerial 
Alliance, etc. 

As election day approached it became clear that the Negro vote would be a 
balance of power in any close gubernatorial race. This had its effect in the 
way the Negro question was handled by various candidates. All candidates 
began to softpedal this question — with the exception of McLemore, who began to 
intensify his appeal to the most backward sections of the population on a "white 
supremacy" platform. He "accused" both Long and Kennon of having aided the 
increase in Negro registration. This is of more than just passing importance 
because it points up the growing conflict between the giant industrial monopolies 
(represented by a Kennon in Louisiana) and their "junior partners," the planta- 
tion landlords, over tactical differences in handling the Negro question. At least 
a section of the industrial monopolies appear ready to agree to certain limited 
democratic reforms (such as the right to vote) in order to strengthen their 
overall economic position ; while the plantation landlords, as a class more closely 
tied to agricultvire and its semif eudal institutions, fight against even the smallest 
democratic reforms. 

The outstanding candidacy in the whole election picture was that of Earl J. 
Amedee, a Negro attorney, an independent candidate for State attorney general. 
Mr. Amedee was the only candidate for attorney general who came out squarely 
for a repeal of the right-to-work bill. Though lacking the funds and other mate- 
rial resources required for a statewide campaign, and relying upon volunteer 
workers, Mr. Amedee conducted a very vigorous campaign in at least half of the 
parishes of the State. His program advocated upholding the Supreme Court 
decision, repeal of all State laws in violation of the Constitution of the United 
States, and the right to vote for 18-year-olds in the State. His campaign was 
warmly greeted by the Negro people, despite the fact that there was some objec- 
tion to his candidacy from certain sections of Negro leadership. In some Negro 
precincts in the State he received a 7-to-l vote over his nearest opponent ; he 
ran third in the field of 6 candidates in New Orleans. And though unity was 
not fully achieved around his candidacy in the Negro people's movement, never- 
theless Mr. Amedee received more than 60,000 votes, which is the highest vote 
received by any Negro candidate in the South in recent years. 

For the first time in this century Negro candidates ran for oflice in the rural 
areas, in some places where 4 years ago the right to vote had not yet been won. 
These candidates ran for posts on the executive committee of the Democratic 
Party in the various parishes. While none was successful, nevertheless this is 
an important new development in the political life of the Negro people, as well 
as for the Democratic forces as a whole, in the State. In both the general regis- 
tration movement and the Amedee campaign, in particular, note must be taken 
of the outstanding work done by Negro women, who showed splendid leadership 
qualities, giving further proof that the women are a vital force in the Negro 
freedom cause. 

The high point of the cooperation between labor and the Negro people in this 
election was achieved in the support given to Mr. Amedee by the "union ticket" 
in St. John the Baptist Parish, where the (iodchaux strike had been fought for 
8 months prior to the elections. In this parish, Mr. Amedee ran second in a 
field of six candidates with the endorsement of the union ticket. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY LNT THE TINnTED STATES 4441 

Unlike the 1952 elections, the Negro people are, today, a political force in 
Louisiana, and this fact olTers a sound basis for placing before the Long adminis- 
tration the demand for greater Negro representation in appointed posts in State 
and local government. 

ELECTION RESULTS 

Earl Long won the election with a 20,000 majority vote over all candidates, 
with an unprecedented 800,000 (80 percent of the registered voters) going to the 
polls. For the first time in 25 years the Long forces carried the cities — Lake 
Charles, Shreveport, and Baton Rouge — ^and lost New Orleans by only 2,000 votes 
out of a 200,000 registration. Parishes of Negro majority population, which 
had traditionally been anti-Long, due to the political domination of the big 
planters and the disfranchisement of the Negro and poor white farmers, swung 
to Long overwhelmingly in this election. Long carried 62 parishes ; Morrison 
carried 1 parish (Orleans) ; Preus carried 1 parish (Plaquemine). 

McLemore, the extreme racist candidate, finished last with 13,000 fewer votes 
than the Negro candidate for attorney general, Earl Amedee. Furthermore, in 
these elections the 25-year rule by Sheriff Frank Clancy's machine, in Jefferson 
Parish, was ended ; and the machine of national Dixiecrat leader Leander 
Perez, was seriously weakened in Plaquemine and St. Bernard Parishes. 

Along with these developments, very momentous was the defeat of a number 
of particularly reactionary legislators, including Horace Wilkerson II, a big 
sugar-plantation owner from West Baton Rouge Parish, who as chairman of 
the senate agriculture committee, had steered the right-to-work bill through that 
body ; Charles Duchein, an insurance corporation executive, from East Baton 
Rouge, who cast a decisive vote for the right-to-work bill in the senate labor com- 
mittee during the 1954 meeting of the legislature ; Kenneth Cagle, a representa- 
tive of the oil and gas monopolies from Lake Charles (Calcasieu Parish), who 
authored the "Communist registration bill" and also a leading right-to-work 
advocate in the senate. The defeat of these and many others created a new 
relationship of forces in the State legislature favorable to the repeal of the right- 
to-work bill and the passage of other much-needed reform legislation. 

At this writing the State legislature in session has passed a compromise re- 
peal of the right-to-work bill and is the first State legislature in the South to do 
so. Further, the new old-age pension checks, $65 a month, are already in effect 
and other measures promised by the Long administration are underway. 

Any rounded analysis of these elections must take note of the defeat of the 
two outstanding legislators from New Orleans ; Mrs. Bland C. Bruns and Ber- 
nard T. Engert. Both had very good voting records and were widely known and 
respected for their principled conduct in the legislature, being firm in their 
support of the Supreme Court desegregation decisions and of labor's demands. 

Mrs. Bruns, a housewife who was Louisiana's only elected woman legislator, 
and by far the most progressive legislator in the house, moved up into the sen- 
ate race. The incvimbent senator had voted against the right-to-work bill, so 
on that basis alone he secured labor's backing for reelection ; Engert's opponent 
was an official of the central trades and labor council ( AFL) . 

Both Mrs. Bruns and Engert were on the Morrison ticket, and the Long land- 
slide proved too strong for them. Both of these contests were decided in a 
second primary. 

The sum total of these developments would seem to justify the conclusion that 
the recent gubernatorial elections in Louisiana represented a popular political 
upsurge by the Democratic majority of the Louisiana population against the 
policies and the economic consequences of Dixiecrat and machine-rule politics. 
This was a landslide majority vote for a new State administration and for a 
candidate whose family name, Long, has been identified for many years in the 
minds of Louisiana's working population as one which would keep its promises 
to show greater concern for their general welfare at the expense of the monoix)- 
lies and the planters, so obediently served by the Dixiecrats of the Kennon-Perez- 
McLeraore type. This popular upsurge was marked by an increase in the inde- 
pendent political action of organized labor and the Negro people, acting sep- 
arately. The fuller cooperation between these two powerful democratic sections 
of our population, working together to develop their independent political activi- 
ties, will provide a firm basis for a broader regrouping of democratic forces 
within the Louisiana Democratic Party. This will isolate the un-American, anti- 
labor Dixiecrats, reduce the sinister influence of these slavocratic-minded ele- 
ments in the life of our State, and place the majority of Louisiana's people 



4442 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

upon the road of democratic progress — higher living standards, full constitu- 
tional rights, and greater cultural opportunities. 

This election victory has created a deep-going political crisis in Dixiecrat rule 
in Louisiana. The Dixiecrats are desperately seeking a way out by pushing 
through the legislature a deluge of Hitler-type racial segregation laws which 
aim not only at preserving the divide-and-rule pattern and intensifying the 
oppression of the Negro people, but also violate those elementary norms of 
human decency which are recognized by civilized humanity the world over. 

MAIN WEAKNESSES IN THE ELECTION ACTIVITIES 

In comparision with elections in the past, the high level of independent political 
activity by the labor movement in this election is of great significance. Because 
the labor movement is a growing and healthy social influence, it is able to review 
its activities in a critical way in order to correct shortcomings and profit from 
these experiences. 

During the campaign, Louisiana labor repeatedly declared, and correctly so, 
that its survival depended upon greater political activity. In line wtih this new 
outlook, Louisiana labor will find it necessary to reexamine its relations with 
other organized sections of the population, which have traditionally supported 
labor's program. First among these is the highly organized Negro people, who 
make up 40 percent of the population. The outstanding weakness shown by the 
labor movement in this election was that it made no appeal to the Negro people 
for mutual cooperation for common election goals. This despite the fact that 
the Ne.ffro people and their organizations displayed many examples of initiative 
and understanding of the importance of the fight to repeal the right-to-work 
law, while never losing sight of their just demands for equal rights and de- 
segregation and the significance of these demands to democratic progress for all 
working people. 

It is a matter of public record that the chief right-to-work bill promoter. 
Senator Rainach, is also the chief segregationist in the Louisiana Senate ; and 
his counterpart in the house, John Garret, hails from the Claiborne Parish where 
the Negro people have not really won the right to vote, even though they are a 
majority of the population. It is a matter of public record that the big planter, 
Horace Wilkerson II, a rabid antilabor Dixiecrat, was defeated by the Negro 
vote in the 18th senatorial district. It is a matter of public record that the 
same legislature that passed the right-to-work bill in 1954 passed a whole series 
of segregation laws which aim to defy the Constitution of the United States, the 
Supreme Court decision, and intensify the Jim Crow oppression of the Negro 
people. The anti-Negro and the antilabor forces are the same. 

The lingering of white supremacy views among the leaders of the trade unions 
and the adoption of expedient methods of political activity which isolate labor 
from the Negro people will accomplish for the labor movement absolutely 
nothing. As long as this division between labor and the Negro people exists 
the Dixiecrat enemies of both will be able to outmaneuver both, granting a con- 
cession here and taking away a right there. It is this growing understanding 
in the labor movement, nationally, which accounts for the firm antidiscrimina- 
tion resolutions passed at recent conventions of such unions as textile and pack- 
inghouse, both of which have a large southern membership. 

The second weakness, which has shown itself in labor's post-election activity 
during the current session of the new State legislature, is the compromise right- 
to-work repeal which permitted the Dixiecrats to keep the right-to-work chain 
around the necks of the agricultural laborers, while repealing the right-to-work 
bill for the rest of the labor movement. 

The farm laborers in Louisiana are a militant, democratic section of our 
population. Their history-making strike on the sugar plantations in the fall 
of 1953 was a demonstration that they were ready, willing, and able to take 
their place in the front ranks of the labor movement in struggle for a better life 
for all. In the recent elections these very agricultural workers defeated half 
of the right-to-work legislators in the nine Sugar Belt parishes. In doing so, 
<iid these workers not play an honorable role that made some kind of a repeal 
possible? Louisiana labor will find it necessary in its own self-interest to 
return to the time-honored principles of organized labor that, "an injury to one 
is an injury to all." The pattern of Dixiecratism is clear ; first to divide labor 
from the Negro people, then to divide labor within itself, in terms of urban 
versus rural. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 4443 

Full repeal of the right-to-work bill — that is the basis upon which organized 
labor can hope to survive and grow in Louisiana. 

Finally, a measure of Louisiana labor's political growth is its ability to adopt 
its own clearly defined, public attitude towards the Long administration. This 
attitude takes into account all that is positive, but at the same time is not un- 
critical and does not give the Long administration a "blank check." The Long 
administration will respond to organized efforts by labor and its other demo- 
cratic supporters. But it is by no means simon pure, and note should be taken 
of the fact that the Dixiecrats are jockeying for positions within the Long 
administration. A case in point is the fact that Governor Long has appointed 
McLemore chairman of a board that supervises and acts as custodian of voting 
machines. We remember that during the elections, McLemore waged a con- 
sistent attack against both Long and Kennon, charging them with being respon- 
sible for a rise in the number of Negro registered voters. And the current ef- 
forts by the Dixiecrats toward the wholesale removal of Negro voters from the 
registration lists, up in Monroe, is a direct outgrowth of McLemore and his 
citizen council campaigners. The McLemores throughout the South today are 
the foes of democratic progress ; they represent the mentality of a dying order, 
and McLemore's appointment to this post in the Long administration is a men- 
ace to the rights of all and should be met with the widest protest from all 
democratic sections of the population. 

One of the first issues with which Louisiana labor and all believers in democ- 
racy should confront the Long administration is the need to lift the ban placed 
upon the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People by the 
Dixiecrat Kennon administration. The National AFL-CIO fully support the 
NAACP and its program as do many State labor bodies, including the Texas 
State CIO. The courageous union members at Godchaux sugar refinery can 
tell us plenty about the attorney general, LeBlanc, who outlawed the NAACP. 

Every working person in Louisiana who has regard for his own liberty, should 
ask Governor Long to restore to the NAACP its legal right to function in our 
State. 

CONCLtJSION 

The stage is set for some great changes in the life of the people of our State 
and these changes, if effected, will have a major impact on the South and on the 
Nation as a whole. There is nothing in our southern traditions that demands 
that we maintain a way-of-life which has meant for us working people the 
highest per capita taxes in the Nation, the skimpiest returns of the fruits of our 
labor, the least democracy, and the lowest place on the literacy pole. 

The strengthening of the Louisiana labor movement through the recent merger 
of the State AFL and CIO ; the growing Negro freedom movement, confident in 
the justice of its cause ; and the compelling needs for strus:'.le by the working 
farm population in response to the growing agricultural crisis, are the demo- 
cratic class and national forces that will make the much-needed changes in the 
situation possible. Only the organized, united intervention by this democratic 
majority, which elected the Long administration, can guarantee the fulfillment 
of campaign promises, representing as they do minimum demands. This can be 
followed up with an effective offensive against Dixiecratism and its policy of 
neglect of the people's needs. 

Out of these struggles, we envisage the birth of a new political form suitable 
to, and necessary for, Louisiana's democratic majority to fully express its politi- 
cal will, and achieve its aspirations for peace, security, and democratic rights in 
harmony with the majority in our country. 



INDEX 



Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organiza- 
tion in this index. 

A 

Page 

AFL 4441 

API^CIO 4443 

AFL-LLPE 4439 

Alexandria, La 4438 

Allen, Harold 4430 

Allentown 4417, 4418, 4425, 4426, 4429 

Amedee, Earl J 4440, 4441 

American Cyanamide 4437 

B 

Baldwin Locomotive Works 4414, 4429 

Baltimore, Md 4429 

Bandung Conference 4440 

Barton, Phil 4425 

Baton Rouse, La 4437, 4438, 4441 

Bell Telephone strike 4437, 4439 

Benjamin Franklin High School 4414 

Bethlehem 4417, 4429 

Bethlehem Steel Club 4427, 4432 

Bethlehem Steel Oo 4424, 4427, 4429, 4430 

Blumberg, Albert 4428, 4436 

Blumherg, Harry , 4428 

Blumberg trial 4435, 4437 

Bode, Hugo 4439 

Bruns, Mrs. Bland C 4441 

Bucks County 4424 

Bus boycott in Baton Rouge 4438 

C 

Cagle, Kenneth 4441 

('aleasieu Paris, La 4441 

Catholic 4439 

Chester, Pa 4429 

Chrysler strike ^" 4437 

CIO-PAC 4439 

CIO Steelworkers 4424 

Citizens Committee for the Rosenbergs 4418 

Citizens Emergency Coimcil for Democratic Rights 4417 

Claiborne Parish. La 4442 

Clancy, Sheriff Frank 4441 

Cleveland, Ohio 4415 

Communications Workers of America, CIO 44.39 

( :ommunist/s 4417-4421, 4427, 4430 

Communist nominating petition 4416 

Communist Party 4415. 4416, 4419-4421, 4423, 4425. 4427, 4428. 4432. 4435, 

4436, 4438 

Rally. 4417 

Communist Political Association 4416 

Communist Registration Act 4438 

Constitution 4415, 4420, 4440. 4442 

Crawford, William 4420, 4421 

I 



II INDEX 

D 

Page 

Delaware 4415> 

Delta Democratic Association 4438 

Dixiecrats 4438, 4439, 4441-4443 

Duchein, Charles 4441 

E 

Earn, Mr 4428 

East Carroll Parish, La 4438 

Eastland 4439 

Easton 4417, 4418, 4427 

Engert, Bernard T 4441' 

Erney, Charles 4425, 4435 

F 

Federal Bureau of Investigation 4423, 442t> 

Felsenstein, Eleanor Price : 

Testimony of 4421, 4422 

William Woolston, attorney 4421 

3143 Euclid Ave., Philadelphia, Pa 4421 

Fifth amendment if member of Communist Party 4421 

Felsenstein, Jacob 4413^ 

Testimony of 4414-4422 

William Woolston, attorney 4414 

3143 Euclid St., Philadelphia, Pa 4414 

Commercial artist at Majestic Press, Inc 4414 

Industrial Art School 4414 

W/Baldwin Locomotive Works, 1939-46 4414 

Fifth amendment 4415 

Fifth amendment 4415-4422 

Florida 4437 

Freedland, Mike 4430 

Freedom of the Arts 4417 

Freeport Mining Corp 4437 

G 
Garret, John 4442 

Godchaux Sugar 4443 

Strike 4437,4440 

Good Citizenship Committee of the City of Philadelphia 4418 

Grevemberk, C 4438 

H 

Hawthorne, Charles 4414 

Heller, Al 4427, 4435 

Hood, William 4428-4430, 4435, 443(5 

Howard, Mr 4428 

Hruska, Senator Roman L 4413, 4423 

Hungarian Communist group 4430 

I 

Independence Hall 441!> 

Industrial Art School 4414 

J 
Jefferson Parish, La 4441 

Jim Crow 4442 

K 

Kaiser Aluminum 4437 

Karol, Dave 4425, 442G, 443(5 

Kami. Harriet 443(> 

Kennon, Governor 4438-4440, 4443 

Kery, V. O 443i> 



INDEX m 

Page 

Kintnersville, Pa 4424 

KKK 4439 

Korea 4418 

Korean War 4421 

Kusma, Joseph 4430, 4431, 4436 

li 

Lafayette College 4416 

Lake Charles, La 4441 

Lapara, Nicholas 4439 

LeBlanc, Attorney General Fred 4439, 4443 

Lehigh Valley area 4416 

Lipsett, Billie Jane 4416 

Lit Bros. Department Store 4414 

Lockner, Mary 4419 

Long, Gov. Earl K 4439-4441, 4443 

Long, Huey 4439 

Long, Russell 4439 

Louisiana 4437^443 

M 

Majestic Press, Inc., 920 Walnut St., Philadelphia 4414 

Mandel, Benjamin 4413, 4423 

McCarthy 4434 

McLemore, James 4438-4441, 4443 

Memorial to the Rosenbergs 4418 

Metropolitan Opera 4417 

Mississippi Valley 4438 

Monroe, La 4443 

Montgomery, Ala 4438 

Morgan 4437 

Morris, Robert 4413, 4423 

Morrison, DeLesseps ("Chep") 4438, 4439, 4441 

Muldowney, John 4433 

N 

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) 4443 

National Steel Commission 4415, 4428, 44.33. 4434 

Negroes 4437-4443 

New China, the (motion picture) 4418 

Nevf^ Orleans, La 4413, 4437-4441 

New Orleans Central Trades & Labor Council 4439 

Norton, Theodore 4416 

O 

O'Dell, Hunter Pitts 4437 

On-the-Spot Report : The Political Scenes in Louisiana article by Hunter 

O'Dell in Political Affairs, August, 1956 4437-4443 

P 

Pacucci, Joe 4427, 4432 

Pearl Harbor Peace Party 4418 

Pennsylvania 4415, 4417 

Pennsylvania Liquor Control Board 4414 

Perez, Leander 4441 

Philadelphia 4413, 

4414, 4416, 4417, 4419, 4420, 4422, 4423, 4425, 4428, 4429, 4433-4438 

Peace Rallies 4418 

Philadelphia Council for the Arts, Sciences, and Professions 4417 

Plaquemines Parish, La 4441 

Political Affairs, publication 4437 

Pasov, Mr 4434 

Power, Jack 4427, 4428, 4435 



IT INDEX 

Page 

Power, William (also known as Jack) 4430 

Preus, Fred 4438, 4439, 4441 

Provincetown 4414 

R 

Rainach, Senator (Louisiana Senate) 4442 

Reading 4417, 4418 

Roberts, Joseph (also known as Vic) 4428, 4430, 4436 

Robeson, Paul, birthday concert 4417 

Rockefeller 4437 

Rosenbergs 4418 

Rusher, William A 4413, 4423 

Russian American Club at 1115 North Fourth Street, Philadelphia 4418 

S 

St. Bernard Parish. La 4441 

St. Francisville. La 4439 

St. Helena Parish, La 4438 

St. John the Baptist Parish, La 4440 

St. Landry Parish, La 4438 

Saylorsburg 4434 

Schroeder, Frank W 4413, 4423 

Shell Oil Co 4437 

Shreveport, La 4441 

Solitrin, Herman 4424, 4427, 4430, 4434-4437 

Sparrows Point in Baltimore, Md 4428, 4429 

Standard Oil ^ 44:37 

Supreme Court 4438-4442 

T 

Teachers College of Temple University 4414, 4421 

Texas 4437 

Texas State CIO 4443 

Thomas, Hprman 4433 

Till, Emmett 4440 

Town Hall. 150 North Broad Street 4421 

Trainors' Hotel 4436 

W 

Walter, Francis. 4432 

Walter. Harry : 

Testimony of 4424-4437 

Kintner.sville, Pa., R. F. D. No 1 4424 

W/Bethlehem Steel Co 4424 

Shop steward w/CIO Steelworkers 4424 

Communist for FBI 4426 

Wilkerson. Horace II 4441, 4442 

Woolston, William: 

Attorney for Jacob Felsenstein 4414 

201 ."i Land Title P.uilding, Philadelphia 4414 

Att(n-nev for Eleanor Price Felsenstein 4421 

World War II 4437 

O 



DEPOSITORY ^^«"-^ 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



HEARING 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTKATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUWCIAEY 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FIFTH CONGKESS 

FIRST SESSION 
ON 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE 
UNITED STATES 



JULY 23, 1957 



PART 74 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

WASHINGTON : 1958 



Boston Public Library 
Superintcndpnt of Documents 

WAR 1 1 1958 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

ESTES KBPAUVEE, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. MCCLELLAN, Arlcansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN. Illinois 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

SAM J. BRVIN, JB., North Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Secueitt 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

SAM J. ERVIN, JB., North Carolina JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 

ROBERT Morris, Chief Counsel 
J. G. SouBwiNB, Associate Counsel 
William A. Rusher, Associate Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 

n 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



TUESDAY, JULY 23, 1957 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 
AND Other Internal Security Laws 
OF THE Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D. G. 
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10 : 20 a. m., in room 457, 
Senate Office Building, Senator Koman L. Hruska presiding. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; William A. Rusher, 
associate counsel; Benjamin Mandel, research director, and F. W. 
Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Mr. Morris. Will Mr. William Wallace come up, please ? 
Senator Hruska. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you 
are about to give will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but 
the truth, so help you God ? 
Mr. Wallace. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM A. WALLACE, MOUNT VERNON, N. Y. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Wallace was a little late in getting here this morn- 
ing. He was called for 10 minutes to 10, and notified us that he would 
be a little late. 

Mr. Wallace, you are known as Bill Wallace, are you not ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; I am. 

Mr. Morris. Where do you reside? Do you have any objection to 
putting your residence into the record ? 

Mr. Wallace. No, I don't. 

Mr. Morris. Would you give us your address, then ? 

Mr. Wallace. 173 Washington Street, Mount Vernon, N. Y. 

Mr. Morris. Where were you born, Mr. Wallace ? 

Mr. Wallace. New York City. 

Mr, Morris. Would you tell us something of your early educational 
background ? 

Mr. Wallace. Well, I went to grammar school and high school. I 
quit high school at 13. Then I went into an achievement test and got 
a credit for high-school years. That is about it — and special training 
in the Army. 

Mr, Morris, You served in the Armed Forces, did you not? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; I did, 

Mr. Morris, In what capacity ? 

Mr. Wallace, I was a sergeant, and quartermaster, and liaison 
with military government in Germany. 

4445 



4446 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. When did you first get mixed up with the Commu- 
nists, Mr. Wallace ? 

Mr. Wallace. In 1949. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you would tell us the circumstances. 

Mr. Wallace. Well, in 1947 I started working in the Singer shop. 
At the time I started working in the Singer Sewing Machine Shop 
in Elizabeth, one of the officers from the union there got me inter- 
ested in the Progressive Party and, in 1949, I was elected the chair- 
man of the Union County Progressive Party. 

At that time, I was approached by 

Mr. Morris. You were made chairman of the Progressive Party? 

Mr. Wallace. In 1948. 

Mr. Morris. Of what jurisdiction ? 

Mr. Wallace. Of the Union County Progressive Party. 

Mr. Morris. Union County, N. J. ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. That is in Elizabeth, N. J. 

One of the women approached me — I saw her approach with a new 
car, and I admired it. She said, "You can have the same thing, a 
new car. You can prevent the worries of living, and so on, if you 
belong with the right people." 

So I said, "What is the right people?" 

She said, "Well, look, you have been doing a good job in the 
Singer plant ; you are a steward. I have heard a lot about you. The 
right people is the Communist Party. Not only will you benefit from 
it personally, but you will benefit the members of your race and the 
working people by having a broader avenue in which to work." 

I told her I was for it, so she said, "Well, somebody will be in con- 
tact with you within a few days, and then you tell them." 

Mr. Morris. Who was she, Mr. Wallace ? 

Mr. Wallace. That was Clara Dolgow. 

Mr. Morris. Is that spelled D-o-l-g-o-w ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes, it is. 

Mr. Morris. This is now approximately what time ? 

Mr. Wallace. Around January of 1949. 

Mr. Morris. Was somebody in touch with you shortly thereafter? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes, the Union County organizer for the Commu- 
nist Party approached me around February of 1949. 

Mr. Morris. What was his name? 

Mr. Wallace. Oilhand, I don't remember. Right now. I know 
he lived in Roselle, on Rivington Street. 

Mr. Morris. Was that Mr. Ensel ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; Bob Ensel. 

Mr. Morris. Spelled E-n-s-e-1 ? 

Mr. Wallace. That is right. 

I know he approached me around February, and told me he had 
been in touch with Clara Dolgow about my wanting to join the party. 
He told me I would have certain requirements to do before I could 
become a party member. That is, 1 would have to attend private 
meetings with him for a few weeks to learn what the party was all 
about — learn how I fitted into the party and the securities of the 
party. '- • :r./..i.i; /•■ . i y. 

Mr. Morris. The securities of the party'" , n, ./;■•;.! i, fwr/ 

Mr. Wallace. Yea, 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4447 

Mr. Morris. Wliat do you mean by that ? 

Mr. Wallace. That you don't go around talking about being a 
party member, how to meet other party members, how to avoid the 
ordinary person finding out that you are a party member because — 
well, there was the Smith Act, there was the FBI to consider. There 
were people who were unfriendly to the party to consider. So these 
security measures had to be taken. 

Mr. Morris. What was your first Communist Party assignment 
after this period of indoctrination you told me about ? 

Mr. Wallace. After that period, I was then assigned to the Singer 
Club, which was then confiried to about 12 members. At my first 
meeting, there was the Singer Club. Then they broke it down to two 
clubs, which were the Singer Club and the Union County Club. I 
became a part of the Singer Club, which was named after the Singer 
Sewing Machine Shop. 

Mr. Morris. You then worked for Singer Sewing Machine Co. ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Morris. Who were the people in the Singer Sewing: Machine 
Club? ... 

Mr. Wallace. Louis Schuman was chairman of the Singer Sewing 
Machine Club. Then there was Walter Poleshuck. There was 
Archie Cole. He was the international representative of the union. 

Mr. Morris. Wliat do you mean by that ? 

Mr. Wallace. International representative. 

Mr. Morris. That is C-o-l-e? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 
^ There was Martha Stone. She was from the State. She was as- 
signed to the club to give us instructions, keep an eye on the club and 
steer the club right. 

There was a fellow named Al Lipari. He was in the club. 

Mr. Morris. How did this particular club function? Was this an 
organized group of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. There were 5 of us who were actual workers 
from Singer's and we would meet every 2 weeks. One hour of the 
meeting would be devoted to discussing the affairs and problems of 
the union with Singer's. The other hour of the meeting would be 
devoted to studying the Manifesto, the Daily Worker, and learning 
all about the party — Stalinism and Leninism. 

Mr. Morris. Did you have anything to do with organizing the 
Singer Sewing Machine strike in Elizabeth ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us about that ? 

Mr. Wallace. Well, I was a steward in the shop, in Department 
21. I also was an executive board member in the local union. Be- 
fore the strike happened, we discussed in party meetings, the possi- 
bility of a strike. We discussed what was going on in negotiations 
and how the party members within the shop could influence those 
negotiations. 

An instance of that was one of my assignments from the party. 
I was supposed to raise a disturbance in front of the main office of 
the Singer Co. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, the Communist Party gave you in- 
structions to do that ? 



4448 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVnT IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Wallace. Yes, while negotiations were going on, so that I 
gathered a group of workers together during a lunch hour and went 
up in back of the cafeteria, and started a disturbance by yelling and 
sounding off, "We want more pay." It was just a propaganda thing 
right on company property. That was my job and I did it. 

Well, these things were happening all throughout the plant — you 
know, through party instructions. We accomplished our purpose. 

We also discussed the negotiations in the party meetmgs. The 
necessity of this strike was that long before I had gotten to work in 
Singer's, they had introduced a form or a system of work that was 
called standards. Now, that system of work meant that the workers 
received a basic day's pay. All over that day's pay, all that they 
could produce over a certain amount they would receive a bonus for. 
But that meant that the workers would have to work faster. 

Senator Hruska. Did that plan have a name ? What did they call 
that plan? 

Mr. Wallace. They called that the standards system. It meant 
that the workers would have to work faster to make more money. 
Well, the workers were for it, and they were making more money. 
Mr. Morris. How much did the workers make, under that plan? 
Mr. Wallace. Well, for instance, in the foundry the workers were 
making anywhere from $100 to $140 a week making molds. It ran 
like this : The man on the molds, if he made more money and made 
more molds, then the fellow who was on the shakeout upstairs, clean- 
ing those molds, he would make more money, too. So that actually, 
from the bottom up, all the workers were making more money. The 
party decided to call this a "speedup." 
Mr. Morris. The Communist Party ? 
Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

The party said the company was speeding the workers up need- 
lessly. It was our responsibility to stop this speed-up program. 

In our party meeting, the reason given why we had to stop this 
speedup program was that the Korean war was starting to happen 
at that time. 

Mr. Morris. When was this strike ? 

Mr. Wallace. The strike was in 1949. And all this 

Mr. Morris. But the Korean war wasn't until June of 1950. 
Mr. Wallace. Yes, but the aspects, the beginning — Ked China, 
the beginning of the Korean war, the cold war — were all in 1949, 
too. So that we had discussed it in this light, that people were 
then saying that Russia was to blame for everything. We had to 
show that Russia was not to blame, that the United States was to 
blame in this respect: they were building up the cold war. They 
were building up the problems in Red China and in Korea. The 
speedup program of making war materials was all part of this pro- 
gram that our company was working on, a program of speeding the 
work up to make war materials. 

Now, if we could stop this speedup program in Singer's, we could 
stop it throughout the entire country. 

Mr. Morris. May I break in there ? Is it your testimony that this 
was not really a legitimate trade-union strike — in other words, some- 
thing for the benefit of the workers — but, because of this buildup that 
you sensed was coming against the Soviet Union, it was a political 
strike in a sense ; is that the meaning of your testimony ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACnVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 4449 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; it is. 

So that Singer's was going to be the guinea pig. We were going 
to break this speedup system in Singer's and then, using the work- 
ers of Singer's to show we did it in Singer's, we could do it every 
place else throughout our union. If we did it throughout our union, 
we could then go into General Motors; we could go into rubber; we 
could go into steel, and do the same identical thing by showing it had 
been done. 

Mr. Morris. Wlio were making these statements ? 

Mr. Wallace. This was made by Martha Stone. 

Mr. Morris. She, you say, is a State official of the Communist Party 
in New Jersey ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Wlio else was saying these things ? 

Mr. Wallace, This was also discussed by — well, Martha Stone gave 
us the kickoff on it. Then Walter Barry — he was one of our inter- 
national representatives — took it up. Then Louis Schuman, and then 
we took it up as we went into the shop. 

Mr. Morris. Would you identify these people? 

Mr. Wallace. Barry was an international representative of the 
union. 

Mr. Morris. What was his first name ? 

Mr. Wallace. Walter. 

Mr. Morris. His last name is B-a-r-r-y ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. He was a Communist? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; he is. 

Mr. Morris. Who was Schuman ? 

Mr. Wallace. Schuman was the chairman of the Singer Co. Club. 

Mr. Morris. Now, all Communists in the Singer Co., were they all 
in the Singer Sewing Machine Club of the party ? 

Mr. Wallace. No. 

Mr. Morris. Tell us about that. 

Mr. Wallace. Within this Singer Club, you had three different 
party groups. You had the Singer Club ; you had the Union County 
Club. Then you had the LYL, which was the youth group. 

Mr. Morris. Labor Youth League ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. So you had these three groups within the 
Singer Sewing Machine plant. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if, at this point, you will tell us what was the 
general strength of the Communist Party in Union and Essex Counties 
in New Jersey, in the period that you were a Communist ? 

Mr. Wallace. Within the New Jersey area, within every shop that 
we had within our union, we had a party club. Every major shop. 
We had a party club. The major shops within our area — we had at 
least 10 or 12 in New Jersey. 

Mr. Morris. Twelve shops? 

Mr. Wallace. Twelve major shops. I mean shops like Singer, like 
F. T. & T.— Federal Tel— Westinghouse. Within the New York area 
we had another 30 or 40 shops, large shops. 

We had Emerson within the New Jersey area, but actually it be- 
longed to the New York locals. We had Telecon — so we had quite a 
few major shops. 



4450 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN" THE UNrrED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Now, did you have your Communist clubs in the major 
shops, in addition to the minor shops ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. We either had the Communist Party clubs or 
the LYL — the youth group — which took their instructions and took 
their orders from the party itself. Because I, personally, met with 
the LYL groups to give them guidance and steering on how to operate 
within their shops. 

Mr. Morris. They were Communists, were they not ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes, they were. 

Senator Hruska. Were they limited as to age for membership in the 
LYL group ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; up to 18 to 25. 

Mr. Morris. How extensive would you say the Communist Party 
was, within the area of Union and Essex Counties, which was the area 
surrounding the Singer strike ? 

Mr. Wallace. I would say we had over a thousand members. 

Mr. Morris. Communist Party members ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes; we had over a thousand members within the 
New York-New Jersey area. 

Mr. Morris. How about this area we are talking about ? 

Mr. Wallace. In the New Jersey area itself, we had — I would say 
between 150 and 200 members. 

Mr. Morris. Just in those counties ? 

Mr. Wallace. Just in those counties. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us about the strike you were tellmg us 
about when I broke in to get an estimate of what Communist Party 
strength was ? What was your role in it ? 

Mr. Wallace. Well, before I give you my role, as far as actual 
work — well, after we had discussed it and discussed the fact that the 
strike had to happen — we couldn't settle ; it had to happen. It was 
just a must, that it must happen. 

We then figured out how we were going to get a strike vote. First, 
we moved among the members in the shop and told them that they had 
to vote for the strike, building up on the fact that the company had 
only offered 2 cents. We then went into the strike vote in the armory, 
and we were moving among the membership as the vote was taken — we 
would move among the membership, telling them, "Vote, 'Yes' for a 
strike." 

Then when the strike did happen, it was a secret ballot vote at that 
time. When the strike did happen — we figured out before what re- 
sponsibilities we had and how to hold these people out on strike. The 
responsibilities of feeding, taking care of the people, keeping them to 
a minimum — well, taken care of so that they would have no gripes, and 
how we could utilize the party, the Progressive Party, all the front or- 
ganizations, and move among the city officials to keep the strike going, 
because we figured at that time it had to be a long strike, because we 
had to break this incentive system. We had to break that down. This 
is what we went on to accomplish. 

Senator Hruska. How long did the strike last ? 

Mr. Wallace. About 6 months. 

Senator Hruska. Wliat dates ? 

Mr. Wallace. It lasted from June to — oh, it was after September. 
June to October or November. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4451 

Senator Hruska. Did it affect only the Singer Co., or did it affect 
other companies, as well ? 

Mr. Wallace. It only affected the Singer Co., but it had far-reach- 
ing effects on the city of Elizabeth. 

Senator Hruska. What were some of those effects ? 

Mr. Wallace. Well, for instance, it cost the people in the community 
who did not work in Singer's — it cost them money, even in Newark. 

For instance, we swelled the relief rolls. People we didn't take care 
of, we would demand that they get on relief. Wlien the relief people 
said they couldn't take care of them, we would then send delegations up 
to see them and demand and put pressure on them, until we got relief 
for the people. That meant it cost more money to the people of Eliza- 
beth. 

We then used the facilities of the city of Elizabeth — for instance, 
schools. We used the schools to put on a welfare program where we 
sold food in the stores, and like that. 

Mr. Morris. You say "we." You mean Communists? 

Mr. Wallace. No. Let me explain something there. 

That wasn't exactly Communists. Once the Communist Party had 
given the direction on this whole thing, we then went into the back- 
ground, and I became chairman of the welfare committee. But then 
we let ordinary people, who weren't Communists, take the brunt of 
it because — well, I may be identified as a Communist Party member, 
but Joe Blow who was going to see the mayor may not be identified 
as a Communist Party member. 

So that, to all outward appearances, the Coixmiunist Party wasn't 
directing it. 

Mr. Morris. But, actually, you were directing it? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes, actually we were. 

Mr. Morris. Senator Hruska, our information, after we had a dis- 
cussion with Mr. Wallace, was that this strike lasted for 168 days, end- 
ing on October 17, 1949. The companies lost $24 million. The union 
lost — its members did not get their salaries — $10 million, and the mer- 
chants in Elizabeth were estimated to have lost $20 million. In other 
words, the strike cost $54 million to those groups of people. 

Mr. Wallace. That is true. 

Mr. Morris. Did it virtually bring the whole economy of the city 
of Elizabeth to a standstill ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes, it did, because the Singer Sewing Machine plant 
is one of the main industries — is the main industry of the city of Eliza- 
beth. 

Senator Hruska. How many were employed there at the time ? 

Mr. Wallace. Nine thousand. 

Mr. Morris. How long did you engage in actual work for the Com- 
munist Party, of this nature, Mr. Wallace ? 

Mr. Wallace. I stayed with the Communist Party from 1949 until 
1955. 

Mr. Morris. Now, at any time, did you actually leave the party and 
work for the FBI? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes, I did. 

Mr, Morris. Wlien did that take place? 

Mr. Wallace. In 1952 I got a change of heart, and started seeing 
things in a different light. I started working with the FBI in No- 
vember of 1952. 

93215— 58— pt. 74 2 



4452 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. How long did you work with the FBI? 

Mr. Wallace. I stayed with the FBI until 1956. 

Mr. Morris. "Wliat caused your terminating your relationship with 
the party ? 

Mr. Wallace. Well, at that time, because of the Communist Party's 
move to infiltrate into other unions, I, in working with the FBI at that 
time decided my security was involved — my personal security, at that 
time — so I left the union. 

In leaving the union, there was no more activity for me with the 
Communist Party, and I became just another ordinary citizen. 

Mr. Morris. How much training did you have as a Communist? 

Mr. Wallace. Well, I had been trained as a Communist Party 
member from 1949 right up until 1955, as far as organizing, as far as 
knowing how to analyze situations. I am quite sure that I really 
ranked at that time as a party member. 

Senator Hruska. What did that training consist of ? 

Mr. Wallace. How to take 1 or 2 people, how to get my ideas from 
the party at my party meetings, and then go into a shop and com- 
pletely upset a shop of hundreds of workers, and get them to do as I 
wanted them to do. This was possible. 

If the party told me that we had to have a meeting, we had to have 
a delegation in Washington at such-and-such a date, then it was my 
responsibility to go into that shop, convince the workers to give money, 
those workers who would send a delegation to Washington on some 
issue or another. 

This was possible for me to do, because I have done it. 

Senator Hruska. Where did you get this training ? 

Mr. Wallace. In my party club meeting. 

Senator Hruska. Any place else ? 

Mr. Wallace. No. 

Mr. Morris. You went to Moscow, didn't you, Mr. Wallace ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Morris. You didn't have any training over there ? 

Mr. Wallace. Well, over there I went to school. It was more talk- 
ing than anything else. It wasn't actual operation ; more talking on 
how to do it, but the actual operations took place here. 

Mr. Morris. Who arranged for your trip to Moscow ? 

Mr. Wallace. The president of my union. 

Mr. Morris. Wliat was his name ? 

Mr. Wallace. James McLeish. 

Mr. Morris. Is there a man named Charles Velson who is an or- 
ganizer for the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's 
Union involved? In other words, the Bridges union? Did he have 
anything to do with that ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

Charley Velson did the actual planning of the trip and saw that I 
went. James McLeish was the person who supplied the finances for 
me to go, and picked me as the one to go. 

Mr. Morris. When did you go to Moscow ? 

Mr. Wallace. I went to INIoseow in 1951. 

Mr. Morris. How long did you stay there ? 

Mr. Wallace. I stayed in Moscow a month. My whole trip was a 
month. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVrTY EST THE UNITED STATES 4453 

Mr. Morris. In connection with the various Communist activities 
tliat you engaged in, Martha Stone was the overall superior ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. For your information, Senator, Martha Stone was one 
of the Smith Act defendants in Connecticut. 

Mr. Wallace, were you ever asked to supply the Communist Party 
with any classified Goverimient secrets that you may have acquired in 
the course of your work ? 

Mr. Wallace. Well, let's put it like this — that I would have meet- 
ings with shops — all of the staff would have meetings with workers as 
regards to to what they were making, how long it took them to make 
it, what the component parts were of different articles. 

We would then gather all of this information together and discuss it 
in our party meetings. We would know who it was being made for, 
what the component parts were, how long it would take to make, and 
what its purpose was. 

Martha Stone would then gather that data, for what purpose I 
don't know, but she gathered it and told us how to fight the speedup 
program which was around that. 

Mr. Morris. But she did take this information that you people all 
supplied ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And you don't know what she did with it ? 

Mr. Wallace. Wliat actually happened was that the worker, un- 
beknownst to themselves, would discuss it with us. We would then 
discuss it with Martha Stone. The actual worker never gave it out. 
I guess if he had known that it was going further, he wouldn't have 
given it to us. 

Mr. Morris. Wliat did the Singer Sewing Machine people make 
that would be of any classification ? 

Mr. Wallace. Not so mucli Singer Sewing Machine. Let's take, 
for instance, Ingersoll-Eand in Phillipsburg. I was assigned to the 
strike program down there in 1950. 

Well, I and Archie Cole discussed with them what they were 
making. At that time, they were making pumps. They were making 
these large pumps for the Navy. 

I discussed with them what they were making, how long it would 
take them to make it, what the problems were in making them. I 
would come back and discuss it, Archie Cole and I, and discuss it in 
party meetings with other party members. We had an idea of what 
was going on. 

Another one was Sperry Gyroscope, out on Long Island. They 
were making parts for the Air JForce. 

Another one was International Projector. They were making a 
bombsight for the Navy. We discussed the different component 
parts, what went into it, who the workers were that were on it, and 
then we discussed it with the party. 

Mr. Morris. And you say Martha Stone was the recipient of in- 
formation from all of these places ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Now, in connection with your work, Mr. Wallace, did 
you have any dealings with other groups — people like schoolteachers 
or lawyers? Communist schoolteachers or Communist lawyers? 



4454 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACrrVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

I was a liaison between the union and the front organizations. One 
of the front organizations — well, I won't say that it is a front organi- 
zation, but it is not a legitimate organization — was this Emergency 
Civil Liberties Union. 

Mr. Morris. That is the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee? 

Mr. Wallace. Right. 

Mr. Morris. And had no connection whatever with the American 
Civil Liberties Union ? 

Mr. Wallace. No. 

In 1954, 1 was assigned to work with this committee on exposing — 
not exposing, but discrediting — the Un-American Committee. 

Mr. Morris. Un-American Activities Committee ? 

Mr. Wallace. That is right. 

They were coming in, in July of 1954 to Newark. My job was to 
coordinate the activities of the union with this committee. 

At that time, I met several teachers and professional people — doc- 
tors and lawyers — who were also on that committee. 

At that time, I found out — well, I can't say that they were Com- 
munists — but I found out that they spoke as I did, as far as com- 
munism was concerned. 

Mr. Morris. Now, in connection with this hearing, you told us you 
attended a certain meeting in some doctor's home in Maplewood. 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. I attended a meeting at Dr. Tuslmet's home. 

Mr. Morris. Was he a Communist ? 

Mr. Wallace. I can't say that he attended meetings with me, but 
from the discussions that went on at these meetings, I would say yes. 

Mr. Morris. Who was present at this meeting in Dr. Tushnet's 
home in Maplewood, N. J. ? , 

Mr. Wallace. There was myself. There was Lew Moroze, 
M-o-r-o-z-e. He was secretary of the Civil Rights Congress. There 
was Sylvia Cohen. 

Mr. Morris. Who was Sylvia Cohen ? 

Mr. Wallace. She was a staff member of my union. 

Mr. Morris. Was she a Communist ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes, she was a Communist. She was in the same 
club as I was. 

By the way, that club was the District Club at that time. I was 
assigned to a new club. 

There was Perry Zimmerman. There was Estelle Laba. 

Mr. Morris. Who is Estelle Laba ? 

Mr. Wallace. She was a schoolteacher. 

Mr. Morris. Is she a Communist ? 

Mr. Wallace. I never attended a formal party meeting with her 
but, from the discussion, I would say yes. 

Mr. Morris. Was she one of the witnesses called before the House 
Un-American Activities Committee ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes, she was. 

Mr. Morris. AVere there any other schoolteachers called at that 
time? 

Mr. Wallace. Perry Zimmerman. He was called. 

Mr. Morris. He was a teacher? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4455 

Mr. Morris. He was present ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. There was another schoolteacher — Eobert Lowenstein. 
Was he 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Was he, to your knowledge, a Communist? 

Mr. Wallace. That I don't know. 

Mr. Morris. What happened at this meeting ? 

Mr. Wallace. Well, there were about nine of us there — nine peo- 
ple. What we were discussing was the fact that we knew the com- 
mittee was coming. 

These people had approached lawyers to act for them before the 
committee. The lawyers had refused to take part in it and be a part 
of it. So it was necessary for us to influence these lawyers to defend 
these people before the committee. 

Now, at the same time, we had to raise money for these people to 
be defended, because the fees were enormous that some of the lawyers 
were asking, and it was felt that it was necessary to get prominent 
lawyers — not just ordinary lawyers — prominent lawyers who carried 
some weight in the community. 

So it was felt that Judge Bigelow was — well — he was a wheel. He 
was a big shot, as far as the bar association in New Jersey was 
concerned. 

Mr. Morris. What is his first name, do you know ? 

Mr. Wallace. Offhand, I don't know his first name. I know who 
he is, though. He was just appointed to the Eutgers board. 

Now, if we could get Judge Bigelow to go on record as saying that 
the lawyers had a right, and the lawyers were perfectly within their 
right to defend people who felt like using the fifth amendment — if 
he would come out with that kind of a statement, then certainly we 
could get prominent lawyers throughout the State of New Jersey who 
would take these cases. So that was our role. 

Mr. Morris. How did you go about fulfilling that role ? 

Mr. Wallace. Well, I can't recall the woman's name. There was 
a prominent woman in Essex County, and her role was to go to Judge 
Bigelow, since she was on friendly terms with Judge Bigelow 

Mr. Morris. Was she a Communist, this woman ? 

Mr. Wallace. I don't know know her that well, to say she was or 
was not. 

Mr. Morris. She was generally in sympathy with your work ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

Well, everybody that was there was in sympathy, as far as that was 
concerned. You laiow. 

So she was to approach Judge Bigelow and try to influence Judge 
Bigelow to take this kind of position. He did. When he did, we 
then could approach the other lawyers. They did approach the other 
lawyers, and got other lawyers, such as Oxfell 

Mr. Morris. What is his first name ? 

Mr. Wallace. I don't know. 

Mr. Morris. 0-x-f-e-l-l? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. He used to be a lawyer for the CIO. 

Mr. Morris. Any other lawyers ? 

Mr. Wallace. Well, the union lawyers, for instance. Scribner, 
Stavis. 



4456 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE XJNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. What is his first name ? 

Mr. Wallace. His first name is Morty Stavis. 

Mr. Morris. Wliat is Scribner's first name ? 

Mr. Wallace. David Scribner. 

Mr. Morris. Were they Communists ? 

Mr. Wallace. I have never attended a meeting with them, but, 
from tlie language they talked and the discussions we liad, I would 
say "Yes." They automatically defended the union members, and 
their position was that they would certainly defend anybody using the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Morris. Were any other lawyers involved at that time? 

Mr. Wallace. I don't recall all of them that were involved. 

Mr. Morris. How many Communist teachers were there in the area, 
to your knowledge ? 

Mr. Wallace. I don't know. 

Mr. Morris. How many Communist lawyers were there in this 
area ? 

Mr. Wallace. That, again, I can't tell you. 

Mr. Morris. Now, did the Communist Party ever ask you to resort 
to violence in connection with your work ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Would you want to tell us about that ? 

Mr. Wallace. Before I tell you, I want to know if I may assume 
that there is a certain thing called immunity that I have, because this 
has never been told before. That is why I am asking you. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, the witness wants to tell us a story about 
having been asked to perform certain acts of violence. He is afraid 
there might be some kind of an action taken against him if he does 
tell it. Now, certainly, it would be foolhardy for a man, if in a situa- 
tion a man is coming forth and telling us voluntarily about acts of 
sabotage that the Communist Party asked him to perform, to leave 
himself open for any action that the Senate may take against him. I 
cannot give him any assurance, because I don't know what action the 
Attorney General would take. He is here under subpena. Senator. 
Suppose we take an executive session, and then we can judge for our- 
selves what kind of representation we can take. 

Senator Hrtjska. We wouldn't want to prejudice his position, con- 
sidering how helpful he has been. 

Mr. Wallace. On that particular case, I won't state, but as far as 
violence which pertains to workers in general, yes. We have been in 
the position of meeting with Communist Party members on how to 
throw paint into people's homes. For instance, in the BT strike, I 
recall where wholesale — in the Plainfield area, we would take a bottle 
of 

Mr. Morris. Now, Mr. Wallace, do you recognize we are going to 
take it in the executive session ? 

Mr. Wallace, I am not telling you about the incident that would 
involve me, personally. 

Mr. Morris. Very well. Go ahead. 

Mr. Wallace. We would take a bottle of paint, mix it with paint 
remover, a mayonnaise bottle, mix it with paint remover, and just 
screw the cap off a little bit. We would let it go through a — we 
called them scabs — througli a scab's window, or a foreman's window, 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4457 

and just damage up the whole home. That was done — a form of 
violence. It was done to intimidate and stop people from going into 
plants, and like that. 

So that, in all of the strikes I have been — in every one of the strikes 
I have been in — the party sat down, and I sat down with the clubs 
and actually planned out the violence program that we were going 
to carry on, based on one thing. They told me that unless the work- 
ers themselves — when things are going slow on a day-to-day basis, 
workers are just walking the picket line and doing nothing else, they 
get bored. They get tired. They want to go back to work. 

In order to stop this back-to-work movement, if you could have 
some incident, some incident which would stand out, which would 
scare those workers who were on the line, who were ready to go back 
to work, which would give those militant workers some courage, you 
would then be able to win a strike. 

These were some of the things we did, and some of the things 
I learned as I came down with the variety of strikes I was on. 

Mr. Morris. Now, was this in line with previous training you had 
received ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; it was. 

As I went along, my training went on from day to day. They 
would teach me something different from day to day, and I would 
learn something. After all, I was still a young guy in the union. 

Mr. Morris. The subcommittee has been taking testimony, and this 
is one of the reasons you were asked to testify today, that sometime 
in the period we are discussing here the Communists changed their 
policy with respect to activity within the labor unions. At one point 
along the line they asked, they directed their workers to change their 
policy from what tliey called left sectarianism, isolating themselves 
from the labor unions, and to get back into the CIO, and so on. Did 
you encounter that along the line? 

Mr. Wallace, Yes ; I was part of it. 

Mr. Morris. Would you tell us about that ? 

Mr. Wallace, Tlie whole policy changed at the end of 1953, and 
the beginning of 1954, At that time — here you have to try to under- 
stand what I mean by right left, and left left. Rightwing unions are 
those unions wliich are not Communist dominated. 

Mr. Morris. This is according to Communist policy ? 

Mr. Wallace. That is right. Leftwing unions are those which are 
Communist dominated; but within the leftwing unions you have a 
left left, which are radical, within the union itself. Then, within the 
left unions, you have a right element which — they are not radicals, 
but they are militant people who are honest people, but they just 
happen to be in a leftwing union. 

Mr. Morris. And they are not Communists ? 

Mr. Wallace. They are rightwing people, who happen to be in a 
leftwing union. They are not Communists. But, within that left- 
wing union, you have radicals who are called leftwing. 

Well, from 1949 to 1953, the leftwing unions were losing member- 
ship to the rightwing unions. Rightwing unions were just moving 
in and taking away their membership. Also, at that time, the Com- 
munist Party itself was losing voice within the right unions, because 
they had no people in the right unions. All their left people were 



4458 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTivrTY nsr the united states 

isolated in the left unions. Therefore, the policy had to change, be- 
cause how could we affect the right unions unless we got people into 
the right unions ? 

So, it became necessary that where we lost local unions — where the 
left unions lost local unions — it was necessary to say to those work- 
ers, "Do not stay out of the right union, but join the right union, 
become a part of the right union, so that you can influence the poli- 
cies. Attend the meetings of the right unions so that you can influ- 
ence the policies of that right union and, by so doing, bring the 
Communist Party thinking to that right union." 

Well, this went on for a while. Then it was found out that the 
left union was losing so many people to the point where it was 
becoming ineffective. Then the policy was to get into the mainstream 
of labor, no matter what the cost. There would be casualties by the 
way, but as we tried to go in 

For instance, Jim McLeish .wouldn't be the president of the district 
4 ; Bill Wallace wouldn't be secretary of district 4, but would be reg- 
ular workers in the shop. Matles and Emspak, Fitzgerald, and those 
guys, would find themselves out of work. 

But these things had to happen, because it was important that we 
get the rank and file — this meant the Communist Party clubs — back 
mto the mainstream of labor. 

The main thing was getting the clubs back in, the little people 
down below, because the clubs down below were the ones that actually 
did the party work within the unions or within the shops. 

So that in 1954 we fought it out, and it wasn't until 1955 that 
within our union we finally began putting so much weight on the 
rank and file to get back into the mainstream of labor that we 
finally — it was finally in 1955 or 1956 — that in our union they Avent 
back into the mainstream of labor. 

But before that, all of the left unions started moving into the 
mainstream of labor and not only called tlie union names here but 
you will notice that the leftwing unions did start moving into the 
mainstream of labor — that is, the AFL and the CIO — in 1954. 

That was only at party direction that they did that. 

At one time they had thought of building a complete left group by 
itself. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, that is something the subcommittee has been 
observing in all these recent hearings that we have been having on 
the labor situation. 

We have seen the people who have been identified with the left 
unions, used in the sense that Mr. Wallace has used it today, have 
now been moving into the AFL and CIO. We have had at least a 
score of such cases here before the subcommittee. 

Senator Hruska. Is there anything further, gentlemen? 

Mr. Morris. One final question, Mr. Wallace. 

Would you tell us, generally, if you found that the Communist 
Party actually had the interest of the workers at heart in carrying on 
its various activities ? 

Mr. Wallace. No. 

That was one of the reasons in 1952 that I became disillusioned with 
the Communist Party, because, actually, I considered myself a very 
good party worker. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 4459 

When I found that the Communist Party was using the Negro peo- 
ple and the workers in general to benefit the Communist Party alone, 
I couldn't see it. 

For instance, we used to talk about slums and slum clearances, work- 
ers living in downtrodden homes, and like that. All we would do 
would be on the streets of Elizabeth — all we would do would be to 
build it up and propagandize it and make a big stinlv out of it. 

But to actually go into the homes and tell the people how to cor- 
rect their living conditions, we never did. All we did was propa- 
gandize it, to blow it up, and to give the party and the party clubs a 
platform on which to draw people in, so that we could talk to them 
about party activities. 

That was our main purpose of using the workers, to get them to 
listen to our propaganda about warmongering, about the Government 
not thinking about workers, otherwise they would build new homes. 

Yet, they would speak about the Soviet Union and say people in 
the Soviet Union are living better than you are in these holes. 

This was the kind of propaganda that we had built up. 

Also, the fact of speedup, the speedup program. The Soviet work- 
ers — they would say — are not on a speedup program; yet the Amer- 
ican Government and big business has gotten you on a speedup pro- 
gram. 

Tliis was the kind of propaganda. 

Finally, when I went to Kussia and came back and analyzed it, I 
saw that it Avasn't true. 

Mr. Morris. What were the conditions in the Soviet Union ? 

Mr. Wallace. There was a speedup program there, only they called 
it the 5-year plan. The conditions there were just as bad as was 
painted. For instance, in Russia the young people didn't go to 
churches. There was no effort to get them into cliurclies. 

The living conditions — they tried to show me in Russia the liv- 
ing conditions where a guy bought a suit and the suit was of the same 
quality that ours was, and yet it would take him a month to buy that 
suit, and it would only take me 2 Aveeks to buy a suit. I just couldn't 
see the way they did it. 

Senator HfeusKA. Did you get to go through some of tlie factories 
there? ^ ^ ^ 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

I went through the automobile factories, I went through the tractor 
factories. _ I went through the shoe factories. 

As I said before, they had a speedup program, and they called it 
the 5-year plan. The people in the Soviet Union Avere doing that 
solely on their own — they said — voluntarily, to make their OAvn pro- 
duction for the good of Russia. 

Actually, the people — why, I saw women out there digging ditches. 
I saw workers working 8, 9, 10 hours a day. I saAv them working 6 
days a Aveek. Here I was working only 5 days a week. 

Senator Hruska. Did they get overtime ? 

Mr. Wallace. No; they just got straight time. But they had a 
system, sort of like our incentive system. For everything you pro- 
duce over a certain amount, you get a bonus. That is what I saw. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, sometime this afternoon, Ave will take the 
executive session testimony referred to. 



4460 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

But I would like the record to show the appreciation of at least the 
staff of Mr. Wallace's coming down to testify today. 

It is becoming increasingly more difficult, what with the political 
atmosphere being what it is, to get people to testify today. I think, 
at least as far as the Internal Security Subcommittee is concerned, 
we should show that we appreciate it. 

Senator Hruska. I want to add to that my own appreciation. 

One of the most articulate and most clear explanations of the train- 
ing and activities of the Communist Party was yours, Mr. Wallace, 
and I want to commend you for coming here and cooperating with 
the committee, as you have. 

Is there anything further ? 

Mr. Morris. No, Senator. 

Senator Hruska. If not, the witness is excused. 

Before we adjourn, I would like to call attention to the fact that 
this is one of the last hearings that will be attended by Mr. William 
Rusher as a member of the staff of the subcommittee. 

I understand he has resigned, effective the middle of next month, 
to accept new employment to go into a new field. 

Do you want to tell us what it is, Mr. Rusher ? 

Mr. Rusher. Publisher of the National Review magazine, in New 
York City. 

Senator Hruska. Well, that is fine. 

I understand you have been here with us a year and a half, and from 
my experience in the last 7i/^ months, I have been very gratified. 
From what I hear from the other members of the staff, they likewise 
enjoyed a benefit from your working along with them, and we are 
sorry you are leaving. 

We hope you will find your new job both beneficial and interesting. 

Mr. Rusher. Thank you. It has been a great pleasure for me. 
Senator. 

Senator Hruska. If there is no further business, the subcommittee 
stands adjourned. 

(Wliereupon, at 12 : 20 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned.) 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



TUESDAY, JULY 23, 1957 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws 
OF the Committee on the Judiciary, 
Washington^ D. C. 
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 3 : 35 p. m., in room 
313, Senate Office Building, Senator Roman L. Hruska presiding. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; and Nelson Frank, 
investigator. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, this is the testimony of William A. Wallace, 
continued. 

Senator Hruska. All right. 

Mr. Morris. Senator Hruska, at this morning's session, there was 
an incident came up that indicated that this witness knew about some 
acts of sabotage that were attempted by the Communist Party, and 
the witness is now ready to tell us about that particular act of sabotage 
that he knew about. 

Senator Hruska. Very well, he may proceed. 

TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM A. WALLACE 

Mr. Morris. Was there any act of violence that the Commmiist 
Party attempted to perform to your knowledge ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; there was. 

Mr. Morris. In connection with what was that ? 

Mr. Wallace. That was in connection with the American Safety 
Razor Co. leaving Brooklyn and going to Staunton, Va. 

Mr. Morris. Did the party object to their leaving ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; they did. 

Mr. Morris. And was violence attempted ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; it was. 

Mr. Morris. Now, were a group of Communists called in solely for 
violence ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; they were. 

Mr. Morris. And what were their instructions ? 

Mr. Wallace. In order to keep the workers of the American Safety 
Razor on the picket lines and in a good mood, that some act of violence 
had to happen which would bolster their courage. 

Mr. Morris. And were any of these people asked to get guns or 
anything ? 

4461 



4462 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; they were. They were told to go to a camp in 
upstate New York and pick up a gun which was to be used to blow 
out the tires on a truck of the Smith Trucking Co., which is a truck- 
ing company out of Staunton, Va., and, failing that, do anything 
possible which would stop any of those trucks on the road. They 
then went out to follow the trucks out of Brooklyn into Baltimore. 
Along the road they tried to stop the trucks by the use of using the 
gun, shooting at the tire. It didn't work, so then they used a "Molo- 
tov cocktail," which is gasoline and oil mixed together and put in 
a jar with a wick, and then light the wick and throw it at the gas 
tank of the track. That was attempted several times ; and each time 
that the attempt was made, the wind would blow the light out — the 
fire out on the "Molotov cocktail." That didn't happen, so they went 
back to Elizabeth, N. J., into the terminal point of the trucking com- 
pany and attempted to cut the airlines on the trailer. Because of the 
tough rubber and the steel being around this cable, that didn't work, 
so they reported failure as far as the incident was concerned but re- 
ported success as far as letting the workers laiow that they attempted 
something. 

Mr. Morris. Now, you gave the identity of all the participants in 
it to the FBI, did you not ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; I made a complete report to the FBI. 

Senator Hruska. Who gave the instructions in regard to this act 
of violence that you have just described — without naming names ? I 
do not want you to name names unless you feel that you can. But with 
reference to this, what was the source of the instructions ? 

Mr. Wallace. It was the Communist Party instructions to a group 
of Communist Party members within the union. 

Mr. Morris. And you were present at the time ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; I was. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, we will give the FBI the names of all the 
people that Mr. Wallace has told us about on the record and off the 
record. 

Senator Hruska. Very well. Now, do you want that to be on the 
record ? 

Mr. Morris. I think so. 

Senator Hruska. Very well. The record will show that coopera- 
tion will be extended to the FBI. 

Mr. Morris. Have you been able to think of the woman who was 
the intermediary between the Communist Party and Judge Bigelow? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; I have. Her name was Frances Nussbaum. 

Mr. Morris. To your knowledge, was she a Communist Party 
member ? 

Mr. Wallace. Not to my knowledge, but I can say definitely she 
was sympathetic to the Communist Party. And her purpose at that 
time was to discredit the Committee on Un-American Activities. 

Mr. Morris. Now, do you remember a trip you made, Mr. Wallace, 
to Washington in connection with the Harry Bridges situation ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; I do. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you'd tell us about that? 

Mr. Wallace. In November of 1051, I met with James McLeish; 
and he told me thtit the party liad instructed him to go to Washington, 
the Hotel Willard, to meet with Harry Bridges and some of the lead- 
ing leftwing union leadership. Unfortunately, he couldn't make it 



SCOPE OP SOVIET ACTIVnT IN THE UNITED STATES 4463 

and said that I was supposed to cover the affair. I asked him what 
it was about, and he told me that it pertained to the deportation of 
Harry Bridges and the need to rally all the leftwing umons around 
the Harry Bridges deportation. 

Mr. Morris. You are using "leftwing" in the sense that you defined 
it for us this morning ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. I came to Washington and I met with Kuss 
Kixon, who was waiting for me. I reported to his office here in 
Washington. 

Mr. Morris. To your knowledge was he a Communist ? 

Mr. Wallace. To my knowledge; yes. That is from discussions 
which I had with him. I came to Washington; I met with Kuss 
Nixon. He then took me to the Hotel Willard. I met there with 
Harry Bridges, Joe Selly, Dave Livingston, and Joe Kehoe, but there 
was another fellow, Durkin, from district 65. We met there and we 
discussed the necessity for the leftwing trade imions to mobilize their 
entire membership around the Harry Bridges deportation, that we 
were to put out leaflets individually to our membership and propa- 
gandize the affair and show that the Government was taking off on 
Harry Bridges unfairly, that they were just trying to do a job on 
Harry Bridges — he was just the first step, that they would then be 
taking off — that they would then do a job on all the militant trade 
unions if we let them get away with the Harry Bridges deportation. 

Mr. Morris. How many of these people were, to your knowledge, 
Communists ? 

Mr. Wallace. To my knowledge 

Mr. Morris. Was Joe Kehoe a Communist ? 

Mr. Wallace. There was Kehoe; there was Selly; there was 
Bridges — well 

Mr. Morris. How about Durkin ? 

Mr. Wallace. Durkin ; I don't know. 

Mr. Morris. Livingston? 

Mr. Wallace. Livingston was sympathetic. And the security 
measures that were taken around this meeting indicated to me that it 
was strictly a party meeting, because they questioned everyone, 
whether we had let anyone else know about it. We weren't supposed 
to let anyone else know about it. They cut off all telephone calls, and 
they just checked to see whether I was sent by anyone else, or they 
were. 

Mr. Morris. Was anyone else there ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; Leon Straus was there. 

Mr. Morris. Was he, to your knowledge, a Communist ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. How many of these people moved back into the AFL- 
CIO? Was Straus 

Mr. Wallace. Straus was AFL-CIO. 

Mr. Morris. And he has gone back ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. Livingston has gone back. Nixon, no; 
Bridges, no. 

Mr. Morris. Now, are you acquainted with Local 477 of the HJE, 
which is now part of the AFL-CIO ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; I am acquainted with it in the sense that it used 
to be another local union. 

Mr. Morris. Now, Victor Teich, the president of that local — to 
your knowledge, has he ever been a Communist ? 



4464 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Wallace. Yes; I knew that by having discussions with him on 
communism in the Westchester area. We met in 1955. 

Mr. Morris. How about Hans Schuttig, who is now financial sec- 
retary-treasurer of that union ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; he was in the same union with me as an execu- 
tive-board member, and I knew him to be a member of the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. Morris. How about James Garry, business manager? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes; I knew him to be a member by meeting with 
him, talking over party business. 

Mr. Morris. Sidney Gilbert, business agent ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; I knew him to be a Communist Party member, 
because in 1951 he instructed me to see that some of the fellows on the 
delegation didn't get out of line so far as Communists over in Russia 
were concerned. 

Mr. Morris. Those five, Senator, are other instances of people who, 
at least to our knowledge, have been Communists. 

During what period, Mr. Wallace, did you know them to be Com- 
munists ? 

Mr. Wallace. I knew them from 1951 until 1955. 

Mr. Morris. And, when you left the party, they were still in the 
party ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. There are instances, Senator, at least to that extent, 
between that period, of people who were Communists who have gone 
back to the AFLr-CIO and who hold leading position in the lUE. 

Now, who were Jack and Riva Bernstein ? 

Mr. Wallace. Jack and Rya Bernstein. They were party people 
who, socially and on some of the ideas of the party, worked with me 
as an individual and as a friend. They gave me some of my basic in- 
structions so far as the party was concerned, and they owned a drug- 
store up in Hillside. They owned a drugstore. 

Mr. Morris. Hillside, N. J. ? 

Mr. Wallace. Hillside, N. J., and instructed me how to operate 
as a good Communist, run for public office, getting out on the street 
with leaflet campaigns, and propagandizing. 

Mr. Morris. And you did run for public office ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And what was that for ? 

Mr. Wallace. I ran for assembly in the State of New Jersey. 

Mr. Morris. In Union County ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Now, when you were in Czechoslovakia, did you run 
into George Shaw Wheeler ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; I did. 

Mr. Morris. An where did you meet him ? 

Mr. Wallace. He met me first at my hotel, came down to see me. 

Mr. Morris. On your way to Moscow ? 

Mr. Wallace. On my way to Moscow. And then I stayed there a 
day with him at his home, and then he told me to meet him on my 
return. Somehow or other, he got his instructions ahead and he met 
me on my return, coming back to the United States, and I stayed then 
with him 2 days. 



SCX>PE OF SOVIET ACTIVnT INT THE TJNTTED STATES 4465 

Mr. Morris. Did you know him when he was in the United States ? 

Mr. Wallace. No ; I did not. 

Mr. Morris. What was his position with the Czechoslovakian Gov- 
ernment ; do you know ? 

Mr. Wallace. I don't know his position. I knew that his wife 
was a translator with the Czechoslovakian Government. 

Mr. Morris. Who was Elinor Jaffe ? 

Mr. Wallace. Elinor Jaffe was the secretary of one of the party 
leaders, and she was in on the discussions with me in relation to the- 
violence incident. She was in on the discussions. 

Mr. Morris. And where is she now ; do you know ? 

Mr. Wallace. Where is she ? 

Mr. Morris. To your knowledge. 

Mr. Wallace. She is now with the lUE. 

Mr. Morris. Were you on the staff of the March of Labor ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; I was. 

Mr. Morris. To your knowledge, was that a Communist-front or- 
ganization ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes ; it was. 

Mr. Morris. Any doubt about it ? 

Mr. Wallace. No, sir. That was the party assignment. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Wallace, again I want to say how grateful the 
subcommittee is for your cooperation. This just firms up and fur- 
nishes additional evidence to show the movement of Communist activ- 
ity and members into the mainstream of the AFL-CIO, and that is 
something we are very interested in, because we knew that that was 
what was planned, what was forecast. And, of course, it is for us 
now to make such use of that information as we can for legislative 
purposes, which we propose to do. Thank you again. 

Mr. Morris. There is one thing I ought to mention. This witness 
was subpenaed before the Internal Security Subcommittee in 1951. 
Is that right, Mr. Wallace ? 

Mr. Wallace. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. And you invoked the fifth amendment at that time. 
Why did you invoke the fifth amendment ? 

Mr. Wallace. I was instructed to, by the Communist Party. I was 
one of the first to appear before the committee, and the Communist 
Party, Martha Stone in particular, told me that, "Where there are 
names of people mentioned, use the fifth amendment. Where there is 
the security of the union, you feel there might be a doubt about it, 
use the fifth amendment, and we will get you lawyers who are ac- 
quainted with the fifth amendment so that you will have no fear of 
using it." So that's why, in my testimony before that committee, 
the committee at that time, I invoked the fifth amendment all the 
way down the line, on practically every question. 

Mr. Morris. Did you have to pay your attorney for representing 
you then ? 

Mr. Wallace. I did not ; no. They paid for me — the party or the 
union. 

Senator Hruska. All right ; that will conclude the hearing. 

(Whereupon, at 3:55 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned, subject 
to the call of the Chair.) 



INDEX 

NOTE — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organi- 
zation in this index. 



Fag* 

AFL 4458 

AFL^CIO 446S-4465 

Air Force 4453 

American Safety Razor Co 4461 

Attorney General 4456 

B 

Baltimore 4462 

Barry, Walter 4449 

Bernstein, Jack 4464 

Bernstein, Riva 4464 

Bigelow, Judge , 4455, 4462 

Bridges, Harry 4462, 4463 

Bridges union 4452 

Brooklyn 4461, 4462 

BT strike 4456 

C 
CIO 4455, 4457, 4458 

Cohen, Sylvia 4454 

Cole, Archie 4447, 4453 

Communist/s 4446, 4449-4451, 4453, 4454, 4456, 4457, 4461, 4463, 4464 

Communist Party 4446-4453, 4456-4459, 4461, 4462, 4464, 4465 

Connecticut 4453 

Czechoslovakia 4464,4465 

D 

Daily Worker 4447 

District Club • 4454 

Dolgow, Clara 4446 

Durkin, Mr 4463 

E 
Elizabeth, N. J 4446, 4451, 4459, 4462 

Emergency Civil Libeities Committee 4454 

Emergency Civil Liberties Union 4454 

Emerson shop 4449 

Emspak, Mr 4458 

Ensel, Bob . ^- 4446 

Essex County, N. J 4449, 4450, 4455 

F 

FBI 4447, 4451, 4452, 4462 

F. T. & T. shop 4449 

Federal Tel shop 4449 

Fifth amendment 4455, 4456, 4465 

Fitzgerald, Mr 4458 

Frank. Nelisou 4461 



n INDEX 

Page 

<jarry, James 4464 

<3reneral Motors 4449 

Germany 4445 

Gilbert, Sidney 4464 

H 

HiUside, N. J 4464 

Hotel Willard 4462, 4463 

House Un-American Activities Committee . 4454, 4462 

Hruska, Senator Roman L 4445, 4461 

I 

Ingersoll-Rand in Phillipsburg strike in 1950 4453 

International Longshoremen's & Warehousemen's Union 4452 

Internationtal Projector 4453 

lUB . 4464, 4465 

Local 477 4463 

J 
Jaffe, Elinor 4465 

K 

Kehoe, Joe 4463 

Korean war , 4448 

L 

Laba, I^telle 4454 

Labor Youth League (LYL) , 4449, 4450 

Leninism 4447 

Lipari, Al , 4447 

Livingston, Dave 4463 

Lovpenstein, Robert 4455 

M 

Mandel, Benjamin 4445 

Manifesto 4447 

March of Labor (organization) 4465 

Matles, Mr 4458 

McLeish, James 4452, 4458, 4462 

Molotov cocktail , 4462 

Morris, Robert 4445, 4461 

Moscovsr 4452, 4464 

N 
Navy 4453 

Negro people . 4459 

New Jersey 4446, 4449, 4450, 4464 

New York 4445, 4449, 4450, 4462 

Nixon, Russ , 4463 

Nussbaum, Frances 4462 

O 
Oxfell, Mr 4455 

P 

Plainfield area 4456 

Poleshuck, Walter 4447 

Progressive Party 4446, 4450 

Union County 4446 

R 

Red China 4448 

Rusher, William 4445 

Rutgers board 4445 



INDEX m 



Page 

Schroeder, F. W 4445 

Schuman, Louis 4447, 4449, 4453 

Schuttig, Hans 4464 

Scribner, David 4455, 4456 

fielly, Joe 4463 

Singer Club 4447, 4449 

Singer Sewing Machine Shop in Elizabeth, N. J 4446, 4449, 4451, 4453 

strike 4447, 4448, 4450 

Standards system 4448 

Smith Act 4447 

Defendants 4453 

Smith Trucking Co 4462 

Soviet Union 4448, 4459 

Sperry Gyroscope on Long Island 4453 

Stalinism 4447 

Staunton, Va 4461, 4462 

Stavis, Morty 4455, 4456 

Stone, Martha 4447, 4449, 4465 

Straus, Leon 4463 

T 
Teich, Victor 4463 

Telecon shop 4449 

Union County, N. J 4446, 4449, 4450, 4464 

Union County Club 4447, 4449 

V 
Telson, Charles 4452 

W 

Wallace, William A. : 

Testimony of 4445-4465 

173 Washington Street, Mount Vernon, N. Y 4445 

Joined Communist Party in 1949 until 1955 4446, 4451 

W/Singer Sewing Machine Shop in Elizabeth, N. J 4446 

Chairman of Union County Progressive Party 4446 

Went to Moscow in 1951 4452 

Washington 4452, 4462, 4463 

Westchester area 4464 

Westinghouse shop 4449 

Wheeler, George Shaw 4464 

Z 

Zimmerman, Perry 4454 



o 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



HEARING 

•BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTEATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIAEY 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 

ON 

SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE 
UNITED STATES 



JULY 25, 1957 



PART 75 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
93215 WASHEVOTON : 1958 



Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

MAR 1 1 1958 



COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr., Missouri WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McGLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Dlinois 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

SAM J. ERVIN, Je., North Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 

JOHN L. McGLELLAN, Arkansas ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah 

SAM J. ERVIN, Jk., North Carolina JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland 

MATTHEW M. NEELY, West Virginia ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 

Robert Morris, Chief Counsel 

J. G. SouRwiNE, Associate Counsel 

William A. Rusher, Associate Counsel 

Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 

IZ 



CONTENTS 



Testimony of— ^•'* 

Solitrin, Herman A - -- 4483 

Thomas, Herman Erwin 4467 



in 



p,:\Tr 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 



THURSDAY, JULY 25, 1957 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

and Other Internal Security Laws, of the 

Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington., D. G. 
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10 : 15 a. m., in room 457, 
Senate Office Building, Senator Roman L. Hruska presiding. 

Also present: Robert Morris, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, re- 
search director : and Frank W. Schroeder, chief investigator. 
Mr. Morris. Mr. Herman Erwin Thomas? 

Senator Hruska. The committee will come to order. Call the first 
witness. 

Will you be sworn, please, sir? Do you solemnly swear that the 
testimony which you are about to give will be the truth, the whole 
truth and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 
Mr. Thomas. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF HERMAN ERWIN THOMAS 

Mr. Morris. Will you give your full name and address to the re- 
porter ? 

Mr. Thomas. Herman Erwin Thomas. I live in Allentown, Pa. 

Mr. Morris. And what is your business or profession? 

Mr. Thomas. I am in the wholesale frozen food business. 

Mr. Morris. "^Vhere were you born, Mr. Thomas ? 

Mr. Thomas. In Philadelphia, Pa. 

Mr. Morris. And when did you first become involved in any way 
with the Communist Party of the United States ? 

Mr. Thomas. In 1937. 

Mr. Morris. Will you tell us the circumstances of that association ? 

Mr. Thomas. Surely. In 1937 I was a driver-salesman for a bot- 
tling company and the owner of this company at that time was a 
member of the Communist Party, and upon persuasion of him and 
several of his friends, I joined the Communist Party. I remained in 
the party until the latter part of 1939 when I began to see what the 
party really was, that it wasn't the champion of the working class. 

Mr. Morris. And then you left the Communist Party. 

Mr. Thomas. In the latter part of 1939. 

Mr. Morris. And then you had no further association in the Com- 
munist Party during the subsequent years. 

Mr. Thomas. No ; in January of 1944 1 was 

4467 



4468 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVnT IN" THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Between 1939 and 1944 you had no connection with 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Thomas. That's correct. 

Mr. Morris. What happened in 1944 ? 

Mr. Thomas. In January of 1944 I was approached by two agents 
of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and they said they had known 
of my affiliation with the Communist Party and that I had broken with 
the party and asked if I wouldn't help the Government in working 
for the FBI as an undercover agent. 

Mr. Morris. And did you do that ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir ; I did . 

Mr. Morris. And you became a member of the Communist Party at 
their suggestion ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, in April of 1944. 

Mr. Morris. And how long did you remain in the Conmiunist Party ? 

Mr. Thomas. Until May 6, 1954, when I testified in the Smith Act 
trial in Philadelphia. 

Mr. Morris. And of course from that time on, your association with 
the Commmiist Party was naturally terminated ? 

Mr. Thomas. Most definitely. 

Mr. Morris. Wliile you were a Communist, Mr. Thomas, generally 
what section of the party did you work with ? 

Mr. Thomas. The Lehigh Valley section of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Morris. What was the Lehigh Valley section of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Thomas. That took in Allentown, Bethlehem, Easton and 
Bucks County, Quakertown, Doylestown, New Hope, that section. 

Mr. Morris. And what positions did you hold in the Lehigh Valley 
section ? 

Mr. Thomas. Well, I was financial secretary of the party. I was 
president-director; for a time I was literature director, a member of 
the district steel commission. I was on the section committee, on the 
section secretariat. I held numerous positions in the party. 

Mr. Morris. Generally, since you held all those positions with the 
Lehigh Valley section of the Communist Party, I wonder if you could 
tell us what the general strength in the party was, at least during 
the period that you held those positions. I understand after you left 
the party in 1954 you could not qualify to testify about that period, but 
while you were the treasurer and held all these other offices what was 
the strength 

Mr. Thomas. The greatest strength of the party at one time was 
about 174 or 175 members in the Lehigh Valley section. 

Mr. Morris. And that was declining at the time you left the party ; 
is that right ? 

Mr. Thomas. Oh, yes. After the arrest of the leaders in New York, 
I guess it was around 1949, the membership in the party started to 
dwindle. 

Mr. Morris. And what was it when you left in 1940 ? 

Mr. Thomas. I would say around 40 in the Lehigh Valley. 

Mr. Morris. The Lehigh Valley section ? 

Mr. Thomas. That's right. 

Mr. Morris. Could you generally tell us what was the concentra- 
tion industrywise of the l76 members of the Communist Party in 
the Lehigh Valley section ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITT IN THE UNITED STATES 4469 

Mr. Thomas. Steel was the main concentration, the Bethlehem Steel 
plant at Bethlehem, Pa. 

Mr. Morris. Did you participate in any of the steel commission 
work of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes; as I stated before, I was a member of the dis- 
trict steel commission. I also was associated for a time with one of 
the steel clubs in Bethlehem. I, along with the section organizer, 
worked very closely in steel among the steelworkers. 

Mr. Morris. Who were the other members of the steel commis- 
sion of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Thomas. X might say, first, Charles Spencer, who, as the sec- 
tion organizer, was one of the first members of the steel commission 
from the Lehigh Valley area. 

Mr. Morris. Where did the steel commission meet ? 

Mr. Thomas. Most of our meetings were held in Philadelpliia. 

Mr. Morris. And how many members of this commission were 
there ? 

Mr. Thomas. Well, there were about 12 to 14 members would at- 
tend the meetings that I attended. 

Mr. Morris. And who were they generally? You said Spencer 
was one. 

Mr. Thomas. Charlie Spencer, William Hood. 

Mr. Morris. Who represented Bethlehem Steel, by the way? 

Mr. Thomas. William Hood represented Bethlehem Steel and then 
there was a fellow by the name of Bill Crawford who represented 
Baldwin Locomotive Works. 

Mr. Morris. Where was Baldwin Locomotive Works located ? 

Mr. Thomas. I think it is near Chester, Pa., Spring City or Eddy- 
stone ; somewhere in that vicinity. 

Mr. Morris. What other steelworkers were represented there ? 

Mr. Thomas. There was the Lackawanna plant of the Bethlehem 
Steel, the Bethlehem Steel plant at Bethlehem, the Lukens Steel of 
Coatesville, and the Baldwin Locomotive Works. 

Mr. Morris. And the workers who were organized by the Com- 
munist Party in all of these various steel plants 

Mr. Thomas. That's correct. 

Mr. Morris. Had representatives at the steel commission ? 

Mr. Thomas. That's right. 

Mr. Morris. And the commission itself was made up of between 12 
and 15 members ? 

Mr. Thomas. That's correct. 

Mr. Morris. Who for instance represented Lukens Steel at these 
meetings ? 

Mr. Thomas. At one time there was a fellow by the name of Gillespie 
who represented the Communist Party at Lukens Steel. 

Mr. Morris. Wliat was his first name ? 

Mr. Thomas. I don't recall his first name. 

Mr. Morris. You say Crawford was a representative of Baldwin 
Locomotives ? 

Mr. Thomas. Bill Crawford. 

Mr. Morris. And William Hood ? 

Mr. Thomas. Bethlehem Steel. 

Mr. Morris. And how about yourself, who did you represent? 



4470 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Thomas. Bethlehem Steel at Bethlehem. 

Mr. Morris. What were you doing at that time ? 

Mr. Thomas. For a time I had worked at Bethlehem Steel. 

Mr. Morris. And because you had, you represented 

Mr. Thomas. I represented the Communist Party workers at Beth- 
lehem Steel. 

Mr. Morris. How many Communist Party workers at Bethlehem 
Steel did you represent ? 

Mr. Thomas. At one time we had about 17 members at Bethlehem 
Steel. 

Mr. Morris. That was the strongest concentration in that? 

Mr. Thomas. I think so. 

Mr. Morris. In 1954 had that declined ? 

Mr. Thomas. Oh, greatly. 

Mr. Morris. How many were there to your recollection in 1954 ? 

Mr. Thomas. I would say about a half, about 7 or 8. 

Mr. Morris. Were you working at Bethlehem Steel at the time they 
had a strike during the Korean war ? 

Mr. Thomas. No ; I wasn't working at Bethlehem Steel at that time. 

Mr. Morris. Did you have anything to do with the strike ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes. I was instructed by Charles Spencer — no, 
William Hood was our section organizer at that time, that we should 
contact the members we had in steel and try to tell them to stay out, 
that they could get better conditions, but to my knowledge his was a 
camouflage because, in 1945, during World War II, there was all-out 
production as far as the Communist Party was concerned because that 
was a people's war, World War II, but during the Korean war we 
tried to slow down production wherever possible, and also tried to 
maintain the strike as long as we could. 

Mr. Morris. Was that true about this particular Bethlehem Steel 
strike ? 

Mr. Thomas. That is correct. 

Mr. Morris. When was this Bethlehem Steel strike you are refer- 
ring to? 

Mr. Thomas. I think it was around 1951 or 1952. I am not sure 
of the exact date. 

Mr. Morris. And could you tell us specifically then how the Com- 
munist Party tried to prolong the 1951 and 1952 Bethlehem Steel 
strike? 

Mr. Thomas. We told our partj^ members and party sympathizers 
to try to talk to the fellows on the picket line that they could get better 
working conditions and they shouldn't submit to the demands of the 
union and the steel company. 

Mr. Morris. Who did this? What was the representation of tlie 
Communists in Bethlehem Steel at that time ? 

Mr. Thomas. In 1951 ? I would say there were about 12. 

Mr. Morris. TAvelve. 

Mr. Thomas. That's right, out of the original 17. 

Mr. Morris. Well, assume they participated ? 

Mr. Thomas. Tliey did. 

Mr. Morris. Did any outside Communist force try to amplfy the 
work they were doing ? 

Mr. I'ndMAS. Tlie only thing I know is that I only contacted the 
Communist Party members that were working at Steel and giving 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIYITY EST THE UNITED STATES 4471 

them the instructions that were given me by the section organizer 
of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Morris. And these instructions were that they were to prolong 
the strike ? 

Mr. Thomas. That's correct. 

Mr. Morris. And the reason for prolonging the strike is they 
wanted to slow up defense production during the Korean war ? 

Mr. Thomas. That's correct. 

Mr. Morris. Did that Communist Party obstructionist thinking as 
you have just described it, did that manifest itself in any other things 
you did for the Communist Party or in any other things that you did 
as an individual ? 

Mr. Thomas. I might say that during the Korean war there was 
a meeting of the section secretariat. At that time William Hood and 
William Power and myself were members of that section secretariat, 
and about half past 12, past midnight, I asked to be excused and told 
them that I had to go airplane spotting. I belonged to the Ground 
Observer Corps at that time. William Power says to me "You mean 
to tell me that you are helping the Korean war effort by spotting air- 
planes that in case a Soviet plane would come over here you would 
have to report it?" He says, "You know you could be kicked out of 
the party for this." 

Well, I said, "All I know is that in World War II, I was an air- 
plane spotter." They said, "Well, that was a different situation. 
World War II was a people's war. This war here is an Imperialist's 
War." 

Mr. Morris. Did that show up in anything else, buying defense 
bonds or anything like that ? 

Mr. Thomas. Oh, yes ; well, the Communists were instructed not to 
buy defense bonds because of that fact that it helped the Korean war 
effort. In fact we did have one member expelled from the party 
because he continuously bought defense bonds. 

Mr. Morris. Can you recall who he was ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes ; Morris Klein. 

K-1-e-i-n. That's right. 

Mr. Morris. Has he gone back in the party again ? 

Mr. Thomas. I wouldn't know. 

Mr. Morris. Generally, could you tell us about the strength of the 
Communist Party in the city of Philadelphia itself ? 

This Lehigh Valley section, you say the peak membership was 176. 

Mr. Thomas. 174 or 17.5. 

Mr. Morris. By the middle of 1954 it had reduced to about 40. 

Mr. Thomas. That's correct. 

Mr. Morris, What was the general strength of the Communist Party 
in Philadelphia during this period ? 

Mr. Thomas. Around 1954. 

Mr. Morris. The general area that you were in there. 

Mr. Thomas. Well, at one time it was as high as 3,800 members of 
the party in Philadelphia, but I would say that in 1954, just before I 
testified, there was about 1,400 — 1,400 to 1,700 — members of the party. 

Mr. Morris. You were competent to estimate that number; were 
you not ? 

93215 — 58 — pt. 75 2 



4472 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE "DNITED STATES 

Mr. Thomas. The reason I say that, give that figure, is that I 
attended some enlarged district committee meetings of the eastern 
Pennsylvania and Delaware area ; at these meetings reports would be 
made as to membership, finances, recruiting, etc., and I formed the 
basis of my opinion on this, on those figures that were given at these 
enlarged district committee meetings. 

Mr. Morris. Could you give us a breakdown or estimate what par- 
ticular businesses or professions these people were in ? 

Mr. Thomas. In the Philadelphia area ? 

Mr. Morris. In the Philadelphia area. 

Mr. Thomas. I couldn't do that. I can say this. That I was 
more acquainted with the different commissions that were set up and 
industries, such as electrical, steel, transportation, than I was with 
the city clubs in the city of Philadelphia. 

Mr. Morris. As a member of the Steel Commission did you also 
attend any meetings of the National Steel Commission? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes; I attended two meetings of the National Steel 
Commission in Cleveland, Ohio. 

Mr. Morris. The particular meetings — the Steel Commission met in 
Philadelphia. 

Mr. Thomas. Eastern Pennsylvania and Delaware. 

Mr. Morris. The National ? 

Mr. Thomas. The whole United States. 

Mr. Morris. You say you attended two of those ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes ; I did. 

Mr. Morris. In what years ? 

Mr. Thomas. 1946. 

Mr. Morris. Both of them in that year ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Wlio were some of the representatives of the National 
Steel Commission ? 

Mr. Thomas. From the local area, that is eastern Pennsylvania and 
Delaware, Charles Spencer, William Erney. 

Mr. Morris. How do you spell Erney ? 

Mr. Thomas. E-r-n-e-y. There was a Jake Felsenstein, from Phil- 
adelphia at one of these meetings and at one time there was a Robert 
Morrell. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Felsenstein, mentioned by the wit- 
ness, is somebody who has appeared before the subcommittee, I think, 
during the spring, and he had just been given an outstanding civic 
award by the city of Philadelphia. We asked him about the testimony 
Mr. Thomas had given us in executive session and he invoked his privi- 
lege under the fifth amendment at that time. That was the period, 
Senator, when the people who had been identified as Communists when 
asked about it were invoking the fifth amendment rather than the first 
amendment. 

Mr. Thomas. Also at that meeting was a Jack Kling who was a 
Communist Party organizer from South Chicago. 

Mr. Morris. From South Chicago ? 

Mr. Thomas. That's right. Arnold Johnson who was the district 
organizer of the Communist Party of the State of Ohio. That is 
about all I can remember at this time. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4473 

Mr. Morris. And the functions of that particular commission was 
simply an extension of the commission, of the work that you were 
doing in Philadelphia. 

Mr. Thomas. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you could, generally, before we get to these 
individuals, Mr. Thomas, tell us the strength of the Communist Party 
in the surrounding areas of Philadelphia ? 

Mr. Thomas. Well, the party took in eastern Pennsylvania and 
Delaware. The party had quite a stronghold in the Chester area where 
Bill Crawford was the section organizer. 

Mr. Morris. Expressly what industry did they work in there? 

Mr. Thomas. Baldwin Locomotive Works. 

Mr. Morris. Anything in the shipyards there ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes ; Sun Ship. Also in southeastern Pennsylvania, 
taking in Reading, Lancaster, and York, Robert Jaffe was the section 
organizer in that area assisted by a girl by the name of Peggy Bishop. 
That's about the extent. 

Mr. Morris. Peggy Bishop in what area did you say ? 

Mr. Thomas. Around York. 

Mr. Morris. Around York. Was there anything in the Reading 
area? 

Mr. Thomas. Robert Jaffe was the section organizer. 

Mr. Morris. In Reading? 

Mr. Thomas. In Reading. 

Mr. Morris. And was there an important group of Communists 
around that area? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, there were. 

Mr. Morris. How about Bucks County? 

Mr. Thomas. Bucks County was one of the largest strongholds of 
the party. They had quite a farmer's group there, and then in the 
New Hope section at one time quite a few writers. 

Mr. Morris. Writers? 

Mr. Thomas. Writers lived in that area. I recall Mother Bloor, 
who is dead now, telling me of the vast amounts of money the party 
was able to raise in that area years ago. 

Mr. Morris. How about the Delaware section of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Thomas. The only fellow I knew that at one time had charge 
of the Delaware area was Dan Slinger who is a charter member of the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Morris. Did you know a man named Irving Riskind? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir ; very well. 

Mr. Morris. Who is Irving Riskind ? 

Mr. Thomas. Irving Riskind came into our area, that is the Lehigh 
Valley section from Detroit. In Detroit he managed a Federal Hous- 
ing project for the Government, while he was a member of the Com- 
munist Party. He came into Bethlehem the latter part of 1947, and 
he held various positions in the party such as the organizational 
secretary. He instructed classes on Marxist works and was a member 
of the Communist Party until I testified May 6, 1954. He was quite 
active in raising money against the Mundt-Nixon bill. He was quite 
active in the Rosenberg case. If I might interrupt for a second or 
two ; for a while — I think it was in September of 1948 that we received 



4474 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IX THE UNITED STATES 

a new section organizer — but for about a period of 4 months we didn't 
have a section organizer, and he was the liaison between the district 
and the section. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know what he is doing now ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, he is a fertilizer salesman. 

Mr. Morris. We have an address for him, 329 North 22d Street, in 
Allentown, Pa. 

Mr. Thomas. That's correct. 

Mr. Morris. Who was Billie Jane Lipsett, of 722 Hamilton Street, 
Easton, Pa. ? 

Mr. Thomas. Billie Jane Lipsett was a member of the Easton Pro- 
fessional Club of the Communist Party, quite active in the political 
end of the party, that is the Progressive Party, the Political Action 
Committee ; at one time, she was a member of the NAACP at Easton 
and was quite a great asset to the party in trying to get through some 
of the positions in the party in the NAACP. 

Mr. Morris. Wliat was her business or profession ? 

Mr. Thomas. The last job that I knew of her holding, she was a 
dental assistant. 

Mr. Morris. In Easton, Pa. ? 

Mr. Thomas. That's correct. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know whether she attended any section or dis- 
trict conventions of the party ? 

Mr. Thomas. That's correct. She had attended a few section com- 
mittee meetings of the party, several of them being held at her home 
on Hamilton Street in Easton, and she attended 1 or 2 section com- 
mittee meetings that were held at April Farms, which was the home 
of Mother Bloor, and also a few conventions of the district in 
Philadelphia. 

Mr. Morris. How about William Hood ? 

Mr. Thomas. William Hood came into our section as a section or- 
ganizer in September of 1948. 

Mr. Morris. As such he would be the leading official in the Lehigh 
Valley Section. 

Mr. Thomas. He was sent here by the district. I recall at a section 
committee meeting where we approved Hood's coming in as a section 
organizer. He remained in the section until around March or April 
of 1953 when he was removed as a section organizer because of the 
fact that, well, right after the Smith Act trial conviction in New 
York — I might say in September of 1951, the party in the Lehigh 
Valley went underground. We were instructed that there would oe 
no more use of the telephones and we would establish a courier system, 
and that there would be no enlarged meetings, that there would only 
be groups of 3 and 4; clubs would be broken down in that manner. 

Well, some of these leaders of the party became unavailable, and 
Hood's wife was moved to Philadelphia and Hood was supposed to 
make himself scarce. Well, the party on several occasions found out 
that Bill was visiting Philadelphia, and at a meeting, I think it was 
in December of 1952 at the home of a Dr. David Brooks in Kintners- 
ville, Pa., at that meeting were Bill Hood and William Power who at 
that time to me was only known as Jack, and Dr. Albert Blumberg who 
was at one time the national legislative director of the Communist 
Party and a fellow by the name of Vic who later became known to me 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4475 

as Joseph Roberts who was one of the defendants I testified against 
in the Smith Act trial. 

Tliis particular meeting was called to discuss Hood's work in the 
Lehigh Valley, and it was there that it was decided that Hood would 
be removed and not expelled from the party but removed to Philadel- 
phia. Then I think it was in January of 1953, at a meeting in Doyles- 
town, that Roberts announced that Jack, who was known as William 
Power, would be the new section organizer for the Lehigh Valley 
section. 

Mr. Morris. "\'\niat is Power doing now ; do you know ? 

Mr. Thomas. Power is working in Philadelphia. 

Mr. Morris. Was Hood drawing any Government money at any 
time? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes; Hood was drawing some kind of a disability 
allotment from the Government and he turned this check over to the 
party. I was surprised at the large amounts of money that Hood used 
to contribute to the party, because I know Hood — I used to have to 
pay Hood's wages in the Lehigh Valley, He received $45 a week from 
the party local, plus his expense, and then he received a money order 
from the district. They subsidized him to the amount of $25 a week, 
but he would make quite large contributions. 

Then at one time he told me of this check that he was turning over 
to the party every month. 

Mr. Morris. In its entirety ? 

Mr. Thomas. All he told me was he was turning his disability check 
over to the party. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know how much it was ? 

Mr. Thomas. No, I don't. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I think we could probably find out through 
Veterans' Administration records the amount of money he was 
getting. 

Senator Hrtjska. The staff is directed to explore that source of 
information, and if it is available to put the information in the record 
at this point. 

(The following letter bearing on the above matter was later received 
from the Veterans' Administration:) 

Veterans' Administration, 
Office of Chief Benefits Director. 

Department of Veterans Benefits, 

Washington, D. C, August 21, 1957. 
Benjamin Manuel. 

Research Director, Internal Security Subcommittee, 
Senate Office Build ing. Washington, D. C. 
Dear Mr. Mandel : This is in reply to your letter of July 26, 19.57. and with 
reference to the telephone contact with a representative from this office relative 
to information you desire on William Hood. 

Mr. Hood is presently in receipt of compensation payments paid at the rate 
of ,$.33 monthly. His current address is 3221-A McMichael Street, Philadelphia, 
Pa. 

Mr. Hood's Veterans' Administration claim number is C-7,798,489, and his 
records are located at the regional office, 128 North Broad Street, Philadelphia, 
Pa. 

Delay in reply to your letter has been necessitated by time required to check 
numerous records for veterans having the same name. 
Very truly yours, 

Ralph H. Stone, 
Chief Benefits Director. 



4476 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Morris. Wlio was George Merlo ? 

Mr. Thomas. The business agent of the International Fur & Leather 
Workers Union, CIO, in Easton, Pa. He was a member of the Fur 
Club of the Communist Party of Easton. 

Mr. Morris. That fur workers union has now gone into the AFD- 
CIO;hasitnot? 

Mr. Thomas. I think it has. I think it is part of the butcher workers 
union now. 

Mr. Morris. So that would be another case. Senator, of somebody in 
a Communist-controlled union now being absorbed by the AFL-CIO. 
This George Merlo, does he live at 400 Pershing Avenue at Philips- 
burg, Pa., to your knowledge ? 

Mr. Thomas. To the best of my knowledge that is where he lives. 

Mr. Morris. Wlio was Eussel Ames ? 

Mr. Thomas. E-ussel Ames was a professor originally from Brooklyn 
College, and then taught at the Jefferson School of Social Science 
which, to the best of my knowledge, is on the Attorney General's sub- 
versive list as a Communist school. He taught there. He resided in 
Hampton, N. J. 

Mr. Morris. Hampton, N. J. ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, in a very palatial home, several of the secret 
meetings of the Communist Party — by secret I mean people who were 
Communists who were unavailable to the general membership held 
meetings at this home. He was quite a large contributor to the party, 
in fact, I think it was in 1950 or 1951 when he gave a thousand dollars 
to the party to pull us out of the red, not the color of the party, I mean 
figuratively. 

Mr. Morris. Senator Hruska, there has been a subpena for Russel 
Ames issued and he has retained counsel and counsel has asked that 
his appearance be postponed but he will be heard later. 

Mr. Thomas. Very well. 

Mr. Morris. Do you know a Robert Miller ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir, I do. 

Mr. Morris. Does the Robert Miller you know live at 627 Mauch- 
chunk Street in Easton, Pa. ? 

Mr. Thomas. That's correct. 

Mr. Morris. Now the Miller that you knew was a member of the 
Communist Party ; was he not ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, sir, he was. 

Mr. Morris. Did he ever live in Doylestown ? 

Mr. Thomas. No. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, the reason I make a point out of that is that 
in connection with the testimony of Mr. Walter last week, he testified 
to a meeting at which was present Robert Miller of Doylestown, Pa. 
There is a Robert Miller who lives in Doylestown. He says he is the 
only Robert Miller who lives in Doylestown, and he has protested the 
fact that his name appeared in the record. Senator, I would like the 
record to show that this Robert Miller that Mr. Thomas knew never 
lived in Doylestown. 

Mr. Thomas. No ; I happened to be at that meeting in Doylestown 
that Robert Miller attended. See, Robert Miller was a member of the 
section committee at that time, and at tliis meeting in Doylestown in 
January of 1953 is when the instructions were handed that Hood 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACnVITY XNT THE UNITED STATES 4477 

would be removed and William Power would come in as section or- 
ganizer, and Robert Miller of Easton attended that meeting. 

Mr. Morris. He was a member of the section committee, the Lehigh 
Valley section ? 

Mr. Thomas. That's correct. 

Mr. Morris. So you knew him well ? 

Mr. Thomas. Very well. 

Mr. Morris. I wonder if you could generally tell us what he looked 
like. Is he short or tall ? 

Mr. Thomas. I would say he is about 5 feet 8 inches tall, maybe 
weighed about 165 pounds, very attractive looking fellow. He was 
a Negro fellow. 

Mr. Morris. He was a Negro ? 

Mr. Thomas. That's correct. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, the other Miller that we mentioned is obvi- 
ously not the same person. 

How about Morris Klein ? 

Mr. Thomas. I first met Morris Klein when I first joined the party 
in 1937 to 1939, and then again when I rejoined the party in 1944 I 
attended meetings at his home. In fact, in 1948 when I was living in 
Allentown, he was a member of the Allentown Industrial Club, the 
club that I was a member of, and he used to come into my place of busi- 
ness from time to time, and he would make very derogatory statements, 
especially against the flag of our country. 

Mr. Morris. I see. He moved to New Jersey ; didn't he ? 

Mr. Thomas. I understand he was in N^w Jersey temporarily. He 
is back in Allentown, Pa. 

Mr. Morris. How about Julius Lehman ? 

Mr. Thomas. Julius Lehman is an old-time member of the party in 
Bucks County. I attended several meetings at his home. He was re- 
sponsible for getting out the party leaflets in the Bucks County area. 

Mr. Morris. What was his business or profession ? 

Mr. Thomas. Well, at one time he was a shoemaker. He worked in 
his father's shoe-repair shop. To the best of my knowledge he is now 
employed by a news agency in Bethlehem, Pa. 

Mr. Morris. Was he a member of the Quakerstown Club of the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Thomas. That's correct. 

Mr. Morris. I think you told us in executive session he has a mimeo- 
graph machine in his home. 

Mr. Thomas. A typewriter mimeograph machine. 

Mr. Morris. Wlio was Frank Kinces ? 

Mr. Thomas. Frank Kinces became the temporary section organ- 
izer of the Bucks County area. I might say that at the opening or the 
United States Steel plant in, I think it is Morrisville or Morristown, 
Pa., the party felt that the area that was covered by the Lehigh Val- 
ley section organizer was too great, and in order to concentrate on 
this new steel plant, Bucks County was taken away from the Lehigh 
Valley section, and Frank Kinces was made the temporary section 
organizer of the Bucks County area. This meeting that I referred 
to where Robert Miller [of Easton] was present was held at Frank 
Kinces' home in Doylestown. 

Mr. Morris. How about Herman Solitrin ? 



4478 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. Thomas. Herman Solitrin came into our area I think it was 
in the latter part of 1952. I'm not certain, but we had had a meeting 
prior to my meeting. 

With Herman Solitrin at this meeting was Joseph Kuzma, who 
was one of the defendants I testified against in the Smith Act trial 
in Philadelphia, Joseph Roberts, another defendant in the Smith Act 
trial, Harry Walter, who was a member of the Steel Club, William 
Hood, the section organizer of the Communist Party in the Lehigh 
Valley section, and myself, and it was there that Kuzma and Roberts 
discussed the possibility of colonizing a few members from Philadel- 
phia into steel. I later found out that Herman Solitrin was one of 
those members sent up from Philadelphia to be colonized in steel. 

After the arrests of the nine leaders of the Communist Party of 
eastern Pennsylvania and Delaware, I think it was in July of 1953, 
the section organizer of the party, who was William Power at that 
time, made himself kind of unavailable, and Herman Solitrin and 
myself took over some of his duties of contacting different members 
and of holding meetings with the leaders of the party. I recall one 
of those meetings being held on the third floor of the home of Irving 
Riskind where Herman Solitrin, myself, Irv Riskind and the woman 
who was taking care of the finances for the defense of the nine leaders 
in Philadelphia, Maud Nichol, was present. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Herman Solitrin was mentioned by Mr. Walter, 
Harry G. Walter, when he testified last week as the person who was 
present at a meeting of the Communist wherein a map of the Beth- 
lehem Steel plant was presented to the whole assembled meeting, 
and they were asking Mr. Walter what would be the most strategic 
point in the Bethlehem Steel plant to be knocked out, what was the 
most sensitive spot if they wanted to destroy the plant, and he, of 
course, replied that it would be the powerplant. Now we have sub- 
penaed Mr. Solitrin, Senator, and he is present here. I wonder if the 
witness would turn around and look at the gentleman in the front row 
behind you. 

Mr. Thomas. I saw him when I came in. 

Mr. Morris. Is that the same Herman Solitrin ? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes, it is. 

Mr. Morris. And he was a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Thomas. That's correct. 

Mr. Morris. And you met him as such and attended meetings with 
him? 

Mr. Thomas. That's right. 

Mr. Morris. How about Ann Wunthal ? 

Mr. Thomas. She was a member of the Bethlehem City Club. She 
resided outside of Bath, Pa. 

Mr. Morris. Did she live in Danielsville, Pa ? 

Mr. Thomas. I think that is the name of that area. 

Mr. Morris. Her daughter was also active in the party. 

Mr. Thomas. In Cleveland, Ohio, 

Mr. Morris. What is the daughter's name ? 

Mr. Thomas. I don't know. The only thing I know is that several 
of the steel club meetings were held at her home. 

Mr. Morris. Who is Harriet Karol ? 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 4479 

Mr. Thomas. Harriet Karol was a member of the Allentown City 
Club. She handled the finances in that club. 

Mr. Morris. Was that the Allentown City Club a Communist Club ? 

Mr. Thomas. Communist Club. 

Mr. Morris. All members of that are Communists ? 

Mr. Thomas. That's correct. 

Mr. Morris. Who was Dave Karol ? 

Mr. Thomas. Dave Karol was her husband. He was chairman 
of the club. I might say he was quite a large contributor to the party. 
I don't know if you are aware of the fact that the dues of the party 
are based on the amount of money you earn. I know Dave Karol 
was paying $10 a month dues plus $20 a month sustainer. 

Mr. Morris. What percentage of his salary was that ? 

Mr. Thomas. Well, if you earned over $100 a week you paid $10 
a month. 

Mr. Morris. Who is Mark Pavlich ? 

Mr. Thomas. He is an old time Communist Party member in Beth- 
lehem. 

Mr. Morris. ^Yhsit is his business ? 

Mr. Thomas. He is sort of a contractor. He does subcontracting, 
quite instrumental in distributing the Sunday Worker up until May 
6, 1954, which is the official newspaper of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Morris. How about Andy Omhold ? 

Mr. Thomas. Andy Omhold was one of the husbands of the late 
Ella Reeve Bloor. He still resides at April Farms. It is near Spin- 
nerstown. Pa. 

Mr. Morris. I have one other name. Who was M. Michael Freed- 
land, 230 South 16th Street, Allentown ? 

Mr. Thomas. Mike Freedland no longer resides in Allentown, Pa. 
He was part owner of the Eadio-Television and Technical School in 
Allentown, Pa. Quite a few meetings of the top level leaders of the 
party were held at his home. At one time he was the pick up man of 
the literature. Communist Party literature, there was a time when the 
Communists weren't sending any literature through the mails. In 
order to get up our publications, why, Mike Freedland, who had fre- 
quent business in Philadelphia, would pick up this literature at a drop 
in Philadelphia and bring it back to liis home where I would pick it 
up to disseminate among the different party clubs in the Lehigh 
Valley area. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, the information that we had lacking before, 
the Bethlehem Steel strike referred to, the one that was prolonged by 
the Communists 

Mr. Thomas. That's right. 

Mr. Morris. Lasted from June 3, 1952, until July 24, 1952, does that 
square with your recollection ? 

Mr. Thomas. That's right. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, that's all I have of this witness. The pur- 
pose of the testimony is to give the subcommittee and therefore, the 
Senate a general sketch of the strength of the Communist Party organ- 
ization as this particular witness knew it in the general Philadelphia 
area. From time to time the subcommittee does look at particular 
sectors of the Communist Party, and in that way can get a general 
estimate of what the Communist Party strength is throughout the 
country. 



4480 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY Ifr THE UNITED STATES 

It is limited in the sense that this particular witness, Senator, does 
not know the whole workings of the Communist Party in the area 
because he was a specialist in steel, but his activities did flow over and 
he was a specialist in steel, but his activities did flow over and he did 
know something about the other things that he has been able to tell 
us about. 

Senator Hruska. Is there anything further ? 

Mr. Morris, No, Senator, unless you have any questions. 

Senator Hruska. Very well, the witness will be excused. Thank 
you very much for coming in. 

Mr. Thomas. Thank you. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, we have several other things that have come 
up since the last meeting. For instance, there is a man named 
Walter Poleshuck who was identified by the witness on Tuesday as 
a member of the Singer Sewing Machine section of the Communist 
Party. Now in yesterday's papers in Newark, N. J., this man issued 
all kinds of statements critical of the witness, William Wallace. He 
has challenged the veracity of the witness, and I think in fairness 
not only to the witness but to our record that a subpena should be 
issued to Mr. Walter Poleshuck to come and testify under oath as to 
the things he is saying. I think it is also true. Senator, that we 
should issue subpenas for several of the other people who have been 
involved in the testimony of Mr. Wallace in the general areas of Essex 
and Union Counties, N. J. 

Senator Hruska. I think that would be well. The staff will act 
accordingly. It would be fair not only to the witness who has already 
testified but the men about whom he has testified. After all, he should 
be given an opportunity in this same forum to issue his denials or ex- 
planations if he has any. 

Mr. Morris. One other point, Senator, before calling the next 
witness. Mr. Wallace testified yesterday or Tuesday rather that in con- 
nection with Local 477 of the International United Electrical Work- 
ers, which is an AFL-CIO union that the president of the particular 
local was to his knowledge a Communist, that the financial secretary- 
treasurer was a Commmiist, that the business manager was a Commu- 
nist, that the business agent was a Communist. Now with officials 
that numerous and in those influential positions in the union, the sug- 
gestion that possibly the local union, which is now an AFL-CIO 
local, the local comprising 1,100 members might well be under the 
control of the Communist Party, and therefore of direct use to the 
subcommittee in its search as to whether or not Communists have 
in fact infiltrated the main stream of American labor. Senator, if 
you think it is appropriate and following up this work of the sub- 
committee, we could subpena and ask these particular five witnesses 
who are officials of local 477 whether or not the testimony of Mr. Wal- 
lace is accurate. 

Senator Hruska. Does your information extend to the fact then 
as to whether or not they are still officers of that particular local? 

Mr. MoKRTS. We used a letterhead. Senator, tliat is fairly current. 
I don't know the exact date of it but the letterhead of that particular 
l()(;al was one that appeared to be a current letterhead. 

Senator Hruska. The staff is instructed to proceed along that line 
then and issue the subpenas and get tliem in here and bring them before 
the committee. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY DST THE UNITED STATES 4481 

Mr. Morris. Very well, Senator. The next witness is Herman 
Solitrin, Senator, who has been identified now by two witnesses before 
the subcommittee as somebody who is a full-fledged member of the 
Communist Party. Consistent with the subcommittee's practices, 
Senator, we try to give anyone who is mentioned in this testimony an 
opportunity to deny the testimony. 

Lately because of the restrictions imposed upon the subcommittee, 
by the Supreme Court, the tendency has been for us more and more 
to put on our affirmative witnesses. I think. Senator, if we put them 
on and give these people an opportunity to testify, we will be able to 
get a good estimate of what the Communist Party's strength is. 

Senator Hruska. I think that is very fine. We are, of course, 
engaged in canvassing particularly the movement of the Communist 
Party into the main stream of organized labor. 

Mr. Morris. That's right, sir. 

Senator Hruska. And where testimony indicates as in the case of 
this next witness that they are familiar with some of the aspects and 
activities along this line, the committee is very interested in that. 
After all, it does bear upon the pending and the proposed legislation 
dealing with subversives and Communist Party members in industry 
and especially in defense industry. To that extent it has a very clear 
legislative purpose and we will try to limit our questions to those ques- 
tions which would bear on the legislation which we are considering. 

Mr. Solitrin, will you step forward ? You have already been sworn. 
The record will show that Mr. Solitrin has already been sworn. 

Mr. Morris. Take the witness chair there, Mr. Solitrin. Then your 
voice will carry directly to the chair. 

Mr. McCabe. Mr. Chairman, 

Senator Hruska. Indicate for the record your name and your 
address and your capacity. 

Mr. McCabe. Louis F. McCabe, attorney, 1218 Chestnut Street, 
Philadelphia 7, Pa. I may say first, sir, that I am appearing here as 
substitute or emergency counsel for Mr. Solitrin. His attorney, 
Walter C. Longstreth, who was prepared to represent him at the pre- 
vious occasions at meetings in Philadelphia to which Mr. Solitrin had 
been subpenaed I believe wrote to the committee under date of July 
15 of this year stating that some time previously his vacation had been 
arranged, reservations had been made beginning with the 20th of July 
extending for a month and requesting that Mr. Solitrin not be sub- 
penaed during that time. 

Mr. Morris. May I break in, Mr. McCabe ? 

Mr. McCabe. I was going to follow that up. I have been advised 
by Judge Morris that when it was decided to request Mr. Solitrin to 
come to Washington to testify, I believe that he was asked to come 
on the 18th. 

Mr. Longstreth expressed a willingness to come at whatever incon- 
venience to himself, but Mr. Solitrin, at that time being the father of 
a new-born baby that wasn't doing so well, found it impossible to come, 
and under those circiunstances I agreed to come here and do what little 
I could in this matter. 

I should like at this time, sir, in behalf of Mr. Solitrin to object at 
the outset of this hearing on the ground that the subcommittee has no 
right to conduct such hearing under the authority of Senate Resolu- 



4482 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 

tion 366 and the supplements thereto purporting- to authorize the in- 
vestigation. 

I base this objection primarily upon the vagueness of the resolution 
as analyzed, in the decision of the United States Supreme Court in 
WatMns v. the United States and in the memoranclum opinion of 
Judge Youngdahl in the case of Seymour Peck in the United States 
District Court for the District of Columbia so that any questions put 
to Mr. Solitrin at this hearing constitute an invasion of his rights of 
privacy, thoughts, associations, and the freedom of speech guaranteed 
to him by the first amendment to the Constitution of the United 
States. 

Senator Hruska. Do we undei^tand, does the chairman understand 
by that that asserting the privilege is under the first amendment and 
not under the fifth amendment ? 

Mr. McCabe. No, sir, that is not the purport of this. The first ob- 
jection is under the first amendment. I have advised my client that, 
since the law as enunciated in Watkins and Peck has not yet crys- 
tallized to the extent that all of its impacts are clear, if the chairman 
overrules the objection to the right of the committee to conduct this 
meeting, then he will be guided by counsel I trust with respect to the 
assertion of other rights under the Constitution of the United States. 

Senator Hruska. That is in prospect. After all you can't operate 
in prospect here. We are in the present. You either assert that privi- 
lege or you don't. Now I should think you have to make a stand some- 
time. You will certainly be required here, because the record will 
show, whether or not you are going to assert both or one or neither. 

Mr. McCabe. I would say that from what I have heard here today 
there is no doubt but that the defendant — excuse me, the witness — will 
be advised by counsel that it is advisable for him to assert the privi- 
leges guaranteed to him by the fifth amendment of the United States 
Constitution as well as those guaranteed by the first amendment. 

Senator Hruska. Very well, we will proceed with the questioning 
and you may assert your objections to each specific question as it 
arises. 

Mr. McCabe. May I be advised, sir, as to whether the first objection 
having been overruled by the chairman, whether in the interests of 
Congress, saving time of the committee as well as of the others, that 
objection, inasmuch as it is addressed to every question put by the 
committee, whether that objection may be taken as made to every 
question ? 

Senator Hruska. The record will show that insofar as the objection 
upon the basis of lack of jurisdiction of the committee is concerned, 
it will be taken to have been asserted against each of the questions 
asked. It will also show that in each instance that objection is over- 
ruled by the chairman, and we will proceed from there. However, as 
to these other objections, they will have to be made as we go along. 

Mr. Solitrin. I understand, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Solitrin, in connection with this first question, the 
subcommittee is trying to determine the identity of a certain group of 
Communists who, according to tlie sworn testimony of two witnesses, 
operated in labor, in the labor section of the Communist Party in and 
around Allentown and Easton, Pa. The subcommittee wants to know 
that because they are trying to determine how many Communists have 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY IN THE UNITED STATES 4483 

now gone into the main stream of American labor. The subcommittee 
has learned that the Communist Control Act of 1954 is not adequate 
to cope with the current Commmiist danger that threatens the United 
States and two witnesses, specifically, Mr. Harry G. Walter, and the 
witness this morning whose testimony you have heard, have said that 
you were a member of the Communist Party in that particular 
section. 

One of them specifically said that you were at a meeting in Mike 
Freedland's home where a map was drawn of the Bethlehem Steel 
plant mapping out the various departments of the plant. 

We would like to know if, in fact, you have been a member of the 
Communist Party in that area. Not only would the subcommittee like 
the information but in all fairness to you, since your name has been 
mentioned in the public testimony as a member of the Communist 
Party, we would like to give you an opportunity to say the evidence 
is not so, if that is the fact. 

Now, were you a member of the Communist Party in the eastern 
district of the Communist Party, the eastern Pennsylvania district of 
the Communist Party in the time specified by the two witnesses ? 

TESTIMONY OF HERMAN A. SOLITRIN, ACCOMPANIED BY LOUIS 
F. McCABE, ATTORNEY 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. Judge Morris, I decline to answer that question under 
the provisions of the fifth amendment protecting me from being com- 
pelled to be a witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. That is the fifth amendment ? 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. Yes, the fifth amendment. 

Senator Hruska. The Chair recognizes the validity of that objec- 
tion and that refusal. 

Mr. Morris. Did you, Mr. Solitrin, make a contribution to a man 
named Harry G. Walter of $25 asking him to make himself scarce, to 
use the words of the testimony, in 1954 when the Senate investigation 
committee was conducting an investigation into communism in the 
steel plant ? 

Mr. Solitrin. Do you mind if I consult with my attorney ? 

Mr. Morris. You may. 

(Witness consulted with his counsel.) 

Mr. Solitrin. Judge Morris, I decline to answer that question under 
the provisions of the fifth amendment protecting me from being 
compelled to be a witness against myself. 

Senator Hruska. The Chair recognizes the validity of that ground 
for refusing to answer. 

Mr. Morris. To your knowledge has a subpena been issued ? 

Mr. Solitrin. Sir? 

Mr. Morris. To your knowledge, has a subpena been issued requir- 
ing your presence before the Senate committee on that occasion ? Was 
a subpena issued asking you to be present to testify ? 

Mr. Solitrin. On this occasion or what occasion ? 

Mr. Morris. No, no, 1954. I am sorry. Excuse me. According 
to the testimony you gave Walter $25 so that he would avoid service 
of the subpena. To your knowledge was the subpena issued for 
Walter? 



4484 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVnT IN THE UNITED STATES 

( The witness consulted with his counsel. ) 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. I decline to answer that question under the provisions 
of the fifth amendment protecting me from being compelled to be a 
witness against myself. 

Senator Hruska. Objection recognized. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a member of district 3 of the Communist 
Party in Bethlehem ? 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. Do you mind if I consult with counsel ? 

(Witness consulted with his counsel. ) 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. Judge Morris, I decline to answer that question under 
the provisions of the fifth amendment protecting me from being com- 
pelled to be a witness against myself. 

Senator Hruska. Ground for refusal recognized. 

Mr. Morris. According to the testimony of Mr. Walter, Mr. Joseph 
Kusma was present at the meeting in Mike Freedman's home. Was 
Joseph Kusma present at that meeting ? 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. Do you mind if I consult with my attorney ? 

Mr. Morris. You may. 

(Witness consulted with his counsel.) 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. Judge Morris, I decline to answer that question under 
the provisions of the fifth amendment protecting me from being com- 
pelled to be a witness against myself. 

Senator Hruska. The ground is recognized. 

Mr. Morris. Was William Power at that meeting ? 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. Judge Morris, I decline to answer that question under 
the provisions of the fifth amendment protecting me from being com- 
pelled to be a witness against myself. 

Senator Hruska. The ground is recognized. May I suggest that 
it is all right for the witness to simply say the same objection until 
it is changed and that will save time. 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. In other words, I do not have to read this statement. 
I just say what ? 

Senator Hruska. The objection is the same and it will be all right. 

Mr. Morris. Senator, I think that we have now asked the witness 
the substance of the testimony, of the evidence concerning him. It is 
apparent from his answer that he is not going to supply us the evidence 
that he is capable of giving, and, therefore, 1 suggest, Senator, except 
for asking him whether or not he is still active in the Communist 
Party, I suggest that he be excused from further testimony. 

Senator Hruska. You ask your additional questions and we will 
proceed. 

Mr. Morris. Are you now a Communist ? 

(The witness consulted with his counsel.) 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. No, I am not. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist 3 days ago ? 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. Judge Morris — I don't have to read this any more? 

Senator Hruska. Just say, "the same objection." 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. The same objection. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist yesterday ? 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. The same objection. 

Senator Hruska. The same observation by the chairman in each 
instance, Mr. Reporter. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTrVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 4485 

Mr. Morris. Did you resign from the Communist Party, submit a 
resignation to the Communist Party in order to be able to say here in 
your testimony today that you are not a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. Will you repeat that statement ? 

Mr. Morris. Did you effect tactical resignation from the Communist 
Party so that you might be able to, for the purpose of your appearance 
before the subcommittee, say that you are not now' a member of the 
Communist Party as you testify here ? 

Mr. SOLITRIN. No. 

Mr. Morris. When did you resign from the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Solitrin. The same objection, or whatever it is. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a member of the Communist Party last night 
at 8 o'clock? 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. Same objection. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a member of the Communist Party at 10 
o'clock this morning, at 5 of 10, when you went into Senator Hruska's 
office ? 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. Same objection. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a member of the Communist Party while 
Mr. Thomas was testifying? 

Mr. McCabe. Will you just indulge us a moment ? 

( The witness consulted with his counsel. ) 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. Do you want to repeat that last (question ? 

Mr. McCabe. In view of the tenor of the questions propounded by 
Judge Morris by the last 3 questions, I think that the witness, if he 
could go back to about 3 questions ago when we got down to the race 
between the tortoise and the hare, whether we would like to revise 
the answer, that is, I think when you started 

Mr. Morris. Three days ago, you mean being a Communist 3 days 
ago ? How about that. Were you a Communist 3 days ago ? 

Mr. SOLTTRIN. No. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when the subpena was served 
on you ? 

Mr. McCabe. No. 

Mr. SoLiTRiisr. No. 

Mr. Morris Were you a Communist the day before the subpena was 
served on you ? 

Mr. SOLITRIN. No. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a Communist when Mr. Walter testified? 

Mr. McCabe. May that last question be clarified as to when Mr. 
Walter testified ? Is that his testimony given a week or so ago ? 

Mr. Morris. Mr. Walter testified 2 weeks ago. Were you a Com- 
munist when he was testifying at that time ? 

Mr. SOLITRIN. No. 

Mr. Morris. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. Same objection or something like that, whatever that 
statement is. I decline to answer that question under the provisions 
of the fifth amendment, protecting me from being compelled to be a 
witness against myself. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a member of the Communist Party on Jime 
1,1957? 



4486 SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 

Mr. SoLiTRiN". I decline to answer that question under the provisions 
of the fifth amendment protecting me from being compelled to be a 
witness against myself. 

Senator Hruska. Ground for refusal is recognized in both in- 
stances. 

Mr. Morris. Were you a member of the Communist Party on July 1, 
1957? 

Mr. SoLiTRix. Judge Morris, I decline to answer that question under 
the provisions of the fifth amendment protecting me from being com- 
pelled to be a witness against myself. 

Senator Hruska. The ground is recognized as a valid reason for 
refusing to answer. 

Mr. Morris, Were you a member of the Communist Party on the 
4th of July 1957? 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. Judge Morris, the same objection. 

Mr. Morris. How about July 15, 1957? That was a date after the 
testimony of Mr. Walter. July 15 was the date after the testimony of 
Mr. Walter. 

Mr. McCabe. I think he has already answered the question. 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. The date you just gave ? 

Mr. Morris. July 4, 1957, you claimed your privilege under 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. SoLiTRiN. Eight, sir. 

Mr. Morris. July 15 is the date subsequent to the 4th of July; I 
mean a date subsequent to the time that Mr. Walter testified. Were 
you a Communist on July 15 ? 

Mr. Solitrin. I was not at the time of 

Mr. Morris. You were not? 

Mr. Solitrin. No, sir. 

Mr. Morris. Could you tell us what happened between July 4, 
1957, and July 15, 1957, to cause you to give a different answer to the 
question; were you a member of the Communist Party on July 15? 
Will you tell the committee what happened to cause you to give the 
subcommittee a different answer to those two questions ? 

Mr. Solitrin. You have got me confused. Where am I ? 

(The witness consulted his counsel. ) 

Mr. Solitrin. The reasons for the difference in the answer is to the 
effect that had we continued in the previous manner I might have pos- 
sibly committed myself to a position I do not wish to accept. 

Mr. Morris. In connection with your privilege under the fifth 
amendment ? 

Mr. SoLTiRiN. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Morris. In other words, if you gave us a full answer as to the 
reason for the different answers, that you would be possibly putting 
into evidence something that could lead to your conviction at some fu- 
ture time ? I have no more questions. Senator. 

Senator Hruska. Do you want to waive an answer to that last 
question ? 

Mr. McCabe. He did not give any answer. I was advising him. If 
he were required to answer that and give a full exposition of his 
thoughts 

Mr. Morris. It is the fifth amendment. 

Mr. McCabe. It is the fifth amendment ; yes. 



SCOPE OF SOVIET ACTIVITY EST THE UNITED STATES 4487 

Senator Hruska. Any further questions ? 

Mr. Morris. No, Senator, I have no further questions. 

Senator, the executive session shows the full name and addresss of 
this witness. I think the open session should do the same thing. Sen- 
ator, obviously. 

What is your full name, Mr. Solitrin ? 

Mr. Solitrin. Herman A. Solitrin. 

Mr. Morris. Where do you reside. 

Mr. Solitrin. 5823 North 15th Street, Philadelphia. 

Mr. Morris. And what is your business or profession ? 

Mr. Solitrin. I am a retail clerk. 

Mr. Morris. Where do you work ? 

Mr. Solitrin. Because I have already stated that I am a retail clerk 
and since you are investigating industry, particularly, perhaps the 
name of my employer would cause a lot of embarrassment to this per- 
son. Is it a sensitive question in regard to this point ? You probably 
already have my employer's name. 

Senator Hrtjska. For the time being let us waive that question. 
Wliat is the nature of your duties ? 

Mr. Solitrin. Handling food ; food handling relatively. 

Senator Hruska. How long have you been employed in your pres- 
ent place of employment ? 

Mr. Solitrin. Two and a half years. 

Senator Hruska. What did you do by way of business or pro- 
fession prior to that time ? 

Mr. Solitrin. Worked in construction before that. 

Senator Hruska. I did not hear you. 

Mr. Solitrin. Construction, you know, laying pavements and 
cement work before that job. 

Senator Hruska. Any further questions ? 

Mr. Morris. No, Senator. 

Senator Hruska. If not, the witness is excused. 

Anything further, Judge Morris ? 

Mr. Morris. I think not. Senator. The next scheduled testimony 
we have is next Tuesday when we have Louis Goldblatt, secretary- 
treasurer of the ILWU, and one other witness who will testify about 
efforts of Harry Bridges on the New York waterfront. 

Senator Hruska. The meeting is adjourned. 

(Whereupon, at 11 : 20 a. m., the hearing was adjourned.) 



INDEX 

Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organiza- 
tion in this index. 

A 

Page 

AFL.-CIO 4476, 4480 

Allentown, Pa 4467, 4468, 4474, 4477, 4479, 4482 

AUentown City Club 4479 

Allentown Industrial Club 4477 

Ames, Russell 4476 

April Farms 4474, 4479 

Attorney General's subversive list 4476 

B 

Baldwin Locomotive Works 4469, 4473 

Bath, Pa 4478 

Bethlehem, Pa 4468, 4469, 4473, 4477, 4479, 4484 

Bethlehem City Club 4478 

Bethlehem Steel 4478, 4483 

Plant at Bethlehem, Pa 4469, 4470 

Lackawanna plant 4469 

Strike 4470 

Bishop, Peggy 4473 

Bloor, Mother Ella Reeve 4473, 4474, 4479 

Blumberg, Dr. Albert 4474 

Brooklyn College 4476 

Brooks, Dr. David 4474 

Bucks County, Pa 4468, 4473, 4477 

C 

Chester, Pa 4469, 4473 

Chicago 4472 

CIO 4476 

Cleveland, Ohio 4472, 4478 

Communist (s) 4478, 4479, 4482, 4484 

Communist Control Act of 1954 4483 

Communist Party, U.SA 4467-4474, 4476-4481, 4483, 4485, 4486 

District 3 in Bethlehem 4484 

Constitution 4482 

Crawford, Bill, representative of Baldwin Locomotive Works 4469, 4473 

D 

Danielsville, Pa 4478 

Delaware 4472, 4473, 4478 

Detroit 4473 

Doylestown, Pa 4468, 4475-4477 

E 

Easton, Pa 4468, 4476, 4477, 4482 

Easton Professional Club of Communist Party 4474 

Eddystone, Pa 4469 

Erney, William 4472 

Essex County, N. J 4480 



II INDEX 

Page 
F 

Federal Bureau of Investigation 4468 

Federal Housing 4473 

Felsenstein, Jake 4472 

Fifth amendment 4472, 4482-4486 

First amendment 4472, 4482 

Freedland, M. Michael 4479, 4483, 4484 

G 

Gillespie, Mr 4469 

Ground Observer Corps 4471 

H 

Hampton, N. J 4476 

Hood, William, representative of Bethlehem Steel 4469-4471, 4474-4476, 4478 

Hruska, Senator Roman L 4467 



International Fur & Leather Workers Union, CIO 4476 

International United Electrical Workers 4480 

J 

Jaffe, Robert 4473 

Jefferson School of Social Science 4476 

Johnson, Arnold 4472 

K 

Karol, Dave 4479 

Karol, Harriet 4478, 4479 

Kinces, Frank 4477 

Kintnersville, Pa 4474 

Klein, Morris 4471, 4477 

Kling, Jack 4472 

Korean war 4470, 4471 

Kusma (Kuzma), Joseph 4477, 4484 

L 

Lancaster, Pa 4473 

Lehigh Valley section of Communist Party 4468, 4469, 4473-4477, 4479 

Lehman, Julius 4477 

Letter from "Veterans' Administration to Internal Security Subcommittee 

re compensation payment to William Hood 4475 

Lipsett, Billie Jane 4474 

Local 477, International United Electrical Workers, AFL-CIO 4480 

Longstretch, Walter C, attorney for Herman Solitrin . 4481 

Lukens Steel of Coatesville 4469 

M 

Mandel, Ben 4467 

Marxist Vi^orks 4473 

McCabe, Louis F 4483 

Attorney for Herman Solitrin 4481 

1218 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia 7, Pa 4481 

Merlo, George 4476 

Miller, Robert 4476, 4477 

Morrell, Robert 4472 

Morris, Robert 4467 

Morristown, Pa 4477 

Morrisville, Pa 4477 

Mundt-Nixon bill 4473 



INDEX in 

N 

Page 

NAACP 4474 

National Steel Commission 4472, 4473 

Negro 4477 

New Hope, Pa 4468, 4473 

New Jersey 4477 

New York 4468, 4474 

Newark, N. J 4480 

Nichol, Maud 4478 

O 

Ohio 4472 

Omhold, Andy—— 4479 

P 

Pavlich, Mark 4479 

Peck, Seymour 4482 

Pennsylvania 4472, 4478 

Philadelphia 4468, 4469, 4471^475, 4478, 4479, 4481 

Poleschuck, Walter 4480 

Political Action Committee 4474 

Power, William (also known as Jack) 4471, 4474, 4475, 4477, 4484 

Progressive Party 4474 



Quakertown, Pa 4468 

Quakertown Club of Communist Party 4477 

B 

Radio-Television & Technical School in AUentown, Pa 4479 

Reading, Pa 4473 

Riskind, Irving 4473, 4478 

Roberts, Joseph (also known as Vic) 4475, 4478 

Rosenberg case 4473 

S 

Schroeder, Frank W 4467 

Senate Resolution 366 4482 

Singer Sewing Machine section of Communist Party 4480 

Slinger Dan 4473 

Smith Act 4468, 4474, 4475, 4478 

Solitrin, Herman 4477, 4478, 4481 

Testimony of 4483-4487 

Louis F. McCabe, attorney 4483 

Fifth amendment if member of Communist Party 4483 

5823 North 15th Street, Philadelphia, Pa 4487 

Retail clerk 4487 

Spencer, Charles 4469, 4470, 4472 

Spring City, Pa 4469 

Steel Club 4478 

Stone, Ralph H 4475 

Sun Ship 4473 

Sunday Worker 4479 

Supreme Court 4481. 4482 

T 
Thomas, Herman Erwin : 

Testimony of 4467-4480 

AUentown, Pa 4467 

Wholesale fi-ozen food business 4467 

Member Communist Party from 1937 to 1939 4467 

Member Communist Party 1944^54 for FBI 4468 



rv IND-EX 

u 

Page 

Union County, N. J 4480 

United States District Court for the District of Columbia 4482 

United States Steel plant 4477 

V 

Veterans' Administration 4475 

W 

Wallace, William 4480 

Walter, Harry G 4478, 4483, 4484, 4486 

Watkins y. United States 4482 

World War II 4470 

Wunthal, Ann 4478 

York, Pa 4473 

Youngdahl, Judge 4482 

o 



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